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Gender, Migration and Transnational Identities: Maya and Ladino Relations in Eastern Guatemala


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1 GENDER, MIGRATION, AND TRANSNATIONAL IDENTITIES: MAYA AND LADINO RELATIONS IN EASTERN GUATEMALA By DEBRA HAIN RODMAN A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2006

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2 Copyright by Debra H. Rodman

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3 To my grandfather Charles W. Gockley, who taught me tolerance, love for humankind and diversity. and to my father Mark H. Rodman, who showed me unconditional love and ceaseless support. They are both sorely missed but forever live on in my heart and mind.

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank my committee members for a ll their support. I feel privileged to work under a group of such prestigious scholars. I especially appr eciate the hard work of my committee chair, Dr. Maxine Margolis, who influen ced me as a scholar and feminist. I owe much to Dr. Anita Spring for her exceptional traini ng in the area of Gender and Development; Dr. Murdo Macleod for his emphasis on historical perspective; and Dr. Helen Safa for her mentorship. Other scholars have also made important c ontributions to my career. Russell Bernard improved my methodology and prop osal writing. Allan Burns introduced me to the Maya communities in South Florida that inspired my work among the Guatemalans. He gave me the opportunity to teach my first co llege course, The Maya Diaspora and supported my Fulbright candidacy. At the University of Miami, Ann Brittain introduced me to anthropology, and Sarah Keene Meltzoff inspired my love of fieldw ork. Deidre Crumbley also encouraged my anthropological work. I would like to thank my collea gues and friends from graduate school at the University of Florida. Beth Byron supported me from the mome nt we met during the first days of graduate school. I would also like to thank the other mig ration experts who shared the experience (and rigor) of working under Dr. Margolis: Ermitte St Jacques and her husband, Flemming Daugaard, and Rosana Resende. Sybil Rosado has also been a great friend and colleague, as well as Jim Barham, Roberto Barrios, Lance Gravlee, Antonio Tobar, and Antonio de la Pea. Michelle Moran-Taylor, whom I met at the SFAA meetings in Tucson, helped me while I searched for funding and later became my compat riot in the field and close friend. Her husband, Matthew, also provided wonderful support; my first journal arti cle was published with them. Michelle introduced me to Rachel Adler a few years back during one of many sessions that she

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5 organized, and the three of us have collaborated on conference pa nels ever since. Victoria Sanford has been a mentor, ceaselessly supporti ng my research in Eastern Guatemala and providing new venues in which to share my work. I would like to thank Randolph-Macon College and my colleagues there for their financ ial and academic support. Lastly, I would like to thank Alicita Rodrguez and Jo seph Starr for their editorial work on this dissertation. My deepest gratitude goes to the people of San Pedro Pinula, who showed me great kindness and support. They welcomed me into their homes and shared with me their lives. I am especially thankful to the Medi na family, all six brothers and two sisters, and their respective wives and children. They were not only key to my research but also filled my time in Pinula with love and laughter. Thank you to the Enamorado fam ily, who lent me their home and loved me as their own. Doa Chenta was especially patient with me; without her help, I would never have mastered the Spanish language. Her late husba nd, Don Bene, was my good friend and a loving father-in-law. I thank fate for helping me meet thei r son, Rene, who showed me what it was like to be a Guatemalan wife. I would also like to thank Don Pauncho and Doa Martita for their unconditional love; and their daught ers, Vilma, Olga, and Lehti, and daughter-in-law, Rubelia, for showing me what it was like to be a woman in Guatemala. Vinicio and Cory Lpez and their Americanborn children, Stephanie and Christian, have supported me throughout my work. They allowed me into their lives, never hesitating to explain their world to me. This dissertation woul d not have been possible without them. Tatiana Paz Guzmn was my assistant in th e field. Her keen ability to remember what people said in Spanish word for word was uncanny. She was essential to the research process and an excellent assistant and anthropologist.

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6 I am also grateful to my mother Cynthia a nd stepfather, George Ca pewell. I could have never come this far without them. My life would not be complete without the love and support of my sisters Tori and Shana. I would also like to thank Darryl Lowery for his support during the final stages of my dissertation. Lastly, I want to thank my dad, Mark H. Rodman, who passed away suddenly before he could celebrate this joyous occasion with me. I also thank my stepmother, Kathy Rodman, who was able to put up with my fathers ceaseless energy and made him a truly happy man. My father knew how to live life to the fullest and did not waste a single day. I dedicate my work to his memory.

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7 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...............................................................................................................4 LIST OF TABLES................................................................................................................. ........11 LIST OF FIGURES................................................................................................................ .......12 ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................... ............13 CHAPTER 1 GENDER, MIGRATION AND TR ANSNATIONAL IDENTITIES....................................15 Literature Review.............................................................................................................. .....18 Central Research Questions....................................................................................................21 Research Methods............................................................................................................... ....22 Participant Observation...................................................................................................23 In-depth Semi-structured Interviews...............................................................................23 Focus Groups...................................................................................................................23 Life Histories................................................................................................................. ..24 Structured Ethnographic Surveys....................................................................................24 Digital Video and Photography.......................................................................................24 Research Team.................................................................................................................. ......25 Positionality.................................................................................................................. ..........26 Racial Worldview............................................................................................................30 Gender......................................................................................................................... ....31 Chapter Organization........................................................................................................... ...33 Conclusion..................................................................................................................... .........35 2 THE TWO ETHNIC GROUPS: MAYA AND LADINO IN GUATEMALA......................37 The Maya in Guatemala..........................................................................................................38 The Maya as an Essential Culture...................................................................................38 Using the Term Maya......................................................................................................40 The Pokomam Maya of San Pedro Pinula and San Luis Jilotepeque.....................................42 Regional Maya Differences within San Pedro Pinula.....................................................45 Urban vs. rural maya................................................................................................46 Maya Occupations...........................................................................................................46 Maya Dress..................................................................................................................... .48 Maya Language...............................................................................................................50 The Ladinos of Guatemala......................................................................................................52 Ladinos in San Pedro Pinula...................................................................................................53 Ladino Occupations.........................................................................................................53 Ladino Dress................................................................................................................... .55 Ladinos in the Town and in the Aldeas...........................................................................56

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8 Ethnic Category Alternatives to Maya and Ladino................................................................57 Ladino vs. Mixed Ladinos of Varying Degrees......................................................................57 Maya and Ladino Festivals and Dances.................................................................................58 Festivals and their Significance.......................................................................................59 Dances......................................................................................................................... ....61 The Setting: San Pedro Pinula, Jalapa, Guatemala.................................................................61 The Region..................................................................................................................... .........63 The Department of Jalapa................................................................................................63 The Municipality of San Pedro Pinula............................................................................64 Colonial Antecedents to Local Ethnic Relations....................................................................65 Ladino Expropriation of Indigenous Lands.....................................................................66 Revolutionary Times.......................................................................................................67 Jalapa: Post-Arbenz to Present........................................................................................68 Early International Migration..........................................................................................70 The beginnings of migration to the United States...........................................................71 3 TRANSFORMING ETHNICITY IN TH E TRANSNATIONAL SPHERE: MAYA AND LADINO RELATIONS IN GUATEMALA AND BOSTON......................................74 Ladino and Maya Migrati on to the United States...................................................................74 Indigenous Entrance in the Migrant St ream: the Importance of PatronClient Relations......................................................................................................................76 Migrants Helping and Receiving Other Migrants...........................................................79 Undocumented Migratio n Through the Decades....................................................................80 Finding Someone to Ayudar (Help) and Recibir (Receive).....................................81 Ladinos helping Ladinos..............................................................................................82 Ladinos Helping Maya: Maya Helping Themselves.......................................................83 Maya Migration and Incr eased Ethnic Divisions...................................................................84 Land, Income-Generation, and Remittance Investment.........................................................86 Rapid Return of Pokomam Maya to the Migrant Circuit................................................86 Alternative Land Reforms: Mayas Buy Back Their Land...............................................88 Return Migrants vs. Transnational Migrants...................................................................89 Attitudes of Ladino Migrants Towards Maya Mi grants in Pinula and the United States.......91 Ladina Migrants...............................................................................................................91 Inter-ethnic Marriages.....................................................................................................92 Home Community Views on Inter-ethnic Marriages......................................................94 Boston as a Receiving City.....................................................................................................95 Transnational Boston.......................................................................................................95 There Are no Indians in the United Stat es: Reproduction of Ethnic Structure in Boston......................................................................................................................... .96 The Case of the Ambulance: Hometown A ssociations and MayaLadino Relations in the United States......................................................................................................99 Maya and Ladino Equality in the U.S. Racial Order............................................................100 Changing Ladino and Ma ya Ethnic Relations...............................................................102

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9 4 GENDER ROLES AND RELATIONS IN A TRANSNATIONAL COMMUNITY..........104 Gender and Migration...........................................................................................................104 Women and Gender Research in Guatemala........................................................................104 Maya and Ladino Women in San Pedro Pinula....................................................................111 Womens Physical Mobility..........................................................................................114 Migrant Household Formation......................................................................................118 Remittances as Social Control.......................................................................................119 Gossip as Social Control...............................................................................................120 Remittance Expenditures: Productive or Reproductive?...............................................122 Childrens Education.....................................................................................................124 Womens Return Migration...........................................................................................126 Conclusion..................................................................................................................... .......129 5 TRANSNATIONAL COMMUNICATION.........................................................................133 Access to Communication Technology: Changes from 1999 to 2005.................................133 Letters........................................................................................................................ ....134 Audiotapes.....................................................................................................................134 Private Home Phones....................................................................................................135 Community Pay Phones................................................................................................135 Cellular phones..............................................................................................................138 Positive and Negative Impacts of Cell Phones..............................................................140 Videos......................................................................................................................... ..........142 Video Tape Producti on as a Business...........................................................................142 Community Events on Video........................................................................................143 Maria and her Video Plea to her Husband.....................................................................145 Transnational Couples and Communication.........................................................................150 Population Study: Sample.....................................................................................................151 Remittances, Gossip, and Social Controls: Dealing with the In-laws..................................151 Post-Marital Residence..................................................................................................151 Social and Economic Controls......................................................................................152 In-laws Control Over Remittances a nd Communication Between Young Couples....153 Phone Calls, Love Letters, and Transnational Quarrels................................................155 Communication After the Cell Phone...........................................................................158 Conclusion..................................................................................................................... .......158 6 TRANSNATIONAL IDENTITIES......................................................................................160 Research Questions............................................................................................................. ..161 Transnational Migration and Ethnic Relations.....................................................................164 Gender and Migration...........................................................................................................167 Future Research................................................................................................................ ....170 Gender and Ethnicity in the Home Community............................................................170 Xenophobia in the United States...................................................................................171 Assimilation...................................................................................................................171 Conclusion..................................................................................................................... .......172

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10 APPENDIX A INDIVIDUAL INTERVIEW SCHEDULE.........................................................................174 B HOUSEHOLD INTERVIEW SCHEDULE.........................................................................178 C ACCESS AND CONTROL PROFILE/ENGLISH..............................................................212 D DOMESTIC ACTIVITY INTERVIEW/SPANISH.............................................................213 E FEMALE ACTIVITY INTERVIEW /ENGLISH AND SPANISH.....................................215 LIST OF REFERENCES.............................................................................................................218 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.......................................................................................................228

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11 LIST OF TABLES page 3-1. Major Migran t Destinations................................................................................................ ..103 4-1. Return Migrant Women table...............................................................................................132 6-1. Pinula junior high school studen ts and their home communities.........................................173

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12 LIST OF FIGURES page 2-1. Women carrying water and laundry.......................................................................................72 2-2. Women's apparel........................................................................................................... .........72 2-3. Maps of Jalapa and Maya language groups............................................................................73 3-1. Maya and Ladino ethnicity................................................................................................. ..103 4-1. Elder Maya marrying by the church.....................................................................................130 4-2. Men hanging out on the street corner...................................................................................131 4-3. Four Maya sisters in their high school uniforms..................................................................131 5-1. Ladino family gathering to wa tch a video sent from Boston...............................................159

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13 Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy GENDER, MIGRATION, TRANSNATIONAL IDENTITIES: MAYA AND LADINO RELATIONS IN EASTERN GUATEMALA By Debra H. Rodman December 2006 Chair: Maxine Margolis Major Department: Anthropology Transnational migration research examines the flow of peoples, products, and ideas between sending and receiving communities and the subsequent creation of new cultures and identities. Therefore, transnational migration provides an excellent fo rum to question how the phenomenon of globalization sh apes identity among migrants in both their home and host cultures. This case study of migration from Easter n Guatemala to the Northeastern United States responds to the need for greater exploration of the home communities of migrants, particularly how transnational migration r econfigures gender roles, ideo logies, and ethnic relations. The dissertation documents how transnational migration transforms lives and identities; how the absence of family members and the receipt of remittances affect gender roles; and how these processes change the hist orical economic and social relationship between two culturally distinct communities, one Mayan, the other Ladino1 in the same township in Eastern Guatemala. Conducted in both the township, Pinula, in Guat emala and its corresponding migrant destination of Boston, Massachusetts, this study analyzes the transnational e xperience of those who migrate, 1 Ladinos refer to the dominant class made up of people of mixed European and Mayan ancestry or those of Mayan ancestry who have adopted the dominant class' cultural markers, such as language and dress.

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14 their family members left behind, return migrants and migrants whose final place of residence has yet to be determined. Moreover, this dissertation exposes how the migrant experience is translated into both material changes in local community developmen t and more elusive transformations in gender roles and ethnic relations. The entrance of the dollar into th e local economy enables housing improvements and support for childrens secondary education. Transportation and communication advances replace horses with off-road pick-up trucks, and communitarios (public community phones) with cell phones. As a result of remittances, an alternative land reform is taking place: properties are being redistributed from the wealthy Ladino families to the once landless Maya. These tangible changes are directly related to the less noticeable transformations that are taking place inside households and between the Mayan and Ladino communities. Women struggle as temporary heads-of-households, bala ncing their new roles with more traditional community notions of gender. Trad itional patron-client relations may have f acilitated Maya entry into the migrant circuit, but these very same relationswith their accompanying rigid social structurescontinue to preven t Maya entry into Ladino-dom inated economic activities. Paradoxically, inter-ethnic marriages and the equaliz ing influences of U.S. racial categories (which ignore the historical differences betw een Mayas and Ladinos) cr eate a new environment in Pinula in which younger migrants are likely to challenge long-standi ng ethnic divides. The resulting ethnic tensions and in ter-ethnic dynamics in San Pedro Pi nula suggest that international migration is facilitating fundamental alterations to the Guatemalan social structure, even though the changes continue to be temper ed by 500 years of Ladino domination.

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15 CHAPTER 1 GENDER, MIGRATION AND TR ANSNATIONAL IDENTITIES All over the world, people are experiencing th e phenomenon of transnational migration: journeying across borders, living lives in the sh adows, reminiscing of their hometowns and countries, and dreaming of an eventual return while struggling to embrace their new lives. The study of the transnational migra tion reveals the personal narrativ es of innumerable migrants, exposing the emerging patterns created by this particular aspect of globalization. Though immigration is nothing new, its current rate a nd the conditions in which it is undertaken have produced complicated societal shifts. Increase d globalization manifest s itself geographically. Peoples lives are no longer ba sed in their hometowns, but al so in communities that are thousands of miles away and, for many, a world ap art. While new technologies enable people to maintain seemingly close contact with one anothe r despite these distances, they are still pulled apart by national and international policies that de ny them the ability to move freely. People live their lives in a purgatory of sorts, surviving in the space between borde rs, between departures and returns, and between communities in great cha nge and flux. In this space emerge the stories of people, their families, and their communities, and the lives that have been transformed by transnational migration. This ethnography examines the lives of the people of San Pedro Pinula, Guatemala, particularly how transnational migration reconfigures the gender roles, ideologies, and ethnic relations of the home communities with migrants abroad: how transnational migration transforms lives and identities; how the ab sence of male family members and the receipt of remittances affect women and gender relations; and how these processes change the historical economic and

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16 social relationship between two co mmunities, the Maya and the Ladino2. This work examines the social, economic, and psychological impact of migration at the individual and community level in an effort to increase the understanding of how gender and ethnicity mediate global forces such as capital expansion and transnational migration. By look ing at households that receive remittances and how those remittances are managed, this study questions whether migration is changing gender roles and considers how those left behind negotiate their positions and attempt to build transnational ties to remain connected to the migrants abroad. My research is a comparative study of two culturally distinct Gu atemalan communities, one Mayan, the other Ladino, in the Eastern Highlands of Guat emala. This study was conducted in the municipality of San Pedro Pinula in the st ate of Jalapa, primarily in the town of San Pedro Pinula, henceforth Pinula. (Since the municipal ca pital and municipality share the same name, I will use the name San Pedro Pinul a when referring to the municipality and simply Pinula when referring to the town, which is al so the municipal capital.) San Pedr o Pinula, an area that covers 2063 square kilometers, with 26 villages, 25 hamlet s, and one municipal capital is located about 100 kilometers east of Guatemala City. Research was also conducted in various surrounding villages, including Aguacate, Pinalito, and Agua Za rca, as well as in the United States in the cities of Boston and Attleboro, Massachuset ts; Providence, Rhode Island; Stamford, Connecticut; and Atlanta, Georgia. This work is based on over twenty-two months of fieldwork beginning in 1999. Before formally investigating the community, I lived among migrants of this municipality in the receiving community in Boston (Dorchester) for one year in 1997. I then spent two months in San Pedro Pinula doing prel iminary research in th e summer of 1999. In 2 Ladinos refer to the dominant class made up of people of mixed European and Mayan ancestry or those of Mayan ancestry who have adopted the dominant class cu ltural markers, such as language and dress.

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17 2001 and 2002, I returned to San Pedro Pinula to carry out my doctoral work for a total of eighteen months, during which I spen t two periods of time in Boston. In the spring and summer of 2003, I began to film a documentary based on the dissertation research in conjunction with funding from the University of Miami and co-produced with Professor of Cinematography, Ed Talavera. We chose a migrant family who had recently received permanent residency, fo llowing their journey back to Guatemala after fifteen years in the United States. In 2006, I accompanied the family back to Guatemala to celebrate their daughters quinceaera (sweet fifteen party). A lthough the daughter was born and grew up in the United States, she had dreamed of celebrating this important event in Guatemala since childhood, because of the strong connection between her and her transmigrant family in Guatemala. Similar to Patricia Foxens fieldw ork experience in both Xinxuc, Guatemala and Providence, Rhode Island (2002), my research travels between the sending and receiving community gave me a unique understanding of tran smigrants and their families, particularly the emotional and economic impacts of migration. Th e privilege of my mo bility and immediate access to both groups and locations was a strong re minder of the disparities between those living abroad and those in the home community and re inforced the struggle migrants were making to close that gap. Traveling from Guatemala to Boston, I was able to act as a courier and bring gifts and videos back and forth. More importantly, I brought salutations and reminders of the home the migrants had left behind. To those in Guatemal a, I acted as a connecti on to those who were in the United States and to a place they could only ever imagine. In the home community in Guatemala, the ec onomic and social relationship between the Maya and Ladinos reflects their history, as the Maya have traditionally supplied the Ladinos of San Pedro Pinula with the labor essential to sustain the region 's agricultural economy and have

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18 maintained such essential social exchanges as compadrazgo (godparental relationships). This relationship is also evinced in the maturity of their migration patterns to the United States, which have moved along ethnic linespar alleling the social structure of these two communities. The Ladinos went first over thirty years ago; then, with the assist ance of their Ladino patrons, the Mayans began migrating ten years ago. This re search documents this relationship and how migration has changed the local so cial structure to benefit the Maya but not without resistance from the dominant land-holding Ladinos. Literature Review This research is important to several areas in the field of anthr opology: anthropological studies of gender roles; anthr opological contributions to the study of gender and development; the literature on migra tion and gender; ethnic ity and migration; and Guatemalan ethnography. In my interest in for the issue of gender and women's roles, I draw upon anthropological literature on gender that is concerned with the role and status of women, gender asymmetry, and the historical particulars in which these inequa lities arise (di Leonardo 1991; Ferree et al. 1999; Moore 1988). Feminist anthropology centers on Marxist is sues of oppression, so cial relations of power, and womens access to the modes of pr oduction, using cross-cultural research to reinforce gender as a cultural construct. More recently, scholarship has been concerned with gender as an analytical concept and introduces the importance of looking at categories of race and class. The race, class, and gender framework draws from theories that seek to explain the inextricable ties between gender, class, and ethnicity in order to understand how gender is shaped by different systems of belief (Sacks 1989; Smith 1995) This framework is es pecially significant for comparative research in Guatemala to understa nd "two interactive cultural systems, one part of the dominant national ideology, the other, not" (Smith 1995:724).

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19 To date, research on Mayan women and gender roles has focused on the Western Highlands of Guatemala and communities of Mexico (Bossen 1984; Ehlers 1990, 1991; Rosenbaum 1993; Recruz 1998), overlooking the isol ated Mayan communities of the Oriente (Eastern Highlands) of Guatemala. Research that does examine both Maya and Ladino women has tended to concentrate on their differences based on the dichotomies created by Guatemalan society and womens place within that soci ety (Bossen 1984; Maynard 1963; Mitchell 1982; Smith 1995). In order to locate wo mens position within Guatemalan society in the context of capital expansion, Bossen and Ehlers (1984 and 1 991) employed a comparative analysis of Maya and Ladina women, using a Marxis t approach to investigate wo mens status based on their relation to production. Ladina wome n are not as essential to the survival of the household and less valued than Maya women and findings show that capitalism further reduces womens status, especially for Maya women. The impact of economic remittances on th e local development of sending communities illustrates the far-reaching effects of global capita lism and global restructuring. Money sent from the United States to developing countries in th e form of remittances has created rapid and transformative effects for communities in the form of land purchases, home construction, business formation, and public works projects (Cohen 2004; Durrand et al. 1996; Massey 1987; Massey and Parrado 1998; Massey et al. 1994; Or ozco 2002). Earlier research, which studied how development impacts Guatemalan communities illustrates how capitalist expansion in the form of market integration and export agriculture proved detrimen tal to womens status (Bossen 1984; Ehlers 1990, 1991; Katz 1995); however, migr ation research suggests that migrationdriven economic changes improve womens posi tion (Grimes 1998). In countries where the male head-of-household migrates first, researchers th eorized that women would become the primary

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20 dispensers of remittances and, furthermore, th at their newfound access to cash would manifest in greater autonomy and contro l over household decision-ma king (Conway and Cohen 1998). While increased income has shown to benefit the welfare of the family, it did not solely determine womens status: womens access to cas h and control over resources are at least equally important. My own research shows th at gendered access and control over resources determines who benefits from the remittances, de monstrating the dynamics of power inherent in the migration process. While gender has become an important lens through which to l ook at individual and community reaction to global processes such as transnational migration, Pessar and Mahler have developed a framework called ge ndered geographies of power to also consider asymmetrical power relationships such as race and class (P essar and Mahler 2001:816). In considering the importance of gender, they promote an inte rsectional approach to understanding migration, including how race and class aff ect peoples status, power, and i ndividual agency. Womens and minoritys social location within the community st ructure largely influences their (in)ability to negotiate their situation. In ot her words, peoples position in th eir society according to race, class, and gender affects their access to resour ces, mobility, and social networks. But this paradigm allows for individual empowerment by noting the importance of peoples own actions and initiatives in changing their situation. Ther efore, not only peoples place within society, but also individuals own agency influences the tr ansformative qualities of transnational migration. By focusing on ethnicity and class, as well as gender, my own research acknowledges the interdependence of gender and social location; th is causal web is especial ly significant given the Pinultecos history and the stratified power dynamics betw een the Maya and Ladinos.

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21 Past Guatemalan ethnographies and ethnic studies in this region of Guatemala were completed over fifty years ago in the nearby town of San Luis Jilotepeque, located in the valley adjacent to San Pedro Pinula (Gillen 1951; Tumi n 1945). San Pedro Pinula refocuses attention on the Eastern Highlands, historically a region w ith a large percentage of Ladinos where ethnic relations have always been strained (Handy 1984) Current ethnic labels and identities in the Eastern Highlands challenge the dualistic model of Indian/Ladino ethnic classifications (LittleSiebold 2001). So, while some studies suggest migration strengthens Mayan ethnic identity (Burns 1993; Kearney 1990), the Eastern Highlands constitute a new and unique arena to contemplate how MayaLadino ident ities are reformulated in light of historically particular community relations as well as transnational migration. Central Research Questions I asked four fundamental ques tions about how transnationa l migration impacts gender, ethnic relations, and local development. These ce ntral inquiries, along wi th a review of past research on transnational migration, led me to four hypotheses. The following questions framed my data collection and methodology. First, were remittances being used for reproductive activities, such as sustaining the household, or were they being us ed for productive activities, su ch as purchasing cattle and starting businesses? My first hypot hesis was that Ladino households would be more likely to use remittances for investment because of their dom inance in the local economy and longer history of international migration. I investigated whether there is a correlation between ethnicity and the use of remittances for either productive or repr oductive activities. More specifically, did local social and economic conditions limit Maya ab ility to enter produc tive Ladino-dominated enterprises such as cattle ranching?

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22 Second, did gender roles change with increase d financial resources? In other words, did women use remittances for reproductive or productive activities? This research defined productive activities as formal and informal businesses, such as cattle ranching, coffee cultivation, and grain sales; and milk and ch eese production. Reproductive activities were those that sustained the household and contributed to the purchase of housing, fo od, clothes, education, and firewood. Land purchases for home construc tion and home improvements were considered productive activities. Small homebound stores were not considered productive since they did not conflict with traditional gender roles, helped su stain the household, and rarely implied profit. I hypothesized that in households w ith members abroad, there woul d be a shift in gender roles once women began using more house hold resources for investment. Third, did Maya and Ladinos share the same normative gender roles and relations? Since past research suggested that there would be a great diffe rence between Maya and Ladino womens gender roles and relations with their husbands, I postulated that non-migrant women from the Maya community would engage in mo re traditional activities and reflect a more traditional view of gender norms. Fourth, was there a connection between a migrant s length of time in United States and the wife engaging in productive activit ies? The fourth hypothesis stated that as the migrant's time away increased, remittance receipts would decrea se and the likelihood that women would engage in income-generating activities would increase. Research Methods I conducted a community-based comparativ e study using various research methods: participant observation, in-depth semi-structu red interviews, focus groups, life histories, structured ethnographic surveys, and digital video and photography.

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23 Participant Observation I collected data from my observations of da ily activities, interactions with community members, and involvement in community activit ies. Participant observation is essential in gaining the confidence of community members in order to relate to and understand cultural subtleties of presentation and conversation. I attended commun ity activities, meetings of women's groups, religious services, and political meetings. I participated in both Ladino and indigenous social activities, such as serving on the festival organizing committee (Ladino) and working with the local indigenous religious organization (Maya). In-depth Semi-structured Interviews I conducted interviews in both communities with the following groups: women who had immediate family members in the United States; women who did not have family in the United States; male and female heads of households; male and female return migrants; community leaders, both political leaders and principales (community elders); th e communitys Catholic priest; local non-governmental organization worker s; and Peace Corps workers. Interviews were conducted in English and Spanish. Focus Groups I participated in a United Nations sponsored women's empowerment group in the city of Jalapa and organized a focus group of elder Pokomam Maya wo men to discuss customs and traditions of the local Maya and collect life hist ories. Additionally, I planned a series of cooking and flower-planting classes in the village of Aguacate. This group was mostly made up of women whose husbands and/or male relatives were in the United States. Not only did the course provide social support for women with family abro ad, but also an excuse for those with husbands in town to get out of the house.

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24 Life Histories In order to get a better unders tanding of people's life experien ces in relation to migration, gender roles and ideologies, and domestic and public roles, I recorded life histories, interviewing both Ladino and Mayan men and women from different segmen ts of the community. This complemented the semi-structured interviews by capturing life-cycle development, community history, and changes in perception of community relations regarding ethnicity, gender, and ideology. Structured Ethnographic Surveys I conducted a structured ethnographic survey in order to get a more comprehensive idea of the actual impact of migration and remittances on individuals and the community. The survey was completed for one sector of the community but did not reflect a repr esentative sample. Data obtained from the surveys complimented other qualitative forms of research. Digital Video and Photography While conducting fieldwork, I carefully em ployed the use of digital video and photography; because of the Pinultecos reliance on this form of media to communicate with their migrant family members, this proved to be a huge success. I used digital video to record semi-structured interviews, focus groups, comm unity events, family occasions, and personal messages. I collected hundreds of hours of video footage. I was often asked to attend community and fa mily events for the sole purpose of sending these materials to loved ones abroad. Family f unctions, such as birthday parties, weddings, housewarmings (blessing of newly-constructed ho mes), and the progress of home construction and other important investments su ch as in cattle, were a popular event for transnational viewing. Local community events included the various sain ts festivals, rodeos, and beauty pageants. Personalized messages were occasionally filmed, mo stly in cases of crisis and distress. On both

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25 sides of the border, I attended vi deo screenings and e xperienced the excitement of seeing loved ones on screen. I was present as migrants watched videos and relived joyous occasions such as the local rodeo and fiestas, where they would pick out familiar faces in the crowd, retell old stories, and share local lore. When with non-mi grant families, people would watch videos that showed the city landscape, busy highways, migran t salutations, and exteri ors and interiors of their workplaces and homes. For migrants, videos contribute to the recreation of the imagination of their home communities; for non-migrants, they he lp to form a picture of the unfamiliar places that constitute their loved ones new homes. Digital photography was mostly used to docum ent the culture, clothing, and traditions of the community. I also took photographs of fam ilies who would have never otherwise owned a picture of themselves and gave them away as gi fts. I did not give photog raphs away to relatives or friends in order to avoid accusations of witc hcraftsince photographs are believed to be used for these purposes. Requests for photographs of daughters and son-in-law s were not unusual, especially when they involved inte r-ethnic relationships and marriages. Research Team While I conducted most of my research al one, I also worked in cooperation with a university and a non-governmental organization. During the summer of 1999, I worked for the Universidad del Valle in Guatemala City as a lect urer and field instructor conducting a course in anthropological research methods. With the help of del Valle students, I did preliminary field research in San Pedro Pinula. One former stude nt, Tatiana Paz Lemus, assisted me in my research in 2001-2002. She returned for a period of two months and also executed her own original research on adolescen ts view on migration. My wor k, as well as her research, contributed to her senior thesis for the Universidad del Valle.

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26 The Cooperativa el Recuerdo, a local NGO mos tly supported from funds from Belgium, was helpful to my research as well. They empl oyed over sixty developm ent workers, most of whom were local indigenous community lead ers, on projects ranging from sustainable agricultural practices to women' s health programs. The cooperati ve's interest in my project stemmed from their own recogniti on of the differential and diverg ent effects of international migration on the communities and the future imp lications of these effects for implementing its own development projects. The cooperative served as another source that contributed important data on the history and changes in deve lopment, migration, and gender norms. Positionality Understanding my social location within th e transnational comm unity of San Pedro PinulaUnited States is importa nt to understanding how I experi enced the field and my and my informants lives. My position as a return migran ts wife and North American explains how the sending and receiving communities related to me and my relationship with them. Community members, especially return migrant women and non-migrant wives, related to me based on how they perceived my situation; what they reve aled reflected their vision of me. During my fieldwork, I was married to a Guat emalan man who had lived in the United States for a little over a decade. We lived together in the migrant co mmunity of Boston before I decided to do my research in Guatemala. While I got to know th e migrant community well, I did not understand the subtleties of Pinultecos interactions and culture until after living in Guatemala. During my courtship and the early part of my marriage, I became part of the Guatemalan transnational landscape as the gringa girlfriend of a middle-class Ladino man and met various migrant community members during this initial st age. In Boston, I heard about San Pedro Pinula for years, slowly creating my ow n idea of home from the nostalgic reminiscences of others. I

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27 ate pollo con crema con loroco (chicken in a loroco3 cream sauce) with loroco flowers that had been smuggled through customs and hot tortillas w ith black beans from Guatemala. One of my first experiences with gender roles occurred on a Christmas Eve when a group of migrant women plucked me from the male-dominated living ro om to put me my proper placein the kitchen rolling out hojuelas a traditional fried dough covered in honey made for sp ecial holidays. I comforted friends whose fathers had recently died back in Guatemala and dried the tears they shed for the family they left behind years ago and would perhaps never see again. I helped people translate English documents and fill out forms. I would explain new immigrant laws and American culture. I was my boyfriends gringa pride and his family members social capital. For me, as a woman who had grown up in Miami among Cuban and Venezuelan households, the Guatemalan migrant community made me feel at home in a new city where the only people I had associated with before had been white Protestants. My first experiences with Pinultecos was in the lobbies, kitchens, and backrooms of some of Bostons most prestigious business and count ry clubs. My husband and Is first kiss was on the third floor of the Union Club; founded in 18 63 and across the street from the State Capital and the Boston Common, this business clubs me mbers are among the elite of Boston political life: congressmen, senators, and Supreme Court justices. At Bostons most exclusive country club, Weston Country Club, I ate in the kitchen and spent time in the closet-sized rooms where the migrants slept. I visited friends at the posh Catholic Irish Club in Arlington. I felt it was ironic that the only way I was able to enter thes e exclusive establishments was through the back door along with their undocumented employees. Migr ants from Pinula also worked other service 3 Loroco is plant native to Central America. The small white flowers have an oily texture and a strong pungent smell and are used in many native dishes in El Salvador and parts of Guatemala. It is closely related to the periwinkle family.

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28 industry jobs throughout the city, in restaurants, supermarkets, and small shops, but it was the country clubs that often provide d them free places to live and was the starting point for many new arrivals. Though he did not grow up in San Pedro Pinula, my husbands maternal family was from Pinula and he had spent many vacations with his country cousins, milki ng cows and playing in the fields. During the civil conflict, when Guatem ala City became a dangerous place, his parents sent him to Jalapa to attend high school; he sp ent his weekends in Pinula with his mothers family. He was a city boy and, when we decide d to go to Guatemala for my fieldwork, he was not very excited about the prospect of living in the small town of Pinula. The fact that he didnt live there and that people did not know him by name, but only by family, worked in my favor: I was able to introduce myself as the daughter-inlaw or wife of the nephew of the Enamorado family, which enabled me to build my own reput ation. It made people more comfortable that I wasnt just any gringa in town for an unknown reasonthat w ould be highly suspicious. In fact, many people felt sorry for me. They interpreted my presence as my sacrifice for my husband that I left my own family to accompany him to his country. Even though I tried to explain that I was working on my research project to get my graduate degree ( haciendo mi prctica ), they couldnt fathom any other reason why a woman would leave her own natal community to be so far away if it was not for her husband. My work was interp reted as something to do while I accompanied him home. Although my husband is Ladino, his uncle was a well-respected man among the Maya due to his past history of selling pigs in the city. Years ago, a common occupation of lower-class Ladinos was to go to the countrysi de and buy pigs from the Maya a nd then walk the pigs all the way to the city to sell them. At that time, the tr ip often took three to four days, so the pigs were

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29 outfitted with small leather shoes in order to survive the long trek. These Ladinos developed close relationships with the Maya; my hus bands uncle, Don Pauncho, was well-known in the villages as a kind and friendly Ladino. He was also a big drinker in his day, which also contributed to his repu tation as down-to-earth. As reported in Kimberly Grimes ethnography in a transnational comm unity in Southern Mexico (1998), upper class white so ciety often invited her to social events due to her status as an American. I was often treated by upper class Ladinos as special and invited to events due to the social capital I brought as a friend of the fa mily. Some Ladinos would try to explain to me that they were just like me, meaning of good blood and descent. They carefully explained to me the differences between real Ladinos and Ladinos who were of mixed blood, like my husbands family. They took my marrying a middle-cl ass Ladino simply as part of my ignorance of the Guatemalan ethnic matrix. Although I had just as many invitations to Maya events and parties, I was invited to the Mayors house for dinner, to elite parties, a nd to participate on fiesta committees; my husband felt insulted, because he felt that he would have never been normally invited to these events. However, since he had married a gringa he was invited due to my status as white and North American. While I agreed this was true, I felt we should take advantage of the situation; his feelings of inferiority complicated our relati onship but not my acceptance into Ladino society. Ladinos saw my close relationship to the Maya as North American paternalism. It was more difficult for me to gain the Mayas confidence a nd it took more time to work within the Maya communities. The Ladinos had accepted me years before in Boston. In any case, my acceptance by Ladinos was automatic due to the color of my skin and position as North American.

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30 Racial Worldview When I was living among migrants in Boston, I often heard the term indio and Ladino but I did not understand the social rela tionships between Pinultecos in Boston. Since I could not yet see people through a Guatemalan racial worldview specifically the racial order according to local Pinualtecos, I failed to grasp the ethnic diffe rences that were so clear to them. Once I lived in Pinula, I was able to begin to understand how people perceive d and constructed race. It was hard at first, trying to decipher who was c onsidered Indian, Ladino, more Ladino, and less Ladino. It also took learning the Pinulas gen ealogies to understand how people see race as well. As explained further in chapter 3, there are specific phenotypes, clothing, speech patterns, and material possessions that can place someone in a specific racial group, but it was peoples perceptions of race based on hypodescent and a deta iled knowledge of family genealogies that cemented ones identity. This was the hardest for me to grasp, since I didnt always know peoples ancestry. Some of the best learning experiences for me were the funerals. A ttendance at a funeral signified more than just mere acquaintance. As it turned out, family and friends attend funerals but so do family members that are no reconocido (illegitimate, unrecognized). For example, I was at an Indian womans funeral when many pr estigious Ladinos arrive d. In whispers between Hail Marys, women explained that the deceased woman was the great-gr anddaughter of a Ladino man who had come from Honduras at the turn-of-the-centuryand fathered children from five different women: two women were Ladinos with good last names (Spanish), two were considered mixed Ladino, and the last was pura (pure), an Indian woman. Five families in the community are descendents of this man and repr esent three different et hnic categories: two families are considered white and very La dino, another two (my husbands family) are considered mixed Ladino, and one family (fro m the woman who had just passed away) was

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31 Indian. This story and others like them helped me understand the rules and exceptions of hypodescent, enabling me to ask the right ques tions about perceptions of blood, descent, phenotypes, and racially-a ttributed behaviors. Gender My role as the wife of a Guatemalan man and return migrant placed me in a special situation in the context of rela ting to other women in the community. Living in a small town, it was almost impossible to hide any secrets from the community: it became apparent to many that there was conflict be tween me, my mother-in-law, and my husband. Many women had experienced similar situations, living with an overbearing and metida (nosy) mothers-in-law who sided with her son. To make matters worse, I was an Americana and obviously not capable of spending my days as a typical wife, working fu ll-time to wash clothe s and prepare food. While this didnt seem to bother my husband, it di d bother my mother-in-law, even though she appeared to understand that I came to the town to work. My in-laws no longer lived in th e town; they had rented thei r country home for the past thirty years while they lived in the capital city, but that didnt st op them from moving in with us when we decided to rent their house in Pinula. I was under the nave perc eption that since I was renting their home and they lived in the city, that their initial stay was temporary. I was wrong. At the time, I thought their presence was intr usive and I was concer ned that they would negatively influence my visitors interactions, since I would be in front of my Ladino in-laws. This was true. But I also had the unique experi ence of being a daughter -in-law and wife in Guatemala, battling over control of my househol d and relationship with my husband. I quickly learned to sympathize with my informants own battles with their in-laws and husbands. The objectivity I was able to maintain was based in the knowledge that my situation would not be permanent and one day soon I would return to th e United States. On the other hand, there were

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32 many days when I felt overwhelmed by my predi cament and often fled to the haven of my female friends, who in turn, related their own wo es to console me. Women also had plenty of advice on how to deal with their in-laws a nd their husbands. While I can not say women completely accepted me, I do believe they knew of my suffering and this brought us closer together. Michelle Moran-Taylor, my colleague a nd friend who was doing her fieldwork on a similar topic in the Eastern Guatemalan town of Gualn (2003), also look ed at the impact of transnational migration on gender roles and rela tions. In one section of her research, she specifically looked at whether retu rn migrant men returned home ms macho (more macho) or if their experience in the United States translated into real gender role change for men. Many women I worked with reported th at the United States had been a good learning experience for their husbands, and their husbands appreciated th eir domestic contributions post-migration. Even so, Michelle and I agree that ove r time, men often returned to their old behaviors and did not help in domestic work, again a dopting old patriarchal patterns. My own husbands behavior became increasing ly erratic and domineering during our time in Guatemala. Whether I can attribute this to the influence of Guatemalan culture or to the time he spent with his Guatemalan male counterparts or to his mother (who questioned my ventures out unaccompanied), our relationship deteriorat ed during my fieldwork. While most women considered his behavior normal, I saw it as abusive. I was actually considered lucky that he let me do my work, go out without permission, a nd spend my own money. In fact, one time someone saw me take out my wallet at the mark et and hand him some money. The rumor quickly spread through town that I was the one que manda (gave the orders). This may be part of the

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33 larger process that contributed to his domineering behavi or in order to offset having an American wife. Two years after the conclusion of my fiel d research, my husband and I divorced. The dissolution of our marriage was not solely attributable to our e xperience in Guatemala, but we both were nave enough to believe that returning to Guatemala w ould provide him some sort of solace and resolution. His feelings shifted throughout the course of our stay: he decided to stay in Guatemala permanently, to go back and forth, to return and remain in the United States. He, like so many transnational migrants, continually searches for a home, a place with a sense of security and acceptance. He, like other Guatemalan migran ts who arrived in the late 1980s and early 1990s, now have permanent residence in the U.S. Many believed that once their status was settled, they too would se ttle, but often their newly-granted st atus only further confused the issue of their identity. Chapter Organization In this chapter, I introduce my research topic and fieldwork area; summarize past literature on transnational migration; discuss my research questions, hypotheses, and methodologies; and outline my conclusions. This chapter poses the subj ect of how transnational migration transforms peoples lives and whether the receipt of re mittances impacts women and gender relations. Moreover, it introduces how mi gration is changing the hist orical economic and social relationship between Maya and Ladinos in the community of San Pedro Pinula, Guatemala. Chapter 2 describes the two ethnic groups in this study, the Maya and Ladino of Guatemala, locating them within national Guat emalan ideologies, as well as specific local constructions of ethnicity in East ern Guatemala: the colonial ant ecedents to their ethnic relations, the differences between Eastern and Western Guatemala in terms of history and ethnic relations, and the effects of the community history of immigration on ethnic re lations. Using historical and

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34 anthropological sources, it discu sses the community of San Pedro Pinula from colonial times to the early periods of civi l conflict through to the cu rrent global era. This ch apter takes a historical approach in order to situate th e community within national and po litical contexts, emphasize the regions importance to national construction of ethnicity, highlight the struggles of the indigenous communities attempt to maintain au tonomy, and reveal historically specific community ethnic relations and development. Chapter 3 analyzes Maya and Ladino ethnic relations on both sides of the border. The chapter follows the history of international immigration along ethnic lines and how traditional patron-client relations en abled the Maya to migrate with th e help of their Ladino patrons. The chapter considers data collected in response to the question of whet her ethnic relations affect the Mayas ability to use remittances in productive activities and reveals changes in ethnic relations due to transnational migration. Chapter 4 considers gender and gender rela tions in the transnational community. The chapter covers the lite rature on gender and migration, as well as womens and gender research specific to Guatemala. The chapter discusses research questions concerning how remittances affect women and gender roles and relations, including the differences between Maya and Ladino women and how migration impacts their lives. Chapter 5 examines transnational communicatio n in the past decade and how it has both positively and negatively contributed to the tr ansformation of gender and gender relations. I discuss how the different mediums used in tr ansnational communication and advancements in technology have transformed the Guatemalan land scape. Using the life story of one female migrant and interviews from fifteen migrant coupl es, this section illust rates how access to and

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35 improvements in communication technology result in both positive and negative consequences for non-migrant women in the sending community. Chapter 6 concludes the dissertation, summing up the major findings of my research and suggesting approaches for future research. Conclusion Transnational migration are the ways in which immigrants forge and sustain multistranded social relations that link together their so cieties of origin and se ttlement (Basch et al. 1994) and has previously been considered a promoter of change in sending communities. Although transnational migration has sponsored significant transformations in migrant communities worldwide, we must ask: who benef its from these changes and does transnational migration truly create transformations in the social structure for oppr essed groups such as women and indigenous Maya? As of 2006, an es timated 1.2 million Guatemalans had emigrated to the United States, about ten percent of th e Guatemalan population. Remittances have topped over 3 billion dollars nationally and almost 4 m illion people in Guatemala are receiving money from overseas, or one-third of the countrys population (Migration In formation Source 2006). While migration has an impact on the individual and family by increasing standards of living, communities as a whole have benefited as well in the form of electricity, health centers, housing improvements, potable water, and recreational proj ects. Still, these economic changes come at a price. While transnational migration enables migrants and their non-migrant family members to improve their economic status and standards of living, families are separated and lives forever changed. Migration provides the means in which gender and ethnic relations can be reconfigured and creates opportunities for migran ts to gain economic and soci al capital confronting race, class, and gender divides. Nonetheless, change is gradual and women s and indigenous Mayas

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36 struggle to achieve autonomy and self suffic iency still eludes them. Ladino dominance of political and economic systems keeps Maya fr om investing in produc tive activities thus increasing the necessity to re-enter the migration st ream. In spite of their increased access to cash in the form of remittances, both Maya and Ladina women are held to traditional gender roles. New communication technol ogies, such as cell phones and digi tal video, have enhanced and personalized contact for families apart; however, women are still controlled by their husbands abroad. In sum, this study attempts to emphasize the transformative effects of transnational migration by examining a bi-cultural community with a history of ri gid social structure unchanged by hundreds of years of co lonial rule and to illustrate local responses to the larger global process of transnational migration.

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37 CHAPTER 2 THE TWO ETHNIC GROUPS: MAYA AND LADINO IN GUATEMALA There are two main ethnic groups in Guatemala, the Maya and the Ladinos. The dualistic construction of ethnicity in Guatemala has pr ovoked anthropological in terest for decades, resulting in numerous studies of ethnic iden tity formation and ethnic relations. Though recent work in Eastern Guatemala (Moran-Taylor 2003, Little-Siebold 2001) attempts to revise the fixed dualistic assumptions of ethnicity in Guat emala, aspects of identity such as socioeconomic status, economic activity, conceptualizatio ns of race, culture, gender, and generational differences are subsumed and elided by this di chotomy (Little-Siebold 2002:178). This research conducted in the Eastern Highlands of Guatemal a explores how Maya and Ladinos experience race, ethnicity, and gender, and how under transna tional migration Guatemalans either preserve or transcend ethnic categories that have historic ally maintained Guatemalas social structure. The Maya in Eastern Guatemala, the subjects of this research, are a relatively small population that is less well-known to academic s and Guatemalans alike than the larger populations of Maya in other ar eas. The Ladinos in this region are seen as the dominant and ruling group. A review of the definitions and debates surrounding MayaLadino ethnic labels provides a basis for understanding how Guatemalan s themselves relate to the dual model of MayaLadino ethnicity. This study discusses vari ations in the Guatemalan dualistic model of classification and how migration impacts an alr eady diverse and varied population. This chapter specifically looks at who the Ma ya and Ladinos are and how Guat emalans in the Eastern region of Guatemala improvise with the dual classifi cation model categories, dependent on whether they are Ladino or Maya and regional constructi ons of ethnicity based on beliefs about family ancestry.

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38 The Maya in Guatemala Defining the Maya is complicat ed and problematic since the term is often regarded as controversial and is loaded with political and cultural connotations In the most general sense, scholars have defined the Maya as the descende nts of an impressive civilization that once stretched from southern and eas tern Mexico down to modern-day El Salvador and Honduras. The Maya civilization began in appr oximately 2000 B.C. and reached its peak in 800 A.D. For nearly three thousand years, Maya kingdoms ruled over the lands they had fought for and the peoples they had conquered. After the ar rival of the Spanish, the Maya themselves were conquered and made subservient. In modern terminology, Maya refers to more than eight million people of varied backgrounds, usually designa ted by their use of Maya as th eir primary language. They are concentrated in southern and eastern Mexi co, in Belize, and throughout Guatemala. Though conflict and conquest have provoked migration among the Maya within Mexico and Central America for millennia, during recent years they have been responding to change caused by global forces that has resulted in migration to the United States and Canada. The Maya, like other peasant and indigenous peoples, are moving out of their homelands and traversing borders and nations. Since the Maya move across borders cultures, and nationstates, defining what represents their cu ltural boundaries becomes mo re challenging as new representations of identity and citizenship emerge from this new world order. The Maya are taking pa rt in this process by resisting more essentialist para digms for defining indigenousness. The Maya as an Essential Culture The modern Maya are often described as a pure or essential culture in which indigenous elements or surviva ls from pre-conquest times are contaminated by newer Spanish and European cultural influences and more recentl y by processes of globalization. In this sense, the Maya are often romanticized in a way that emphasizes the more traditional aspects of their

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39 culture, such as their relationship with nature an d their affiliation with syncretic Catholicism and pagan religious rites. This c onstruction of the Maya is esp ecially powerful today, when the combination of pan-indigenous movements and western academic reverence of indigenousness promotes the idea of an all-encompassi ng and comprehensive indigenous worldview. Nonetheless, for centuries the Maya have successfu lly incorporated elements from their contacts with Europeans and other non-Maya groups. Acco rdingly, some scholars use the term in a nonessentialist way, proposing an identity continua lly re-created among the Maya in the face of dominating and intrusive cultures (F ischer and Hendrickson 2003;Warren 1998). While an essentializing definition of the Maya creates a one-dimensional or static ethnic identity for the Maya, in Guatemala the Pan-M aya movement has co-opted the label to aid their own political and intellectual goals. The Pa n-Maya adherents attempt to define the Maya by locating the principal continuities in Mayan cult ure that constitute Mayaness. Claiming an overarching Maya identity that in cludes all other ethni c subgroups creates a strong cultural union that contributes to a solid po litical foundation for organizing. Th e Maya Movement has several political goals, including crea ting Maya self-pride, reclaimi ng land rights, and supporting bilingual and advanced education (Fischer and McKenna Brown 1996). For the Maya movement, differences in language, dress, and ethnicities be tween Maya groups have historically caused too much division. A Pan-Maya identity, by contra st, can provide unity and cohesion in the aftermath of years of ci vil and social conflict. Although current theoretical sc holarship has begun to em phasize avoiding dichotomous definitions of Guatemalan ethnic identity it is still important to begin in marking the basic differences between what is Maya or Indian and what is Ladino or non-Maya if only to acknowledge the half-century scholarly debate on ethnic identity in Guatemala (see Adams 1994;

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40 Arias 1990; Adams and Bastos 2003; Hawkins 1984; Gillen 1958; Tumin 1952; Warren 1998; Watanabe 1992). My own analysis in this study considers the question of identity at three different levels: identities constructed primarily at the local-level among community members in the town, identities defined by state institutions, and local identities strongly influenced by global processes, more specifically the influx of a cash economy and international migration. Using the Term Maya My use of the term Maya, specifically Poko mam Maya, to describe individuals and groups in the municipality of Jalapa is conscious and purposeful. When I first started research in the community I was not even sure that there we re Maya in San Pedro Pinula. I had heard that there were Indians in San Pedro Pinula, but loca ls and other Guatemalanists alike claimed that the Indians seemed to have lost their authenticity. I was also searching for the common denominators of the Maya in their clothing, la nguage, and cultural markers. Did they speak Pokomam? Did the women wear traditional dress? Did they engage in Maya rituals? How did they define themselves? While these questions we re important during the initial stages of my fieldwork, I found that the questions turned out to be as important as the answers. My search for definitions of who these people were enabled me to be aware of the variety of identities that are present in the region, esp ecially those that are not easily expl ained by dualistic notions of Maya vs. Ladino, although I do recognize the limitations of concepts such as cultural survivals, and syncretism since they employ a synthesis of Maya and Ladino culture and these concepts inform the initial framework of this study. I continue to struggle to understand ethnic, community, and national identity among the Maya in Guatemala. Each barrio, town, village, and region in Guat emala reveals characteristics closely tied to its specific history and culture. Because of th is diversity compromises the accuracy of broad generalizations, I have made as few as seemed possible. I am steered by my informants own

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41 conceptualizations of their world which help me see how stereotypes and generalities becomes a part of a communitys sense of identity. Each communitys reaction and adaptation to larger forces, such as international migration, also provides a window in to the individual and community constructions of ethnicity and identity. Finally, I have chosen to us e the term Maya for the Pokomam Maya of San Pedro Pinula for several reasons: their adapta bility and resilience in the face of pressures from Ladino assimilation, isolation from other Maya groups, a nd identification as different and separate from the Ladino community. Pokomam resilience and autonomy in the East ern Highlands have not come easily. The Spanish settled into the Eastern Highlands in high er numbers than other areas of Guatemala. Due to its favorable geography and agricultural opportunities, Spanis h settlements were drawn to Eastern Guatemala as it reminded the conquistador s of Spain more than the Western Highlands and provided fertile ground for ag riculture and cattle-raising. Th e forced labor system used during colonial times to extract indigenous labor was an extreme burden on Indian communities, especially in the Eastern Highla nds, which contributed to the de mise of indigenous populations in that region (Lutz and Lovell 1995). The su rviving indigenous groups were forced by the invaders to adopt Spanish culture and language. It was noted by early colonial era travelers that the process of castellanizacin of indigenous peoples in the Eastern Highlands started much earlier then it occurred among the Maya in th e Western Highlands. As early as the late 1700s, Maya groups in Jalapa were already speaking Sp anish fluently; the prominence of bilingualism throughout the region set the Easter n Highland Maya apart from Ma ya in the Western Highlands who were still mostly monolingual Maya speaker s. Though the Maya of the Eastern Highlands may have adopted the Spanish language, the process of mestizaje miscegenation between

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42 Spanish and Maya blood, had not occurred in many of these areas even though Spanish had been widely adopted, often to the detriment of the local indigenous language (Dary 2003). It is important to point out that in both Ladino and Maya communities exist those who have resisted the separation of the two groups and often insist on the importance of a campesino identity. C ampesinos are distinguished by the tradition of uniting small farmers of all social classes and ethnicity to one ove rarching peasant identity. Many w ho use this label over other more ethnic-based identities tend to be more closely aligned with the Catholic Church, nongovernmental organizations, or politically a ligned grassroots organizations. The label campensino unites poor Ladino peasants with Maya p easants to work and organize together without the stigma of ethnicity that tends to place poor Ladinos over Maya of the same income levels and occupation. Others argue for a more va ried appreciation of multiple identities both within and between the two groups; however, May a and Ladino remain the most significant identifiers from which these alternatives emerge. Surrounded by a sea of Ladinos, Eastern Highla nd Maya have maintained their community in spite of a large and powerful Ladino ruling class. Although I could have easily chosen the term Indian to refer to those I met in my time in San Pedro Pinula, I think it would have detracted from the historical existence of a la rge Pokomam Maya community that forms a strong and resistant presence in San Pedro Pinula. The Pokomam Maya of San Pedro Pinula and San Luis Jilotepeque The group I work with in the municipality of San Pedro Pinula, in the department of Jalapa, are part of the linguist ic group identified as Easter n Pokomam Maya. The last major study of this group was conducted over fifty years ago by anthropologist John Gillen and sociologist Marvin Tumin, who focused on the East ern Pokomam Maya specifically in San Luis

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43 Jilotepeque.4 These two towns, San Pedro Pinula and San Luis Jilotepeque, ar e the two centers of Eastern Pokomam culture and are situated on vall ey floors separated by a small mountain range. The valley of San Pedro Pinula rests on the elevat ion of 1000m, while San Luis Jilotepeque lies at about 700m, making the climate more temperat e and mild. The town of El Durazno rests on the peak of the mountain that divides the two towns. With views of both valleys, El Durazno likely served as an important Pre-Colombian m ilitary vantage point, and oral histories recount great battles that were fought here, evidenced by the multitude of obsidian arrow points that litter the grounds (Gouband Carrera 1945). Now just a p ile of crumbling stones, El Durazno is considered a relatively insignificant archeologica l site. To the Eastern Pokomam, however, this site is the location of the Pokomam origin my th. Elders say that God looked down on the two towns from the peak of El Durazno and determ ined that San Luis w ould be the place of the cntaro (ceramic pot) and San Pedro would be the place of the palma (palm). The history of commerce in the two towns has borne out the myth, as San Pedro Pinula was once well known for its hand woven palm-braided sombreros, and the painted earth enware of the women of San Luis is famous to the present day. In addition to the Eastern Pokomam, th ere is a second Pokomam Maya group in Guatemala. Principally located no rth and south of Guatemala City, this group speaks a dialect of Pokomam, appropriately called Pokomam Central or Central Pokomam, since they are situated in the Central Highlands, in contrast to the Ea stern Pokomam, who are located in the Eastern Highlands.5 The residents of San Luis Jilotepe que, the neighboring Eastern Pokomam community, are of greater value as a focus for study since they more closely resemble the 4 Tumin and Gillen conducted their research in the late 1940s and published much of their work in the early 1950s. 5 Rubn Reina (1967) and Eileen Maynard (1963) did their work among the Central Pokomam in Chinautla and Paln.

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44 inhabitants of San Pedro Pi nula: not only do they use the same language, but the two communities exhibit similarities in the way state, local and political processes have differentially affected them. Even so, the prevalence of Indian-ness is more marked in San Luis Jilotepeque, as exhibited by the presence of a strong indi genous identity with a multitude of indigenous organizations. As the locals explain, San Luis, is where the real Indians are because San Luiseos speak the Pokomam language openly and many more older women still wear their traje or traditional clothing as compared to San Pedro Pinula. The Maya may be more apparent in San Luis due to their strong, concen trated urban presence, whereas in San Pedro, the Maya are generally spread out in the ru ral areas. More importantly, there is a higher proportion of businesses in San Luis, many of which are owne d and operated by local San Luis Maya. This greater incidence of entrepreneurship is likel y due to the paved road and fast and reliable transportation available in the to wn, which provides ease of access to the vibrant market city of Chiquimula. All roads leading out of San Pedro Pinula are dirt and the road to San Luis traverses a high mountain ridge and almo st impassable in the rainy season. The road from San Pedro Pinula to the cabecera (department capital) Jalapa, is also dirt and though it only crosses a small mountain, Jalapa is not consider ed a great city of commerce as compared to Chiquimula. Therefore San Pedro Pinula as compared to Sa n Luis Jilotepeque is more of a traditional agricultural community isolated from the market and major commerce. Also as will be discussed later, the Maya in San Pedro struggle under Ladino control bot h politically and economically, while in San Luis, many Maya have been ab le to obtain more power through commercial success.

