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Slaves and Planters in Western Brazil: Material Culture, Identity and Power


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SLAVES AND PLANTERS IN WESTERN BRAZIL: MATERIAL CULTURE, IDENTITY AND POWER By LUS CLUDIO PEREIRA SYMANSKI A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2006

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Copyright 2006 by Lus Cludio Pereira Symanski

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iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank the me mbers of my doctoral committee for their advice and guidance throughout this process of learning. I am very gratef ul to my advisor, Michael Heckenberger, for giving me the incentive to pursue doctoral studies in the United States at the University of Florida. I also thank Michael for a ll of his assistance with the complicated academic matters that I had to f ace over the last four years. My cochair, James Davidson, has been a fundamental influe nce in my intellectual development during the last two years, especially in relation to my understand ing of the African diaspora. Without his encouragement, ideas, and sugges tions this dissertation would certainly not be what it is. The same is true for Kathleen Deagan, who has always been available to discuss my ideas and helped to open my mi nd to different perspectives through which I could approach my subject. The discussi ons with Jeffrey N eedell regarding the historiography of slavery in Brazil had fundamental importan ce in the development of my research. His pointed commentary and critical sensibilities have inspired me to refine my ideas and be more careful in the use of pr imary and secondary sources. Outside of my committee I would like to thank Susan Gillesp ie, whose classes transformed the way I think about material culture. In Brazil I would like to express my gratit ude, first and foremost, to my colleague in the archaeological contract project that gave rise to th is dissertation, Marcos Andr Souza. Marcos was responsible for the analysis of the pottery at the sites that I discussed in this dissertation and the first person to study the African influence in this material. I

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iv thank Tania Andrade Lima, my intellectual ment or for the last fifteen years, for teaching me that archaeology is much more than the dr y description and quantif ication of artifacts. I am also very grateful to my colleagues at the Instituto Goiano de Pr-Histria e Antropologia who participated in the projec t upon which this dissertation is based, especially Jzus Marco de Atades, Leila Fraga, Manuel Ferreira Filho, Dulce Pedroso, Cludio Silva and Flvio Olivei ra. In Mato Grosso I wish to thank the historian Elizabeth Madureira Siqueira, whose in itial research on the histor y of Chapada dos Guimares served as a basic reference for my documentar y research. Particular gratitude is due to Dr. Nauk Maria de Jesus, specialist in history of Mato Grosso, for helping me with the documentary research and commenting on the firs t draft of this dissertation. At the Public Archive of Mato Grosso I would like to thank the good will of the director Eliane Fernandes and the employees Vanda Silva, Carlos Gonalves and Luzinete Correa. Angelina Howell helped with the grammatical review, which I am sure was not an easy job. Others who have helped me in several f acets of my academic and private life include Dave Mead, Renata Godoy, Diogo Costa, Flv io Jakowski and Juliana Azoubel. I must thank my parents, Eni Terezinha and Joo Pe dro, for their consta nt emotional support. Finally, I am grateful to the Brazilian Na tional Science Foundati on (CNPq) for awarding the fellowship that allowed me to pursue and complete my doctoral studies at the University of Florida. CNPq has granted me successive fellowships over the last fifteen years and, without the generosity of this governmental organization, I would not have been able to complete my studi es in the field of archaeology.

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v TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.................................................................................................iii LIST OF TABLES...........................................................................................................viii LIST OF FIGURES..........................................................................................................xii ABSTRACT.....................................................................................................................xvi CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................1 Cultural Contact Theories in African-American Archaeology.....................................4 African Influences over Colonoware: A De bate in African-American Archaeology..9 Pottery and Slaves Identities in Chapada dos Guimares...........................................13 Methodology of Field and Laboratory........................................................................14 Structure of the Dissertation.......................................................................................22 2 THE PLANTATIONS OF CHAPADA DOS GUIMARES: ECONOMY AND MATERIAL STRUCTURE.......................................................................................26 The Historical Occupation of Mato Grosso................................................................26 The Process of Occupation of Chapada dos Guimares.............................................29 The Spatial Organizatio n of the Plantations...............................................................32 The Plantation Economy of Chapada dos Guimares................................................41 The Historical Sites of Chapada dos Guimares........................................................52 The Tapero Site (Engenho do Rio da Casca).....................................................52 The Buritizinho Site (Engenho gua Fria).........................................................56 The Engenho do Quilombo Site..........................................................................59 The Tapera do Pingador Site...............................................................................63 3 THE PLANTERS WORLD: SOCIAL STRATEGIES AND MATERIAL CULTURE IN CHAPADA DOS GUIMARES PLANTATIONS..........................67 Familial Trajectories in Chapada dos Guimares.......................................................68 Gender and Social Strategies......................................................................................74 The Planters Domestic Material World.....................................................................87

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vi Archaeological Artifacts and Probate-Invent ories: Planters Material Life in a Diachronic Perspective............................................................................................97 4 SLAVES COMMUNITIES IN CHAPADA DOS GUIMARES...........................115 Slave Trade to Brazil and Mato Grosso....................................................................116 African Nations: The Reconstruction of African Identities in Brazil...................119 The Demography of Slavery in Chapada dos Guimares.........................................129 African Slaves Self-Perceptions in Mato Grosso..............................................141 Slaves Marriage Patterns in Chapada dos Guimares.......................................144 Slaves communities and pottery vari ability in Chapada dos Guimares..........148 Pottery variability, African nations and creolization in Chapada dos Guimares...............................................................................................149 Pottery production and gender...................................................................164 Pottery variability and creolization............................................................176 5 FEITORES, AGREGADOS AND CAMARADAS : FREE LABORERS IN CHAPADA DOS GUIMARES PLANTATIONS...............................................180 The Social Categoriza tion of Free Laborers.............................................................180 The Archaeology of the Free Laborers.....................................................................184 6 THE LANDSCAPES OF POWER IN CHAPADA DOS GUIMARES...............195 Space, Place, Practices, Representations and Artifacts: Some Theoretical Remarks................................................................................................................195 The Planters Place: Strategies and Distri bution of Material Items in the Space of the Plantation.........................................................................................................201 The Tapero Site................................................................................................203 The Buritizinho site (Engenho gua Fria)........................................................210 The Slaves Space.....................................................................................................214 The Slaves Daily Practices: Foodways and Risk Management.......................215 The Domain of Representation: Pott ery Symbolism and Slaves Backgrounds221 Social Tensions and Change in Chapada dos Guimares..................................231 The Domain of Tactic: African-Derived Religious Practices in the Plantations Space..........................................................................................233 7 CONCLUSION.........................................................................................................253 APPENDIX A GLASSES IDENTIFICATION AND QUANTITATIVE DATA........................261 B IMPORTED WARES IDENTIFICA TION, QUANTITATIVE DATA AND DATING...................................................................................................................270 C POTTERY TOTAL PERCE NTAGES BY SITE..................................................299

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vii REFERENCES................................................................................................................322 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...........................................................................................343

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viii LIST OF TABLES Table page 2-1 Size of the slaveholdings identified in Chapada dos Guimares.............................44 2-2 Size of the slaveholdings identified in Chapada dos Guimares.............................46 2-3 Tapero site total of imported ware s, glasses, and locally-made potteries present in the analyzed contexts...............................................................................56 2-4 Buritizinho site total of imported ware s, glasses, and locally-made potteries present in the analyzed contexts...............................................................................59 2-5 Engenho do Quilombo site total of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries present in the analyzed contexts................................................................63 2-6 Tapera do Pingador site total of im ported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries present in the analyzed contexts................................................................65 4-1 Slaves nations in Chapada dos Guimares plantations.....................................130 4-2 Composition of the slaveholdings of the Tapero site..........................................167 4-3 Composition of the slaveholding of the Buritizinho site........................................171 B-1 Mean ceramic date formula, area 7, layer 2...........................................................272 B-2 Mean ceramic date formula area 7, layer 1..........................................................273 B-3 Mean ceramic date formul a, areas 8 and 9, layer 2................................................275 B-4 Mean ceramic date formul a, areas 8 and 9, layer 1................................................276 B-5 Mean ceramic date formula, area 12, layer 2.........................................................278 B-6 Mean ceramic date formula, area 12, layer 1.........................................................279 B-7 Mean ceramic date formula, area 14, layer 2.........................................................280 B-8 Mean ceramic date formula, area 14, layer 1.........................................................281 B-9 Mean ceramic date formula, area 3, layer 2...........................................................282

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ix B-10 Mean ceramic date formula, area 4........................................................................283 B-11 Mean ceramic date formula, area 15......................................................................284 B-12 Mean ceramic date formula, area 1, layer 1...........................................................284 B-13 Mean ceramic date formula, Area 1, layer 2..........................................................286 B-14 Mean ceramic date formula, area 1, layer 4...........................................................289 B-15 Mean ceramic date formula, area 1, layer 5...........................................................290 B-16 Mean ceramic date formula, area 2........................................................................292 B-17 Mean ceramic date formula, area 3........................................................................293 B-18 Mean ceramic date formula, area 1, layer 2...........................................................295 B-19 Mean ceramic date formula, area 2........................................................................297 C-1 Temper...................................................................................................................300 C-2 Firing..................................................................................................................... .301 C-3 Manufacture technique...........................................................................................301 C-4 External finishing...................................................................................................302 C-5 Internal finishing....................................................................................................302 C-6 Diameter of the orifice..........................................................................................303 C-7 Base....................................................................................................................... .303 C-8 Diameter of base.....................................................................................................304 C-9 Decoration..............................................................................................................304 C-10 Decoration location............................................................................................305 C-11 Shapes.................................................................................................................... .305 C-12 Temper...................................................................................................................306 C-13 Firing.................................................................................................................... ..307 C-14 Manufacture technique...........................................................................................307 C-15 External finishing...................................................................................................308

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x C-16 Internal finishing....................................................................................................308 C-17 Diameter of the orifice...........................................................................................309 C-18 Base..................................................................................................................... ..309 C-19 Diameter of base.....................................................................................................310 C-20 Decoration..............................................................................................................310 C-21 Decoration location.............................................................................................311 C-22 Temper...................................................................................................................312 C-23 Firing.................................................................................................................... ..312 C-24 Manufacture technique...........................................................................................312 C25 External finishing...................................................................................................313 C26 Internal finishing....................................................................................................313 C-27 Diameter of the orifice...........................................................................................313 C-28 Base...................................................................................................................... ..313 C-29 Diameter of base.....................................................................................................314 C-30 Decoration..............................................................................................................314 C-31 Decoration location.............................................................................................314 C-32 Temper...................................................................................................................315 C-33 Firing.................................................................................................................... ..315 C-34 Manufacture technique...........................................................................................315 C-35 External surface finishing.......................................................................................315 C-36 Internal finishing....................................................................................................316 C-37 Diameter of the orifice...........................................................................................316 C-38 Base...................................................................................................................... ..316 C-39 Diameter da base....................................................................................................316 C-40 Decoration..............................................................................................................317

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xi C-41 Decoration location.............................................................................................317 C-42 Temper...................................................................................................................318 C-43 Firing.................................................................................................................... ..318 C-44 Manufacture technique...........................................................................................318 C-45 External surface finishing.......................................................................................318 C-46 Internal finishing....................................................................................................319 C-47 Diameter of the orifice...........................................................................................319 C-48 Base...................................................................................................................... ..319 C-49 Diameter of base....................................................................................................319 C-50 Decoration..............................................................................................................320 C-51 Decoration location.............................................................................................320

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xii LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 2-1 Map: Planta topogrfi ca da nova descoberta da quina na Villa do Cuyab. Author: Priest Jos Manuel de Siqueira. Year: 1800...............................................28 2-2 Picture of oxen-powered sugar-mill in the coastal region of Brazil in the early 19th century..............................................................................................................36 2-3 Overseer punishing slave.........................................................................................38 2-4 Picture of the Engenho Buriti, Chapada dos Guimares, 1827................................39 2-5 Engenho Buriti, other perspective............................................................................40 2-6 Plan of the Tapero site............................................................................................53 2-7 Plan of the Buritizinho site.......................................................................................57 2-8 Plan of the Engenho do Quilombo site.....................................................................61 3-1 Rural domestic environment in the early 19th century..............................................92 3-2 Frequency of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made pottery in planters contexts...................................................................................................................100 3-3 Frequency of glass functional categories in plan ters contexts............................101 3-4 Frequency of imported wares functiona l categories in pl anters contexts............102 3-5 Refined earthenware common in the contexts of Chapada dos Guimares...........104 3-6 Planters refined earthenware cla ssified according to Millers scale.....................105 3-7 Planters imported wares assembla ges of the Buritizinho site functional variability...............................................................................................................110 3-8 Buritizinho site, bowls assemblages clas sified according to Millers scale...........111 4-1 Regions of origin of Chapada dos Guimares slaves............................................132 4-2 Major African nations in Chapada dos Guimares................................................133

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xiii 4-3 Gender rates between Afri can and Brazilian slaves...............................................145 4-4 General gender rates between slaves......................................................................146 4-5 Percentage of decorated to undecorated fragments of locally-made pottery in the analyzed contexts...................................................................................................151 4-6 Pottery seriation......................................................................................................153 4-7 Schematic representation of the mo st common decorative motifs in contexts mean dated between 1797 and 1836......................................................................155 4-8 Some of the decorative techniques used on the pottery of Chapada dos Guimares...............................................................................................................155 4-9 Decorative techniques and desi gns common in post-1836 contexts......................157 4-10 Painted and red slip pottery from Chapada dos Guimares...................................159 4-11 Ovimbundu designs................................................................................................160 4-12 Incised designs common in contex ts pre-1836 in Chapada dos Guimares pottery.....................................................................................................................160 4-13 Pottery design found in Chapada dos Guimares and in Benguela........................161 4-14 Pottery presenting visible coil s with superimposed incisions................................162 4-15 Decorative motif common in Ch apada dos Guimares and Benguela...................163 4-16 African female composition in Chapada dos Guimares slaveholdings...............165 4-17 Cruciform representations on Chapada dos Guimares pottery...........................175 5-1 Frequency of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries in freelaborers contexts...................................................................................................188 5-2 Frequency of imported wares functional categories in free-laborers contexts....189 5-3 Free-laborers refined earthenware cl assified according to Millers scale.............190 5-4 Frequency of glass functional cat egories in free-laborers contexts.....................192 6-1 Plan of the Tapero site indicating the living spaces of the different social groups.....................................................................................................................204 6-2 Tapero site frequency of imported wa res, glasses, and locally-made potteries in planters, free-laborers , and slaves contexts....................................................206

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xiv 6-3 Tapero site refined earthenware cl assified according to Millers scale in planters, free-laborers and slaves contexts........................................................207 6-4 Tapero site frequency of glass functional categories in planters, freelaborers and slaves contexts................................................................................207 6-5 Plan of the Buritizinho site indicating the living spaces of the different social groups.....................................................................................................................211 6-6 Buritizinho site frequency of impo rted wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries in planters, free-l aborers, and slaves contexts.....................................212 6-7 Buritizinho site frequency of glass functional categories in planters, freelaborers and slaves contexts................................................................................213 6-8 Forms of pottery identified in th e Chapada dos Guimares assemblages............216 6-9 Tapero site frequency of locally -made pottery functional categories in contexts from the first half of the 19th century.......................................................217 6-10 Tapero site frequency of imported ware s functional categor ies in planters, free-laborers, and slaves contexts........................................................................218 6-11 Slaves preparing and consuming so me kind of soup or stew in bowls..................219 6-12 Buritizinho site frequency of impo rted wares functional categories in planters, free-laborers, and slaves contexts.........................................................219 6-13 Poor family.............................................................................................................220 6-14 Western African slaves in Brazil............................................................................224 6-15 Examples of pottery of Chapada dos Guimares mimicking Mina scarifications.225 6-16 Representation of the cruciform sign.....................................................................226 6-17 Sign present in pottery and scarification................................................................226 6-18 Buritizinho site refined earth enware from the slave cabin..................................229 6-19 Design in concentric lozenges................................................................................230 6-20 Tapero site items with possible ma gic-religious meanings found inside the planters house........................................................................................................240 6-21 Tapero site hematite found inside the planters house......................................241 6-22 Buritizinho site context of deposition of the unbroken bottles ..........................243

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xv 6-23 Chapada dos Guimares domes tic altar of Saint Benedict.................................249 6-24 Chapada dos Guimares banner of Saint John Baptist........................................249 6-25 Chapada dos Guimares ritual washing of the saint in the Casca river..............250

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xvi Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy SLAVES AND PLANTERS IN WESTERN BRAZIL: MATERIAL CULTURE, IDENTITY AND POWER By Lus Claudio Pereira Symanski December 2006 Chair: Michael Heckenberger Cochair: James Davidson Major Department: Anthropology This dissertation analyzes historic docume nts and the archaeological record in an attempt to reveal the processe s of formation of differentiated groups of slaves, segmented along African-derived ethnic lines, on the plantations of Chapada dos Guimares, in western Brazil. The two major data sets used in this analysis are demographic data regarding the composition of slaveholdings in Chapada dos Guimares between 1780 and 1880, extracted from slaveholdings lists present in planters probate-inventories, and the locally-made pottery exhumed from 18th and 19th century sites of the region. The correlations between the change s in the African composition of the slaveholdings and the rise and fall of specific d ecorative techniques and designs on the locally-made pottery over time demonstrate that groups from di fferent regions of Africa exerted specific influences over this material. Thus, it is a ffirmed that these more discrete groups used pottery as a vehicle of expre ssion of their differentiated Afri can regional identities. The evidence presented challenges the established models of creolization in the anthropology

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xvii and history of the African diaspora, which holds that the process of cultural homogenization of the African slaves in the Americas, particularly on plantations, was a very fast paced process. Rather, the cases di scussed in this study demonstrate that this process of cultural homogenization was segmente d, rather than linear, and occurred at a much slower pace than traditionally assumed.