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45 The belief that the real Maya reside in San Lu is and no longer live in San Pedro Pinula is supported by the presence of Pokomam villages th at line the dirt road crossing the mountain between San Pedro Pinula and San Luis Jilotepeque. The road was built with the sweat and blood of local Maya in the 1920s, during the era of large public works proj ects under the dictatorship of President Jorge Ubico. During th e year 2000, under the Presidency of Alfonso Portillo, there were attempts to pave the road, which resulted only in the widening of a small section before funds ran out. The road is often impassable, es pecially during the rainy winter months when buses stop running because of the risk of skidding off the side of the mountain. Many Maya prefer the ancient narrow footpa ths that wind up the steep mountainside from San Pedro to San Luis. As the road climbs 2000 feet from the va lley floor of Pinula towards the peak of the mountain, the aptly named village of La Estrella (the star) emerges. The appearance of women in traditional corte (skirt made of dyed fabric ) and the sight of traditiona l mud and straw huts in this region reinforce the sense that crossing over this mountain divide takes one into true Pokomam territory. Regional Maya Differences within San Pedro Pinula In the municipality of San Pedro Pinula ther e are marked differences between communities with regards to clothing style a nd language use. There also are intra-ethnic differences based on an urbanrural dichotomy. The Maya who live in town can frequently trace their ancestry through several generations, in order to illustra te their pure (Maya) or mixed (MayaLadino) heritage. Those who live in the v illages outside of the town are often considered pure Maya. The intra-ethnic differences among the Maya th roughout the municipality of San Pedro Pinula illustrate the variety of Maya identities and the social divisions that exist among members of the same ethnic group.

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46 Urban vs. rural maya Adams and Bastos discuss the social divisions among Maya who live in the cabeceras municipales (municipal seats) and those who live in the rural villages and hamlets. The town is generally regarded as the site of Ladino pow er, and the preponderan ce of educational and economic opportunities in the urban center bears out this claim (2003) as urban Maya fill certain economic niches confined to the town, such as liquor sales, tailoring services, small store ownership, and local artisan wor k. Urban Maya also consider th emselves more modern, worldly, and sophisticated than their ru ral counterparts. The differences are also based on ancestry and local lineages as many Maya in the town can tra ce some Ladino ancestor or claim descent from the original Pokomam inhabitants. Adams and Ba stos posit that the villages closer to the pueblo are considered more modern or urban (2003). Th ese concepts are true for San Pedro Pinula and explain local ethnic divides among the Maya of the town and the Maya of the mountain or rural villages. Maya Occupations Maya in San Pedro Pinula tend to work in tr aditional milpa agriculture. Milpa agriculture is the basis for Maya civilization, made up of a variety of complementary crops, mainly corn, beans, and squash. While some of San Pedro Pi nulas indigenous people own small plots, the majority are landless and forced to rent or shar ecrop to grow crops for their basic subsistence. The indigenous population did once own large tr acts of land communally but Ladinos and the municipality expropriated this land in the libe ral land rush of the 1800s and during the Ubico dictatorship of the 1930s (Dary 2003). San Pedro Pinulas indigenous population is involved in ar tisanal production. There was once a thriving hat making industry but that has sl owly been disappearing. Now there are only a handful of Maya families who continue to make hats out of palm: Palm does not grow in Pinula

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47 but comes from low-lying San Jacinto, Chi quimula, and Asuncin Mita, Jutiapa (Russo 2004:18).6 The palm fronds are split into strips and women use the middle section to make brooms. Maya men are those who do the final asse mblage of the hats but women are those who braid the palm strands into the ba sic strips used to make the fi nal product. Maya women also dye the palm (for decoration) using aniline dyes and natural dyes, such as local mud and tree bark. There is also a small but disappearing maguey i ndustry (rope made from Maguey plants). Rope from the maguey plants was once used to sew th e hats (cotton thread is now used) but the maguey rope is still used to make tenedores by the Rosa family in the village of Aguacate Tenedores are intricately weaved and colorful and used to secure the saddle to the tail of horses. Kathy Russo, a cultural expert on indigenous weaving, states the st yle of braiding used to make the tenedores is rare and she has only observed similar types of craftsmanship in Turkey. With the family we observed, mostly the young Maya boys who learned the process from their grandfather created the tenedores The matriarch of the family explained that when she was young she remembers many families producing the product for sale. While agriculture is the sole livelihood for most rural Maya, urba n Maya do occupy some other occupational niches, such as storekeepers, candlemakers, tailors, seamstresses, moonshine producers, and cantina owners. Thes e occupations are usually low pr estige and bring in a small income and are restricted to what is consider ed appropriate for their position as Maya in a Ladino-dominated community. 6 Kathy Russo, a fellow Fulbright scholar visited me in the fi eld in the summer of 2001 as part of her research on the maguey industry and indigenous craftsmanship in Guatemala. Most (if not all) of my in-depth information on the hat, palm, and maguey industry in San Pedro Pinula is due to her scholarship.

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48 Maya Dress Dress is often considered an important and hi ghly visible marker of Maya identity. There are still a few older women in the town of Pinula who wear the traditional corte and beads and who wrap their hair in braids and ribbon. Married women have traditionally worn a corona (crown), wrapping the ribboned braids around th eir heads to form a crowna style more common in San Luis. In many outlying villages in San Pedro Pinula, women wear a plagada a type of modified dress, rather than the traditional corte The Plagada is a variation on a type of Maya dress used before the 20th century. This style of dress is distinctively Indian, and it is restricted to women who live in the villages surrounding San Pedro Pi nula. Homemade, often brightly colored, and made of cheap imported fabric, the dress is form-fitting on top and tailored at the waist, with a skirt that flows out to fall at the knee. The top portion of the dre ss is shaped like a blouse, with lace and sewn-in bodice formed to emphasize and support the breasts. The skirt portion of the dress is usually covered with an apron of a matching or comp lementary colors and includes pockets to hold money or other items. Material of different colors is often sewn into the blouse to create collars and accentuate the puffed sleeves. Since each village chooses a specific style of plagada a womans dress often signifies where she is from, though styles vary as new co lors and cuts are incorporated. For example, women from the village of Las Aguijitas and El Sunzo often wear bright colors of pink, green, yellow, and blue with the sk irts highly pleated (see Figur e 2-2 photo B). Women from El Cumbre may have flower prints or more subdued colors and ofte n have large puffy sleeves. All accentuate their dresses with intr icately designed aprons with designs ranging from rectangular to heart shapes.

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49 Local Maya explain the use of th is modified dress as a matter of practicality, claiming that material used in the traditional skirts is too expensive, even th ough colonial records indicate that when San Pedro Pinula was a pueblo of indios (Indian town) and was forc ed to give tribute to the Spanish crown, the local Maya did produce some sort of cloth. Today, material used for the traditional Maya corte skirt is produced in the Western Hi ghlands. A skirt made of traditional cloth can cost upwards of Q300 (around $45), wh ile yards of plain fabric used for the plagada style dress costs just a few Quetzales (less than a dollar). The Chorti Ma ya of Chiquimula, the only other Maya group in the East ern Highlands, also wear a modi fied dress made of imported material. Though the style of the Chorti modified dress differs from the Pokomam, the presence of this clothing style in the Oriente and its id entification as indigenous marks the creative and adaptive capacity of the populations in the East. Like the women, Maya men were reported to have worn a traditi onal outfit that is no longer used in the region. The out fit was simple: it consisted of li ght white cloth, with shin-level pants held up by a simple belt made of the same material. While women traditionally go barefoot, men wear caites or sandals made of leather with sole s cut from used tires. This type of footwear is a convenient symbol of the di fference between Maya and Ladino, since only Indians wear this type of shoe. One example of the symbolism of the caite concerns a Ladino man who is from another town farther east in the Oriente where ther e are no Maya. He is considered of lower class and often walks about town in caites People think he is a strange character but excuse his behavior because he is from an area where there is many poor Ladinos who are like Indians. Maya men often wear the traditional sombrero Made out of braided palm leaves, the hat is shaped into a cowboy style and va ries in color from muted brown to beige. Maya men also use a

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50 bag made of either homemade rope or colored synthetic materials. With greater and greater frequency, Maya men use backpack s rather than the traditional bags, and wear either storebought manufactured cowboy hats imported from Mexico or baseball caps. Manufactured cowboy hats and baseball caps are luxury items and therefore considered status symbols, and the younger urban Maya aspire to imitate this style. Both Maya men and women wear clothing that marks them as different from the Ladinos, especially Maya who live in the villages. Though so me changes to the Indian style, such as the increasing use of backpacks and baseball caps, se em to indicate a lessening of more obvious cultural markers of Indian-ness , the rural Maya of San Pedro Pinula still hold onto traditions such as the modified dress. In fact, when money is available, many Maya women do not buy western clothes but instead use th eir money to make fancier versi ons of the indigenous modified dress. On market days and during the festival, young women come to the town of San Pedro in their best new dresses. The festival week, especially, provides an opportunity for young women to show off their best clothing and meet young me n. One festival week I saw three girls with dresses made out of an expensive sequined material that shone and glittered in the sun. They had modified their outfits with the latest village styles and new market-bought material imported from other parts of the world. In this regard, th e continued presence of indigenous traditions such as the modified dress and the in corporation of newer styles and materials (such as the cap and backpack and market-bought materi al for the dresses) illustrates the Maya ability to incorporate elements from the outside world with their own. Maya Language While there is a large indige nous presence in San Pedro Pinu la, actual Maya language use is considered to be very low. Fluent Pokomam speakers in San Pedr o Pinula are considered to be rare if not non-existent. Census data and local discourse on the subj ect seem to indicate that the

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51 Pokomam Maya language is on the decline. When I first arrived in Pinula, I asked locals, both Ladino and Maya alike, if peopl e still spoke the Pokomam langua ge. Ladinos more often said that no one spoke it anymore, or pointed to so me obscure village where perhaps the language was spoken. With even greater frequency, people re ferred me to the nearby town of San Luis Jilotepeque where the real Indians lived. Over time, I met Ladino storeowners who told me that in their stores they had heard the local Maya speak the in digenous language. The owners of the market stalls in the central market of San Pedro Pinula are Quich Maya from Momostenango, who are well known in Guatemal a as entrepreneurs who tend to monopolize local trade throughout the country (replacing the Chinese immigrants who dominated trade in the early twentieth century). One Momostango stall owner told me of his experience with the Pokomam Maya from Pinula: They do speak their language. Some have a pproached my stall already speaking their language, expecting me to reply back. I expl ain to them (in Spanish) I dont speak the same language as they do. They look at me like I am being stuck-up but I try to explain that there are many (Maya) languages and I am from the Occidente (Western Highlands). It seems they only think there is one lenguaje (language). It surprises the Momosteco that the Maya fr om Pinula have no idea th at there are possibly many other Maya languages. In fact, when I su rveyed local Maya on what the language was called or named, most called it simply, lenguaje (the language), and eith er were unaware of the term Pokomam or used that word in reference to the people of San Luis. This demonstrates the isolation of the Pinula Maya from other Maya groups and an unawareness of a strong Maya identity as defined by language. I put together a focus group of the some of the last women of Pinula who still wear the traditional traje most who were over fifty and one of wh om had just turned a hundred years old! They talked about the history of the comm unity, interethnic relations, and the Pokomam language. They also giddily exchanged phrases in Pokomam but did not seem comfortable

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52 conversing. They explained that th e language was being lost due to the shame of being Maya and the ridicule they have experienced over the year s when speaking it in public. Elders have tried to teach Pokomam to their children, but the younger ge neration has resisted learning it, and while most remember their parents speaking it at home, the current generation seems content to let it disappear. When asked about wh ether the language spoken in San Luis is the same as San Pedro, some claimed it was the same wh ile others claimed it was different. Data on the continued use of Pokomam are ne vertheless inconclusive. In 2001 the newly installed Monsignor of Jalapa visited San Pedro Pinula. Thousands of people came from all over the municipality to welcome him. It was one of the few occasions other than festival holidays when indigenous organizations were present. Th ere were signs welcoming the Monsignor from the comunidad indgena and local indigenous leaders perfor med a special ceremony. One elder spoke strongly and said, we ar e a humble people and for shame of being Indian we speak our language in secret. This confirmation of the presence of Pokomam speakers in San Pedro Pinula illustrates the difficulty of measuring indigenous identity by language markers, since so many Maya feel an intense pressure to hide their Ma ya identity and silence their indigenous language. The Ladinos of Guatemala Ladino refers to the non-indigenous peoples of Guatemala. This term is synonymous with the term Mestizo, which is used in Mexico, El Salvador, and Honduras. Unlike the Mestizo, which literally means mixed and emphasizes the actual mix of European and indigenous ancestry, the connotation of Ladino in Guatemal a is rife with ambiguity regarding ancestral roots (Adams 1994). While Guatemala Maya are cl ear about who they are and where they come from, Ladinos derive their identity from the Eur opean, especially the Spanish, aspects of their heritage. They also tend to affiliate themselves w ith Western society: they wear Western clothes, speak Spanish, and identify themselves as separate from indigenous groups.

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53 The heterogeneity of the several Maya ethnic groups is in stark contrast to the supposed homogeneity of Ladinos, who share a common cultu re and language. Ladinos do, in fact, vary in ancestry, income level, and degree of cultural adaptation. Some claim these differences are regional (Adams and Bastos 2003), while others cl aim the differences are marked by class within communities (Hawkins 1984, Adams 1956). In the 1940s Hernndez de Len, the chronicler of the Ubico period, noted the deep division betwee n Indians and Ladinos in San Pedro Pinula and that there were also subdivisions within the two groups (Dary 2003). While many anthropologists state that Ladino id entity has little to do with race or actual biological ancestry and more to do with soci al and cultural markers (Adams 1994, Parkyn 1988), race, blood, and ancestry are essential compon ents in Ladino ethnic identity. Ladinos in the East are more likely to emphasize their ancestr y and the degree to wh ich their blood is tainted or pure (Little-Siebold 2001). Sma ll communities also believe that generational claims on ancestry are important, as community knowledge of ancestry informs opinion on the degree to which one is or is not Ladino. As Littl e-Siebold found in her work in Quetzaltepeque (2001), Pinula also has varying local definitions of Ladino based on perceived ancestry. But the Ladinos are not the only ones w ho use ancestry as a powerful tool in identity formation. While Ladinos are considered to be more homogenous th an the Maya, Grandin reminds us that the 19thcentury Quich Maya elites of Quetzaltenango em phasized their identity in terms of race and blood, instead of using cultural markers such as dress (2000:9). Ladinos in San Pedro Pinula Ladino Occupations Ladinos raise cattle, make chees e, run businesses, and own mo st of the land in and around Pinula. Traditionally they have depended on Maya la bor to maintain their lifestyle, often renting land to the Maya in exchange for labor a nd a share of the maize and bean harvest.

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54 The cattle industry is important to the Ladi no livelihood. While discussions of the milpa harvest and corn prices are common to both Maya and Ladino alike, cat tle ownership is what defines Ladinos as separate and above those w ho only engage in agricultural activities. Ladino dress, social activities, and even their identity revolve around the cowboy culture. As discussed later, men wear distinctive cowboy hats and be lt buckles and women wear the feminine version for special events such as rode os. Ladinos listen to Mexican ranchera (cowboy) music and emulate North American and Mexican cowboy styles Ladino social events are usually based on cattle, as rodeos and parades on hor seback are essential to their yearly festivals and celebrations. Cattle are the main economic base for elite La dinos. While even the poorest of Ladino may own a cow or two, the wealthier families with la rge plots of land own and trade in cattle. The cattle cartels in Guatemala are inclusive and the wealthiest of the families in Pinula are part of a larger Ladino cattle cartel that r uns the sales of cattle from the ra nches of the Pacific coast to the lowlands of Puerto Barrios to the agricultural frontier of the Petn. Many of families own land in these areas and as the Oriente is dependent on a rainy and dry season, shipping cattle to lands where there is a consistent annual rainfall enables them to keep large head s of cattle healthy and marketable year round. While some families may not be cash rich, their wealth lies in land and cattle. The Ladino monopoly on the cattle industry in Pinula is what defines them as separate from the Maya. The cheese from the Jalapa region is famous throughout Guatemala and milk and cheese production is also an important economic base for Ladinos. Cattle-owning and non-cattle-owning Ladinos engage in cheese production. Families w ith large heads of cattle either produce their own cheese or sell milk to family members. Se veral varieties of milk products are produced locally, queso fresco (fresh farmers cheese), queso duro (hard cheese), riquesn (ricotta), butter

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55 and cream. The hard cheese is made in small ba tches for local consumption and large rounds of over 75 lbs. are sold in Guatemala City. The more perishable items are sold locally in town and in the main city of Jalapa. Locals have thei r favorite families from which they buy depending on their tastes, as some families use varying am ounts of salt and fermentation times. During the rainy season when more milk is being produced, they also label the cheeses differently since the taste varies with what the cows are eating; fres h grass in the winter, dr y stored and store bought feed in the summer. Ladino Dress Ladinos in Pinula dress in Western cl othing, often bought in what are known as pacas, home-based or retail stores that sell used American clothing from large bundles or packs. Ladino women also make their own clothing or pay a local seamstress to sew their clothes from materials bought in the market and designed fr om dress patterns from the United States. Many seamstresses carry U.S. catalogs and fashion mag azines from which patterns are chosen. Pinulas relative proximity to El Salvador also facilitate s clothing lines from the free trade zones of El Salvadors maquiladores, factories that assemble clothing bound for the United States. While women in the capital town of Jalapa often flaunt the latest trends from the United States, which can be considered racy, women in Pinula generally maintain a very modest style, especially since most Ladinos consider skimpy or revealing clot hing to be in bad taste. Ladino women always wear shoes (usually feminine sandals ) at all times, even in their homes. Ladino men are often described as the cowboys of Guatemala due to their use of Western clothes, cowboy hats, boots, and large shiny belt buckles. Some carry guns in holsters attached to their belts, but lately the pistol is being replaced by the cellula r phone as a mans status symbol. It is not uncommon to see some Ladino men with both accoutrements.

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56 Ladinos in the Town and in the Aldeas Some Ladino families, especially a regions la ndowners, reside in the villages, although this is rare. Monographs collect ed on the history of the local villages always mention the founding Ladino families of the area, though it is fr equently difficult to locate descendents who are still present. Before the 1960s, many Ladino families had majadas, or country homes where they lived during the rainy season (winter). At th is time, families would leave their urban homes to live at their majadas tending to their fields and taking ad vantage of the seasonal increase in their dairy cattles milk production to produce cheese. Though some Ladino families still own country homes, male heads of house no longer up root their family for the winter season, preferring to spend time there alone to run thei r local farms while occasionally bringing their families over for weekend get-togethers. The movement of Ladinos from the rural ar eas to the urban center has been noted by Pinultecos, and most Ladinos believe this migra tion is associated with an increased level of danger in the countryside, which may have begun dur ing the militarization of the area in the late 1960s. They claim that living in the country becam e too dangerous during th is period, principally because of the presence of guerillas (those of the armed rebel forces), who were suspected of stealing their cattle. Many believe the dangers of rural life has cont ributed to a decline in cattle production, claiming that fewer and fewer people want to work in the industry, especially with the option of migrating to the United States to find work. San Pedro Pinula is well-known for its larg e in-town cattle populat ion, and, though it is no longer legal, people still herd their animals from small stockyards behind or alongside their homes to the grazing pastures just outside of to wn. In the early morning, the men milk the cows and then let their Maya correleros (foot cowboys) take the cows out to pasture. When I received phone calls from the United States, people would of ten hear the sound of pa ssing cattle and ask if

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57 I was out in the countryside. I would explain, No, I am standing in my own doorway! At night, an occasional cow will get loose; thus, it is not uncommon to see them wandering the streets until the owner looks for them in the morning. It is widely believed that cattle owners purposefully let their cows out at night to allow them to f eed from the towns garbage cans. Ethnic Category Alternativ es to Maya and Ladino As mentioned earlier, though dual categories of Ladino and Maya remain strong, there are many variations to this simplistic ethnic defi nition. Throughout my time in the field, I heard alternative labels and descrip tions from community members in their every day discourse or when they spoke of neighbors and relatives. Ance stry and bloodlines con tinue to be important indicators of social class in most Guatem alan communities (Casas Arz 2002; Nelson 1999), and San Pedro Pinula is no exception, since most community members are often judged according to their racial make-up, which frequently influences marital prospects as well as social status. Ladino vs. Mixed Ladinos of Varying Degrees In San Pedro Pinula there exis t Ladinos of varying degrees. While a Ladino is generally defined as anyone who is not indigenous, the extent to which one is considered Ladino depends upon physical traits, language us e, and birthplace as well as local perception of a given individuals ancestry. There are those who are considered to be of purely Spanish ances try since there is no record of their families having interbred with Indians. These individuals are called puros (pure) or bien Ladino (very Ladino). One particular familythough they are not the wealthiest in the communityhas an inordinately high degree of pr estige solely because they have maintained purely Spanish bloodlines. Other varieties of Ladino include Ladino mixto (mixed Ladino), who are of mixed Maya and Ladino blood but still considered Ladino; and Ladino dorado (toasted

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58 Ladino) who are Ladino but have darker skin, an d are thus perceived as having a greater degree of mixed ancestry. Locals can t ypically trace the lineage of the mo re recently mixed Ladinos to a specific inter-breeding incident between a Ladino man and an Indian woman, and affairs of this type are common. Maya are also considered lavado (cleanedwashed), if they have a specific Ladino physical trait that may give them claim to Ladino ancestr y. This is more rare though, as Maya are also always considered indio (Indian) no matter the circumstances. The bloodrace matrix of San Pedro Pinula is based on hypodescent as the children of a LadinoMaya union are considered to be Maya. Th ese inter-ethnic relations are usually between Ladino men and Maya women as relations betw een Ladino employers and their female Maya servants are common. Ladino men also have Maya lovers in the villages or in the town. Illegitimate children ( hijos de casa ) tend to join the ranks of their Indian mothers. Exceptions to hypodescent do occur with regularity when th e phenotypic expression shows more Ladino traits in the offspring, if, for example, the child is very light-skinned or light-eyed. In this case the child may be able to pass as a lower cla ss Ladino and still possibly marry into the Ladino ethnic group. In conclusion, Ladino ethnic categories illustrate heterogene ity and variety within what is considered to be a homogeneous group in Guatemala. Maya and Ladino Festivals and Dances Festivals and dances in San Pedro Pinula are clear examples of ethnic divisions. The three separate festivals in the town of San Pedro Pi nula are divided along ethnic lines. The San Pedro festival is considered Indian, the San Lucas festival is considered Ladino, and the largest festival, the festival of the Virgen of Candelaria is for ev eryone but is controlled and administered by Ladinos. Festivals are celebrat ed with a special Catholic mass, vendors with games and food, fee-based dances, and rodeos. On ly the Ladino festival of San Lucas has no

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59 vendors. San Pedro Day is accentuated with week-long celebrations in the cofrada (Maya brotherhood) and with rituals performed in Maya homes. All three festivals have elected queens, Reina de la Feria (Queen of the Festival), Flor de Feria (Flower of the Festival, the Queens maiden), and Seorita de Deportes (Lady of Sports). The festival of the Virgen of Candelaria, ha s a queen who is always Ladino, and a Pokomam Princess, who is Maya. There is an annual publis hed flyer announcing the festival events, which features a large picture of the La dino Queen of the Festival on the front and lists the detailed events on the inside. After reviewing over a decade of flyers from previous festivals, I noticed that all had the full names of the Ladino queens printed; not one, howev er, listed the names of the Maya princesses. In some cases the Ladi no Queen names would be in bold while Pokomam Queens were never named at all. The villages of San Pedro Pi nula all have their own patron saint days and small local celebrations occur in the surrounding villages of Aguacate, Pinalito, Santo Domingo, and Agua Zarca. These festivals are attended by Ladino and Maya alike as Pinalito, Agua Zarca, and Santo Domingo have large populations of Ladinos (these villages are exte nsions of the main town and Santo Domingo is the original Spanish colonial settlement). Even though Aguacate has only one Ladino family, Ladinos from the town attend but are usually patrones (employers) of Aguacate villagers. Festivals and their Significance San Pedro (June 9) : This is considered the Indian fe stival and is attended by Ladinos and Maya alike even though th e activities involving the cofrada and its building are exclusively Indian. The principal Catholic mass is at tended by Maya from all over the region. The local cofrada building (Maya church) is full of ac tivities all week culminating in the weekend festival. Maya families come from a ll over the region and often sleep either with

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60 relatives or at the cofrada building. The cofrada (Maya brotherhood) coor dinate the making of food for communal consumption, pigs are slaughtere d for pork tamales, black corn is boiled in large vats for the making of the ritual drink schuco and large clay pots are full of black beans. The women are constantly boiling and gr inding corn for tortillas and large comales are surrounded by young women flipping the round cris py disks of grinded corn. Men (and some women) are drunk on cusha (local moonshine) throughout the w eekend and usually passed out in dark corners. There are traditi onal activities performed inside a nd outside the building, such as horse races and climbing the pole, which entails young men trying to scale a greased cofrada pole for cash. The cofrada shrine to San Pedro is lighted with Christmas lights and shiny ribbons and donations boxes are set up in front of each saint for blessings. Since the vendors are set up in towns plaza, Ladinos attend this se ction but do not venture up two blocks to the cofrada building except for the horse races which are done outside on the street. San Lucas (October 18) : Local Maya described this festival as the feria de los ricos (the festival of the rich) and is only attended by Ladi nos. It is a small weekend festival accentuated by a parade of horses ridden by La dinos through the town, ending at the towns coliseum for the rodeo. This is strictly Ladino and the Maya do no t participate in any activities. Although Saint Luke is the patron saint of physicians and surg eons and should be celebrated on October 18, San Lucas is considered by locals to be the patron sain t of cattle. This local interpretation may be due to the fact that St. Luke is usually depicted w ith the symbol of an ox or a calf as a symbol of the sacrifice that Jesus made for the world. In San Pedro Pinula, San Luca s is represented at the Catholic mass with a statue of San Lucas with a large bull sitting at hi s feet symbolizing the importance to cattle to the local Ladinos.

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61 Virgen de Candelaria (February 2) : Labeled the most traditional festival in the Eastern Highlands by websites on Guatemalan tourism, this is actually the most commercial festival and on the largest scale. While ever yone attends this festival, ther e are two rodeos, the one on Saturday is considered the Indian rodeo and ha s a cheap entrance fee. Usually it has a higher attendance of Maya and many Ladinos as well. Th e bulls and entertainment are usually of lower quality. The Sunday rodeo is cons idered the rich rodeo and has a high entrance fee and is attended only by Ladinos. The entertainment is high-quality (meaning more singers, a band, and clowns) and the Ladinos bring the largest bulls and prestigi ous bull riders from nearby departments. The locals say she is the virgin of the humldes (the poor). Dances Dances are an important part of the festival s and social events in general. Older Ladinos use dances as illustrative of changing times a nd the upset of social order in the community. Dances were once considered a Ladino domain and a social event for young ladino men and women to socialize under the supervision of the community. Now dances are attended by anyone, meaning that lower class Ladinos and Maya as well enter this event. Before Maya had their own dances but they were assembled in thei r own homes or in temporary tents. The fact the tradition of exclusively Ladino danc es is no longer strictly adhere d to illustrate to the older generation the loss of respect from the Indians and a loss of soci al custom that separate Maya and Ladinos socially. The Setting: San Pedro Pinula, Jalapa, Guatemala Eastern Guatemala is also known as the Oriente which is literally translated as the East and refers to the Eastern Highlands. The Oriente is generally considered similar to the Wild West of the United States in the 1800s. Not only is it a dry and arid region, similar to the American Southwest, but it is also ch aracterized by the prominence of the cattle industry and an

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62 accompanying cowboy mystique, which signifies a lack of effective law enforcement. In the Guatemalan national psyche, the Oriente is created in opposition to the Occidente (Western Highlands) of Guatemala, which is composed of the high green volcanic mountains dotted by fog-enveloped villages and peopled with a quaint and subdued indigenous population. On the other hand, in the Oriente, the land of Ladi nos, the men are characterized as macho, gunslinging, quick-witted storytelle rs, and their women as hot-blooded and beautiful. The Eastern Highlands are predominately ruled by powerful right-wing politicians. In reality, Guatemala is not a place of su ch harsh dualities, th ough the common theme of Ladino vs. MayaEast vs. West remains in the ev eryday discourse and the national imagination. Guatemala is actually a land of great diversity, both in la ndscapes as well as population. Covering over 42, 000 square miles, Guatemala is onl y slightly smaller than the size of the state of Tennessee, yet encompasses an astonishing ra nge of ecosystems and microclimates. From the limestone plateau of the Northern Petn, along the dense jungles of the Eastern Caribbean coast, across the cloud-forests of the Verapaces, to th e volcanic peaks of the Western Highlands, and down to the flat and steamy Pacific coastal plai n, it is no wonder that Guatemala has become an international destination for tourists and scientists alike. The importance of place is crit ical in understanding the difference between the Maya from the Occidente and the Maya of the Oriente The colonial Spanish and Creoles preferred the Oriente to the Western highlands for their land an d agricultural interest s and occupied the Oriente in higher numbers than in the West (Macleod 1973; McCreery 1994). Agricultural products cultivated by the Spanish included whea t, corn, cotton, and beans, and animal-based products included honey, poultry, and fish from Eastern Guatemala. The Spanish were also able to collect manufactured goods from the region, such as ceramic containers (ollas), sandals, reed

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63 mats, and cloth (Feldman 1981; 1985). Since Coloni al times, the Maya of the Western Highlands have struggled to overcome barriers of language and ethnic affiliation that have traditionally alienated them from one another, yet theyve been somewhat unified in maintaining a degree of autonomy from Ladino culture. This quality disti nguishes them from the Maya in the Oriente whose isolation from other Maya groups subjected them to a more intense pressure to assimilate to Spanish culture. Metz (1998) has also suggested that the Eastern Maya were hi storically exposed to greater suppression than the western Maya since they were forced into repartimiento labor for the expanding East and likewise subjected to a higher degree of incorporation into Ladino society. The Eastern Mayas high degree of integration is evidenced in their high rates of bilingualism and low rates of Maya monolingualism, in contra st to the Western Maya, who are more often less proficient in Spanish (Adams and Bastos 2003). Nonetheless, th e Eastern Maya are a resilient group and have survived even though they are surrounded by large Ladino populations and are isolated from other Mayan groups (see Figure 2-3 A). The Region The Department of Jalapa San Pedro Pinula is a large municipality within the department of Jalapa in the Eastern highlands. The department of Jalapa contai ns seven municipalities: Jalapa, Monjas, Mataquescuintla, San Carlos Alzatate, San Manue l Chaparrn, San Pedro Pinula, and San Luis Jilotepeque, and covers over 2063 square kilome ters (797 square miles) with a population of 242,926 (INE 2002). Jalapa is also the name of departme nt city capital, which serves as the main commercial and administrative center for the region.7 7 I will be using the name Jalapa when I refer to the capital city and Department of Jalapa in reference to the whole region.

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64 Though located only 100 or so kilometers east of Guatemala City, Jalapa was until recently only accessible by paved road via the nearby depart ment of Jutiapa, which was almost double the distance at 174 kilometers from the capital. Though the recent construction (1999) of a new paved road connects Jalapa to Guatemala City via the major country th roughway of CA-1, the department remains off any major commercial rout es. Though both paved routes make the city of Guatemala accessible, Jalapa continues to be under developed and rural, with little commercial development. Jalapas geographic isolation is surpassed only by its hi storical and cultural remoteness. As part of the larger Oriente regi on, Jalapa and its adjoini ng departments of Santa Rosa, Jutiapa, El Progesso, Zacapa, and Chiqu imula are considered part of Guatemala Olvidada (Forgotten Guatemala) due to an historic lack of interest in the region (Little-Siebold 1995:14). The Municipality of San Pedro Pinula San Pedro Pinula is a municipa lity with fifty-five thousa nd inhabitants. Even though Ladinos dominate the Oriente, various indigenous groups, such as the C horti and the Eastern Pokomam also reside in dense populations in the region. Various ethnographies on the Chorti(Wisdom 1940, Metz 1995) and the Po komam (Tumin 1952, Gillen 1951), document their lives, but generally the Maya of the Orient e remain under-scrutinized because they reside outside the familiar focus of Maya cultural studiesthe western highlands of Guatemala. Detailed documentation of Ladino life in Eastern Guatemala is e qually scarce (Dary 1998, LittleSiebold 2002, Lpez Garca and Metz 2002). San Pedro Pinulas population is 98% Pokomam Maya, most of whom are dispersed among the forty-six villages and hamlets nestle d in the mountains surrounding Pinula.. Ladinos, who control politics, economics, and land in the municipality, make up the remaining two percent of the population. The town serves as a general gathering point, supply depot, and

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65 bureaucratic center for the predom inantly rural populati on of the municipality. Most Ladinos reside in the town, and even though they const itute only a third of th e towns population, they dominate all social and economic aspects of Pinula life. As mentioned before, Anthropologist John G illen and sociologist Melvin Tumin conducted ethnographic research in nearby Sa n Luis Jilotepeque in the 1940s, but to date no work on Pinula exists. We can, however, make use of some of Tumins information that pertains to ethnic relations. Tumin described the relationship between Pokomam Maya and Ladinos as a state of peaceful tension (Tumin 1952:vii), portraying rela tions between the two groups as caste like in character and noting that their social system worked in a type of equilibrium (Tumin 1952:59). Though both Tumin and Gillen documented in great detail the economic and social disparities between Ladinos and the Pokomam, they felt these relations were complementary. Sixty years after Tumins work, the general sense of small-town tranquility belies underlying tensions in the towns history and everyday discourse. In fact, the historic battle for scarce resources created hostility between Ladino s and Indians, and the peaceful tension that Tumin described often erupted into violence. Ne vertheless, I generally concur with Tumin and Gillens findings about the rigid ethnic and soci al structure, which included a strict endogamy that contributed to maintaining each ethnic group within a consigned role. Colonial Antecedents to Local Ethnic Relations Though it would be impossible to cover the region s colonial history in this dissertation, local accountings of Pinula are of some use in describing pa st trends of the regions ethnic conflict. Most of the indigenous peoples who reside in town ar e descendents of the original Pokomam Maya inhabitants who we re ordered to live in a newly formed Pueblo de Indios in the late 1500s called San Pedro Pinula (AGCA 1584). Pueblos de Indios were the Spanish Crowns efforts to corral the Maya in order to force them to live in newly formed communities

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66 founded by Catholic clergy. The Spanish imposed a system of congregacin which included measures to force Mayas to live in town, wh ich enabled the crown appointees to maintain control, collect tribute, and instruct them in Catholicism. During colonial times and up until the late 1800s, the Mayas of Pinula kept communal la nds but were also subject to another Spanish law, repartimento or a form of labor tax that forced the Maya to work for powerful Spanish landowners. Mayas from Pinula were thus forced to travel hundreds of kilometers to Sansur in the West and Chiquimula in the East in orde r to fulfill their labor obligations (AGCA 1779; Fuentes y Guzmn 1972 [1690]). Ladino Expropriation of Indigenous Lands The 1700s saw an increase in large tracts of la nd that were measured and titled to various Spanish families, and disputes arose when Ladinos began to encroach on Pinulas ejidal (communal) lands in the late 1700s and early 1800s (Feldman 1981). Ladinos also complained that Indians were stealing cattle, which culminated in their requesting that Indians from Pinula be removed from the local hacienda (Feldman 1981). By the early 1800s, Pinula had some eighty caballeras8 of communal lands but were of ten pleading to have various usurpadores (squatters), most of whom were encroaching settlers, kicked off these lands. (Feldman 1981). Nonetheless, land conflicts remained outside the pueblos borders, and the town of San Pedro Pinula continued to exist as a predominantly Maya settlement until the late 1800s. Liberal reforms in the late 1800s encouraged Ladino emigration to Pinula for the purpose of occupying unused land. Ladino families thus came to Pinula, some from as far away as Honduras and El Salvador, others from the n earby Ladino towns of San Manuel Chaparrn and Monjas, in order to use indigenous labor for cattle production and over time, these families were 8 Each caballera equals 45 hectares.

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67 able to take control over indigenous, communal, a nd municipal lands. Today, the majority of the homes in the center of town are owned by Ladino s, and many of the older Pinula residents (both Ladino and Maya) recount the days when only indigenous families occupied these homes. Currently, only a handful of Ladino families possess most of the land in and around Pinula. Many own as much as forty cabellaras and, though these Ladinos sometimes have title to a portion of their lands, they may occupy as much as twenty time s the amount titled to them. While some of Pinulas indigenous people own sm all plots, the majority are landless and are forced to rent or sharecro p to grow the traditional milpa agriculture for their basic subsistence. Ladinos cultivate their lands for cattle, coff ee, and milpa production, all of which is accomplished with the labor of their Maya workers. Revolutionary Times The Democratic Revolutions of presidents Arvalo (1945-1950) and Arbenz (1951-1954) are representative of recent et hnic tensions between Maya an d Ladino. In the early 1950s, many local Pokomam organized with poor Ladinos in a peasant union against powerful Ladino landowners. Interestingly, opposition to agrarian reform came from both sides, as Ladino landowners, as well as the comunidad indgena (indigenous community), were concerned about land expropriation since their own hold on commu nal lands was tenuous. In fact, as tensions arose in the municipality, Pres ident Arbenz himself had to settle the case by expropriating municipal lands and giving them to peasants a nd renters. During this struggle, the Ladinos claimed that land they had purchased from the m unicipality should have b een considered private property, even though it was offi cially known as municipal. (Handy 1994). The expropriation may have infuriated the Ladinos because while their lands were ta ken, smaller indigenous parcels were left untouched. On the eve of the 1954 counter-revolution, Ladino-led militia groups forced Maya and reformist sympathizers fr om their homes, an action that culminated in

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68 arrests and assassinations, and whic h gave rise to one of the more notorious periods in the long history of conflict between the Maya and the Ladinos. Local accountings of the time of agrarian refo rm and the counter-revolution illustrate the way ethnic tensions eventually erupted into viol ence. Ladinos remember the days leading up to the event, which were characterized by a constant fear of a Maya uprising, and Ladina women recall their parents forbidding them from leaving their homes, warning them that Maya men were threatening to take the best La dina women for themselves. Local Maya and Ladinos agree that Maya and Ladino sympathizers alike were rounde d up and sent to jail in Jalapa. One Maya recalled how his Ladino patron vouched for him, thus saving him from certain death. Others were not so lucky, and locals speak of a g reat hole in the community cemetery dug by reformist sympathizers under gun point who were then killed and deposited into the mass grave. The Maya speak of this era in hushed tones, which reminds one of the power and control the Ladinos still have over their lives. Jalapa: Post-Arbenz to Present Guatemalas thirty-six year civil war had its r oots in the East and resulted in heavy military occupation in the state of Jalapa as well as throughout the Eastern Highlands (CEH 2002:131). During the 1960s, counterinsurgency groups moved swiftly against those suspected of guerrilla activity or those involved in political organizing th at was not affiliated with right wing parties, such as the MLN (Handy 1984:160). Large landowner s also used their connections to such groups to use violence against t hose who opposed their power, espe cially indigenous peoples and poor Ladinos (CEH 2002:141). During the late 1960s, the state of Guatemala began to use its power to control the violent region of East ern Guatemalaincluding Jalapa, Zacapa, and Jutiapaand continued to maintain a military presence until shortly after the signing of the Peace Accords in 1996.

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69 Also during this time, local citizens and military often in the guise of civilians, began to form paramilitary groups. These groups targ eted the lower and middle class Ladinos and indigenous peoples who constitute d the groups of moderate refo rmersor those who pushed for causes such as social justice and respect for human rights (Handy 1994)often using military terror tactics which included torture and mu rder (CEH 2002, REHMI 1999). Paramilitary groups also targeted local figures who were considered troublemakers or who posed some threat to the status quo. Counterinsurgents developed their technique s in the late1960s and 1970s, refining them into a stealthy weapon during the eighties and nineties, until they perfected the terrorizing of communities by leaving bodies in public places as a warning against political organizing or social opposition. Politically-motivated killings were especially numerous in the Eastern departments of Jalapa, Zacapa, Izabal, and Chiq uimula, and the victims of these crimes were frequently left in a conspicuous place as warning or threatan integral part of the overall campaign of terror (Mo rrison and May 1994:123). Several informants described these times as tense and dangerous, claiming that the military presence created an atmosphere of secrecy a nd paranoia. Everyone was suspected of being an oreja (ear or spy) and community me mbers became ever watchful of who they spoke to and what they said. The military maintained a constant pr esence by posting themselves in a building in the center of town next to the municipal complex where they brought people for questioning. Several of these detainees were reportedly tortured, and, in at least one instance, killed. One informant described the scenario as follows: You could see the soldiers washing the military trucks in the main plaza everyday as if there was nothing better to do. But yet in the morning the tr ucks would appear dirty and full of mud as if th e soldiers had spent the night very busy. Though some say it was a peaceful time and the area was safe from delinquency, but people disappeared and bodies

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70 would appear on the roadsides as a reminder of what could happen if you got involved in anything you shouldnt be. As reported by the Commission for Historical Clarification, Pinula is one of only two municipalities in the state of Jalapa identified as sites where military-sponsored violence occurred. Though Jalapa is critically absent from post-conflict repor ts on the violence of the civil war, this is does not signify th at the region did not suffer during th e four decades of conflict. The small amount of data on human rights offens es in the region illustrates the extent of the militarys control over the area, as it suggests th at citizens are reluctant to report occurrences of such abuses. Early International Migration The first wave of international migration from Jalapa to the United States began in the late 1960s and 1970s when wealthy Ladinos fled to a void forced military inscription. Dispossessed Ladinos and indigenous people who lacked the resources to leave were forced to remain in Pinula and endure military inscription, and, in so me cases, made to disappear. The military used pernicious tactics to collect men for servi ce, often dispatching army trucks to local Sunday soccer matches, or organizing dances as a ru se to lure young men of conscription age. Many males, both Maya and Ladino, fell victim to these round-ups. Some nearby villages were heavily affected by forced and voluntar y army inscription: when many of these of ex-soldi ers returned home, the community members were reminded of the large extent to which violence and fear ha s been a part of the communal psyche. According to experts of both the East and Western Highlan ds, the presence of ex-soldiers in their natal communities can create an atmo sphere of intimidation and fear among fellow community members (Green 1999, Metz 1998). Today in postconflict Guatemala, some ex-soldiers use their experience in the army as a weapon to in timidate local Ladinos in order to gain an

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71 advantage in LadinoMaya business exchanges and cattle ranching. Many Ladinos fear the Indian ex-soldiers, as they view the combination of knowledge of weaponry and an Indians savagery as a dangerous combination. Even so, some local Ladinos are able to use these exsoldiers to their advantage, sometimes contr acting them as hired guns. On several occasions, Ladinos employed ex-soldiers to settle local La dino family feuds. As one Ladino aptly put it, Your life is worth the price of a bullet and the couple of quetzals it takes to pay a Indian to do it ( Su vida vale el precio del balazo y los centavos para el indio ). The beginnings of migration to the United States While early Ladino migration formed the basis for the current migrant circuits to the United States, the first wave of Maya migrati on began in the past decade. While many Maya groups from the Western Highlands fled to the Unite d States during the height of the civil war in the 1980s and 1990s, the Pokomam Maya in this study did not migrate because they became members of the Guatemalan army, whether they el ected to join the military or were conscripted by force. After serving their time in the military these Maya ex-soldiers anticipated work as congressional bodyguards in Guatemala City, but were frustrated to find this an impossibility after the signing of the Peace A ccords. The lack of post-war opportunities, either with the military or as civilians, along with the temptation of an increasingly porous U.S. border, prompted a marked increase in Maya migration in the 1990s.

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72 2-1. Women carrying water and la undry on the road between San Pedro and San Luis. The valley of Pinula is in the background as is the winding road that c onnects the two towns (credit David Datze, Peace Corps worker in 1983-1985 in El Cumbre, San Pedro Pinula). 2-2. Women's apparel. Older woman on left (photo A) wears the traditional corte and blouse with her hair in ribboned braids which encircle he r head to signify he r marital status. The young women on the right (photo B) proudly wear their best vestidos plagadas during festival week.

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73 2-3. Maps of Jalapa and Maya language groups: Th e state of Jalapa is located in the eastern section of Guatemala with its isolated Pokomam Maya populati ons. Map A (on left) shows the Maya language groups, while Map B (on right) highlights the department of Jalapa.

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74 CHAPTER 3 TRANSFORMING ETHNICITY IN TH E TRANSNATIONAL SPHERE: MAYA AND LADINO RELATIONS IN GUATEMALA AND BOSTON This chapter traces how traditional patronclient relations have facilitated Maya entrance into the transnational migrat ion stream and the ways in which Ladino economic support and interests have sustained Maya migration. Alt hough the indigenous entr ance into a once Ladinodominated migrant stream has exacerbated ethnic tensions in the home community, it has also created an arena for re-examining MayaLadino dichotomies and inequalities. This chapter illustrates how recent international migration is transforming San Pedro Pinulas social and ethnic structure. Additionally, this chapter dem onstrates how the United Stat es as a receiving community influences migrants beliefs about ethnicity. The North American raci al matrix is limited to an all encompassing LatinoHispanic label that does not recognize the heteroge neous nature of Latin American identities, no r the ethnic differences among Guatemalans. For Maya migrants, this creates an equalizing aff ect that reshapes their attitudes about the differences between themselves and Ladinos, while for Ladinos, it often reinfo rces inherent racism. Finally, transnational migration creates new economic and cultural venu es for the ethnic relations between Maya and Ladinos, which sometimes results in inter-ethnic re lationships (friendships courtships, and even marriages), which would not typical ly occur in the home community. Ladino and Maya Migration to the United States As discussed in Chapter Two, years of colonial conquest, independence, and postindependence relations between the Maya and the Spanish, as well as their Spanish-Maya (Ladino) descendents, created an interdependent relationship fraught with fear and distrust. Since Ladinos managed the majority of land and reso urces, local and national conflict revolved around Ladino efforts to maintain power and control. In the late 20th century, Ladino privilege included

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75 the ability to avoid military service during Guat emalas civil war and instead migrate to the United States. While early Ladino migration established the mi grant circuits to the United States, Maya migrants to the Boston area have entered the in ternational migrant stre am during the past two decades. The character of GuatemalaUnited States migration has roots in the thirty-six year civil war, which began in the 1960s. Heavy military occupation in San Pedro Pinula and throughout the Oriente forced Ladinos to flee to the United States in order to avoid forced military inscription. Lacking the resources to le ave, local Pokomam Maya remained and were frequently forced into military service. When the war intensified in the 1980s and 1990s, Maya from the Western Highlands be gan to migrate to the United States, while Eastern Highland Pokomam Maya joined the Guatemalan army, specifically the Polica Militar Ambulante (Mobile Military Police). Numerous Pokomam males had fallen victim to military round-ups, but others saw military jobs as a better option than working for los ricos (the rich) in town. Many men thus left their villages in San Pedro Pinula to serve in th e army alongside indigenous peoples from other regions of Guatemala. During the 1980s, the war escalated in the Western Highlands and Maya men from Pinula fought in the heaviest battle zone s, such as Ixcn, the Ixil triangle in Quich, and Petn. The war ended with the signing of th e 1996 Peace Accords, and many ex-soldiers thus joined the northward migration flow. As one young man told me, I really wasted my time in the army. I thought I would receive training or learn some skills. Before, you could get work in the city as a Congressional bodyguar d, but since the peace accords there is no work for ex-soldiers. I spen t all that time for nothing. I am going to the (United) States because there is nothing here for me. Maya ex-soldiers depended on the promis e of work as congressional bodyguards in Guatemala City, but were later frustrated to find that the signing of the Peace Accords had made

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76 this an impossibility. The Maya in this study are comprised of th is group of migrants who left Guatemala towards the end of the civil war and du ring the Post-conflict era, as opposed to most Maya in Guatemala, who fled dur ing the height of the conflict. Indigenous Entrance in the Migrant Stream: the Importance of PatronClient Relations International migration was Ladino-dominated until the late 1980s when the patron-client relations that govern Ladino and Maya interactio ns began to allow Mayas access to the migrant stream. Entrenched through hundreds of years of practice, patron-client relations in Guatemala, as in other parts of Latin America, are recipr ocal relationships that allow the financially underprivileged a measure of personal and ec onomic gain by forming alliances (Lande 1977; Mintz and Wolf 1950; Wolf 1959, 1966). In Guatem ala, the Ladino landowner forms a patronclient relationship with a Maya when the Ma ya rents or sharecrops the patrons land. The relationship has various economic a nd social dimensions as both the client and patron use this relationship to their advantage. The patron is under obligation to provide the worker ( mozo ) with economic and social support in various forms, such as lending money, building materials, and patronage for weddings, fiestas, and important social events. In turn, the client is at the beck and call of the patron, often providing fr ee labor at a moments notice. The patrons status is raised by the quality and quantity of his workers and the workers life is improved by his affiliation to a family of higher status. These relations are often cemented with a godparenthood ( compadrazgo ) relationship that also allows for additional religious and social obligations. While these relationships are supposedly reciprocal and mutu ally beneficial, they most often benefit the patron more than the mozo, who feels a cons tant obligation to se rve his beneficiary (Adler 2002). Pinultecos explain that the benefits of these relationships are depe ndent on the generosity of the patron. Workers believe their fate depends on wh ether they work for a good or bad patron,

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77 and the ostensible generosity of one of th ese good patrons ultimately facilitated Maya entrance in the GuatemalaUnited States migrant stream. One advantage of transnational migration is that it allows people of lower status to gain economic and social capital through the money and knowledge gained in the United States (Levitt 2001; Portes 1995). This contrasts with the situation in Guatemala where patronclient relations have been the tr aditional means through whic h the Maya have accessed resources and social capital. When Ladino patrons helped their workers to migrate, patr on-client relationships became the means for the Maya to become a part of the transnational movement of people, goods, and ideas. In Rachel Adlers (2002) work on Yucatecan Maya in Dallas, she asserts that patronclient relations developed as longer term migrants in Dallas gained social capital in the United States and used this capital to form sim ilar relationships with newer incoming migrants. As Adler points out, these noveau riche, who ne ver would have played a patron-like role in Mexico, were able to rise from their humble backgrounds into prestigious and powerful positions through offering goods and services to othe r Yucatecos (2002:155). This pattern was replicated in San Pedro Pinula wh en local Maya began to ask thei r Ladino patrons to help them migrate to Boston. Later, these same Maya adopt ed a patron-like role when, as established migrants, they supported other Ma ya who desired to migrate. The first Ladino to help his Maya workers migrate to the United States was a young man named Carlos, who had been left to administer the family farm after his father died. Though Carlos family owned and administered most of the land in and around th e Maya village nearest to the town of San Pedro Pinula, like many young Ladinos, Carlos wa s somewhat cash-poor because his wealth was in fixed capital such as land and cattle and was offi cially the property of his mother. His family was one of several large landowners in the area, yet since they were so

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78 close to the nearest villa ge, they controlled the livelihoods of dozens of mozos9 (workers) and hundreds of their family member s. The wives and children of mozos often work for the landowners as servants and, when in town, spend most of their time at the patrons home, selling any products they may have, such as produce and poultry, or helping the family with the harvest or with milk and cheese production. Similar to haciendas, most Ladino family homes in the community act as a central location for the mozos A mozo or his wife typically attempt to sell items to their patron before offering it to other Ladinos. As in any typi cal patronclient relation, mozos frequent the homes of their patrons, asking for favors, loans, or advice, or just sitting and chatting with whoever is around. Carlos mother was a famous patrona who was very kind and generous to her gente (people) and who was well respecte d in the village nearest her farm. Carlos decided to leave the farm in th e care of his younger brother and use family connections to migrate to Boston. Before he left for the United States, several of his Maya mozos asked him to take them along. Despite the objections of his family, once he was established in Boston, Carlos loaned money to several Maya me n for the journey through Mexico. When they arrived in Boston, he found them lodging, secured jani torial jobs for them at a prestigious Boston university, and assisted them with political asylum applications These initial Maya migrants established their home village as the locus of Ma ya immigration to the United States. The story of Carlos and the first sojourners is well known in the community, many of whom view it unfavorably. Carlos mother is one of the Ladi nos who agrees that sponsoring Maya migration was a poor decision and that Carlos assist ed in the demise of the community: If it werent for my son, none of those Inditos [damn little Indians] would have anything. They wouldnt be driving their fancy pick-up trucks or their women sitting around getting 9 Mozo is a complex term which literally means wage laborer In San Pedro Pinula, it is usually the term used for the client in a formal patron-client relationship. Mozos work for and are loyal to their patrons, and in some cases may be loyal to one family for generations.

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79 fat while they wait for their do llars to arrive. The Indians ar e lazy and they no longer want to work for us [Ladinos]. They have lost respect for the old ways. Most Ladinos in Pinula feel th at Maya migration has upset th e old social order and thus produces lazier and less respectful Indians . Despite this disparaging view of the indigenous Maya and their migra tion, Ladinos do not let their opinions interfere with their business acumenLadino patrons including Carlos mother, unde rwrite Maya migration by providing high-interest loans. Wh en Pokomam Maya want to join their relatives in the United States, they borrow from their patrons. Mone y lending has become big business in Pinula because interest rates stand at ten to twenty percent per month on loans of several thousand dollars. When Pokomam migrants run behind on payments, Ladinos seize the homes and the small parcels of land that the migrants were obliged to put up as collateral. Further, when they borrow from their Ladino patrons, some Maya end up in extreme financial difficulty since they do not always succeed in getting to the United States. Juan, a Maya in his thirties, made three attempts to cross th e border in Mexico but was deported every time. While he lost his thirteen thousand Quetzales (about $2,000), he still ow ed this money to the Ladino who had rented it to him. When I s poke to him, he was two months behind on payments. He had put up his house for collateral and swore that as long as his brother remained in Boston, he would continue to look for someone else to lend him more money to make another attempt. LadinoMaya patronclient relations pe rsist under the auspices of a newly created money lending system fueled by international migration. Migrants Helping and Recei ving Other Migrants Carlos facilitation of Maya migration to Boston created the current pattern in which migrant circuits are sustained only through mutu al assistance between established and new migrants. While many scholars have discussed ho w these circuits are created and maintained

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80 through familial and communal cont acts, they rarely explain how these contacts are initiated, negotiated, and propagated. During this research I was able to discover so me key vocabulary that helped clarify how migrants borrow, lend, and he lp one another. A precise understanding of the migrant vocabulary aids in illustrating the pow er dynamics intrinsic to MayaLadino migration and how patronclient relations func tion to support this migration. Undocumented Migration Through the Decades In order for an undocumented Pinulteco to migr ate to the United Stat es, he/she typically needs to hire a human smuggler (coyote) to ge t through Mexico and cross the U.S. border. In the past, the migrant would pay a fee in the sending countrys currency which would secure passage to his destination city. Older Ladino migrants remember paying 800 or 1000 Quetzales (about the equivalent in dollars since the exchange rate in Guatemala in the 1970s and early 1980s was one to one) to a coyote in Guatemala C ity, who would then deliver the migrant to Los Angeles via Tijuana. Those migran ts who were heading to a city on the East Coast (usually New York or Boston) arranged for the airfare from Lo s Angeles to be tallied into the smuggling fee. In contrast, during the 1990s as the human smuggling business expanded and security along the U.S.Mexico border strengthened, migrants were re quired to contract with several coyotes in order to make it to their final destination. Thus, todays migrants incur many more expenses than in previous years. Likewise, the way in which th ey pay for the services of coyotes has become increasingly complex. The complexity of migrating to the United States is illustrated in the following example. In 2003, a migrant would pay a certain amount in Quetzales in Guatemala and then another substantial amount in dollars once he successfully reached the last safe house on the U.S. side of the border. Safe houses are re sidences, hotels, or abandoned buildings where migrants stay on the way through Mexico and upon arrival in th e United States. Because of the likelihood of

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81 being assaulted or picked up by the authorities in Mexico, it is patently dangerous to carry a significant amount of cash; accordingly, the migran t has to arrange for someone in the United States to wire the money to the coyote upon arri val. When the coyote receives his payment, he will release the migrant from the safe house. The time it takes to get through Mexico varies widely (from one week to several months) and the receiver may be kept waiting for weeks before hearing of the incoming migrants arrival. Since it is often difficult to communicate wi th the migrant during the journey, the time between the migrants departure and arrival can be difficult for family and friends. In most cases, the migrants family must endure frequent rumors regarding the migrants status. Often, such rumors are a constant source of anxiety as the family may imagine that the migrant has disappeared, been apprehended by border authorities, become lost in the desert, or drowned. One family I interviewed lost their uncle when he a ttempted to migrate. Even though others from his group had arrived safely in Boston, the uncle had been last seen in the Mexican desert near Arizona. After two years, the family still held onto the hope that he had been taken by Mexican authorities and, since he is illiterate, had been unable to ma ke his way back home. Anecdotes of this sort are uncommon, howev er, since most Pinultecos travel to the United States in groups ranging in size from three to twenty people, which allows the friends/families of migrants to rely on the accounts of other group members for some news of their relative. Finding Someone to Ayudar (Help) and Recibir (Receive) As I studied migration from San Pedro Pi nula to the United States, I focused on the migrant networks and how the migration process functioned. When I asked return migrants who had helped them get to the United States, I learned that migrants and community members distinguish between the terms ayudar (help) and recibir (receive). To recei ve a migrant is to assist him once he arrives in the United States Such assistance means wiring the dollars to the

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82 coyote, finding a place for the arriving migrant to live, and facilitating jo b contacts. The person who helps is solely responsible for lending the Quetzales to pay the first coyote in Guatemala. The receiver pays the coyote in the United States and provid es the migrant with lodging and employment. Since receiving involves a substa ntial amount of effort and commitment, the receiver is usually a close re lative. In some cases, households of young men pool their money to bring over a close friend or re lative and provide lodging and employment. Occasionally, the receiving person lends the dollars on the U.S. side but does not provide lodging or job contacts. In such cases, migrants said these pe ople had received them but not helped them. Ladinos helping Ladinos The first wave of migration (1960s to la te 1970s) from San Pedro Pinula consisted exclusively of Ladinos who easily obtained touris t visas because of their financial resources and light skin color (also se e Margolis 1994). Light skin color indicates their status as Ladinos. According to American embassy workers, even pr oper papers are not necessa rily as important as a persons appearance in securi ng a tourist visa, since many offi cial looking documents can be forgeries. Many of these Embassy employees disc riminate against people who are short and who have dark skin, qualities they associate with the low status of the Maya. Accordingly, the first wave of Ladino migrants were gi ven tourist visas and allowed to migrate to the United States without paying for the assistance of a coyote. Further, many upper-class Ladinos also have family members in the capital city who work as professionals and provide them with a place to st ay and financial and soci al support. It is also easier for Ladinos to prove to the American Em bassy that they have permanent ties in Guatemala. In order to obtain a tourist visa, on e has to demonstrate the financial capacity and permanent ties that would make th em more likely to return to Guatemala after a short stay in the United States (under six months). A prospectiv e migrant can prove he has permanent ties by

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83 showing the embassy official documentation, such as land titles, job contracts, and business documents. The less fortunate among the Ladinos had to go through Mexico, though the fee was more reasonable in years past as crossing through the TijuanaSout hern California border was relatively easy and less dangerous than it is today. During the first two decades of Ladino migration from San Pedro Pinula, many migrants traveled to Los Angeles, Boston, and New York, using their family connections to reac h and settle into these receiving communities. Ladinos Helping Maya: Maya Helping Themselves As mentioned previously, the first Maya migrants were a handful of men who used the patronclient relationship to migrate to Boston. Afte r this initial migration, the Maya in Boston began to help their relatives from the same villages to migrate. The first Maya to migrate were from the nearby villages of Aguacate and Pinalito, which are the closet villages to the town of Pinula; in later years, Maya from the town were able to enter the migrant circuit. Maya migrants report that during this period they began to save money to bri ng their relatives to the United States, but that it was particularly difficultif not impossibleto pay for the coyote services in Guatemala and the United States, which created a situation in which prospective Maya migrants had people to receive them abroad, yet lacked the Quetzales to pay for the first stage of migration. Accordingly, it became increasingly common for Maya to borrow Quetzales from someone in Guatemala and borrow dollars from their relatives to receive them in the U.S. Since the Maya had yet to establish a large group of return migrants in Guatemala with substantial economic capital, Ladinos became the only option for money-lending for the first leg of the journey. Ladinos who had historically provided mozos with favors, including money-lending, were now in a position to charge exceptionally hi gh interest rates, from ten to twenty percent monthly, on loans ranging in the thousands of dollars.