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1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION This dissertation concerns sl aves and the spaces where they composed an almost absolute majority: the plantations. The geographical scope is western Brazil, more specifically the county of Chapada dos Guimares in the state of Mato Grosso. Currently one of the biggest grain producers in Br azil, Mato Grosso was, during the 18th and 19th centuries, a peripheral province, far removed from the main Brazilian coastal centers, whose economy was initially based on the extr action of gold in short-lived mines whose rapid exhaustion forced the population to keep an itinerant way of life, always searching for new mines to be exploited. The collapse of the mining period, at the end of the 18th century, brought about the di versification of pr oductive activities, with many miners investing all or part of their slaveholdings in plantation activities. In no other region of Mato Grosso was this process so clear as it is in Chapada dos Guimares, which witnessed an enormous proliferation of suga r-cane plantations between the end of the 18th century and the first decades of the 19th century. Nonetheless, the products of these plantations were destined almost exclusivel y for the internal markets of Mato Grosso, since the huge distance from the Brazilian coastal cities made the exportation of these products economically unviable (Lenharo 1982; Volpato 1987). This research will consider the plantations of Chapada dos Guimares as the backdrop over which slaves waged their daily liv es and developed strate gies of social and cultural reproduction. Thus, a good deal of atten tion will be given to the characterization of these settings. A basic assumption is th at the slaves life, and by extension, their

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2 material culture, is better understood when contrasted agains t the other social groups with whom they interacted, that is, planters and fr ee laborers. In this sens e, the notion of class adopted in this research is a relational one, which sees class as a set of relations that are historically constituted, flui d and constantly changing. (Wurst 1999:9) Thus, class, rather than a static category based on rank, is considered as a formation based on perceived economic relationship. This relational notion of class is based on the concept of the dialectic, which proposes the study of th e web of social relations that makes up the whole through the examination of its parts, considering that these relations define the whole (Wurst 1999:7-9). Therefore, in this st udy, planters, free labor ers and slaves will be considered as representing three distinct classes, which can only be characterized through the relations that they maintained among themselves. Although this relational notion of class is a necessary first step in the categorization of the groups who lived on the plantations, it do es not take into account the great cultural diversity that characterized these settings. In that sense, while the relationships among planters, free-laborers, and slaves were fundamentally class-based, an important dimension of the relationships among the slav es was their differen tiated ethnic-cultural identity, which permitted the formation of discrete groups within the slaves wider community. Thus, this research will be less co ncerned with a class-based focus than with the cultural heterogeneity of the slave groups and the ways in which it may be manifested archaeologically. As will be discussed thr oughout this study, the colo nization of western Brazil was carried out by people from Portuga l, from different parts of the Brazilian colony, and from Africa, who all gathered with the several indigenous groups who occupied this region in villages, mining camps fortresses, plantations, and farms. As a

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3 consequence of these interactions, a highly di versified cultural landscape was created, which forced individuals with different cult ural backgrounds to re align their sense of group affiliation and manage their identities at different levels. Thus the slaves had to cope not only with their differences of orig in in the establishment of the plantations communities, but also with larger social categories created by the colonial encounters. These categories distinguished Portuguese from Brazilians; Africans from creoles, mulattoes, cabras and cabors ; whites from blacks and both from Amerindians; the free from the enslaved; and planters from free laborers and slaves. These categories corresponded to three interdependent levels of classification, star ting with the widest social distinction between slaves and nonslaves, passing by the intermediary racial division of people according to color-lines, and finishi ng in the more subtle and narrowest ethnic-cultu ral categorization. In Mato Grosso, the historiographic rese arch on slavery has been predominantly focused on the first level of categorizati on, examining the slaves as a relatively homogeneous social group (see Aleixo 1984; Assis 1988; Brazil 2002; Volpato 1993, 1996). The only exception to this trend is Crivelente (2001), w ho studies the practices of marriage among African slaves of different or igins in the plantations of Chapada dos Guimares. In African-American archaeology the focus also has been in the homogeneity of the slaves, be it defined according to cla ss, ethnic, or racial parameters (see, for example, Adams and Boling 1989; Orser 1992; Otto 1984; Thomas 1998; Young 1997). The issue of the cultural heterogeneity of th e slaves has only been partially taken into account when scholars are concerned in mapping the cultural matrixes of some practices,

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4 principally of magic-religious character, whic h left vestiges in the archaeological record (see, for example, Fennell 2003; Samford 1999) Cultural Contact Theories in African-American Archaeology Probably one of the major reasons that le ft archaeologists reticent to focus on the cultural heterogeneity of slav e groups is that such an a pproach involves a search for African continuities, or Africanisms an issue that has been discredited in recent decades due to its close contact with the outdated paradigm of acculturation. We are reminded by Singleton (1998:174) that the term Africanism was coined by Herkosvits (1941) to refer to those customs and practices with an Af rican origin still kept by African-descent populations in the Americas. Herskovits (1941:295) argued for a level of cultural homogeneity between Western and central Africa great eno ugh for these two regions to be classified as a single cultural zone. Because this cultural zone was the major source of African-American culture, a reasonab le degree of homogeneity was expected in the cultural practices of Afri can-Americans. On the other han d, Herkosvits attributed the lost of such African costumes and practices to acculturation. In African-American archaeology, studies th at developed under the paradigm of acculturation followed this premise, assuming that an initial Afri can-influenced slave culture gradually conformed to Euro-Ameri can cultural models, through the adoption of Euro-American material culture (see for example, Wheaton and Garrow 1985). Obviously, the first problem with this mode l in archaeology is the direct correlation between material culture and culture, so that the former becomes a passive reflection of the latter. In recent decades, acculturation has been strongly criticized as a passive, onedirectional model, take n from the perspective of the politically dominant, which fails to examine the agency of the colonized, expl aining cultural change solely in terms of

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5 outdated ideas, such as trait complexe s (Cusick 1998:126; Howson 1990:81; Singleton 1998:176). The recognition of these problems has br ought archaeologists to develop more subtle approaches to the issue of Africanisms changing the focus from the search for material correlates of an African heritage to the specific African-or iented ways in which slaves could have used the material cu lture. This change of emphasis, from Africanisms and acculturation to the domain of practices resonates with a change of theoretical orientation in the definition of African-Amer ican ethnicity, in which the essentialist model of ethnicity of the studi es of acculturation was substitu ted with a more fluid model of creolization. The historian Edward Brathwait (1971, cited in Singleton 1998:177) defined creolization as a process involving multicultural interaction and exchange that results in new cultural forms. This concep t is commonly used in conjunction with the notion of ethnogenesis, aiming to address th e effect of the New World experience upon all population groups, including Euro-Americans (Dawdy 2000:1). Fergunson (1992), influenced by the work of the historian and folklorist Charles Joyner (1984, cited in Fergunson 1992:xlii), introduced the concept of creolization in African-American archaeology. Joyners contribu tion was to apply linguistic concepts to describe the process of creolizing culture, ar guing that slaves used European American material culture following underlying rule s, a grammar which remained principally African (Fergunson 1992:xlii). Following this lin guistic model, artifacts are comparable to the words of a language and the ways they were used are likened to the structure or grammar of language (Fergunson 2000:7). Stud ies concerned with the maintenance of African derived systems of beliefs have, imp licit or explicitly, assumed this grammatical

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6 model of creolization, insofar as they are concerned with the ways in which some categories of European-American artifacts we re used in slaves magical-religious practices (see, for example, Adams 1994; Brown 1994; Leone and Fry 2001; Wilkie 1997). The work of the cultural anthropologi sts Mintz and Price (Mintz and Price 1992 [1976]) has been very influentia l in studies concerned with th e process of creolization in African-American archaeology. Mintz and Price (1992:9-10) defend a view of creolization consonant with the linguistic mode l, assuming that enslaved Africans shared a certain number of underlying cultural understandings and assumptions, that is, unconscious grammatical principles that were used as the base over which they created a new creole culture in the Americas (Mintz and Price 1992:2; 9-14) These authors have argued that the cultural heterogeneity of the Africans in the New World was so large that they did not compose groups, being more accurate to view them as very heterogeneous crowds . (Mintz and Price 1992:18) Moreover, due to this cultural diversity, the process of creolization was very rapid, with slaves ad apting to their new social environments and creating new institutions and creolized cultural forms almost automatically as a reaction to the oppressive conditions of sl avery (Mintz and Price 1992:54). However, some authors have criticized th e idea underlying the linguistic model of creolization. Singleton ( 1998:177) argues that this approach is static, since it assumes that such grammars exist in invariable form s regardless of social context. Gundaker (2000:132) reaffirms this point, arguing that such a model is narrow insofar as it ignores the important fact of the coexistence of creoles with metropolitan languages, and, therefore, the active ro le of the actors in manipulating more than one kind of language,

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7 behavioral style, and material repertoire according to thei r interests. The grammatical model of creolization is founded, therefore, in a rigid notion of structure, in which the action of individuals is caged into pre-determ ined cultural rules. Within this structure no margin is given to creative and strategic actions, in which so-c alled creolized groups could be adopting different patterns of beha vior, determined according to the social context, aiming toward the accomplishment of specific goals. An additional problem, pointed out by Singleton (1988: 177), is that the focus on the process of creolization obscures the cultural identity of specific ethnic groups. Regarding this last issue, several recent studies have demonstr ated that Mintz and Price exaggerated the level of cultural hete rogeneity of the Africans in the Americas, since they did not take into acc ount the regional patterns in the trans-Atlantic slave trade, which privileged, in distinct periods, peoples from specific regions of Africa, who, in turn, were sent to specific regions of the Americas. Furthermore, within these African regions different ethnic gr oups shared many beliefs, values, and customs (see Mann 2001:7; Sweet 2003:2-3; Thornt on 1998:191-192). In the Ameri cas, these groups tended to gather according to linguistic and cultu ral similarities, bu ilding broader ethnic identities, referred to as nations (Lovejoy 2000:9; Nishid a 2003:32; Oliveira 1994:176; Thornton 1998:195-205). In this way, these studi es have shifted the focus away from the explicit study of creolization toward an emphasis on placing Africans and their descendents at the center of their own histor ies. Finally, these studies have renewed the concern with African cultural retentions the Africanisms examining them within cultural matrices more specific than that proposed by Herskovits (see, for example,

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8 Heywood 2002; Lovejoy 2000; Mann 2001; Ni shida 2003; Oliveira 1994; Reis 2003; Sweet 2003; Thornton 1998). This study will rely on the more recent trends in studies of the African diaspora, so that its primary focus will be on cultural di versity, considering that the slaves on the plantations of Chapada dos Guimares, like thos e in Brazilian urban settings (see Karasch 2000; Nishida 2003; Oliveira 1994 ; Reis 2003), internally divi ded themselves in groups that shared cultural affinities, the so-called Af rican nations. In this sense, the central thesis presented here is that the process of creolization of the African slaves in Chapada dos Guimares was segmented rather than linear, first involving the formation of subgroups who shared cultural elements typical of their regions of origin in Africa, and thereafter the formation of a more cultu rally cohesive African -Brazilian group. This process of formation of differentiated groups of slaves will be examined through the combination of documentary and archaeological sources. The two major data sets used in this analysis will be demographic data regarding the composition of slaveholdings in Chapada dos Guimares, extracted from slavehol dings lists present in planters probateinventories, and the pottery produced by these groups. As will be discussed in Chapter 4, although documentary evidences point out to th e possibility of main tenance of discrete African communities in the region, they provide very little information about the possible cultural practices and traditions that these groups might have brought with them, and, consequently, on the possible ways that th ey kept, re-invented, and hybridized their original cultures in this new context. In th is sense, archaeological data, principally the locally-made, low fired, earthenware, denoted as Colonoware in North America, will have much to add to this discussion.

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9 African Influences over Colonoware: A Debate in African-American Archaeology In the United States, the issue of the African influence over Colonoware ceramics found in African-American sites has been s ubject of a wide debate, divided between scholars supporting this interpretation (Deetz 1996; Emmerson 1999; Fergunson 1992; Meyers 1999; Petersen and Waters 1988; Wheaton and Garrow 1985), and those rejecting it (DeCorse 1999; Hill 1987, Mouer et al. 1999 ; Posnanski 1999). The genesis of this debate goes back to the 1960s when Noel Hume (1962), excavating the earliest sites associated with the English colonization of Virginia, found assemblages of a coarse, unglazed pottery, mostly in non-European shapes. He classified this pottery as ColonoIndian Ware, given its similarities to both prehistoric and historic Amerindian wares in Virginia. Noel-Hume argued that Amerindian s made the vessels in styles accepted by African-Americans, who bought them, thus expl aining the presence of this pottery in African-American sites. In the 1970s, S outh (1974 cited in Fergunson 1980) and Polhemus (1976 cited in Fergunson 1980) chal lenged this interpretation, suggesting an African-American origin for this pottery, base d on the similarities of the Colono-Indian ware of South Carolina with modern Ghanai an and Nigerian potte ries. Fergunson (1980; 1992) traced similarities betw een Colono-Indian ware and po ttery traditions from west Africa in terms of techniques of manufacture, in both the predominate low-fired coiled and molded earthenware; similarity of shapes, particularly in the flat bases and flaring rims; and surface finishing, in which smoothed or burnished finishing is the most usual techniques in both cases. The evidence presented by Fergunson (1980; 1992) for an African influence over Colonoware found in slave sites, although supported by some subsequent works (see examples in Deetz 1996; Emmerson 1999; Me yers 1999; Petersen and Waters 1988;

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10 Wheaton and Garrow 1985), have also been que stioned by several scholars (see DeCorse 1999; Hill 1987, Mouer et al. 1999; Posnansk i 1999). Thus, Hill (1987) argues that Colonoware vessels have little similarity with African archaeologica l pottery traditions, being rather similar to an y pottery produced by native popu lations throughout the world, so that both Africans and Amerindians c ould easily have produced these vessels. Posnanski (1999) and DeCorse (1999) share Hill s view, noticing that this utilitarian and poorly decorated pottery does not mirror the s ophistication of the ceramic traditions of western Africa. These criticisms of historic al archaeologists working in Africa, the Caribbean, and North America demonstrate how problematic it is to assume the existence of direct correlations in stylistic and craftwork tr aditions between Africa and the New World slaves material culture. Indeed, studies defending African influences over Colonoware have, in most cases, been based on selected ev idence that constitute rare exceptions in the slaves material universe revealed through archaeology. This is the case of Meyers (1999) study in Jamaica, in which he argue s for a western African influence over the decoration of pottery based only on 28 decorate d fragments, which c onstituted 3% of the total Colonoware assemblage, otherwise re presented only by undecorated sherds (see other criticisms in Hauser and DeCorse 2003). In fact, decoration is a minor dimension of Colonoware associated with slaves in Un ited States and the Caribbean. Whereas in United States this pottery is generally undeco rated, in the Caribbean decoration is present in a very small percentage, varying between 3% and 5% of the assemblages (see Meyers 1999:209; Petersen et al. 1999:185). This very low quantitative significance of decorated

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11 Colonoware makes problematic the search for correlations with the richly decorated African pottery traditions. More recently some historical archae ologists have proposed abandoning this polarized debate and evaluating this pottery in terms of the process of interaction that it represents (see Orser 1996; Singleton and Bograd 2000). Thus, Orser (1996) sees Colonowares as a mutualist kind of artifact, which was used by both African-Americans and Native-Americans as an expression of resistance to the European colonialism. Singleton and Bograd (2000) argue that the focus on the ident ity of the producers of this category of artifact is based on the idea of an esse ntialist and, therefore, static conception of ethnic identity, which limits th e potential of this material in the study of colonial and multicultural settings. For these authors, a mo re productive perspective is to approach Colonoware as an intercultural artifact, im bued with transformative meanings and uses. The problem with this last view is that consid ering Colonoware as an intercultural artifact is a generalizing proposition, which does not ta ke into account the cultural context in which this material was produced and use d. For instance, an African slave producing Colonoware on a plantation proba bly was much more influenced by its African cultural templates of production than by an Amerindian tradition. Moreover, her/his major social and cultural ties were within her/his slave community rather than with Amerindians with whom this slave could have ha d very little, if any, cultural affinity. Thus, the explanation of Colonoware as an intercul tural artifact has to be cont ext-dependent, being necessary, in the first place, to establish the leve l of interaction among African-Americans, Amerindians, and European-Americans to each case, rather than just to assume that intense interaction happened.

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12 In the case of Brazil, some scholars have suggested that incised decorations present in locally-made pottery from the historical period are predominantly associated with slave groups, since this type of decoration was employed largely in cooking pots, a type of vessel used in the kitchen, where female sl aves carried out a signi ficant part of their daily tasks, including cooking (Dias Jr., 1988: 8; Jacobus, 1997:66; Souza 2002:76-77). Differing from North American and Caribbean contexts, decoration is a very common dimension of the Brazilian Colonoware.1 In the case of Chapada dos Guimares sites, 26.15% of the locally-made pottery assembla ges (1774 fragments) are decorated and most of the decorative technique s and designs that are presen t indicate strong similarities with sub-Saharan African pottery assemblage s from both the end of the Iron Age and the colonial period (see Souza and Symanski forthcoming; Symans ki and Souza 2001:131169), pointing to the very strong possibility th at slaves were princi pally responsible for the production of this pottery in these cont exts, as will be discussed in Chapter 4. Moreover, there are very clear differences be tween these historic pottery assemblages and the pre-historic pottery recovered from seve ral sites in this region, in which incised decoration is practically absent (Vianna 2001) Finally, the tradition of pottery making in the region of Chapada dos Guimares has been maintained until recent times by women of mixed African and indigenous descent, and th ere exists at least one potter in each rural community (Ataides 2001). 1 In this dissertation, the Colonoware found in Brazilian contexts will be called locally-made pottery. Although the low fired, locally produced, earthenware found in Brazilian historical contexts has been called, since 1960s, as Neo-Brazilian ceramic (cermica Neo-Brasileira), this term will not be used, due its homogenizing character, which does not take into account the huge variability of this material throughout the national territory and the multiplicity of cultural influences that it was subjected (see Souza, forthcoming).

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13 Pottery and Slaves Identities in Chapada dos Guimares In this study I will argue that the more discrete African regional groups identified in the Chapada dos Guimares plantations ex erted specific influences over the locallyproduced pottery found on these sites. T hus, the identification of the African composition of the Chapada dos Guimares slav eholdings and the characterization of the major African nations that occupied this region is a fundamental first step for understanding the dynamics betw een pottery and African iden tities. Slaveholding lists present in probate-inventories of the planters of the region furnish detailed information about the origin, gender, and age of thes e slaves to the period between 1790 and 1880. The locally-made pottery, in turn, is repres ented by fifteen assemblages, representing distinct depositional intervals from the end of the 18th century to the end of the 19th and early 20th century. These two data sets will be analyzed via a diachronic perspective, searching for correlations between the cha nges in the composition of the slaveholdings over time and the variability of the locally-made pottery, especially its decorative techniques and designs. Based on the correlations established between the potterys diachronic variability and the changes in the com position of the slaveholdings, I will defend the following points: 1Africans in Brazil did not become a monolithic cultural group due the conditions of slavery; 2although a general African worl dview, or underlying cultural principles, could have been important in th e adjustment of slaves with differentiated cultural backgrounds in the sp ace of the plantations, more regionally circumscribed African cultural elements, such as language, religion, and material culture, were more important in the building of difference w ithin the slave communities; 3Colonoware

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14 served as a material support of these more di screte African identities, being important for studying the processes of recons truction of African identities as well as creolization. Considering these points, I will argue th at creolization in Chapada dos Guimares was a segmented, rather than linear, process, an idea that has resonance with Nishidas (2003) study on urban slavery in Salvador. In this sense, creoliza tion first involved the formation of more exclusive groups within the wider slaves comm unity. This diversity only decreased in the region when an Afri can-Brazilian population strongly dominated the demographic setting after 1870. In this wa y, the process of cu ltural homogenization of the slave population had a rhythm much sl ower than that defe nded by Mintz and Price (1992:54). After presenting evidence demonstrating the African influences over the Chapada dos Guimares locally-made pottery, the anal ysis will advance to a further level of abstraction in Chapter 6, interpreting the dist ribution of this and other material categories on the plantations spaces as a strategy through which slaves symbolically reappropriated these spaces according to their own perceptions. Methodology of Field and Laboratory This study is a direct resu lt of the development of re search that I began in 1999 when I was contracted by the Instituto Go iano de Pr-Histria e Antropologia of the Universidade Catlica de Gois to survey and rescue the historical sites located within the area subjected to be flooded by the dam of the Manso River Hydroelectric, a project financed by Furnas Centrais Eltricas SA (see Symanski and Souza 2001). The dam flooded an area of 432 square kilometers in the county of Chapada dos Guimares, state of Mato Grosso. Between February of 1999 a nd July of 2000 I excavated four historical sites, three characterized as plantation s referred to by the site names Tapero,

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15 Buritizinho, and Engenho do Quilombo, and one as a small rural settlement, referred to as the Tapera do Pingador site, which, accord ing to oral information, was occupied by runaway or freed slaves. The period of occupa tion of these sites is from the end of the 18th through the end of the 19th century. The application of standardized survey and excavation procedures in each site (see Symanski and Souza 2001) permitted the re covery of quantitatively significant assemblages, associated with the three basi c social groups that occupied the region: planters, free-laborers, and slaves. Th e systematic-geometric sampling methodology (Redman 1974) was applied to identify the areas with highest concentr ation of artifacts in the subsurface level in each si te. Thus, test-pits of m were opened in regular intervals of 10 meters throughout the extent of each site. This method permitted a uniform coverage of the subsurface of each site, whic h, in turn, allowed the identification of the areas representative of the three above referr ed basic social groups which occupied these sites. The areas in each site that presented th e highest concentrations of artifacts, revealed through the test-pits, were then intensively excavated. The ex cavation of each area was oriented to the natural strati graphy, whose layers were subdivi ded into arbitrary levels of 10 centimeters. The areas of excavation varied according to each case, with the smallest significant area representing eight square me ters and the biggest one representing 128 square meters. These areas were subdivided in units measuring 1 x 1 or 2 x 2 meters. The features identified were excavated as isolated depositional events. More detailed information about the sites, areas of excav ation, stratigraphy, features, and assemblages will be presented in Chapter 2 and in the appendix.

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16 Three major categories of artifacts were an alyzed for this study: industrialized wares, glasses, and locally-made pottery. Th ese assemblages were analyzed with the aim of deriving patterns of content. According to Majewski and OBrien (1987:14) patterns of content are derived through th e calculus of the frequenc ies and percentages of the material categories analyzed, taki ng into account prev iously established va riables, such as types of paste, decoration, f unction, or value. The variabil ity of the frequencies or percentages of the types identifi ed can then be compared in the intra-site/inter-structure level and in the inter-site level, searchi ng for regularities and divergences in the formation of the patterns (see also South 1977) Through this analysis it was possible to derive some trends in the patterns of artif acts related to the thr ee basic social units considered here, as will be discussed in the chapters 3 to 6. The assemblages of industrialized wares we re classified according to the following attributes: paste, glaze, decorative technique color, and decorative pattern. Imported wares were grouped, according to the paste, into four cl asses: majolicas, refined earthenware, ironstones, and porcelain. Refine d earthenware composed the largest class of imported wares in the sites studied. After classifying the assemblages into these four classes, the fragments of each class were subdivided into the following functional categories: plates, bowls, c ups, saucers, service and c onsumption wares, and other miscellaneous wares. Next, the minimum numb er of vessels was established for each of these functional categories. Aiming to establish a chronology of occupation to the areas of excavation of each site, the mean ceramic date formula (Sout h 1972) was applied to the assemblages of imported wares. The mean date was weighted by the frequency of the ceramic sherds of

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17 those ceramic types that have a known peri od of manufacture or popularity. The total number of fragments of each ceramic type is multiplied by its respective mean date. The result obtained for each type is then totale d. This product is then divided by the total number of fragments that were considered in the calculation, which furnishes the mean date of the assemblage. In this study I ran the formula on the vesse ls, rather than the sherds, in each assemblage, aiming to amelio rate the possible deviations that could be occasioned by a great number of sherds referent to one piece versus the pieces represented by just one or a few sherds. It is important to not e that the mean ceramic date formula was used just as a device to chronol ogically organize the assemblages. In many areas occupied by the slaves the assemblage s of imported wares were represented by less than one hundred sherds, being therefore of low quantitative signi ficance for applying this formula. Nevertheless, it was considered that the results of the formula could furnish a general idea of the period in which the areas in question we re occupied. Regarding this issue, an important point to be noticed is th at only one of the four sites excavated was continuously occupied since the 19th century, the Engenho do Quilombo site. The three other sites were abandoned in the end of the 19th or the beginning of the 20th century, which resulted in very little post-depositional alterations of their archaeological deposits. In addition, refined earthenware was also cl assified according to the four levels of economic value proposed by Miller (1980). Base d on refined earthenwa re price lists of the Staffordshire ceramic industries, for th e period between 1795 and 1855, Miller (1980) verified these wares were classified in increasing levels of price according to the complexity of the technique of decoration em ployed. Years later, based on new sources, Miller (1991) extended the reach of this scale up to 1880. Miller classified refined

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18 earthenware into four basic gr oups: 1the lowest level of the undecorated, white wares; 2the minimally-decorated wares, presenting decorations which required lesser skills, such as Shell Edge, Spongeware and Bande d; 3the hand-painted wares presenting motifs as flowers, leafs, stylized Chinese la ndscapes, and geometric patterns; and 4the most expensive wares decorated in the tech nique of transfer printing. Although Miller also provided a method for calculating the relative value of these vessels in an archaeological assemblage based on the potter s price lists, the present analysis seeks only to account for the frequenc ies and percentages of these four groups of wares to each assemblage for the following reasons: 1the assemblages analyzed, in many cases, refer to wide depositional intervals; 2assembla ges with very different depositional intervals could not be subjected to comparison through th ese indexes, due the effects of inflation on the wares, and 3the still unverified effect s of the international and internal commerce over the price of these wares, although resear ch in probate-inventori es of merchants of imported wares has pointed out the validity of Millers scale for the Brazilian context (see Symanski 1998). Glass sherds were, at first, divided by colors and then according to technological and morphological attributes. The pieces were classified into four wide, functional categories: beverage bottles, medici nal flasks, tableware, and others. The analysis of the locally-made pottery emphasized three sets of attributes: technological, formal, and decorative. Th e analysis took into account the following attributes: types of temper, size of temper, surface trea tment, decorative technique, manufacture technique, rim form, rim inclination, rim size, and rim diameter. The reconstitution of forms, calculation of volume, and ethnographic information permitted

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19 inferences about the functiona l aspects of the vessels. Base d on the formal characteristics of the reconstituted vessels it was possible to identify four basic functional categories: storage, cooking, service and consumption, and multifunctional. The minimum number of vessels was established based on the style of the rims and bases that did not coincide within the assemblages. Regarding the decora tive dimension, the sherds were classified into thirteen decorative techni ques: incised, painted, visible co il, visible coil plus incised, impressed, subdivided in impression of tex tiles, impression of circles, and others, stamped, incised plus stamped, incised plus punctured, corrugated, di gitated/fingernailed, and incised plus digitated. Th e decorated sherds that did not fall into these categories were classified as undetermined/miscellaneous. The seriation method was employed to veri fy the diachronic variability of the decorative techniques. In this way, the pottery assemblages were chronologically ordered according to the mean dates of their respect ive archaeological deposits and the decorative techniques present in each assemblage had th eir percentage represented in the form of a bar graph. The superposition of the lines of bars referent to each assemblage permits easy visualization of the popularity, presence, and absence of th e decorative te chniques and, consequently, their temporal variabilit y, as will be discussed in Chapter 4. The documentary research was carried out in the Arquivo Pblico do Mato Grosso (APMT), followed by complementary research in the Instituto Hist rico e Geogrfico do Mato Grosso (IHGMT). It was also used c opies of land titles researched by Siqueira (2001) in the Instituto de Terra s de Mato Grosso (INTERMAT). The main goals of the documentary research were to:

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20 uncover information about the occupants of the historical sites, with the goal of correlating the archaeological deposits within specific and historically situated social units; study the material conditions of life in the plantations of the region in order to understand their economic and social structure and their similarities and differences to other more frequently studied plantation systems in Brazil; characterize economically and socially th e distinct social groups who occupied these settings; study the regional demography of slaves, a nd the possible fluctuations over time in their origin; investigate the social and cultural pract ices of the slaves, with the goal of verifying the extent to which they built cultu ral borders between them and the planters and among themselves. The major sources of information were pr obate-inventories, land titles, criminal process documents and travelers accounts. Land titles furnished important information about the process of occupation of the region, indicating the names of the first colonizers and the places where they settled. These documents permitted the identification of the first owners of the plantations excavated, which, in turn, allowed location of their probate-inventories to track the trajectory of their families and the process of occupation of these sites by different households between 1780 and 1880. In fact, probate-inventories were the richest documentary source and the most frequently used in this research, providing information about the planters domestic environment, the ma terial structure of the plantations, the productive activities carried out in these sites, and the socio-economic

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21 hierarchy among the planters. The slavehol ding lists present in these documents permitted the study of slave demography in the region, providing information about the number of slaves held on each plantation, their origin, their nations (Congo, Angola, Benguela, Mozambique, Mina, among others), th e race of the African-Brazilian slaves (creole, mulatto, cabra or cabur ), gender ratios, and age. But, because the primary objective of th e probate-inventories was evaluating the economic patrimony of the deceased, these doc uments provide little information about the social dynamics of the plantations and give only a partial pi cture of the social hierarchy in these establishments. In this regard, free laborers are referred in very few instances and only in the plan ters wills and in the plan tation account books that are sometimes inserted into the probate-inventor ies. On the other hand, criminal process documents are a rich source for studying the so cial dynamics and some facets of the daily life in the plantations, since these document s, aside from describing the conflicts and tensions between planters, slaves, and free la borers, also furnish information about the social standing and occupation of the victim s, defendants, and witnesses involved in a crime. Moreover, these documents often describe the activities of thes e individuals at the moment in which the crime happened. Trav elers accounts provide some important information about the social practices of distinct groups, like foodways, use and significance of certain material items, and religiosity, that are not present in other sources. Finally, a good deal of atte ntion was given to the 18th and 19th century cultural practices and stylistic traditi ons of the peoples of the African regions of origin of the slaves who compulsorily migrated to Brazil a nd lived the rest of their lives in Chapada

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22 dos Guimares plantations. The main source s for this information were travelers accounts, historical studies, ethnographical and ethno-hist orical studies, museum catalogs, and archaeological pa pers and reports. The goal wa s verifying the extent to which these peoples were able to maintai n, transform, and hybr idize their original practices and traditions in this new context where they were obligated to rebuild their lives under the conditions of servitude. Structure of the Dissertation Because this dissertation deals with data fr om four historical sites located in the same region, the primary focus of analysis will be on the regional, inter-site scale, rather than the local, intra-site scal e. In addition, the widest scale of the transatlantic region, the system that integrated Brazil, Africa a nd Portugal through a constant interchange of people, ideas, and objects (see Thornton 1998), will be considered throughout the chapters in this study. Thus, the archaeological contexts wi ll be analyzed by taking into account these gradually increasi ng spheres of interaction, begi nning at the site level, to the regional level, and finally to the transatlantic level. Chapter 2 provides the basic context for th is study. It begins by presenting some general information on the history and economy of Mato Grosso, progressing to a regional study and discussing the historical process of occupation of Chapada dos Guimares, and then characterizing the economy and material structure of the plantations of this region, and finally presents basic in formation about the excavated sites and their occupants. Chapter 3 focuses on the planters, their so cial practices and material life. The trajectory of some of the most important families of planters who established themselves in the region sin ce the end of the 18th century is analyzed with the goal of understanding

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23 the social strategies that this group develope d to keep the ownership of the land in the region throughout the generations. The material life of this group will be characterized through documentary and archaeo logical data, discussing the extent to which this group was influenced by the bourgeois, western-Eur opean, culture of consumption that started to manifest and consolidate in Brazil in the early 19th century, and, on the other hand, the possible influences that slaves exerte d over the planters material life. Chapter 4s focus moves to the group directly opposite to that of the planters on the social spectrum: the slaves. It begins by pr esenting information about the African slave trade to Brazil and Mato Grosso. Next, the pr ocess of reconstruction of African identities in Brazil is discussed, characterizing the pr incipal African nations in terms of their regional origins and cultural elements, such as language and religiosity. The focus is then narrowed to the context of Chapada dos Gu imares, furnishing quantitative information about all of the African nations identifie d in the slaveholdings lists in the period between 1790 and 1888, and discussing the fluc tuations over time in their general demography, gender ratios, and ratios of Africans to African-Brazilians. Marriage patterns among these groups, based on the data presented by Crivelente (2001), are discussed in relation to the demographic data The demographic predominance of distinct African nations in different periods is establ ished and these data are correlated with the rise and fall of specific d ecorative techniques and designs over time on the locally-made pottery. Having established these correlations in the regional scale, information is presented on the specific regi ons of origin of these African groups particularly in reference to stylistic traditions evidenced in pottery and other material supports, especially in relation to the strong simila rities between some de signs and decorative

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24 techniques present on Chapada dos Guimares pottery and those found in these African regions. The major implication of these correl ations is that Afri cans in Chapada dos Guimares used pottery as a vehicle through which they exposed their differences and affinities in terms of cultural order. More sp ecifically, the dimension of gender is added to this analysis in an attempt to verify possible correlations betw een the African females who occupied each site, as they were s upposedly primarily responsible for pottery production, and the intraand inter-site pot tery variability. Finally, the diachronic perspective advanced here also permits a di scussion of the rhythm of the process of creolization in the region, demonstrating that pottery gradually lost its significance as an expression of identity differences insofar as a creole generation dominated the demographic setting in these plantations. Chapter 5 treats the intermediary element be tween planters and sl aves, that is, the free laborers who lived in these plantati ons. This was a very heterogeneous group, composed of specialized and well paid artis ans as well as unspecialized and salaried laborers, who many times worked side by side with slaves. The ethno-racial composition of this group was also diversified, bei ng represented by Portuguese and PortugueseBrazilians, Africans, creoles, and mulattos. As previously discussed, documentary data about this group are much more fragmentary than those concerning planters and slaves. Because of this scarcity of information, this is the briefest chapter of the dissertation. Conversely, this scarcity of doc umentary data makes the arch aeological record even more valuable as a source of information about th is group, pointing out its daily practices and material life. In this regard, the main goal of this chapter was ev aluating the extent to which free laborers were able to use the material culture to build a social identity which

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25 differentiated them from the slaves and approximated them to the planters. As will be seen, the patterns of material life of th is group were as ambiguous as their social condition in the plantations structure. Finally, Chapter 6, as previously stated, is a study on the distribution of the material culture across the space of th e plantations, exploring the ways in which slaves and planters used material items to appropriate these spaces according to their differentiated systems of references and the implications of this process in terms of power relations. In this way, the primary focus will be on the intra-site scale, but also searching for regularities and divergences in the regional level. This analysis will be founded on theories of space and landscape proposed by LeFebvre (2002 [1974]), DeCerteau (1984), and Hirsch (1995). In addition, the artifacts found in different contexts will be examined taking into account the differe nt categories of value imbued to them, which include use, exchange, and sign-values (Kopytoff 1986:64; Orser 1992:97; Kearney 1995:158). It will be sustained that the materi al culture produced and/or culturally appropriated by the slaves represented a set of discourses, ba sed on African-derived systems of values, alternative to the discourses imposed by the pl anters, who maintained a hierarchical view of these spaces. These two sets of discourses, as well as the worldviews from which they derived, were fitted in the same landscape, co mposing a dialectic that characterized the multi-cultural space of the plantations. As will be discussed with the basis in archaeological, documentary, and ethnographi c evidence, these discourses gradually infiltrated one another in a such way that their contemporary composition is present in some of the traditional practices kept by th e population of the region in modern times.

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26 CHAPTER 2 THE PLANTATIONS OF CHAPADA DOS GUIMARES: ECONOMY AND MATERIAL STRUCTURE My intent in this chapter is to present some basic information about the historical occupation of Mato Grosso and Chapada dos Guimares, aiming to furnish a context for the discussions that will be developed thr oughout this dissertation. Th is contextualization will follow from the wider occupational process of the territory of Mato Grosso, to the specific region of Chapada dos Guimares. Special attention will be given to the characterization of the economy and material structure of the Chapada dos Guimares plantations. Finally, the four hi storical sites excavated will be described, and information about both the households and slaveholdings who occupied each site will be presented. The Historical Occupation of Mato Grosso The territory that currently corresponds to the state of Mato Grosso, although explored since the beginning of the 17th century by bandeiras expeditions which searched for Indians for slav ing and gold, only began to be colonized in 1718. It was this year that an expedition, coming from the capta incy of So Paulo, discovered gold on the margins of the Coxip River. The population incr ease in this mining site gave rise to the village of Cuiab, officially founded in 1719 (Correa Filho 1969:206-207). The first colonists came from the captaincy of So Paul o following a fluvial rout e originated in the Tiet River, called mones do sul (Siqueira et al. 1990:13). During the 18th century, gold mining, carried out by slave labor, was the economic activity responsible for the col onization of the territory of Mato Grosso. Because the gold

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27 in these mines was easily exhausted, the popul ation was constantly moving, searching for new productive mines throughout the territory (Volpato 1987:92). The itinerancy of the population preoccupied the Portuguese governme nt, since the possession of this frontier region, which was subject to disputes with Spain, could best be secured by the establishment of a more spopul ation. Thus, in 1748 this region was separated from the captaincy of So Paulo and, in 1752, the capital of the captaincy, Vila Bela da Santssima Trindade, was founded on the margins of the Guapor River. Aiming to supply the new capital with the necessary commodities and slaves, the Portuguese government established, in 1755, the Companhia de Comrcio do Gr-Par e Maranho which monopolized the commercial navigation betwee n Vila Bela and Belm do Par, through the route of the Madeira and Guapor rivers (S iqueira et al. 1990:20-21) Vila Bela kept the status of capital of Mato Grosso un til 1835, when, due to its economic decline, the provincial government moved to Cuiab (Bandeira 1988:112). By the end of the 18th century the gold mines of Ma to Grosso were exhausted, forcing its population to repr ioritize economic activ ities. Thus, most of the slaves previously employed in gold mining were re allocated to cattle farms and sugar-cane plantations, which substantially increased in number during this period. In 1805 the Portuguese Crown permitted diamond mining, up to then prohibited due the dispute with the Spain over this frontier te rritory. Although the e xploration of diamonds revitalized the export commerce of the captaincy, in 1830 it also began to decline (Assis 1988:26; Lenharo 1982:10).

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28 Figure 2-1. Map: Planta topogr fica da nova descoberta da quina na Villa do Cuyab. Author: Priest Jos Manuel de Sique ira. Year: 1800. 1Tapero site; 2Buritizinho site; 3Engenho do Quilom bo site; 4-Tapera do Pingador site.