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84 As Adler found in her research, transnati onal migration has provided people of lower status, in this case, the Maya a nd Ladinos of the municipality of San Pedro Pinula, to replicate patron-client relations by helpi ng receive other migrants in th e United States (2002). Even so, the increased price and two-stage payment struct ure for the journey through Mexico has retained traditional patronclient relations between Ladino and Maya. Ladino patrons continue to exploit their workers by helping (lending the Quetzales ) with the initial payment in Guatemala. Though the United States does provide the venue for lower status Maya to become patrons, Maya in San Pedro Pinula still utilize their esta blished Ladino patrons as well out of necessity. Maya Migration and Increased Ethnic Divisions After Carlos helped initiate the migration of his workers to the United States in the late 1980s, the frequency of Maya migration through the indigenous communities of San Pedro Pinula increased markedly. Pokomam Maya often pr efer migrating to the United States rather than working for Ladinos, moving to the capital c ity, or joining the army. The lack of Maya laborers, and the increased capital (in the form of U.S. dollars) in the hands of the Maya, make Ladinos uneasythey see their trad itional power over the Maya di minishing as more and more of the indigenous population migrates to the United States. Local discourse emphasizes this conti nuing MayaLadino division. Terms such as Indios Lamidos or Indios Perdidos illustrate how Ladinos feel about Maya returnees whose improved financial situation causes them to think they ar e in a better social and whose improved finances allow them to believe that they are in a better social and cultural position than the familiar social structure ascribes to them. Indio Lamido traditionally described a Ma ya who socialized with Ladinos, but then begin to think th ey are just like Ladinos and act like they are something they are not, and even (Indian men) go as far as wa nting to be with Ladina women. Such Mayas were always tolerated, but never fully accepted, by local society. Indio Perdido literally means

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85 lost Indian, which refers to an Indian who no longer knows who he is and is confused about his identity. In the current context, Indio Lamido and Indio Perdido refer to returning Maya migrants and/or their family members who wear Western clothing, drive cars or pick-up trucks, or exhibit other qualities formerly associated only with La dinos, and who thus expect to be treated equally. Ladinization is the process whereby Indian s were becoming Ladinos or more Ladinolike (Adams 1994:529). Wearing Western clothes and adopti ng Ladino culture has been described by anthropologists for decades as the process by which the Maya became Ladino. This model stresses the importan ce of cultural markers (cloth ing, language, use of modern conveniences) to differentiate between Maya an d Ladino rather than ethnicity and ancestry. Local Ladinos ascribe to this model and believ e the Maya of San Pedro Pinula are trying to become more Ladino (more like them) and in terpret changes brought on by transnational migration as a serious thr eat to the status quo and thus to their very existence. In contrast to this disparaging view of Ladinization, Adams posits a co-evolutionary model that emphasizes Maya and Ladino co-dependence for economic survival Adams hypothesizes th at Maya and Ladino co-dependence results in a simultaneous respons e and adaptation to globa lization. It would be more appropriate to recognize that both Ladinos and Maya are i ndustrializing or globalizing, rather than ladinizing; they are trying to reproduce themselves as industrially coherent, if dependent, cultures in the modern world (Adams 1994:532). In Adams model, transnational migration enab les those of lower soci al status to acquire material objects and thus improve their standard of living. In the case of Ladinos and Maya, transnational migration affects both groups in similar ways (increased economic and social capital), but has been construe d by the dominant group as a threat to their established social structure and livelihoods. As illustrated in th e following section, Ladinos often attempt to

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86 maintain patterns of ethnic dominance by activ ely thwarting Maya efforts to invest their remittances in productive economic activities. Land, Income-Generation, and Remittance Investment Rapid Return of Pokomam M aya to the Migrant Circuit Most Ladinos complain that returning Mayas spend their money over-zealously on elaborate housing and fancy cars. Maya stupidity and inability to hand le the responsibility that comes with earning U.S. dollars, Ladinos belie ve, is the reason Maya me n often return to the migrant circuit. While Ladino migrants average onl y one return trip to the United States, Mayas who intend to stay in their natal communities often re-enter the migrant circuit within one to two years. Even though Maya migration is only a decade old, interviews and surv eys for this research reveal that repeat migration is more comm on among the Maya population than among Ladinos. Ladinos often disparagingly remark that rapid return of Maya to the United States is due to their incompetence. This research, however, rev ealed that Mayas return to the United States primarily because of their low initial resource base and Ladi no monopoly over viable income generation in Pinula. These two f actors conspire to limit Maya in tegration into the local economy as Ladino control over land, mate rial resources, and informati on often frustrate attempts by Mayas to invest in local income-generating activities. Land was formerly seen as a necessity for surv ival in Pinula becaus e it was fundamental to the main source of subsistence, milpa (corn and bean) agriculture. This is no longer the case since the viability of milpa agriculture has become much diminished: the consensus in the community is that the drop in the price of co rn and beans has become a limiting factor. Though milpa still plays a significant cultural and economic role, most migrants attempting to reestablish themselves in their home community seek alternative ways to generate income.

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87 The options open to returning Maya are neve rtheless limited: cattle ranching, for instance, with its connotations of trem endous wealth and power, have remained an exclusively Ladino enterprise. When Maya returnees have attempted to invest in cattle, their efforts have been thwarted by an inability to buy or rent the larg e quantities of land necessary to raise and feed cattle, or complicated by a long dry season and a scarcity of wate r. Ladinos have taken advantage of Mayas small landholdings and general ignor ance of cattle ranching. One Ladino offered his view of the prospect of Ladino-Ma ya cooperation in cattle ranching: I tried explaining to this Indito [damn little Indian] how to ra ise cattle. I was trying to help him out and explain to him how you raise and fe ed them, but the Indians are as bad as us. We dont trust them and neither do they trust us Even though I was telling him the truth he didnt listen to me. I sold him calves in the winter [rainy season] and when the summer came I had to buy them back at half the price. The Indian gave up and left again for the United States soon after. While Mayas normally work in the cattle industry as laborers and corraleros (foot cowboys) local and countrywide cattle cartels hinder Maya access to the cattle trade. Ladinos earn most of their revenues from buying and sel ling cattle within local families or from the Ladinos of Petn and the Pacific lowlands. As lo ng as Ladinos maintain control over land and the cattle industry, cattle will remain a Ladino-dominated activity, and attempts by the Maya will be frustrated or precluded outright. The existing structures and traditions allow returning Ladinos to devote their migradollars (money sent by immigrants in the United States back home to Latin America) to long-term investments, such as cattle production and local businesses, in contra st to Maya return migrants, whose investment opportunities rema in limited. Hoddinott (1994) found that migrant heirs who were promised land as part of their inheritance were more likely to send remittances from the United States than those from land-poor families. This pattern further contributes to maintaining Ladino power since remittances aid th e purchase of cattle and land from relatives at

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88 comparatively low prices. While the Maya pay as much as Q8000 ($1000) for a three-quarter hectare plot, Ladinos can obtai n the same land in larger quantities and for less money by purchasing it though their families or by receivin g advances on their inheritances. Lower-class Ladinoslacking the family ties to land resour cesgenerally opt to start local businesses related to home building, such as hardware a nd building supply stores which cater to the burgeoning, migration-spurred home construction boo m. Some Maya returnees also set up small businesses, but they most frequently are tradi tional enterprises within the accepted sphere of Maya business occupations, such as tailor ing, small general goods or liquor sales. Alternative Land Reforms: Mayas Buy Back Their Land Because of San Pedros rural location and limited access to roads and markets, incomegenerating activities are limited. The municipalities that surro und San Pedro also have high international migration rates and thus demonstr ate varying success with productive investments. Monjas, for instance, due to its fertile lands, goo d access to water, and paved roads, has seen an increase in export agriculture, including tob acco and sweet corn. San Luis Jilotepeque, Mataquesquintla, and Jalapa are all connected to main commercial ro utes and have all seen a rise in commercial business, construction, and tr ade. Yet the combination of limited access to commercial routes, poor hydrology, a nd disproportionate ownership of private lands continues to limit the potential for improvement in San Pedros economy. Maya migrants who return from the United Stat es to San Pedro genera lly invest in home construction or land for the cult ivation of maize and beans. They buy land in small parcels (averaging from one to seven hectares), typically acquiring this land from local Ladinos. Some Maya elders find satisfaction in the re-distributio n of wealth from North America. They explain that the United States is so wealthy because its people original ly stole all Guatemalas riches years ago and transferred the riches north; thus, they interpret current migration patterns as a way

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89 to return pilfered indigenous lands. Colonial manuscripts confirm that the Pokomam Maya owned lands around Pinula in a communal titleland that wa s eventually co-opted by immigrating Ladino families in the 1800s (AGCA 1795, 1814, 1818; IGN 1983). An elder Maya man said, my children are forced to travel fa r to work, but its good because now we can buy [back] what was stolen from us in the past. Ma ya migrants return to Pinula with a newfound pride in owning land; moreover, they feel that their experience in the United States frees them from their former dependence on Ladino landowners for their livelihood. While the Mayas ability to purchase lands from Ladinos and thus extricate themselves from their former dependence on renting Ladino land to cultivate milpa demonstrates a degree of cultural and social advancement, Maya are st ill shut out from owning prime properties in agriculture and real estate. As in the cattle busine ss, land is also sold and resold within a closed system. Flat, irrigable, properties are usually offered to Ladino rela tives or those within the same social circle, and are rarely re-s old to those outside the Ladino sphere. Likewise, homes in prime locations are sold only to Ladinos. Return Migrants vs. Transnational Migrants The attempts of returning Maya migrants to invest in the natal community and thus eliminate the need to return to the migrant st ream are further frustrat ed by the activities of Ladino transmigrants, or those who are able to in vest in cattle back home while they remain in the United States. Since many Ladino investment s consist of land acquired through inheritances or remittance purchases, Ladinos in the United States are able to administer these resources with the help of their relatives. Transmigrants see cattl e as a way to invest their dollars effectively, realizing a return in fixed capital in the form of larger herds wh ile simultaneously assisting their relatives in Guatemala. As an example, a Ladi no migrant in Boston purchased nine cows for Q5000 ($800). Her main objective in making this investment was to help out her struggling

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90 relatives: in return for taking care of the cows, she allowed them to retain all proceeds from milk sales in addition to half the money from fu ture cattle sales. Though it may be difficult for migrants in the United States to administer fam ily farms, most see it as an effective way of ensuring their eventual return to their home communities. Predictably, Maya migrants find it more difficult to achieve such stability. The disc rimination that complicates the Mayas initial inability to migrate also interferes with their ability to purchase viable lands or establish profitable businesses. Warnes (1992) suggests that priorities for remittance investments change through the life course of a migrant; I suggest that remittance priorities change over time from initial fixed capital to productive investments as community members work their way up the social and economic ladder. Though migration does not guara ntee economic or social success, most community members agree that the increased abi lity of returning migrants to purchase land or build a home contributes to significant change for the individual as well as the community. Likewise, some community members see certain detrimental aspects to the pattern of U.S. Guatemala remittances, such as the disintegration of the family and of the old social order, which includes the reduction in the degree to which the Maya depend on the Ladinos. While Jones (1998) argues that the impedimen ts to productive remittance diminish during the different stages of the migra tion process (for the community, not the individual), I assert that the community welcomes migrant investment in direct proportion to the migrants initial resources. Though the San Pedro Maya are still limite d in their ability to en ter viable businesses, such as cattle ranching, their increased ability to purchase lands may be the first step in a progressive process toward grea ter financial opportunity. Even so, while migrants may have experienced economic and social mobility in the United States, their ability to recapture this

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91 mobility (where it matters most, in their hometowns) is conditioned by continued social inequalities. Attitudes of Ladino Migrants Towards Maya Migrants in Pinula an d the United States Ladino landowners and return migrants do not share the positive attitude held by Mayas about migration experiences. Ladi no landowners continue to believe that migration results in lazy, disrespectful, and uncooperative Indi ans. In the past, landowners experienced no trouble finding mozos to work their lands as tenant farmers in exchange for a fixed part of the harvest ( arrendamiento ) or as sharecroppers for a percentage of the harvest ( a medias ). Before migration took Maya men to the United States, most Pokomam Maya worked a medias with their patrons. This arrangement gave the Maya a percentage of the harvest in exchange for a set amount of labor theyd provide for the patron. Sh arecropping created a rela tionship that placed the Mayas at the beck and call of the patron. When a patron needed his fields tended or his fences fixed, he would call on his mozo Yet, in recent years, patrons complain that the clientpatron relationship has deteriorated and th at they now find it difficult to acquire good arrendantes or mediantes (renters or sharecroppers). Ex-labor ers now prefer to work their own land that they have purchased with migradollars or to use remittances to rent land (even at elevated prices). In other words, migradollars fr ee Maya men from their former labor obligations to Ladinos. Ladinos confirm this change as they report a significant decrea se in the number of workers and an associated loss in land productivity. Ladina Migrants While migration among rural female Maya is still relatively rare, Ladina women do migrate to the United States, albeit to a lesse r extent than men. Ladi na returnees commonly express strong opinions about their reasons for return to Guatemala, citing the desire to be with family as well as the desire to return to thei r positions of privilege in Pinula. Adela, a young

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92 upper-class Ladina, recounted her ne gative migration experience as a chambermaid in the United States. When her younger brother decided to migr ate to the United States, she warned him that he would return soon: I know how it is there. I worked as a hotel maidcan you believe that? I told my brother that he wouldnt like working under anyone. Like th e rest of us in this family, we are used to being the boss. Here he is the patron and there he will be nothing. There I was just a maid. Here I am the patrona For many Ladinos, working as a migrant means accepting a downgrade in social prestige, which is often seen as not worth the dollars th ey earn. Many Ladinos see lit tle need to go to the United States, viewing migration as an adventure and an exercise in building economic capital rather than as a necessity. For Adela, like many La dinos, returning to Pinula represents a return to the high status bestowed upon them from birth. Inter-ethnic Marriages International migration also re sults in an increase in inter-e thnic relations and marriages, which were formerly an absolute taboo. Though inter-ethnic relations al ways existed between Ladino patrons and their Maya servants, of ten resulting in illegitimate children ( hijos de casa ), formalized unions between Ladinos and Mayas we re nearly non-existent. Today, however, such relationships often develop in the United States, since migrants are not under the immediate influence of their parents or their community ; most of these unions involve Ladino men and Urban Maya women. Conversely, in ter-ethnic marriages in Pinula generally unite urban Maya returnees with local Ladina wo men. Community members often view these marriages as racially offensive and degenerate. Moreover, they attri bute such unions to greediness and witchcraft. Unions between Ladino men and Maya wome n do occur in Pinula, but they usually remain illicit or involve extramarital affairs. Ladino men consider Maya women sexual objects to be easily taken at the patron s will. Indeed, in interviews, lo cal men describe Maya women as

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93 caliente (hot) and Ladina women as fra (cold). Pinula men emphasize that Ladina women are reserved for marriage and the production of he irs, whereas Maya women are perceived as sexually desirable because they have animalis tic qualities. Both Ladino men and women say Maya women produce so many children because their sexuality is uncontrollable and they regularly go into heat (brama ). While the community expects Ladino men to have affairs and produce mixed children with Maya women, it never sanctions marriage or true commitment to these women (Nelson 1999). Coha bitation between Ladino men and Maya women is rare. When such arrangements do arise, they are considered to be outside the norms of the community and the Ladino is regarded as a morally confused man who has been seduced by the pronounced sexuality of the Maya woman. In the United States, the strict rules gove rning LadinoMaya relations begin to break down simply because of the scarcity of Pinula wome n. Pinula men prefer to unite with women from their natal community, and when the occasional Pinula woman, whether Ladina or urban Maya, arrives in Boston, she attracts many enamorados (courtiers). Affluent Ladino men usually win the competition for these recently arrived Pinul a women. Ladino men have always desired Maya women, and, in fact, their culture encourages them in this regard. The Unites States provides a venue in which Ladino men and Maya women can formalize this relationship with marriage, which, in the eyes of Ladinos, allows them to finally contain and control the sexuality of Maya women. While many inter-ethnic couples decide to remain in the United States, the few who return have been successful in maintaining their co mmitted relationships in Pinula. Once a couple elopes or unites in the United States, this give s the community time to discuss, digest, and eventually accept the union. While community and fa mily pressure would typically prevent such

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94 a union in Pinula, a couple can formalize the re lationship in the United States without serious repercussions, and by the time the migrant pair decides to return to Pinula, their families have already had time to recognize th e union, which makes them less likely to put up stringent resistance to it. In Pinula, as well as in other parts of Guat emala, endogamy is the sole responsibility of white (Ladino) women. While Ladino men ar e encouraged to spread their seed and mejorar la raza (better the race) by engaging in illicit affairs, Ladina wome n are responsible for upholding the family honor by maintaining the purity of th e family bloodlines (Casas Arz 1992; Nelson 1999). Ladino families fiercely protect the sexua lity of Ladina women and unions between Ladina women and Maya men are thus historical ly non-existent. Nonetheless, returning Maya migrants may look to better their race by marry ing up, and thus pursue lower class, yet still very light-skinned, Ladina women as spouses Recent Maya menLadina women unions in which Ladino families permit their family blood to be defiled in exchange for monetary gain, represent the ultimate sign of soci al degradation for local Ladinos. Home Community Views on Inter-ethnic Marriages Community members often view these marriages as racially offensive and degenerate and attribute such unions to greediness and witchcra ft, and families caught in the middle of these trans-ethnic affairs accuse one another of engaging in brujeras (witchcraft). On a few occasions I became unwittingly caught in the middle of interracial family conflicts. Because I often took photographs of Pinula residents, people requested that I photograph migrants on my visits to the Boston area. Although I knew that some Maya belie ve that photographs can be used to cast spells, I was not prepared for the arrival of a Maya woman at my door after my return from a Christmas trip to the United States. She reque sted the photographs I t ook of her son in Boston. Prior to our meeting, she had received a phone call from her son, who was worried that the

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95 photographs I took of him and his wife in Boston would be given to his mother-in-law. She explained that if the photographs fell into the wrong hands, they might be used to harm her son, who purportedly had bewitched his Ladino wife into falling in love with him. In this case, the respective mothers had a history of accusing one another of w itchcraft from the time their children had begun their relationship in the Unit ed States. On other occasions, Ladino mothers asked me to obtain photos of the Inditas putas (Maya whores) who had stolen their Ladino sons away into impure marriages. Boston as a Receiving City Boston has historically been a location of ethnic tension and se gregation. As a gateway city for immigrants since the inception of the Un ited States, migrant groups have typically established themselves in Boston while remaini ng segregated in the inner city and ethnic enclaves. Today, this trend has continued in Boston as the city has become the home for increasing numbers of migrants fr om Latin America. In the past decade alone, Boston has seen a 50% rise in the Hispanic populat ion, creating a community that is 17% Latino. This new influx of Hispanics conforms to historical pattern s of segregation, which has resulted in high concentrations of the immigran t group in certain neighborhoods: East Boston, for instance, is over 40% Latino, with many immigrant groups from Colombia, El Salvador, Dominican Republic, Mexico, and Guatemala (Boston Gl obe 2003). Guatemalan migration to Boston, beginning in the late 1960s, was initially domin ated by upper-class Ladinos, but by the mid-80s had become a principal migrant destin ation for the whole state of Jalapa. Transnational Boston The Pinultecos are concentrated in the Mass achusetts communities of Dorchester, Lynn, Lawrence, and Attleboro. Although Lawrence and Attleboro are not technically a part of metropolitan Boston, Guatemalan migrants consider each of these communities as an extended

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96 social space which together en compasses the transnational location of Boston. Thus the migrants idea of Boston, while it departs from our understanding of Boston as a geographical space, reflects the creation of a transnational community in which ethnicity, gender, and class can be redesigned, reconfigured, and occasionally, renegotiated (Hirsch 1999). There Are no Indians in the United States: Reproduction of Ethnic Structure in Boston While Ladinos originally migrated and sustained communities in other regions of the United States, such as New York and Los Angele s, Boston is unique in the Guatemalan migrant experience since both Mayas and Ladinos live and work in the same community. Yet does this new Pinula represent the original ethnic and social structure of the home community? Evidence from the migrant experience in Boston offers some support that the new social structure differs from that of Pinula. The incr eased frequency of crossethnic friendships and marriages demonstrates that Ladinos and Mayas can transcend the rigid social structure of Pinula; even so, such ethnic transcendence re mains the exception rather than the rule. Though Maya and Ladino interactions o ccur with frequency in Boston they often duplicate similar interactions that occur in Pinula. They may work together, live together, and even play together, but a recent increase in the amount of incoming Maya has shown that ma ny Pinultecos prefer to re-create the ethnic structur es that exist back home. Table 3-1 reflects the survey of 80 Maya and Ladinos. The results reveal what qualitative research has also shown; the order of major migrant destinations for both Ladino and Maya. While Boston is a popular destination for both Ma ya and Ladino, Atlanta is an exclusively Maya destination while New York tends to be more of a Ladino dominated migrant stream. While these numbers reflect current migration streams, interviews illustrate that Los Angeles and New York were more popular destinations for Ladinos in the 1960s and 1970s. Boston was also an

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97 important migrant destination since the 1960s an d has remained a popular destination throughout the decades. When the first Maya migrants arrived in Bo ston, they often lived w ith fellow Pinultecos, which meant that Mayas and Ladinos would inha bit the same residence. Accordingly, Ladino and Maya friendships that would not occur in Pinula do take place in Boston. For example, Mario, a Ladino, and Osvaldo, a Maya, lived in an apartment full of Pinultecos on the top floor of a three-story apartment build ing. Mario says he does not see a problem with his friendship with Osvaldo. Although he remembers Osvaldo from school, he never associated with him back in the pueblo : I dont think we would have been frie nds back in Pinula but its okay here because no hay Indios en los estados (there are no Indians in the United States) ; here we are all the same. Foxen (2002) noted a similar sentiment while working among Quich Maya in Providence, Rhode Island: no hay Ladinos en lo s Estados Unidos (there are no Ladinos in the United States). She argues that the statement s uggests that living in th e United States is so difficult that no Ladino would survive the harsh working conditions; hence, the United States effaces (to a degree) the social strati fications between Ladinos and Mayas. The white Americans in the United States s ee only one undifferentiated Hispanic (or Latino) population so that homeland ethnic di stinctions are lost. Among the Pinultecos in Boston, this creates an equalizing e ffect that raises the status of the Indian, and, in Providence, the Ladino is forced to endure the heavy work c onditions of the life of the non-privileged Indian. Mario says he sometimes feels awkward in front of Osvaldo when other Ladinos refer to the Indios tontos (stupid Indians): its not like we forget who Osvaldo is, its just we talk and say things and then realize what were saying. I so metimes look over to see his reaction if someone

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98 says Indio. Most Ladinos seem to believe that living and working among Maya from their home community contributes to eroding the ethnic divides present in Guatemala. Nevertheless, once more Maya began to arrive in Boston, the ethnic divisions began to reemerge. The first floor of Mario and Osval dos apartment building was often called the cofrada , which refers to the indi genous religious brotherhood orga nization in Pinula. Used in this way, cofrada is derogatory, since not only does it refer to the di vision of the living space into Maya and Ladino (with the Maya on the botto m floor), but also comments on the living and drinking habits of the Maya: the cofrada in San Pedro Pinula is where Maya families from all over the municipality stay duri ng the traditional saints festiv als. During religious holidays, Maya hike (sometimes all day) down from their mountain villages to stay all weekend for the festivities. If one does not have rela tives in town they may sleep in the cofrada building, which in Pinula is a small, white-washed chapel with an expansive patio and backyard. During the traditional St. Peters Day festival, the cofrada building is full of men (often passed-out from excessive drinking), women, and children, all of whom sleep on the dirt-packed floor. Thus, when the migrants in Boston call the first floor the cofrada they are making specific reference to the housing conditionsand spending and drinking habitsof the Maya migrants. The cofrada reference demonstrates that Ladinos sometimes transfer their beliefs about Mayas irresponsible behavior specifically surroundi ng the Mayasexcessi ve drinkingto the mixed migrant communities in the United Stat es. As one Ladino explained, it would take a whole days labor to buy one beer in Guatemala, while in the Un ited States, an hours work can buy a six-pack. Though Ladinos are just as likely to spend thei r earnings on drinking, they nevertheless often portray Maya migrants as unabl e to handle the respon sibilities of earning dollars without spending it wastef ully on alcohol. Alluding to the cofrada is a constant reminder

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99 and re-affirmation of how the et hnic divisions from Guatemala are reproduced in the United States. The Case of the Ambulance: Hometown Asso ciations and MayaLadino Relations in the United States The Guatemalan migrant community in Boston exhibits not only the familiar ethnic conflicts between Maya and Ladinos but also the discord between Mayas from the town and Mayas from Pinulas outer villages. As more Maya from country villages arrive in Boston, some decide to try their best to avoid Ladinos and, though they may work with either Mayas or Ladinos from the same municipa lity, they choose not to live or associate with Ladinos. One example of how these Maya migrants of ten attempt to avoid Ladinos involved the transnational fund-raising efforts to acquire an ambulance for the municipality of San Pedro. This effort was an instance of a local deve lopment project (or Hom etown Association)a popular way for migrants to use their time and m oney in order to help their home communities. As illustrated in Riveras film (2004) on Mexican hometown associations in New York, development projects funded by migrants in the receiving community can provide for government services lacking in the home comm unity, such as ambulance services. Thus, when San Pedro Pinula was offered the opportunity to acquire an ambulance from an American-run organization, the Ladino community in Pinula ju mped at the chance. Though the ambulance was supposedly free, the community st ill needed to pay thousands of dollars to transport the ambulance from the U.S., in addition to organi zing volunteers and raising additional money required for maintenance. The attempts by Boston Ladinos to organize Pi nultecos in Boston to raise money for this public project gave impetus to the separatist inc linations of certain Maya migrants who had come from the villages outside Pinula. While the i ndigenous men from the town were enthusiastic

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100 about an intra-ethnic effort at money-raising, th e Maya from the villages did not want anything to do with the Ladinos. They felt that any proj ect organized by Ladinos in the United States would be co-opted by Ladinos back in the home community. Further, the Mayas from the villages eventually decided to create their own ho metown association to deal with issues specific to the villages rather th an the whole municipality. The final consensus among the non-participa ting Maya was that the ambulance project would only serve the Ladinos politi cal agenda; specifically, it would aid in the re-election of the Ladino Mayor, a return migrant w hose re-election in Pinula was to coincide with the arrival of the ambulance, an event that was treated with great fanfare in Pinula, including a large welcoming ceremony that was videotaped and maile d to migrants in the United States. Yet the municipality never put the ambulance into regular use and, since the Mayors successful reelection, no Pinulteco has seen it in service. While there may be many reasons that help explain this situation (lack of vo lunteer drivers, poor roads), the villag e migrants continue to refer to the ambulance project as an example of the se lf-serving instincts of the Pinula Ladinos. Maya and Ladino Equality in the U.S. Racial Order Maya and Ladino workplace experiences have a tremendous impact on ethnic identification and Maya resistan ce to Guatemalan racial he gemony. Since the United States racial order does not affirm ethnic differences between i ndigenous and non-indigenous Guatemalans, all migrants are considered Latin o. Somewhat paradoxically, this limited view has provoked the Maya migrants into re-examining their ethnic identity, and they have thus begun to see themselves as equal to the Ladi nos. Concurrently, some Ladino migrants feel resentment since their upper-class status is not recognized in th e United States. Returning Ladino migrants also complain about this change in Ma ya attitudes and behaviors. Don Fulano, a Ladino return migrant in Pinula, remembers an incident that exemplifies this sentiment:

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101 I remember I had a fight [in the United States] with some stupid Indian from the village. We were washing dishes together in a seafood restaurant in Cambridge (MA). He told me that here in the United States I wasnt any better than him so I better stop acting credo [stuck-up]. I told him that even though we were the same to the gringos we both knew. no matter what.. that I was a schoolteacher b ack home and he would always be an Indian. Regardless of the prevailing cultural attitude in the United States, Don Fulano continued to feel superior to the Maya migrants, as he gave no credence to North American racial beliefs that lump all Latin Americans, Ladinos and Mayas al ike, into the same category. He returned to Pinula after earning enough money to feel certain he would never have to work in the United States again. In spite of the way many Ladino migrants con tinue to believe in their superiority, some Maya, like Osvaldo, feel that, in the United States, everyone is the same, and this perception comes with a certain satisfaction: they realize that whether they are on the job or on the streets, the gringos do not make any distinctions between Maya Ladinos, or other Hi spanics. Logically, the Maya cherish the opportunity to be seen as equals to thei r oppressors, while many Ladinos resent this aspect of the migran t experience in the United States. In addition to the way migration influences racial perceptions about the relationship between Mayas and Ladinos, it also affects cultu ral attitudes between different Maya ethnic groups. The Pokomam Maya from the Eastern Highlands, for instan ce, have never experienced a sense of solidarity or ethnic pride by associating themselves w ith other Maya; they have never even used the word Maya in reference to th emselves. As second-class citizens in their hometown community, they have always been known as i ndgena natural or in its more derogatory form, Indio In Boston, the Pokomam Maya live and work alongside Quich and Mam Maya from the Western Hi ghlands, whose pride in their indigenousness is pronounced, and who thus exhibit a self-concept th at is vastly different from th at of the Pokomam. One Pokomam

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102 migrant told me, I wonder wh at my life would have been like if I had born in the Occidente (Western Highlands). Though the Pokomam Maya suffered under intense military occupation since the 1960s, they did not expe rience the atrocities of large-scale massacres, as did the Maya of the Western Highlands. Contact with Mam, Quich and other Western Highland Maya has thus exposed them to oral testimonies and litera ture on the Maya Movement and the civil war, a history that has long been inaccessible to them. Changing Ladino and Maya Ethnic Relations International migration plays a significant role in shaping et hnic relations in San Pedro Pinula. Traditional patronclient relations may have facilitated Maya entry into the migrant circuit, but these very same relationswith th eir accompanying rigid social structurescontinue to prevent Maya entry into Ladino-dominated economic activities. Para doxically, inter-ethnic marriages and the equalizing influe nces of U.S. racial categorie s, which ignore the historical differences between Mayas and Ladinos, create a new environment in Pinula in which younger migrants are likely to challenge long-standing ethnic divides. Th e resulting ethnic tensions and inter-ethnic dynamics in San Pedr o Pinula suggest that internati onal migration is facilitating fundamental alterations to the Guatemalan social structure, even though th e changes continue to be tempered by five hundred years of Ladino domination.

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103 3-1. Major Migrant Des tinations. Compiled by Tatiana Paz Lemus. ETHNICITY Location Maya % Ladi no % Mixed % Total % Boston 20 25 23 28.75 4 5 47 58.75 New York 2 2.5 10 12.5 2 2.5 14 17.5 Los Angeles 1 1.25 4 5 0 0 5 6.25 Atlanta 4 5 0 0 0 0 4 5 Utah 0 0 3 3.75 0 0 3 3.75 Stamford CT 1 1.25 0 0 1 1.25 2 2.5 Virginia 1 1.25 1 1.25 0 0 2 2.5 Rhode Island 0 0 1 1.25 0 0 1 1.25 Washington 0 0 1 1.25 0 0 1 1.25 Texas 0 0 1 1.25 0 0 1 1.25 Total 29 26.25 44 55 7 8.75 80 100 3-1. Maya and Ladino ethnicity: There are no Indians in the United States . These three friends in Boston represent the rainbow of ethnic id entity in San Pedro Pinula: Maya, Bien Ladino, and Ladino. Although the man on the left is considered Maya, his father was actually Ladino. The man in the center is from a very Ladino and the man on the right is considered to be middle class Ladino.

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104 CHAPTER 4 GENDER ROLES AND RELATIONS IN A TRANSNATIONAL COMMUNITY Gender and Migration The significance of non-migrant women in transnational communities has been increasingly recognized, lending support to the idea that the women left behind play a substantial role in forging and maintaining transn ational ties between migrants and their sending communities (Matthei 1996). Prior research on ge nder and migration has focused on shifts in traditional gender roles after women migrate (Fernandez Kelly and Sassen 1995; Mahler 1995; Margolis 1994; Repak 1995). The few studies that do look at change in gender roles in sending communities often contradict each other. For in stance, studies in Mexico find that womens traditional gender roles are changing in response to migration, resulting in more "liberal attitudes" and egalitarian gender relations (Grimes 1998), while studies in the Dominican Republic (Georges 1990,1992) and El Salvador (Mahler 2001) suggest that international migration strengthens womens traditional roles in sending communities. This chapter addresses how migration and rem ittances affect the wome n who remain in the home community. Feminist theory suggests that an increase in a womans access to cashin this case, through remittanceswould lead to a change in traditional gender roles and thus increase their autonomy and power. This chapter explores this proposition by examining the gender roles of Ladino and Maya women and the varied ways in which transnational migration affects their lives. Women and Gender Research in Guatemala In order to situate migrations impact on gende r, this section covers the literature of anthropological research on wo men in Guatemala. Past research in Guatemala has been

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105 concerned with isolated indigenous (Maya) communities, often ignoring women and gender issues. During the period from the 1940s to the 1970s, researchers occasionally referred to Maya women, but most often these refe rences concerned the womens traditional roles as wives and mothers or as artisans (Reina 1966). In the 1980s, the first subs tantive research on Guatemalan women was published. This work concentrated on womens roles as producers of wealth in the context of universal female subordination and Guatemalas integration in the world economy (Ehlers 1990; Bossen 1984). In the 1990s, research on women examined gender as a construction of race and descent, linking gender construction to the process of Mestizaje (racial mixing) and connecting Maya and Ladina to their relation to one another as well as the state (Causus Arz 1992; Nelson 1999). Research in th e post-conflict era has returned to looking at women only and their struggle with reconstr uction of individual and comm unal memory, reconciliation, and survival (Green 1999; Sanford 2000; Zur 1998). While research on post-conf lict issues is still important at the beginning of the 21st century, new work on immigra tion treats gender relations and women as a central theme, depicting them as more active participants in the transnational migration process (Moran-Taylor 2003). Early research in Guatemala was concerned with indigenous communities as isolated entities and thus ignored the ways in which th ese communities are affect ed by the state. While early Guatemalan ethnographies (Gillin 1958 ; Nash 1967; Reina 1960; Tax 1953; Tumin 1945, 1952) were concerned with recording important cultural details of Ma yan communities, they have been criticized because their examina tions of ethnic relations, acculturation, and modernization neglect women, and tend to constr uct women only in terms of their reproductive roles (Bossen 1984). Tumins (1945, 1952) work in Sa n Luis Jilotepeque was one of the first to compare Ladinos and Mayans, and while he made extensive and detailed observations on gender

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106 and ethnic relations, he failed to analyze his data sufficiently. Reinas (1966) research explored Mayan women who worked as potters and the ro les of Mayan women in religious ceremonies. While Reinas work tended to affirm Wolfs construction (Wolf 1959) of communities as closed and resistant to outside forces of change, it depa rts from the pattern of describing women solely as reproductive vessels by examining their role s in wealth production and social functions. In the 1970s, anthropological st udies of women only bega n to appear in order to compensate for having ignored women in earlie r cultural studie s (Moore 1988). The work of Maynard (1963) and Chinchilla (1977) examined womens productive roles in the context of Guatemalas expanding economy. They concentrated on the increasing partic ipation of women in producing wealth and maintaining their households as economic pressures forced men to become more involved in a cash economy. Though critici zed by some, their work was critical to expanding the scope of research on Guatemal an women. Ehlers (1990) and Bossen (1984) believed that the research of the 1960s and 1970s was flawed by fragmentation and a scarcity of evidence. Further, the research of this era failed to address the impact of significant social and cultural realities, such as the way the coffee industry chan ged Guatemalas economy in the late nineteenth century and how labor laws forced Mayan men and women to work on plantations far from their natal communities. Since the develo pment of gender roles cannot be examined adequately without some acknowledgement of the important cultural change s that affect these roles, the previous research on Guatemalan women is flawed. The search for understanding women, the natu re of gender inequali ty, and the gendered division of labor became central to anthropologic al and feminist research in the 1980s. Bossens (1984) comparative research on Mayan and Ladina women examined Guatemalas integration in the world economy and the way this integrati on affected gender. Bossen proposed that gender

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107 differences were augmented by capitalist developm ent. By comparing four separate communities that represented different soci o-economic segments of Guatemal a, Bossen illustrated that the farther the society is from a subsistence economy, the more women become dependent and submissive (Ehlers 1990). Bossen tended to constr uct Mayan gender relations as egalitarian with some male dominance, and Ladino gender relations as extremely imbalanced with an emphasis on machismo. Bossen posits that even though Maya n women assume the traditionally feminine responsibility for household and domes tic activities, their tangible contribution to the subsistence economy keeps their status high. She further argues that as the production of traditional crops became increasingly commercialize d, mens activities be came more highly valued than womens and consequently their dependence on men incr eased. In the other communities, Ladino women tended to have access to work and to the cash eco nomy, but always to a lesser degree than men did, an imbalance that reduced womens status. One of Bossens key findings was the diffe rence in the physical mobility of Mayan and Ladino women. She noted that Mayan women had a greater ability to move through a variety of social spaces than Ladinas did. Wh ereas Mayan women were able to walk the streets to get to the marketplace or the plantation, Ladina women we re more limited in thei r activities, in part because Ladino men construed such mobility as a sign of independence that defied accepted social norms. Cominsky and Scrimshaws st udy (1982), concurs with Bossens findings regarding Mayan womens increased participation in the Guatemal an economy, yet finds that the life cycle stage is an important variable to be observed in assessing womens status. Their research suggests that older Mayan women ofte n have as much or even more authority over household decision-making than men, and that they were able to achieve more mobility and authority over time. This comparative research is relevant to the examination of current

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108 stereotypes about the differences between Maya and La dina women and is further examined in this study. Some research in the 1990s continued to focus on womens economic roles and the interaction between the economy and the mode of production. Alicia Re cruzs study (1998) of the Maya of Yucatan in Mexico examined how male out-migration altered the degree to which women contributed to the family and also i llustrated how gender id eology was vital to communities in the midst of change. Accordi ng to Recruz, Mayan women represented the communitys resistance to change, even t hough they increasingly became involved in wage labor. The contention that Mayan women are emblem atic of cultural traditions is prevalent in several ethnographies of Guatemala. As eviden ce for their claims, these studies document how Mayan Women continue to weave and wear the traditional traje (costume, clothing) and how they are committed to staying in their na tal communities (Hendrickson 1995; Smith 1995; Watanabe 1992). Despite this continued focus on the Mayan woma n as the locus of trad ition, other research conducted in the 1990s suggests that gender construc tion in Guatemala is intrinsically linked to the formation of ethnic categories and gender id eologies. Nelson (1999) argues that because of the history of Guatemala and the process of mestizaje (racial mixing), Maya and Ladino ethnic and gender relations are shaped by oppressive and racist relations. Mestizaje primarily represents the mixing of the European with the indige nous and, since unions between Mayan men and European women are rare, the term typically refe rs to racial mixing through relations between a European male and an indigenous woman. In Gu atemalan society, white (or Ladina) women are constructed as racially pure a nd therefore their reproductive cap abilities are reserved only for other white (or Ladino) men. Mayan women, on the other hand, are appropriate as mistresses for

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109 (or as partners for sexual dalliances with) whit e men, which often leaves them with illegitimate childrenthe sons or daughters of Ladino fathers. Historically, Guatemalan Mestizos (a person of mixed Spanish and indigenous ancestry) were born out of wedlock to indigenous women (Nelson 1999). A Ladino woman living in the Unite d States elaborates on racial mixing: Theyve (Ladinos) also been mixed by Indian girls that go to work and end up having their bosss children or the bosss kids children. So thats how the races have mixed to make half Indian, half Ladino. That s happened for a long time. My dad would always tell me that a rich family would have children from the servant girl who has a son of her boss (patrn). Thats how things have been always. Among the modern Ladinos (and some Maya), the idea of bettering your blood by marrying up to a whiter woman is the ideal. While there are exceptions, generally speaking, any relations outside of these norms tend to be rare. Smith (1995) connects the notion of the connections between race and gender to the perpetua tion of class in Guatemala. He argues that in order for the colonizing Spanish, and eventually the mixed-blood Ladinos, to maintain their class position in Guatemalan society, they had to perpetuate the hegemonic raceclassgender ideology. Nelsons and Smiths portrayals of race, cla ss, and gender are important in understanding gender in Guatemala since they express an as pect of Ladino and Maya n relations that are essential to interpreting Guatemalan culture. They also help to clarify th e status of the Ladina, which the research has rarely addressed. Smith cl aims that through the gende rrace construct, the status of a Ladina is linked to her sexual activit y: Ladina women are allowe d to be either virgins or wives, with any other sexual activity marking them as transgressive and causing them to be labeled as prostitutes (Smith 1995). Smiths contention works in concert with Bossens suggestion that Ladino women are typically confined to the do mestic spherea confinement which limits their physical mobility as well as their opportunities for extra-marital (or premarital) sexual activityto suggest that Guat emalan women who are allowed to be physically

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110 mobile are more likely to engage in sexual behavi or that is culturally in appropriate. Thus, Mayan women who remain in their natal community ma y evince a belief in their duty to maintain Mayan culture, as both sym bols of Mayan tradition as well as reprodu ctive vessels. Lastly, studies on gender in the 1990s and 2000s claim that Guatemalas civil war and reconstruction since the signing of the peace accords have been instrumental to the cultural role of Mayan women. Studies on Mayan widows (Zur 1998; Green 1999; Stanford 2000) show how the lives of Mayan women have been c onstructed post-war and howthrough religious conversion and their reactions to the violence women have found the strength to resist the assignation of traditional gender roles. Yet despite this resist ance, Mayan widows continue to encounter widespread opposition to their attempts to assert themselves: such women can easily become marginalized and thus isolated from the community. Moreover, a widows access to income is limited since Mayan tr adition still restricts agriculture to men. Even so, some widows have managed to become self-sufficient with th e help of their childre n. Sanfords work (2000), expands on the notion of the post-reconstructi on woman as she follows the story of Mayan women who resisted the violence Sanford suggests that the tes timony of such women helps to reconstruct the living memory of Guatemala, th us giving voice to an alternative version of Guatemalan history which is of ten in contradiction to offici al or patriarc hal accounts. The testimony of Rigoberta Menchu, (Menchu 1984), wh ile centered on the li fe a Guatemalan women and the war, is an example of such re -writing of history, since it discusses womens contribution to armed resistance within the context of traditional Mayan gender roles. In conclusion, the review of research on Ma yan and Ladina gender ro les does not reveal a cohesive construction of gender in Guatemala. Earl y work tended to restrict the role of women to reproduction; later work, concerning women only, removed Mayan women from the context of

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111 culture; and research on modes of production hi ghlighted the variety of gender roles in Guatemalan society, but demonstrated little ethnographic analysis. The recent move to understand gender and its direct co rrelation to race has opened up a new understanding of Ladina and Mayan gender roles and how they operate within the hegemonic constructions of Guatemalan identity. Lastly, recent work on th e war and reconstruction is a laudable countervoice to earlier anthropo logical studies that ignored state violence. Several of the earlier studiesand the framew orks in which they operatecontribute to our ability to understand how transnational migration has affected both Maya and Ladino women. The raceclassgender framework is valuable since it emphasizes the importance of understanding womens lived experiences in terms of their ethnicity, life stage, and class within the ethnic group. Looking at womens relationship to the production of wealth also contributes to our understanding of how women of both ethnic groups respond to the changes brought by capitalist expansion and the proce sses of transnational migration. Maya and Ladino Women in San Pedro Pinula Community beliefs in San Pedro Pinula a bout differences between Maya and Ladina women reflect racist views on womens reproduction, sexualit y, and moral behavior. As mentioned in the previous chapter, Maya wo men are portrayed by Ladinos as hypersexual, uncontrollable, and animalistic; while Ladina women are seen as pure and chaste, and as primarily responsible for maintaining the family bloodlines. Nonetheless, the two ethnicities have similar gender ideologies: both believe that the difference between good and bad women is the degree to which they fulfill thei r duties as wives and mothersa formulation which includes restricted mobility and modest behavior. In reality, when observing how Ladina and Mayan women actually behave we see that women live under strict surveillance by their husbands, fathers, male relatives, other women, and the community itself.

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112 Women live under the social controls of the community and the cultural conditions dictated by the models of Machismo and Marianismo in which men dominate and women suffer, largely because they are encouraged to emulat e the Virgin Mary. In this model of gender relations, espoused in Stevens ( 1973), women are believed to be spiritually stronger than men and must therefore endure years of mens abuse, irresponsible behavior, a nd extramarital affairs in order to establish themselves as true wome n. Men are considered to be weak, and are thus unable to refrain from the temptations of dr ink and illicit sex. And women can prove their womanhood only by tolerating the tr ansgressions of men over a period of many years, during which time they must produce viable heirs. Only then will a woman be considered a repuand accepcommunity member. One Ladina woman described Pinula men and their treatment of women: el hombre de aqu est mal civilizado, por es o es bonito que el hombre reciba consejos, que vaya a encuentros matrimoniales, que lo s aconsejen, porque el hombre de aqu es muy machista, quiere tener a la mujer como esclava y todo eso. The men from here are not civilized. Its good when men accept advice and go to marriage counseling, let people console them, because th e men from here are very machista and want to have their women as slaves and all that. Another woman says: Men cant control themselves and their jealous behavior. Their behavior is carried in their blood ( lleva la sangre ) and they cant help but explode. I suffer when my husband does unforgivable things, but later he says he doesnt know what came over him and that he is sorry. Men cant help but be that way. Research by Bossen (1984) and Ehlers ( 1991) explains the model of Machismo and Marianismo by looking at the economic situation and material conditions of Latin American society. Their research posits that women tole rated abusive behavior because of the sexual division of labor, womens economic contribut ion to the household, and the communitys relation to capitalist forces. They believed th at Maya women experienced more egalitarian

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113 relations than Ladino women due to their impor tance to the mode of production (Bossen 1984). In other words, since Maya womens work co mplements that of Maya mensince the women are directly involved in subs istence agriculturethey are pe rceived as making a significant contribution to the household, which gives th em more power in the home and community. Ladino women, on the other hand, work as school teachers or run homebound storesvocations of low status and low pay, which only widens the power gulf between them and Ladino men. Even though their status in Guatemalan culture is higher than that of Ma ya women, the marriages of Ladina women are seen as fragile compared with their Mayan counterpartsin cases of economic and emotional neglect and mental and phys ical abuse, Ladinas are unable to get out of their marriages. In general, Ladino culture has been described as more machista with Ladino men being more likely to assert their dominance through extra-ma rital relations and abusive and controlling behavior. Maya men ar e believed to be more responsib le to their wives and family (Bossen 1984). The Pokomam Maya in San Pedr o Pinula have a custom in wh ich they consider marriage a temporary contract for the first few years of the union. The custom is not as common now as it was in previous years, yet it continues on occasi on in the town of San Pedro Pinula as well as the outlying villages. When a boy wants to marry a girl, he leaves a large quantity of bread, chickens, corn, and firewood at the womans home. If the family accepts, they arrange a party and the couple will live together for a few year s, during which time they will decide whether to remain together or to separate. If they stay togetherand if they can afford a weddingthey may have a church marriage later on (See Figure 4-1). Although the Pokomam tradition appears to gi ve women more options, an elder Maya woman of seventy explained that once she wa s married, she was no longer able to walk the

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114 streets as she did as a young woman or speak di rectly to men other than her husband. Her life story did not differ greatly from those of ma ny Ladino women: women of both groups tend to occupy similar gender roles under a similar set of expectations; they bo th endure the tyranny and imbalance of power caused by machismo. Despite their similarities, many Maya women suffer more than Ladinas because of impoverishment and a heavier workload. The materialist approach to gender relations is applicable to transnational migration as it illustrates the impact of capitalist expansi on on women and men and on their families and communities. According to the economic model fo r female subordination, the farther the woman is from the mode of production, th e more likely she is to remain in the role of subordinatethe traditional position for Guatemalan women (Mar golis 2004). The theory suggests that when women have an increased access to cashin th is case through remittancesthey alter their traditional gender role, thus acquiring more power and control over their lives. The study confirms this supposition, with the caveat that women become more powerful only if they have direct access and unimpeded cont rol of the res ource (Sanday 1973). Womens Physical Mobility The degree of a womans physical mobility is another important indicator of her status. Bossen was correct in her assertion that Maya women have more physical mobility than Ladina women, but this mobility is relative to their cl ass status and life stag e (1984). In San Pedro Pinula, Maya women regularly fetc h water or go to the local market and thus travel more than Ladino women, yet they are always accompanied by other women or relatives. Young unmarried women are generally not allowed to travel un accompanied, even within the village. Ladino women rarely leave their homes, as they have their servants do all their shopping and errands. Maya servantswhose reputations are already questionable due to their socio-economic status and the increased sexual accessibility it implie sare able to walk around the community

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115 unescorted. Lower class Ladina wo men who cant afford servants must leave the house, but their travel is always restricted to necessary tasks, or those that satisfy a dom estic responsibility. No Ladina or Maya woman leaves her house for any reason other than attendi ng church or another scheduled social event or runni ng errands, and any outing occurs only with the permission of the male head of the household. In outlying Maya vi llages, it is not unusual to find women who have never left the village; such wo men have never even traveled to the town of San Pedro Pinula, much less to the department capital or anothe r urban center. Though it ma y appear that Maya women have more physical mobility than Ladina wo men, this mobility is stil l strictly supervised by male or older female household members. The life cycle stage is the most important variab le in a womans ability to move freely and unaccompanied. As Cominsky and Scrimshaw (1982) found a womans status improves with age, resulting in an increase in authority and mobility. Older women who have been married for a long period of time and have secured their reputation in the commun ity are the only women able to walk the streets freely with no one questioning their destination. Nonetheless, these women always appear to have a purpose. An older Ladino woman, Rosalina, whose husband was in the United States, was asked about her mobility: Q: Pero usted tiene suerte porque yo he vi sto otras mujeres que cuando se fue el esposo para los Estados salen menos, porque ya ti enen miedo de los chismes y todo eso R: Si pero, uno debe de privarse algo de eso tambin, pero para eso depende la persona, porque si a mi me conocen, me encuentran por all, saben quien soy yo, saben quien soy yo. Eso siempre yo le digo a mi esposo, m ira, yo cuido mi persona, no cuido tu persona, aunque tambin hay un desprestigio tambi n en ello? Verdad? Pero yo cuido mi persona porque yo soy yo y tu persona es tu persona. Porque al fin y al cabo, yo no soy familia tuya, tu no llevas mi sangre ni yo llevo la tuya. Entonces, a quin van a desprestigiar es mi persona? no la de l. Q: But you are lucky because Ive seen other women who when their husbands left for the states, they went out less because they were afraid of gossip:

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116 R: well, yes, one should be careful of this as well but it depends on the person. Because they know me well; when they see me here and there, they know who I am, they know who I am. I always say to my husband, look, Ill take care of myself, and you take care of yourself. Although there is dishonor to this, yes? But I take care of myself because I am me and you are you, because in the end I am not part of your family, you dont carry my blood and I dont carry yours. Then who is going to discredit me?... not him. Rosalina has a strong sense of self and feels confident that she is known well enough in the community to be able to do as she likes. She be lieves she is her own personseparate from her husband and responsible for her own actions. Rosalin a describers her identity as distinguished from that of her husband by blood. This is a co mmon illustration of how the relationship between husband and wife is constructed in Guatemala. Even though a couple is married, loyalties are based on blood and descent and not by civil unions. This defining factor is significant to the conflicts between husbands and wives and between spouses and their in-laws. Mother-in-laws cite the importance of blood when they describe th eir distrust of their in -laws, often employing a common saying, nuera, no era (a daughter-in-law, will never be). In other words, a daughterin-law is not a true blood rela tive and therefore can never be tr usted. According to the mother-inlaw, a womans loyalties are to herself and her fa mily, and her son is therefore always a potential victim of the proposed infide lities of her daughter-in-law. Rosalinas conversation reveals that a woman, no matter her ag e, still has to be careful about what she does and in what manner. As an older woman with an established marriage, Rosalina is confident in her reputation but still understands the possibility that people may take things the wrong way. Rosalina reminds us that no matter the age, a woman still has to keep her guard up. Moreover, Rosalinas narrative empha sizes the idea that it is the womans responsibility to keep the household intact: Q: Pero hay hombres que cuando estn all tienen miedo que la gente chismoseando--R: No, no, pero ello le aconsejan a uno y dicen mira que esto cual otro, no hagas cosas a veces malas que son buenas pero a veces la gente lo agarra por mal. Yo puedo hablar

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117 con cualquier persona, pero si yo decente mente les hablo o hasta puedo hacer una broma, pero si ellos saben quien soy yo no van a deci r fjense que anda haciendo esto, que la vimos con Fulano, no. Yo guardo mi distancia a consequencia de que yo guardo mi honradez. Si, lo qu pasa es que cuando no quier en respetar no importa la edad que tengan, cuando no hay respeto en la pareja, porque a ve ces, cuando el hombre se va, la mujer se queda haciendo cosas malas, entonces es una de struccin para el hogar. Yo siento que cuando la mujer quiere hacer su hogar, uno no quiere hacer ninguna discordia, ningn problema--Q: But there are men when over there (in the U. S.) are scared that the people will gossip. R: No, no, but they will give you advice and sa y, look, this, that and the other, dont do things, somethings good, somethings bad, but sometimes people take it the bad way. I can talk to whomever, but I speak to them d ecently or I might make a joke, but they know who I am and they wont say hey look, she s going off with somebody, I saw her with that person No, I watch my distance to guard my honor. See, what happens when someone doesnt want to respect you, it doesn t matter how old you are, when there is no respect in the couple, because sometimes the man leaves (to the US) and the woman stays doing bad things, then the house hold is destroyed. I feel that when the woman wants to maintain her house, one cant make any problems, any problems For returning migrant women, past migration ex periences do not appear to affect their mobility, but instead make them more acutely aware of their current restrictions. Marta, a Ladina return migrant of 30 years, married her husband wh ile they were living in the United States. The couple are both from prestigious Ladino fam ilies and were high school sweethearts. After meeting up in the United States and getting marrie d, they lived out the first eight years of their marriage in the United States. Marta remembers her time in the United States as idyllic, thinking fondly of their life before they re turned to Pinula: We were togeth er all the time in the U.S., we did everything together, even if I had to go to the bathroom, he would go with me. In the U.S., we would go out all the time. Always together, alwa ys. Now, she complains that she barely sees him and spends all her time tied to the store she runs. She reminisces about being able to go out whenever she wanted and driving her own car Back in Pinula, Ma rta often complains shes not used to being closed ( encerrada ) all the time. I once invited he r to walk to the Central Plaza and eat some tostadas with me. Marta agreed, and as we walk ed out her storefront and locked the

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118 gate, she grabbed one of her childrens sweaters. Her children were off with her mother-in-law and I wondered why she had taken th is article of clothing with he r. It was in the afternoon and there were plenty of people milling about and sc hoolchildren playing in the streets. As we walked the one block to the central plaza, it b ecame apparent that Marta was uncomfortable, and that, further, she was obviously going out of he r way to make clear to everyone who passed us that the purpose of her outing was to deliver the sweater. We ate our tostadas quickly and walked back to the store. This incident impressed upon me how difficult it can be for a Guatemalan woman, whether Maya or Ladina to go for a simple walk. Ma rta had left Pinula as a young, unmarried woman, but even after ye ars of living in the U.S., return ing to Pinula still restricted her to living life as a Pinulteca Ladino men, on the other hand, may come a nd go as they pleasewhether they are walking the streets or hanging out on sidewalk cornersno one que stions their intentions. Maya men are somewhat more restricted in their movements than Ladinos; they may travel as they like, but can only dawdle on street corners in their own neighborhoods or villages. The center town square in San Pedro Pinula is occupied only by Ladino men. As said in many Latin American countries, the house is for women and the street is for men. In San Pedro Pinula, both Ladina and Maya women appear to live under the same restrictions to their behavior and mobility. Migrant Household Formation In both the main town and the villages of San Pedro Pinula post-marital residence is patrilocal. Some families live in multi-generational households but neo-local residence is every young couples goal. Families still tend to live in households on the compound or neighborhood, as land is divided over time among family member s. Often, family members live very close to one another, though this is more common in the villages. Whether married or planning to marry,

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119 most young men leave to the United States with th e goal of returning to buy their own land and build their own homes. Men leave their wives and fiances to be taken care of by their in-laws, male relatives, and the community-at-large (G eorges 1992; Mahler 2001). In cases where the male has already built a house on his own, his wi fe may stay in that house or abandon the house to live with her in-laws. If there is no house, the wife a nd children will move in with his relatives. This living situation secures the wifes fidelity and controls her movements and actions while the husband is away. Remittances as Social Control This living situation also provides the met hod by which remittances are distributed and controlled. Maya men in the United States tend to send money to their parents, while Ladino men are more likely to send the checks directly to their wives. Sending checks dire ctly to their wife is not a clear indicator that Ladi no men trust their wives more than Maya men, since most checks usually amount to a single months allowance. They may send larger amounts separately for a specific purpose that theyve agr eed upon ahead of time, usually fo r purchases of land, cows, or appliances. Women of either ethnicity consu lt their husbands for large purchases or any expenditure outside the realm of regular household requirements. Men in the United States are free to spend their money as they like (on dri nk, other women, etc.), but womens expenditures are more highly scrutinized. Also, Ladina women w ho are receiving remittances tend to be older, as young Ladina women are more likely to already be in the United States. In cases in which the home-community wi fe is exceedingly young, the Maya migrant will not send the remittances directly to her, but to the in-laws instead. The in-laws then divvy out money to the daughter-in-law as her gasto (allowance). Allowances range from as little as Q400 a month to almost Q5000 ($50 to $800). In one rare case, an olde r Ladino woman whose husband was in the United States received, on average, Q10,000 a month. Even though she

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120 received this money directly, she considered it an allowance since her family goals for land purchases and home constructi on had already been achieved. Ladino women tend to receive much higher allowances on average than Maya wo men since their standard of living is much higher. For the Maya, money sent for large investment s are received by the parents of the migrant. Frequently, land purchases and home construction ar e the responsibility of the in-laws. In cases where both in-laws are alive, the father will di rect investment and c onstruction, though it is not uncommon to see widowed mothers perform this ta sk with great authority. In such cases, the parents administer the remittances because of the prevailing beliefs about young women whose husbands are awayit is supposed that these wo men are immature and irresponsible, and thus are vulnerable prey to the attentio ns of disrepumen. They also be lieve that men are the head of the household and that the oldest male househol d member should make the decisions in the absence of the husband. Gossip as Social Control As seen in the previous examples, women are extremely conscious of gossip. Gossip can damage reputations and ruin live s. Women live in fear of gossip, especially if the gossip travels transnationally to and from the United States Advances in communicat ion technologies affect gender relations in both positive and negative ways, but the underlying power of gossip still maintains a stronghold over womens lives. In the context of transnationa l migration, gossip has resulted in the dissolution of marriages and the discontinuance of remittances. Much of the power of transnational gossip is owed to the be lief that women should behave well while the husband is away (Georges 1992). In general, wo men are expected to stay home, go out only when necessary (and always with a chaperone), refrain from speaking to men in public, obey their in-laws, and spend their allowance wise ly. Women who do not live under these rules, or

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121 who are perceived to have violated them, are su sceptible to the discipline of both family and community. A father whose five daughters all had husbands in the Unite d States explained a typical situation: My daughter suffers under her mother-in-law. She misses us (her family) and spends a lot of time at our house. Though she is only visi ting (us), her mother-in-law complains that she is andariega (a woman who goes out all the time). When she talks to her son on the phone, she says she doesnt know where his wi fe is and who knows who she is out with. Even if my daughter is only going out to fetch water with her sister, her mother-in-law is suspicious. A young wife is expected to be at the home of the husband so she may be properly supervised by the husbands family. Even ifas in the case cited abovethe wife is merely passing time with her own family, the in-laws fr equently distrust the daughter-in-laws family, and thus believe that they may be covering for her. Adding to this suspicion is the financial formulation that equates time spent with the nata l family into money and labor spent outside the husbands home, so families worry that when a daughter-in-law isnt at home, she may be spending her husbands (their) money on her birth fa mily. While the prospect of infidelity might appear to be the major concern for the husbands fa mily, in fact, the main issue is the battle over the husbands resources. Thus, the gossip that arises over the wherea bouts of married women whose husbands are abroad may become a powerful weapon in this ongoing struggle. Though transnational migration by men is in creasingly common, both women and men are frequently warned of the potential conseque nces of this separation. A pervasive anecdote involves a young wife who is le ft behind by her Maya husband. As the story goes, while her husband is away, she becomes pregnant. She hides the pregnancy to full term, and after she delivers the baby in secrecy, leav es the child to die in the bush. In one version, this agony is protracted, as a passing woman hear s the baby crying and saves it, on ly for it to die later. Since the young woman in the story is Maya, many claim that the father was a local Ladino landowner

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122 who frequented her house to receive payments fo r the loan her husband took out to finance his migration. Another story involves a young woman whose husband trusts her enough to send her all his money directly, including mone y that is to be spent on land purchases and home construction. The migrant is one of five brothers who have migrated to Bostonthe only one of the five who sends his money directly to his wife, rather th an to his mother. The wife, who is foolish and weak, falls in love and runs off with a furn iture salesman from another town, taking all her husbands money along with her. As the story goes fate is not kind to her, and the salesman eventually leaves her. When sh e returns to the family compound, the husband orders his family to accept her back. He still sends money, but now it goes directly to his mother, who allots an allowance to the wife. Though the truth (or fiction) of the anecdotes is unverified, they ne vertheless both function as powerful social controls over women. In each version, the womans infidelity becomes a strong source of shame and a lesson for her of the consequences of violating the cultural order, whether this violation involves in fidelity or the misuse of mone y entrusted to her by her husband. While the stories warn women of the danger of transgressing community norms, they warn men of the danger of trusting their wives. While the Marianismo model may portray women as more spiritually strong and thus more able to resist temptation, patriarchy stil l reigns over a womans access to remittances and her ability to move freely. Remittance Expenditures: Productive or Reproductive? A central question related to the impact of transnational migration on sending communities is whether remittances are used for productive or reproductive activities. In the previous chapter, I discussed how the Maya are li mited in their ability to invest in productive activities such as cattle ranching, and how their us e of remittances is often restricted to fixed

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123 investments such as land purch ases and home construction. Ladi nos, on the other hand, are able to invest their remittances in cattle ranching or in local businesses such as hardware stores and construction. In households with husbands in the United States, there does not appear to be a significant difference in women s roles compared to households with the husbands present, though in some cases, remittances appear to lighten a womens household duties and enable them to invest in their childre ns education, which may eventually be a catalyst for significant change in the Maya communities. Women in Maya communities frequently use remittances for reproductive activitiesor those that support child-rear ing and the maintenance of a home. As seen in the previous section, young wives rarely have the opportunity to receive remittances directly, but some have been able to convince their husbands to support their end eavors, which may include homebound stores. As is the case in many sending communities, the prevalence of homebound stores has increased significantly. In the village of Aguacate, for ex ample, there were just two homebound stores in 1999, and over dozen in 2002. Although homebound stores ma y be seen as an investment or as a productive activity, they typically only help to sustain the house hold, and they rarely realize a profit. Women often use the produc ts they buy for the store to s upplement their own diet and the cash made from the stores to purchase food a nd clothing. The effect of the increased food on children is difficult to quantify: though they may receive more of it, the surplus is likely of poorer quality, since many of the additional f oods are high in sugar. Homebound stores do not encourage women to transgress th e gendered expectations of the culture, since they typically reinforce the limitations on their mobility. There are exceptions to the usual limitations on a womans use of her allowance money. In one instance, a woman planted milpa on her newly-bought land. Her husband didnt like the idea,

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124 but she did it anyway. She was pleased with all the hard work and made good money (Q150 a quintal), but after two seasons, she decided it was too much troubl e. She explained that husbands dont like their wives to plant milpa because it requires them to be outside the home and to hire other men to work on the crops. Normally, women use allowances to su stain the household and to purchase food, clothing, and firewood. The ability to buy firew ood has made a significant impact on womens activities and on time spent on household chores. Ma ya women used to spend from two to four hours daily collecting firewood in the hills su rrounding the villagesa significant amount of time and effort that has been virtually eliminat ed. Nevertheless, some wo men choose to continue to collect firewood on their own in order to save their allowance money for other expenditures. Childrens Education One of the most significant impacts of remittances in the Maya community has been on their childrens education. Most Maya men and women have never pa ssed the sixth grade, if they went to school at all. Mario, 32, remembers th at when he was young, his grandfather would hide him from the schoolteachers: We were told to hide in the storeroom until the men (teachers) leftWe didnt go to school but worked in the fields I remember when the season came and the clouds would start forming in the sky in the afternoons I would get sad. I knew when the rains came there would be a lot of work to be done. Elder Maya did not want their children going to school, preferring instead to keep them at home to work in the fields or to help their mothers in the house. Some young Maya, especially those who lived in town, did attend elementary sc hool. In the past two decades, there has been a significant increase in attendance due to the availa bility of elementary education in the villages. Although public education in Guatemala is free, some village Maya are still unable to send their children to school simply because they cannot afford school supplies.

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125 In the town of San Pedro Pinula, there is an elementary school as well as a middle school. For Maya who live in a village, th e effort and expense required to send a child to town to attend middle school may be prohibitive; thus, only ch ildren whose parents have money and/or live close to town are likely to attend. The only hi gh schools for the whole department of San Pedro Pinula are in the department capita l of Jalapa, which, from the town of San Pedro Pinula, is at least a half-hour drive over a mountain ridge. High school students from San Pedro Pinula tend to live in the department capital while attendi ng school. Since the high schools of Jalapa serve the departments of both Jalapa a nd San Pedro Pinula, it has the atmosphere of a college town, but instead of college-aged students the population is largely of hi gh school age. The housing needs of the students affects the econom y of Jalapa: many inhabitants re nt out private rooms in their homes, and whole apartment buildings are dedi cated to housing high school students. Not all high schools are public and most ha ve attendance fees, and, further, the parent(s) will have to pay for school supplies, uniforms, housing, and food, so ending a ch ild to high school can be an expensive undertaking. At minimu m, it costs a Pinulteco an aver age of Q1500 ($200) monthly to send their child to high school. Some teenagers ta ke the daily jitneys to Jalapa and return home every evening (which costs Q160 a month or $25), or they live with relatives in Jalapa. In the past, only the children of the wealthiest families went to high school in Jalapa. But when Ladinos started to migrate to the United St ates, the attendance patterns changed as lower class Ladinos began to send their children to mi ddle school and high school. In the past decade, the number of Maya children from the towns a nd villages who attend hi gh school in Jalapa has increased significantly, which indi cates a great change in the co mmunity. While there is still a large gap in the status of wome n and men, as well as Maya and La dino, the rise in education may

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126 be the start of changes in the rural communities as well as in the town of Pinula. As one Ladina women explained: A bueno en el sentido de la libertad, nosotro s aqu las mujeres en Guatemala somos muy obedientes porque es as, verdad? Entonces queremos conservar nuestro matrimonio porque nos tienen formadas as de que la mu jer tiene que hacerle caso al hombre en ciertas cosas, tal vez no en t odas. Pero el hombre guatemalteco es muy machista, entonces es muy delicado, a raz de que ellos se siente n que porque el es el machista, a la mujer a veces la tienen un poco sumergida. Pero viene tambin que es una falta de civilizacin, entonces por eso se necesita que a los jvenes a todos los que vienen ahorita darles clases para que ellos cambien esa idea que ellos tiene n que la mujer debe ser una esclava para ellos, no? Pero ya ahorita ya hay libertad much o para la mujer, lo nico que si es que debe estar un poco sumergida, pero en mi forma de entender es porque hay poca comunicacin entre la pareja, la pareja ti ene que comunicarse mucho dilogo para llegar. Well, when it comes to the subject of wome ns liberation, the women here in Guatemala are very obedient, yes? Theref ore, we want to conserve our marriages because they are formed this way so that the woman has to obey her husband in certain cases, but not in all. But the Guatemalan man is very macho and ther efore very delicate, to the point that they feel since they are macho that they have to have the woman a bit submissive. But this is also because they are not civilized and theref ore we need to teach the children and give them classes so that they change this thi nking that the woman should be a slave, no? But there is now too much freedom for the woman; the only thing is that she should stay a little bit submissive, but as I understand it, it is be cause there is little communication between the couple and the couple needs to communicate more to get anywhere. Womens Return Migration In San Pedro Pinula, while ethnicity is importa nt to defining identity and status, it does not indicate much about the different ways in wh ich non-migrating Guatemalan women are affected by transnational migration. In part because of it s short history of international migration, Maya communities show far lower rates of female emigration as compared to Ladino communities. As illustrated by Hondagneu-Sotelos work on wome ns migration networks in Mexico (1992), womens migration is controlled by men, and women are only ab le to migrate to the United States by using their own separa te networks. The following quote from a young Maya migrant in Boston supports this assertion: Well, first its (lower migration rates am ong Maya women) because I dont think all women have the same opportunity. I mean, not all women have someone, family, to help

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127 them out. Not anyone is going to help you out be cause its a lot of money and we all work hard to make something of ourselves. I think its hard to earn your mone y. So with the fact that no person is going to help out anyone without really knowing them. One Ladina woman in Boston e xplained that she had to thre aten her family members to help her migrate, saying that if they didnt contribute something, she would do it on her own. Fortunately for her, she alrea dy had a large extended network of relatives who were return migrants or who were already li ving in the United States. While Ladino men were the first to migrate, it soon became a common custom fo r young Ladino men and women to attempt to migrate to the United States after high sc hool graduation. Among the Maya, a few married women and a handful of young single women ha ve migrated, but it is still uncommon. Ladino men are more likely to return to Pinula than Ladina women. While there are many returning Ladino males in San Pedro Pinula, ther e are only a handful of returning Ladina women. Ladina women in Boston reported that they would pref er to return to either the town of Jalapa or Guatemala City rather than return to San Pedr o Pinula. Some of these women report that they feel San Pedro Pinula is too conservative and th at, even though they remember it fondly and miss their childhood home, they would be bored. Nonethel ess, female migrants in Boston still discuss the possibility of returning for retirement after their children finish school and leave home, though they admit it would be difficult to re-assimilate. Among the eight female return migrants I in terviewed in San Pedro Pinula, over half returned willingly due to family obligations or an inability to adapt to life in the United States. The other three returned with their families but would have preferred to remain in the United States. Each of the three who returned against th eir wishes felt that returning has had a negative impact on their relationships with their husband s, saying that their husbands became more macho upon their return from the United States. Mart a, a Ladina woman in her thirties, cried

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128 hysterically during our interview. She reports th at during her marriage in the United States, she and her husband used to travel and make decision s together. In Pinula, the couple lives well: they have built a fancy new home and she feels financially secure, ye t she regrets their return to Guatemala. In contrast, non-migrant wives report that thei r husbands often change after spending time in the United States. These women say that their return spouses are more helpful and appreciative of the wives domestic work. One ho me-community wife felt that the United States had been a school for her husband since he had to cook, clean, and take care of himself there. Now, he does more household chores, and overall, she thinks he has become a better husband. In spite of her assertions, I neve r observed the husband helping around the house, yet at this point the couple was well-off financially and domestic duties were mostly performed by servants under the direction of the wife. The following table illustrates a sample of migrant women and their reasons for returning to Pinula. Return migrant women who did not wish to return report an un satisfactory relationship with their husbands. Two out of the three return migrant women se lf-report abusive relationships and the third says that she rarely sees her husband and that their relationship has changed significantly since their return. Return migrant women tended to dislike the United States for various reasons. Ladina women mi ssed the high status bestowed upon them in their hometowns and the accompanying lifestyle. The return Maya woman enjoye d the money she was able to earn in the United States but wa s forced to return in order to collect child support from her adulterous husband. Although this chart reflects some Ladina womens preference for return, interviews in the United States with Ladina wo men support research showing that women prefer the United States as compared to men (Margolis 1994, 1998; Pessar 1995). As mentioned before,

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129 Ladina women interviewed in Bost on discuss returning to Guatemal a at a later date but consider returning to larger and more urban areas. They cite the conservative environment in Pinula could possible be too difficult after livi ng many years in the United States. Conclusion Transnational migration has had some posit ive but mostly negative impacts on womens mobility, autonomy, and access to and control ov er cash. Women whose husbands have migrated to the U.S. receive money in the form of an allowance and use this money to support the household and rarely invest in productive activit ies. For Maya women, access to remittances is limited and cash is controlled by their in-laws. Ladino women have more access to and control over remittances but still remain under the social controls and gender be liefs of the community. Only older women in the later stages of the life cycle have more autonomy and ability to control resources. Investment in Maya childrens education is the most significant indicator of positive change since it may ultimately be the catalyst for eliminating social and economic differences between Maya and Ladinos. While this chapter has illustrated the impact of migration on womens gender roles, the next chapter will show how women, especi ally Maya and poor Ladinas, attempt to negotiate gender relations in the transnational space that separates them from their loved ones abroad.

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130 4-1. Elder Maya marrying by the church. Th e wedding was paid for by their migrant granddaughter. Videos and pi ctures were shot and ma iled to her afterwards.

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131 4-2. Men hanging out on the street corner. 4-3. Four Maya sisters in their high school uniforms.

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132 4-1. Return Migrant Women table. Return migrant With whom she returned Desired return Specific reason Rigoberta (Ladina) Husband and children Yyes Wanted to return to Pinula to live her life out with family and friends, missed the lifestyle in Pinula. Her and her husband felt life in U.S. too hard after 9/11. Ermitta (Ladina) Children only Yes Disliked the hard work and lifestyle in U.S. Husband remained in United States but soon stopped sending money and was discovered to have new family in the U.S. Adela (Ladina) Husband (bore children after return to Guatemala) Yes Hated being a maid in the United States, living in Pinula provides her high status as a Patrona. Christina (Ladina) Two children who were born in the United States Yes Disliked U.S. and wanted to return to hometown. Husband remains in U.S. with no plan to return to live in Guatemala but still remits large allowance monthly after ten years in the U.S. Husband visits Pinula annually. Maria (Maya) Alone (husband stayed in U.S. with other woman) Yes and no Divorced husband in the United States after chasing after him once he stopped sending money home. Lawyer in U.S. told her to return to Guatemala to receive her child support payments in lieu of her in-laws Consuela (Ladina) Husband and children No Husband wanted to return to Pinula to retire after almost two decades in the United States. She misses life in U.S. and reports husband is abusive. Maria (Ladino/Maya parents are considered to be mixed Indian) Husband and child No Returned with Ladino husband who married her in the United States against his parents wishes. Wants to return to the United States but remains under strict control of husband. Marta (Ladina) Husband and children No Loved life in the United States and felt that she and husband had better life there. Reports husband has completely changed for the worse since return to Pinulavery macho and no longer spends quality time with her and her children.

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133 CHAPTER 5 TRANSNATIONAL COMMUNICATION fucj How do couples maintain their relationships manage separate households, and make decisions when they are thousands of m iles apart? How do they communicate across transnational borders when faced with the cult ural constraints of gender expectations and traditional family structures? Responding in part to Sarah Mahlers call to locate the strategic role of communicationor the lack thereofin relationships conducte d across transnational space (2001: 584), this chapter illustrates how transnational couples negotiate this complex terrain. The ability to communicate across borders is essential to a migrant couples livelihood as they try to maintain their lives in two different places. Research on transnational migration works under the assumption that advances in comm unication technology have improved migrants abilities to sustain tr ansnational ties (Glick Schiller 1999), yet transn ational studies tend to overlook how communication is achieved in many of the communities where basic technology is unreliable (Mahler 2001), which is the case in San Pedro Pinula, a region in which inhabitants access to communication is affected by the cons traints of class and geographical location. Frequently, this access is also determined by et hnicity; even so, the gap between Maya and Ladinos is narrowing as advancing technol ogies make communicat ion more accessible regardless of class or social status. Access to Communication Technology: Changes from 1999 to 2005 When I first arrived in San Pedro Pinula in 1999, migrants could communicate with their loved ones abroad only using the postal service and public pay phones. But in the seven year interval since, advances in communication techno logy have made it much easier for transnational couples to maintain contact. Before the advent of cell phones, migrants often struggled to communicate on a regular basis, and, further, th eir efforts at communica tion were often censored

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134 by others present during phone conversations or for those who are illiterate writing their letters for them. Improvements in communication technol ogy have overcome some of these difficulties, perhaps benefiting women and poor Ladinos and Ma ya the most by allowing them the means to stay in touch with migrants abroad on a mo re consistent and personal basis. The following section will cover the many technologies availa ble and how they affected non-migrants through time. Letters Guatemalas postal service was excessively sl ow, and letters frequently took months to arrive. This was generally an unreliable way to communicate, yet it was a mainstay for many throughout the years. Letter writing presented sp ecial difficulties for much of Guatemalas population, especially the indige nous groups, because many of them were illiterate and thus dependent on others to read and write thei r letters. Because ma ny Maya believed that communication among family members is a private affair (especially wh en the subject was money), the dependence on a third pa rty severely restricted the cont ent of their letters. Literate women complained that although le tter writing allowed them to e xpress love and affection to their husbands, the third party interference prevented them from communicating in a way that would help ensure their husbands fidelity. Further, since letters took so long to arrive, it was not always an effective way to stave off rumors or to discuss immediate and pressing issues, such as their childrens health or money issues. Audiotapes Though some research focusing on the West ern Highlands suggests otherwise (see Moran-Taylor 2003; Hagan 1994), mailing audiotap es was not common in San Pedro Pinula, possibly because of the expense of electronic eq uipment such as tape recorders. With rare exceptions, most inhabitants did not use this technology to communicate with migrants abroad.

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135 Private Home Phones Private phones were usually available only to the upper class. Up until the phone companies privatized service in 2001, there we re 25 lines for fifty households, with private service available only in the town of San Pe dro Pinula. These households tended to be upper class Ladinos who coveted their private lines and rarely let anyone outside the family use them. Due to the imbalance between the number of pho nes and the number of lines, it was common for a person to pick up the phone and not get a dial tone until someone else in town finished their own call. Further, this created a situation in which one c ould eavesdrop on others phone conversations. Community Pay Phones Prior to the advent of cell phones in 2003, most lower class La dinos and all urban and rural Maya could communicate with migrants in the United States or in Guatemalas capital city solely through the use of community pay phones. Known also as comunitarios communal phones are simply lines owned by middle and upper class La dinos who make them available to the public for a fee. Often situated in storefronts or in the front room of a private house, communal phones frequently consist of a flimsy cardboard booth which houses the phone and a single chair, with the space adjacent to the booth serving as the wa iting area for those hoping to make or receive calls. While the comunitarios provide a needed service, freque nt service irregularities prove problematic for transnational couples who requi re a regular and reliable way to communicate with each other. Further, for the rural Maya, ma king a trip to the town to make or receive a phone call at the comunitario can be an all day event. Some Maya make phone calls as part of their market day or as an in-town errand, but since the comunitarios are especially busy during these peak periods, many prefer to make a separate trip just for calls. Additionally, the process of

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136 receiving a call can take several hours because it is often difficult and time-consuming to get through from the United States. Making a phone call presents a similar problem, since it sometimes requires several attempts before the c onnection is achieved. All of these difficulties are compounded by the imbalance between lines and phones, creating a situation in which attempting to make an international call can cost a rural Maya an entire days labor or wage. On the other hand, the communitario phone call process can be s een as a significant social event because it creates an opportunity to talk with other non-migrants. Since many people are either waiting for a phone call or required to make several attempts to complete one, the waiting area of the communitario can become an important social spa ce, facilitating cont act with others from nearby villages or the town. Additionally, ev eryone in the room has relatives in the United States, a significant commonality which allows for substantive discussion about issues related to migration. Nevertheless, comunitarios greatly limit a non-migr ants ability to talk freely. Because of the limited space, the phone lines in the comunitarios as opposed to those in a private home, afford little if any privacy, and those in th e waiting area can easily overhear the phone conversations. While Pinultecos are not overwhelmingly private people, they do attempt to keep all personal and family matters private, in large part because they are afraid of gossip. This places strict limitations on the content of any conversations made on a public phone. For instance, many home community wives reported that they had grievances to address with their migrant husbands, but since the conversation was so public (and since in many cases they had been escorted to the comunitario by their in-laws), it was impossible to have an open conversation. In view of which socio-ethnic gr oup is least likely to ha ve access to a private phone line, the limitations of the comunitarios mostly affect those who have no poweryoung

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137 wives, for instancewho require privacy to have discussions with their hu sbands about sensitive issues, such as problems w ith their in-laws or money. When I first came to Pinula in 1999, comunitarios were the only regular form of communication for many Guatemalans. Because I could spend hours in a comunitario (no one questioned my presence, since it seemed I was also waiting to call the United States), they were an excellent venue for research, providing me w ith the opportunity to meet a migrants family members, hear the latest gossip, or (like ever yone else who was waiting to make or receive a call) listen to others conversat ions! My presence also allowed migrant family members to ask me questions about the United States and to tell me anecdotes about thei r migration experiences. One afternoon, a Maya family came to the door of the comunitario They were a typical home community familythe husband was in the U.S. and the wife was accompanied by her small children and her husbands family. The mother wa s the first to speak to her son in Boston, and she asked the usual questions rega rding his health and the status of his job. Next, the father spoke; he first inquired about his sons financia l situation, then inform ed him of their home construction project, and finally began to speak (i n hushed tones) about certa in difficulties in the relationship between the sons wife and the sons. He reported that the da ughter-in-law had little respect for her mother-in-law and fought with her constantly, elaborating further that she was uncontrollable and apt to go off on her own wit hout their permission. Wh en the wife finally spoke to her husband, she began to cry and begged him to return. While she tried to be polite about her relationship with her mo ther-in-law, she still defended herself. Towards the end of the conversation, it became apparent that the husba nd wasnt coming home anytime soon and that he had told his wife to respect his parents and beha ve properly. This scenario was typical of various

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138 conversations I witnessed during that summer. Conversations tended to be formal, respectful, and short. Because of the logistical difficulties of using a comunitario it is not uncommon for wives to speak to their husbands only once every few months. Such irregula r contact intensifies feelings of separation for both husband and wi fe, which often results in miscommunication. Women reported that the limitations on their ability to speak to their husbands made them feel isolatedas if they had little control over thei r lives and no authority to make the decisions affecting them and their children. Cellular phones After 2001, cell phones became more commonpl ace throughout Guatemala and in the municipality of San Pedro Pinula. Because it is an overwhelmi ngly accessible technology (available to virtually anyone, regardless of ethnicity or inco me), cell phones have transformed the Guatemalan landscape. Formerly, only the el ite of Guatemalan soci ety could have a truly private conversation, but since th e advent of the cell phone, even the inhabitants of remote villages that have no running water or electricit y (they use car batteries to recharge their phones), can speak with family members in the United Stat es away from the prying ears of in-laws or other community members. As the following anecdote demonstrates, cell ph ones have proven instrumental in keeping family members connected: one afternoon I was visiting a prestig ious Ladino family in the nearby village of Santo Domingo, an aldea of San Pedro Pinula; Santo Domingo had been the first settlement before the founding of San Pedr o Pinula, but because of its low elevation and exposure to flooding (Pinula sits on a hill), th e Spanish found it to be an undesirable location. The Ladino families of Santo Domingo are well known for their strict endogamyfor the purity of their Spanish blood; in fact, many joke about the high incidence of birth defects in the town,

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139 which they attribute to inbreed ing among the Spanish descendents. Even though it is famous for its white Ladino inhabitants, Sa nto Domingo does have a large Indian population. The Ladinos refer to these inhabitants as Indians ( indios ), making no connection between them and the Pokomam Maya of San Pedro Pinula. In Sant o Domingo, the class divi sion between Ladino and Indian is pronounced, much as it is in San Pedro Pinula. Ladino families in Santo Domingo, like those in San Pedro Pinula, are cattle farmers who produce milk and cheese. This particular family is one of the larger cheese producers and they regularly sell directly to Guatemala City. One afternoon, as I was being shown the families large cheese production facilities, a frail and older indigenous women entered the compound with a basket full of bread balanced on her head. With the casual familiarity of the daily routine, the Ladina head-of-household and the Indian woman conducted their transaction. The Indian women spoke softly, demonstrating great deference to th e Ladina Doa. As the Indian woman began to pack up to leave, a loud ringing came from her apron. She threw down the basket and grabbed her cell phone from beneath her apron, then proceed ed to discuss the details of her upcoming trip to see her son, who was calling from New York. She finished the convers ation, turned off the phone, raised the basket to her head, smiled, and went on her way. When she had left, the Ladinos proceeded to comment on the irony of a poor little Indian who sells bread door-todoor yet owns a cell phone and frequently travels to the United States, further asserting that the Indio no longer needed to sell bread now that she had a son abroad. One Ladino remarked that the cell phone represented the end of their way of life, reiterating the Ladino belief that if Indians have access to communication technologie s and to U.S. dollars it will represent a permanent alteration to the local social structure. While this anecdote may appear to confirm the belief of many Ladinos that migration causes si gnificant social change, the Indian womans

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140 demeanorcoupled with her inability or refusal to quit her job as a loca l bakeris testimony to some resistance to change. For Maya villagers, cell phone s have been a blessing. In the villages dotting the mountainsides, an array of cell phon e antennas poke out from beneat h thatched and tin roofs, and when the reception is not particularly good, peopl e simply climb up on their roofs to strengthen the signal. Villagers no longer have to spend an en tire day traveling to the main town to make a (possibly unsuccessful) call to th e United States. Migrants in th e United States send money so their family members can purchase cell phones, and cell phone companies have made it easier for migrants to purchase their products abroa d. The newfound ease with which migrant families can communicate with each othe r helps keep relationships st rong, and possibly increases the degree to which home community wives are involved in decision-making. Positive and Negative Im pacts of Cell Phones Maya of both sexes and Ladina women report that cell phones have had both positive and negative impacts on their lives. For the Maya, cell phones elimin ate the need to travel to the main town to make calls, which often results in missing a full day of work. Now if a Maya doesnt have his/her own cell phones he/she can borrow one from their neighbors in the village. For women, cell phones help facili tate regular, honest communication with their husbands. Rosa, a Maya woman in her late twenties, lives across the street from her in-laws but can now receive phone calls from her husband in the privacy of her own home. She feels that this enables her to speak to him about whatever she likes and to disc uss all matters relating to their lives, from the design of their new home, to how much money sh e is receiving, to the de cisions she makes. She believes that talking to him regularly on the cell phone keeps their re lationship strong, which makes it more likely that he will eventually return Many home community women are afraid that their migrant husbands w ill abandon them, and regular phone conversations help somewhat

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141 to quell these fears, because they allow th ese women to remind their husbands of their responsibilities to their family in the home community, even t hough it may have been years since they have last seen one another. Having a cellular phone in the house can also be problematic. While non-migrant wives no longer feel as if their in-laws are watching over them and limiti ng their ability to communicate, they do believe that the increased frequency of conversations has give n their husbands more control over them. This perception arises becau se cell phones are purchased with money from the husbands and, in some cases, are ordered dir ectly by the husband in the United States from the local cell phone company, which then arranges delivery to the wife. Even though the cell phones are portable, women keep them in their home s, and they may feel as if they can not go out because their husbands may call to check in on them. Only established wives who already have the freedom to move without restraint travel with their cell phones. Some women dont have their husbands phone numbers and only a ccept incoming calls, which is, in part, a costsaving measure because, in Guatemala, incoming cal ls are free and outgoing calls are expensive. As of 2004, a Q100 phone card (about $20) is only good for just under a half hour phone call to the United States. Thus, for many women, cell phone s can be used to receive incoming calls only. Some women convey mixed feeli ngs about having a cell phone since it may cause them to be afraid of going out and thus missing a call. When asked about taking the phone out with them, many say they are afraid of being questioned ab out where they were and who they were with. Some women report that they have had argumen ts with their husbands when they have not answered their phones. Others to ld me that even though they make regular appointments at specific times to receive their husbands call, many of them r eceive occasional evening calls,

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142 which suggests that their husbands are checking up on them. While cell phones have made a vast improvement in the quality and quantity of co mmunication, they can al so create additional constraints on the freedoms of home community wives. Videos Q: Who sends you the videos? R: A family membera brother I have over th erehe takes care to find people who like to take videos and asks them to make a special one to send here (Boston) for us to remember how we once lived, to remember the things we left behind. Ther es a big difference between there and here. Its not the same. The lifestyle there is different than here. We see the videos to recall what we once lived there. With the advent of VHS and digital recorder s, using video to maintain contact across borders has also become an important part of transnational communication. While they havent necessarily increased the leve l of communication among individua ls, videos have certainly resulted in increased communication within co mmunities. While cell phone s create better access to communication for the less powerful members of the household, especially the young wife, videos provide a better sense of what is happe ning on both sides of the border. This increased level of awareness helps member s of home communities better understand life in the United States, while helping migrants maintain feeli ngs of closeness to their families and natal communities. Videos represent a unique attempt at substantive transnational communication, since the reproduction of lived reality reminds both migrants and home community members of the intimacy of their relationships. Thus, they f unction as a powerful incentive for migrants to support their families in Guatemala, encouragin g not only the continuation of remittances but also their eventual return. Video Tape Production as a Business In large cities such as Jalapa and Mataquees quintla, there are video production companies that make a standard video aimed at people w ho have relatives in the United States. These

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143 production companies use computer editing progra ms to produce technically impressive videos that range in scope from general information about the region to smaller videos that chronicle personal events such as birthday parties. In Pinula, there are people who will videotape events for a small fee, but this service has not become a large scale business as it has in other regions of Guatemala. Community Events on Video The technology has become sufficiently widesp read that most major community events, such as the annual festivals, are captured on video. In the villages, the festival of the local patron saint as well as the festival of the town of Sa n Pedro Pinula are significan t events that are made into videos. The annual patrons day festival is full of activit ies and the video of the event usually includes the rodeo, parade, inauguration ceremony (which includes the introduction of the queens), and the Catholic Mass. When migran ts watch these videos, they are often most concerned with recognizing people in the crowd a nd remembering those they have not seen in yearswhether they are family members, ex-g irlfriends, or a notori ous community member. Migrants in the United States frequently get toge ther to watch videos, which encourages them to discuss their home communities and to reminisce about their pasts. While many videos exhibit nothing out of the ordinary, some may take on a personal slant or focus on an unusual topic. For example, one videomailed from one visiting migrant to another male relative in the United Statesthoug h ostensibly concerning the festival parade, which typically consists of shots of prancing horses and small floats, the person taping was concentrating on what he considered to be more interesting: all the eligible girls between the ages of 13 and 17, when (as virgins) they are consid ered to be the most at tractive. The girls were dressed up in their festival best, and t hough women in Pinula typically dress quite conservatively, they were wearing their best cowboy gear: tight jeans, western tops, cowboy

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144 hats, and make-up. As the tape played, the na rrator commented on who the girls were, their relation to well known families in the area, and the relative attractivenes s of their various body parts. Though both the creator and recipient of the vi deo were well over the age of twenty-five, and in committed relationships, (one was married and the other engaged), they most likely considered the video appropriate for the male migrant community, allowing it to be seen by menyoung and old, married and singlein many migrants homes across the country. Men tend to sexualize young girls around th e age of 13, as at this age the women are still pure, unmarried and available. Other events often caught on video include birthday parties, house blessings, stages of home cons truction, funerals, marriages, and quinceaeras (fifteenth birthday celebrations for girls). Videos made in the United States and sent to San Pedro Pinula may chronicle celebratory events, but they also frequently document the town where the migrants live or record their travels in the United States. Some videos record visits to popular tourist destinations. In Pinula; one often sees videos that include famous Boston la ndmarks like Fenway Park and Old Ironsides, or show trips to Niagara Falls or the Six Flags them e park in New Jersey. Migrants also videotape their homes and neighborhoods. All videotapeswhether going to or coming from the United Statesinclude formal salutations. Since most videos will be seen by more than one household and will be passed from one group to another, direct communication between individuals is manifest in formal salutations from loved ones. These salutations become some thing like a rehearsed script, in which the person being interviewed says hello to their family members, tells them to work hard (if the tape is going to the United States), and ends by wish ing everyone well. Rarely will the interviewee

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145 make personal remarks or direct commentarie s. Occasionally, he or she may specifically reprimand migrants who have earned a reputation for drinking or not be having well in the United States. Maria and her Video Plea to her Husband Though it is not typically the case, some videotapes are stri ctly for private use since they are very personal and recorded for a specific pur pose. The videotapes in this category usually involved crisis situations. One such video wa s made by a home community wife who felt she was losing her husband to the allure of the United States. I had been introduced to Mari a by a community leader who believed that her situation exemplified some of the negative consequences of migration on village life. She had not received regular money from her husband for two years and rarely spoke to him. Her only method of communicating with him had been through calls from a comunitario during which she was always accompanied by her in-laws, who lived in the house next to hers. The husband did not send his remittances directly to her, but rather to her mother-in-law, who provided Maria only with the rudimentary gasto Marias husband had been absent for five years, and the remittances had begun to dwindle after three. She had two small children at the time. The reduction in income forced Maria to work outside the home selling food at the local market. Since her job required her to leave home unaccompanied, her in-laws did not approve. Conflicts between Maria and her in-laws increased over time, and Maria became suspicious of what her mother-inlaw may have been reporting to her husband. Community rumors also supported the intimation that Marias insolent behavior was the cause of the husbands suspension of remittances, but Maria suspected that the in-law s were hoarding the money, either squandering it or using it to purchase land. She also had heard a rumor that her husband had set up a new household in the

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146 United States, which would furthe r explain the lack of communication and the withholding of remittances. Maria decided to mail her husband a video plea ding her case. The video begins with her introducing his sons (whom the hus band had not seen since they were an infant and a toddler). She goes on to praise him for the work he has done and the money he has sent: Pues, ellos ahorita estn tom ando este video para que usted se de cuenta donde estamos ya que sta es la casa donde estamos. Tal vez usted no se ha dado cuenta del trabajo, pero nosotros aqu ste es el trabaj o que nosotros hicimos y aqu se puede dar cuenta de cual es el trabajo que aqu estn haciendo. Hay aqu Vi ctor Manuel y Francisco, que tambin son nuestros hijos y que ojal donde quiera que us ted est ojal siempre se acuerde de nosotros y que en realidad nosotros aqu esta mos con esaesa tristeza que porque usted no ha venido que esperamos el dia que usted ve nga para estar juntos aqu en nuestra casa, porque en realidad cuando usted estaba aqu no estaba bonito como est ahora pero gracias a Dis con el trabajo que usted ha hecho por all pues nosotros hemos construido algo, y ese es el trabajo que nosotros hemos hecho por medio del dinero que usted ha mandado. Solo que nosotros pusimos tristes porque no lo vemos personalmente pero espero en Dis que venga algn da. They are taking this video so you know we ar e filming in the house. Maybe you have not noticed the work, but we are here and this is the work we have done and you may notice we have done it. Here is Vict or Manuel and Francisco, who ar e also our kids and I hope that wherever you are I hope you remember us and in reality we here are sad because you have not returned, that we wait for the day that you return to be toge ther here in our house because in reality when you were here it was not nice here as it is now, but thanks to God with the work you have done over there we have built something and that is the work we have done with the money that you have sent us. Only we got sad because we haven't seen you personally, but I have faith in God that you will come back. The next section demonstrates the inherent sentimentality of video, which is an advantage over telephone communication when the intent of the sender is to re-establish an emotional connection with the recipient. As Maria talks, she walks ar ound the home showing the husband what she has done with the money (money that wa s sent as an allowance and not specifically meant for construction or investment), and how well she has managed it. She also shows him the TV, their new electricity, and the bike they bought. As she talks about the bike, the son jumps on it enthusiastically. Then she shows him the sewing machine, the fumigator (for her work on their

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147 land), and the baskets sh e weaves by hand, exemplifying the wo rk she does to survive and that she does not leave far from home to do it: Puede revisar all como est. ste es el c uarto donde dormimos, y aqu quiero hacer otro cuarto all de aquel lado y vamos a abrir aqu la ventana para hacer otro cuarto para los nios. No he comprado muchas cosas porque en realidad el dinero no alcanza; no he comprado verdaderamente muchas cosas que se diga suficiente de bas tante valor porque muy caro todo aqu. ste es el televisor que mand ah; lo tenemos y tambin tenemos los videos que los miran los nios y las fotos tambin an costado est donde nosotros tenemos para encender la luz porque ya tene mos energa elctrica y la bicicleta que Francisco quera; pues ah est tambin aqu tengo mi maquina tambin (Francisco en bicicleta); tambin lo que usted compre mi mquina aqu tengo mi mquina pues compr una bomba para trabajaruna para fumigar, y un trabajo que yo hago tambin que es trabajo de las canastas que tambin es muy bonito y aqu donde yo paso trabajando. You can see here how this is the room where we sleep. And here I want to make another room over there on the other side and here we are going to open up a window to make another room for the kids. I haven't bought many things because in reality the money isn't enough and I haven't bought, honestly, things that we could say are sufficiently of quite enough value because everything is expensive here This is the television set that you sent us. Here we still have it. And also we have the videos you sent that the kids watch and the pictures of you. Also next to the TV there is the switch to turn on the light because now we have electricity. The bike Francisco wanted is there also. Here I have my machine also. I have my machine. And I bought a pump to work and fumigate our corn. There is also other work that I do, I make baskets, that is real ly nice to do. And here is where I make them. In the next section Maria continues to de monstrate how she has improved the house and what still needs to be done. Then she gets her oldest son to speak to his father: Hola Pap. Yo soy Francisco. Espero que me conozcas todava y le cuento que la casa est muy bonita. Tal vez se acuerda cuando nosotros estamos pequeos mi hermano y le contar algo que me ha pasado en la escuela, o estoy en la escuela en cuarto grado. Me ensean muchas cosas de matemtica de cienci as, y usted, no por usted he pasado la vida feliz. Estoy feliz. Estoy estudiando gracias a primero usted y mi maestra es muy buena. Me gusta jugar de todo, barrer todo, lavar trastes, ayudarle a mi Mam a sus oficios que hace ella toda la comida que ms me gusta es frij oles fritos y pollo dorado; por eso estoy bien gordo (here Maria tells Francisco to ask his father when he's coming back). Pap, cando usted est aqu, le pregunto cuando se va a venir? Porque tal vez yo ya no me acuerdo de usted tanto pero de las fotos si lo conozco como est gordo estamos iguales. Quiero comprar otra bicicleta y la mquina de escribir deseo yo tener y estoy en la doctrina para hacer mi primera comunin y puedo cocer en mquina ya puedo manejar bicicleta. Estoy haciendo canastas. Solo eso, saludos Pap y un beso. Hi dad. I am Francisco and I hope you recogni ze me still and I want to tell you that the house is nice. Maybe you remember when we we re little. My brothe r and I will tell you

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148 what happens in school. I am in school in fourth grade; they taught me a lot of things of math, social and natural science. You didn' t have the opportunity to go to school and thanks to you I have been having a good lif e. I am happy. I'm studying and my teacher is really good. I like to play everything at school. I like to sweep the floors, wash the dishes, and help my mom do the house chores and all that she does. The food that I like the most is refried beans, baked chicken, and that's why I'm fat. (Here, Maria tells Francisco to ask his father when hes coming back.) Dad, when do you think you are let me ask you when are you going to come home? Because maybe I do not remember you much but from the pictures I do recognize how fat you are and in this way we are the same. I want to buy another bike and I wish to have a typewrite r. I also am attending classes for my first communion. I can sew on a machine, I can ride my bike, and I'm also making baskets. Salutations and a kiss. The son, like his mother, emphasizes his good be havior and how he helps his mother sew and weave to make money. After Francisco has s poken about himself, Maria prompts him to ask his father about his returnit is a heartbreaking plea. In the next section, Maria sp eaks directly to the camera without her children present. She discusses her concerns with the gossip circulating in the community, telling him that sh e has heard the rumors about men in the United States having affairs, as well as the gossip about village wome n who go out alone. Moreover, she gives him an ultimatum: if he has someone else in the United States, then he should leave her because she can make it without him. Lastly, sh e reminds him of everything she has achieved with the allowance money he has sent, yet tell s him it is still not enough money to live on: En realidad me siento un poco triste porque usted ya tiene seis aos y no quiere venir y no s cual es el problema que tie ne usted ah. No s si le gus to o no pues yo aqu sufriendo porque en realidad cuando uno no tiene su espos o aqu pues la gente hable mucho. Tal vez piensan mal que uno cuando uno sale a la gente no le gusta, pero yo mejor quiero que usted se venga porque en realidad ya no quier o estar sola, ya yo me cans; yo trabaj mucho y usted hizo lo que logr hacer y yo quiero que se venga porque ya no quiero estar sola. Y si media vez usted no se quiere venir pu es yo me voy con mucho gusto, yo s que yo tengo mis manos, mis pies para poder trabajar y mejor si usted tiene mujer ah pues mejor decdadse a dejarme a mi a ver que yo con mucho gusto me pongo a trabajar y en realidad me siento triste porque y uno no sabe como se encuentran ustedes por hay la verdad que la gente le mete cosas a uno que uno que ustedes tienen mujer por ah que no se que y uno se desespera porque tal vez es cierto y uno no puede, no puede, ms bien verlos personalmente, pero con o sea la gente le cuenta a uno y eso pues yo no he comprado muchas cosas aqu, no como no me manda suficiente dinero nada ms me manda solo para los gastos. Yo lo que he comprado nada ms mi mquina, la bomba, y un mi pedazo que compr en la cumbre tambin que ya ahorita lo estoy llenando de caf y estoy

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149 haciendo una finquita y mi comedor que aqu va a ser la puerta para entrar al otro cuarto, y solamente eso lo que hecho yo no s lo que usted que es lo que ha comprado por ah porque en realidad creo que si se ha ido para un lugar lejos es para hacer algo, no es para pasar el tiempo nada ms solo por estar porque en realidad la gente habla; el tiempo se ha ido y nunca se ha visto nada que es lo que ha comprado, pues yo de mi parte nada ms digo yo solo confo en Dis Dis que usted est bien y pues Dis sabe como se encontrarn si est trabajando o no est trabajando porque en verdad yo aqu me he estado quemando las uas tambin para poder mantener mis hijos porque cuando usted no me manda luego pues yo miro cualquiera mane ra de para poder sacar adelante a mis hijos nada ms un beso donde est y a toda la familia que ustedes estn okay. In reality, I feel a little sad because you al ready have six years and don't want to come back. I don't know what the problem is that you have there and I don't know if you liked it or not. Because I am here suffering because in reality when one does not have her husband here the people talk too much. Maybe they think bad of one when one goes out the people don't like it, but I think better th at you should come back becaus e in reality I don't want to be alone. I am tired, I worked too much, you did what you achieved what you wanted to do, I want you to come back because I don't want to be alone, and if you don't want to come back, well, I can with no problem. I know that I have my hands and feet to work and it is better if you have a woma n there you should decide to leave me and with pleasure I can go to work, but in reality I feel sad b ecause I don't know how everyone does there. The truth is the people here say th at guys who go to the U.S. all have women over there and I don't know what else. And one gets desperate because maybe its true and one cannot see you guys personally but thats what people say. I haven't bought many things here. No, how can I, you don't send me enough money no more then you've sent me for my expenses. I've only bought no more than my sewing machine, the pump, a piece of land in El Cumbre where I'm also growing caf and where I am starting a little farm. And my dining room here where there's going to be a door to connect to the other room. And thats the only thing I have done. I don't know what you've bought over there because truthfully I believe that if you go to a place far away it is to make something of yourself not to waste your time and be there for no reason. The truth is the people talk, the time has gone by and we've never seen anything that you have bought. He re on my part I can only have faith that you are okay and then God knows how you are and if you are working or not working because the truth is that me here, I've been working my fingers to the bone in order to maintain my kids because when you don't send me money fast then I have to look for other ways to get ahead. I can only send you a kiss wh erever you are and all the family that is there. Marias personal plea to her husband through th e medium of video i llustrates the common example of an abandoned home community woman desperately trying to communicate to her husband in an honest and personal way. Maria chos e the medium of video because it provided the only alternative to the comunitario Eventually, the advent of cell phones enabled Maria to convince her husband to receive her in the United States, with the caveat that she use her own

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150 networks to borrow the money for the journey through Mexico. Once in the United States, she found that her husband did have a new wife and tw o other children. He left his other woman for a short period and stayed with Maria, but soon re turned to his other family. Maria divorced him in the United States and was able to obtain child support. The judge instructed her to return to Guatemala so sheand not her in-law swould receive the child support. While Marias story is unusual for the demons tration of her strong character and defiance of her in-laws, the community, and her husba nd, it exemplifies the fear and powerlessness women often experience when their husbands migr ate to the United States. It also shows how video and cell phone technology have enabled wo men to negotiate with their husbands, sometimes defying social and familial constraints in the process. Transnational Couples and Communication For this section, I collected and analyzed the stories of 15 couples to see how they communicated during their time apart. Through ex amination of the important decisions made during the migration processsuch as prospe ctive return, housing, and remittancesand the ways in which the migrants had made these deci sions, I demonstrate how conflicts inherent to gender difference are intensified by transnati onal migration. While th e occasional direct communication, such as letters or phone calls may suffice to quell some of the concerns migrants may have about their home community, the power of rumors and gossip should not be underestimated. As Mahler points out, and as I confirm, restrain ts on communication can exacerbate marital tensions as well as force wome n into a more subordinate position. While all the women I interviewed struggled with their in-laws and husbands over money and over their supposed behavioral indiscretions, those from the town were able to use their increased access to communication mediums, such as letters and phone calls, in order to maintain their transnational

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151 relationshipsin contrast to women from the villages, who experienced greater difficulties in communicating with their loved ones abroad. Population Study: Sample The research for this section concerns some of the crucial aspects of life for transnational couples. In some cases, the coupl es were both return migrants and both were present in San Pedro Pinula during the interview pr ocess. In most cases, the men had gone to the United States and returned, having left their wi ves in San Pedro Pinula during thei r trips abroad. In three cases, the couple had both gone to the United States an d returned together. Finally, some of the interviews feature couples who we re still apart, with the husbands in the United States and the wives in Pinula. All the interviews were conducte d without the other spouse present, except for one case in which the couple chose to stay together for the interview. Remittances, Gossip, and Social Controls: Dealing with the In-laws Post-Marital Residence In both the town and the villages of San Pedr o Pinula post-marital resi dence is patrilocal until the young couple can build their own house n earby. While some families may live in multigenerational households, neo-loca l residence has become the ideal. Even with neo-local residence, the young couple may be living near the husbands parents, often living on a compound. This forced proximity to their in-law s impels many young men to go north in order to build wealth so they may one day return and live independently from their parents. When they migrate to the United States, these men often leave their young wives in the ca re of their in-laws, a situation in which the home co mmunity wife becomes a source of extra labor for the household orperhaps more importantlyin which the husba nds family is given the power to watch over his wife while he is away (Georges 1990; Mahler 2001).

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152 Social and Economic Controls The above arrangement often means that th e parents are more likely to control the remittances. In my interviews, only one woman received money directly from her husband, yet hers was an exceptional case, since she had been married for over a decade and had children of various ages, and was thus in a more advanced life cycle stage, which by default conferred on her more power than the typi cal young natal co mmunity wife. Research in the Caribbean and Central America finds that social pressure exists for wives to behave well while the husbands are away, wh ich often results in an increased demand to limit wives physical mobility (Georges 1992; Mahl er 1995). This situatio n is exemplified in Marias statements about her relationship with her in-laws while her hus band is in the United States: I am enslaved; they follow every move I make, everything I do, do what they want with the cash, and all I get is my expe nse money. When I spoke to Don Virgilio, Marias father, he explained that his daughter no l onger leaves her in-laws com pound to visit her natal family because she is afraid of what her mother-i n-law might say. Don Virgilio spoke about his daughters relationship with her mother-in-law: One time that woman told her son in the Un ited States that my daughter was going around, doing who knows what and all my daughter ever does is maybe go fetch water with her sister, but now she never comes over to visit us. The inability to move about the village freel y when a husband is in the United States is based on the fear of gossip and the social controls this gossip produces. The quote above illustrates how when a migrant wife attempts to do anything unaccompanied, she becomes extremely susceptible to gossip. In many cases, rumors about women who have been unfaithful to their migrant husbands in the United States sp read through town. Regard less of their veracity, these stories often prompt men to return to th eir natal communities to divorce their wives or influence their decision whether or not to retur n. Such rumors frighten women like Maria into

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153 remaining inside the homes of their in-laws, causing them to avoid visiting even their own parents for fear of reprisal. In-laws Control Over Remittances and Communication Between Young Couples The stories of Virginia and Maria two rural Maya womenexemplify how transnational communication is limited by the inte rference of in-laws and by the constraints of the comunitario Virginias in-laws not only control her remittanc es, they also interfere with her ability to communicate with her husband. Virginia is from one of the small aldeas surrounding San Pedro Pinula, about a half hours walk up the mountai n. Like many women in her community, Virginia has never learned to read or write. In the si x years of her husbands absence, she has never known his phone number, never been able to re ad his letters (they have all been read to her), never received one of his phone calls in private. She even has to dictate her personal letters to her father-in-law so he can write them for her. When electricity came to the village in 1999, Vi rginias in-laws determined that the one hundred dollar cost for installation was too expensive, so Virginia had to find a way to get in touch with her husband and convince him that in stalling electricity was a good ideaall without offending her in-laws. With the c ooperation of her eight-year-old son, who was just learning to write, Virginia composed a letter to her husba nd explaining the situation. After waiting a month for a response, she took matters into her own hands and borrowed money in order to start selling tacos to schoolchildren during their lunch hour. This shocked not only her in-laws but also the community at large, whose members wondere d why a woman with a husband in the United States would need to sell tacos. These same peopl e began to assert that Vi rginia did not need the money, but was just looking for something to do out side of the house so she could look for a new

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154 man. Finally, the in-laws informed their son that Virginia had installed electricity without his approval and had been leavi ng the house as she pleased and not acting like a good wife. Since the conversation occurred in a comunitario, Virginia never really got the opportunity to defend herself. With the in-laws listening in, she was unable to mention the letter. Her husband was very upset and reprimanded her for her behavior. Virginia was never reimbursed for the electric installation and continues se lling tacos to suppleme nt the little money she receives for her expenses. Furthe r, since the electricity incident Virginia and her in-laws have had conflicts over other decisions, such as building a second bedroom and purchasing land. Both Maria and Virginia were acutely aware of how their their in-law s in town and their husbands in the United States would interpret thei r behavior. Maria and Vi rginias in-laws were able to monitor their activities, and in the case of Virginia, attempt to regulate how she used her money; accordingly, the in-laws were not only char ged with watching over their sons wives, but, because of the effect their wives behavi or could have on their sons reputations, with reprimanding and controlling them as well. Both women also found it difficult to communi cate with their husbands, and Virginias trouble installing elec tricity illustrates how this problem can lead to conflicts between wives and in-laws over remittance expenditures. While Virginia attempted to overcome these obstacles by writing her husband with the help of her sonrathe r than her in-lawsshe still has no control over when and how her husband chooses to communicate with her, and she has reported that phone calls and letters from her husband have be come fewer and farther between. Now, when Virginias husband does call, he no longer re quests the presence of his wife at the comunitari o, and rumor has it that he has found a nother woman in the United States.

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155 Phone Calls, Love Letters, and Transnational Quarrels Virginia and Maria were Maya from th e village surrounding th e town; thus, their communication was limited to letters written by relatives and phone calls made at communal public phones. As discussed previously, until 20 01, Ladino women from the town were the only ones who had regular access to private phone lines and other mediums of communication including photographs and videos. A woman named Olga often took pictures of herself and her two children to send to her husband. Along with the photos, she would sometimes include short romantic poems or words of love or encouragemen t, yet she told me that she only sends pictures that convey the impression that she and her children are happy so that her husband will never doubt that they seem content and always appe ar available to give him emotional support. Though they consistently sent each other letters and pi ctures, Olga and her husband Mauricio also communicated regularly by phone, and they both credit this medium with helping to maintain their marriage. Olga says her husba nd would often cry on the phone and tell her how much he wanted to come home, but that her love kept him going while they were apart. Mauricio told me that only the phone calls, which he would make every two weeks, kept him from returning sooner. He and Olga al so reported that his bi-monthly cal ls were a social event for the family, and virtually all his re lativesparents, siblings, niece s, and nephewswould gather in the home of his parents to speak with him: It was these phone calls that made me happy; we would spend hours on the phone with the whole family around when I called, and we would discuss everything. This made me content, knowing the family was united, and this helped me during my time away. A couples ability to maintain consistent, private lines of comm unication increases the likelihood of a more successful separation. Olga wa s able to write her ow n personal and intimate messages, thus increasing her and her husband s perception that the marriage was going well. Though Mauricio never commented on the lette rs, it did appear to him that their

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156 communications, at least the phone calls, kept th e family together. Mauricio and Olga both mentioned how the communication kept him going and helped him during his time away. Such affirmations suggest that a reliable method of communicating is fundamental in maintaining a migrants perception that he is still connected to his family while he is away. As demonstrated by Mauricio and Olga, frequent ph one conversations between migrants and their wives and extended family may reduce the perception that they need to retu rn in order to save their marriage or maintain contact with their family. Thus, this method of communication may make it more possible for migrants to spend si gnificant amounts of time in the U.S. without destroying their family ties in Guatemala. Access to communication may enhan ce the migration experience, ye t in order for this to be the case, couples must know how to use the medium to their advantage, especially when faced with the interference of their in-laws. Esperanza and Ricardo had been separated for less than two years when Esperanza went to visit her sister-in-law, ostensibly her friend and confidant. Her sister-in-law invited her to lunch on a Friday afternoon and afterwards asked casually about the allowance money she was receiving from her husband. Esperanza told her the truth, that Ricar do sent her about two hundred dollars a month (in 2000). Her sister-in-law then proceeded to grill her about how she had been spending the money. The next Monday, Ri cardo called Esperanza and began to yell at her hysterically, screaming that she needed to tell him the details of what she had been doing with the money. Even though the money Espe ranza had been receiving was just the gasto or expense money, Ricardo told her that, as her hus band, he had a right to know what she was doing with it. Esperanza tried to speak with him calml y, but because he was so hysterical, she gave up,

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157 telling him only to forget about me, dont send me anymore money. When Ricardo tried calling her the next day, she refused to talk to him. Esperanza did not make the connection between her conversation with her sister-in-law and her husbands aggressive behavi or until some time later, when, after she had not returned his calls for a month, he mailed an audiotape, on whic h he said he was sorry, and that he had gotten so angry because of what they were saying in Guatemala. He further cautioned her to watch who she speaks to, and, most of all, to refrain from further visits with the sister-in-law. A month later, a friend called and warned Esperanza t o be careful: your husband has left Boston by land and will be in Guatemala in eight days. When Ri cardo arrived, he went straight to his sisters house, where he found his sister and mother who to ld him not to go see his wife because he may not like what he might find. Refusing to listen to them, he went to her and asked for her forgiveness. While Esperanza and Ricardos story is an extreme example, it illustrates how poor communication can cause grave problems for transnational couples. Further, it exemplifies how conflicts with in-laws and the re sulting rumors may make migrants suspicious and, in some case, provoke them into returning before they had pl anned. While other factor s may have influenced Ricardos decision (he had accomplished some of his goals: saving money, buying a car), its likely that he would have stayed longer if communication with his wife had not broken down. His questions regarding his wife s activities created an atmos phere of distrust and doubt. Esperanza, for her part, used her capacity fo r communication as well as her refusal to do so (ignoring his phone calls, not answering his lette rs) to her advantage. Even though Ricardos own family had been more active in their use of communication media (cal ling him frequently to

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158 inform him of his wifes activities), they we re unsuccessful in achie ving their objective of causing the couple to separate. Communication After the Cell Phone The previous anecdotes date from befo re the advent of the cell phone, when communication was still limited to communal phones, lette rs, and the occasional audiotape. Yet even though the available media may have been slow and, at times, ineffective, consistent communication proved crucial in maintaining marri ages and relationships. Data collected after the introduction of cell phones supports this hypothesis. Whil e Maya women were at a disadvantage before cell phoneswhen they had to rely on infrequent calls which were often monitored by their in-lawsonce given access to the new technology, they report that they communicate with their husbands on a regular basis and have more intimate conversations. Perhaps most importantly, so me women can now actually initiate a phone call and check up on their husbands in the United States. Conclusion This section analyzes the conflicts that transnational couples endure in spite ofor because of their attempts to communicate. While th e trans in transnational migration may suggest that advances in communi cation technologies f acilitate positive experi ences for migrants and their home community wives, many migrants remain constrained by poor access to these technologies. The previous examples suggest that communication media are mere tools, and that, depending upon how they are used, they can either diminish or reduce a migrant couples ability to maintain their relationship. Yet in spite of having access to these tools, some couples may refuse (or be unable) to communicate intimat ely and honestly. Ultimat ely, several factors influence a transnational couple s eventual dissolution or reunif ication, but it seems clear that

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159 women with access to multiple communication medi a have some degree of control over this outcome. 5-1. Ladino family gathering to watch a video sent from Boston.