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29 Gold and diamond mining, however, did not bring wealth to the region because Gold and diamond mining, however, did not bring wealth to the region because the Portuguese Crown heavily taxed the mining production (Sique ira et al. 1990:20). Moreover, the long distance from Cuiab to the center-southern region, the danger of Indian attacks during the travel, and the scar city or absence of villages and posts along the routes made the commercial integration of Mato Grosso with the rest of Brazil (Volpato 1987) very difficult. The realignmen t of the economic activities from mining to sugar production and cattle ra ising in the end of the 18th century did not change this scenario, because these products unlike gold and diamonds, di d not have a high value per weight that could offset th e cost of exportation (Volpato 1987:87), a problem that was only partially solved with the opening of the navigation in the Prata River, in 1857 (Volpato 1993:36, 50-51). The establishment of this fluvial route strongly affected the provinces economic and social life due to the easier access to indus trialized commodities and to peoples and ideas coming fr om Europe (Volpato 1993:36-44). The Process of Occupation of Chapada dos Guimares The historical occupation of Chapada dos Guimares began as a consequence of the founding of the village of Cuiab, in 1719. To supply the population of the village with foodstuffs, agricultural farms had to be lo cated close to the village. Thus, in 1720, Antnio de Almeida Lara established the fi rst plantation in the southern region of Chapada. This plantation employed more than 30 slaves in planting, cattle raising, and sugar production (Rosa 1995:42). A more intense occupation of this region started in 1726, when the colonial government began to distribute land titles, called letters of sesmarias to the elite established in the territo ry of Mato Grosso, composed of the prestigious miners, militaries, and representa tives of the colonial bureaucracy (Siqueira

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30 2001:58). These sesmarias had commonly one half square le ague in size, an area roughly corresponding to nine square kilometers, bu t there were cases of grantings of bigger extensions of land in the region, having one ha lf league by three leagues in size, as the sesmaria granted to the Portuguese Vale ntim Martins da Cruz in 1781.1 In turn, the historical proce ss of population settlement in the region that is the focus of this research, in the Casca and Quilom bo rivers (Figure 2-1), only started in 1780 (Siqueira 2001:81). Between 1780 and 1791, at l east 33 persons receiv ed land-titles in this region, with some of receiving two or more sesmarias This establishment of the population occurred at a time wh en gold-mining was collapsing in Mato Grosso, forcing many miners to reallocate part of their slaveholdings fo r planting activities (Aleixo 1984:44; Volpato 1987:93-94). The case of the sargento-mor2 Antnio da Silva Albuquerque, documented by Crivelente (2001:49-50), is very illustrative of this process of diversification of produc tive activities during this peri od. In 1798, in a declaration for the government of the captaincy, this new plante r affirmed that he started that same year to produce cane brandy (cachaa), an activity in which he ha d no experience, and that he simultaneously employed his slaveholding in mining and planting activities. The Portuguese Valentim Martins da Cruz was anot her planter who kept his slaves working in both activities. After 1805, when diamond mini ng was finally begun in the region after having been prohibited due the conflicts with the Spain over this territory, some planters also started to explore diamonds. The German naturalist Langsdorff, who visited this region in 1827, described diamond explorati on sites on the margins of the Quilombo river, close to the plantation Engenho do Quilombo, and one of the sites discussed in this 1IHGMT, ACBM IPDAC Pasta 70 Doc. 1770 fls. 19 v. 2 Military post equivalent to major.

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31 dissertation (Langsdorff 1997:114) Other planters, however, like the Portuguese Luiz Monteiro Salgado, employed their slaveholdi ngs exclusively in pl anting activities. In 1784 Luiz Monteiro requested from the General-captain of the captaincy a sesmaria to employ his 32 slaves in planting activities for their own subsistence and for that of his own family.3 The funds that most of the first colonizer s used to establish these plantations came principally from the profits that they accu mulated from gold mining (Arruda 1987:16), an activity that permitted them to acquire slaves which were the most expensive investment, in quantity large enough to successfully start this new entrepreneurship. A sesmaria of one half square league, when it was not gr anted by the government, could still be bought, in the beginning of the 19th century, for prices varying between 60,000 and 360,000 ris At this time a male slave between 18-25 year s was evaluated and valu ed according to his abilities and physical cond ition, at between 180.000 and 240.000 ris.4 The value of a sesmaria varied according to its location, distance from the main rivers, and fertility of the soils. Even the whole plantation comple x, which included the most expensive sugarmills powered by water, planters house, sm aller houses for free-laborers, deposits, and slaves cabins, was evaluated by amounts varying between 720.0005 and 1.800.000,6 the price of five to ten young slaves. The low valu e of these establishments was certainly due the fact that their buildings were made of wattle-and-daub, although the most important 3 APMT, srie: correspondncia ativ a; fundo:Cmara; requerente: Luiz Monteiro Salgado; year: 1784. 4 APMT, probate-inventory Luiz Monteiro Salgado, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Processo No. 448, year: 1808; probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 15, year: 1809. 5 APMT, probate-inventory Luiz Monteiro Salgado, 1808. 6 APMT, probate-inventory Antnia Maria Dias, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 16, Processo No. 20, year: 1812.

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32 buildings, such as the planters house and the sugar-mill, commonly had roofs made of tiles.7 By the end of the 18th century the region of Chapada dos Guimares had the largest concentration of sugar plantations in the st ate of Mato Grosso. According to Mesquita (1931:33), in 1796 there were 20 plantations with engenhos (sugar-mills) in this region, employing a total of 728 slaves, while in the rest of the captaincy there were only 14 plantations with engenhos which employed 331 slaves. In 1815 the number of slaves in this region had substantially increased to 2,147 individuals, out of a total population of 3,743 inhabitants, indicating the strong inte nsification of the pl antations productive activities (Crivelente 2001:52). Three years later, in 1818, a census pointed out Chapada dos Guimares as still having the biggest concentration of engenhos in Mato Grosso, numbering 36 total, although the number of these establishments had substantially increased to 117 in the re mainder of the captaincy.8 The Spatial Organization of the Plantations A brief description of the social hierarchy on these plantations is required to better understand the spatial organization of these es tablishments. More detailed information about each social group will be furnished in the chapters 3, 4 and 5. A rigid social stratification, which had the pl anters on the top, was maintain ed in these units. Planters resided on the plantations during the dry season (between April and November), supervising the harvesting of th e cane and the preparation of sugar and derived products. At the end of this period, most of them removed their families to Cuiab, where they 7 APMT, probate-inventory Tereza Maria da Transfigurao Cartrio do 5 Ofcio Caixa 54, Processo No. 790, year: 1847. 8 RIHGB. Descrio Estatstica da Capitania de Mato Grosso, seus Distritos, Freguesias, Igrejas, Estabelecimentos, Profissionais, Lavras, Engenhos e Populao 1818. Vol. XX 1875.

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33 could satisfy their social n eeds and look after their poli tical and economic interests (Seckinger, 1970:69). Free laborers, divided into wage-laborers, known as camaradas overseers, sharecroppers, and artisans, composed the mi ddle stratum. Overseers had as their main function controlling the labor and daily life of the slaves. Sharecroppers were not wagelaborers, but people who lived in the plan tations as aggregates, keeping their own clearing to plant and giving part of their pr oduction to the planters, and/or carrying out other economic activities. Camaradas composed the lowest stratum among the free laborers. They worked as wage-laborers under the orders of the overseers, in activities such as carpentry, blacksmithing, conducting of mule troops and, principally, planting (Volpato 1993:201). Artisans, su ch as carpenters and blacksmith s, offered their services in the plantations of the region, being contract ed on a daily basis or paid in accordance to the service carried out. Differing from the three other categories of fr ee-laborers, artisans did not live on the plantations for long periods of time. The main activity carried out by slaves wa s planting, although they could also be employed in gold and diamond mining (Crivelent e 2001:51). At least in some plantations of the region they were subjected to extrem ely violent and oppressive forms of treatment. Langsdorff (1997:111-112) visiting the plantation Engenho do Quilombo, in 1827, described the slaves as undernourished and barely dressed. The women were overwhelmed with cotton weaving activities and, at night, locked in a room located right under the planters bedroom. The social tensi ons resulting from this exploitative system sometimes emerged in cases of slaves murdering planters, 9 overseers,10 and 9 APMT, Tribunal da Relao, Proc. 779, year:1838; APEMT, Arquivo do 6 Ofcio, caixa 1, mao 70, year:1853.

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34 c amaradas ,11 in acts of revolt against the physi cal punishments to which they were constantly submitted. The formation of quilombos settlements of runaway slaves, was also common in this region (Volpato 1996). The description of the material structur e of the plantations is important for understanding the use of the space by the different groups who occupied these establishments. Although the planters probate-inventories furnish some general information about the plantations buildings, little is informed about their spatial organization. For instance, one of the most co mplete descriptions of plantations is found on Manuel de Mouras proba te inventory, dated 1801.12 His plantation, located close to Cuiab, is described as containing the fo llowing buildings: a livi ng house presenting a double tiled-roof one house of engenho (mill-house), also covered with tiles, whose engine was run by oxen, one house behind the engenho for wage laborers, one wattleand-daub house containing two water-powered monjolos (mill for the making of manioc flour and corn flour), other wattle-and-da ub houses containing one brickwork for the production of tiles, one larder, and several senzalas (slave cabins). This description makes clear that planters, wage-laborers, and slaves lived in different units within the plantation space. The careful reading of the probate-invento ries descriptions, attempting to join fragmented pieces of information that could po int out to some general characteristics of the plantations spatial organization, demonstr ates that the sugar-mill was always located next to the planters houses. Indeed, the Fr ench painter Hercules Florence, visiting the 10 APMT, Tribunal da Rel ao, Proc. 57, year: 1862. 11 APMT, Tribunal da Relao, Proc. 926, year: 1875; APEMT, Arquivo do 6 Of cio, caixa 2, mao 84, year:1881. 12 APMT, probate-inventory Manuel de Moura, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 07, Processo No. 675, year: 1801.

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35 region in 1827, described the engenhos of two plantations as placed right behind the planters houses (F lorence n.d.:110, 118). The engenho constituted the productive center of the plantations and their most importan t structure, as indicated in the probateinventories descriptions, which tend to list first the engenho followed by the planters house, as an attached structure, and therefore, secondary in importance.13 Visiting the Fazenda Jacobina, the biggest plantation of Mato Grosso, in 1827, Florence (n.d.:126) saw more than one hundred people, between sl aves and free, women in their majority, working in distinct activities in the sugar-mill (see Figure 2-2). According to Volpato (1993:110), the sugar-mill s of Mato Grosso were very simple and small when contrasted to those existent in the coastal regi ons, whose production was oriented to exportation. However, most of these engenhos were water-powered, which, according to Schwartz (1985:116), implied a much higher investment than that necessary to run the oxen-powered mills. Besides the mill, these millhouses were equipped with alambique which was a device for distilling sugar-cane, monjolo a simple manual or water-powered device used to crush corn, ma nioc, and to grind coffee, molds for sugar and rapadura14-making, barrels for storage of cane brandy, and other equipments and utensils. 13APMT, probate-inventory Ana Luiza da Silva, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 55, Processo No. 873, year: 1848; probate-inventory Antnio Jos de Cerqueira Caldas, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 63 Processo No. 02, year: 1853. 14 Rapadura is black sugar molded in the shape of small bricks.

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36 Figure 2-2. Picture of oxen-powered sugar-mill in the coastal region of Brazil in the early 19th century (Rugendas 1979). Also close to the engenho but not attached to the plan ters houses, were located the wage-laborers and/or tenant farmers houses In Manuel de Moura s probate-inventory15, as described above, one wage-laborers hous e was located right behind the millhouse. Paulo Silva Coelhos probate-inventory16 describes five houses with tiled-roofs, located next to the planters house, which, accordi ng to the description, were used to house camaradas (wage-laborers) and as larders. Claudi na Maria, a witness in an overseers case of murder by a slave in the Engenho Santo Antnio, in Chapada dos Guimares, affirmed that she lived with he r husband as aggregates in this engenho in a house located in the backyard of the planters house.17 While wage-laborers/aggregates houses we re located close to the planters houses and, consequently, to the millhouses, the documents studied give no clues about the 15 APMT, probate-inventory Manoel de Moura, 1801. 16 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809. 17 APMT, Tribunal da Relao, Caix a 11, Doc. 57, No 255, year:1862.

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37 location of the slaves houses, know as senzalas on the plantation spaces. This gap, however, is fulfilled by the archaeological data. Archaeological excavations on the Tapero and Buritizinho plantation sites, as wi ll be discussed further in this chapter, demonstrates that while free-laborers lived in houses between 30 to 50 meters from the planters houses, slaves liv ed in houses located between 50 and 80 meters from the planters. As pointed out by the probate-inventories and c onfirmed by the archaeological data, plantations could have several senzalas Thus, in general, slaves were not sheltered into a single big structure, but in several sm aller ones, and there pr obably existed some senzalas that were restricted to nuclear fa milies, as suggested by Volpato (1993:150). Senzalas are generally described in probate-inve ntories as having grassed-roofs, and therefore indicating a wattle-a nd-daub construction of very little economic value. In Manuel de Mouras probate inventory,18 senzalas are described as having banana trees around them, which could constitute an importa nt foodstuff for the slaves subsistence, and illustrates some similarity to subsisten ce activities in Africa. According to Volpato (1993:150) these habitations were deprived of any kind of comfort, with the slaves sleeping on leathers stretched on the floor, and also indicating that leathers were also used as the senzalas doors. The combination of archaeological and documentary data indicates that the disposition of the habitations related to di stinct social categories on these plantations followed a rigidly hierarchical plan, defined according to a greater or lesser proximity to the planters house. The picture of a plantati on in the southern-centr al region of Brazil, drawn by Debret (1978) in the first decade of the 19th century (Figure 2-3), illustrates very well the plantations pattern of disposition of the habitations. 18 APMT, probate-inventory Manoel de Moura, 1801.

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38 Figure 2-3. Overseer punish ing slave (Debret 1978). In this picture the foreground repres ents the area of the planters house,19 from which can be seen the stairway and one co lumn. At the right side, behind this house, there is an adjacent house, probably the house of a free-laborer based on its proximity to the planters house. Finally, at the left bac kground, there are what Debret describes as three wattle-and-daub houses that were occupied by slaves. 19 In his description, Debret affirms that this is the overseers house, what seems to be contradictory, since the stairway and the column indicate that it was a very elaborated struct ure, therefore more related to the planters houses. Debret could have been deceived by the fact that sometimes managers could live in the planters houses, as suggested by some documents.

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39 Figure 2-4. Picture of the Engenho Buriti, Chapada dos Guimares, 1827 (Florence n.d.). Visiting the region of Chapada dos Guim ares in 1827, Hercules Florence (n.d.) made two drawings of the Engenho Buriti, taken from different perspectives, which illustrate a distribution of the houses very similar to that represented by Debret (see figures 2.4 and 2.5). In the left corner of Figure 2-4, part of a small, wattle-and-daub house is represented, followed by what seems to be a group of three more wattle-anddaub houses and, on the right bac kground, the planters house and the engenho both presented with tiled-roofs. In the Figure 2-5, the same distribution of the houses is presented, but in this case the planters hous e is located in the left middle-ground, with the engenho s house, powered by the water from an aqueduct, right behind it. In the foreground the arrival of the planter is illustra ted, an old woman called Antnia, carried by two slaves in a hammock suspended by thick bamboo, and smoking a long pipe.

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40 Figure 2-5. Engenho Buriti, other perspective (F lorence n.d.). Although Florence did not describe the soci al standing of the occupants of the smaller houses, it seems clear that it represents the same spatial hier archy noticed in the Tapero and Buritizinho sites. Other structures that comprised part of the plantation complex were one or more larders for storage of foodstuffs and tools, and, in the case of the bigger plantations, brickworks, carpentries, blacksmiths works hops, and chapels. According to Mesquita (1931:36-37) the chapel was located next to the planters house The importance the planters ascribed to the chapel was so great that the roofs of these buildings were covered with tiles even in the plantations wh ere the planters house had a grass-roof.20 20APMT, probate-inventory Antnio da Silva Albuquerque Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 16, Processo No. 621, year: 1812.

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41 The Plantation Economy of Chapada dos Guimares Corra Filho (1969:455) describes the plan tations of Chapada dos Guimares as units that produced almost everything they need ed for their subsistence, resorting to the external, local markets only for goods such as salt, iron, fabrics, ag ricultural tools and equipments (see also Aleixo 1984:46). Beside s sugar-cane and its byproducts, sugar and cachaa (cane brandy), these units still produ ced cotton, spinet weaved in the engenhos tobacco, coffee, cacao, and several subsistence crops, such as beans, corn, rice, manioc, sweet cassava, sweet potatoes, and yams (Corra Filho 1969:455; Seckinger 1970:44). Probate-inventories also indicate the planting of castor bean. The biggest profit of the plantations, however, came from the selling of cane brandy, which was widely consumed in the Province (Mesquita 1937:38). Mules, oxen, horses and pigs were the most common animals raised in these establishments. Mules, varying in number be tween eight and twent y, were used for the transportation of the planta tion products to Cuiab. Oxen, varying in number between four and 53, were used for pulling wooden cars, known as carros de boi which transported the sugar-cane from the plant-fi elds to the mill and the general foodstuffs produced in the plantations to Cuiab (Brazil 2002:79). Oxen were also used to power the mills in the non water-powered engenhos Schwartz (1985:116) noted that oxen-powered mills needed about sixty animals to be kept functional; this is one reason why oxen were so numerous in some engenhos Horses are also always present in the probateinventories, but generally in small number s, varying between one and eight, although some plantations could keep higher numbers. Florence (n.d.:112) affirmed that these plantations also raised pigs fo r selling in Cuiab. However, pi gs appear less frequently in the probate-inventories than the other anim als given above, and generally in numbers

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42 varying between 20 and no more than 50, demo nstrating a low econo mic significance for these animals, which would have been used much more for the plantations internal consumption than for commercial trade. Othe r animals, such as cows and sheep, are occasionally present, but always in small numbers. In general, what these numbers indicate is that the planters were not concer ned in raising animals to commercialize, but keeping only those animals needed for the inte rnal consumption of their establishments. The great distance of the Brazilian coast, where the major consumer markets were located, and the limitations of the local economy, are the main reasons given to the underdevelopment of an economy oriented to exportation in Mato Grosso (Lenharo 1982:30; Volpato 1993:50-51). Th is great distance from the coastal cities made counterproductive the exportation of any product that did not have a high value by weight to compensate for the cost of transportati on, as was the case of the plantation products. For this reason, gold and diamonds reigned supreme in the captaincys exportation commerce until the opening of navigation in the Paraguay river in 1857 (Volpato 1993:50-51). Thus, the production of these engenhos was basically for the captaincys internal consumption, being principally destined to supply Cuiab and, in a smaller proportion, to the mule troops that passed by the region on th eir way to the captaincy of Gois (Volpato 1996:110). Lenharo (1982:30) affirms that ther e was also a limited exportation to Par, but he does not furnish information about th e period and the exporti ng region, which, for logistical motives, could be Vila Bela, that kept a regular commerce with Par through the fluvial Madeira-Guapor route during the second half of the 18th century. Aleixo (1984:53) affirms that part of the sugar-produ ction was also destin ed to the frontier

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43 market in Bolivia, more specifically the villa ges of Moxos, Chiquitos, and Santa Cruz de la Sierra. After 1872, with the reopening of the navigation on the Paraguay River which was closed during the War of Paraguay (18651870), sugar and its by-products were also exported to the Paraguayan market (Aleixo 1984:53; Assis 1988:49; Volpato 1996:110). The comparison to the more economically dynamic captaincies of Rio de Janeiro and Bahia, whose sugar produc tion was oriented directly to exportation, gives a better idea of the expressivity of Mato Grossos engenhos In the decade of 1770 there were 323 engenhos in Rio de Janeiro, in which lived 11,623 slaves (Florentino and Ges 1997:4546), against 34 engenhos holding 1059 slaves, in Mato Grosso. In 1817 there were 340 engenhos in Bahia (Schwartz 1985:440) and, for th e case of Rio de Janeiro, Florentino and Ges (1997:46) note that the number of these establishments went from 400 in 1810 to 700 in 1828. At first sight, the number of 153 engenhos in Mato Grosso for the year of 1818 seems to be very significant, given th e peripheral condition of this captaincy. However, a closer analysis, taking into acc ount the size of the slaveholdings on these units reveals another reality. The size of the slaveholdings provides insi ght not only into the intensity of the plantations productive activities but also into the planters wealth and power, since throughout the period under consideration slaves were one of the most expensive goods a person could afford to buy. For instance, in 1850, the average price of a sesmaria was 1,200,000 ris while the average price for a sl ave between 17 and 25 years old was 500,000 ris (Aleixo 1984:51). Although the slaveholdings average in Ch apada dos Guimares oscillated over time, mean numbers do not represent the real ity of the majority of these plantations,

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44 because there were too many variations in their size (Table 2.1). Between 1790 and 1809 only two planters probate-inventories of Chapada dos Guimares were found. Fortunately, for the year of 1798 there is a lis t of the most important planters of this region, numbering 19, and their respective slaveholdings.21 For that year, the biggest planter was Jos Pedro Gomes, who kept 98 slaves, followed by Raimundo Manuel de Albuquerque, with 80 slaves, and Valentim Mar tins da Cruz, with 70 slaves. The other 16 planters kept between 13 and 60 slaves. The mean number of slaves per plantation was 38.42, which is very close to the average of slav es in the plantations of Rio de Janeiro for the year of 1778, calculated to be 36 slaves (Schwartz 1985:444). Table 2-1. Size of the slaveholdings identified in Chapada dos Guimares Size of holding in slaves Number of owners Total of slaveholdings 1798 18101829 18301849 18501869 18701888 9-19 3 Nd 1 4 4 12 20-29 5 Nd 6 3 1 15 30-39 4 2 1 1 1 9 40-49 3 2 Nd Nd Nd 5 50-59 Nd 1 1 1 1 4 60-69 1 Nd Nd 1 Nd 2 70-79 1 1 Nd Nd Nd 2 80-89 1 Nd Nd Nd Nd 1 90-99 1 1 Nd Nd Nd 2 > 100 Nd Nd Nd 1 Nd 1 Slaveholdings in Chapada dos Guimares tended to be much bigger between 1810 and 1829 than in the previous and subseque nt periods, which is in accordance with Mesquitas (1931:38) affirmation that th e decade of 1820 was the phase of greatest economic development in this region. For th is period, plantations averaged 53.57 slaves, with the biggest slaveholding, numbering 93 sl aves, located in the Engenho do Rio da 21 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachaas, farinhas e monjolos, Lata 1798 B.