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160 CHAPTER 6 TRANSNATIONAL IDENTITIES For most of the last decade, Ma ria had been trying to achieve her dream of traveling to the United States in pursuit of her migrant husba nd who abandoned her and their two small boys. After years of suffering the sma ll-town gossip, community pressure to behave as a proper wife, and meager remittances apportioned by her in -laws, Maria overcame these obstacles and migrated, fulfilling her dream of traveling to the United States. Using her own networks and money borrowed from friends and relatives, Mari a made the harrowing journey across borders to arrive in Atlanta, only to find her husband with a new wife and children. Maria spent months pleading for a reconciliation with her husband, but, after a short-live d reunion, he insisted that he would never return to Guatemala; he would rema in with his new family in the United States. Maria found work preparing sandw iches and salads at a local fa st food establishment, sending money back to her in-laws to car e for her growing sons. She cut her hair, began wearing jewelry and pants, and started using a cell phone to call her boys back home in Guatemala. Maria avoided the divorce papers written in English th at arrived for months at her Atlanta doorstep. When she could no longer ignore them, she was forced to pay a $600 attorneys fee, only to learn of the judges conditional ruling: she would receive ch ild support as long as she returned to Guatemala. Within ten days of the court orde r, she arrived back in Guatemala. Although she returned without her husband, she was alive and ex cited to fulfill the dream she had once shared with himto buy land and build a home. Ten months and $40,000 later, Maria had built that dream home. It stands at the entrance of town, constructed on land titled to her fifteen-year-old son, as ag reed in the divorce. Marias house is a testimony to her success, a monument of bright white concrete and shiny blue tile; the small adobe house where she once lived sits approp riately in the backgroun d. But inside, Marias

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161 house looks empty. The large room seems expansive, flanked by only a set of small couches. In the corner, a TV, DVD player, and stereo sit atop a rickety wooden table. The voices of Maria, her elderly grandmother, two teenage sons, and niece, as well as the sounds of mongrel dogs, echo against the bare walls. Maria complains that the house doesnt have furniture, that there is more to be done: she laments that the only way to fill the emptiness is to return to the United States. Marias complaints are many. She recently lost thousands of dollars paying for her eldest sons unsuccessful attempt to cross the border. The $600 she receives monthly from her exhusband will never pay to furnish the house or to finance a small busin ess. The land her house sits on is in her sons name, and he has become more dominating with time, even refusing to allow her to bring home a new boyfriend. In the end, she complains that she misses Atlanta. There she left a nice guy and a j ob that paid her in dollars. While she has many love interests in Pinula, she must see them in private by sneaking o ff to meet her boyfriends in the city of Jalapa, without the communitys (or esp ecially her sons) disapproval. Even though she no longer lives near the watchful eye of her in-laws and her hous e sits at the edge of town, it seems small and oppressive. Maria now has visions of a new future Her large house, a life-long dream, suffocates her, its emptiness reflecting the vacancy in her he art. Ironically, the realiz ation of her concrete dream has exposed an abstract need. What will she search for next? Research Questions At the beginning of this project I aske d four fundamental questions about how transnational migration affects gender, ethnic relations, and lo cal development. These central inquiries, informed by my research in Guatem ala and transnational mi gration, led to four hypotheses.

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162 The first hypothesis addresses whether remittances are used for reproductive activities or productive activities, and whether ethnicity affects the way in wh ich they are used. The study found that Ladinos are more likely to use remitta nces for reproductive activities and investment, while Maya are more constrained in their ability to use remittances to build wealth. Because of their privileged social, political, and financial position, Ladinos c ontinue to dominate productive activities such as cattl e ranching, while Maya who attempt to enter the cattle ranching business are frequently thwarted by the Ladino controlled cattle cartels that exert a powerful influence over the industry. Further, Maya who try to en ter this industry are limited because they tend to be land poor when compared to Ladinos. Cattle ranching requires large tracts of land which are more easily obtained by Ladinos who either purchase the land from relatives or receive it as part of an inheritance. While Maya are often prevented from using re mittances for productive activities, in some cases theyre able to use them to improve th eir socio-cultural position. For example, some Maya use remittances to purchase small parcels of land directly from Ladinos for milpa agriculture. While this industry does not have the prestige of cattle ranching, it nevertheless may provide the Maya with a measure of aut onomy and reduce their financial dependence on Ladinos. The second hypothesis concerns how gender roles are affected by the influx of money from the United States. Most home-community wives receive remittances not from the migrant husband but rather from the migrants parents wh o provide an allowance to sustain the household while the husband is abroad. Thus the wifes in -laws, men as well as women, are more likely to be in charge of large sums of cash earmarked for buying land and houses. This pattern coincides with traditional gender roles th at give women more autonomy a nd decision-making power in the

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163 later stages of life. Some younger women do run small homebound stores, but this type of activity typically only sustains the household and does not pro duce a surplus. Despite their husbands objections, some young wo men manage to hoard their money for milpa agriculture or harvest plums from their husbands land. These ac tivities tend to be exceptions, yet they are productive and they may indicate a growi ng trend for increased autonomy among home community wives. The third hypothesis addresses whether Ma ya and Ladinos share the same normative gender roles and relations. My research shows ther e is little difference between Maya and Ladino gender roles and relationswomen in both communities are controlled and confined by men. The research suggests that some Maya women have more physical mobility, but that this is likely a consequence of their heavier worklo ad and lower standards of living. There are several hypotheses fo r the similarities in gende r relations among Maya and Ladino: the simultaneous pull of global forces, such as capital expansion, cash markets, and transnational migration (Adams 1992); the isola tion of the Eastern Maya from other Western Maya; pressure to incorporate into the Ladino so ciety and the subsequent early proletarianization of this particular Eastern Maya community (H elen Safa personal communication). This study incorporates Nashs contention (2001) that indigenous groups main tain strong communities as a response to hostile exterior forces such as colonial rule and postcolonial pro cesses. Thus, I assert that the maintenance of a separate Maya communit y, whether particularly si milar or dissimilar to its neighboring Ladinos, depends upon the fiction of community autonomy that inspire(d) indigenous communities to confront a hostile Ladino world with a front of unity, homogeneity, and common interests (Nash 2001:40). In othe r words, the assertion of ethnic difference through the use of ethnic labels and id entities is reinforced by Ladinos and Maya. Such

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164 difference is challenged only by the advent of economic changes wh ich are hastened by transnational migration. While the onset of similariti es between the two groups may be part of the proletarianization of the indigenous commun ity, it is also a product of San Pedro Pinulas long history of forced labor, et hnic tensions, and unequal gender and ethnic relations. The final hypothesis examines the connection between a migrants length of time in the United States and his wifes engage ment in income deriving activities In some cases, migrants on extended stays decrease their remittances, which forces the wife to engage in income deriving activities. In cases where the wife no longer receives what she considers sufficientalong with rumors of marital infidelity and fear of abandonmentsome women attempt to make money outside the home. Women who sell in the market s often have been widowed or abandoned, or have merely stopped receiving money from their husbands abroad. There are cases of men who maintain steady support of their families in Gu atemala despite extended absence (over five years). Transnational Migration and Ethnic Relations While international migration ha s effected positive change, no tably opportunities for social and economic mobility in San Pedro Pinula, these transformations still re main insignificant for women and the indigenous Maya. Due to their stat us as the dominant gro up and resultant social and economic advantages, Ladino return male mi grants maintain the ability to permanently reestablish themselves, starting successful busin esses in their home co mmunity. Consequently, they are the least likely to return to the migr ant circuit. On the other hand, Ladino women, and Maya men and women, are the most likely to remain caught in the interminable cycle of circular migration, unable to return to the home community on a permanen t basis. Levitt (2001) found that among Dominican migrants, those who left poor with little education, and no land failed to establish income-generating activities once they returned from the United States. While the

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165 Pinula case study is similar, these research finding s also show that traditional social structures predict return migrants ability for economic succe ss: specifically, there is more social mobility for Ladinos than for the Maya. Low-income Ladi nos who come from sim ilar economic situations as the Maya are able, at minimum, to establis h small, generally succe ssful businesses upon their return. Maya migrants are able to buy land and build homes, but, despite efforts to the contrary, their funds soon dry upthus pushing them back into the migrant stream. Transnational migration to the United States affects LadinoMaya relations in two distinct ways: first, it maintains traditional Ladino st atus through patronclient relationships; and second, it becomes a catalyst for inter-ethnic friendships and formal relations between the two groups. By asking for Ladino sponsorship to the United Stat es, Maya migrants enter the migration stream using customary paternalistic relations with thei r Ladino patrons. This rela tionship continues, as Ladino are now the main money lenders for Maya migrants. Once in the United States, the power dynamic between the two ethnic groups shifts, si nce the United States racial order does not recognize Guatemalan ethnic differences, instead identifying both Maya and Ladino as Latino or Hispanic, which de-emphasizes the La dinos dominant social location. Maya migrants benefit from the migration experience by being considered equal to Ladinos in the eyes of the U.S. racial order and also by meeting other Maya from different regions of Guatemala in the United States. In th e United States, some Maya learn for the first time about identity, having never really thought a bout such a concept before. As Moran-Taylor (2003) and Stoll (1999) found in their work, most rural people ar e too concerned with their own survival to think about issues such as ident ity, despite the existen ce of identity-centered organizing, such as the Pan-Ma yan movement. Once in the United States, with more free time and access to information, Maya begin to lear n about issues surrounding identity, indigenous

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166 peoples, human rights, and undocumented workers, le ading them to reevaluate their own status. While some young Maya and Ladino men establish friendships that normally would not have been possible at home, some older Ladino dislik e their lost status, even though they may use these new MayaLadino relationships to build so cial capital. These Ladino migrants (both men and women) are more likely to re turn to Pinula in order to rest ore their Guatemalan-born power and status. Transnational migration also creates formali zed relationships between Maya and Ladinos in both the sending and receiving communities, i llustrating both transformations in ethnic relations abroad and resistance to change at home. In Pinula, endogamy within the ethnic group is the rule, but in the United States endogamy translates into community endogamy crossing ethnic lines. Since Pinulteca women ar e so rare in the United States any arriving female is seen as a potential mate and there is intense comp etition among young single men. In most cases, the Ladino male with the best last name succeeds, pairing lower-class Ladino and Maya women with upper-class Ladino men. Alt hough these illicit relationships ha ve always existed in Pinula society, the United States provide s the forum in which these rela tionships can be formalized. Even more shocking to the communities (across both borders) are the marriages between return migrant Maya men and lower-class Ladina women. Th ese types of relationshi ps had rarely been documented; their existence is a tribute to the power of economic and soci al mobility created by transnational migration. Despite these transformations in ethnic re lations, negative community reaction to interethnic relationships demonstrat es Ladino resistance to change an obvious struggle from the group wishing to maintain status. For many, inte r-ethnic marriages are seen as a result of witchcraft and sorcery. For others, inter-ethnic marriages are another example of the traditional

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167 social structure being modified by the misceg enation of Ladino and Maya. Local discourse also reflects this attitude in idiomatic sayings such as s e perdio el mundo (the world is ending) and calling return migrants indios perdidos (lost Indians). The lens of ra cial prejudice also colors community views on national processes, such as the programs imposed by the signing of the 1996 peace accords. For example, the drop in agri cultural productivity due to the lack of cooperation of Maya laborers is seen as both a result of immigration as well as movimiento de derechos humanos (human rights movement). Internat ional migration, once the exclusive and coveted right of only Ladinos, is now available to all; those in power necessarily view the resulting changes as negative. So what are the consequences of these cha nges in ethnic relations caused by the entrance of the Maya into the migrant stream? Migration is spreading from one rura l village to the next; although the main town of Pinula appears unchange d, the rural landscape is changing. Due to collective projects supported by re mittances, the standard of livi ng has risen: villages now have electricity and running water; and adobe huts have been replaced by concrete homes. On the other hand, critical changes for wo men and the indigenous are slow to arrive. A look inside these homes reveals the difficulties for those left behind As migrants continue their journeys north to maintain their newfound quality of life, their sh attered families must contend with gender and racial inequality at home. Gender and Migration Marias situation and her need to migrate back to the United States is not only economic in nature, but also gender-driven. Maria misses her li fe in Atlanta because of the freedom she had as a woman in the United States: the right to wear earrings, the right to tr avel, the right to sexual autonomy. In returning to Guatemala, Maria must face and fulfill the gender expectations there; it is a strong reminder of so me of the reasons that she left in the first place.

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168 The initial debate surrounding gender and migr ation stated that acc ess to cash through remittances would result in womens increased c ontrol of household and personal autonomy and power. This study shows that, in spite of an in crease in money flowing into the community, remittances are not passed on to the young wives but rather to the in-laws. Womens power comes only through marriage and age, resulting in the internalized oppression of the younger female generation. The younger women receive money through allowancesan act of communal infantilization that emphasizes patria rchy through the in-laws pecuniary power, which consequently stresses the husbands auth ority. Furthermore, the womens allowance is often just enough to live on. She can do nothing without him, so her value becomes intimately dependent on his presence. Thus current trends in transnational migration seem to reinforce patriarchy (Moran-Taylor 2003:371); even so, if more women migrat e, build wealth, and return to Guatemala, these trends may change. This study also attempted to look at the di fferences between Maya and Ladino women and whether migration affected them differentially. While past research sugg ested that Maya women live under less patriarchal constrai nts than Ladina women, this work shows that both groups gender roles are scripted by the traditional ideals of marianismo and machismo The only difference is Maya womens apparent physical mobility. In fact, Maya women do have more physical mobility, but it has more to do with the burden of labor that necessitates their movement than freedom of movement per se. Even though they may be out and about more often than Ladina women, they are still being monitored by relatives and the co mmunity. Ladina women, including return migrants or those with husbands in the United States, are also very aware of the physical restrictions on them and of the commun ity expectations regard ing their behavior. The

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169 pressure to behave well in the absence of their husbands creates exaggerated restrictions for nonmigrant women. In analyzing the impact of remittances on local development, the role of women is central. Conway and Cohen (1998:30) made the assumption that women were the primary dispensers of remittances. Even though this may not be the cas e in this study, their questions of whether money is used in productive or reproductive activ ities were vital to th is research. Women, in their capacities use thei r allowances to maintain the hous ehold and pay for food, clothing, and firewood. The ability to purchase goods decreases womens workload immensely. In some cases, women hoard their allowance money in order to i nvest in income-generating activities such as milpa agriculture and small land purchases. These fixed-capital investments may not result in profit, but they do increase nut rition and standard of living. The type of investment that will lead to the most significant change in the community is in childrens education. As flexible human capital (Conway and Cohen 1998), children, when educated, will eventually lead progressive improvements in the community. Among the Maya, the migrant generation never completed high sch ool and many may not have attended any school past the sixth grade. On the other hand, thei r children are attending school in unprecedented numbers. My research assistant, Tatiana Paz Le mus, wrote her thesis based on her own research investigating the education level of the youth of San Pedro Pinula. Her results illustrate the high presence of Maya attendees at the junior high school in Pinula (See Table 6-1). While 99 out of 200 students are from the town of San Pedro Pinula, the other 94 are from villages outside of town (7 did not respond). Th is means that almost 50 percent of junior high students come from the villages occupied by Maya inhabitants. Fi fty-two percent of the students she surveyed reported that they are indigenous. The higher number of a dolescents reporting their

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170 Maya identity underscores the fact that there are many students who identify themselves as indigenous in the town as well. Although there are no past baseline numbers with which to compare, locals report that the presence of Maya in junior high and high school is recent, a result of remittances from the United States. As reporte d in my work, Maya migrants ability to send their children to the municipal capital of Jalapa to attend high school also illustrates a marked increase in indigenous education. Future Research What is the future of transnational migr ation research, and how does this research contribute? Transnational migr ation research stresses the in terconnectedness of individuals within local, national, and global frameworks. Fu ture studies need to focus on these different relationship levels in order to further unders tand how global processes impact individuals and communities, as well as how people respond to development. Within the many links of individualsocietal networks resu lting from transnational migrat ion, several key issues include gender and ethnicity within the home commun ity, and xenophobia and assimilation within the receiving country. Gender and Ethnicity in the Home Community If we continue to look at how transnational migration manife sts itself in the home and host communities, issues of identity will remain si gnificant. Whether ethnic and gender inequality will eventually diminish or disappear as a basis for individual migration depends on the establishment of a long migration history (s ee Moran-Taylor 2003). There are many important questions that need to be addressed: Will migr ation be able to change hundreds of years of colonial power structures and en able indigenous peoples to rega in economic and social status? How will other national concerns, such as an increase in violence and economic and political stability/turmoil in Guatemala, impede tran snational migrations tr ansformative qualities?

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171 Moreover, will the United States economic and mi gration policies impede the fulfillment of the very migration history that wi ll generate these answers? Xenophobia in the United States How will changing United States immigration policy impact the undocumented migrant? Prior emphasis has been on the impact migran ts have had on their own home community and community development (Mahler 1998:93). At this juncture of American history, as we see the rise of xenophobia and the increased struggle to establish new immigrant policies, attention to the undocumented migrant in the United States is essential not only for policy implications, but also for the basic well-being of the migrant. Although free trade remains an important United States policy initiative, the United States and ot her governments are attempting to stop the flow of peoples across borders. In turn, conservative politicians, news media, and North Americans themselves are repeating the American tradit ion of blaming the underclass immigrant population for the countrys current ills. This is especia lly important for emerging migrant communities, such as those in the Southeastern United St ates, where the largest demographic change is transforming the American landscape. As im migrants from Latin America move from established migrant communities to new areas native-born Americans are threatened by communities that appear to be starkly different. Assimilation When Jews, Italians, Irish, a nd other immigrant groups first arrived in the United States during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, they were seen as non-white and as inferior to the dominant Anglo-Protestant soci ety. Anti-immigrant sentiment led to racist depictions of each group and the host societys contemporary problems were often charged to the various groups. As these groups acculturated, adopted American English, and moved up the

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172 social ladder, their status as non-white disappeared, along with the concept of these groups as separate races. Some current assimilation debates predict a markedly different future for incoming Latin American immigrants. Samuel Hun tington (2004) claims that Am erica is based on Protestant values and that the new wave of Latin Americans is challenging American culture; he argues that this specific group of immigrants (highlight ing Mexicans) is not assimilating and will not assimilate like earlier immigrant groups. Language is one of the major issues in this debate. Huntington and his followers assert that Sp anish-speaking immigrants will persist for generations to come, thereby creating a great divide among Am ericans even though there is evidence that succeeding generations do not c ontinue speak their mother tongue as their dominant language (Rumbaut et al. 2006). While current research finds similarities between turn-of-the-century and current migr ation trends, as well as with th e political and social reactions to these migrations (Alba a nd Nee 2005; Cornell and Hartmann 2004; Foner 2005; Kraut 2005; Lee 2004), empirical research that analyzes current anti-immigrant sentiment to constructions of race and ethnicity in the New America is still lacking. Conclusion In 1998, Sarah Mahler wrote about the theo retical and empirica l contributions of transnational migration research and asked, Do transnational spaces, activities and processes reaffirm or reconestablished relationships of pow er and prestige (90)? Mahler suggests that the literature thus far indicates a positive outcome for the margina lized, empowering them despite global forces to the contrary. This dissertation sought to answer questions concerning historical power structures, and how thos e structures affect the globa l phenomenon of transnational migration on the individual, familial, and community level. Prejudice and patriarchy in the host community has mitigated migrations impact on gender and ethnic equality: consequently, the

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173 results of this research point to the continued persistence of patriarchal and imperial rule. But the outcome of this study also clearl y illustrates the tran sformative power of transnational migration. Taking into consideration other seminal work on the effects of migra tion on gender and race, only a sustained history of migration will yiel d great change in intra-communal and intercommunal social and economic power. For Maria, time will reveal whether she will fill her house and heart through her husba nds migration or her own. 6-1. Pinula junior high school st udents and their ho me communities. Complied by Tatiana Paz Lemus based on her survey. Student Hometown N Percentage San Pedro Pinula 99 49.5 El Aguacate 32 16 Agua Zarca 26 13 Pinlalito 16 8 El Jocote 12 6 El Zapote 3 1.5 Pie de la Cuesta 2 1 El Chaparral 1 0.5 Aguijitas 1 0.5 Santo Domingo 1 0.5 No Response 1 0.5 Total 200 100

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174APPENDIX A INDIVIDUAL INTERVIEW SCHEDULE Encuesta No. ______Fecha__________________ Barrio: Aguacate___ (1 ) Candelaria ___(2) El jocote___(3) San Jos ___(4) San Pablo____(5) San Pedro ___(6) Encuestador_____________________________________ Defina que identidad tiene la persona que partic ipo en esta entrevista___________________________ Por qu lo cree Ud. as?____________________________________________________________________________________________ ENTREVISTA INDIVIDUAL 1. Edad (especifique el nmero Aos)_________________________________. 2. Sexo : masculino_______1. femenino_____2. 3. Religin: Adventista ____1. Catlica____2. Evang lico ____3. Testigos de Jehov ___4. Mormn ___5. 4. Su estado civil es? Casado___1. Casado(a) con Pi nulteco(a)___2. Casa do con extranjero(a)____3 Soltero(a)___4. Sepa rado(a)___5. Viudo(a)___6. 5. Donde trabaja su cnyuge?________________________________ 6. En su casa Ud. es? Madre____ Padre______ Hijo___ 7. Qu estudios tiene Ud.? Analfabeta__1. alfabeto___2. 1ro. Primaria___3. 2do. Primaria___4. 3ro. Primaria___5. 4to. Primaria__6. 5t o. Primaria__7. 6to. Primaria___8. 1ro. Bsico___9. 2do. Bsico___10. 3ro. Bsico___11. Diversificado___12. 2do. Diversificado___13. 3ro. Diversificado___14. Universidad incompleta___15. Universidad completa___16. 8. Cul es su ocupacin? Agricultor___1. Comerciante___2. Maestro___3. Ganadero___4. Hogar (propio)___5 Oficios domsticos____6. Estudiante___7. Estudiante y trabaja ___8. Servicios ___9. Otro_____________________ 9. Alguna vez ha ido a los EE. UU? Si___1 (continu pre guntas de cuadro). No__2 (continu en el no. 18)

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17510. Cul fue el motivo de su visi ta? Trabajo__1. Visita___2. Otro_____________________________________ 11. Cuntas veces fue a EE. UU?_________________________________ 12. Ud. Tiene visa? Si___1. No___2. 13. Ud. Tiene residencia? Si___1. No___2. 14. Ud. Tiene ciudadana? Si___1. No___2. 15. Ud. naci en EE. UU y tiene pasaporte? Si___1. No___2. 16. Ud. fue mojado a EE. UU? Si___1. No___2. 17. (Solo los que se fueron a trabajar) En cual ao se fue la primera vez? _____________________ En que ciudades estuvo? 1 vez_______________________ cuanto tiempo quedo en EE.UU.____________ 2 vez_______________________ cuanto tiempo quedo en EE.UU.____________ 3 vez_______________________ cuanto tiempo quedo en EE.UU.____________ 18. Qu edad tena la primera vez que fue a EE. UU? BLOQUE RELACIONADO A LA PREGUN TA NO 8. SI CONTESTO QUE NO. 19. Le gustara ir a los EE. UU? S___1. No___2. 20. Por qu? ______________________________________________________________________________________

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176ETAPA NUEVA: TODOS CONTINUAN 21. Alguna vez ha trabajado en Jalapa? S___1. No___2. 22. Alguna vez ha trabajado en la Capital? Si___1. No___2. 23. Alguna vez ha trabajado en el Ejercito? Si___1. No___2. 24. Alguna vez ha trabajado en la Costa? Si___1. No___2. 25. Alguna vez ha trabajado en el Petn? Si___1. No___2. 26. Actualmente su Padre esta en los EE. UU? Si___1. No___2. 27. Actualmente su Madre esta en los EE. UU? Si___1. No___2. 28. Actualmente su Hijos Varones estn en lo s EE. UU? Si___1 (SIGUIENTE) No___2 (PASAR 29) 29. Cuntos de sus Hijos Varones estn en los EE. UU? _________________ 30. Actualmente sus Hijas Mujeres estn en lo s EE. UU? S___1 (SIGUIENTE) No___2 (PASAR 31) 31. Cuntas de sus Hijas Mujeres estn en los EE. UU? _________________ 32. Actualmente sus Hermanos Varones estn en los EE. UU? S___1(SIGUIENTE) No___2 (PASAR33) 33. Cuntos Hermanos Varones estn en los EE. UU? _________________ 34. Actualmente sus Hermanas Mujeres estn en los EE. UU? S___1(SIGUIENTE) No___2 (PASAR35) 35. Cuntos Hermanas Mujeres estn en los EE. UU? _________________ 36. NOTA ENCUESTADOR : indique el NMERO TOTAL de parientes en los EE. UU______________ 37. NOTA ENCUESTADOR : Cuntos de estos tienen papeles? ____________ 38. NOTA ENCUESTADOR VAYA POR EL LUG AR AL QUE VAN LOS PARIENTES : La mayora de su familia en que parte de los EE. UU se encuentra? ___________________________________________________ 39. De su pariente en EE. UU, en que sabe usted que haya n invertido su dinero dentro del Municipio S. P. Pinula ________________________________________________________________________________

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177________________________________________________________________________________ 40. Usted como considera el ir a los EE. UU, en plan de trabajo? Bueno___1. Malo___2. 41. Por qu? ___________________________________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________________________________________ 42. Usted piensa que Pinula ha cambiado con la migracin de la gente que va a trabajar a los EE. UU? S__1. No__2. 43. Por qu? ___________________________________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________________________________________ 44. A que edad piensa que es adecuad o viajar a EE. UU para trabajar? _____________________________________ 45. Usted como se considera? Ladino___1. Indgena___2. Otro________________________________ ESCRIBA 3 OBSERVACIONES QUE DESCRIBAN LAS CONDICIONE S EN QUE SE EFECTUO LA ENTREVISTA (si minti, se puso nervioso, estuvo distrado, etc., justifique por que cree que se compor to as en cada observacin que escriba): ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________________

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178APPENDIX B HOUSEHOLD INTERVIEW SCHEDULE CONSIDERACIONES PARA APLICAR LA ENTREVISTA: I. Busque hablar con el jefe o la jefa de casa, explique que es una investigacin para la Universidad de Florida. II. Marqu la repuesta y cuando la opcin Otro por favor anote la respuesta que la persona dio ya que puede darse el caso de que no se haya incluido. Apellido de la Familia: ____________________________Fecha ___________ Entrevistador: ___________ Cdigo de Hogar__________Hora inicio entr evista________ Hora finalizo________ Barrio: Aguacate___ (1) Candelari a ___(2) El jocote___(3) San Jos ___(4) San Pablo____(5) San Pedro ___(6) GRUPO DE PREGUNTAS A LA PE RSONA ENTREVISTADA (HOGARES): NOTA: Entrevistador llene el siguiente cuadro con respuestas de la persona entrevistada. 1. Posicin en el hogar Abuelo (a) ____ 1. Esposo (a) ____ 2. Hijo (a) ____3. Nieto (a) _____4. To (a) _____5. Otro (especificar) _____________________6. 2. Edad 10-15 aos__1. 16-24 aos___2. 25-34 aos___3. 35-44 aos___4. 45-54 aos___5. 55-64 aos___ 6. 65-74 aos ___7. 75-84 aos___8. Ms de 84 aos __9. 3. Sexo Masculino_________ 1. Femenino_________ 2. 4. Religin Adventista ____1. Catlica ____2. Evanglico ____3. Testigos de Jehov ___4. Mormn ___5. 5. Ocupacin Agricultura __1. Empleado en algn negocio__2 Estudiante __3. Hogar __4. Negociante __5. Ganadero __6 Otro (especifique) _______________________________7.

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1796. Hasta que grado lleg en la escuela? (especifique)______________________________________________________________________________________ ______ 7. Alguna vez ha trabajado en los EE.UU. : S___1 ( RECUERDE LLENAR M IGRANTE RETORNADO) NO____2. 8. Alguna vez ha visitado los EE. UU? Si___1 (RECUERDE LLENAR PERSONA QUE VISITA) No____2 (Pase no. 12) 9. Podra indicarnos si tiene alguno de los siguientes documentos: Visa Americana____1. Residencia Americana _____2. Ciudadana Americana____3. Mojado___4. 10. Alguno de sus hijos naci en los EE. UU: S____1. No____2. No tengo hijos____3. 11. Alguno de sus hijos tiene pasaporte americano: S____1. No____2. No tengo hijos____3. 12. Alguno de sus parientes que habitan en esta casa, tiene residencia legal: S___1. No___2. 13. Alguno de sus parientes que habitan en esta casa, tiene pasaporte americano : S___1. No___2. 14. SOLO PARA QUIENES NO HAN IDO Le gu stara ir a los Estados Unidos? S____1. No____2. 15. Por qu? _____________________________________________________________________________ 16. Dnde viven sus paps? San Pedro Pinula____1 Jalapa ___2. Cd. Guatemala____3. EE.UU.___4. Otro:____________________________________

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180GRUPO DE PREGUNTAS SOBRE LAS PE RSONAS QUE HABITAN EN EL HOGAR: Y QUE NO SON INMIGRANTES. NOTA: llene todas las opciones de las persona s que tengan ms de 15 aos de edad. Si tiene menos de quince aos, slo necesita llenar sexo, edad y educacin. Persona entrevistada Posicin en el hogar_ Cuantas personas habitan la casa ?_ Edad (AOS) Sexo M 1_ F 2_ Estado Civil Soltero_1 Casado a) Pinulteco_2 Casado (a) extranjero_3 Unido_4 Separado_5 Divorciado_ 6 Viudo_7 Educacin SI NO ESTUDIO: Analfabeta Alfabeta SI ESTUDIO, ESPECIFIQU E Primaria_ Bsicos_ Diversificado_ Universidad_ Ocupacin Agricultor_1 Empleado_2 Estudiante_3 Hogar_4 Negociante_5 Ganadero_6 Corralero _7 Lechero_8 Otro (ESPECIFIQUE) _9 Cuantas veces ha ido a trabajar a los EE.UU. (NOTA: valido anotar ninguna vez)_ Cuantas veces ha ido a visitar a los EE.UU. (NOTA: valido anotar ninguna vez) Que ciudades estuvieron? Atlanta_1 Boston_2 Boston Attleboro_3 Boston Dorchestor_4 Boston Lawrence_5 Los ngeles_6 New York_7 Providence_8 Stamford_9 Utah_10 Otro (Especifique)_ Ha trabajado en: 1. Jalapa_ 2. La capital_ 3. El ejrcito_ 4. Petn_ 5. La costa_ 6. Otro Departamento_ 7. Ninguno_ TOTAL

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181ASPECTOS SOCIOECONMICOS 17. Ud. es el dueo de la casa? : Guardin viven dentro de el la___1. Prestada___2. Alquilada ___3. Propietario__4. ENCUESTADOR DESCRIBA (Preguntas no. 18 al 22) los materiales de la construccin de la casa: 18. Material del piso: Ladrillo de barro____1. Ladrillo de cemento____2. Tierra____3. Torta de cemento____4. Piso de cemento_____5 Piso de cermico (mosaico)____6. 19. Material de la pared: Adobe__1. Block __3. Repellado__4. Madera___5 Ladrillo ___6. Rancho palitos unidos o paja ___7. Bajareque palitos y paja___8. 20. Material del techo: Cemento fundido ____1. Lmina _____2. Teja_____3. Paja______4. 21. Material de la fachada de la casa: Antigua teja para fuera, pue rta, ventana___1. Cornisapor moda en el frente de la casa __2. Con verja barandal___3 Con jardn enfrente___4. 22. Describa de cuantos niveles de construccin tiene la casa: Una planta___1. Dos platas___2. SERVICIOS (infraestructura). PREGUNTE DIRECTAMENTE SI LA CASA QUE HABITA CUENTA CON LOS SIGUIENTES: 23. Dentro del hogar tiene agua potable? S___1. No___2. 24. El hogar tiene luz elctrica? Si___1. No___2. 25. Qu tipo de estufa tiene dentro de l hogar (s tiene alguna de estas)? Poyo ___1. Estufa de fuego mejorada__2 Gas de mesa__3. Gas con horno__4.

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18226. Qu tipo de inodoro tiene (s tiene alguna de estas)? Letrina ___1. Bao de china___2. Bao cermico___3. Ninguno___4. 27. Tiene telfono o celular? S___1. No__2 (Pase no. 29) 28. Qu tipo de telfono o celular tienen? _________________________________________________________________________________________________ 29. Actualmente esta como domiciliar solicitante de una lnea telefnica? S___1. No___2. 30. Qu tipo de televisin tiene? Cable__1. Antena (TV nacional) ___2. No tengo Tv.____3. 31. Tiene usted aparato de sonido (estero con CD, grande)? Si___1. No___2. 32. Tiene usted horno de microondas? S___1. No___2. 33. Tiene computadora? Si (es porttil)___1. Si (gr ande escritorio)___2. No tengo___3. 34. ENTREVISTADOR OBSERVE SI EL MOBILIARIO ES: Comprado (industrializado)__1. Hecho en casa (manufactura artesanal)___2. TRANSPORTE. 35. Tiene usted Bestia caballo, mula S___1. No___2. 36. Tiene usted Automvil propio S___1. No___2 (Pase no. 40) 37. Dnde lo compro? San Pedro Pi nula___1. Jalapa___2. Guatemala___3. Estados Unidos___4. 38. Tipo de carro: Cerrado__1 (AUTOS TIPO SE DAN. Pick up 2WD sencillo___2. Pick up 4WD cabina sencilla___3. Pick up 4WD doble cabina___4. 39. Que marca y ao? (especifique)________________________________________________________________________________ 40. Usted guarda el Automvil de alguien que este en los EE.UU. S___1. No___2 (Pase no. 44)

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18341. Dnde lo compro? San Pedro Pi nula___1. Jalapa___2. Guatemala___3. Estados Unidos___4. 42. Tipo de carro: Cerrado__1 (Autos tipo sedan) Pick up 2WD s encillo___2. Pick up 4WD cabina sencilla___3. Pick up 4WD doble cabina___4. 43. Que marca y ao? (especifique)_______________________________________________________________________________ GASTO Y AHORRO FAMILIAR. LEA: Ahora a nosotros nos gustara que usted nos hablase acerca de su gasto familiar, lo cual nos ayudara para saber cual es la situacin de todas las familias en el municipio de SAN PEDRO PINULA PARA LOS ENCUESTADORES: pre gunte primero Menos en caso de responder ent onces seale si es solo menos o mucho menos, misma situacin para Ms 44. Cuanto dinero se necesita para mantener un hogar con 5 personas en un mes? _____________________________________________________ 45. En su hogar entre todos juntan? Mucho menos que eso ___1. Menos que eso ___2. Aproximadamente igual ___3. Ms que eso___4. Mucho ms que eso___5. 46. En su hogar cuntas personas aportan para los gastos? ______________________________

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184LENGUAJE Y CULTURA Encuestadores est seccin es muy importante del cuestionari o pues nos interesa saber sobr e la cultura de las personas 47. Ud. participa en la cofrada? S__1 (contine) No__2 (Pase no.49) 48. Tiene algn cargo? S__1. No__2. 49. En Pinua todava se habla la lengua? S___1. No____2. Algunos____3. 50. Ud. sabe cmo se llama a la lengua que hablan en Pinula? Lenguaje__1. Pokomam__2. No sabe__3. Otro (especifique)_______________________________________ 51. Ud. habla esta lengua? S__1. No__2. Un poco__3. 52. Ud. entiende algunas palabras? S__1. No__2. Un poco__3. 53. Sus padres lo hablaban? S__1. No__2. Un poco__3. 54. Lo entendan? S__1. No__2. Un poco__3. 55. Sus abuelos lo hablaban? S__1. No__2. Un poco__3. 56. Lo entendan? S__1. No__2. Un poco__3. 57. Ud. piensa que es el mismo idioma que hablan en San Luis? S__1. No__2. 58. Por qu cree usted que ya no se habla la lengua? ________________________________________________________________________________________________ 59. Su mam usaba corte? S__1. No__2. 60. Su suegra usaba corte? S__1. No__2. 61. Alguna de sus abuelas usaba corte? S__1. No__2. 62. Por qu cree que ya no se usa corte? ________________________________________________________________________________________________

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18563. Hay alguna relacin entre la cultura de Pinula con la cultura de San Luis? S__1. No__2. Por qu? ______________________________________________________________________________________________ HISTORIA FAMILIAR Entrevistado indique a la persona que la intencin del siguiente grupo de preguntas es tn enfocadas para saber si vino gente de otros lugares (en las opciones se puede incluir otros pases). 64. Hablando de sus abuelos paternos, ellos eran de: _______________________________________________________ Otro pas: ________________________________________ 65. Hablando de sus abuelos maternos, ellos eran de: _______________________________________________________ Otro pas: ___________________ 66. Alguno de sus bisabuelos era de otro lugar que no fuera San Pedro Pinula (especifique)_________________________________________________________________________ 67. Por qu vinieron para ac sus bisabuelos? _____________________________________________________________________________________________ 68. En qu trabajaban sus bisabuelos? Agricultura__1. Ganado__2. Otro (especifique): _______________________________________________________________

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186ETNICIDAD E IDENTIDAD 69. Ud. se considera (Encuestador lea las opciones)? Natural__1. Indio__2. Ind gena__3. Maya__4. Ladinos__5. Mezclados__6. Otro___________________ 70. Por qu se identifica de esta manera? _____________________________________________________________________________________________ 71. Cundo las personas regresan de Esta dos Unidos, ellos cambian de identidad? S__1. No__2 (Pase no 74) Algunos___3. 72. En que forma cambian? _____________________________________________________________________________________________ 73. Puede un indgena volverse ladino? S__1. No__2. 74. Hay diferentes tipos de ladinos? S__1. No__2. (Pase no. 77) 75. Cules son? _____________________________________________________________________________________________ 76. Hay diferentes tipos de indgenas? S__1. No__2 (Pase no. 79) 77. Cules son? _____________________________________________________________________________________________ 78. Los indgenas de Pinula son los mism os que los indgenas de Occidente? S__1. No__2. 79. Por qu? ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 80. Quines son los Mayas? ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 81. Usted cree que las personas de a qu son descendientes de los Mayas? ________________________________________________________________________________

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18782. La gente de Pinula son ms (Leer opciones) Ladinos__1. Indgenas__2. Mezclados__3. Otro:____________________ 83. Cules son las diferencias entre Ladinos e Indgenas? __________________________________________________________________________________________ 84. Ud. piensa que las uniones entre ladinos e indgenas se dan (Leer opciones) Mas que antes__1. Igual que antes__2. Menos que antes__3. 85. Ud. piensa que los matrimonios en tre ladinos e indgenas se dan (Leer opciones) Mas que antes__1. Igual que antes__2. Menos que antes__3. 86. Ud. dejara que sus hijos se casaran con una persona ladina? (Leer opciones) S__1. No__2. Es decisin de ellos__3. Otro:____________________________ 87. Ud. dejara que sus hijos se casaran con una persona indgena? (Leer opciones) Si__1. No__2. Es decisin de ellos__3. Otro:____________________________ 88. Sus padres se consideraban ladinos o indgenas (Leer opciones) Indgenas__1. Ladino__2. Mezclado__3. Uno indgena y otro ladino__4. Otro:_____________________ 89. Su cnyuge se considera (Leer opciones) Indgena__1. Ladino__2. Mezclado__3. No tengo cnyuge__4. Otro: __________________________________

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188TERRENOS Encuestador recuerde que: 11 tareas de 15 son una manzana (plano) 16 tareas de 12 es una manzana (cerro) 64 manzanas es una caballeras LEA: LAS SIGUIENTES PREGUNTAS NOS SERVIRN PARA SABER SOBRE LA ECONOMA DEL MUNICIPIO, TODOS LOS DATOS SON ANNIMOS Y SE USARAN PARA ESTADSTICAS. 90. Usted tiene terrenos aqu en San Pedro Pinula? (sugiera pequeo, mediano, etc.) S__1. No__2 (Pase no. 107) 91. Tiene usted algn terreno en otra parte? Jalapa__1. Peten__2. La Costa__3 No tengo otro terreno__4. Otro: ____________________ DUEOS DE TIERRAS NOTA: oriente para obtener la posible re spuesta en la pregunta no. 93 mencionando tareas, manzanas, caballeras y despus especifique. 92. Mas o menos cunta tier ra tiene Ud. en Pinula? (Leer opciones) Menos de 1 tarea___1. Entre 1 y 5 tareas___2. Menos de1 manzana___3. Entre1 y 5 manzanas____4. Entre 5 y 10 manzanas____5. Menos de 1 caballe ra____6. Entre 1 caballera y 5 ca balleras____7. Entre 5 y 10 caballeras_____8. Ms de 10 caballeras_____9. No quiso respon.__10. 93. Tiene arrendantes o mediante? S__1 (contine) No__2 (Pase no.100) 94. Cul es preferible? Arrendantes____1. Median te___2. Ambos___3. Ninguno__4. 95. Por qu? ___________________________________________________________________________________________ 96. Cuntos tiene (ms o menos)? Mediantes_________ arrendantes _____________.

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18997. SI TIENE ARRENDANTES Cul es su sistema para cobrarle a sus ar rendantes? Por das de trabajo__1. Por pago de granos__2. Efectivo__3. Otro_________________ 98. Los arrendantes o mediantes que tiene ahora son... Menos que antes__1. Igual que antes__2. Ms que antes___3. 99. Comparado con cuando sus padres ten an las tierras... los trabajadores son: Mejores que antes___1. Igual que antes__2. Peores que antes__3. 100. Por qu? ___________________________________________________________________________________________ 101. Ha vendido algo de su tierra en el ltimo ao? S___1 (contine) No__2 (Pase no.105) 102. La persona a la que se la vendi... Acaban de regresar de los Estados Unidos__1. Tiene familiares cercanos en los Estados Unidos__2. Otro __________________ 103. La persona a la que se la ve ndi era Indgena__1. Ladinos__2. 104. Ha comprado tierra en el ltimo ao? S___1 (contine) No__2 (Pase no.107) 105. La persona a la que se la comp r era Indgena__1. Ladinos__2. PERSONAS SIN TERRENOS QUE TRABAJAN ACTUALMENTE NOTA ENCUESTADOR: si la persona no esta preparada por que no se dedica a alguna actividad que las relaciones a este tema, omita este grupo de preguntas y pr osiga en la pregunta no. 115. 106. Actualmente Ud. es arrendante o trabaja a medias? Renta___1. A medias__2. Otro:_________________________________________________________________________ 107. Cuntas tareas o manzanas trabaja Ud.? _______Tareas__1. ___________Manzanas___2. 108. SI ACTUALMENTE ES ARRENDANTE -----Cmo cobra? _____das

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190109. Cunto terreno tiene que trabajar para el patrn? _______Tareas_1. ___________Manzanas__2. No tiene que trabajar terreno_______3. 110. Cunto le pagan por Jornal diario? (Encuestador especifique)___________________________________________________________________________________ 111. Ud. piensa que los patrones son... Mejores que antes__1. Igual que antes__2. (Pase no. 114) Peores que antes__3. 112. Por qu considera que se ha dado esta cambio? _____________________________________________________________________________________________ 113. Ud. Participa en la cooperativa? S__1. No__2. A veces__3. MIGRACIN PREGUNTAS GENERALES NOTA ENCUESTADOR: LEA Estas preguntas son sobre su opinin acerca de lo que sucede ahora que la gente va a los EE.UU., su opinin es importante par a nosotros, agradeceramos su colaboracin. 114. Por qu se van las personas a los Estados Unidos? (Encuestador especifique)__________________________________________________________________________________ 115. Qu tipo de personas son las que comnmente se van a los Estados? Solteros__1. Casados__2. Parejas __3. Otro (especifique)__________________________________ 116. Se van mas hombres? Solteros__1. Casados van con la esposa a EE.UU.__2. Casado dejando a la esposa en Pinula __3. Separados__4. Divorciados___5. Otro:____________________ 117. Se van mas mujeres? Solteras__1. Casadas van con el espo so a EE.UU.__2. Casada siguiendo a los esposos__3. Separadas__ 4. Divorciadas___7. Otro:____________________

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191118. Usualmente a donde se van las personas? Boston__1. Attleboro__2. New York__3. Stamford__4. Los ngeles__5. Atlanta__6 .Otro :______________________________ 119. Cundo los esposos estn en Estados Unidos quien cuida del Ganado? (especifique)_________________________________________________________________________ 120. Cundo los esposos estn en Estados Unidos quien cuida de la Milpa? (especifique)_________________________________________________________________________ PREGUNTAS ACERCA DEL REGRESO 121. Las personas generalmente regresan a San Pedro Pinula cuando estn en los Estados Unidos? S__1 No__2 Algunos__3 122. Por qu? ________________________________________________________________________________________ 123. Quines regresan ms? Mujeres__1 Hombres__2 124. Cmo cambian los hombres que acaban de regresar de los EE.UU.? ________________________________________________________________________________________ 125. Cmo cambian las mujeres que acaban de regresar de los EE.UU.? _______________________________________________________________________________________ 126. Cmo cambian los indgenas que ac aban de regresar de los EE.UU.? _________________________________________________________________________________ 127. Cmo cambian los ladinos que aca ban de regresar de los EE.UU.? _____________________________________________________________________________________ 128. Las personas que estn en los Estados y que tienen papeles vienen a visitar? S__1 No__2 A veces__3. NR/NS__4 (Esta abreviacin significa No sabe, no responde)

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192129. Cada cunto? _______________________________________________________________________________________ 130. Por cuanto tiempo se quedan? _______________________________________________________________________________________ 131. Las personas que no tienen papeles vienen a visitar? S__1. No__2 (Pase no. 134) A veces__3. Ns/Nr __4. (Pase no. 134) 132. Cmo hacen para visitar? __________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________ 133. Las personas que tienen papeles regresan a quedarse? S__1. No__2. A veces__3. Ns/Nr__4(Pase 136). 134. Por qu? ______________________________________________________________________________________ 135. Las personas que ya se quedaron a vivi r all siguen invirtiendo en Pinula? S__1. No__2. A veces__3. Ns/Nr__4(Pase 138). 136. Por qu? ______________________________________________________________________________________

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193DESARROLLO ECONMICO / REMESAS 137. Qu cambios ha notado en el pueblo debido a la migracin a Estados Unidos? Construccin__1. Negocios__ (Tipos: ____________________________________) 2. Carros__3. Mas consumismo__4. Envidia__5. Resentimiento__6. Gente se supera__7. Otro:__________________________________________________ 138. Las personas que regresan de los EE.UU. en que invierten? Terrenos__1. Casas__2. Ganado__3. Carros__4. Otro:____________________________________________ 139. Hay alguna diferencia entre ladinos y la gente de las aldeas en la forma como invierten el dinero que traen de los EE.UU.? S__1 No__2 (Pase no.140) 140. Cul es la diferencia? __________________________________________________________________________________ 141. Cundo las personas se van a los Estados ge neralmente a quin le envan el dinero? Padres__1. Esposo(a)__2. Hijo__3. Hija__4. 142. Por qu? __________________________________________________________________________________ MIGRACIN RECURRENTE 143. Cundo regresan los Pinult ecos, desean a irse de nuevo? S__1. No__2. A veces__3. Ns/Nr__4. 144. Cmo al cuanto tiempo de es tar en Pinula se vuelvan a ir? (Encuestador especifique)________________________________________________________________________ 145. Por qu se vuelven a ir? __________________________________________________________________________________________

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194146. Quin es ms probable que regrese a los Estados? Ladino__1. Indgena__2. Otro: ________________________________________________________________ 147. Por qu? _________________________________________________________________________________________ GNERO / MIGRACIN GENERAL 148. Cundo uno se casa, dnde vive la pareja de recin casados? Con los padres del novio__1. Con los padres de la novia__2. En una casa nueva__3. 149. Quin da el dinero para el gasto? El hombre__1. La mujer__2. Ambos__3. 150. Quin es el responsable de cmo se usa dinero del gasto? El hombre__1. La mujer__2. Ambos__3. 151. En general en Pinula (Aguacat e) quien manda en la casa? El hombre__1. La mujer__2. Ambos__3. 152. Cree que los hombres y mujeres DEBE N compartir los oficios del hogar? ______________________________________________________________________________________ 153. Y en su hogar comparte los quehaceres? _______________________________________________________________________________________ 154. Quin controla a la mujer cuando se va el marido a los estados? (Leer opciones) Los suegros__1. Sus padres__2. La comunidad__3. Nadie__4. Otro:________________ 155. Las mujeres deberan trabajar fuera del hogar? S__1. No__2. Por qu? _______________________________________________________________________________________ 156. Por qu las mujeres aguantan el mal trato de los hombres? ________________________________________________________________________________________

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195157. Por qu el hombre le pega a la mujer? ________________________________________________________________________________________ 158. Por qu es diferente la vida de las mu jeres cuando estn en los Estados Unidos? ________________________________________________________________________________ 159. Por qu muchas mujeres ya no se qui eren regresar de los Estados Unidos? ____________________________________________________________________________________ 160. Cundo los hombres regresan de los Estados Unidos vienen ms machistas? S__1. No__2. 161. Por qu? _____________________________________________________________________________________ 162. Los hombres que estn en los Estados Unidos prefieren casarse... Con mujeres que ya tienen sus papeles__1. Con mujeres latinas__2. Con mujeres de Pinula__3. 163. Por qu? ______________________________________________________________________________________

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196164. MIGRACIN FAMILIAR NOTA: Encuestador obtenga los siguientes datos de los familiares de la persona que se encuentran en los EE.UU. es importante que pregunte exclusivamente sobre aquellos que vivieron en el hogar entrevistado y que estn en los EE.UU., adems de indicar que documento empleo cada vez que fue a los EE. UU. 165. Actualmente alguno de esta casa est en los Estados Unidos? S__1 (Llenar cuadro) No__2 (Pase no. 166) Posicin en el hogar Edad Sexo Masc __1. Fem __2. Estado Civil: Soltero__1. Casado(a) Pinulteca_ 2. Casado(a) extran__3. Separado_ _4. Divorciado __5. Viudo__6. Educacin 1. Primaria 2. Bsicos 3. Diversificado 4. Universidad Que edad tena cuando se fue a los EE. UU. Cuanta s veces se han ido a los EE.UU. Tiene: Visa __1. Residencia__2. Ciudadana__3. Esperando sus papeles__4. Mojado__5. INDIQUE PARA CADA VEZ 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Ciudades donde han vivido. Atlanta_1 Boston_2 Boston Attleboro_3 Boston Dorchestor_4 Boston Lawrence_5 Los ngeles_6 New York_7 Providence_8 Stamford_9 Utah_10 Otro (Especifique)_ Tiempo que tienen de estar all (Especificar) Ha trabajado en: Jalapa__1. La capital__2. El ejrcito__3. El Petn__4. La costa__5.

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197PARIENTES 166. Actualmente su Padre esta en los EE. UU? S___1. No___2. 167. Actualmente su Madre esta en los EE. UU? Si___1. No___2. 168. Actualmente su Hijos Varones estn en los EE. UU? Si___1 (contine) No___2 (Pase no.170) 169. Cuntos de sus Hijos Varones estn en los EE. UU?_________________ 170. Actualmente sus Hijas Muj eres estn en los EE. UU? S___1 (contine) No___2 (Pase no. 172) 171. Cuntas de sus Hijas Mujeres estn en los EE. UU? _________________ 172. Actualmente sus Hermanos Varones estn en los EE. UU? S___1 (contine) No___2 (Pase no. 174) 173. Cuntos Hermanos Varones estn en los EE. UU? _________________ 174. Actualmente sus Hermanas Mujeres estn en los EE. UU? S___1 (contine) No___2 (Pase no. 176) 175. Cuntos Hermanas Mujeres estn en los EE. UU? _________________ 176. NOTA ENCUESTADOR: indique el NMERO TOTAL de parientes en los EE. UU ______________ 177. Cuntos de estos tienen papeles? ____________ 178. La mayora de su familia en que pa rte de los EE. UU se encuentra? ________________________________________________________________________________________ 179. Tiene primos o tos en los Esta dos Unidos (parientes lejanos)? S___1. No___2.

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198COMUNICACIN 180. Cmo se comunica con ellos? (Encuestador lea las opciones) Carta__1. Llamada telefnica__2. Email__3. Fax__4. Videos__5. Otro:_______________ 181. Cada cuanto? (Encuestador lea las opciones) Cada tres o cuatro das__1. cada semana___2. cada dos semanas___3. cada mes___4. Cada otro mes___5. Casi nunca___6. 182. Ud. tiene la direccin de su s familiares en los EE.UU.? S___1. No___2. 183. Ud. tiene el telfono de sus familiares en los EE.UU.? Si___1. No___2. 184. Ud. los llama? (Lea las opciones) Si los llamo en el celular propio__1. Si los llamo en el celular prestado__2. Si los llamo por el telfono co munitario__3. No los llamo__4. 185. Ellos le llaman a Ud.? Si__1. No__2. LEA: LAS SIGUIENTES PREGUNTAS NOS AYU DAN DENTRO DE LA INVESTI GACIN QUE REALIZAMOS PARA SABER CUL ES LA IMPORTANCIA DEL DINERO QUE ENVAN TODAS LAS PERSONAS QUE TRABAJAN EN LOS EE. UU, PARA SABER QUE TANTO AY UDAN LOS DLARES A LAS PERSONAS QUE VIVEN EN SAN PEDRO PINULA Y SUS ALDEAS. REMESAS: ENVIO DE DINERO 186. Recibe dinero de los Estados Unidos S_______1. No______2. 187. Ud. maneja algn dinero que viene de los Estados? S_______1. No______2. 188. Desde hace cuanto? (Lea las opciones) Menos de 6 meses __1. 6 meses a 1 ao __2. 1 ao a 3 aos __3. 3 a 5 aos ___4. 5 a 8 aos ___5. 8 a 10 aos ___6. Ms de 10 aos ___7. Mas de 15 anos __8. Mas de 20 aos __9. 189. Quin maneja el dinero? (especifique la posicin en el hogar) Padre___1. Madre___2. Esposo ___3. Esposa___4. Suegro___5. Suegra___6. Hijo___7. Hija___8. Otro ____________

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199 Quien enva el dinero Padre_1. Madre_2. Esposo _3. Esposa_4. Hijo_5. Hija_6. Otro (especificar)__________7. Cmo enva el dinero? (Puede haber + de 1 repuesta) King Express___1. Otro servicio de Money Order___2. Conocido/ familiar retorna___3. Bancos___4. A nombre de quien viene el cheque? Padre_1. Madre_2. Esposo _3. Esposa_4. Suegro_5. Suegra_6. Hijo_7. Hija_8. Otro (especificar) La cantidad que envan: 0 a 50 dls___1. 51 a 100 dls___2. 101 a 500 dls___3. 501 a 1000 dls___4. Ms de 1000 dls___5. Otro (especifique)________________________________ EN TOTAL PARA EL GASTO CADA CUANTO 190. Del dinero que le envan, el que usa para el gasto viene a parte? S_____1. No_____2. No sabe / no responde_____3. 191. Quin decide como se gasta el dinero? El que enva el dinero de EE.UU. ____1. Padre___2. Madre___3. Esposo ___4. Esposa___5. Suegro___6. Suegra___7. Hijo___8. Hija___9. Otro (especificar, tipo de relacin)__________________________________________________________________ 192. Cul es el uso que se da al dinero que le envan? Gasto domstico___1. Ahorro___2. Casa___3. Terrenos___4. Vehculos___5. Otro_____________________ 193. Ud. tiene una cuenta de banco en dlares para su dinero? S__1. No__2.