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45 Casca, and owned by the major Antnio da Silva Albuquerque. Albuquerque seems to have been one of the biggest slavers from Mato Grosso, since he still had 82 other slaves working in mining activities in two mines close to Cuiab.22 The second greatest slaveholding, numbering 72 slaves, pertained to Rosa Cardoso de Lima,23 widow of the Portuguese captain Luiz Monteiro Salgado, from another plantation also named Engenho do Rio da Casca, which is one of the historical sites analyzed in this dissertation (Tapero site). Slaveholdings from the five other pl antations varied in nu mber between 32 and 57 slaves (Table 2.2). Between 1830 and 1849 the slaveholdings average was 26.77, and the biggest slaveholding found, numbering 57 slaves, wa s associated with Ana Luiza da Silva,24 owner of the Engenho gua Fria, which is a nother historical site analyzed in this dissertation (Buritizinho site). An additional eight plantations identified kept between 14 and 33 slaves (Table 2.2). Between 1850 and 1869 slaveholdings aver aged 33.16, and the biggest plantation, the Engenho Bom Jardim, owned by the ex-president of Mato Grosso, Antnio Correa da Costa,25 kept 128 slaves. This planter was another of the biggest slaver s of Mato Grosso, since he also had 81 other slaves working on a nother plantation and in three cattle farms. The second biggest planter was Antnio Co rras son-in-law Jo s de Lara Pinto,26 from the Engenho Campo Alegre, who kept sixty slaves. Another big plantation owner was 22 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio da Silva Albuquerque Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 16, Processo No. 621, year: 1812. 23 APMT, probate-inventory Luiz Monteiro Salgado, 1808. 24 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Luiza da Silva, 1848. 25 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio Corra da Costa, Cartrio do 2 Ofcio, Caixa 02, year: 1855. 26 A. Alencar, Roteiro Genealgico de Mato Grosso vol. 1 135-136.

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46 Table 2-2. Size of the slaveholdings identified in Chapada dos Guimares Planter Year Plantation Slaveholding Sharing year Total Amount Liquid Luis Monteiro Salgado 1808 Rio da Casca 63 1830 9.715.550 1.941.243 Paulo Silva Coelho 1809 Lagoinha 60 1827 19.028.016 14.955.370 Antnia Maria Dias 1812 Quilombo 34 1820 9.331.462 9.331.462 Antnio Silva Albuquerque 1812 Rio da Casca 93 1813 46.999.730 35.520.529 Apolinrio Oliveira Gago 1816 Buriti 48 Nd Nd Nd Jos Gomes Monteiro 1817 Palmeiras 46 1817 16.601.005 14.450.593 Antnio L. A. Coutinho 1818 Conceio do Quilombo 32 1820 6.601.231 1.915.410 Antnio Silva Albuquerque 1830 Aric 20 Nd 9.876.105 Nd Priest Antnio T. C. de S 1834 Abrilongo 25 Nd Nd Nd Rosa Cardoso de Lima 1841 Rio da Casca 33 1842 13.179.180 7.034.749 Joaquim da Silva Prado 1843 Borot 27 1843 19.522.300 Nd Maria Silva A. Nunes 1845 Aric 14 1845 15.785.200 11.370.740 Tereza M. da Transfigurao 1847 Abrilongo 23 1848 13.869.440 5.210.857 Carlota J. Moreira 1847 Bom Jardim 29 1847 17.933.840 17.840.204 Ana Luiza F. de Aquino 1847 Quilombo 21 1847 7.041.400 Nd Ana Luiza da Silva 1848 gua Fria 58 1849 Nd 61.716.725 Antnio J. C. Caldas 1853 Rio da Casca 51 1853 74.802.168 71.109.633 Simplcio V. de Souza 1853 Bigorna 23 Nd 18.746.700 Nd Antnio C. da Costa 1855 Bom Jardim 128 1856 234.990.179 233.583.539 Rosa L. A. Coutinho 1856 Glria 19 Nd Nd Nd Feliciana Q. P. da Silva 1856 Lagoinha 30 1860 14.267.601 12.725.600

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47 Table 2-2. Continued Planter Year Plantation Slaveholding Sharing year Total Amount Liquid Jos G. Corra 1861 Serra 13 Nd 21.026.840 Nd Francisco V. de Azevedo 1861 Quilombo 12 1862 31.850.420 27.428.310 Roslia Xavier da Siqueira 1863 Samambaia 10 1865 11.940.100 9.298.965 Antnio Jos de S. Cruz 1865 Samambaia 5 1870 6.000.000 3.925.500 Escolstica M. da Cruz 1866 So Romo 37 1866 40.822.494 40.506.134 Jos de Lara Pinto 1868 Campo Alegre 60 1869 Nd 105.289.400 Antnia P. da Silva 1870 gua Fria nd 1870 43.611.468 41.611.468 Eleutrio da C. Monteiro 1870 Jurumirim 14 1872 18.095.210 12.944.823 Laureano X. da Silva 1874 Bicuda 16 Nd Nd Nd Maria C. de Toledo 1876 Bom Jardim 55 1876 Nd 254.334.080 Caetano Leite Pereira Gomes 1878 Bigorna 25 Nd 31.882.900 Nd Antnio Bruno Borges 1878 Quilombo 32 1879 51.768.300 51.163.640 Manoel Jos M. da Silva 1879 Lagoinha 19 1879 Nd 43.308.809 Antnio C. da Costa 1883 Rio da CascaNd 1884 34.324.586 Nd Antnio Jos de Cerqueira Caldas Enge nho Rio da Casca, which had 51 slaves.27 Nine other plantations kept between 10 and 37 slaves (Table 2.2). Finally, for the period between 1870 and 1888, slaveholdings averaged 23.28 per engenho and the biggest planta tion identified remained the Engenho Bom Jardim, headed then by Maria da Conceio de Toledo,28 widow of Antnio Corra da Costa, which kept 55 slaves, followed by Antni o Bruno Borges Engenho do Quilombo, which 27 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio Jos de Cerqueira Caldas, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 63, Processo No. 02, year: 1853. 28 APMT, probate-inventory Maria da Conceio de Toledo, Cartrio do 2 Ofcio, Caixa 03B, year: 1876.

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48 is other of the historical s ites analyzed in this disser tation (Engenho do Quilombo site), with 32 slaves.29 The other five plantations identified had between nine and 24 slaves (Table 2.2). The comparison of these figures to those presented by Schwartz (1985:449-451) for the sugar-plantations of the Recncavo Ba iano, in Bahia, which was the major sugar plantation region in Brazil in the beginning of the 19th century (Schwartz 1985:444), is a good way to evaluate the economic significance of the Chapada dos Guimares plantations. Working with data for the years 1816 and 1817, Schwartz (1985:450-451) found an average of 65 slaves per engenho He classified Bahian sugar-plantations into three sizes, small, medium, and big. The sma ll plantations operated with 20 to 60 slaves; the medium with 60 to 99 slaves, and the big ones with more than 100 slaves. He noticed that medium-sized plantations were the most common, being that only 15% of the plantations counted 100 slaves or more. For the case of Chapada dos Guimares, as can be seen in Table 2.1, 85% of the plantations (n=45) kept between nine and 59 slaves, being therefore characterized as small units when compared to Bahia. Seven engenhos (13.20%) had between 60 and 99 slaves, and only one (1.80%) kept more than 100 slaves. Even in the period of greatest economic prosperity (1810-1829), most of the engenhos of Chapada dos Guimares could be classified as small and, in rarer cases, as medium, when contrasted to the more ec onomically dynamic sugar-production province of Bahia. However, what could be characterized as the typical engenho in Chapada dos Guimares, throughout the period studied, is on e establishment keeping between 9 and 39 slaves, as was the case with 36 (67. 92%) of the plantations identified. 29 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio Bruno Borges Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 119, year: 1878.

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49 The total evaluation of the plan ters patrimony, referred to as monte-mor in the probate-inventories, is anot her way to verify the economic significance of these plantations and the possible regional hierarchy among the pl anters (Table 2.2). A wider comparison between the levels of fortune of this group and those from the economically more dynamic coastal regions of Brazil can be very suggestive about what it meant to be senhor de engenho in a peripheral captai ncy. The potential incomparability among the sources related to different peri ods has to be taken into acco unt, since the data available embraces a period of 75 years (1808-1883) in which inflation considerably devaluated the currency. For instance, while in 1812 a young male slave, between 18-25 years old, was evaluated in 240,000 ris ,30 in 1878 a slave in the same age range was valued at 1,600,000 ris ,31 an increase of 6.66 time s. Although the value of the slaves might not be taken as the best comparison parameter, given the fluctuations in the Atlantic slave trade and its prohibition in 1850, which heavily inflated slaves prices, the pr ices of the sugar, the main trading product of these establishments, also rose considerably in the same period. In 1809 one arroba of sugar was valued at 1.650 ris ,32 in 1879 it had increased to 5.500 ris ,33 3.33 times, which could correspond to a figure closer to the general inflation for this period. The best strategy to minimize the effects of the inflation over the planters total patrimonies is anal yzing shorter periods of time. For the period between 1813 and 1830, the average patrimony for six out of seven planters, for whom this informa tion is available, was about 11,858,000 ris while the wealthiest fortune, from Antnio da Silva Albuquerque, totalized 46,999,730 ris 30 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio da Silva Albuquerque, 1812. 31 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio Bruno Borges, 1878. 32 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809. 33 APMT, probate-inventory Manoel Jos Moreira da Silva Jnior, Cartrio do 3 Ofcio, Caixa 184, year: 1879.

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50 Between 1842 and 1856 the average for se ven out of ten planters was 15,150,000 ris while the three wealthiest planters, Ana Lu za da Silva, Antnio Joaquim Cerqueira Caldas, and the ex-president of the provin ce, Antnio Corra da Costa, had fortunes respectively evaluated in 61,716,725 ris, 74,802,168 ris and 234,990,179 ris For the last period, 1860 to 1884, the average for 10 out of 13 planters increased to 27,752,000 ris ,34 while the two wealthiest plan ters fortunes, totaled 105,289,400 ris for Jos de Lara Pinto, and 254,334,080 ris for Maria da Conceio de Toledo, widow of Antnio Corra da Costa. Although the fortune of the average planter increased 2.34 times between 1813 and 1884, what these numbers demons trate is that, in general terms, these planters were impoverishing over time, gi ven the inflation in the same period. The question that must be raised is what was the significance of these planters average and highest fortunes when they are pl aced in the wider Brazilian social context? Unfortunately there are almost no studies done on the regional basis exposing levels of wealth of the general Brazilian population. For the case of Salv ador, capital of Bahia, in the first half of the 19th century, Mattoso (1997:161-162) a ffirms that the group of people who could afford more stable living condi tions, were those merchants and craftsmen whose patrimony totaled between two and ten million ris Mattoso, however, classifies as true fortunes only those superior to ten million ris reached by some merchants, bureaucrats, and civil servants, since this was the minimum amount that could guarantee economic stability for its owner and his or her family. In this sense, the average planters of Chapada dos Guimares could be classifi ed as belonging to the high class in the 19th century Brazilian general social structure. But when the fortunes of this group are 34 Antnia Pereira da Silvas fortune was not consid ered in this calculation due the absence of the evaluation of her slaves, which could have very considerably increased her total fortune.

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51 contrasted to those from the most ec onomically dynamic southern-central coffeeproduction region of So Paulo, another pictur e is revealed. Working with seven coffee planters probate-inventories of the county of Queluz, province of So Paulo, for the period between 1842 and 1885, Marins (1995) found fortunes varying between 82,164,570 and 317,671,119 ris. For the period between 184 2 and 1856, the fortunes of these planters averaged about 159,155,000 ris a value more than ten times higher than that found for the average planters of Chapada dos Guimares. For the last period, between 1860 and 1885, these coffee planters fortunes averaged about 170,000,000 ris a value still more than six times higher than that from their Chapada dos Guimares peers. Only the three wealthiest planters of Chapada accumulated fortunes that could be comparable to those of these coffee planters, Antnio Corra da Costa, his wife Maria da Concei o de Toledo and, maybe not coincidently, Antnio Corras son-in-law Jo s de Lara Pinto. But, as previously stated, Antnio Corra da Costa had been president of the province of Mato Grosso, constituting, therefore, an exceptional case, since his fo rtune might have been accumulated through a set of other sources, rather than ju st by the plantations profit alone. What these numbers confirm is the lo w level of profit of the Chapada dos Guimares plantations. Although their production exerted a fundamental role in the economic vitality of the provin ce, these establishments were not able to bring absolute wealth for their owners, benef iting them more in terms of the relative stability furnished by the land ownership and by the prestige and social st atus enjoyed by holding the condition of senhor de engenho. Still, even these two elements were not a guarantee of economic stability for the life of the planters descendents, w ho had to follow established

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52 social strategies in an attempt to maintain at least part of the social prestige enjoyed by their parents, as will be discussed in the next chapter. The Historical Sites of Chapada dos Guimares Four historical sites were excavated in the county of Chapada dos Guimares as part of one historical arch aeological rescue project (s ee Symanski and Souza 2001). Three of these sites, Tapero, Buritizinho, and Engenho do Quilombo, are plantations; the last one, the Tapera do Pingador, is probably a small quilombo (Figure 2-1). The Tapero Site (Engenho do Rio da Casca) The Tapero site, originally named Engenho do Rio da Casca, is a plantation which was occupied between the end of the 18th and the end of the 19th century. It is a site of large dimensions in the regional context, with structures and featur es distributed over an area of 180 x 180 meters (Figure 2-6). Documentary research in the Arquivo Pblico do Estado de Mato Grosso permitted identification of the Tapero planters house hold and respective slaveholdings for the first half of the 19th century. This sesmaria had been originally granted to the captain Francisco Ferreira de Azevedo, in 1786, but a few years later the Portuguese captain Luis Monteiro Salgado acquired it in a public au ction, from the patrimony of Jos Pereira Nunes.35 In the list of Chapada dos Guimares engenhos for the year of 1798, Luis Monteiro appeared well established ther e, keeping a slaveholding of 60 slaves.36 He was married to Rosa Cardoso de Lima, who was born in Mato Grosso. The couple had three 35 IHGMT, ACBM/IPDAC Pasta 70 Docs. 1.762-1763, fl. 46. 36 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachaas...

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53 sons and four daughters. His daughter Luisa Maria married an other planter in the region, Captain Antnio Leite do Amaral Coutinho, who died in 1818.37 stream 13 14 12 8 9 7 15 4 1 30m 10m 20m N Sugar-mill channel Figure 2-6. Plan of the Tapero site (Engenho do Rio da Casca). When Luis Monteiro Salgado died, in 1808, the plantation was very productive. There were 61 slaves living there and eight slaves living in his urban residence, in Cuiab. Among his plantations slaves, 32 were Africans and 29 were Brazilian-born. Upon his death, the plantation was inherited by his wife. In 1812, she put her son, 37 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio Leite do Amaral Coutinho Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 21, Processo No. 149, year: 1818.

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54 Antnio Monteiro Salgado, in charge of its ad ministration, an activity that he carried out until 1838. During the period of his administ ration, the plantation seems to have prospered even more, since in 1826 there were 71 slaves living th ere, 21 Africans and 50 Brazilians.38 Both Rosa Cardoso de Lima and Antnio Monteiro Salgado died in 1841. At this moment the plantation was in economic declin e, given that its slaveholding had dropped to 33 individuals, nine Africans and 24 Brazilians.39 The plantation then passed into the hands of Rosa Cardosos grandson-in-law, Jo o Fernandes de Mello, as partial payment of a debt, and the slaves dispersed, some bei ng given in payment against debts and others distributed among Rosa Cardosos heirs.40 Joo Fernandes de Mello was also a planter of the region, owner of the Engenho da Glria. He was married to Rosa Leite do Amaral Coutinho, daughter of Luiza Maria and Ant nio Leite, and theref ore granddaughter of Luis Monteiro Salgado and Rosa Cardoso de Lima. Joo Fernandes probably sold the Engenho do Rio da Casca after a period of time, given that when his wife died, in 1856, this property was not listed in the couples probate-inventory.41 Although archaeological material demonstrates that this planta tion was occupied until the end of the 19th century, no documentary registers of its subsequent owners was found. Archaeological excavation on this plantati on was concentrated on deposits related to six units of habitation (Figure 2-6). Th e archaeological material referent to the planters house is associated with the excavation units 7, 8, 9 and 12. Unit 7 corresponds 38 APMT, probate-inventory Luis Monteiro Salgado, 1808. 39 APMT, probate-inventory Rosa Cardoso de Lima, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 44, Processo No. 118, year: 1841. 40 Ibidem. 41 APMT, probate-inventory Rosa Leite do Amaral Coutinho Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 69, Processo No. 339, year: 1856.

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55 to the interior of the planters house. Aiming to understand the internal compartmentalization of this house, four pa rallel trenches were opened, sampling 50% of their interior, totalizing 160m of excavated area. Unit 8 is an area of refuse deposition adjacent to the house. Unit 9 is a trench of 1 x 20 meters in the backyard of the planters house. Unit 12, in turn, is a peripheral area of deposition of refuse of the planters house, located 14 meters northwest from it. Unit 14, located about 35 meters north from the planters house, is a deposit referent to so me category of free-laborer, probably overseer or aggregate. Units 1, 3, 4, and 15 are deposits re lated to the slaves. The rest of the units of excavation, including Unit 13, were not cons idered in this analysis because they presented only small amounts of archaeological material that appear inconsequential to the context of the current analysis. A total of 422 square meters were excavated in this site, including 240 test-pits of 50 x 50 cm in regular intervals of 10 meters throughout the extension of the site. Table 2.3 presents the number of fragments and minimum number of vessels for the three material categories exhumed from th is site which will be approached in this study, including: imported wares, glass, and locally-made pottery. The table also provides the mean date for each deposit, according to the mean ceramic date formula (South 1972) applied to the refined earthenware.

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56 Table 2-3. Tapero site total of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries present in the analyzed contexts Tapero site Imported wares Glass Locally-made pottery Mean ceramic date SherdsMNVSherdsMNVSherdsMNV Planters deposits Units 7+8+9+ 12/layer 1 277 77 149 14 206 15 1850.5 Units 7+8+9+12/layer 2 651 140 400 41 535 14 1836.2 Free-laborer deposits Unit 14/layer 1 62 20 162 07 27 02 1852.4 Unit 14/layer 2 232 35 117 11 140 10 1825.6 Slaves deposits Unit 1/layer 1+2 27 11 32 04 251 13 1810.9 Unit 3/layer 2 60 25 252 07 440 19 1820.3 Unit 4/layer 1+2 64 16 13 03 194 14 1802.5 Unit 15/layer 1+2 63 13 13 04 380 13 1797.0 Total 1436 337 1138 91 2146 98 The Buritizinho Site (Engenho gua Fria) The Buritizinho site, originally named Enge nho gua Fria, is another plantation of large dimensions, whose structures and feat ures are distributed over an area of 80 x 140 meters (Figure 2-7). Mato Grossos provincial governor conceded this sesmaria title to Domingos da Silva Barreiros in 1809.42 Domingos Barreiros was married to Ana Luiza da Silva, daughter of the Portuguese Lieu tenant Paulo da Silva Coelho, one of the greatest planters of the re gion in the end of the 18th century. This couple had two daughters, Ana Luiza Tereza da Silva and An tnia Pereira da Silva. Both daughters 42 INTERMAT Livro de registro das sesmarias. Livro 3, Reg. 27 fls. 22v a 23v.

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57 Figure 2-7. Plan of the Buriti zinho site (Engenho gua Fria) 1planters area; 2freelaborers area; 3slaves area. married local planters.43 In 1827 Ana Luiza married the cap tain Vitoriano Jos do Couto, who was son and grandson of Portuguese local planters, the captains Jos do Couto da Encarnao and Francisco Corra da Costa, respectively (Alencar n.d.a: 19). Antnia Pereira, in turn, married the planter Jo s Gomes Monteiro, who was also son and 43 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Luiza da Silva, 1848.

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58 grandson of Portuguese local planters, the cap tains Jos Gomes Monteiro and Francisco Corra da Costa, respectively.44 In 1818 Domingos Barreiros died, and the engenho passed into the hands of his wife, Ana Lui za. When she died, in 1848, the plantation had 57 slaves, 25 Africans and 32 Brazilians.45 The plantation was inherited by her daughter, Antnia Pereira da Silva, then widow of Jo s Gomes Monteiro. Ant nia Pereira died in 1870, leaving no descendants. In her will, she fr eed all of her slaves, which is the reason why there is no slaveholding list in her proba te-inventory. She left the plantation to her god-daughter Antnia Guilhermina de Oliv eira, who was married to the physician Caetano Xavier da Silva Pereira46. This couple lived in Cuiab, and seems to have had little interest in keeping the plantation, since Caetano Xavier sold it some years latter to Incio Jos de Sampaio, who still owned this property at the beginning of the 20th century.47 Archaeological excavations on this plantati on concentrated on deposits associated with three units of habitation including the planters house, the free-laborers house, and one senzala The planters residential area presen ted a large refuse disposal area, a channel 1.90m deep by two meters wide a nd of an undefined length, which probably served to channel water for powering the mill. This channel was filled with the garbage produced by the planters household. The arch aeological material in this feature was deposited between the begi nning and the end of the 19th century. Although this feature presented five archaeological layers, the cross-mending of the archaeological material from the layers I, II, and III pointed out to the same depositional process. The material 44 APMT, probate-inventory Antnia Pereira da Silva, Cartrio do 6 Ofcio, Caixa 02, year: 1870. 45 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Luiza da Silva, 1848. 46 APMT, probate-inventory Antnia Pereira da Silva, 1870. 47 INTERMAT. Certido de registro de propriedade. Fl. 20

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59 recovered from layers IV and V also cro ss-mended, so that the assemblages were separated in only two depositional sequences. Unit 2, located about 35 meters to the north east from the planters house (Figure 27), is probably associated to th e overseers or aggregates of the engenho The material recovered in this area is predominan tly related to the middle of the 19th century. Area 3, located about 70 meters from the planter s house, corresponds to a slave cabin. Its material is also predominantly related to the second half of the 19th century. A total of 117 square meters was excavated in this s ite, including 116 test-pits of 50 x 50 cm in regular intervals of 10 meters thr oughout the extension of the site. Table 2.4 presents the quantitative data for th e imported wares, glasses, and locallymade potteries exhumed from the three excavated units. Table 2-4. Buritizinho site total of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries present in the analyzed contexts. Site Buritizinho (Engenho gua Fria) Imported wares Glass Locally-made pottery Mean ceramic date Sherds MNV Sherds MNV Sherds MNV Planters deposit Unit 1 layers I III 194 65 82 17 443 13 1863.4 Unit 1 layers IVV 1308 162 371 35 1104 46 1841 Free-laborers deposit unit 2 173 51 90 11 196 18 1852.7 Slaves deposit unit 3 162 19 170 10 425 14 1862.1 Total 1837 297 713 73 2168 91 The Engenho do Quilombo Site The Engenho do Quilombo is a plantation whose features and structures are distributed over an area of 70 x 80 meters (Figure 2-8). Its first owner was Antnio Dias Lessa, who acquired it through land title admini stered by the captaincy governor in 1781.

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60 The Portuguese Domingos Jos de Azevedo boug ht this plantation in the beginning of the 19th century.48 In 1827 the German naturalist Ludw ig von Langsdorff, after spending the night in the Engenho gua Fria (Buritizinho s ite), where he was very well received by Ana Luiza da Silva, visited this plan tation. Langsdorff (1997:111112) described the property as decadent, and Domingos Jos de Azevedo as a notoriously brutal man who treated his slaves more viciously than any ot her planter he had met in Brazil. According to Langsdorff, these slaves were undernouris hed and barely dressed. The women were burdened in their cotton weaving tasks and, at night, Azevedo locked them in a room located right under his bedroom, as not ed earlier in this chapter. Domingos Azevedo was married to Antnia Maria Dias, who died at an early age in 1812, leaving five young children. At this time the plantation had 33 slaves, 10 Africans and 22 Brazilians.49 Domingos Azevedo probabl y died in the 1830s. The Engenho do Quilombo was inherited by his son, Francisco Vieira de Azevedo, who was married to Ana Lutria Filiz de Aquino, also a daughter of planters of the region. Ana Lutria died in 1847, a period in which the plantations slaveholdi ng had dropped to 21 slaves, only one being African.50 After Ana Lutrias death, Francisco Vieira married Ana Leite Pereira. He died in 1861. At this time, four Africans a nd eight Brazilian-born slaves lived on the plantation.51 In 1870 Ana Leite sold the Engenho do Quilombo to another planter of the region, th e colonel Antnio Bruno Borges.52 Antnio Borges was born in 1826, in So Joo del Rey, Provin ce of Minas Gerais. He got married to 48 IHGMT, ACBM/IPDAC Pasta 70 Docs. 1.762-1763, fls. 9v-10. 49 APMT, probate-inventory Antnia Maria Dias, 1812. 50 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Lutria Filiz de Aquino Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 52, Processo No. 211, year: 1847. 51 APMT, probate-inventory Francisco Vieira de Azevedo Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 75, Processo No. 398, year: 1861. 52 Ibidem.

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61 Umbelina Ricarda do Couto in 1847 (Alencar n.d.a:3). Umbelina was daughter and grand-daughter of two planters of Chapada, th e captain Jos Couto da Encarnao and the Figure 2-8: Plan of the Engenho do Quilombo site 1planters area ; 2slaves and/or free-laborers area. captain Francisco Corra da Costa, respect ively, both native from Portugal (Alencar n.d.a:3). Antnio Borges was an active combatant of the quilombos of the region. In 1868, revolted by the quilombolas frequent attacks on the plan tations, he contracted an African-Brazilian to infiltr ate the Quilombo do Rio Manso, located in the county of

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62 Chapada dos Guimares. This was the largest quilombo of Mato Grosso at that time, sheltering about 300 individuals (Volpa to 1993:188-189). In 1871 Borges provided financial assistance for an expedition against these quilombos which was only partially successful, since some quilombos kept active until the beginn ing of the 1880s (Siqueira 2001:91). Antnio Borges died in 1877, twelve years after his wife, a time in which his plantation had 32 slaves, only five of which were Africans.53 According to oral information provided by Joana Paes de Oliv eira, her grandfather-inlaw, Raimundo Jos da Siqueira bought the plantation from Antnio Borges descendants at the end of the 19th century, keeping two of the female ex-slaves who lived there. This property still belongs to the descendants of Raimundo Siqueira. Archaeological excavations in the Engenho do Quilombo concentrated in two refuse areas (Figure 2-8). The first related to the planters house (Unit 1) and the second one, located 40 meters from this house, rela ted to a dwelling that was occupied by plantation laborers in the beginning of the 20th century, according to Joana Paes information (Unit 2). For the 19th century there is no conclusive evidence to affirm if this second area was occupied by slaves or free-la borers. Although the de posit associated to the planters house presented 3 stratigraphic la yers, totaling 1 meter of thickness, only the layer in contact to the base of the deposit contained material from the 19th century. Unit 2, in turn, presented an archaeological la yer varying in thickn ess between 40 and 70 centimeters. An anachronism was verified be tween the refined earthenware found in this deposit, in that its majority dated to the middle of the 19th century, while the majority of glass bottles dated to the beginning of the 20th century. This combin ation of older wares and newer bottles was verified close to the bo ttom of the deposit. It must be remembered 53 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio Bruno Borges, 1878.

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63 that diamond mining was carried out in this site since th e beginning of the 19th century, as described by Langsdorff in 1827 (see Langsdor ff 1997:114). It is possi ble that in this case, this particular area saw interm itent use up to the beginning of the 20th century, thus mixing up components from this later period with those from previous occupations. A total of 108 square meters was excavated in this site, including 82 test-pits of 50 x 50cm opened in regular intervals of 10 and 5 meters. Table 2.5 presents the quantitative data fo r the imported wares, glasses, and locallymade pottery, considered in this analysis. Table 2-5.Engenho do Quilombo site total of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries present in the analyzed contexts Site Engenho do Quilombo Imported wares Glass Locally-made pottery Mean ceramic date Sherds MNV Sherds MNV Sherds MNV Planters deposit unit 1/layer 3 410 112 365 39 475 27 1853 unit 2/layers 1+2 177 48 487 36 278 09 1849.5 Total 587 160 852 75 753 36 The Tapera do Pingador Site The Tapera do Pingador is a site of small dimensions. The features and structures are distributed in an area of 30 x 30 meters (Figure 2-9). The land where this site is located has been occupied since the end of the 19th century by an African-descent family, nowadays headed by Durvalino Nascimento da Mata, but unfortunately no documentary information was found about its previous occupations. However, according to oral information provided by Durvalino Nasciment o, this site was occupied by slaves, and was probably a small quilombo or a settlement of freed slav es. As previously discussed, throughout the 19th century there were several quilombos of various sizes spread throughout this region. It was common for inhabitants of the biggest quilombos to leave

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64 and settle into new, smaller quilombos (Siqueira 2001:94). Freed slaves, in turn, could also live in isolated pl aces. Langsdorff (1997:96), in 1827, mentioned the existence of these small units, inhabited by poor ex-slaves in the region. Other evidence sustaining the possible African/Afro-Brazilian occupation of th is site is the local toponimy, since the closest hill is called Serra do Cambambe. Cambambe is the name of a region in Angolas hinterland and, in Brazil, it also came to be the name of an African nation (Russel-Wood 2001:13). Figure 2-9. Plan of the Tapera do Pingador site.

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65 A total of 131 square meters was exca vated in this site (Figure 2-9). Two components were identified, one rela ted to the first half of the 19th century and the other one to the end of that century. In the clay -bottom level of the archaeological deposit, a feature of irregular shape, a bout 3 x 4 meters of diameter and meter deep was exposed. It was filled in with dark soil presenting many pottery fragments, which in some cases formed complete vessels, and other occasional fragments of refined earthenware and coins, both from the first half of the 19th century. On the eastern bor der of this feature, a line of post-holes was exposed. This feature is similar to the clay pits found in AfricanAmerican sites in the United States, which consisted of holes excavated close to the slaves houses and whose clay was used to build the walls of wattle-and-daub houses, wherein the holes were likely used as refuse areas (Ferguson 1992:64). Quantitative data for the imported wares, glasses, and locally-made pottery, considered in this analysis are presented in Table 2.6. Table 2-6. Tapera do Pingador site total of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries present in the analyzed contexts. Tapera do Pingador Imported wares Glass Locally-made pottery Mean ceramic date Sherds MNV Sherds MNVSherds MNV layer 1 157 21 1283 26 349 10 Undetermined (end of 19th century) layers 2 + clay-pit 21 07 03 03 687 29 Undetermined (1st half of 19th century) Total 178 28 1286 29 1036 39 This chapter consisted in a wide contextu alization, at first furnishing information about the history and economy of Chapada dos Guimares plantations and, later, furnishing basic information about the historic al sites studied. The next three chapters will be focused on the actors who occupied these settings: planters, slaves, and overseers.

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66 These groups will be characterized accord ing to documentary and archaeological information, approaching the soci al strategies that they used to maintain their socialcultural cohesion and characterizing their diffe rentiated material world. Special attention will be given to the role that these groups gave to the material culture as a vehicle through which differences of economic, social and cultural order could be expressed.

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67 CHAPTER 3 THE PLANTERS WORLD: SOCIAL STRA TEGIES AND MATER IAL CULTURE IN CHAPADA DOS GUIMARES PLANTATIONS This chapter will focus on the planters, ai ming to characterize this group in terms of its social practices and material life. This analysis will take a diachronic perspective, starting with tracking the trajectory of some of the most important Portuguese and Brazilian planters families that established themselves in Chapada dos Guimares in the end of the 18th century, aiming to investigate the stra tegies that this group developed to keep the possession of the land in the region over the generations. Th e planters material world, in turn, will be characterized on the basis of the documentary and archaeological data. While documentary data, particularly prob ate-inventories lists of household items, permits characterization of the domestic enviro nment of this group in its regularities and idiosyncrasies, the archaeological data is more informative of their daily practices, thusly adding a more dynamic dimension to this an alysis. These two categories of sources present information that can be, simultaneou sly, complementary and discrepant. Whereas the complementary nature between data sets furnishes a richer pict ure of the planters material life, the discrepancies are also very informative, since they demonstrate that the social and material life of th is group was impregnated with in fluences of the other social segments, particularly slaves, who shared most of the physical spaces with the planters.

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68 Familial Trajectories in Chapada dos Guimares As revealed in Chapter 2, in 1780, the gene ral-governor of Mato Grosso started to distribute land-titles in the region under study, located betw een the Casca and Quilombo rivers. These land-titles were basically given to miners w ho, due the exhaustion of the gold mines at this period, wanted to use th eir slaves in productive activities related to planting and processing of sugar cane a nd other foodstuffs (Volpato 1987:93-94). However, the documents available suggest that only a few of these original land-granters established themselves and carried out productive activities on these lands. The documents available furnish the name of 33 pe rsons originally granted with land-titles in this region between 1780 and 1790. When these names are contrasted to the relation of Chapada dos Guimares planters of 1798, compos ed of nineteen planters, it is verified that only six of these planters, Francisco Corra da Costa, Valentim Martins da Cruz, Jos Gomes de Barros, Maria Roiz, Jos Pedro Gomes, and Domingos da Costa Monteiro, gained their land-titles th rough this system of concession of sesmarias Probably most of the other thir teen planters bought the lands from the original land-title holders. This was the case of Apolin rio de Oliveira Gago, who bought the sesmaria that had been granted to his uncle Jos Ges e Siqueira in 1785.1 A more emblematic case was the Portuguese captain Luis Mo nteiro Salgado, who acquired seven sesmarias all of them bought by auction from the inheritance of Jos Pereira Nunes.2 Luis Monteiro Salgados sesmarias were located in contiguous la nds, and in 1798 he employed 60 slaves in planting activities in his Engenho do Rio da Casca (Tapero site), the biggest 1 IHGMT, ACBM/IPDAC Pasta 70 Docs. 1.762-1763, fl. 2v. 2 IHGMT, ACBM/IPDAC Pasta 70 Docs. 1.762-1763, fl. 46.

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69 site excavated for this research.3 Jos Pereira Nunes himself, although having been granted by the government a number of land-ti tles, was also concerned with purchasing some sesmarias from previous land-grant holders.4 Therefore, most of the original landgrant holders were not concer ned in keeping their propertie s, selling them just a few years later to the Portuguese and Brazilians with military patents who arrived in Mato Grosso in the second half of the 18th century. This group came to compose the first ge neration of planters in the Casca and Quilombo rivers, whose families created ro ots in the region, exploring the land and exploiting the slaves almost until the end of the 19th centu ry. Most of these planters started to arrive in Mato Grosso princi pally after 1751, due the establishment of the government of the captaincy, which required the formation of an administrative and military apparatus. These public servants and military officials superposed the existent elite, up to then composed of mine rs and merchants (Volpato 1987:20-21). The tracking of the familial trajectory of so me planters suggests that this group was very concerned in establishing familial allia nces and, through this means, guarantee the intra-group perpetuation and transmission of power, represented by the owning of land and slaves. This analysis will start with th e family of the Portuguese captain Francisco Corra da Costa, who was born in the villag e of Massarelos, county of Porto (Alencar n.d.a:1). In 1798, Francisco Corra da Costa appears in the lists of engenhos in Chapada dos Guimares as owning 34 slaves.5 He gained the land title in 1780, establishing his 3 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachaas... 4 IHGMT, ACBM/IPDAC Pasta 70 Docs. 1.762-1763, fl. 47. 5 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachaas...