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200AQU VA A PREGUNTAR DEPE NDIENDO DE LA CONDICI N DE LA PERSONA, Identifique si la persona ESTUVO EN LOS EE. UU. TRABAJANDO y ahora vive en Pinula, pase a la pgina 13 con la pregunta no. 194 Identifique si es una mujer que TIENE SU ESPOSO EN LOS EE. UU. TRABAJANDO pase a la pgina 15 con la pregunta no 222 Identifique si son padres que TIENEN HIJOS O HIJAS EE. UU., pase a la pgina 17 con la pregunta no 248 Identifique si la persona ha ido a VISITAR los EE. UU., SIN QUEDARSE a VIVIR a TRABAJAR por all, pase a la pgina 18 con la pregunta no 270 Ahora en caso de que la persona tiene todas las caracterstic as, entonces deber aplicar las preguntas desde la no.194

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201SI LA PERSONA ES MIGRANTE RETORNADO 194. Por qu se regreso a Pinula? _________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________ 195. Cmo se fue a los EE. UU? (Lea las opciones) Mojado__1 Visa Turista__2. Visa chueca__3. Permiso Trabajo__4. Otro__________________________________ 196. En que ciudades estuvo? (Especificar en el caso de Boston el lugar) Boston ____1. Boston Attleboro____2. Boston Dorchestor____3. Boston Lawrence____4. Los ngeles____5. New York____6. Providence____7. Stamfor d____.8. UTA____9. Atlanta____10. Otro (especifique) ________________________ 197. Cuntas veces ha ido a Estados Unidos? (especifique) _________ veces. 198. Cunto tiempo estuvo all y hace cunto regres?____________________________________________________________________________ 199. Quin lo ayud para irse? (hacer contactos para irse) _________________________________________________________________________ 200. Quin lo recibi? _________________________________________________________________________________________________________

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202ENCUESTADOR Llene el cuadro poniendo cuan to tiempo estuvo all por cada vez y cu nto tiempo espero en Pinula antes de regresar, si se trata de la ltima vez en que regres preguntarle a la persona cunto tiempo piensa que va tardar antes de regr esar a los EE. UU., de nuevo. Si responde que no piensa re gresarse pregunte por qu? escribiendo la respuesta en la columna de la derecha segn la ocasin de la que se hable 1er. Vez Tiempo Cuanto tiempo espero antes de regresar 2da. Vez 3ra. Vez 4ta. Vez 5ta Vez 201. Hace cuanto regreso de manera definitiva? _______________________________________________________________________________ 202. Por qu razones regreso? (especifique) ______________________________________________________________________________ 203. Desea regresar a los Estados Unidos? S__1. No__2. A veces__3. 204. En qu trabajaba por all? ________________________________________________________________________________________ 205. Nos podra decir si uste d tena permiso de trabajo? S__1 No__2 206. Usted mientras estaba en los EE.UU., solicit asilo poltico? S__1 No__2 207. Enviaba dinero a su familia? Si__1 (contine) No__2 (Pase no. 214)

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203208. A quin se lo enviaba? Sus padres__1. Su esposa__2. Sus hijos__3. Sus suegros__4. Otro:___________________________________ 209. Cunto enviaba? _____________________________________________________________________ 210. Cada cuanto enviaba dinero? ________________________________________________________________________________________ 211. Mandaba dinero para el gasto del hogar? S__1 No__2 (Pase no. 214) 212. A quien se lo enviaba? _________________________________________________________________________________________ 213. Aproximadamente cuanto enviaba? ________________________________________________________________________________ 214. Ha mejorado su vida ahora que regres comparada como era antes? Mejor mucho__1. Mejor un poco__2. Es igual que antes__3. Empeor__4. Mucho peor que antes__5. 215. Dnde preferira vivir? _________________________________________________________________________________________

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204216. Nos podra decir si usted invirti en alguna de las siguientes opciones: Opciones S No CASA Quin se encargo de construccin?___________________________________ Cunto cost en dlares?________________________________________ CARRO Dnde lo compr? ______________________________________________________ GANADO NEGOCIO Qu tipo de negocio? ________________________________ TERRENOS Cunto? ___________________________________ De quien lo oompr? Indgena___1. Ladino__2. TIENDA 217. Aprendi Ingls? S aprend__1. Hablaba algunas palabras __2. Lo entenda pero no lo hablaba__3. No aprend nada__4. 218. Aprendi alguna labor en los estados que le sirva aqu? Si___1 (Contine) No__2 (Pase no. 220) 219. Qu labor aprendi?___________________________________________________________________________________ 220. Usted cree que tenga importancia, la diferen cia entre ladinos e indgenas en los EE.UU.? S__1 No__2

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205221. Por qu? ___________________________________________________________________________________________ PARA MUJERES CUYO ESPOSO EST EN LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS 222. Cundo se fue su esposo? ___________________________________________________________________________________________ 223. Cuntas veces a estado l en los estados? ____________________________________________________________________________________________ 224. En que lugares ha vivido su esposo en los EE.UU.? ____________________________________________________________________________________________ 225. l manda dinero? S__1. (Pase no. 226) No__2. (Pregunte la no. 231 y 232, luego pase a la 238) 226. Cmo lo manda? Por cheques de King Express__1. Otro tipo de money order__2. Por familiar o conocido__3. Otro:______________________________ 227. Cada cunto le manda el dinero? ______________________________________ 228. Aproximadamente cunto le manda? ___________________________________________________________________________________________ 229. Cunto le mandan para el gasto? ______________________________________________________________________________________ 230. Esto le alcanza para su gasto? _______________________________________________________________________________________ 231. SI LE MANDAN CHEQUES A no mbre de quin viene? _________________________________________________________________________

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206232. Esto es slo para los gastos o l manda para otras cosas? Slo para los gastos__1. Ambas cosas__2. 233. Realiza usted alguna actividad que la ayude a juntar lo de los gastos? S__1 (contine) No__2 (Pase no. 235) 234. Cul? ____________________________________________________________________________________________ 235. l manda regalitos? S__1 (contine) No__2 (Pase no.237) 236. Qu cosas le manda? _____________________________________________________________________________________________ 237. Cundo planea l regresar? _____________________________________________________________________________________________ 238. Cmo ha cambiado su vida desde que l se fue? _____________________________________________________________________________________________ 239. Ud. quisiera irse a los Estados Unidos para estar con l? S__1. No__2. 240. A quin le pide permiso para salir? _____________________________________________________________________________________________ 241. Qu tipo de chismes hace la gente cundo la esposa se queda aqu y el esposo se va a los Estados Unidos? __________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________ 242. Qu se hace para evitar los chismes? _____________________________________________________________________________________________

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207 PARA LAS MUJERES QUE TIENEN SU ESPOSO EN LOS EE,UU.: NOTA: Encuestador, informe a la entrevistada que el siguiente grupo de preguntas ayudara para saber que tipo de uso se da a los dlares, para poder saber que ayuda da la gente en los EE.UU. a las familias de San Pedro Pinul a (El Aguacate o El jocote). UD. HA UTILIZADO LOS DLARES QUE LE ENVA PARA ALGUNA DE LAS SIGUIENTES: 243. Nos podra decir si usted invirti en alguna de las siguientes opciones: Opciones S No CASA Quin se encargo de construccin? Cunto cost en dlares? CARRO Dnde lo compr? GANADO NEGOCIO Qu tipo de negocio? TERRENOS Cunto? De quien? Indgena___1. Ladino__2. TIENDA

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208244. Quin decide cmo se usa el dinero que l manda? ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 245. Ahora que l no est Quin se encarga del ganado? ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 246. Ahora que l no est Quin se encarga de la milpa? ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 247. Ha tenido que buscar mozos? S_1. No__2. PARA PADRES QUE TIENEN SU HIJO O HIJA EN LOS ESTADOS 248. Cuntos hijos tiene en los EE.UU.? ___________________________________________________________________________________________ 249. Cuntas hijas tiene en los EE.UU.? ___________________________________________________________________________________________ 250. En qu lugares? ___________________________________________________________________________________________ 251. Usted cuida de los hijos de ellos? S_1. No__2. 252. Alguno de los nios tienen tiene pasaportes Americanos? S_1. No__2. 253. Ud. recibe dinero de ellos? S_1. No__2. 254. Qu hace Ud. con ese dinero? ___________________________________________________________________________________________ 255. Ud. recibe dinero de sus hijos casados? S_1 (contine) No__2. (Pase no. 257) 256. Ud. es la encargada de reparti rle el dinero a sus nueras? S_1. No__2.

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209257. Ud. ha comprado terrenos para sus hijos (as) mientras ellos estn all? S_1. No__2. 258. Ud. les ha comprado casas mientras se encuentran en EE.UU.? S_1 (contine) No__2 (Pase no. 262) 259. Dnde les ha comprado la casa? Pi nula__1. Jalapa__2. Capital__3. Otro: ____________________________________________________________ 260. A nombre de quin se encu entran estas propiedades? ___________________________________________________________________________________________ 261. Ud. maneja el dinero de las re ntas de estas propiedades? ____________________________________________________ 262. Se encuentra Ud. a cargo de alguna de sus tierras o casas? S_1. No__2. 263. Quin administra la milpa de sus tierras? ______________________________________________________________ 264. Quin administra el Ganado en sus tierras? ______________________________________________________________ 265. Ellos le envan dinero para su gasto? S_1. No__2. 266. Ellos le envan regalitos? S_1 (contine) No__2 (Pase no. 268) 267. Que tipo de rega litos recibe? ________________________________________________________________________ 268. Ud. les enva regalitos? S_1(contine). No__2 (TERMINA GRUPO DE PREGUNTAS) 269. Cmo qu les enva? ________________________________________________________________________________ PERSONAS QUE VISITAN LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS 270. Cundo saco su visa? En los ltimos 6 meses__1. Menos de un ao__2. Hace ms de un ao__3. Hace ms de cinco aos__4. Hace ms de 10 aos__5. 271. Cuntas veces intento antes que se la dieran? __________________________________________________________________________________________

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210272. Cada cuanto visita los EE. UU.? (especifique tiempo) __________________________________________________________________________________ 273. Por cunto tiempo visita? Quince das__1. Un mes__2. 2 meses__3. 3 meses__4. 4 meses__5. 5 meses__4. 6 meses__5. Ms de 6 meses__6. 274. Le gusta los Estados Unidos? S_1. No__2. 275. Por qu? _______________________________________________________________________ 276. Le gustara quedarse a vivir por all? S_1. No__2. 277. Por qu? _______________________________________________________________________ 278. Lleva paquetes de otras personas de Pinula para familiares en EE.UU.? S_1. No__2. 279. Cundo sus parientes en Estados Unidos sabe que Ud. va a visitar que cosas le piden que Ud. lleve? __________________________________________________________________ 280. Ud. se las vende o las regala? Las vende__1. Las regala__2. Las ms caras me las pagan, las ms baratas las regalo__3. 281. Usualmente que les lleva? ________________________________________________________________________________ 282. Lleva cosas para vender all? S_1. No__2. 283. Qu tipo de cosas? ___________________________________________________________________________________ 284. Qu ciudades visita? ___________________________________________________________________________________ 285. Ud. trabaja en algo mientras est all de visita? S_1 (contine) No__2 (Pase no. 287) 286. En qu? ____________________________________________________________________________________ 287. Qu cosas trae cuando regresa? _____________________________________________________________________________________ 288. Las personas all en Estados Unidos le piden que traiga dinero para sus familias aqu en Pinula? S_1 (contine) No__2 (TERMINO LA ENTREVISTA)

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211289. Ud. les cobra por traerlo? S_1. No__2. ENCUESTADOR CONTESTE LAS SIGUENTES PREGUNTAS La persona a la que entrevist, usted. a que tnia consid era que pertenece? _______________________ A que clase social pertenece la persona que entrevisto (ext rema pobreza, clase pobre, clase media baja, media alta, clase alta)?___________________________________________________________________ NOTAS:

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212 APPENDIX C ACCESS AND CONTROL PROFILE/ENGLISH 1. ACTIVITY PROFILE Agricultural: women/girls Men/boys Employment: Other: Reproductive activities: Water related: Fuel related: Animals for home only Food preparation: Childcare: Health related: Cleaning and repair: Market related: 2. ACCESS AND CONTROL PROFILE A. Resources Access Control Land: Equipment: Labor: Cash: Education/training: Other: B. Benefits Outside income Asset ownership Basic needs Education Political power/prestige Other: Influencing factor

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213 APPENDIX D DOMESTIC ACTIVITY INTERVIEW/SPANISH Entrevistas de actividades Domesticas Encuesta No. Fecha de entrevista: Nombre: Edad: Sexo: Domicilio: Casado / Unido/ Soltero / Viuda No. de hijos: Edad y sexo de los hijos: Lugar donde trabaja el cnyuge: Cada cuanto vienen su esposo? Etnia: Puede escribir o leer: Hasta que grado llego: Actividades de la Casa 1. En la manana a que hora se levanta? 2. Me podria decir todas las cosa s que hace en la maana? 3. Quien cuido los nios / quien le ayuda? 4. En que la ayudan sus hijos? 5. Que otro tipo de personas le ayudan en la casatienen muchacha o familiar que ayuden? a. en que la ayuda? 6. Quien echan las tortillas? 7. Quien lava su ropa? 8. Recibe un pago esta persona? 9. Que comen diariamente en el almuerzo? 10. Que hace despus del almuerzo? 11. En donde consiguen la lea para cocinar? a. Cada cuanto? b. La compra o la van a traer? c. Quien lo hace? d. Cuanto tiempo se tardan para traerla? 12. Participa en algun grupo de su localidad? Y cada cuanto? 13. Realiza otra actividad de vez en cuando? 14. Tiene una actividad o trabajo por la noche

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214 Actividades Productivos Agricultura 1. Tiene terreno? 2. Quien es el dueno? 3. Que hace el terreno? Ganado /milpa /caf / frijol /frutas/ hortalizas a. A medias b. Arrendado c. Propio 4. Vende: a. Cerdos b. Gallinas c. Huevos d. Otro 5. Tiene algn negocio fijo 6. Tiene otro negocio que hace para los gastos? 7. Quien aporta los gastos en la casa? 8. De donde sale el dinero para los gastos de la casa? 9. Que hace en su tiempo libre? Observaciones

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215 APPENDIX E FEMALE ACTIVITY INTERVIEW /ENGLISH AND SPANISH ACTIVIDADES FEMENINAS Name: Age: Ethnicity: Civil status: How many people live in the house? In the house: What do you do when you get up in the morning? What do you do before lunch? What do you do to make lunch? (do you take it to your husband, make it for kids) What do you do after lunch? What do you make for dinner? What do you do after dinner? Do you buy lea or collect it? Do you have a hortaliza? What do you grow? What animals do you take care of? What do your female children do to help you (for oficios)? What do your male children do to help you (for oficios)? Who collects the water everyday and how many times? What other things do you do to take care of the house, husband, children, in-laws? Do you have someone who helps you? Afuera la casa and for money? What do you do to help with gastos in the house? Do you sell in the market? What do you sell? Do you sell tortillas? Do you wash other peoples clothes? Do you work in other peoples houses? How often? Do you coser? Do you sell lea? Do you sell flowers? Do you collect wild foods (like muta)? (Do you sell them?)

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216 En el campo What do you do in the field? Activity Man Woman Nino Nina Mozo Bring lunch Destroncar Rosar Guatelear Zembrar Deshiebar Abonar Fumigar Cosechar Aporcar Desgranar Otro: Otro: Do you accompany your husband to the fincas? Where do you go (costa, Peten, otro lugar) And what do you when you get there?

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217 ACTIVIDAD QUIEN CUANDO Hortalizas Viveros Cortar lea Vender lea Trabajar en fincas de algodon Trabajar en fincas de cafe Cuidar vacas Ordear vacas Hacer queso albaileria Cercar terrenos Rozar el monte Guatalear Destroncar Siembra el maiz Siembra el frijol Aran la tierra Fumiga el campo Abona el terreno Deshierba Aporcar Arracancar el frijol Prepara la tierra para siembra Corta frutas (por ejemplo el jocote) Va a Peten Va a Peten para sembrar maiz y frijol Corta caf Corta algodn Tapisca Aporreo engronerado Corta la semilla del zacate Desgrana el maiz

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219 CEH, Historical Clarification Committee 1999 Guatemala: Memoria del Silencio. Guatemala City: CEH. Chinchilla, Norma 1977 Industrialization, Monopoly Capitalism, and Women's Wo rk in Guatemala. Signs 3(1):38-56. Cohen, Jeffrey H. 2004 The Culture of Migration in Southern Me xico. Austin: University of Texas Press. Conway, Dennis and Jeffrey Cohen 1998 Consequences of Migration and Re mittances for Mexican transnational communities. Economic Geography 74(1):26-45. Cornell, Stephen and Douglas Hartmann 2004 Conceptual Confusions and Divide s: Race, Ethnicity, and the Study of Immigration. In Not Just Black and White: Hi storical and Contemporary Perspectives on Immigration, Race, and Ethni city in the United States, N. Foner and G.M. Fredrickson, eds. Pp. 23-41. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Cosminsky, Sheila and Mary Scrimshaw 1982 Sex Roles and Subsistence: A Comparat ive Analysis of Three Central American Communities. In Sex Roles and Social Change in Native Lower Central American societies. C. Loveland and F. Lovela nd, eds. Urbana: University Press. Dary, Claudia 2003 Identidades tnicas y Tierras Comuna les en Jalapa. Guatemala: IDEI. di Leonardo, M. 1991 Introduction: Gender, Culture, and Political Economy, Feminist Anthropology in Historical Perspective. In Gender at the Crossroads of Knowledge: Feminist Anthropology in the Postmodern Era. M. diLeonardo, ed. Pp. 1-48. Berkeley: University of California Press. Durrand, Jorge, Emilio A. Parrado, and Douglas S. Massey 1996 International Migration and Developm ent in Mexican Communities. Demography 33(2):249-264. Ehlers, Tracy Bachrach 1990 Silent Looms: Women and Production in a Guatemalan Town. Boulder: Westview Press. 1991 Debunking Marianismo: Economic Vulnerab ility and Survival Strategies among Guatemalan Wives. Ethnology 30(1):1-16. Feldman, Lawrence 1981 Colonial Manuscripts of Jalapa, Juti apa, and Santa Rosa Departments in Guatemala. Washington, D.C: Or ganization of American States.

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222 Hoddinott, J. 1994 A Model of Migration and Remittances Applied to Western Kenya: Oxford Economic Papers 46:459. Hoddinnott, John 1994 A Model of Migration and Remittances Applied to Western Kenya. Oxford Economic Papers 46(3):459-476. Hondagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette 1992 Overcoming Patriarchal Constraints: The Reconstruction of Gender Relations Among Mexican Immigrant Women and Men. Gender and Society 6(3):393-415. Huntington, Samuel 2004 Who Are We? The Challenges to Amer icas Identity. New York: Simon and Schuster. IGN, Instituto Geogrfico Nacional 1983 Diccionario Geogrfico de Guatemala. To mo III. Guatemala: Instituto Geogrfico Nacional. INE, Instituto Nacional de Estadstica 2002 Censo de Poblacin. Guatemala: INE. Jones, Richard C. 1998 Remittances and Inequality: A Question of Migration Stage and Geographic Scale. Economic Geography 74(1):8-36. Katz, Elizabeth G. 1995 Gender and Trade Within the Household: Observations from Rural Guatemala. World Development 23(2):327-44. Kearney, Michael 1995 The Local and the Global: The Anthropology of Globalization and Transnationalism. Annual Review Anthropology 15:331-61 2000 Transnational Oaxacan Indigenous Identity : The Case of Mixtecs and Zapotecs. Identities 7(2): 173-195. Kraut, Alan 2005 A Comparison of Contemporary Immigra tion and the New Immigration of the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries. In American Immigration and Ethnicity: A Reader. D.A. Gerber and A.M. Kraut, eds. Pp. 12-47. New York: Palgrave and MacMillan. Lande, Carl 1977 Introduction, The Dyadic Basis of Clientism. In Friends, Followers, and Factions: A Reader in Political Clientism. S.W. Sc hmidt, L. Guasti, C. H. Lande, and J.C. Scott, eds. Pp. ix-xxxvii. Berkeley: University of California Press.

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223 Lee, Erika 2004 American Gatekeeping: Race and Immigr ation Law in the Twentieth Century. In Not Just Black and White: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on Immigration, Race, and Ethnicity in th e United States, N. Foner and G.M. Fredrickson, Pp. 118-144. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Levitt, Peggy 2001 The Transnational Villagers. Univer sity of California Press: Berkeley. Little-Siebold, Christa 2001 Beyond the Indian-Ladino Dichotomy: C ontested Identities in an Eastern Guatemalan Town. Journal of Latin American Anthropology 6(2):176-197. Little-Siebold, Todd 1995 Guatemala and the Dream of a Nation: National Policy and Regional Practice in the Liberal Era, 1871-1945. Ph. D. disserta tion, Department of History, Tulane University. Lovell, George W. and Christopher H. Lutz 1995 Demography and Empire: A Guide to th e Population History of Spanish Central America: 1500-1821. Volume 33. Bo ulder: Westview Press. MacLeod, Murdo 1973 Spanish Central America: A Soci oeconomic History, 1520-1720. Berkeley: University of California Press. Mahler, Sarah 1995 Salvadorans in Suburbia: Symbiosis and Conflict. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. 1998 Theoretical and Empirical Contributions Toward a Research Agenda for Transnationalism. In Transnationalism from Below. L. Guarnizo and M. P. Smith, eds. Pp. 64-100. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers. 2001 Transnational Relationships: The St ruggle to Communicate Across Borders. Identities 7(4):583-619. Margolis, Maxine 1994 Little Brazil: An Ethnography of Brazi lian Immigrants in New York City. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1998 An Invisible Minority: Brazilians in New York City. Needham Heights, Massachusetts: A llyn and Bacon. 2004 The Relative Status of Men and Women. In Encyclopedia of Sex and Gender: Men and Women in the Worlds Cultures, C. Ember and M. Ember, eds. Pp. 137145. Hingham. MA: Kluwer Academic/Plenum.

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226 Rivera, Alex 2004 The Sixth Section. USA/Mexi co: The Rockefeller Foundation. Rosenbaum, Brenda 1993 With Our Heads Bowed: the Dynamics of Gender in a Maya Community. 6 vols. Volume 5. Albany: Institute for Mesoamerican Studies. Rumbaut, Ruben G., Douglas S. Massey, and Frank D. Bean 2006 Linguistic Life Expectancies: Immigr ant Language Retention in Southern California. Population and De velopment Review 32 (3):447-460. Russo, Kathy 2005 Plaiting Palm in Pinula. Revue: Guatem alas English-language Magazine, April 2005: 18-19. Sacks, Karen Brodkin 1989 Toward a Unified Theory of Class, Race and Gender. American Ethnologist Washington 16(3):534-550. Sanday, Peggy 1973 Toward a Theory on the Status of Wo men. American Anthropologist 75(5):16821700. Sanford, Victoria 2000 The Silencing of Maya Women from Mam to Maqu to Rigoberta. Social Justice 27(1):128-136. Schiller, Nina Glick, Cristina S zanton Blanc, and Linda Basch 1995 From Immigrant to Transmigrant: Theorizing Transnational Migration. Anthropological Quarterly 68(1): 48-63. Smith, Carol A. 1995 Race-class-gender Ideology in Guatemala: Modern and Anti-modern Forms. Comparative Studies in Soci ety and History 37(4):723-50. Stevens, Evelyn 1973 Marianismo: The Other Face of Machismo. In Female and Male in Latin America. A. Pescatello, ed. Pp. 90-101. Pittsburgh: University of P ittsburgh Press. Stoll, David 1999 Rigoberta Mench and the Story of all P oor Guatemalans. Boulder: Westview Press. Tax, Sol 1953 Penny Capitalism: A Guatemalan Indian Economy. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution. Tumin, Melvin

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227 1945 San Luis Jilotepeque: a Guatemalan Pu eblo. Chicago: University of Chicago. 1952 Case in a Peasant Society: A Case St udy in the Dynamics of Caste. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Watanabe, John M. 1992 Maya Saints and Souls in a Changing Wo rld. Austin: University of Texas Press. Warnes, T. 1992 Migration and the Life Course. In Migration Processes and Patterns, Volume 1. Research Progress and Prospects. T. Champion and T. Fielding, eds. Pp. 175-87. London & New York: Belhaven Press. Warren, Kay B. 1978 The Symbolism of Subordination: I ndian Identity in a Guatemalan Town. London: University of Texas Press. 1998 Indigenous Movements and Their Critics Princeton: Princeton University Press. Wolf, Eric R. 1959 Sons of the Shaking Earth. Chicago: University of Chicago. 1966 Kinship, Friendship, and Patron-Client Re lations in Complex Societies In The Social Anthropology of Complex Societ ies. M. Banton, ed. Pp. 1-22. London: Tavistock. Wisdom, Charles 1940 The Chorti Indians of Guatemala. Ch icago: University of Chicago Press. Zur, Judith N. 1998 Violent Memories: Mayan War Windows in Guatemala. Boulder: Westview Press.

PAGE 228

228 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Debra Hain Rodman was born in Tallahasse, Flor ida and raised in Miami, Florida. In 1990, after graduating with a bachelor of arts in an thropology and a minor in womens studies, Debra attended the University of Mi amis Rosenstiel School of Marine and Atmospheric Science (RSMAS), where she earned a masters degree in marine affairs and policy. During her time at RSMAS, Debra worked on advocacy, as well as gender and development issues, at varied locations, participating in projects in Central America and the Caribbean. This work inspired her to pur sue her doctoral degree in anth ropology at the Un iversity of Florida, where she studied in conjunction with the Latin American Studies Program and the Center for Tropical Conservation, training under several leading scholar s in WID (Women in Development) and GAD (Gender and Development) She became interested in transnational migration while working for the Harvard Immigr ation Projects, under th e direction of Drs. Marcelo and Carola Suarez-Orozco. Her research among Guatemalan immigrants in Boston led to her pre-dissertation research in the mi grants home communities, where she led an ethnographic field course through th e Universidad del Valle in Guat emala. With the assistance of a Fulbright fellowship and a R AND/Andrew W. Mellon Grant for Research on Central America, she conducted her doctoral dissertation work on th e impact of transnational migration on gender and ethnic relations in Eastern Guatemala.


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GENDER, MIGRATION, AND TRANSNATIONAL IDENTITIES:
MAYA AND LADINO RELATIONS IN EASTERN GUATEMALA




















By

DEBRA HAIN RODMAN


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2006

































Copyright

by

Debra H. Rodman




























To my grandfather Charles W. Gockley,
who taught me tolerance, love for humankind and diversity.

and to my father Mark H. Rodman,
who showed me unconditional love and ceaseless support.

They are both sorely missed but forever live on in my heart and mind.









ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank my committee members for all their support. I feel privileged to work

under a group of such prestigious scholars. I especially appreciate the hard work of my

committee chair, Dr. Maxine Margolis, who influenced me as a scholar and feminist. I owe much

to Dr. Anita Spring for her exceptional training in the area of Gender and Development; Dr.

Murdo Macleod for his emphasis on historical perspective; and Dr. Helen Safa for her

mentorship.

Other scholars have also made important contributions to my career. Russell Bernard

improved my methodology and proposal writing. Allan Burns introduced me to the Maya

communities in South Florida that inspired my work among the Guatemalans. He gave me the

opportunity to teach my first college course, The Maya Diaspora, and supported my Fulbright

candidacy. At the University of Miami, Ann Brittain introduced me to anthropology, and Sarah

Keene Meltzoff inspired my love of fieldwork. Deidre Crumbley also encouraged my

anthropological work.

I would like to thank my colleagues and friends from graduate school at the University of

Florida. Beth Byron supported me from the moment we met during the first days of graduate

school. I would also like to thank the other "migration experts" who shared the experience (and

rigor) of working under Dr. Margolis: Ermitte St. Jacques and her husband, Flemming Daugaard,

and Rosana Resende. Sybil Rosado has also been a great friend and colleague, as well as Jim

Barham, Roberto Barrios, Lance Gravlee, Antonio Tobar, and Antonio de la Pefia.

Michelle Moran-Taylor, whom I met at the SFAA meetings in Tucson, helped me while I

searched for funding and later became my compatriot in the field and close friend. Her husband,

Matthew, also provided wonderful support; my first journal article was published with them.

Michelle introduced me to Rachel Adler a few years back during one of many sessions that she









organized, and the three of us have collaborated on conference panels ever since. Victoria

Sanford has been a mentor, ceaselessly supporting my research in Eastern Guatemala and

providing new venues in which to share my work. I would like to thank Randolph-Macon

College and my colleagues there for their financial and academic support. Lastly, I would like to

thank Alicita Rodriguez and Joseph Starr for their editorial work on this dissertation.

My deepest gratitude goes to the people of San Pedro Pinula, who showed me great

kindness and support. They welcomed me into their homes and shared with me their lives. I am

especially thankful to the Medina family, all six brothers and two sisters, and their respective

wives and children. They were not only key to my research but also filled my time in Pinula with

love and laughter. Thank you to the Enamorado family, who lent me their home and loved me as

their own. Dofia Chenta was especially patient with me; without her help, I would never have

mastered the Spanish language. Her late husband, Don Bene, was my good friend and a loving

father-in-law. I thank fate for helping me meet their son, Rene, who showed me what it was like

to be a Guatemalan wife. I would also like to thank Don Pauncho and Dofia Martita for their

unconditional love; and their daughters, Vilma, Olga, and Lehti, and daughter-in-law, Rubelia,

for showing me what it was like to be a woman in Guatemala.

Vinicio and Cory L6pez and their American-born children, Stephanie and Christian, have

supported me throughout my work. They allowed me into their lives, never hesitating to explain

their world to me. This dissertation would not have been possible without them.

Tatiana Paz Guzman was my assistant in the field. Her keen ability to remember what

people said in Spanish word for word was uncanny. She was essential to the research process and

an excellent assistant and anthropologist.









I am also grateful to my mother Cynthia and stepfather, George Capewell. I could have

never come this far without them. My life would not be complete without the love and support of

my sisters Tori and Shana. I would also like to thank Darryl Lowery for his support during the

final stages of my dissertation.

Lastly, I want to thank my dad, Mark H. Rodman, who passed away suddenly before he

could celebrate this joyous occasion with me. I also thank my stepmother, Kathy Rodman, who

was able to put up with my father's ceaseless energy and made him a truly happy man. My father

knew how to live life to the fullest and did not waste a single day. I dedicate my work to his

memory.









TABLE OF CONTENTS



A C K N O W L ED G M EN T S ......................................................................................... .......... ....... 4

L IS T O F T A B L E S ............................................................................................... ..................... 1 1

LIST OF FIGURES ............................................. ........... ........................... 12

ABSTRACT ................................................................................. 13

CHAPTER

1 GENDER, MIGRATION AND TRANSNATIONAL IDENTITIES.............................. 15

L ite ratu re R ev iew ................................................................................................................... 1 8
C central R research Q questions .................................................. ............................................ 2 1
Research Methods ............................... .. ............ ............................... 22
P articipant O b servation ................................................. ............................................ 23
In-depth Sem i-structured Interview s ....................... ............................................... 23
F o cu s G ro u p s ................................................................................................................. .. 2 3
L ife H isto rie s ................................................................................................................ ... 2 4
Structured Ethnographic Surveys ...................................... ...................... ................ 24
D igital V ideo and Photography ........................................ ....................... ................ 24
R research T eam ....................................................................................................... ........ .. 2 5
P o sitio n ality ........................................................................................................... ........ .. 2 6
R racial W orldv iew .............................................................................................. 30
G en d er ........................................................................................................... ........ .. 3 1
C h apter O rg animation ...................................................... ................................................ 33
C on clu sion ........................................................................................................... ....... .. 3 5

2 THE TWO ETHNIC GROUPS: MAYA AND LADINO IN GUATEMALA...................37

T h e M ay a in G u atem ala ....................................................... ........................................... ... ... 3 8
The Maya as an Essential Culture ........................................................38
Using the Term Maya ............................................... .... .. ............ ............................ 40
The Pokomam Maya of San Pedro Pinula and San Luis Jilotepeque................................42
Regional Maya Differences within San Pedro Pinula................................................45
U rban vs. rural m aya .............. .................. ................................................. 46
M ay a O ccu p action s .................................................... ............................................... 4 6
M ay a D ress .................................................................................................... ........ .. 4 8
M ay a L an g u ag e ............................................................................................................... 5 0
T he L adinos of G uatem ala................................................... ............................................. 52
L adinos in San P edro P inula... ........................................................................ ................ 53
L adino O occupations ............. .. .................. .................. .......................... ............53
L a d in o D re ss ................. .... .......................................................................................... ... 5 5
Ladinos in the Tow n and in the A ldeas...................................................... ................ 56









Ethnic Category Alternatives to M aya and Ladino ........................................... ................ 57
Ladino vs. Mixed Ladinos of Varying Degrees....................................................57
M aya and Ladino Festivals and Dances ......................................................... 58
F estivals and their Significance........................................ ......................................... 59
D an c e s .................................................................................................. ........ ....... .. 6 1
The Setting: San Pedro Pinula, Jalapa, Guatem ala............................................ ................ 61
T he R region ........................................................................................................... . 63
T he D epartm ent of Jalapa............................................................................ ................ 63
The M unicipality of San Pedro Pinula ....................................................... ................ 64
Colonial Antecedents to Local Ethnic Relations............................................... ................ 65
Ladino Expropriation of Indigenous Lands................................................ ................ 66
Revolutionary Times .................... .. ........... ............................... 67
Jalapa: P ost-A rbenz to Present ........................................ ........................ ................ 68
E arly International M igration ........................................................................ ............... 70
The beginnings of migration to the United States...................................... ................ 71

3 TRANSFORMING ETHNICITY IN THE TRANSNATIONAL SPHERE: MAYA
AND LADINO RELATIONS IN GUATEMALA AND BOSTON................................74

Ladino and M aya M igration to the United States............................................. ................. 74
Indigenous Entrance in the Migrant Stream: the Importance of Patron-Client
R relations ................................................ .. .... ............. ..................... 76
Migrants Helping and Receiving Other Migrants ......................................................79
Undocumented Migration Through the Decades..................... ....................80
Finding Someone to "Ayudar" (Help) and "Recibir" (Receive)............................... 81
L adinos "helping" L adinos......................................................................... ................ 82
Ladinos Helping Maya: Maya Helping Themselves..................................................83
M aya M igration and Increased Ethnic Divisions .............................................. ................ 84
Land, Income-Generation, and Remittance Investment ....................................................86
Rapid Return of Pokomam Maya to the Migrant Circuit...........................................86
Alternative Land Reforms: Mayas Buy Back Their Land..........................................88
Return M grants vs. Transnational M igrants............................................. ................. 89
Attitudes of Ladino Migrants Towards Maya Migrants in Pinula and the United States....... 91
L adina M grants ............................................................................. .. . .................. 9 1
Inter-ethnic M marriages ................... .................... .............. ....................... 92
Home Community Views on Inter-ethnic Marriages ................................................94
B oston as a R receiving C ity ................................................... ............................................ 95
Transnational B oston ....................... ............. ........ .. .. .. .... ..................95
"There Are no Indians in the United States": Reproduction of Ethnic Structure in
B o sto n ......................... ................... ..... ..... ..................................................... 9 6
The Case of the Ambulance: Hometown Associations and Maya-Ladino Relations
in the U united States ................................ ......................... ....... .... .............. ........ ..... 99
Maya and Ladino Equality in the U.S. Racial Order...... .... .....................................100
Changing Ladino and Maya Ethnic Relations....................................... 102










4 GENDER ROLES AND RELATIONS IN A TRANSNATIONAL COMMUNITY.......... 104

G en d er an d M ig ratio n ........................................................................................................... 10 4
Women and Gender Research in Guatemala...... .... ...... ..................... 104
M aya and Ladino W omen in San Pedro Pinula.................................. ..................111
W om en's Physical M obility .................. ............................................................ 114
M igrant H household Form ation ................. .........................................................1...... 18
R em ittances as Social C control ..................................... ....................... ............... 119
G ossip as Social Control ............................................................... ..... ..... .... .......... .... 120
Remittance Expenditures: Productive or Reproductive?.................... ...................122
Children's Education ...................... .. ........... .............................. 124
W om en's R eturn M igration....................................... ......................... ............... 126
C o n c lu sio n ................................................................................................... ..................... 12 9

5 TRANSNATIONAL COMMUNICATION...... ........ ......................133

Access to Communication Technology: Changes from 1999 to 2005 ...............................133
L ette rs ................................................................................................... ........ . ....... 1 3 4
A u diotap es ......................................................................... .... ............. .................. 134
P riv ate H om e P hones .................................................. ............................................ 135
C om m unity Pay Phones ..................... ............................................................... 135
C cellular phones............................................................................. ........................... 138
Positive and Negative Impacts of Cell Phones ........................................ ............... 140
V ideos ................................................................................ ........ ................. 142
Video Tape Production as a Business ....... ......... ........ ...................... 142
Com m unity Events on V ideo .................. ........................................................... 143
Maria and her Video Plea to her Husband........................................ 145
Transnational Couples and Communication...... .... ...... ...................... 150
P population Study : Sam ple ................................................ ................. ........... .... .......... ... 15 1
Remittances, Gossip, and Social Controls: Dealing with the In-laws............................... 151
Post-M arital Residence..................................................................... 151
Social and E conom ic C controls .............................................................. ................... 152
In-laws' Control Over Remittances and Communication Between Young Couples .... 153
Phone Calls, Love Letters, and Transnational Quarrels..................... ................... 155
Communication After the Cell Phone ...... .......... ........ ...................... 158
C o n c lu sio n ................................................................................................... ..................... 1 5 8

6 TRAN SNATIONAL IDEN TITIES.................................... ....................... ................ 160

R research Q u estion s ........................................................................................ .. .. ......... .......... 16 1
Transnational Migration and Ethnic Relations...... .... ........................ 164
G ender and M igration .................................................... ............................................... 167
F u tu re R e se arch .............. ..... ......... ......... .......................................................................17 0
Gender and Ethnicity in the Home Community ...... ... ...................................... 170
Xenophobia in the United States ........................................................ 171
A ssim ilation ......................................... ............. .................. 171
C o n c lu sio n ................................................................................................... ..................... 17 2

9










APPENDIX

A INDIVIDUAL INTERVIEW SCHEDULE ...................................................................... 174

B HOUSEHOLD INTERVIEW SCHEDULE...................................................................... 178

C ACCESS AND CONTROL PROFILE/ENGLISH......... .......................................212

D DOMESTIC ACTIVITY INTERVIEW/SPANISH ............... .............. ..................... 213

E FEMALE ACTIVITY INTERVIEW /ENGLISH AND SPANISH................................215

L IS T O F R E F E R E N C E S .............................................................................................................2 18

B IO G R A PH IC A L SK E T C H .................................................... ............................................. 228









LIST OF TABLES



3-1. M ajor M igrant D estinations... .................................................................... ............... 103

4-1. R eturn M igrant W om en table ......................................................................... ............... 132

6-1. Pinula junior high school students and their home communities............... ...................173









LIST OF FIGURES



2-1. W om en carrying w ater and laundry ........................................ ....................... ................ 72

2-2. W omen's apparel. ................ .. ..................... .. .......... ............ ............... 72

2-3. M aps of Jalapa and M aya language groups....................................................... ................ 73

3-1. M aya and L adino ethnicity ... .................................................................... ............... 103

4-1. Elder M aya m carrying by the church ................................... ...................... ................ 130

4-2. M en hanging out on the street corner ................................. ...................... ................ 131

4-3. Four Maya sisters in their high school uniforms. ......................................131

5-1. Ladino family gathering to watch a video sent from Boston. ................... ....... ............159


































12









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

GENDER, MIGRATION, TRANSNATIONAL IDENTITIES:
MAYA AND LADINO RELATIONS IN EASTERN GUATEMALA

By

Debra H. Rodman

December 2006

Chair: Maxine Margolis
Major Department: Anthropology

Transnational migration research examines the flow of peoples, products, and ideas

between sending and receiving communities and the subsequent creation of new cultures and

identities. Therefore, transnational migration provides an excellent forum to question how the

phenomenon of globalization shapes identity among migrants in both their home and host

cultures. This case study of migration from Eastern Guatemala to the Northeastern United States

responds to the need for greater exploration of the home communities of migrants, particularly

how transnational migration reconfigures gender roles, ideologies, and ethnic relations.

The dissertation documents how transnational migration transforms lives and identities;

how the absence of family members and the receipt of remittances affect gender roles; and how

these processes change the historical economic and social relationship between two culturally

distinct communities, one Mayan, the other Ladino1 in the same township in Eastern Guatemala.

Conducted in both the township, Pinula, in Guatemala and its corresponding migrant destination

of Boston, Massachusetts, this study analyzes the transnational experience of those who migrate,





1 Ladinos refer to the dominant class made up of people of mixed European and Mayan ancestry or those of Mayan
ancestry who have adopted the dominant class" cultural markers, such as language and dress.









their family members left behind, return migrants, and migrants whose final place of residence

has yet to be determined.

Moreover, this dissertation exposes how the migrant experience is translated into both

material changes in local community development and more elusive transformations in gender

roles and ethnic relations. The entrance of the dollar into the local economy enables housing

improvements and support for children's secondary education. Transportation and

communication advances replace horses with off-road pick-up trucks, and communitarios (public

community phones) with cell phones. As a result of remittances, an alternative land reform is

taking place: properties are being redistributed from the wealthy Ladino families to the once

landless Maya.

These tangible changes are directly related to the less noticeable transformations that are

taking place inside households and between the Mayan and Ladino communities. Women

struggle as temporary heads-of-households, balancing their new roles with more traditional

community notions of gender. Traditional patron-client relations may have facilitated Maya entry

into the migrant circuit, but these very same relations-with their accompanying rigid social

structures-continue to prevent Maya entry into Ladino-dominated economic activities.

Paradoxically, inter-ethnic marriages and the equalizing influences of U.S. racial categories

(which ignore the historical differences between Mayas and Ladinos) create a new environment

in Pinula in which younger migrants are likely to challenge long-standing ethnic divides. The

resulting ethnic tensions and inter-ethnic dynamics in San Pedro Pinula suggest that international

migration is facilitating fundamental alterations to the Guatemalan social structure, even though

the changes continue to be tempered by 500 years of Ladino domination.









CHAPTER 1
GENDER, MIGRATION AND TRANSNATIONAL IDENTITIES

All over the world, people are experiencing the phenomenon of transnational migration:

journeying across borders, living lives in the shadows, reminiscing of their hometowns and

countries, and dreaming of an eventual return while struggling to embrace their new lives. The

study of the transnational migration reveals the personal narratives of innumerable migrants,

exposing the emerging patterns created by this particular aspect of globalization. Though

immigration is nothing new, its current rate and the conditions in which it is undertaken have

produced complicated societal shifts. Increased globalization manifests itself geographically.

Peoples' lives are no longer based in their hometowns, but also in communities that are

thousands of miles away and, for many, a world apart. While new technologies enable people to

maintain seemingly close contact with one another despite these distances, they are still pulled

apart by national and international policies that deny them the ability to move freely. People live

their lives in a purgatory of sorts, surviving in the space between borders, between departures

and returns, and between communities in great change and flux. In this space emerge the stories

of people, their families, and their communities, and the lives that have been transformed by

transnational migration.

This ethnography examines the lives of the people of San Pedro Pinula, Guatemala,

particularly how transnational migration reconfigures the gender roles, ideologies, and ethnic

relations of the home communities with migrants abroad: how transnational migration transforms

lives and identities; how the absence of male family members and the receipt of remittances

affect women and gender relations; and how these processes change the historical economic and









social relationship between two communities, the Maya and the Ladino2. This work examines

the social, economic, and psychological impact of migration at the individual and community

level in an effort to increase the understanding of how gender and ethnicity mediate global forces

such as capital expansion and transnational migration. By looking at households that receive

remittances and how those remittances are managed, this study questions whether migration is

changing gender roles and considers how those left behind negotiate their positions and attempt

to build transnational ties to remain connected to the migrants abroad.

My research is a comparative study of two culturally distinct Guatemalan communities,

one Mayan, the other Ladino, in the Eastern Highlands of Guatemala. This study was conducted

in the municipality of San Pedro Pinula in the state of Jalapa, primarily in the town of San Pedro

Pinula, henceforth Pinula. (Since the municipal capital and municipality share the same name, I

will use the name San Pedro Pinula when referring to the municipality and simply Pinula when

referring to the town, which is also the municipal capital.) San Pedro Pinula, an area that covers

2063 square kilometers, with 26 villages, 25 hamlets, and one municipal capital is located about

100 kilometers east of Guatemala City. Research was also conducted in various surrounding

villages, including Aguacate, Pinalito, and Agua Zarca, as well as in the United States in the

cities of Boston and Attleboro, Massachusetts; Providence, Rhode Island; Stamford,

Connecticut; and Atlanta, Georgia. This work is based on over twenty-two months of fieldwork

beginning in 1999. Before formally investigating the community, I lived among migrants of this

municipality in the receiving community in Boston (Dorchester) for one year in 1997. I then

spent two months in San Pedro Pinula doing preliminary research in the summer of 1999. In



2 Ladinos refer to the dominant class made up of people of mixed European and Mayan ancestry or those of Mayan
ancestry who have adopted the dominant class cultural markers, such as language and dress.









2001 and 2002, I returned to San Pedro Pinula to carry out my doctoral work for a total of

eighteen months, during which I spent two periods of time in Boston.

In the spring and summer of 2003, I began to film a documentary based on the dissertation

research in conjunction with funding from the University of Miami and co-produced with

Professor of Cinematography, Ed Talavera. We chose a migrant family who had recently

received permanent residency, following their journey back to Guatemala after fifteen years in

the United States. In 2006, I accompanied the family back to Guatemala to celebrate their

daughter's quinceafiera (sweet fifteen party). Although the daughter was born and grew up in the

United States, she had dreamed of celebrating this important event in Guatemala since

childhood, because of the strong connection between her and her transmigrant family in

Guatemala. Similar to Patricia Foxen's fieldwork experience in both Xinxuc, Guatemala and

Providence, Rhode Island (2002), my research travels between the sending and receiving

community gave me a unique understanding of transmigrants and their families, particularly the

emotional and economic impacts of migration. The privilege of my mobility and immediate

access to both groups and locations was a strong reminder of the disparities between those living

abroad and those in the home community and reinforced the struggle migrants were making to

close that gap. Traveling from Guatemala to Boston, I was able to act as a courier and bring gifts

and videos back and forth. More importantly, I brought salutations and reminders of the home

the migrants had left behind. To those in Guatemala, I acted as a connection to those who were in

the United States and to a place they could only ever imagine.

In the home community in Guatemala, the economic and social relationship between the

Maya and Ladinos reflects their history, as the Maya have traditionally supplied the Ladinos of

San Pedro Pinula with the labor essential to sustain the region's agricultural economy and have









maintained such essential social exchanges as compadrazgo (godparental relationships). This

relationship is also evinced in the maturity of their migration patterns to the United States, which

have moved along ethnic lines-paralleling the social structure of these two communities. The

Ladinos went first over thirty years ago; then, with the assistance of their Ladino patrons, the

Mayans began migrating ten years ago. This research documents this relationship and how

migration has changed the local social structure to benefit the Maya but not without resistance

from the dominant land-holding Ladinos.

Literature Review

This research is important to several areas in the field of anthropology: anthropological

studies of gender roles; anthropological contributions to the study of gender and development;

the literature on migration and gender; ethnicity and migration; and Guatemalan ethnography.

In my interest in for the issue of gender and women's roles, I draw upon anthropological

literature on gender that is concerned with the role and status of women, gender asymmetry, and

the historical particulars in which these inequalities arise (di Leonardo 1991; Ferree et al. 1999;

Moore 1988). Feminist anthropology centers on Marxist issues of oppression, social relations of

power, and women's access to the modes of production, using cross-cultural research to

reinforce gender as a cultural construct. More recently, scholarship has been concerned with

gender as an analytical concept and introduces the importance of looking at categories of race

and class. The race, class, and gender framework draws from theories that seek to explain the

inextricable ties between gender, class, and ethnicity in order to understand how gender is shaped

by different systems of belief (Sacks 1989; Smith 1995). This framework is especially significant

for comparative research in Guatemala to understand "two interactive cultural systems, one part

of the dominant national ideology, the other, not" (Smith 1995:724).









To date, research on Mayan women and gender roles has focused on the Western

Highlands of Guatemala and communities of Mexico (Bossen 1984; Ehlers 1990, 1991;

Rosenbaum 1993; Recruz 1998), overlooking the isolated Mayan communities of the Oriente

(Eastern Highlands) of Guatemala. Research that does examine both Maya and Ladino women

has tended to concentrate on their differences based on the dichotomies created by Guatemalan

society and women's "place" within that society (Bossen 1984; Maynard 1963; Mitchell 1982;

Smith 1995). In order to locate women's position within Guatemalan society in the context of

capital expansion, Bossen and Ehlers (1984 and 1991) employed a comparative analysis of Maya

and Ladina women, using a Marxist approach to investigate women's status based on their

relation to production. Ladina women are not as essential to the survival of the household and

less valued than Maya women and findings show that capitalism further reduces women's status,

especially for Maya women.

The impact of economic remittances on the local development of sending communities

illustrates the far-reaching effects of global capitalism and global restructuring. Money sent from

the United States to developing countries in the form of remittances has created rapid and

transformative effects for communities in the form of land purchases, home construction,

business formation, and public works projects (Cohen 2004; Durrand et al. 1996; Massey 1987;

Massey and Parrado 1998; Massey et al. 1994; Orozco 2002). Earlier research, which studied

how development impacts Guatemalan communities, illustrates how capitalist expansion in the

form of market integration and export agriculture proved detrimental to women's status (Bossen

1984; Ehlers 1990, 1991; Katz 1995); however, migration research suggests that migration-

driven economic changes improve women's position (Grimes 1998). In countries where the male

head-of-household migrates first, researchers theorized that women would become the primary









dispensers of remittances and, furthermore, that their newfound access to cash would manifest in

greater autonomy and control over household decision-making (Conway and Cohen 1998).

While increased income has shown to benefit the welfare of the family, it did not solely

determine women's status: women's access to cash and control over resources are at least

equally important. My own research shows that gendered access and control over resources

determines who benefits from the remittances, demonstrating the dynamics of power inherent in

the migration process.

While gender has become an important lens through which to look at individual and

community reaction to global processes such as transnational migration, Pessar and Mahler have

developed a framework called genderedd geographies of power" to also consider asymmetrical

power relationships such as race and class (Pessar and Mahler 2001:816). In considering the

importance of gender, they promote an intersectional approach to understanding migration,

including how race and class affect people's status, power, and individual agency. Women's and

minority's "social location" within the community structure largely influences their inabilityy to

negotiate their situation. In other words, people's position in their society according to race,

class, and gender affects their access to resources, mobility, and social networks. But this

paradigm allows for individual empowerment by noting the importance of people's own actions

and initiatives in changing their situation. Therefore, not only people's place within society, but

also individuals' own agency influences the transformative qualities of transnational migration.

By focusing on ethnicity and class, as well as gender, my own research acknowledges the

interdependence of gender and social location; this causal web is especially significant given the

Pinultecos' history and the stratified power dynamics between the Maya and Ladinos.









Past Guatemalan ethnographies and ethnic studies in this region of Guatemala were

completed over fifty years ago in the nearby town of San Luis Jilotepeque, located in the valley

adjacent to San Pedro Pinula (Gillen 1951; Tumin 1945). San Pedro Pinula refocuses attention

on the Eastern Highlands, historically a region with a large percentage of Ladinos where ethnic

relations have always been strained (Handy 1984). Current ethnic labels and identities in the

Eastern Highlands challenge the dualistic model of Indian/Ladino ethnic classifications (Little-

Siebold 2001). So, while some studies suggest migration strengthens Mayan ethnic identity

(Burns 1993; Kearney 1990), the Eastern Highlands constitute a new and unique arena to

contemplate how Maya-Ladino identities are reformulated in light of historically particular

community relations as well as transnational migration.

Central Research Questions

I asked four fundamental questions about how transnational migration impacts gender,

ethnic relations, and local development. These central inquiries, along with a review of past

research on transnational migration, led me to four hypotheses. The following questions framed

my data collection and methodology.

First, were remittances being used for reproductive activities, such as sustaining the

household, or were they being used for productive activities, such as purchasing cattle and

starting businesses? My first hypothesis was that Ladino households would be more likely to use

remittances for investment because of their dominance in the local economy and longer history

of international migration. I investigated whether there is a correlation between ethnicity and the

use of remittances for either productive or reproductive activities. More specifically, did local

social and economic conditions limit Maya ability to enter productive Ladino-dominated

enterprises such as cattle ranching?









Second, did gender roles change with increased financial resources? In other words, did

women use remittances for reproductive or productive activities? This research defined

productive activities as formal and informal businesses, such as cattle ranching, coffee

cultivation, and grain sales; and milk and cheese production. Reproductive activities were those

that sustained the household and contributed to the purchase of housing, food, clothes, education,

and firewood. Land purchases for home construction and home improvements were considered

productive activities. Small homebound stores were not considered productive since they did not

conflict with traditional gender roles, helped sustain the household, and rarely implied profit. I

hypothesized that in households with members abroad, there would be a shift in gender roles

once women began using more household resources for investment.

Third, did Maya and Ladinos share the same normative gender roles and relations? Since

past research suggested that there would be a great difference between Maya and Ladino

women's gender roles and relations with their husbands, I postulated that non-migrant women

from the Maya community would engage in more traditional activities and reflect a more

traditional view of gender norms.

Fourth, was there a connection between a migrant's length of time in United States and the

wife engaging in productive activities? The fourth hypothesis stated that as the migrant's time

away increased, remittance receipts would decrease and the likelihood that women would engage

in income-generating activities would increase.

Research Methods

I conducted a community-based comparative study using various research methods:

participant observation, in-depth semi-structured interviews, focus groups, life histories,

structured ethnographic surveys, and digital video and photography.









Participant Observation

I collected data from my observations of daily activities, interactions with community

members, and involvement in community activities. Participant observation is essential in

gaining the confidence of community members in order to relate to and understand cultural

subtleties of presentation and conversation. I attended community activities, meetings of

women's groups, religious services, and political meetings. I participated in both Ladino and

indigenous social activities, such as serving on the festival organizing committee (Ladino) and

working with the local indigenous religious organization (Maya).

In-depth Semi-structured Interviews

I conducted interviews in both communities with the following groups: women who had

immediate family members in the United States; women who did not have family in the United

States; male and female heads of households; male and female return migrants; community

leaders, both political leaders and principles (community elders); the community's Catholic

priest; local non-governmental organization workers; and Peace Corps workers. Interviews were

conducted in English and Spanish.

Focus Groups

I participated in a United Nation's sponsored women's empowerment group in the city of

Jalapa and organized a focus group of elder Pokomam Maya women to discuss customs and

traditions of the local Maya and collect life histories. Additionally, I planned a series of cooking

and flower-planting classes in the village of Aguacate. This group was mostly made up of

women whose husbands and/or male relatives were in the United States. Not only did the course

provide social support for women with family abroad, but also an excuse for those with husbands

in town to get out of the house.









Life Histories

In order to get a better understanding of people's life experiences in relation to migration,

gender roles and ideologies, and domestic and public roles, I recorded life histories, interviewing

both Ladino and Mayan men and women from different segments of the community. This

complemented the semi-structured interviews by capturing life-cycle development, community

history, and changes in perception of community relations regarding ethnicity, gender, and

ideology.

Structured Ethnographic Surveys

I conducted a structured ethnographic survey in order to get a more comprehensive idea of

the actual impact of migration and remittances on individuals and the community. The survey

was completed for one sector of the community but did not reflect a representative sample. Data

obtained from the surveys complimented other qualitative forms of research.

Digital Video and Photography

While conducting fieldwork, I carefully employed the use of digital video and

photography; because of the Pinultecos' reliance on this form of media to communicate with

their migrant family members, this proved to be a huge success. I used digital video to record

semi-structured interviews, focus groups, community events, family occasions, and personal

messages. I collected hundreds of hours of video footage.

I was often asked to attend community and family events for the sole purpose of sending

these materials to loved ones abroad. Family functions, such as birthday parties, weddings,

housewarmings (blessing of newly-constructed homes), and the progress of home construction

and other important investments such as in cattle, were a popular event for transnational viewing.

Local community events included the various saints' festivals, rodeos, and beauty pageants.

Personalized messages were occasionally filmed, mostly in cases of crisis and distress. On both









sides of the border, I attended video screenings and experienced the excitement of seeing loved

ones on screen. I was present as migrants watched videos and relived joyous occasions such as

the local rodeo and fiestas, where they would pick out familiar faces in the crowd, retell old

stories, and share local lore. When with non-migrant families, people would watch videos that

showed the city landscape, busy highways, migrant salutations, and exteriors and interiors of

their workplaces and homes. For migrants, videos contribute to the recreation of the imagination

of their home communities; for non-migrants, they help to form a picture of the unfamiliar places

that constitute their loved ones' new homes.

Digital photography was mostly used to document the culture, clothing, and traditions of

the community. I also took photographs of families who would have never otherwise owned a

picture of themselves and gave them away as gifts. I did not give photographs away to relatives

or friends in order to avoid accusations of witchcraft-since photographs are believed to be used

for these purposes. Requests for photographs of daughters and son-in-laws were not unusual,

especially when they involved inter-ethnic relationships and marriages.

Research Team

While I conducted most of my research alone, I also worked in cooperation with a

university and a non-governmental organization. During the summer of 1999, I worked for the

Universidad del Valle in Guatemala City as a lecturer and field instructor, conducting a course in

anthropological research methods. With the help of del Valle students, I did preliminary field

research in San Pedro Pinula. One former student, Tatiana Paz Lemus, assisted me in my

research in 2001-2002. She returned for a period of two months and also executed her own

original research on adolescents' view on migration. My work, as well as her research,

contributed to her senior thesis for the Universidad del Valle.









The Cooperativa el Recuerdo, a local NGO mostly supported from funds from Belgium,

was helpful to my research as well. They employed over sixty development workers, most of

whom were local indigenous community leaders, on projects ranging from sustainable

agricultural practices to women's health programs. The cooperative's interest in my project

stemmed from their own recognition of the differential and divergent effects of international

migration on the communities and the future implications of these effects for implementing its

own development projects. The cooperative served as another source that contributed important

data on the history and changes in development, migration, and gender norms.

Positionality

Understanding my social location within the transnational community of San Pedro

Pinula-United States is important to understanding how I experienced the field and my and my

informant's lives. My position as a return migrant's wife and North American explains how the

sending and receiving communities related to me and my relationship with them. Community

members, especially return migrant women and non-migrant wives, related to me based on how

they perceived my situation; what they revealed reflected their vision of me. During my

fieldwork, I was married to a Guatemalan man who had lived in the United States for a little over

a decade. We lived together in the migrant community of Boston before I decided to do my

research in Guatemala. While I got to know the migrant community well, I did not understand

the subtleties of Pinultecos' interactions and culture until after living in Guatemala.

During my courtship and the early part of my marriage, I became part of the Guatemalan

transnational landscape as the gringa girlfriend of a middle-class Ladino man and met various

migrant community members during this initial stage. In Boston, I heard about San Pedro Pinula

for years, slowly creating my own idea of "home" from the nostalgic reminiscences of others. I









ate polo con crema con loroco (chicken in a loroco3 cream sauce) with loroco flowers that had

been smuggled through customs and hot tortillas with black beans from Guatemala. One of my

first experiences with gender roles occurred on a Christmas Eve when a group of migrant women

plucked me from the male-dominated living room to put me my proper place-in the kitchen

rolling out hojuelas, a traditional fried dough covered in honey made for special holidays.

I comforted friends whose fathers had recently died back in Guatemala and dried the tears

they shed for the family they left behind years ago and would perhaps never see again. I helped

people translate English documents and fill out forms. I would explain new immigrant laws and

American culture. I was my boyfriend's gringa pride and his family member's social capital. For

me, as a woman who had grown up in Miami among Cuban and Venezuelan households, the

Guatemalan migrant community made me feel at home in a new city where the only people I had

associated with before had been white Protestants.

My first experiences with Pinultecos was in the lobbies, kitchens, and backrooms of some

of Boston's most prestigious business and country clubs. My husband and I's first kiss was on

the third floor of the Union Club; founded in 1863 and across the street from the State Capital

and the Boston Common, this business club's members are among the elite of Boston political

life: congressmen, senators, and Supreme Court justices. At Boston's most exclusive country

club, Weston Country Club, I ate in the kitchen and spent time in the closet-sized rooms where

the migrants slept. I visited friends at the posh Catholic Irish Club in Arlington. I felt it was

ironic that the only way I was able to enter these exclusive establishments was through the back

door along with their undocumented employees. Migrants from Pinula also worked other service



3 Loroco is plant native to Central America. The small white flowers have an oily texture and a strong pungent
smell and are used in many native dishes in El Salvador and parts of Guatemala. It is closely related to the
periwinkle family.









industry jobs throughout the city, in restaurants, supermarkets, and small shops, but it was the

country clubs that often provided them free places to live and was the starting point for many

new arrivals.

Though he did not grow up in San Pedro Pinula, my husband's maternal family was from

Pinula and he had spent many vacations with his "country" cousins, milking cows and playing in

the fields. During the civil conflict, when Guatemala City became a dangerous place, his parents

sent him to Jalapa to attend high school; he spent his weekends in Pinula with his mother's

family. He was a city boy and, when we decided to go to Guatemala for my fieldwork, he was

not very excited about the prospect of living in the small town of Pinula. The fact that he didn't

live there and that people did not know him by name, but only by family, worked in my favor: I

was able to introduce myself as the daughter-in-law or wife of the nephew of the Enamorado

family, which enabled me to build my own reputation. It made people more comfortable that I

wasn't just any gringa in town for an unknown reason-that would be highly suspicious. In fact,

many people felt sorry for me. They interpreted my presence as my sacrifice for my husband that

I left my own family to accompany him to his country. Even though I tried to explain that I was

working on my research project to get my graduate degree (haciendo mi prdctica), they couldn't

fathom any other reason why a woman would leave her own natal community to be so far away

if it was not for her husband. My work was interpreted as something to do while I accompanied

him home.

Although my husband is Ladino, his uncle was a well-respected man among the Maya due

to his past history of selling pigs in the city. Years ago, a common occupation of lower-class

Ladinos was to go to the countryside and buy pigs from the Maya and then walk the pigs all the

way to the city to sell them. At that time, the trip often took three to four days, so the pigs were









outfitted with small leather shoes in order to survive the long trek. These Ladinos developed

close relationships with the Maya; my husband's uncle, Don Pauncho, was well-known in the

villages as a kind and friendly Ladino. He was also a big drinker in his day, which also

contributed to his reputation as down-to-earth.

As reported in Kimberly Grimes' ethnography in a transnational community in Southern

Mexico (1998), upper class "white" society often invited her to social events due to her status as

an American. I was often treated by upper class Ladinos as "special" and invited to events due to

the social capital I brought as a friend of the family. Some Ladinos would try to explain to me

that they were just "like me," meaning of good blood and descent. They carefully explained to

me the differences between real Ladinos and Ladinos who were of mixed blood, like my

husband's family. They took my marrying a middle-class Ladino simply as part of my ignorance

of the Guatemalan ethnic matrix.

Although I had just as many invitations to Maya events and parties, I was invited to the

Mayor's house for dinner, to elite parties, and to participate on fiesta committees; my husband

felt insulted, because he felt that he would have never been normally invited to these events.

However, since he had married a gringa, he was invited due to my status as white and North

American. While I agreed this was true, I felt we should take advantage of the situation; his

feelings of inferiority complicated our relationship but not my acceptance into Ladino society.

Ladinos saw my close relationship to the Maya as North American paternalism. It was more

difficult for me to gain the Maya's confidence and it took more time to work within the Maya

communities. The Ladinos had accepted me years before in Boston. In any case, my acceptance

by Ladinos was automatic due to the color of my skin and position as North American.









Racial Worldview

When I was living among migrants in Boston, I often heard the term indio and Ladino but I

did not understand the social relationships between Pinultecos in Boston. Since I could not yet

see people through a Guatemalan racial worldview, specifically the racial order according to

local Pinualtecos, I failed to grasp the ethnic differences that were so clear to them. Once I lived

in Pinula, I was able to begin to understand how people perceived and constructed race. It was

hard at first, trying to decipher who was considered Indian, Ladino, more Ladino, and less

Ladino. It also took learning the Pinula's genealogies to understand how people "see" race as

well. As explained further in chapter 3, there are specific phenotypes, clothing, speech patterns,

and material possessions that can place someone in a specific racial group, but it was people's

perceptions of race based on hypodescent and a detailed knowledge of family genealogies that

cemented one's identity. This was the hardest for me to grasp, since I didn't always know

people's ancestry.

Some of the best learning experiences for me were the funerals. Attendance at a funeral

signified more than just mere acquaintance. As it turned out, family and friends attend funerals

but so do family members that are no reconocido (illegitimate, unrecognized). For example, I

was at an Indian woman's funeral when many prestigious Ladinos arrived. In whispers between

Hail Marys, women explained that the deceased woman was the great-granddaughter of a Ladino

man who had come from Honduras at the turn-of-the-century-and fathered children from five

different women: two women were Ladinos with good last names (Spanish), two were

considered mixed Ladino, and the last was pura (pure), an Indian woman. Five families in the

community are descendents of this man and represent three different ethnic categories: two

families are considered white and very Ladino, another two (my husband's family) are

considered mixed Ladino, and one family (from the woman who had just passed away) was









Indian. This story and others like them helped me understand the rules and exceptions of

hypodescent, enabling me to ask the right questions about perceptions of blood, descent,

phenotypes, and racially-attributed behaviors.

Gender

My role as the wife of a Guatemalan man and return migrant placed me in a special

situation in the context of relating to other women in the community. Living in a small town, it

was almost impossible to hide any secrets from the community: it became apparent to many that

there was conflict between me, my mother-in-law, and my husband. Many women had

experienced similar situations, living with an overbearing and metida (nosy) mothers-in-law who

sided with her son. To make matters worse, I was an Americana and obviously not capable of

spending my days as a typical wife, working full-time to wash clothes and prepare food. While

this didn't seem to bother my husband, it did bother my mother-in-law, even though she

appeared to understand that I came to the town to work.

My in-laws no longer lived in the town; they had rented their country home for the past

thirty years while they lived in the capital city, but that didn't stop them from moving in with us

when we decided to rent their house in Pinula. I was under the naive perception that since I was

renting their home and they lived in the city, that their initial stay was temporary. I was wrong.

At the time, I thought their presence was intrusive and I was concerned that they would

negatively influence my visitor's interactions, since I would be in front of my Ladino in-laws.

This was true. But I also had the unique experience of being a daughter-in-law and wife in

Guatemala, battling over control of my household and relationship with my husband. I quickly

learned to sympathize with my informant's own battles with their in-laws and husbands. The

objectivity I was able to maintain was based in the knowledge that my situation would not be

permanent and one day soon I would return to the United States. On the other hand, there were









many days when I felt overwhelmed by my predicament and often fled to the haven of my

female friends, who in turn, related their own woes to console me. Women also had plenty of

advice on how to deal with their in-laws and their husbands. While I can not say women

completely accepted me, I do believe they knew of my suffering and this brought us closer

together.

Michelle Moran-Taylor, my colleague and friend who was doing her fieldwork on a

similar topic in the Eastern Guatemalan town of Gualan (2003), also looked at the impact of

transnational migration on gender roles and relations. In one section of her research, she

specifically looked at whether return migrant men returned home mas macho (more macho) or if

their experience in the United States translated into real gender role change for men. Many

women I worked with reported that the United States had been a good learning experience for

their husbands, and their husbands appreciated their domestic contributions post-migration. Even

so, Michelle and I agree that over time, men often returned to their old behaviors and did not

help in domestic work, again adopting old patriarchal patterns.

My own husband's behavior became increasingly erratic and domineering during our time

in Guatemala. Whether I can attribute this to the influence of Guatemalan culture or to the time

he spent with his Guatemalan male counterparts or to his mother (who questioned my ventures

out unaccompanied), our relationship deteriorated during my fieldwork. While most women

considered his behavior normal, I saw it as abusive. I was actually considered lucky that he "let"

me do my work, go out without permission, and spend my own money. In fact, one time

someone saw me take out my wallet at the market and hand him some money. The rumor quickly

spread through town that I was the one que manda (gave the orders). This may be part of the









larger process that contributed to his domineering behavior in order to offset having an American

wife.

Two years after the conclusion of my field research, my husband and I divorced. The

dissolution of our marriage was not solely attributable to our experience in Guatemala, but we

both were naive enough to believe that returning to Guatemala would provide him some sort of

solace and resolution. His feelings shifted throughout the course of our stay: he decided to stay in

Guatemala permanently, to go back and forth, to return and remain in the United States. He, like

so many transnational migrants, continually searches for a home, a place with a sense of security

and acceptance. He, like other Guatemalan migrants who arrived in the late 1980s and early

1990s, now have permanent residence in the U.S. Many believed that once their status was

settled, they too would settle, but often their newly-granted status only further confused the issue

of their identity.

Chapter Organization

In this chapter, I introduce my research topic and fieldwork area; summarize past literature

on transnational migration; discuss my research questions, hypotheses, and methodologies; and

outline my conclusions. This chapter poses the subject of how transnational migration transforms

people's lives and whether the receipt of remittances impacts women and gender relations.

Moreover, it introduces how migration is changing the historical economic and social

relationship between Maya and Ladinos in the community of San Pedro Pinula, Guatemala.

Chapter 2 describes the two ethnic groups in this study, the Maya and Ladino of

Guatemala, locating them within national Guatemalan ideologies, as well as specific local

constructions of ethnicity in Eastern Guatemala: the colonial antecedents to their ethnic relations,

the differences between Eastern and Western Guatemala in terms of history and ethnic relations,

and the effects of the community history of immigration on ethnic relations. Using historical and









anthropological sources, it discusses the community of San Pedro Pinula from colonial times to

the early periods of civil conflict through to the current global era. This chapter takes a historical

approach in order to situate the community within national and political contexts, emphasize the

region's importance to national construction of ethnicity, highlight the struggles of the

indigenous communities' attempt to maintain autonomy, and reveal historically specific

community ethnic relations and development.

Chapter 3 analyzes Maya and Ladino ethnic relations on both sides of the border. The

chapter follows the history of international immigration along ethnic lines and how traditional

patron-client relations enabled the Maya to migrate with the help of their Ladino patrons. The

chapter considers data collected in response to the question of whether ethnic relations affect the

Maya's ability to use remittances in productive activities and reveals changes in ethnic relations

due to transnational migration.

Chapter 4 considers gender and gender relations in the transnational community. The

chapter covers the literature on gender and migration, as well as women's and gender research

specific to Guatemala. The chapter discusses research questions concerning how remittances

affect women and gender roles and relations, including the differences between Maya and

Ladino women and how migration impacts their lives.

Chapter 5 examines transnational communication in the past decade and how it has both

positively and negatively contributed to the transformation of gender and gender relations. I

discuss how the different mediums used in transnational communication and advancements in

technology have transformed the Guatemalan landscape. Using the life story of one female

migrant and interviews from fifteen migrant couples, this section illustrates how access to and









improvements in communication technology result in both positive and negative consequences

for non-migrant women in the sending community.

Chapter 6 concludes the dissertation, summing up the major findings of my research and

suggesting approaches for future research.

Conclusion

Transnational migration are the ways in "which immigrants forge and sustain multi-

stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement" (Basch et al.

1994) and has previously been considered a promoter of change in sending communities.

Although transnational migration has sponsored significant transformations in migrant

communities worldwide, we must ask: who benefits from these changes and does transnational

migration truly create transformations in the social structure for oppressed groups such as

women and indigenous Maya? As of 2006, an estimated 1.2 million Guatemalans had emigrated

to the United States, about ten percent of the Guatemalan population. Remittances have topped

over 3 billion dollars nationally and almost 4 million people in Guatemala are receiving money

from overseas, or one-third of the country's population (Migration Information Source 2006).

While migration has an impact on the individual and family by increasing standards of living,

communities as a whole have benefited as well in the form of electricity, health centers, housing

improvements, potable water, and recreational projects. Still, these economic changes come at a

price.

While transnational migration enables migrants and their non-migrant family members to

improve their economic status and standards of living, families are separated and lives forever

changed. Migration provides the means in which gender and ethnic relations can be reconfigured

and creates opportunities for migrants to gain economic and social capital confronting race,

class, and gender divides. Nonetheless, change is gradual and women's and indigenous Maya's









struggle to achieve autonomy and self sufficiency still eludes them. Ladino dominance of

political and economic systems keeps Maya from investing in productive activities thus

increasing the necessity to re-enter the migration stream. In spite of their increased access to cash

in the form of remittances, both Maya and Ladina women are held to traditional gender roles.

New communication technologies, such as cell phones and digital video, have enhanced and

personalized contact for families apart; however, women are still controlled by their husbands

abroad. In sum, this study attempts to emphasize the transformative effects of transnational

migration by examining a bi-cultural community with a history of rigid social structure

unchanged by hundreds of years of colonial rule and to illustrate local responses to the larger

global process of transnational migration.









CHAPTER 2
THE TWO ETHNIC GROUPS: MAYA AND LADINO IN GUATEMALA

There are two main ethnic groups in Guatemala, the Maya and the Ladinos. The dualistic

construction of ethnicity in Guatemala has provoked anthropological interest for decades,

resulting in numerous studies of ethnic identity formation and ethnic relations. Though recent

work in Eastern Guatemala (Moran-Taylor 2003, Little-Siebold 2001) attempts to revise the

fixed dualistic assumptions of ethnicity in Guatemala, "aspects of identity such as socio-

economic status, economic activity, conceptualizations of race, culture, gender, and generational

differences are subsumed and elided by this dichotomy" (Little-Siebold 2002:178). This research

conducted in the Eastern Highlands of Guatemala explores how Maya and Ladinos experience

race, ethnicity, and gender, and how under transnational migration Guatemalans either preserve

or transcend ethnic categories that have historically maintained Guatemala's social structure.

The Maya in Eastern Guatemala, the subjects of this research, are a relatively small

population that is less well-known to academics and Guatemalans alike than the larger

populations of Maya in other areas. The Ladinos in this region are seen as the dominant and

ruling group. A review of the definitions and debates surrounding Maya-Ladino ethnic labels

provides a basis for understanding how Guatemalans themselves relate to the dual model of

Maya-Ladino ethnicity. This study discusses variations in the Guatemalan dualistic model of

classification and how migration impacts an already diverse and varied population. This chapter

specifically looks at who the Maya and Ladinos are and how Guatemalans in the Eastern region

of Guatemala improvise with the dual classification model categories, dependent on whether

they are Ladino or Maya and regional constructions of ethnicity based on beliefs about family

ancestry.









The Maya in Guatemala

Defining the Maya is complicated and problematic since the term is often regarded as

controversial and is loaded with political and cultural connotations. In the most general sense,

scholars have defined the Maya as the descendents of an impressive civilization that once

stretched from southern and eastern Mexico down to modern-day El Salvador and Honduras. The

Maya civilization began in approximately 2000 B.C. and reached its peak in 800 A.D. For nearly

three thousand years, Maya kingdoms ruled over the lands they had fought for and the peoples

they had conquered. After the arrival of the Spanish, the Maya themselves were conquered and

made subservient. In modem terminology, "Maya" refers to more than eight million people of

varied backgrounds, usually designated by their use of Maya as their primary language. They are

concentrated in southern and eastern Mexico, in Belize, and throughout Guatemala. Though

conflict and conquest have provoked migration among the Maya within Mexico and Central

America for millennia, during recent years they have been responding to change caused by

global forces that has resulted in migration to the United States and Canada. The Maya, like

other peasant and indigenous peoples, are moving out of their homelands and traversing borders

and nations. Since the Maya move across borders, cultures, and nation-states, defining what

represents their cultural boundaries becomes more challenging as new representations of identity

and citizenship emerge from this new world order. The Maya are taking part in this process by

resisting more essentialist paradigms for defining indigenousness.

The Maya as an Essential Culture

The modern Maya are often described as a "pure" or "essential" culture in which

indigenous elements or survivalss" from pre-conquest times are contaminated by newer Spanish

and European cultural influences and more recently by processes of globalization. In this sense,

the Maya are often romanticized in a way that emphasizes the more traditional aspects of their









culture, such as their relationship with nature and their affiliation with syncretic Catholicism and

pagan religious rites. This construction of the Maya is especially powerful today, when the

combination of pan-indigenous movements and western academic reverence of indigenousness

promotes the idea of an all-encompassing and comprehensive indigenous worldview.

Nonetheless, for centuries the Maya have successfully incorporated elements from their contacts

with Europeans and other non-Maya groups. Accordingly, some scholars use the term in a non-

essentialist way, proposing an identity continually re-created among the Maya in the face of

dominating and intrusive cultures (Fischer and Hendrickson 2003;Warren 1998).

While an essentializing definition of the Maya creates a one-dimensional or static ethnic

identity for the Maya, in Guatemala the "Pan-Maya" movement has co-opted the label to aid

their own political and intellectual goals. The Pan-Maya adherents attempt to define the Maya by

locating the principal continuities in Mayan culture that constitute "Mayaness." Claiming an

overarching Maya identity that includes all other ethnic subgroups creates a strong cultural union

that contributes to a solid political foundation for organizing. The Maya Movement has several

political goals, including creating Maya self-pride, reclaiming land rights, and supporting bi-

lingual and advanced education (Fischer and McKenna Brown 1996). For the Maya movement,

differences in language, dress, and ethnicities between Maya groups have historically caused too

much division. A Pan-Maya identity, by contrast, can provide unity and cohesion in the

aftermath of years of civil and social conflict.

Although current theoretical scholarship has begun to emphasize avoiding dichotomous

definitions of Guatemalan ethnic identity it is still important to begin in marking the basic

differences between what is "Maya" or "Indian" and what is Ladino or non-Maya if only to

acknowledge the half-century scholarly debate on ethnic identity in Guatemala (see Adams 1994;









Arias 1990; Adams and Bastos 2003; Hawkins 1984; Gillen 1958; Tumin 1952; Warren 1998;

Watanabe 1992). My own analysis in this study considers the question of identity at three

different levels: identities constructed primarily at the local-level among community members in

the town, identities defined by state institutions, and local identities strongly influenced by global

processes, more specifically the influx of a cash economy and international migration.

Using the Term Maya

My use of the term Maya, specifically "Pokomam Maya", to describe individuals and

groups in the municipality of Jalapa is conscious and purposeful. When I first started research in

the community I was not even sure that there were "Maya" in San Pedro Pinula. I had heard that

there were Indians in San Pedro Pinula, but locals and other Guatemalanists alike claimed that

the Indians seemed to have "lost" their authenticity. I was also searching for the common

denominators of the Maya in their clothing, language, and cultural markers. Did they speak

Pokomam? Did the women wear traditional dress? Did they engage in Maya rituals? How did

they define themselves? While these questions were important during the initial stages of my

fieldwork, I found that the questions turned out to be as important as the answers. My search for

definitions of who these people were enabled me to be aware of the variety of identities that are

present in the region, especially those that are not easily explained by dualistic notions of Maya

vs. Ladino, although I do recognize the limitations of concepts such as "cultural survivals," and

"syncretism" since they employ a synthesis of Maya and Ladino culture and these concepts

inform the initial framework of this study. I continue to struggle to understand ethnic,

community, and national identity among the Maya in Guatemala.

Each barrio, town, village, and region in Guatemala reveals characteristics closely tied to

its specific history and culture. Because of this diversity compromises the accuracy of broad

generalizations, I have made as few as seemed possible. I am steered by my informants' own









conceptualizations of their world which help me see how stereotypes and generalities becomes a

part of a community's sense of identity. Each community's reaction and adaptation to larger

forces, such as international migration, also provides a window into the individual and

community constructions of ethnicity and identity.

Finally, I have chosen to use the term Maya for the Pokomam Maya of San Pedro Pinula

for several reasons: their adaptability and resilience in the face of pressures from Ladino

assimilation, isolation from other Maya groups, and identification as different and separate from

the Ladino community.

Pokomam resilience and autonomy in the Eastern Highlands have not come easily. The

Spanish settled into the Eastern Highlands in higher numbers than other areas of Guatemala. Due

to its favorable geography and agricultural opportunities, Spanish settlements were drawn to

Eastern Guatemala as it reminded the conquistadors of Spain more than the Western Highlands

and provided fertile ground for agriculture and cattle-raising. The forced labor system used

during colonial times to extract indigenous labor was an extreme burden on Indian communities,

especially in the Eastern Highlands, which contributed to the demise of indigenous populations

in that region (Lutz and Lovell 1995). The surviving indigenous groups were forced by the

invaders to adopt Spanish culture and language. It was noted by early colonial era travelers that

the process of castellanizaci6n of indigenous peoples in the Eastern Highlands started much

earlier then it occurred among the Maya in the Western Highlands. As early as the late 1700s,

Maya groups in Jalapa were already speaking Spanish fluently; the prominence of bilingualism

throughout the region set the Eastern Highland Maya apart from Maya in the Western Highlands

who were still mostly monolingual Maya speakers. Though the Maya of the Eastern Highlands

may have adopted the Spanish language, the process of mestizaje, miscegenation between









Spanish and Maya blood, had not occurred in many of these areas even though Spanish had been

widely adopted, often to the detriment of the local indigenous language (Dary 2003).

It is important to point out that in both Ladino and Maya communities exist those who

have resisted the separation of the two groups and often insist on the importance of a campesino

identity. Campesinos are distinguished by the tradition of uniting small farmers of all social

classes and ethnicity to one overarching peasant identity. Many who use this label over other

more ethnic-based identities tend to be more closely aligned with the Catholic Church, non-

governmental organizations, or politically aligned grassroots organizations. The label

campensino unites poor Ladino peasants with Maya peasants to work and organize together

without the stigma of ethnicity that tends to place poor Ladinos over Maya of the same income

levels and occupation. Others argue for a more varied appreciation of multiple identities both

within and between the two groups; however, "Maya" and "Ladino" remain the most significant

identifiers from which these alternatives emerge.

Surrounded by a sea of Ladinos, Eastern Highland Maya have maintained their community

in spite of a large and powerful Ladino ruling class. Although I could have easily chosen the

term "Indian" to refer to those I met in my time in San Pedro Pinula, I think it would have

detracted from the historical existence of a large Pokomam Maya community that forms a strong

and resistant presence in San Pedro Pinula.

The Pokomam Maya of San Pedro Pinula and San Luis Jilotepeque

The group I work with in the municipality of San Pedro Pinula, in the department of

Jalapa, are part of the linguistic group identified as Eastern Pokomam Maya. The last major

study of this group was conducted over fifty years ago by anthropologist John Gillen and

sociologist Marvin Tumin, who focused on the Eastern Pokomam Maya specifically in San Luis









Jilotepeque.4 These two towns, San Pedro Pinula and San Luis Jilotepeque, are the two centers of

Eastern Pokomam culture and are situated on valley floors separated by a small mountain range.

The valley of San Pedro Pinula rests on the elevation of 1000m, while San Luis Jilotepeque lies

at about 700m, making the climate more temperate and mild. The town of El Durazno rests on

the peak of the mountain that divides the two towns. With views of both valleys, El Durazno

likely served as an important Pre-Colombian military vantage point, and oral histories recount

great battles that were fought here, evidenced by the multitude of obsidian arrow points that litter

the grounds (Gouband Carrera 1945). Now just a pile of crumbling stones, El Durazno is

considered a relatively insignificant archeological site. To the Eastern Pokomam, however, this

site is the location of the Pokomam origin myth. Elders say that God looked down on the two

towns from the peak of El Durazno and determined that San Luis would be the place of the

cantaro (ceramic pot) and San Pedro would be the place of the palma (palm). The history of

commerce in the two towns has borne out the myth, as San Pedro Pinula was once well known

for its hand woven palm-braided sombreros, and the painted earthenware of the women of San

Luis is famous to the present day.

In addition to the Eastern Pokomam, there is a second Pokomam Maya group in

Guatemala. Principally located north and south of Guatemala City, this group speaks a dialect of

Pokomam, appropriately called Pokomam Central or "Central Pokomam," since they are situated

in the Central Highlands, in contrast to the Eastern Pokomam, who are located in the Eastern

Highlands.s The residents of San Luis Jilotepeque, the neighboring Eastern Pokomam

community, are of greater value as a focus for study since they more closely resemble the


4 Tumin and Gillen conducted their research in the late 1940s and published much of their work in the early 1950s.

5 Rub6n Reina (1967) and Eileen Maynard (1963) did their work among the Central Pokomam in Chinautla and
Palin.









inhabitants of San Pedro Pinula: not only do they use the same language, but the two

communities exhibit similarities in the way state, local and political processes have differentially

affected them.

Even so, the prevalence of "Indian-ness" is more marked in San Luis Jilotepeque, as

exhibited by the presence of a strong indigenous identity with a multitude of indigenous

organizations. As the locals explain, San Luis, is where the "real Indians" are because San

Luisefios speak the Pokomam language openly and many more older women still wear their traje

or traditional clothing as compared to San Pedro Pinula. The Maya may be more apparent in San

Luis due to their strong, concentrated urban presence, whereas in San Pedro, the Maya are

generally spread out in the rural areas. More importantly, there is a higher proportion of

businesses in San Luis, many of which are owned and operated by local San Luis Maya. This

greater incidence of entrepreneurship is likely due to the paved road and fast and reliable

transportation available in the town, which provides ease of access to the vibrant market city of

Chiquimula. All roads leading out of San Pedro Pinula are dirt and the road to San Luis traverses

a high mountain ridge and almost impassable in the rainy season. The road from San Pedro

Pinula to the cabecera (department capital) Jalapa, is also dirt and though it only crosses a small

mountain, Jalapa is not considered a great city of commerce as compared to Chiquimula.

Therefore San Pedro Pinula as compared to San Luis Jilotepeque is more of a traditional

agricultural community isolated from the market and major commerce. Also as will be discussed

later, the Maya in San Pedro struggle under Ladino control both politically and economically,

while in San Luis, many Maya have been able to obtain more power through commercial

success.









The belief that the "real Maya" reside in San Luis and no longer live in San Pedro Pinula is

supported by the presence of Pokomam villages that line the dirt road crossing the mountain

between San Pedro Pinula and San Luis Jilotepeque. The road was built with the sweat and blood

of local Maya in the 1920s, during the era of large public works projects under the dictatorship of

President Jorge Ubico. During the year 2000, under the Presidency of Alfonso Portillo, there

were attempts to pave the road, which resulted only in the widening of a small section before

funds ran out. The road is often impassable, especially during the rainy winter months when

buses stop running because of the risk of skidding off the side of the mountain. Many Maya

prefer the ancient narrow footpaths that wind up the steep mountainside from San Pedro to San

Luis. As the road climbs 2000 feet from the valley floor of Pinula towards the peak of the

mountain, the aptly named village of La Estrella (the star) emerges. The appearance of women in

traditional corte (skirt made of dyed fabric) and the sight of traditional mud and straw huts in this

region reinforce the sense that crossing over this mountain divide takes one into true Pokomam

territory.

Regional Maya Differences within San Pedro Pinula

In the municipality of San Pedro Pinula there are marked differences between communities

with regards to clothing style and language use. There also are intra-ethnic differences based on

an urban-rural dichotomy. The Maya who live in town can frequently trace their ancestry

through several generations, in order to illustrate their pure (Maya) or mixed (Maya-Ladino)

heritage. Those who live in the villages outside of the town are often considered "pure" Maya.

The intra-ethnic differences among the Maya throughout the municipality of San Pedro Pinula

illustrate the variety of Maya identities and the social divisions that exist among members of the

same ethnic group.









Urban vs. rural maya

Adams and Bastos discuss the social divisions among Maya who live in the cabeceras

municipales (municipal seats) and those who live in the rural villages and hamlets. The town is

generally regarded as the site of Ladino power, and the preponderance of educational and

economic opportunities in the urban center bears out this claim (2003), as urban Maya fill certain

economic niches confined to the town, such as liquor sales, tailoring services, small store

ownership, and local artisan work. Urban Maya also consider themselves more modem, worldly,

and sophisticated than their rural counterparts. The differences are also based on ancestry and

local lineages as many Maya in the town can trace some Ladino ancestor or claim descent from

the original Pokomam inhabitants. Adams and Bastos posit that the villages closer to the pueblo

are considered more modern or urban (2003). These concepts are true for San Pedro Pinula and

explain local ethnic divides among the Maya of the town and the Maya of the mountain or rural

villages.

Maya Occupations

Maya in San Pedro Pinula tend to work in traditional milpa agriculture. Milpa agriculture

is the basis for Maya civilization, made up of a variety of complementary crops, mainly corn,

beans, and squash. While some of San Pedro Pinula's indigenous people own small plots, the

majority are landless and forced to rent or sharecrop to grow crops for their basic subsistence.

The indigenous population did once own large tracts of land communally but Ladinos and the

municipality expropriated this land in the liberal land rush of the 1800s and during the Ubico

dictatorship of the 1930s (Dary 2003).

San Pedro Pinula's indigenous population is involved in artisanal production. There was

once a thriving hat making industry but that has slowly been disappearing. Now there are only a

handful of Maya families who continue to make hats out of palm: "Palm does not grow in Pinula









but comes from low-lying San Jacinto, Chiquimula, and Asunci6n Mita, Jutiapa" (Russo

2004:18).6 The palm fronds are split into strips and women use the middle section to make

brooms. Maya men are those who do the final assemblage of the hats but women are those who

braid the palm strands into the basic strips used to make the final product. Maya women also dye

the palm (for decoration) using aniline dyes and natural dyes, such as local mud and tree bark.

There is also a small but disappearing maguey industry (rope made from Maguey plants). Rope

from the maguey plants was once used to sew the hats (cotton thread is now used) but the

maguey rope is still used to make tenedores by the Rosa family in the village of Aguacate-

Tenedores are intricately weaved and colorful and used to secure the saddle to the tail of horses.

Kathy Russo, a cultural expert on indigenous weaving, states the style of braiding used to make

the tenedores is rare and she has only observed similar types of craftsmanship in Turkey. With

the family we observed, mostly the young Maya boys who learned the process from their

grandfather created the tenedores. The matriarch of the family explained that when she was

young she remembers many families producing the product for sale.

While agriculture is the sole livelihood for most rural Maya, urban Maya do occupy some

other occupational niches, such as storekeepers, candlemakers, tailors, seamstresses, moonshine

producers, and cantina owners. These occupations are usually low prestige and bring in a small

income and are restricted to what is considered appropriate for their position as Maya in a

Ladino-dominated community.







6 Kathy Russo, a fellow Fulbright scholar visited me in the field in the summer of 2001 as part of her research on the
maguey industry and indigenous craftsmanship in Guatemala. Most (if not all) of my in-depth information on the
hat, palm, and maguey industry in San Pedro Pinula is due to her scholarship.









Maya Dress

Dress is often considered an important and highly visible marker of Maya identity. There

are still a few older women in the town of Pinula who wear the traditional corte and beads and

who wrap their hair in braids and ribbon. Married women have traditionally worn a corona

(crown), wrapping the ribboned braids around their heads to form a crown-a style more

common in San Luis.

In many outlying villages in San Pedro Pinula, women wear aplagada, a type of modified

dress, rather than the traditional corte. The Plagada is a variation on a type of Maya dress used

before the 20th century. This style of dress is distinctively "Indian," and it is restricted to women

who live in the villages surrounding San Pedro Pinula. Homemade, often brightly colored, and

made of cheap imported fabric, the dress is form-fitting on top and tailored at the waist, with a

skirt that flows out to fall at the knee. The top portion of the dress is shaped like a blouse, with

lace and sewn-in bodice formed to emphasize and support the breasts. The skirt portion of the

dress is usually covered with an apron of a matching or complementary colors and includes

pockets to hold money or other items. Material of different colors is often sewn into the blouse to

create collars and accentuate the puffed sleeves.

Since each village chooses a specific style ofplagada, a woman's dress often signifies

where she is from, though styles vary as new colors and cuts are incorporated. For example,

women from the village of Las Aguijitas and El Sunzo often wear bright colors of pink, green,

yellow, and blue with the skirts highly pleated (see Figure 2-2 photo B). Women from El

Cumbre may have flower prints or more subdued colors and often have large puffy sleeves. All

accentuate their dresses with intricately designed aprons with designs ranging from rectangular

to heart shapes.









Local Maya explain the use of this modified dress as a matter of practicality, claiming that

material used in the traditional skirts is too expensive, even though colonial records indicate that

when San Pedro Pinula was a "pueblo of ii,,," (Indian town) and was forced to give tribute to

the Spanish crown, the local Maya did produce some sort of cloth. Today, material used for the

traditional Maya corte skirt is produced in the Western Highlands. A skirt made of traditional

cloth can cost upwards of Q300 (around $45), while yards of plain fabric used for theplagada

style dress costs just a few Quetzales (less than a dollar). The Chorti Maya of Chiquimula, the

only other Maya group in the Eastern Highlands, also wear a modified dress made of imported

material. Though the style of the Chorti modified dress differs from the Pokomam, the presence

of this clothing style in the Oriente and its identification as "indigenous" marks the creative and

adaptive capacity of the populations in the East.

Like the women, Maya men were reported to have worn a traditional outfit that is no

longer used in the region. The outfit was simple: it consisted of light white cloth, with shin-level

pants held up by a simple belt made of the same material. While women traditionally go

barefoot, men wear caites, or sandals made of leather with soles cut from used tires. This type of

footwear is a convenient symbol of the difference between Maya and Ladino, since only

"Indians" wear this type of shoe. One example of the symbolism of the caite concerns a Ladino

man who is from another town farther east in the Oriente where there are no Maya. He is

considered of lower class and often walks about town in caites. People think he is a strange

character but excuse his behavior because he is from an area "where there is many poor Ladinos

who are like Indians."

Maya men often wear the traditional sombrero. Made out of braided palm leaves, the hat is

shaped into a cowboy style and varies in color from muted brown to beige. Maya men also use a









bag made of either homemade rope or colored synthetic materials. With greater and greater

frequency, Maya men use backpacks rather than the traditional bags, and wear either store-

bought manufactured cowboy hats imported from Mexico or baseball caps. Manufactured

cowboy hats and baseball caps are luxury items and therefore considered status symbols, and the

younger urban Maya aspire to imitate this style.

Both Maya men and women wear clothing that marks them as different from the Ladinos,

especially Maya who live in the villages. Though some changes to the "Indian" style, such as the

increasing use of backpacks and baseball caps, seem to indicate a lessening of more obvious

cultural markers of "Indian-ness," the rural Maya of San Pedro Pinula still hold onto traditions

such as the modified dress. In fact, when money is available, many Maya women do not buy

western clothes but instead use their money to make fancier versions of the indigenous modified

dress. On market days and during the festival, young women come to the town of San Pedro in

their best new dresses. The festival week, especially, provides an opportunity for young women

to show off their best clothing and meet young men. One festival week I saw three girls with

dresses made out of an expensive sequined material that shone and glittered in the sun. They had

modified their outfits with the latest village "styles" and new market-bought material imported

from other parts of the world. In this regard, the continued presence of indigenous traditions such

as the modified dress and the incorporation of newer styles and materials (such as the cap and

backpack and market-bought material for the dresses) illustrates the Maya ability to incorporate

elements from the outside world with their own.

Maya Language

While there is a large indigenous presence in San Pedro Pinula, actual Maya language use

is considered to be very low. Fluent Pokomam speakers in San Pedro Pinula are considered to be

rare if not non-existent. Census data and local discourse on the subject seem to indicate that the









Pokomam Maya language is on the decline. When I first arrived in Pinula, I asked locals, both

Ladino and Maya alike, if people still spoke the Pokomam language. Ladinos more often said

that no one spoke it anymore, or pointed to some obscure village where perhaps the language

was spoken. With even greater frequency, people referred me to the nearby town of San Luis

Jilotepeque where the real "Indians" lived. Over time, I met Ladino storeowners who told me

that in their stores they had heard the local Maya speak the indigenous language. The owners of

the market stalls in the central market of San Pedro Pinula are Quichee Maya from

Momostenango, who are well known in Guatemala as entrepreneurs who tend to monopolize

local trade throughout the country (replacing the Chinese immigrants who dominated trade in the

early twentieth century). One Momostango stall owner told me of his experience with the

Pokomam Maya from Pinula:

They do speak their language. Some have approached my stall already speaking their
language, expecting me to reply back. I explain to them (in Spanish) I don't speak the
same language as they do. They look at me like I am being stuck-up but I try to explain
that there are many (Maya) languages and I am from the Occidente (Western Highlands). It
seems they only think there is one lenguaje (language).

It surprises the Momosteco that the Maya from Pinula have no idea that there are possibly

many other Maya languages. In fact, when I surveyed local Maya on what the language was

called or named, most called it simply, lenguaje (the language), and either were unaware of the

term Pokomam or used that word in reference to the people of San Luis. This demonstrates the

isolation of the Pinula Maya from other Maya groups and an unawareness of a strong Maya

identity as defined by language.

I put together a focus group of the some of the last women of Pinula who still wear the

traditional traje, most who were over fifty and one of whom had just turned a hundred years old!

They talked about the history of the community, interethnic relations, and the Pokomam

language. They also giddily exchanged phrases in Pokomam but did not seem comfortable









conversing. They explained that the language was being lost due to the shame of being Maya and

the ridicule they have experienced over the years when speaking it in public. Elders have tried to

teach Pokomam to their children, but the younger generation has resisted learning it, and while

most remember their parents speaking it at home, the current generation seems content to let it

disappear. When asked about whether the language spoken in San Luis is the same as San

Pedro, some claimed it was the same while others claimed it was different.

Data on the continued use of Pokomam are nevertheless inconclusive. In 2001 the newly

installed Monsignor of Jalapa visited San Pedro Pinula. Thousands of people came from all over

the municipality to welcome him. It was one of the few occasions other than festival holidays

when indigenous organizations were present. There were signs welcoming the Monsignor from

the comunidad indigena and local indigenous leaders performed a special ceremony. One elder

spoke strongly and said, "we are a humble people and for shame of being Indian we speak our

language in secret." This confirmation of the presence of Pokomam speakers in San Pedro Pinula

illustrates the difficulty of measuring indigenous identity by language markers, since so many

Maya feel an intense pressure to hide their Maya identity and silence their indigenous language.

The Ladinos of Guatemala

Ladino refers to the non-indigenous peoples of Guatemala. This term is synonymous with

the term Mestizo, which is used in Mexico, El Salvador, and Honduras. Unlike the Mestizo,

which literally means "mixed" and emphasizes the actual "mix" of European and indigenous

ancestry, the connotation of "Ladino" in Guatemala is rife with ambiguity regarding ancestral

roots (Adams 1994). While Guatemala Maya are clear about who they are and where they come

from, Ladinos derive their identity from the European, especially the Spanish, aspects of their

heritage. They also tend to affiliate themselves with Western society: they wear Western clothes,

speak Spanish, and identify themselves as separate from indigenous groups.









The heterogeneity of the several Maya ethnic groups is in stark contrast to the supposed

homogeneity of Ladinos, who share a common culture and language. Ladinos do, in fact, vary in

ancestry, income level, and degree of cultural adaptation. Some claim these differences are

regional (Adams and Bastos 2003), while others claim the differences are marked by class within

communities (Hawkins 1984, Adams 1956). In the 1940s, Hernandez de Le6n, the chronicler of

the Ubico period, noted the deep division between Indians and Ladinos in San Pedro Pinula and

that there were also subdivisions within the two groups (Dary 2003).

While many anthropologists state that Ladino identity has little to do with race or actual

biological ancestry and more to do with social and cultural markers (Adams 1994, Parkyn 1988),

race, "blood", and ancestry are essential components in Ladino ethnic identity. Ladinos in the

East are more likely to emphasize their ancestry and the degree to which their "blood" is

"tainted" or "pure" (Little-Siebold 2001). Small communities also believe that generational

claims on ancestry are important, as community knowledge of ancestry informs opinion on the

degree to which one is or is not Ladino. As Little-Siebold found in her work in Quetzaltepeque

(2001), Pinula also has varying local definitions of Ladino based on perceived ancestry. But the

Ladinos are not the only ones who use ancestry as a powerful tool in identity formation. While

Ladinos are considered to be more homogenous than the Maya, Grandin reminds us that the 19th-

century Quiche Maya elites of Quetzaltenango emphasized their identity in terms of race and

"blood", instead of using cultural markers such as dress (2000:9).

Ladinos in San Pedro Pinula

Ladino Occupations

Ladinos raise cattle, make cheese, run businesses, and own most of the land in and around

Pinula. Traditionally they have depended on Maya labor to maintain their lifestyle, often renting

land to the Maya in exchange for labor and a share of the maize and bean harvest.









The cattle industry is important to the Ladino livelihood. While discussions of the milpa

harvest and corn prices are common to both Maya and Ladino alike, cattle ownership is what

defines Ladinos as separate and "above" those who only engage in agricultural activities. Ladino

dress, social activities, and even their identity revolve around the cowboy culture. As discussed

later, men wear distinctive cowboy hats and belt buckles and women wear the feminine version

for special events such as rodeos. Ladinos listen to Mexican ranchera (cowboy) music and

emulate North American and Mexican cowboy styles. Ladino social events are usually based on

cattle, as rodeos and parades on horseback are essential to their yearly festivals and celebrations.

Cattle are the main economic base for elite Ladinos. While even the poorest of Ladino may

own a cow or two, the wealthier families with large plots of land own and trade in cattle. The

cattle cartels in Guatemala are inclusive and the wealthiest of the families in Pinula are part of a

larger Ladino cattle cartel that runs the sales of cattle from the ranches of the Pacific coast to the

lowlands of Puerto Barrios to the agricultural frontier of the Peten. Many of families own land in

these areas and as the Oriente is dependent on a rainy and dry season, shipping cattle to lands

where there is a consistent annual rainfall enables them to keep large heads of cattle healthy and

marketable year round. While some families may not be cash rich, their wealth lies in land and

cattle. The Ladino monopoly on the cattle industry in Pinula is what defines them as separate

from the Maya.

The cheese from the Jalapa region is famous throughout Guatemala and milk and cheese

production is also an important economic base for Ladinos. Cattle-owning and non-cattle-owning

Ladinos engage in cheese production. Families with large heads of cattle either produce their

own cheese or sell milk to family members. Several varieties of milk products are produced

locally, queso fresco (fresh farmer's cheese), queso duro (hard cheese), riques6n (ricotta), butter









and cream. The hard cheese is made in small batches for local consumption and large rounds of

over 75 lbs. are sold in Guatemala City. The more perishable items are sold locally in town and

in the main city of Jalapa. Locals have their favorite families from which they buy depending on

their tastes, as some families use varying amounts of salt and fermentation times. During the

rainy season when more milk is being produced, they also label the cheeses differently since the

taste varies with what the cows are eating; fresh grass in the winter, dry stored and store bought

feed in the summer.

Ladino Dress

Ladinos in Pinula dress in "Western" clothing, often bought in what are known as pacas,

home-based or retail stores that sell used American clothing from large bundles or packs. Ladino

women also make their own clothing or pay a local seamstress to sew their clothes from

materials bought in the market and designed from dress patterns from the United States. Many

seamstresses carry U.S. catalogs and fashion magazines from which patterns are chosen. Pinula's

relative proximity to El Salvador also facilitates clothing lines from the free trade zones of El

Salvador's maquiladores, factories that assemble clothing bound for the United States. While

women in the capital town of Jalapa often flaunt the latest trends from the United States, which

can be considered racy, women in Pinula generally maintain a very modest style, especially since

most Ladinos consider skimpy or revealing clothing to be in bad taste. Ladino women always

wear shoes (usually feminine sandals) at all times, even in their homes.

Ladino men are often described as the cowboys of Guatemala due to their use of Western

clothes, cowboy hats, boots, and large shiny belt buckles. Some carry guns in holsters attached to

their belts, but lately the pistol is being replaced by the cellular phone as a man's status symbol.

It is not uncommon to see some Ladino men with both accoutrements.









Ladinos in the Town and in the Aldeas

Some Ladino families, especially a region's landowners, reside in the villages, although

this is rare. Monographs collected on the history of the local villages always mention the

founding Ladino families of the area, though it is frequently difficult to locate descendents who

are still present. Before the 1960s, many Ladino families had majadas, or country homes where

they lived during the rainy season (winter). At this time, families would leave their urban homes

to live at their majadas, tending to their fields and taking advantage of the seasonal increase in

their dairy cattle's milk production to produce cheese. Though some Ladino families still own

country homes, male heads of house no longer uproot their family for the winter season,

preferring to spend time there alone to run their local farms while occasionally bringing their

families over for weekend get-togethers.

The movement of Ladinos from the rural areas to the urban center has been noted by

Pinultecos, and most Ladinos believe this migration is associated with an increased level of

danger in the countryside, which may have begun during the militarization of the area in the late

1960s. They claim that living in the country became too dangerous during this period, principally

because of the presence of guerillas (those of the armed rebel forces), who were suspected of

stealing their cattle. Many believe the dangers of rural life has contributed to a decline in cattle

production, claiming that fewer and fewer people want to work in the industry, especially with

the option of migrating to the United States to find work.

San Pedro Pinula is well-known for its large in-town cattle population, and, though it is no

longer legal, people still herd their animals from small stockyards behind or alongside their

homes to the grazing pastures just outside of town. In the early morning, the men milk the cows

and then let their Maya correleros (foot cowboys) take the cows out to pasture. When I received

phone calls from the United States, people would often hear the sound of passing cattle and ask if









I was out in the countryside. I would explain, "No, I am standing in my own doorway!" At night,

an occasional cow will get loose; thus, it is not uncommon to see them wandering the streets

until the owner looks for them in the morning. It is widely believed that cattle owners

purposefully let their cows out at night to allow them to feed from the town's garbage cans.

Ethnic Category Alternatives to Maya and Ladino

As mentioned earlier, though dual categories of Ladino and Maya remain strong, there are

many variations to this simplistic ethnic definition. Throughout my time in the field, I heard

alternative labels and descriptions from community members in their every day discourse or

when they spoke of neighbors and relatives. Ancestry and bloodlines continue to be important

indicators of social class in most Guatemalan communities (Casaus Arzu 2002; Nelson 1999),

and San Pedro Pinula is no exception, since most community members are often judged

according to their racial make-up, which frequently influences marital prospects as well as social

status.

Ladino vs. Mixed Ladinos of Varying Degrees

In San Pedro Pinula there exist Ladinos of varying degrees. While a Ladino is generally

defined as anyone who is not indigenous, the extent to which one is considered Ladino depends

upon physical traits, language use, and birthplace as well as local perception of a given

individual's ancestry.

There are those who are considered to be of purely Spanish ancestry since there is no

record of their families having interbred with Indians. These individuals are called puros (pure)

or bien Ladino(very Ladino). One particular family-though they are not the wealthiest in the

community-has an inordinately high degree of prestige solely because they have maintained

purely Spanish bloodlines. Other varieties of Ladino include Ladino mixto (mixed Ladino), who

are of mixed Maya and Ladino blood but still considered Ladino; and Ladino dorado (toasted









Ladino) who are Ladino but have darker skin, and are thus perceived as having a greater degree

of mixed ancestry. Locals can typically trace the lineage of the more recently mixed Ladinos to a

specific inter-breeding incident between a Ladino man and an Indian woman, and affairs of this

type are common. Maya are also considered lavado (cleaned-washed), if they have a specific

Ladino physical trait that may give them claim to Ladino ancestry. This is more rare though, as

Maya are also always considered indio (Indian) no matter the circumstances.

The blood-race matrix of San Pedro Pinula is based on hypodescent as the children of a

Ladino-Maya union are considered to be Maya. These inter-ethnic relations are usually between

Ladino men and Maya women as relations between Ladino employers and their female Maya

servants are common. Ladino men also have Maya lovers in the villages or in the town.

Illegitimate children (hijos de casa) tend to join the ranks of their Indian mothers. Exceptions to

hypodescent do occur with regularity when the phenotypic expression shows more "Ladino"

traits in the offspring, if, for example, the child is very light-skinned or light-eyed. In this case

the child may be able to pass as a lower class Ladino and still possibly marry into the Ladino

ethnic group. In conclusion, Ladino ethnic categories illustrate heterogeneity and variety within

what is considered to be a homogeneous group in Guatemala.

Maya and Ladino Festivals and Dances

Festivals and dances in San Pedro Pinula are clear examples of ethnic divisions. The three

separate festivals in the town of San Pedro Pinula are divided along ethnic lines. The San Pedro

festival is considered "Indian," the San Lucas festival is considered Ladino, and the largest

festival, the festival of the Virgen of Candelaria is for everyone but is controlled and

administered by Ladinos. Festivals are celebrated with a special Catholic mass, vendors with

games and food, fee-based dances, and rodeos. Only the Ladino festival of San Lucas has no









vendors. San Pedro Day is accentuated with week-long celebrations in the cofradia (Maya

brotherhood) and with rituals performed in Maya homes.

All three festivals have elected queens, Reina de la Feria (Queen of the Festival), Flor de

Feria (Flower of the Festival, the Queen's maiden), and Scii iia de Deportes (Lady of Sports).

The festival of the Virgen of Candelaria, has a queen who is always Ladino, and a Pokomam

Princess, who is Maya. There is an annual published flyer announcing the festival events, which

features a large picture of the Ladino Queen of the Festival on the front and lists the detailed

events on the inside. After reviewing over a decade of flyers from previous festivals, I noticed

that all had the full names of the Ladino queens printed; not one, however, listed the names of

the Maya princesses. In some cases the Ladino Queen names would be in bold while Pokomam

Queens were never named at all.

The villages of San Pedro Pinula all have their own patron saint days and small local

celebrations occur in the surrounding villages of Aguacate, Pinalito, Santo Domingo, and Agua

Zarca. These festivals are attended by Ladino and Maya alike as Pinalito, Agua Zarca, and Santo

Domingo have large populations of Ladinos (these villages are extensions of the main town and

Santo Domingo is the original Spanish colonial settlement). Even though Aguacate has only one

Ladino family, Ladinos from the town attend but are usually patrons (employers) of Aguacate

villagers.

Festivals and their Significance

San Pedro (June 9): This is considered the "Indian" festival and is attended by Ladinos

and Maya alike even though the activities involving the cofradia and its building are exclusively

Indian. The principal Catholic mass is attended by Maya from all over the region.

The local cofradia building (Maya church) is full of activities all week culminating in the

weekend festival. Maya families come from all over the region and often sleep either with









relatives or at the cofradia building. The cofradia (Maya brotherhood) coordinate the making of

food for communal consumption, pigs are slaughtered for pork tamales, black corn is boiled in

large vats for the making of the ritual drink schuco, and large clay pots are full of black beans.

The women are constantly boiling and grinding corn for tortillas and large comales are

surrounded by young women flipping the round crispy disks of grinded corn. Men (and some

women) are drunk on cusha (local moonshine) throughout the weekend and usually passed out in

dark corners. There are traditional activities performed inside and outside the building, such as

horse races and "climbing the pole," which entails young men trying to scale a greased cofradia

pole for cash. The cofradia shrine to San Pedro is lighted with Christmas lights and shiny

ribbons and donations boxes are set up in front of each saint for blessings. Since the vendors are

set up in town's plaza, Ladinos attend this section but do not venture up two blocks to the

cofradia building except for the horse races which are done outside on the street.

San Lucas (October 18): Local Maya described this festival as the "feria de los ricos" (the

festival of the rich) and is only attended by Ladinos. It is a small weekend festival accentuated by

a parade of horses ridden by Ladinos through the town, ending at the town's coliseum for the

rodeo. This is strictly Ladino and the Maya do not participate in any activities. Although Saint

Luke is the patron saint of physicians and surgeons and should be celebrated on October 18, San

Lucas is considered by locals to be the patron saint of cattle. This local interpretation may be

due to the fact that St. Luke is usually depicted with the symbol of an ox or a calf as a symbol of

the sacrifice that Jesus made for the world. In San Pedro Pinula, San Lucas is represented at the

Catholic mass with a statue of San Lucas with a large bull sitting at his feet symbolizing the

importance to cattle to the local Ladinos.









Virgen de Candelaria (February 2): Labeled the "most traditional festival in the Eastern

Highlands" by websites on Guatemalan tourism, this is actually the most commercial festival and

on the largest scale. While everyone attends this festival, there are two rodeos, the one on

Saturday is considered the "Indian" rodeo and has a cheap entrance fee. Usually it has a higher

attendance of Maya and many Ladinos as well. The bulls and entertainment are usually of lower

quality. The Sunday rodeo is considered the "rich" rodeo and has a high entrance fee and is

attended only by Ladinos. The entertainment is high-quality (meaning more singers, a band, and

clowns) and the Ladinos bring the largest bulls and prestigious bull riders from nearby

departments. The locals say she is the virgin of the humildes (the poor).

Dances

Dances are an important part of the festivals and social events in general. Older Ladinos

use dances as illustrative of changing times and the upset of social order in the community.

Dances were once considered a Ladino domain and a social event for young ladino men and

women to socialize under the supervision of the community. Now dances are attended by

"anyone," meaning that lower class Ladinos and Maya as well enter this event. Before Maya had

their own dances but they were assembled in their own homes or in temporary tents. The fact the

tradition of exclusively Ladino dances is no longer strictly adhered to illustrate to the older

generation the loss of respect from the "Indians" and a loss of social custom that separate Maya

and Ladinos socially.

The Setting: San Pedro Pinula, Jalapa, Guatemala

Eastern Guatemala is also known as the Oriente, which is literally translated as the "East"

and refers to the Eastern Highlands. The Oriente is generally considered similar to the Wild West

of the United States in the 1800s. Not only is it a dry and arid region, similar to the American

Southwest, but it is also characterized by the prominence of the cattle industry and an









accompanying "cowboy" mystique, which signifies a lack of effective law enforcement. In the

Guatemalan national psyche, the Oriente is created in opposition to the Occidente (Western

Highlands) of Guatemala, which is composed of the high green volcanic mountains dotted by

fog-enveloped villages and peopled with a quaint and subdued indigenous population. On the

other hand, in the Oriente, the land of Ladinos, the men are characterized as macho, gun-

slinging, quick-witted storytellers, and their women as hot-blooded and beautiful. The Eastern

Highlands are predominately ruled by powerful right-wing politicians.

In reality, Guatemala is not a place of such harsh dualities, though the common theme of

Ladino vs. Maya-East vs. West remains in the everyday discourse and the national imagination.

Guatemala is actually a land of great diversity, both in landscapes as well as population.

Covering over 42, 000 square miles, Guatemala is only slightly smaller than the size of the state

of Tennessee, yet encompasses an astonishing range of ecosystems and microclimates. From the

limestone plateau of the Northern Peten, along the dense jungles of the Eastern Caribbean coast,

across the cloud-forests of the Verapaces, to the volcanic peaks of the Western Highlands, and

down to the flat and steamy Pacific coastal plain, it is no wonder that Guatemala has become an

international destination for tourists and scientists alike.

The importance of place is critical in understanding the difference between the Maya from

the Occidente and the Maya of the Oriente. The colonial Spanish and Creoles preferred the

Oriente to the Western highlands for their land and agricultural interests and occupied the

Oriente in higher numbers than in the West (Macleod 1973; McCreery 1994). Agricultural

products cultivated by the Spanish included wheat, corn, cotton, and beans, and animal-based

products included honey, poultry, and fish from Eastern Guatemala. The Spanish were also able

to collect manufactured goods from the region, such as ceramic containers (ollas), sandals, reed









mats, and cloth (Feldman 1981; 1985). Since Colonial times, the Maya of the Western Highlands

have struggled to overcome barriers of language and ethnic affiliation that have traditionally

alienated them from one another, yet they've been somewhat unified in maintaining a degree of

autonomy from Ladino culture. This quality distinguishes them from the Maya in the Oriente

whose isolation from other Maya groups subjected them to a more intense pressure to assimilate

to Spanish culture.

Metz (1998) has also suggested that the Eastern Maya were historically exposed to greater

suppression than the western Maya since they were forced into repartimiento labor for the

expanding East and likewise subjected to a higher degree of incorporation into Ladino society.

The Eastern Maya's high degree of integration is evidenced in their high rates of bilingualism

and low rates of Maya monolingualism, in contrast to the Western Maya, who are more often

less proficient in Spanish (Adams and Bastos 2003). Nonetheless, the Eastern Maya are a

resilient group and have survived even though they are surrounded by large Ladino populations

and are isolated from other Mayan groups (see Figure 2-3 A).