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70 engenho in the headwaters of the Aric str eam, later called Ribeiro Bom Jardim.6 He married the cuiabana (from Cuiab) Maria Tereza de Jesus, daughter of the captain paulista (from So Paulo captaincy) Martinho de Oliveira Gago a nd sister of the captain Apolinrio de Oliveira Gago, also a planter in Chapada dos Guimares (Alencar n.d.a:1). Francisco Corra da Costa died in 1800, l eaving three sons and three daughters. Significantly, his three daughters married Portu guese military officials. The oldest one, Gertrudes Maria de Jesus, married the Port uguese captain Jos do Couto da Encarnao, who arrived in Cuiab in 1781 (Alencar n.d.a:2). Jos do C outo was another planter in Chapada dos Guimares, keeping 15 slav es working on his plantation in 1798.7 His second daughter, Ana Maria da Lapa, marri ed the Portuguese captain Jos Gomes Monteiro, who also managed to acquire land in Chapada dos Guimares in the beginning of the 19th century. When he died in 1817, he ha d 46 slaves working in his Engenho das Palmeiras.8 Finally, his last daughter Maria Francisca de Jesu s, married the Portuguese captain Paulo Luiz Barata (Alencar n.d.a:74) In this last case, however, there is no information that this couple came to own la nd in Chapada, although this possibility is great, since their son, also named Paulo Lu iz Barata, owned the Engenho Barrocas, in Chapada (Alencar n.d.a:78), which he coul d have inherited from his parents. Another case in point was the Portuguese lieutenant Paulo da Silva Coelho, who, in 1798, kept 45 slaves working in his engenho Lagoinha de Santo Antnio das Palmeiras, in Chapada.9 He was married to Ana Pereira da Silva, whose ascendance was not 6 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio Corra da Costa, 1855. 7 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachaas... 8 APMT, probate-inventory Jos Gomes Monteiro Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 20, Processo No. 179, year: 1817. 9 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachaas...

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71 determined, having six children, four women and two men.10 Of his daughters, at least three, Ana Luiza, Maria, and Custdia, married other planters of Chapada. Ana Luiza got married to the captain Domingos da Silva Barr eiros, who was granted a land-title in the Rio da Casca region in 1809, where he esta blished the Engenho gua Fria (Buritizinho site).11 Unfortunately, no information was found a bout the origin of Domingos Barreiros. Maria married the Portuguese alferes12 Manoel Jos Moreira,13 who acquired the Engenho Bom Jardim in 1818. Custdia, in turn, got married, after her parents death, to the cuiabano captain Eleutrio da Costa Montei ro, owner of the Engenho Jurumim,14 which he probably inherited from his father the planter Domingos da Costa Monteiro, who had been granted a landtitle in the region in 1780.15 The wealthiest planter identified for this initial period was the Sergeant-Major Antnio da Silva Albuquerque. He was Brazilian, born in Pa racat, captaincy of Minas Gerais.16 In 1798 he had 40 slaves working in his engenho in Chapada,17 number that increased to 93 when he died, in 1812, without taken into account his other 82 slaves who worked in two mines in other regions of Mato Grosso. Antnio Albuquerque married Maria Francisca de Moraes, daughter of the lieutenant Jos Ribeiro Mendes (Alencar n.d.c:60). He and Maria Francisca had ei ght children, five women and three men (Alencar n.d.c:59). At least two of their oldest daughters married Portuguese planters 10 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809. 11 INTERMAT Livro de registro das sesmarias. Livro 3, Reg. 27 fls. 22v a 23v. 12 Military post equivalent to second lieutenant. 13 Although none information was found about Manoel Mo reiras origin in the archives of Cuiab, his name appears in documents of the Arquivo Distrital de Braga, Portugal, for the years of 1774 and 1816 (source: http:epl.di.uminho.pt). 14 APMT, probate-inventory Eleutrio da Costa Monteiro, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 103, Processo No. 632, year: 1870. 15 APMT, ACBM/IPDAC Pasta 70 Docs. 1.762-1763, fls. 10-10v. 16 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio da Silva ALbuquerque, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 16, Processo No. 621, year: 1812. 17 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachaas...

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72 who owned land in Chapada. Their first daughter, Maria da Silva Albuquerque, got married to the Portuguese lieutenant Jernimo Joaquim Nunes, who arrived in Cuiab in 1804, and died in 1837. Jernimo Nunes was nominated vice-presid ent of the Mato Grosso province in 1826 (Alencar n.d.c .:59-62). This couple owned the Engenho do Aric, in Chapada, whose slaveholding was co mposed of 14 slaves at the time of Maria Albuquerques death, in 1845.18 His second daughter, Ana da Silva Albuquerque, married the Portuguese lieutenant-colonel Ant nio Jos de Cerqueira Caldas, owner of the Engenho Rio da Casca, in Chapada, where he had 51 slaves working when he died, in 1853.19 Actually, the practice of Brazilian familie s marrying their daughters to Portuguese was well established in the colonial period, and has been verified in other rural regions of Brazil, such as the countrysid e of the captaincies of So Pa ulo (Metcalf 1992:94; Bacellar 1997:110), Rio de Janeiro (Faria 1998:193) and Bahia (Borges 1992:244). This preference of Brazilian planters for Portuguese sons-in-law has been explained in terms of the web of contacts of these immigrants, who tended to be merchants, with the more urbane and commercial world, thus allowing families to annex new capital and lines of business (Borges 1992:244; Faria 1998:193; Metcalf 1992:94), although, as Freyre affirms (1986:96-97), their Europe an origin could also have been an important criterion for those families concerned in keeping the whiteness of their offspring. In spite of this subject, Florence (n.d.:127) ir onically refers to the case of the Portuguese lieutenantcolonel Joo Pereira Leite, from the Fazenda Jacobina, the biggest plantation of Mato 18 APMT, probate-inventory Maria da Silva de Albuquerque Nunes, Cartrio do 2 Ofcio, Caixa 01, year: 1845. 19 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio Jos de Cerqueira Caldas, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 63, Processo No. 02, year: 1853.

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73 Grosso in 1827, with the following words: Oh, this nostalgic colonial time () in which the Portuguese men from Europe were able to marry rich [Brazilian] heirs only because they were white. This practice of endogamic marriages among the planters families was kept over time, in such a way that granddaughters and grandsons of the firs t planters married among themselves. This case is very well i llustrated by Domingos da Silva Barreiros daughters. As illustrated above, Domingos Ba rreiros, owner of the Engenho gua Fria (Buritizinho site) was married to Ana Luiza da Silva, daughter of the Portuguese planter Paulo da Silva Coelho. This couple had two daughters, Ana Luiza Tereza da Silva and Antnia Pereira da Silva. Both daughters married local planters. In 1827 Ana Luiza married the captain Vitoriano Jos do Cout o, who was son and grandson of Portuguese planters, the captains Jos do Couto da En carnao and Francisco Corra da Costa, respectively (Alencar n.d.a:19). Antnia Pereira, in turn, married the planter Jos Gomes Monteiro, who was also son and grandson of Portuguese planters, the captains Jos Gomes Monteiro and, again, Francisco Corra da Costa, respectively (Alencar n.d.a:4243). Nevertheless, although skin-color categorizatio ns acted as a major scheme of social distinction, in a scale in which the predom inantly whiter, Portuguese ascendance, skin color was correlated to the planters class, while the darker, African ascendance, skin color was correlated to the slaves class, some planters also had offspring with Africans and Indians. For instance, Crivelente (2001: 147-150) refers to the case of the Portuguese Valentim Martins da Cruz, who had nine children from his slave Joaquina. Valentim, was

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74 settled in the region since 1780,20 and had a significant slav eholding of 70 slaves in 1798.21 He never married, but in his will, in 1812, he recognized as legitimate the six daughters and three sons that he had with the referent slave. His children are all categorized as pardos (mulattos) in this document,22 being that his plantation was inherited by his daughter, the parda Escolstica Martins da Cruz who kept this property productive until her death, in 1866.23 Siqueira (2001:107-108) also describes the case of a planter of the region, Jos Martins de Carvalho, married to an indigenous woman, Emerenciana Bororo, who inhe rited his plantation in 1863. In summary, the cases discussed demonstrate that a reasonable majority of these planters were very concerned with establis hing a community, aggregated by familial ties and sharing the same social and economic interests and positions. The benefits of establishing such alliances were many. Cons idering just the economic level, they guaranteed that the land ownership in the re gion was held in the hands of their small group of families over the generations, a very important advantage in a world marked by the economic instability that menaced even the most powerful families, as will be discussed next. Gender and Social Strategies The study of probate-inventories demons trates that, although the planters patrimony was divided among the widow and heirs upon the planters death, the widow not only had right to 50% of her husbands good s, but also was, many times, responsible for the administration of the patrimony left to the rest of the heirs. The women, therefore, 20 IHGMT, ACBM IPDAC Pasta 70 Doc. 1770 fls. 19; 19v. 21 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachaas 22 APMT, probate-inventory Valentim Martins da Cruz, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 17, Processo No. 970, year: 1812. 23 APMT, probate-inventory Escolstica Martins da Cruz, 1866.

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75 exerted a fundamental role in the planters so cial strategies, being primarily responsible for the maintenance of the land and its tran smission over the generations. In many cases, these planters wives were much younger than their husbands, tending to die many years later than them. This was the case, for instan ce, of the Portuguese captain Luis Monteiro Salgados wife, Rosa Cardoso de Lima who died in 1841, 33 years after him,24 of captain Domingos da Silva Barreiros wife, Ana Luiza da Siva, dead in 1848, 30 years after her him;25 and of the Portuguese captain Jos Gomes Monteiros wife, Ana Maria da Lapa, dead in 1858, 41 years after him.26 The control over the whole fortune by the widows was a very important strategy to avoid the fragmentation of the familys patrimony, which, however, was unavoidable after the widows death. This fragmentation tend ed to occur as a resu lt of the process of division of the fortune, as demonstrated in the probate-inventories. The death of the spouse, whether the planter or his wife, required the inventorying of the couples patrimony, aiming to establish its total value to start the process of division of the fortune among the heirs. In this invent orying all the debits and cred its of the couple were also computed, being that the debits in many cases tended to be much bigger than the credits. Thus, the first procedure was paying the d eceaseds debits. The remaining value was divided in two halves, 50% for the widow/wi dower and the 50% for the deceased. From the deceaseds part, he/she had the right to destine 30% according to his/her own will in will, in cases where the deceased had left one, which was usually used to cover the expenses with the death, such as burial, masses, donations for churches and religious 24 APMT, probate-inventory Rosa Cardoso de Lima, 1841. 25 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Luiza da Silva, 1848. 26 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Maria da Lapa, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 71, Processo No. 780, year: 1858.

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76 sodalities, as well as paying of debts, rewa rding of favorite sons, daughters, godsons and goddaughters, and recognition of illegitimates ch ildren, sometimes had with slaves, in the case of the male planters. Thus, only 35% of the planters fortune, af ter the paying of the debits, remained to be divided among his/he r children. Taking into account that these planters had an average of seven children, the final result was a total of 5% of the planters liquid patrimony to each heir. This proportion, however, could be even more fragmented in the case of heirs with childre n, since these last ones had right to 50% of their parents share. Therefore, only on occasion of the deat h of the widow, which, as previously discussed, tended to happen only after a cons iderable number of years or decades, was the patrimony fully divided among the heirs, bu t not before it was again subjected to the whole process of inventorying, in which more debts were again abated. An additional problem was the lack of experience of many of these female widows over the administration of the plantations. Living in a rural, patriarchal society, these women used to be very submissive to their husbands. For instance, visiting in 1827 the plantation Engenho do Quilombo (site Engenho do Quilo mbo), Hercules Florence (n.d.:118) became horrified when the planter, the Port uguese Domingos Jos de Azevedo, told him that, when his wife was alive, he used to lock her in the basement of the house when he had to leave the plantation for business. In view of this oppression, many of these planters wives were not involved in the econom ic affairs related to the administration of the engenhos before their husbands death. Theref ore, these widows had two options: contracting a manager for administrating the plantation or learning by themselves how to do it.

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77 For the un-experienced widows who had sons of a mature age, the best solution was contracting them as plantation managers, as did Rosa Cardoso Lima27 and Ana Pereira da Silva.28 Rosa Cardoso kept her son, Antni o Monteiro Salgado, as the manager of the Engenho Rio da Casca between 1812 and 1838, under the yearly wage of 64 oitavas29 of gold. On the other hand, for the wido ws without sons or whose sons were very young, the solution was either contrac ting a third party for carrying out the administrative activities, or taking care of the engenho by themselves. Feliciana Querubina Pereira da Silva, widow of th e captain Manoel Pereira da Silva Coelho, without children, contracted the husband of her niece, Miguel Joaquim Soares, for administering her Engenho Lagoinha.30 At the occasion of her death, in 1856, she owed for such services the significant amount of 3,000,000 ris This was one of the cases in which the contracted manager seemed to care little about the carrying out of his administrative functions, sin ce upon Felicianas death the engenho went to public auction, being bought by Manoel Jos Moreira da Silva for 18,000,000 ris an amount which included the 23 slaves who worked th ere. Most of this money went to pay Felicianas debits, leav ing the amount of 8,102,801 ris to be divided among her heirs.31 Among those widows who decided that taking care of the engenhos by themselves was the best option, there were some histories of failure and others of success. The case of Tereza Maria da Transfigurao, widow of Luiz Rodrigues de Sampaio, owner of the 27 APMT, probate-inventory Rosa Cardoso de Lima, 1841. 28 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809. 29 Oitava: the eighth part of an ounce. 30 APMT, probate-inventory Feliciana Querubina Pereir a da Silva, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 69, Processo No. 506, year: 1856. 31 Ibidem.

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78 Engenho Abrilongo, is illustrative of the former situation.32 This couple had eight children, most of them still very young when Tereza Maria died in 1847. Her fortune totaled 13,869,440 ris but after the payment of de bts, there remained only 5,210,857 ris to be divided among the orphans, meaning a value of 604,708 ris went to each one, an amount of money sufficient to buy only one 18-25 years old male slave. After the payment of the debts, the orphans, under the gu ardianship of Antnio Bento Pires, son-inlaw of Thereza Maria, were able to keep the engenho The way that Antnio Bento carried out his role of tutor, however, was s ubjected to criticisms by a local planter, the widow Antnia Pereira da Silva, from the E ngenho gua Fria (Buritizinho site). In a letter to the Judge of Orphans, in 1849, she denounced that the orphans were living in misery and the engenho was degrading, since most of its equipment and slaves had been given as payment of debts. Antnia Pereir a asked the judge for a public auction for selling the engenho so that the orphans could guar antee the money from a property which was rapidly loosing value due to its st ate of abandonment. In his defense to the judge, Antnio Bento Pires argued th at the fertile land in which the engenho was settled was more important than the mill and other buildings, and the little planting that had been done was enough to guarantee the orphans survival.33 This case is exemplary of the economic instability to which the children of the powerful planters could be subject upon their death, when the payment of debts and fragmentation of the patrimony could bring about a situation of near misery even when they were able to keep the plantation. There were also cases in which the familys bankruptcy came even before the widows death. This appears to have happened to Ana Maria da Lapa and Luiza Maria de 32 APMT, probate-inventory Thereza Maria da Transfigur ao, Cartrio do 5 Of cio, Caixa 54, Processo No. 790, year: 1847. 33 Ibidem.

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79 Jesus. Daughter and wife of important planters of Chapada dos Guimares, the Portugueses Francisco Corra da Costa and Jos Gomes Monteiro respectively, Ana Maria was left, by occasion of her husbands death, in 1817, with seven children between one and 15 years old. She assumed the administration of the Engenho das Palmeiras, since her husband had left few debts a nd a considerable patrimony evaluated at 14,452,593 ris When she died, in 1858, she had lost the engenho and lived in her house in Cuiab, having then only 13 slaves, a sma ll number when contrasted to the 46 slaves left by her husband. She was able to keep just a tract of land in Chapada, without buildings and evaluated to be worth the small amount of 200,000 ris in a time in which a young slave was valued at 1.400.000 ris .34 A similar situation happened to Luiza Maria de Jesus, also daughter and wife of planters, Luis Monteiro Salgado and Antnio Leite do Amaral Coutinho, respectively. She inherited the Engenho Conceio do Quilombo from her husband in 1818. Antnio Leite had seven children, three from one previous marriage and four from his marriage to Luiza Maria. He left her in an instable economic situation, since most of his fortune, including many of his 32 slaves, went to pay debts, resulting in the amount of 6,136,729 to be divided between the widow and his seven children. After winning a judicial di spute to avoid a third party assuming her childrens tutelage, Luiza Maria won the right to administer the engenho by herself, but the book of receipts and expenses of the engenho present in her husbands probateinventory, for the years between 1818 and 1826, makes clear that she was unsuccessful in this enterprise, since the expe nses were bigger than the pr ofit, forcing Luiza Maria to 34 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Maria da Lapa, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 71, Processo No. 780, year: 1858.

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80 mortgage the engenho in 1836.35 By occasion of her death, in 1855, she had lost it, keeping just one house in Cuiab and a tract of land in Chapad a, this last one valued at the small amount of 50,000 ris .36 There were some cases, however, of women who were very successful in administering engenhos Florence (n.d.:109-110), in 1827, de scribed one of these female planters, Mrs. Antnia, from the Engenho Buri ti, who spent the days laid on a hammock close to the sugar-mill, smoking a long pipe a nd supervising the activities of the slaves. Mrs. Antnia Arruda was daughter of Apolin rio de Oliveira Gago, who died unmarried in 1816, leaving a son and a daughter from two illicit relationships. In his will, Gago left one half of his patrimony to Antnia, as recogn ition of her help in the plantation affairs. She seemed very adept at conducting the business, since one account book of the engenho under her administration for the year of 1817 presented a positive balance of 619,654 ris while in many other cases engenhos tended to present a negative balance after the planters death.37 Ana Luiza da Silva, widow of Domingos da Silva Barreiros, and her daughter, Antnia Pereira da Silva, are another example of very successful female planters. Both mother and daughter lived in the Engenho gua Fria (Buritiz inho site). By the time of Ana Luizas death in 1848, she had accumulated the significant fortune of 62,161,429 ris Moreover, several of the pl anters of the region owed mo ney to her, suggesting that lending money was an important way to guarantee her economic success. Ana Luizas inheritance was divided by two heirs, Ant nia Pereira and her first cousin, Antnio 35 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio Leite do Amaral Coutinho, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 21, Processo No. 149, year: 1818. 36 APMT, probate-inventory Luiza Maria de Jesus, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 67, Processo No. 651, year: 1855. 37 APMT, probate-inventory Apolinrio de Oliveira Gago, Cartrio do 2 Ofcio, Caixa 1, year: 1816.

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81 Correa de Couto. Antnia kept the Engenho gua Fria.38 Before her death, in 1870, she freed all of her slaves in a will, since she di d not have descendents, leaving her fortune to a goddaughter, Antnia Guilhermina de Olivei ra, daughter of the Baron of Aguapey. Even without slaves, Antnia Pereiras pa trimony totalized the significant amount of 43,611,458 ris Like her mother, she also seemed to be lending money, given the great number of people owing money to her a nd the great amount of money in specimen described in her probate-inventory.39 While at least some of the planters daughters had the possibility of guaranteeing their welfare by marrying other planters of the region, the planters sons and the less fortunate daughters, in many instances, had to face a more unstable situation since, as discussed above, after the plan ters widows death the patrimony had to be shared by the numerous heirs and was rarely enough to gua rantee the social and economic status that their parents afforded. Thus, social strategies had to be developed to give them a chance to reach economic success. One recurrent alte rnative for the men was to get married to the daughters of successful planters, having access, through this way, to a dowry that could permit their initial economic emancipation. This practice well established in colonial Brazil, was maintained into the 19th century. The dowry constituted a donation given by the parents, or other closer family members, to their daughters on the occasion of their marriage. According to Metcalf ( 1992:102), the dowry cons tituted one of the most commons practices to favor one heir over another, since its value was established by the parents. Although kept in the name of the wife, whos e rights to the dowry were 38 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Luiza da Silva, 1848. 39 APMT, probate-inventory Antnia Pereira da Silva, 1870.

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82 protected by law, so that he r husband would be unable to loan it or to sell it without her consent, the dowry was ad ministered by the husband. One example of the proportions that a dowry given by a rich planter could reach is that received by Carolina Corra da Costa from her father, the captain Antnio Corra da Costa, on the occasion of her wedding to th e captain Jos de Lara Pinto, in 1840. The couple received 11 slaves, 25 canadas40 of cachaa (cane brandy), 38 horses and mares, 291 head of cattle, 1,568,312 ris in money, and two sesmarias in Chapada dos Guimares, where they probably establis hed the Engenho Campo Alegre (Alencar n.d.a:127, 135). Antnio Corra da Costa was one of the most pow erful men of Mato Grosso, coming to assume the presiden cy of the province between 1831 and 1834 (Alencar n.d.a:127), being ow ner of the Engenho Bom Jardim, in Chapada, which he inherited from his father, the Portuguese Francisco Corra da Costa. The Portuguese planter Paulo da Silva Coelho also gave ve ry generous dowries to his daughters Ana Luiza and Maria Pereira. Ana Luiza received, on occasion of her wedding to the captain Domingos da Silva Barreiros, four thousand cruzados in public titles, two small houses in Cuiab, two female slaves, and four thousand cruzados in gold or in foodstuffs.41 Probably Domingos Barreiros used a part of this capital to establish the Engenho gua Fria, which he acquired the same year of his father-in-laws death, in 1809.42 Maria Pereira, on the occasion of her wedding to the Portuguese alferes Manoel Jos Moreira, received one house in Cuiab, two female slaves, and the value of two thousand oitavas 40 Canada : Portuguese measure for liquids equivalent to three English pints. 41 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809. 42 INTERMAT Livro de registro das sesmarias.

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83 of gold in foodstuffs.43 Years later, in 1818, Manoel Jos was granted a sesmaria in the region of Chapada, where he established the Engenho Bom Jardim.44 The dowry, however, rather than a total donation, was a kind of long-term loan, since the couple benefited had to return 50% of the value received by occasion of the sharing of the patrimony upon the death of the of the last parent. Thus, the dowry was an endogamic system of circulation of the family s capital, since the 50% returned benefited the planters sons as well as the other da ughters that did not recei ve this assistance. Moreover, although administered by the husband, the dowry continued to be considered the patrimony of the donating family, serving as a mechanism of subordination of the husband to his dowry donators. An illustrative case is present in the will of the widow Escolstica Martins da Cruz, da ughter and wife of Chapadas planters. She declared that she had given as a dowry for her granddaughter Antnia Leonor Martins da Cruz, when the granddaughter was married to Joo de Albuquerque Nunes, one house in Cuiab and three slaves. Antnia Leonor died a few y ears after her marriage, leaving only one daughter. In her will, Escol stica affirmed that the dowry pertained to her greatgranddaughter, who was still underage in 1866, a nd named as a caretaker a third party, since she was very disappointed with the be havior that her gra ndson-in-law was having towards her family.45 Another alternative for the pl anters sons, after their pare nts death, was to be kept as the manager of the familys engenho This was the case of the lieutenant Manoel Pereira da Silva Coelho, son of the Portugue se Paulo da Silva Coelho. His mother, Ana 43 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809. 44 INTERMAT Livro de registro das sesmarias. 45 APMT, probate-inventory Escolstica Martins da Cruz, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 85, Processo No. 766, year: 1866.

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84 Pereira da Silva, died in 1812, just three years after her husba nd. The seven direct heirs of the couple decided to keep Manuel Pereira as the administrator of the Engenho Lagoinha, in the role that he had carr ied out since their father passe d away in 1809. The process of dividing the parents patrim ony was only executed many years later in 1827, each being entitled to the to tal amount of 2,932,689 ris Rather than selling the engenho the heirs decided to keep it under Manoe l Pereiras administration, a ro le that he carried out until his death, somewhere between 1828 and 1839.46 His widow, Feliciana Querubina Pereira da Silva, somehow managed to gain ownership of the engenho and kept it until her death, in 1856.47 Upon her death, the engenho went to public auction, being bought by the alferes Manoel Jos Moreira da Silva Junior,48 who was the grandson of the original engenho s owner, Paulo da Silva Coelho. Manoel Jos kept the engenho until his death, in 1878.49 Thus, in some sense, the Engenho Lagoinha was kept in the hands of the same family from the end of the 18th to the end of the 19th century. Another alternative for the pl anters sons was using their part in the inheritance to buy the engenho from the rest of the he irs. This was the case of Antnio Jos de Siqueira e Cruz, owner of the Engenho Samambaia, whic h he declared in will, in 1865, to have purchased from the two other heirs of hi s mother, Roslia Xavier de Siqueira.50 Roslia passed away just two years earlier than Ant nio, in 1863. When she died, there were only ten slaves working in the Engenho Sama mbaia. This was a small and decadent establishment, valued at 800,000 ris at a time in which a 18-25 years old male slave 46 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809. 47 APMT, probate-inventory Feliciana Querubina Pereira da Silva, 1856. 48 Ibidem. 49 APMT, probate-inventory Manoel Jos Moreira da Silva Jnior, Cartrio do 3 Ofcio, Caixa 184, year: 1879. 50 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio Jos de Siqueira Cruz, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 84, Processo No. 01, year: 1865.

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85 was valued at 1,500,000 ris.51 Antnio died as a 51 year old single man. He seems to have lived his whole life under his parents dependency, without conditions for economic autonomy. In the three years in which he c ould kept the status of small planter the engenho lost value, since the process of shar ing the Roslias patrimony among the heirs and paying her debts, had further devalued this establishment. At the time of his death, Antnio was able to keep only five slaves working in the engenho three being men over 50 years old, and two children. The plantation is described in his probate-inventory as little cultivated and with the sugar-mill in a very bad state of conservation. The total value of the engenho dropped from 800,000 ris in 1863 to 700,000 ris in 1865.52 A more successful case was that of Fran cisco Vieira de Azevedo, son of the Portuguese Domingos Jos de Azevedo. His fath er had been establis hed in the region since the end of the 18th century, owning the Engenho do Quilombo, which is one of the sites excavated for this research. Domingos A zevedos wife, Antnia Maria Dias, died in 1812,53 while he died sometime after 1831. When Antnia Dias passed away, the sugarmill plus the rest of the buildings of the plantation were valued at 1,800,000 ris and the land where the engenho was established, at 420,000 ris In 1820, Domingos Azevedo had a patrimony worth 9,331,462 ris and five heirs from his marriage to Antnia Maria.54 After Azevedos death, Franci sco Vieira used his part of the inheritance to buy the engenho and the land from the others heir s. Unfortunately, Domingos Azevedos probate inventory was not located, but it is unl ikely that he had considerably increased his fortune in this period of about ten years. Given the general patt ern of contraction of 51 APMT, probate-inventory Roslia Xavier de Siqueira, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 80, Processo No. 06, year: 1863. 52 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio Jos de Siqueira Cruz, 1865. 53 APMT, probate-inventory Antnia Maria Dias, 1812. 54 Ibidem.

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86 debts among the planters, the opposite could be expected. Thus, taking into account the expenses with the sharing process, each heir may have received, in the best case hypothesis, an amount not higher than 1,500,000 ris which was insufficient to keep the engenho functioning as a productive unit in a cas e where the heir had no other capital available. In 1831 Francisco Vieira got married to Ana Lutria Filiz de Aquino, daughter of the alferes Thomas Filiz de Aquino and Josefa Maria de Barros.55 The most probable situation is that he received a dowry from this marriage and used it as the additional capital to buy the engenho and keep it productive. The fact is that when Francisco Vieira passed away in 1867, he had accumulated the significant amount of 27,428,310 ris .56 Two more of Francisco Vieiras brothers, Jo s and Antnio, however, did not have such a fortunate a fate. Jos died poor in 1859, ha ving as patrimony only one small house in the village of Pocon, in the south of Mato Grosso.57 Antnio, in turn, was, in 1865, a captain deserter of the National Gu ard, probably a refugee of the war between Brazil and Paraguay (1865-1870), and living in a quilombo in the southwestern region of the province, the Quilombo do Se potuba (Volpato 1993:191). The most successful history of a planters son was that of Antnio Corra da Costa. Son of the Portuguese Francisco Corra da Co sta, the captain Antnio Corra da Costa was born in Cuiab, in 1782. He got marrie d, in 1805, to Maria da Conceio Toledo, also a native of Cuiab, and daughter of the captain paulista Bento de Toledo Piza. They had nine children. Antnio Corra da Cost a was the second president of the Mato Grossos province, nominated in 1831, a post that he held until 1834 (Alencar 55 Ibidem. 56 APMT, probate-inventory Francisco Vieira de Azevedo, 1861. 57 APMT, probate-inventory Jos Vieira de Azevedo, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 73, Processo No. 08, year: 1859.

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87 n.d.a:127). From his father he inherited the Engenho Bom Jardim, in Chapada. At the time of his death in 1855, he had the largest slaveholdings in the region, composed of 126 slaves in this engenho plus 51 slaves working in the Stio da Glria, and 30 more slaves working in three cattle-raising farms. By the time of his death, his patrimony, after expenses were paid with the probate-inventory, was worth 233,583,539 ris the highest amount among Chapada dos Guimares planters.58 His wife died in 1871. She was able to keep most of the familys fortune, and, ev en after losing one-thir d of her share to the payment of debts, the amount of 228,908,460 ris remained to be divided among eleven heirs.59 She left the Engenho Bom Jardim, in will, for her son, Francisco Corra da Costa, who kept the property until at least 1893.60 This is another case of an engenho which was kept in the hands of the same family from the end of the 18th through the end of the 19th century. The Planters Domestic Material World The purpose of this section is to character ize the planters domestic material world contained in their plantations and urban houses and consider the extent to which this group was influenced by the more sophisticated patterns of material life adopted by the urban elites of the great Brazi lian population centers, princi pally after the opening of the ports, in 1810. In addition, the comparis on between the domestic environment of Portuguese and Brazilian planters will highlight the extent to which factors like national origin, social standing, and urban versus rural context, were more or less determinant in the building of these domestic worlds. 58 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio Corra da Costa, 1855. 59 APMT, probate-inventory Maria da Conceio de Toledo, Cartrio do 2 Ofcio, Caixa 3B, year: 1876. 60 INTERMAT Livro de registro de terras. Livro 3, Reg. 109, fls. 83v a 84.

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88 To understand the specificities of this contex t, it is necessary, at first, to delineate the general characteristics of the Brazilian colonial domestic environment and its changes over time. Describing the Brazilian colonial dom estic setting, Algran ti (1997:105) notices the extreme simplicity of the furniture even in the richest households, characterized by only a few chairs, one or two tables with their benches, and some boxes and trunks. Luccock, a British traveler who visited Brazil in the first decade of the 19th century, described the parlor of the richest houses as furnished only with a wooden sofa and a few chairs. The dining room was furnished with an improvised table made of a large piece of plain wood supported by two tr estles, accompanied by two be nches of wood and, more rarely, one or two chairs (Leitao, 1937: 131). Algranti (1997:105) affirms that the simplicity of the colonial houses was symptoma tic of the reduced interest in the intimate life in a society in which the domestic sociabil ity was very restricted. For this reason, the more sophisticated domestic customs from Po rtugal were precariously adapted to the colonial life. On the other side, in Western Europe, the aristocracy started to adopt an ideal of domesticity at the end of the 16th century (Schammas 1980). The compartmentalization of houses, guarantying the privacy of reside nts and the creation of specific spaces for socializing, such as the dining room, are charac teristic of these changes. Concurrent with these changes was a bigger investment in domestic furniture and accessories, such as cutlery, crystals, porcelains, a nd services of tea, indicating a more complex elaboration of meals. Such changes in tensified during the 17th century and began to reach the lower classes during the Industrial Revolution. Finally, in the 19th century, privacy entered into its golden age (Perrot, 1995), with dome sticity becoming the hallmark of a bourgeois

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89 way of life, outlining a dichotomy between the male and female spheres, respectively associated to the external public domain and the private domestic domain (Hall, 1995). In Brazil, this concern with the domestic comfort only began in the second half of the 18th century, among the wealthiest of the classes (Algranti 1997:153). For western So Paulo state, Metcalf (1992:88) notices that improvements in the planters houses, indicating higher levels of comfor t, started at the end of the 18th century, when families acquired beds with mattresses to replace cots woven from sticks and vines, covered their beds with coverlets sewn from silk, damas k, and cotton, began to use china and pewter plates rather than earthenwar e, and started to eat with s poons rather than with their fingers. These improvements, however, we re very subtle, only becoming more remarkable after the moving of the Portuguese Real family to Brazil, as they escaped from the Napoleonic wars, in 1808. In 1810, th e prince regent, D. Joao VI, opened the Brazilian ports to the frie ndly nations, thus ending th ree centuries of Portuguese monopoly. In Brazil, the ideal of domes ticity was initially adopted by a class of planters who, as a consequence of the political, economi cal, and social changes occasioned by the Imperial regime, started to escape from the isolation of their plan tations and projected themselves in the economic setting of the cities and into the political environment of the court and provincial governments. This group te nded to adopt an urban style of life and cosmopolitan patterns of behavior (Fernande s, 1975:27). According to Queiroz (1978:5657), this process started between 1820 and 1830, when the differences between urban and rural life were accentuated at all social levels. During th is period, the urban population differed from the rural not only in economic, bu t also in cultural terms, with the higher

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90 classes adopting new customs and habits as signs of distinctio n, sophistication and erudition. This new way of life was first adopted in the court (Rio de Janeiro) and only decades later in the capitals of other provinces (Queiroz, 1978:58). The period between the opening of ports in1810, and the beginning of adoption of this bourgeois European way of life, in 1820, as pointed out by Queiroz, was a transitory period of assimilation of these new discourses and of the industrial capitalisms material culture associated with them. Illustrative of this process is the comparison done by Silva (1977:50-54) between the house fu rniture described in the probate-inventory of a very wealthy merchant in Rio de Janeiro, dated 1816, who held a commendatory title and the concurrent newspapers advertisement of re fined European furniture. The merchants domestic furniture was related to the typical patterns of the colonial period, characterized by the scarcity of luxury items and the heavy inve stment in items of silver, rather than to the more modern and sophisticated European items sold in the stores of luxuries. After 1820 the upper classes of Rio de Janeiro increasingly assimilated the discourses and material culture related to the ideal of domesticity. After 1850, these classes adhered to French modes and fash ions, considering France the paradigm of civility. These new modes and customs radiated from the court outward to the rest of the country (Alencastro, 1999: 47-50; Needell 1993). Most of these improvements, however, could have taken a longer time to arrive in Mato Grosso. In 1827, Langsdorff (1997:139) ob served that hammocks were the main furniture in Mato Grossos houses, accomplishi ng the function of sofas in Europe. In one of his diarys passage he describes the impr essions that the wife of the wealthiest merchant of the province had from Rio de Ja neiro. The woman did not like the court for

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91 the simple reason that she could not find, in the houses she visited, any room where she could set a hammock for sleeping. Referring to the customs of the provinces inhabitants, both Langsdorff (1997:140) and Florence (n.d.:9 7) noticed that only in very rare occasions did women eat at the table w ith their husbands. Langsdorff (1997:140) observed that even women from the elite ate with their fingers. Nevertheless, in Portugal more sophisticated patterns of sociability and domestic life started in the beginning of the 18th century (Algranti 1997: 117). Thus, it could be expected that the Portuguese planters in Chapada were more influenced by the Western European ideal of domesticity, bringing from the metropolis habits, customs and patterns of behavior related to the domes tic life which were still very incipient in their adoption in Western Brazil. A greater sophistication of th eir domestic setting, therefore, could be indicative of their concern in reproducing a more metropolitan way of life, distinguishing them from the Brazilians senhores de engenho with their coloni al mannerisms. The comparison of the furniture described in six planters probate-inventories for the first two decades of the 19th century,61 however, shows otherwise. Portuguese and Brazilians, with some exceptions, kept the sa me very low levels of domestic comfort in their rural houses (Figure 3-1). Their rural re sidences, in general, presented very little furniture, composed of tabl es, in numbers of two to five, small benches, called moxos numbering between six and nine simple small beds, called catres generally numbering two, one or two larger beds, and one or two leathered boxes or trunks, both used to guard clothes and other personal items. Their furniture was valued between 15,000 and 20,000 61 Portuguese planters: Luis Monteiro Salgado 1808; Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809; Valentin Martins da Cruz, 1812; and Antnia Maria Dias, wife of the Po rtuguese Domingos Jos de Azevedo, 1812. Brazilian planters: Apolinrio de Oliveira Gago, 1816; Antnio Leite do Amaral Coutinho, 1818.

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92 ris in a period in which a young slave of 18-25 years in age could reach the price of 240,000 ris The only planter studied who was con cerned with keeping a material life a little more sophisticated was the Portuguese Paulo da Silva Coelho, whose furniture was valued at 83,300 ris including two expensive beds, of 14,000 and 12,000 ris each, and the most unique wardrobe of all the inventories valued at 14,400 ris .62 Figure 3-1. Rural domestic environment in the early 19th century (Rugendas 1979). Besides the furniture, more portable hous ehold items are described in these inventories, including silver copper, and pewter items, imported wares, bottles and glassware. The investment in silver items, rath er than indicating a behavior in tune with a more sophisticated domestic life, was a trad itional way for accumulating wealth during the colonial period, justified by the lo w capitalization of the economy. Langsdorff (1997:140), perhaps excessively ge neralizing, affirmed that, even in the simplest houses of Mato Grosso, he could see silver forks, spoons, and knifes, although he also noticed 62 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809.

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93 that women ate with the fingers. In the planta tions, silver items are represented in general by cutlery, forks and spoons, trays, glasses, jars, and horse riding items, like stirrups. These items are found in variab le number, but always predominating in cutlery over the rest of the items. The valuation of these items presents a huge variation, ranging from 23,20063 to 215,200 ris .64 Some of the planters who ow ned houses in Cuiab preferred to keep these silver items in their urban re sidences, as will be discussed later. Pewter items were restricted to a few plates, wher eas copper is represented by some lamps and kitchen items, predominately in this last case in terms of pans of variable sizes, called tachos These copper pans were also used in the productive activities of the sugar-