The Region

The Department of Jalapa

San Pedro Pinula is a large municipality within the department of Jalapa in the Eastern

highlands. The department of Jalapa contains seven municipalities: Jalapa, Monjas,

Mataquescuintla, San Carlos Alzatate, San Manuel Chaparr6n, San Pedro Pinula, and San Luis

Jilotepeque, and covers over 2063 square kilometers (797 square miles) with a population of

242,926 (INE 2002). Jalapa is also the name of department city capital, which serves as the main

commercial and administrative center for the region.


7I will be using the name Jalapa when I refer to the capital city and Department of Jalapa in reference to the whole
region.









Though located only 100 or so kilometers east of Guatemala City, Jalapa was until recently

only accessible by paved road via the nearby department of Jutiapa, which was almost double the

distance at 174 kilometers from the capital. Though the recent construction (1999) of a new

paved road connects Jalapa to Guatemala City via the major country throughway of CA-1, the

department remains off any major commercial routes. Though both paved routes make the city of

Guatemala accessible, Jalapa continues to be underdeveloped and rural, with little commercial

development. Jalapa's geographic isolation is surpassed only by its historical and cultural

remoteness. As part of the larger Oriente region, Jalapa and its adjoining departments of Santa

Rosa, Jutiapa, El Progesso, Zacapa, and Chiquimula are considered part of "Guatemala

Olvidada" (Forgotten Guatemala) due to an historic lack of interest in the region (Little-Siebold

1995:14).

The Municipality of San Pedro Pinula

San Pedro Pinula is a municipality with fifty-five thousand inhabitants. Even though

Ladinos dominate the Oriente, various indigenous groups, such as the Chor'ti' and the Eastern

Pokomam also reside in dense populations in the region. Various ethnographies on the

Chor'ti'(Wisdom 1940, Metz 1995) and the Pokomam (Tumin 1952, Gillen 1951), document

their lives, but generally the Maya of the Oriente remain under-scrutinized because they reside

outside the familiar focus of Maya cultural studies-the western highlands of Guatemala.

Detailed documentation of Ladino life in Eastern Guatemala is equally scarce (Dary 1998, Little-

Siebold 2002, L6pez Garcia and Metz 2002).

San Pedro Pinula's population is 98% Pokomam Maya, most of whom are dispersed

among the forty-six villages and hamlets nestled in the mountains surrounding Pinula.. Ladinos,

who control politics, economics, and land in the municipality, make up the remaining two

percent of the population. The town serves as a general gathering point, supply depot, and









bureaucratic center for the predominantly rural population of the municipality. Most Ladinos

reside in the town, and even though they constitute only a third of the town's population, they

dominate all social and economic aspects of Pinula life.

As mentioned before, Anthropologist John Gillen and sociologist Melvin Tumin conducted

ethnographic research in nearby San Luis Jilotepeque in the 1940s, but to date no work on Pinula

exists. We can, however, make use of some of Tumin's information that pertains to ethnic

relations. Tumin described the relationship between Pokomam Maya and Ladinos as a "state of

peaceful tension" (Tumin 1952:vii), portraying relations between the two groups as "caste like in

character" and noting that their social system worked in "a type of equilibrium" (Tumin

1952:59). Though both Tumin and Gillen documented in great detail the economic and social

disparities between Ladinos and the Pokomam, they felt these relations were complementary.

Sixty years after Tumin's work, the general sense of small-town tranquility belies

underlying tensions in the town's history and everyday discourse. In fact, the historic battle for

scarce resources created hostility between Ladinos and Indians, and the "peaceful tension" that

Tumin described often erupted into violence. Nevertheless, I generally concur with Tumin and

Gillen's findings about the rigid ethnic and social structure, which included a strict endogamy

that contributed to maintaining each ethnic group within a consigned role.

Colonial Antecedents to Local Ethnic Relations

Though it would be impossible to cover the region's colonial history in this dissertation,

local accounting of Pinula are of some use in describing past trends of the region's ethnic

conflict. Most of the indigenous peoples who reside in town are descendents of the original

Pokomam Maya inhabitants who were ordered to live in a newly formed "Pueblo de Indios" in

the late 1500s called San Pedro Pinula (AGCA 1584). "Pueblos de Indios' were the Spanish

Crown's efforts to corral the Maya in order to force them to live in newly formed communities









founded by Catholic clergy. The Spanish imposed a system of congregaci6n, which included

measures to force Mayas to live in town, which enabled the crown appointees to maintain

control, collect tribute, and instruct them in Catholicism. During colonial times and up until the

late 1800s, the Mayas of Pinula kept communal lands but were also subject to another Spanish

law, repartimento, or a form of labor tax that forced the Maya to work for powerful Spanish

landowners. Mayas from Pinula were thus forced to travel hundreds of kilometers to Sansur in

the West and Chiquimula in the East in order to fulfill their labor obligations (AGCA 1779;

Fuentes y Guzman 1972 [1690]).

Ladino Expropriation of Indigenous Lands

The 1700s saw an increase in large tracts of land that were measured and titled to various

Spanish families, and disputes arose when Ladinos began to encroach on Pinula's ejidal

(communal) lands in the late 1700s and early 1800s (Feldman 1981). Ladinos also complained

that Indians were stealing cattle, which culminated in their requesting that Indians from Pinula be

removed from the local hacienda (Feldman 1981). By the early 1800s, Pinula had some eighty

caballerias8 of communal lands but were often pleading to have various usurpadores (squatters),

most of whom were encroaching settlers, kicked off these lands. (Feldman 1981). Nonetheless,

land conflicts remained outside the pueblo's borders, and the town of San Pedro Pinula

continued to exist as a predominantly Maya settlement until the late 1800s.

Liberal reforms in the late 1800s encouraged Ladino emigration to Pinula for the purpose

of occupying "unused" land. Ladino families thus came to Pinula, some from as far away as

Honduras and El Salvador, others from the nearby Ladino towns of San Manuel Chaparr6n and

Monjas, in order to use indigenous labor for cattle production and over time, these families were


8 Each caballeria equals 45 hectares.









able to take control over indigenous, communal, and municipal lands. Today, the majority of the

homes in the center of town are owned by Ladinos, and many of the older Pinula residents (both

Ladino and Maya) recount the days when only indigenous families occupied these homes.

Currently, only a handful of Ladino families possess most of the land in and around Pinula.

Many own as much as forty cabellarias and, though these Ladinos sometimes have title to a

portion of their lands, they may occupy as much as twenty times the amount titled to them.

While some of Pinula's indigenous people own small plots, the majority are landless and are

forced to rent or sharecrop to grow the traditional milpa agriculture for their basic subsistence.

Ladinos cultivate their lands for cattle, coffee, and milpa production, all of which is

accomplished with the labor of their Maya workers.

Revolutionary Times

The Democratic Revolutions of presidents Arevalo (1945-1950) and Arbenz (1951-1954)

are representative of recent ethnic tensions between Maya and Ladino. In the early 1950s, many

local Pokomam organized with poor Ladinos in a peasant union against powerful Ladino

landowners. Interestingly, opposition to agrarian reform came from both sides, as Ladino

landowners, as well as the comunidad indigena (indigenous community), were concerned about

land expropriation since their own hold on communal lands was tenuous. In fact, as tensions

arose in the municipality, President Arbenz himself had to settle the case by expropriating

municipal lands and giving them to peasants and renters. During this struggle, the Ladinos

claimed that land they had purchased from the municipality should have been considered private

property, even though it was officially known as municipal. (Handy 1994). The expropriation

may have infuriated the Ladinos because while "their" lands were taken, smaller indigenous

parcels were left untouched. On the eve of the 1954 counter-revolution, Ladino-led militia

groups forced Maya and reformist sympathizers from their homes, an action that culminated in









arrests and assassinations, and which gave rise to one of the more notorious periods in the long

history of conflict between the Maya and the Ladinos.

Local accounting of the time of agrarian reform and the counter-revolution illustrate the

way ethnic tensions eventually erupted into violence. Ladinos remember the days leading up to

the event, which were characterized by a constant fear of a Maya uprising, and Ladina women

recall their parents forbidding them from leaving their homes, warning them that Maya men were

threatening to "take the best Ladina women for themselves." Local Maya and Ladinos agree that

Maya and Ladino sympathizers alike were rounded up and sent to jail in Jalapa. One Maya

recalled how his Ladino patron vouched for him, thus saving him from certain death. Others

were not so lucky, and locals speak of a "great hole" in the community cemetery dug by

reformist sympathizers under gun point who were then killed and deposited into the mass grave.

The Maya speak of this era in hushed tones, which reminds one of the power and control the

Ladinos still have over their lives.

Jalapa: Post-Arbenz to Present

Guatemala's thirty-six year civil war had its roots in the East and resulted in heavy military

occupation in the state of Jalapa as well as throughout the Eastern Highlands (CEH 2002:131).

During the 1960s, counterinsurgency groups moved swiftly against those suspected of guerrilla

activity or those involved in political organizing that was not affiliated with right wing parties,

such as the MLN (Handy 1984:160). Large landowners also used their connections to such

groups to use violence against those who opposed their power, especially indigenous peoples and

poor Ladinos (CEH 2002:141). During the late 1960s, the state of Guatemala began to use its

power to control the violent region of Eastern Guatemala-including Jalapa, Zacapa, and

Jutiapa-and continued to maintain a military presence until shortly after the signing of the

Peace Accords in 1996.









Also during this time, local citizens and military, often in the guise of civilians, began to

form paramilitary groups. These groups targeted the lower and middle class Ladinos and

indigenous peoples who constituted the groups of moderate reformers-or those who pushed for

causes such as social justice and respect for human rights (Handy 1994)-often using military

terror tactics which included torture and murder (CEH 2002, REHMI 1999). Paramilitary groups

also targeted local figures who were considered troublemakers or who posed some threat to the

status quo.

Counterinsurgents developed their techniques in the late 1960s and 1970s, refining them

into a stealthy weapon during the eighties and nineties, until they perfected the terrorizing of

communities by leaving bodies in public places as a warning against political organizing or

social opposition. Politically-motivated killings were especially numerous in the Eastern

departments of Jalapa, Zacapa, Izabal, and Chiquimula, and the victims of these crimes were

frequently left "in a conspicuous place as warning or threat-an integral part of the overall

campaign of terror" (Morrison and May 1994:123).

Several informants described these times as tense and dangerous, claiming that the military

presence created an atmosphere of secrecy and paranoia. Everyone was suspected of being an

oreja (ear or spy) and community members became ever watchful of who they spoke to and what

they said. The military maintained a constant presence by posting themselves in a building in the

center of town next to the municipal complex where they brought people for questioning. Several

of these detainees were reportedly tortured, and, in at least one instance, killed. One informant

described the scenario as follows:

You could see the soldiers washing the military trucks in the main plaza everyday as if
there was nothing better to do. But yet in the morning the trucks would appear dirty and
full of mud as if the soldiers had spent the night very busy. Though some say it was a
peaceful time and the area was safe from delinquency, but people disappeared and bodies









would appear on the roadsides as a reminder of what could happen if you got involved in
anything you shouldn't be.

As reported by the Commission for Historical Clarification, Pinula is one of only two

municipalities in the state of Jalapa identified as sites where military-sponsored violence

occurred. Though Jalapa is critically absent from post-conflict reports on the violence of the civil

war, this is does not signify that the region did not suffer during the four decades of conflict. The

small amount of data on human rights' offenses in the region illustrates the extent of the

military's control over the area, as it suggests that citizens are reluctant to report occurrences of

such abuses.

Early International Migration

The first wave of international migration from Jalapa to the United States began in the late

1960s and 1970s when wealthy Ladinos fled to avoid forced military inscription. Dispossessed

Ladinos and indigenous people who lacked the resources to leave were forced to remain in

Pinula and endure military inscription, and, in some cases, made to "disappear." The military

used pernicious tactics to collect men for service, often dispatching army trucks to local Sunday

soccer matches, or organizing dances as a ruse to lure young men of conscription age. Many

males, both Maya and Ladino, fell victim to these round-ups.

Some nearby villages were heavily affected by forced and voluntary army inscription:

when many of these of ex-soldiers returned home, the community members were reminded of

the large extent to which violence and fear has been a part of the communal psyche. According

to experts of both the East and Western Highlands, the presence of ex-soldiers in their natal

communities can create an atmosphere of intimidation and fear among fellow community

members (Green 1999, Metz 1998). Today in post- conflict Guatemala, some ex-soldiers use

their experience in the army as a weapon to intimidate local Ladinos in order to gain an









advantage in Ladino-Maya business exchanges and cattle ranching. Many Ladinos fear the

Indian ex-soldiers, as they view the combination of knowledge of weaponry and an Indian's

"savagery" as a dangerous combination. Even so, some local Ladinos are able to use these ex-

soldiers to their advantage, sometimes contracting them as hired guns. On several occasions,

Ladinos employed ex-soldiers to settle local Ladino family feuds. As one Ladino aptly put it,

"Your life is worth the price of a bullet and the couple of quetzals it takes to pay a Indian to do

it" (Su vida vale el precio del balazo y los centavos para el indio).

The beginnings of migration to the United States

While early Ladino migration formed the basis for the current migrant circuits to the

United States, the first wave of Maya migration began in the past decade. While many Maya

groups from the Western Highlands fled to the United States during the height of the civil war in

the 1980s and 1990s, the Pokomam Maya in this study did not migrate because they became

members of the Guatemalan army, whether they elected to join the military or were conscripted

by force. After serving their time in the military, these Maya ex-soldiers anticipated work as

congressional bodyguards in Guatemala City, but were frustrated to find this an impossibility

after the signing of the Peace Accords. The lack of post-war opportunities, either with the

military or as civilians, along with the temptation of an increasingly porous U.S. border,

prompted a marked increase in Maya migration in the 1990s.



















2-1. Women carrying water and laundry on the road between San Pedro and San Luis. The valley
of Pinula is in the background as is the winding road that connects the two towns
(credit David Datze, Peace Corps worker in 1983-1985 in El Cumbre, San Pedro
Pinula).


2-2. Women's apparel. Older woman on left (photo A) wears the traditional corte and blouse with
her hair in ribboned braids which encircle her head to signify her marital status. The
young women on the right (photo B) proudly wear their best vestidosplagadas during
festival week.
















LINGUISTC COMMUNITIES OF GUATEMALA


Huehuetenango Alta Verapaz Izabal

Quiche

K .^ San
S .- Marcos Toto Nicapan Baja Verapaz Zacapa
Quetzaltenango El Progreso
.. "- c Chim altenango Chiquimula
Retalhuleu Saatep a
Suchilepquz Santa Jutiapa
SEcEscuintla Rosa





2-3. Maps of Jalapa and Maya language groups: The state of Jalapa is located in the eastern

section of Guatemala with its isolated Pokomam Maya populations. Map A (on left)

shows the Maya language groups, while Map B (on right) highlights the department

of Jalapa.









CHAPTER 3
TRANSFORMING ETHNICITY IN THE TRANSNATIONAL SPHERE: MAYA AND
LADINO RELATIONS IN GUATEMALA AND BOSTON

This chapter traces how traditional patron-client relations have facilitated Maya entrance

into the transnational migration stream and the ways in which Ladino economic support and

interests have sustained Maya migration. Although the indigenous entrance into a once Ladino-

dominated migrant stream has exacerbated ethnic tensions in the home community, it has also

created an arena for re-examining Maya-Ladino dichotomies and inequalities. This chapter

illustrates how recent international migration is transforming San Pedro Pinula's social and

ethnic structure.

Additionally, this chapter demonstrates how the United States as a receiving community

influences migrants' beliefs about ethnicity. The North American racial matrix is limited to an all

encompassing "Latino-Hispanic" label that does not recognize the heterogeneous nature of Latin

American identities, nor the ethnic differences among Guatemalans. For Maya migrants, this

creates an equalizing affect that reshapes their attitudes about the differences between themselves

and Ladinos, while for Ladinos, it often reinforces inherent racism. Finally, transnational

migration creates new economic and cultural venues for the ethnic relations between Maya and

Ladinos, which sometimes results in inter-ethnic relationships (friendships, courtships, and even

marriages), which would not typically occur in the home community.

Ladino and Maya Migration to the United States

As discussed in Chapter Two, years of colonial conquest, independence, and post-

independence relations between the Maya and the Spanish, as well as their Spanish-Maya

(Ladino) descendents, created an interdependent relationship fraught with fear and distrust. Since

Ladinos managed the majority of land and resources, local and national conflict revolved around

Ladino efforts to maintain power and control. In the late 20th century, Ladino privilege included









the ability to avoid military service during Guatemala's civil war and instead migrate to the

United States.

While early Ladino migration established the migrant circuits to the United States, Maya

migrants to the Boston area have entered the international migrant stream during the past two

decades. The character of Guatemala-United States migration has roots in the thirty-six year

civil war, which began in the 1960s. Heavy military occupation in San Pedro Pinula and

throughout the Oriente forced Ladinos to flee to the United States in order to avoid forced

military inscription. Lacking the resources to leave, local Pokomam Maya remained and were

frequently forced into military service. When the war intensified in the 1980s and 1990s, Maya

from the Western Highlands began to migrate to the United States, while Eastern Highland

Pokomam Maya joined the Guatemalan army, specifically the Policia Militar Ambulante

(Mobile Military Police).

Numerous Pokomam males had fallen victim to military round-ups, but others saw military

jobs as a better option than working for "los ricos" (the rich) in town. Many men thus left their

villages in San Pedro Pinula to serve in the army alongside indigenous peoples from other

regions of Guatemala. During the 1980s, the war escalated in the Western Highlands and Maya

men from Pinula fought in the heaviest battle zones, such as Ixcan, the Ixil triangle in Quiche,

and Peten. The war ended with the signing of the 1996 Peace Accords, and many ex-soldiers thus

joined the northward migration flow. As one young man told me,

I really wasted my time in the army. I thought I would receive training or learn some skills.
Before, you could get work in the city as a Congressional bodyguard, but since the peace
accords there is no work for ex-soldiers. I spent all that time for nothing. I am going to the
(United) States because there is nothing here for me.

Maya ex-soldiers depended on the promise of work as congressional bodyguards in

Guatemala City, but were later frustrated to find that the signing of the Peace Accords had made









this an impossibility. The Maya in this study are comprised of this group of migrants who left

Guatemala towards the end of the civil war and during the Post-conflict era, as opposed to most

Maya in Guatemala, who fled during the height of the conflict.

Indigenous Entrance in the Migrant Stream: the Importance of Patron-Client Relations

International migration was Ladino-dominated until the late 1980s when the patron-client

relations that govern Ladino and Maya interactions began to allow Mayas access to the migrant

stream. Entrenched through hundreds of years of practice, patron-client relations in Guatemala,

as in other parts of Latin America, are reciprocal relationships that allow the financially

underprivileged a measure of personal and economic gain by forming alliances (Lande 1977;

Mintz and Wolf 1950; Wolf 1959, 1966). In Guatemala, the Ladino landowner forms a patron-

client relationship with a Maya when the Maya rents or sharecrops the patron's land. The

relationship has various economic and social dimensions as both the client and patron use this

relationship to their advantage. The patron is under obligation to provide the worker (mozo) with

economic and social support in various forms, such as lending money, building materials, and

patronage for weddings, fiestas, and important social events. In turn, the client is at the beck and

call of the patron, often providing free labor at a moment's notice. The patron's status is raised

by the quality and quantity of his workers and the worker's life is improved by his affiliation to a

family of higher status. These relations are often cemented with a godparenthood (compadrazgo)

relationship that also allows for additional religious and social obligations. While these

relationships are supposedly reciprocal and mutually beneficial, they most often benefit the

patron more than the mozo, who feels a constant obligation to serve his beneficiary (Adler 2002).

Pinultecos explain that the benefits of these relationships are dependent on the generosity of the

patron. Workers believe their fate depends on whether they work for a "good" or "bad" patron,









and the ostensible "generosity" of one of these "good" patrons ultimately facilitated Maya

entrance in the Guatemala-United States migrant stream.

One advantage of transnational migration is that it allows people of lower status to gain

economic and social capital through the money and knowledge gained in the United States

(Levitt 2001; Portes 1995). This contrasts with the situation in Guatemala where patron-client

relations have been the traditional means through which the Maya have accessed resources and

social capital. When Ladino patrons helped their workers to migrate, patron-client relationships

became the means for the Maya to become a part of the transnational movement of people,

goods, and ideas. In Rachel Adler's (2002) work on Yucatecan Maya in Dallas, she asserts that

patron-client relations developed as longer term migrants in Dallas gained social capital in the

United States and used this capital to form similar relationships with newer incoming migrants.

As Adler points out, these "noveau riche," who never would have played a patron-like role in

Mexico, were able to rise from their humble backgrounds into prestigious and powerful positions

through "offering goods and services" to other Yucatecos (2002:155). This pattern was

replicated in San Pedro Pinula when local Maya began to ask their Ladino patrons to help them

migrate to Boston. Later, these same Maya adopted a patron-like role when, as established

migrants, they supported other Maya who desired to migrate.

The first Ladino to help his Maya workers migrate to the United States was a young man

named "Carlos," who had been left to administer the family farm after his father died. Though

Carlos' family owned and administered most of the land in and around the Maya village nearest

to the town of San Pedro Pinula, like many young Ladinos, Carlos was somewhat cash-poor

because his wealth was in fixed capital such as land and cattle and was officially the property of

his mother. His family was one of several large landowners in the area, yet since they were so









close to the nearest village, they controlled the livelihoods of dozens of mozos9 (workers) and

hundreds of their family members. The wives and children of mozos often work for the

landowners as servants and, when in town, spend most of their time at the patron's home, selling

any products they may have, such as produce and poultry, or helping the family with the harvest

or with milk and cheese production. Similar to haciendas, most Ladino family homes in the

community act as a central location for the mozos. A mozo or his wife typically attempt to sell

items to their patron before offering it to other Ladinos. As in any typical patron-client relation,

mozos frequent the homes of their patrons, asking for favors, loans, or advice, or just sitting and

chatting with whoever is around. Carlos' mother was a famous patrona who was very kind and

generous to her gente (people) and who was well respected in the village nearest her farm.

Carlos decided to leave the farm in the care of his younger brother and use family

connections to migrate to Boston. Before he left for the United States, several of his Maya mozos

asked him to take them along. Despite the objections of his family, once he was established in

Boston, Carlos loaned money to several Maya men for the journey through Mexico. When they

arrived in Boston, he found them lodging, secured janitorial jobs for them at a prestigious Boston

university, and assisted them with political asylum applications. These initial Maya migrants

established their home village as the locus of Maya immigration to the United States. The story

of Carlos and the first sojourners is well known in the community, many of whom view it

unfavorably. Carlos' mother is one of the Ladinos who agrees that sponsoring Maya migration

was a poor decision and that Carlos assisted in the "demise" of the community:

If it weren't for my son, none of those Inditos [damn little Indians] would have anything.
They wouldn't be driving their fancy pick-up trucks or their women sitting around getting


9 Mozo is a complex term which literally means wage laborer. In San Pedro Pinula, it is usually the term used for
the client in a formal patron-client relationship. Mozos work for and are loyal to their patrons, and in some cases
may be loyal to one family for generations.









fat while they wait for their dollars to arrive. The Indians are lazy and they no longer want
to work for us [Ladinos]. They have lost respect for the old ways.

Most Ladinos in Pinula feel that Maya migration has upset the old social order and thus

produces "lazier" and "less respectful" "Indians." Despite this disparaging view of the

indigenous Maya and their migration, Ladinos do not let their opinions interfere with their

business acumen-Ladino patrons, including Carlos' mother, underwrite Maya migration by

providing high-interest loans. When Pokomam Maya want to join their relatives in the United

States, they borrow from their patrons. Money lending has become big business in Pinula

because interest rates stand at ten to twenty percent per month on loans of several thousand

dollars. When Pokomam migrants run behind on payments, Ladinos seize the homes and the

small parcels of land that the migrants were obliged to put up as collateral.

Further, when they borrow from their Ladino patrons, some Maya end up in extreme

financial difficulty since they do not always succeed in getting to the United States. Juan, a Maya

in his thirties, made three attempts to cross the border in Mexico but was deported every time.

While he lost his thirteen thousand Quetzales (about $2,000), he still owed this money to the

Ladino who had "rented" it to him. When I spoke to him, he was two months behind on

payments. He had put up his house for collateral and swore that as long as his brother remained

in Boston, he would continue to look for someone else to lend him more money to make another

attempt. Ladino-Maya patron-client relations persist under the auspices of a newly created

money lending system fueled by international migration.

Migrants Helping and Receiving Other Migrants

Carlos' facilitation of Maya migration to Boston created the current pattern in which

migrant circuits are sustained only through mutual assistance between established and new

migrants. While many scholars have discussed how these circuits are created and maintained









through familial and communal contacts, they rarely explain how these contacts are initiated,

negotiated, and propagated. During this research I was able to discover some key vocabulary that

helped clarify how migrants borrow, lend, and help one another. A precise understanding of the

migrant vocabulary aids in illustrating the power dynamics intrinsic to Maya-Ladino migration

and how patron-client relations function to support this migration.

Undocumented Migration Through the Decades

In order for an undocumented Pinulteco to migrate to the United States, he/she typically

needs to hire a human smuggler ("coyote") to get through Mexico and cross the U.S. border. In

the past, the migrant would pay a fee in the sending country's currency which would secure

passage to his destination city. Older Ladino migrants remember paying 800 or 1000 Quetzales

(about the equivalent in dollars since the exchange rate in Guatemala in the 1970s and early

1980s was one to one) to a coyote in Guatemala City, who would then deliver the migrant to Los

Angeles via Tijuana. Those migrants who were heading to a city on the East Coast (usually New

York or Boston) arranged for the airfare from Los Angeles to be tallied into the smuggling fee.

In contrast, during the 1990s as the human smuggling business expanded and security along the

U.S.-Mexico border strengthened, migrants were required to contract with several coyotes in

order to make it to their final destination. Thus, today's migrants incur many more expenses than

in previous years. Likewise, the way in which they pay for the services of coyotes has become

increasingly complex.

The complexity of migrating to the United States is illustrated in the following example. In

2003, a migrant would pay a certain amount in Quetzales in Guatemala and then another

substantial amount in dollars once he successfully reached the last "safe house" on the U.S. side

of the border. "Safe houses" are residences, hotels, or abandoned buildings where migrants stay

on the way through Mexico and upon arrival in the United States. Because of the likelihood of









being assaulted or picked up by the authorities in Mexico, it is patently dangerous to carry a

significant amount of cash; accordingly, the migrant has to arrange for someone in the United

States to wire the money to the coyote upon arrival. When the coyote receives his payment, he

will "release" the migrant from the safe house. The time it takes to get through Mexico varies

widely (from one week to several months) and the "receiver" may be kept waiting for weeks

before hearing of the incoming migrant's arrival.

Since it is often difficult to communicate with the migrant during the journey, the time

between the migrant's departure and arrival can be difficult for family and friends. In most cases,

the migrant's family must endure frequent rumors regarding the migrant's status. Often, such

rumors are a constant source of anxiety as the family may imagine that the migrant has

disappeared, been apprehended by border authorities, become lost in the desert, or drowned. One

family I interviewed lost their uncle when he attempted to migrate. Even though others from his

group had arrived safely in Boston, the uncle had been last seen in the Mexican desert near

Arizona. After two years, the family still held onto the hope that he had been taken by Mexican

authorities and, since he is illiterate, had been unable to make his way back home. Anecdotes of

this sort are uncommon, however, since most Pinultecos travel to the United States in groups

ranging in size from three to twenty people, which allows the friends/families of migrants to rely

on the accounts of other group members for some news of their relative.

Finding Someone to "Ayudar" (Help) and "Recibir" (Receive)

As I studied migration from San Pedro Pinula to the United States, I focused on the

migrant networks and how the migration process functioned. When I asked return migrants who

had "helped" them get to the United States, I learned that migrants and community members

distinguish between the terms ayudar (help) and recibir (receive). To "receive" a migrant is to

assist him once he arrives in the United States. Such assistance means wiring the dollars to the









coyote, finding a place for the arriving migrant to live, and facilitating job contacts. The person

who "helps" is solely responsible for lending the Quetzales to pay the first coyote in Guatemala.

The "receiver" pays the coyote in the United States and provides the migrant with lodging

and employment. Since receiving involves a substantial amount of effort and commitment, the

receiver is usually a close relative. In some cases, households of young men pool their money to

bring over a close friend or relative and provide lodging and employment. Occasionally, the

"receiving" person lends the dollars on the U.S. side but does not provide lodging or job

contacts. In such cases, migrants said these people had "received" them but not "helped" them.

Ladinos "helping" Ladinos

The first wave of migration (1960s to late 1970s) from San Pedro Pinula consisted

exclusively of Ladinos who easily obtained tourist visas because of their financial resources and

light skin color (also see Margolis 1994). Light skin color indicates their status as Ladinos.

According to American embassy workers, even proper papers are not necessarily as important as

a person's appearance in securing a tourist visa, since many official looking documents can be

forgeries. Many of these Embassy employees discriminate against people who are short and who

have dark skin, qualities they associate with the low status of the Maya. Accordingly, the first

wave of Ladino migrants were given tourist visas and allowed to migrate to the United States

without paying for the assistance of a coyote.

Further, many upper-class Ladinos also have family members in the capital city who work

as professionals and provide them with a place to stay and financial and social support. It is also

easier for Ladinos to prove to the American Embassy that they have "permanent ties" in

Guatemala. In order to obtain a tourist visa, one has to demonstrate the financial capacity and

permanent ties that would make them more likely to return to Guatemala after a short stay in the

United States (under six months). A prospective migrant can prove he has permanent ties by









showing the embassy official documentation, such as land titles, job contracts, and business

documents.

The less fortunate among the Ladinos had to go through Mexico, though the fee was more

reasonable in years past as crossing through the Tijuana-Southern California border was

relatively easy and less dangerous than it is today. During the first two decades of Ladino

migration from San Pedro Pinula, many migrants traveled to Los Angeles, Boston, and New

York, using their family connections to reach and settle into these receiving communities.

Ladinos Helping Maya: Maya Helping Themselves

As mentioned previously, the first Maya migrants were a handful of men who used the

patron-client relationship to migrate to Boston. After this initial migration, the Maya in Boston

began to help their relatives from the same villages to migrate. The first Maya to migrate were

from the nearby villages of Aguacate and Pinalito, which are the closet villages to the town of

Pinula; in later years, Maya from the town were able to enter the migrant circuit. Maya migrants

report that during this period they began to save money to bring their relatives to the United

States, but that it was particularly difficult-if not impossible-to pay for the coyote services in

Guatemala and the United States, which created a situation in which prospective Maya migrants

had people to receive them abroad, yet lacked the Quetzales to pay for the first stage of

migration. Accordingly, it became increasingly common for Maya to borrow Quetzales from

someone in Guatemala and borrow dollars from their relatives to receive them in the U.S. Since

the Maya had yet to establish a large group of return migrants in Guatemala with substantial

economic capital, Ladinos became the only option for money-lending for the first leg of the

journey. Ladinos who had historically provided mozos with favors, including money-lending,

were now in a position to charge exceptionally high interest rates, from ten to twenty percent

monthly, on loans ranging in the thousands of dollars.









As Adler found in her research, transnational migration has provided people of lower

status, in this case, the Maya and Ladinos of the municipality of San Pedro Pinula, to replicate

patron-client relations by helping "receive" other migrants in the United States (2002). Even so,

the increased price and two-stage payment structure for the journey through Mexico has retained

traditional patron-client relations between Ladino and Maya. Ladino patrons continue to exploit

their workers by "helping" (lending the Quetzales) with the initial payment in Guatemala.

Though the United States does provide the venue for lower status Maya to become patrons,

Maya in San Pedro Pinula still utilize their established Ladino patrons as well out of necessity.

Maya Migration and Increased Ethnic Divisions

After Carlos helped initiate the migration of his workers to the United States in the late

1980s, the frequency of Maya migration through the indigenous communities of San Pedro

Pinula increased markedly. Pokomam Maya often prefer migrating to the United States rather

than working for Ladinos, moving to the capital city, or joining the army. The lack of Maya

laborers, and the increased capital (in the form of U.S. dollars) in the hands of the Maya, make

Ladinos uneasy-they see their traditional power over the Maya diminishing as more and more

of the indigenous population migrates to the United States.

Local discourse emphasizes this continuing Maya-Ladino division. Terms such as Indios

Lamidos, or Indios Perdidos, illustrate how Ladinos feel about Maya returnees whose improved

financial situation causes them to think they are in a better social and whose improved finances

allow them to believe that they are in a better social and cultural position than the familiar social

structure ascribes to them. Indio Lamido traditionally described a Maya who socialized with

Ladinos, but "then begin to think they are just like Ladinos and act like they are something they

are not, and even (Indian men) go as far as wanting to be with Ladina women." Such Mayas

were always tolerated, but never fully accepted, by local society. Indio Perdido literally means









"lost Indian," which refers to an Indian who no longer knows who he is and is confused about his

identity. In the current context, Indio Lamido and Indio Perdido refer to returning Maya migrants

and/or their family members who wear Western clothing, drive cars or pick-up trucks, or exhibit

other qualities formerly associated only with Ladinos, and who thus expect to be treated equally.

Ladinization is the "process whereby Indians were becoming Ladinos or more Ladino-

like" (Adams 1994:529). Wearing Western clothes and adopting Ladino culture has been

described by anthropologists for decades as the process by which the Maya became Ladino. This

model stresses the importance of cultural markers (clothing, language, use of modern

conveniences) to differentiate between Maya and Ladino rather than ethnicity and ancestry.

Local Ladinos ascribe to this model and believe the Maya of San Pedro Pinula are trying to

become "more Ladino" (more like them) and interpret changes brought on by transnational

migration as a serious threat to the status quo and thus to their very existence. In contrast to this

disparaging view of Ladinization, Adams posits a co-evolutionary model that emphasizes Maya

and Ladino co-dependence for economic survival. Adams hypothesizes that Maya and Ladino

co-dependence results in a simultaneous response and adaptation to globalization. "It would be

more appropriate to recognize that both Ladinos and Maya are "industrializing" or "globalizing,"

rather than "ladinizing"; they are trying to reproduce themselves as industrially coherent, if

dependent, cultures in the modern world" (Adams 1994:532).

In Adams' model, transnational migration enables those of lower social status to acquire

material objects and thus improve their standard of living. In the case of Ladinos and Maya,

transnational migration affects both groups in similar ways (increased economic and social

capital), but has been construed by the dominant group as a threat to their established social

structure and livelihoods. As illustrated in the following section, Ladinos often attempt to









maintain patterns of ethnic dominance by actively thwarting Maya efforts to invest their

remittances in productive economic activities.

Land, Income-Generation, and Remittance Investment

Rapid Return of Pokomam Maya to the Migrant Circuit

Most Ladinos complain that returning Mayas spend their money over-zealously on

elaborate housing and fancy cars. Maya "stupidity" and "inability to handle" the responsibility

that comes with earning U.S. dollars, Ladinos believe, is the reason Maya men often return to the

migrant circuit. While Ladino migrants average only one return trip to the United States, Mayas

who intend to stay in their natal communities often re-enter the migrant circuit within one to two

years. Even though Maya migration is only a decade old, interviews and surveys for this research

reveal that repeat migration is more common among the Maya population than among Ladinos.

Ladinos often disparagingly remark that rapid return of Maya to the United States is due to

their incompetence. This research, however, revealed that Mayas return to the United States

primarily because of their low initial resource base and Ladino monopoly over viable income

generation in Pinula. These two factors conspire to limit Maya integration into the local economy

as Ladino control over land, material resources, and information often frustrate attempts by

Mayas to invest in local income-generating activities.

Land was formerly seen as a necessity for survival in Pinula because it was fundamental to

the main source of subsistence, milpa (corn and bean) agriculture. This is no longer the case

since the viability of milpa agriculture has become much diminished: the consensus in the

community is that the drop in the price of corn and beans has become a limiting factor. Though

milpa still plays a significant cultural and economic role, most migrants attempting to re-

establish themselves in their home community seek alternative ways to generate income.









The options open to returning Maya are nevertheless limited: cattle ranching, for instance,

with its connotations of tremendous wealth and power, have remained an exclusively Ladino

enterprise. When Maya returnees have attempted to invest in cattle, their efforts have been

thwarted by an inability to buy or rent the large quantities of land necessary to raise and feed

cattle, or complicated by a long dry season and a scarcity of water. Ladinos have taken advantage

of Mayas' small landholdings and general ignorance of cattle ranching. One Ladino offered his

view of the prospect of Ladino-Maya cooperation in cattle ranching:

I tried explaining to this Indito [damn little Indian] how to raise cattle. I was trying to help
him out and explain to him how you raise and feed them, but the Indians are as bad as us.
We don't trust them and neither do they trust us. Even though I was telling him the truth he
didn't listen to me. I sold him calves in the winter [rainy season] and when the summer
came I had to buy them back at half the price. The Indian gave up and left again for the
United States soon after.

While Mayas normally work in the cattle industry as laborers and corraleros (foot

cowboys), local and countrywide cattle cartels hinder Maya access to the cattle trade. Ladinos

earn most of their revenues from buying and selling cattle within local families or from the

Ladinos of Peten and the Pacific lowlands. As long as Ladinos maintain control over land and

the cattle industry, cattle will remain a Ladino-dominated activity, and attempts by the Maya will

be frustrated or precluded outright.

The existing structures and traditions allow returning Ladinos to devote their

migradollars (money sent by immigrants in the United States back home to Latin America) to

long-term investments, such as cattle production and local businesses, in contrast to Maya return

migrants, whose investment opportunities remain limited. Hoddinott (1994) found that migrant

heirs who were promised land as part of their inheritance were more likely to send remittances

from the United States than those from land-poor families. This pattern further contributes to

maintaining Ladino power since remittances aid the purchase of cattle and land from relatives at









comparatively low prices. While the Maya pay as much as Q8000 ($1000) for a three-quarter

hectare plot, Ladinos can obtain the same land in larger quantities and for less money by

purchasing it though their families or by receiving advances on their inheritances. Lower-class

Ladinos-lacking the family ties to land resources-generally opt to start local businesses

related to home building, such as hardware and building supply stores, which cater to the

burgeoning, migration-spurred home construction boom. Some Maya returnees also set up small

businesses, but they most frequently are traditional enterprises within the accepted sphere of

Maya business occupations, such as tailoring, small general goods, or liquor sales.

Alternative Land Reforms: Mayas Buy Back Their Land

Because of San Pedro's rural location and limited access to roads and markets, income-

generating activities are limited. The municipalities that surround San Pedro also have high

international migration rates and thus demonstrate varying success with productive investments.

Monjas, for instance, due to its fertile lands, good access to water, and paved roads, has seen an

increase in export agriculture, including tobacco and sweet corn. San Luis Jilotepeque,

Mataquesquintla, and Jalapa are all connected to main commercial routes and have all seen a rise

in commercial business, construction, and trade. Yet the combination of limited access to

commercial routes, poor hydrology, and disproportionate ownership of private lands continues to

limit the potential for improvement in San Pedro's economy.

Maya migrants who return from the United States to San Pedro generally invest in home

construction or land for the cultivation of maize and beans. They buy land in small parcels

(averaging from one to seven hectares), typically acquiring this land from local Ladinos. Some

Maya elders find satisfaction in the re-distribution of wealth from North America. They explain

that the United States is so wealthy because its people originally stole all Guatemala's riches

years ago and transferred the riches north; thus, they interpret current migration patterns as a way









to return pilfered indigenous lands. Colonial manuscripts confirm that the Pokomam Maya

owned lands around Pinula in a communal title-land that was eventually co-opted by

immigrating Ladino families in the 1800s (AGCA 1795, 1814, 1818; IGN 1983). An elder Maya

man said, "my children are forced to travel far to work, but it's good because now we can buy

[back] what was stolen from us in the past." Maya migrants return to Pinula with a newfound

pride in owning land; moreover, they feel that their experience in the United States frees them

from their former dependence on Ladino landowners for their livelihood.

While the Mayas' ability to purchase lands from Ladinos and thus extricate themselves

from their former dependence on renting Ladino land to cultivate milpa demonstrates a degree of

cultural and social advancement, Maya are still shut out from owning prime properties in

agriculture and real estate. As in the cattle business, land is also sold and resold within a closed

system. Flat, irrigable, properties are usually offered to Ladino relatives or those within the same

social circle, and are rarely re-sold to those outside the Ladino sphere. Likewise, homes in prime

locations are sold only to Ladinos.

Return Migrants vs. Transnational Migrants

The attempts of returning Maya migrants to invest in the natal community and thus

eliminate the need to return to the migrant stream are further frustrated by the activities of

Ladino transmigrants, or those who are able to invest in cattle back home while they remain in

the United States. Since many Ladino investments consist of land acquired through inheritances

or remittance purchases, Ladinos in the United States are able to administer these resources with

the help of their relatives. Transmigrants see cattle as a way to invest their dollars effectively,

realizing a return in fixed capital in the form of larger herds while simultaneously assisting their

relatives in Guatemala. As an example, a Ladino migrant in Boston purchased nine cows for

Q5000 ($800). Her main objective in making this investment was to help out her struggling









relatives: in return for taking care of the cows, she allowed them to retain all proceeds from milk

sales in addition to half the money from future cattle sales. Though it may be difficult for

migrants in the United States to administer family farms, most see it as an effective way of

ensuring their eventual return to their home communities. Predictably, Maya migrants find it

more difficult to achieve such stability. The discrimination that complicates the Mayas' initial

inability to migrate also interferes with their ability to purchase viable lands or establish

profitable businesses.

Warnes (1992) suggests that priorities for remittance investments change through the life

course of a migrant; I suggest that remittance priorities change over time from initial fixed

capital to productive investments as community members work their way up the social and

economic ladder. Though migration does not guarantee economic or social success, most

community members agree that the increased ability of returning migrants to purchase land or

build a home contributes to significant change for the individual as well as the community.

Likewise, some community members see certain detrimental aspects to the pattern of U.S.-

Guatemala remittances, such as the disintegration of the family and of the old social order, which

includes the reduction in the degree to which the Maya depend on the Ladinos.

While Jones (1998) argues that the impediments to productive remittance diminish during

the different stages of the migration process (for the community, not the individual), I assert that

the community welcomes migrant investment in direct proportion to the migrant's initial

resources. Though the San Pedro Maya are still limited in their ability to enter viable businesses,

such as cattle ranching, their increased ability to purchase lands may be the first step in a

progressive process toward greater financial opportunity. Even so, while migrants may have

experienced economic and social mobility in the United States, their ability to recapture this









mobility (where it matters most, in their hometowns) is conditioned by continued social

inequalities.

Attitudes of Ladino Migrants Towards Maya Migrants in Pinula and the United States

Ladino landowners and return migrants do not share the positive attitude held by Mayas

about migration experiences. Ladino landowners continue to believe that migration results in

"lazy," "disrespectful," and "uncooperative" Indians. In the past, landowners experienced no

trouble finding mozos to work their lands as tenant farmers in exchange for a fixed part of the

harvest (arrendamiento) or as sharecroppers for a percentage of the harvest (a medias). Before

migration took Maya men to the United States, most Pokomam Maya worked a medias with their

patrons. This arrangement gave the Maya a percentage of the harvest in exchange for a set

amount of labor they'd provide for the patron. Sharecropping created a relationship that placed

the Mayas at the beck and call of the patron. When a patron needed his fields tended or his

fences fixed, he would call on his mozo. Yet, in recent years, patrons complain that the client-

patron relationship has deteriorated and that they now find it difficult to acquire good

arrendantes or mediantes (renters or sharecroppers). Ex-laborers now prefer to work their own

land that they have purchased with migradollars or to use remittances to rent land (even at

elevated prices). In other words, migradollars free Maya men from their former labor obligations

to Ladinos. Ladinos confirm this change as they report a significant decrease in the number of

workers and an associated loss in land productivity.

Ladina Migrants

While migration among rural female Maya is still relatively rare, Ladina women do

migrate to the United States, albeit to a lesser extent than men. Ladina returnees commonly

express strong opinions about their reasons for return to Guatemala, citing the desire to be with

family as well as the desire to return to their positions of privilege in Pinula. Adela, a young









upper-class Ladina, recounted her negative migration experience as a chambermaid in the United

States. When her younger brother decided to migrate to the United States, she warned him that

he would return soon:

I know how it is there. I worked as a hotel maid-can you believe that? I told my brother
that he wouldn't like working under anyone. Like the rest of us in this family, we are used
to being the boss. Here he is the patron and there he will be nothing. There I was just a
maid. Here I am the patrona.

For many Ladinos, working as a migrant means accepting a downgrade in social prestige,

which is often seen as not worth the dollars they earn. Many Ladinos see little need to go to the

United States, viewing migration as an adventure and an exercise in building economic capital

rather than as a necessity. For Adela, like many Ladinos, returning to Pinula represents a return

to the high status bestowed upon them from birth.

Inter-ethnic Marriages

International migration also results in an increase in inter-ethnic relations and marriages,

which were formerly an absolute taboo. Though inter-ethnic relations always existed between

Ladino patrons and their Maya servants, often resulting in illegitimate children (hijos de casa),

formalized unions between Ladinos and Mayas were nearly non-existent. Today, however, such

relationships often develop in the United States, since migrants are not under the immediate

influence of their parents or their community; most of these unions involve Ladino men and

Urban Maya women. Conversely, inter-ethnic marriages in Pinula generally unite urban Maya

returnees with local Ladina women. Community members often view these marriages as racially

offensive and degenerate. Moreover, they attribute such unions to greediness and witchcraft.

Unions between Ladino men and Maya women do occur in Pinula, but they usually

remain "illicit" or involve extramarital affairs. Ladino men consider Maya women sexual objects

to be easily taken at the patron's will. Indeed, in interviews, local men describe Maya women as









caliente (hot) and Ladina women asfria (cold). Pinula men emphasize that Ladina women are

reserved for marriage and the production of heirs, whereas Maya women are perceived as

sexually desirable because they have animalistic qualities. Both Ladino men and women say

Maya women produce so many children because their sexuality is uncontrollable and they

regularly "go into heat" (brama). While the community expects Ladino men to have affairs and

produce mixed children with Maya women, it never sanctions marriage or true commitment to

these women (Nelson 1999). Cohabitation between Ladino men and Maya women is rare. When

such arrangements do arise, they are considered to be outside the norms of the community and

the Ladino is regarded as a morally confused man who has been seduced by the pronounced

sexuality of the Maya woman.

In the United States, the strict rules governing Ladino-Maya relations begin to break down

simply because of the scarcity of Pinula women. Pinula men prefer to unite with women from

their natal community, and when the occasional Pinula woman, whether Ladina or urban Maya,

arrives in Boston, she attracts many enamorados (courtiers). Affluent Ladino men usually win

the competition for these recently arrived Pinula women. Ladino men have always desired Maya

women, and, in fact, their culture encourages them in this regard. The Unites States provides a

venue in which Ladino men and Maya women can formalize this relationship with marriage,

which, in the eyes of Ladinos, allows them to finally "contain and control" the sexuality of

Maya women.

While many inter-ethnic couples decide to remain in the United States, the few who return

have been successful in maintaining their committed relationships in Pinula. Once a couple

elopes or unites in the United States, this gives the community time to discuss, digest, and

eventually accept the union. While community and family pressure would typically prevent such









a union in Pinula, a couple can formalize the relationship in the United States without serious

repercussions, and by the time the migrant pair decides to return to Pinula, their families have

already had time to recognize the union, which makes them less likely to put up stringent

resistance to it.

In Pinula, as well as in other parts of Guatemala, endogamy is the sole responsibility of

white (Ladino) women. While Ladino men are encouraged to spread their seed and mejorar la

raza (better the race) by engaging in illicit affairs, Ladina women are responsible for upholding

the family honor by maintaining the purity of the family bloodlines (Casaus Arzu 1992; Nelson

1999). Ladino families fiercely protect the sexuality of Ladina women and unions between

Ladina women and Maya men are thus historically non-existent. Nonetheless, returning Maya

migrants may look to better their race by "marrying up," and thus pursue lower class, yet still

very light-skinned, Ladina women as spouses. Recent Maya men-Ladina women unions in

which Ladino families permit their family blood to be "defiled" in exchange for monetary gain,

represent the ultimate sign of social degradation for local Ladinos.

Home Community Views on Inter-ethnic Marriages

Community members often view these marriages as racially offensive and degenerate and

attribute such unions to greediness and witchcraft, and families caught in the middle of these

trans-ethnic affairs accuse one another of engaging in brujerias (witchcraft). On a few occasions

I became unwittingly caught in the middle of inter-racial family conflicts. Because I often took

photographs of Pinula residents, people requested that I photograph migrants on my visits to the

Boston area. Although I knew that some Maya believe that photographs can be used to cast

spells, I was not prepared for the arrival of a Maya woman at my door after my return from a

Christmas trip to the United States. She requested the photographs I took of her son in Boston.

Prior to our meeting, she had received a phone call from her son, who was worried that the









photographs I took of him and his wife in Boston would be given to his mother-in-law. She

explained that if the photographs fell into the wrong hands, they might be used to harm her son,

who purportedly had bewitched his Ladino wife into falling in love with him. In this case, the

respective mothers had a history of accusing one another of witchcraft from the time their

children had begun their relationship in the United States. On other occasions, Ladino mothers

asked me to obtain photos of the Inditasputas (Maya whores) who had "stolen" their Ladino

sons away into impure marriages.

Boston as a Receiving City

Boston has historically been a location of ethnic tension and segregation. As a gateway city

for immigrants since the inception of the United States, migrant groups have typically

established themselves in Boston while remaining segregated in the inner city and ethnic

enclaves. Today, this trend has continued in Boston as the city has become the home for

increasing numbers of migrants from Latin America. In the past decade alone, Boston has seen a

50% rise in the Hispanic population, creating a community that is 17% Latino. This new influx

of Hispanics conforms to historical patterns of segregation, which has resulted in high

concentrations of the immigrant group in certain neighborhoods: East Boston, for instance, is

over 40% Latino, with many immigrant groups from Colombia, El Salvador, Dominican

Republic, Mexico, and Guatemala (Boston Globe 2003). Guatemalan migration to Boston,

beginning in the late 1960s, was initially dominated by upper-class Ladinos, but by the mid-80s

had become a principal migrant destination for the whole state of Jalapa.

Transnational Boston

The Pinultecos are concentrated in the Massachusetts communities of Dorchester, Lynn,

Lawrence, and Attleboro. Although Lawrence and Attleboro are not technically a part of

metropolitan Boston, Guatemalan migrants consider each of these communities as an "extended









social space" which together encompasses the transnational location of "Boston." Thus the

migrants' idea of Boston, while it departs from our understanding of Boston as a geographical

space, reflects the creation of a transnational community in which ethnicity, gender, and class

can be redesigned, reconfigured, and occasionally, renegotiated (Hirsch 1999).

"There Are no Indians in the United States": Reproduction of Ethnic Structure in Boston

While Ladinos originally migrated and sustained communities in other regions of the

United States, such as New York and Los Angeles, Boston is unique in the Guatemalan migrant

experience since both Mayas and Ladinos live and work in the same community. Yet does this

"new Pinula" represent the original ethnic and social structure of the home community?

Evidence from the migrant experience in Boston offers some support that the new social

structure differs from that of Pinula. The increased frequency of cross-ethnic friendships and

marriages demonstrates that Ladinos and Mayas can transcend the rigid social structure of

Pinula; even so, such ethnic transcendence remains the exception rather than the rule. Though

Maya and Ladino interactions occur with frequency in Boston, they often duplicate similar

interactions that occur in Pinula. They may work together, live together, and even play together,

but a recent increase in the amount of incoming Maya has shown that many Pinultecos prefer to

re-create the ethnic structures that exist back home.

Table 3-1 reflects the survey of 80 Maya and Ladinos. The results reveal what qualitative

research has also shown; the order of major migrant destinations for both Ladino and Maya.

While Boston is a popular destination for both Maya and Ladino, Atlanta is an exclusively Maya

destination while New York tends to be more of a Ladino dominated migrant stream. While

these numbers reflect current migration streams, interviews illustrate that Los Angeles and New

York were more popular destinations for Ladinos in the 1960s and 1970s. Boston was also an









important migrant destination since the 1960s and has remained a popular destination throughout

the decades.

When the first Maya migrants arrived in Boston, they often lived with fellow Pinultecos,

which meant that Mayas and Ladinos would inhabit the same residence. Accordingly, Ladino

and Maya friendships that would not occur in Pinula do take place in Boston. For example,

Mario, a Ladino, and Osvaldo, a Maya, lived in an apartment full of Pinultecos on the top floor

of a three-story apartment building. Mario says he does not see a problem with his friendship

with Osvaldo. Although he remembers Osvaldo from school, he never associated with him back

in the pueblo: "I don't think we would have been friends back in Pinula but it's okay here

because no hay Indios en los estados (there are no Indians in the United States); here we are all

the same." Foxen (2002) noted a similar sentiment while working among Quiche Maya in

Providence, Rhode Island: "no hay Ladinos en los Estados Unidos" (there are no Ladinos in the

United States). She argues that the statement suggests that living in the United States is so

difficult that no Ladino would survive the harsh working conditions; hence, the United States

effaces (to a degree) the social stratifications between Ladinos and Mayas.

The white Americans in the United States see only one undifferentiated Hispanic (or

Latino) population so that homeland ethnic distinctions are lost. Among the Pinultecos in

Boston, this creates an equalizing effect that raises the status of the Indian, and, in Providence,

the Ladino is forced to endure the heavy work conditions of the life of the non-privileged Indian.

Mario says he sometimes feels awkward in front of Osvaldo when other Ladinos refer to the

Indios tontos (stupid Indians): "it's not like we forget who Osvaldo is, it's just we talk and say

things and then realize what we're saying. I sometimes look over to see his reaction if someone









says 'Indio."' Most Ladinos seem to believe that living and working among Maya from their

home community contributes to eroding the ethnic divides present in Guatemala.

Nevertheless, once more Maya began to arrive in Boston, the ethnic divisions began to re-

emerge. The first floor of Mario and Osvaldo's apartment building was often called the

"cofradia," which refers to the indigenous religious brotherhood organization in Pinula. Used in

this way, cofradia, is derogatory, since not only does it refer to the division of the living space

into Maya and Ladino (with the Maya on the bottom floor), but also comments on the living and

drinking habits of the Maya: the cofradia in San Pedro Pinula is where Maya families from all

over the municipality stay during the traditional saints' festivals. During religious holidays,

Maya hike (sometimes all day) down from their mountain villages to stay all weekend for the

festivities. If one does not have relatives in town they may sleep in the cofradia building, which

in Pinula is a small, white-washed chapel with an expansive patio and backyard. During the

traditional St. Peter's Day festival, the cofradia building is full of men (often passed-out from

excessive drinking), women, and children, all of whom sleep on the dirt-packed floor. Thus,

when the migrants in Boston call the first floor the cofradia, they are making specific reference

to the housing conditions-and spending and drinking habits-of the Maya migrants.

The cofradia reference demonstrates that Ladinos sometimes transfer their beliefs about

Mayas' irresponsible behavior-specifically surrounding the Mayas'excessive drinking-to the

mixed migrant communities in the United States. As one Ladino explained, it would take a

whole day's labor to buy one beer in Guatemala, while in the United States, an hour's work can

buy a six-pack. Though Ladinos are just as likely to spend their earnings on drinking, they

nevertheless often portray Maya migrants as unable to handle the responsibilities of earning

dollars without spending it wastefully on alcohol. Alluding to the cofradia is a constant reminder









and re-affirmation of how the ethnic divisions from Guatemala are reproduced in the United

States.

The Case of the Ambulance: Hometown Associations and Maya-Ladino Relations in the
United States

The Guatemalan migrant community in Boston exhibits not only the familiar ethnic

conflicts between Maya and Ladinos but also the discord between Mayas from the town and

Mayas from Pinula's outer villages. As more Maya from country villages arrive in Boston, some

decide to try their best to avoid Ladinos and, though they may work with either Mayas or

Ladinos from the same municipality, they choose not to live or associate with Ladinos.

One example of how these Maya migrants often attempt to avoid Ladinos involved the

transnational fund-raising efforts to acquire an ambulance for the municipality of San Pedro.

This effort was an instance of a local development project (or "Hometown Association")-a

popular way for migrants to use their time and money in order to help their home communities.

As illustrated in Rivera's film (2004) on Mexican hometown associations in New York,

development projects funded by migrants in the receiving community can provide for

government services lacking in the home community, such as ambulance services. Thus, when

San Pedro Pinula was offered the opportunity to acquire an ambulance from an American-run

organization, the Ladino community in Pinula jumped at the chance. Though the ambulance was

supposedly free, the community still needed to pay thousands of dollars to transport the

ambulance from the U.S., in addition to organizing volunteers and raising additional money

required for maintenance.

The attempts by Boston Ladinos to organize Pinultecos in Boston to raise money for this

public project gave impetus to the separatist inclinations of certain Maya migrants who had come

from the villages outside Pinula. While the indigenous men from the town were enthusiastic









about an intra-ethnic effort at money-raising, the Maya from the villages did not want anything

to do with the Ladinos. They felt that any project organized by Ladinos in the United States

would be co-opted by Ladinos back in the home community. Further, the Mayas from the

villages eventually decided to create their own hometown association to deal with issues specific

to the villages rather than the whole municipality.

The final consensus among the non-participating Maya was that the ambulance project

would only serve the Ladinos' political agenda; specifically, it would aid in the re-election of the

Ladino Mayor, a return migrant whose re-election in Pinula was to coincide with the arrival of

the ambulance, an event that was treated with great fanfare in Pinula, including a large

welcoming ceremony that was videotaped and mailed to migrants in the United States. Yet the

municipality never put the ambulance into regular use and, since the Mayor's successful re-

election, no Pinulteco has seen it in service. While there may be many reasons that help explain

this situation (lack of volunteer drivers, poor roads), the village migrants continue to refer to the

ambulance project as an example of the self-serving instincts of the Pinula Ladinos.

Maya and Ladino Equality in the U.S. Racial Order

Maya and Ladino workplace experiences have a tremendous impact on ethnic

identification and Maya resistance to Guatemalan racial hegemony. Since the United States

racial order does not affirm ethnic differences between indigenous and non-indigenous

Guatemalans, all migrants are considered "Latino." Somewhat paradoxically, this limited view

has provoked the Maya migrants into re-examining their ethnic identity, and they have thus

begun to see themselves as equal to the Ladinos. Concurrently, some Ladino migrants feel

resentment since their upper-class status is not recognized in the United States. Returning Ladino

migrants also complain about this change in Maya attitudes and behaviors. Don Fulano, a Ladino

return migrant in Pinula, remembers an incident that exemplifies this sentiment: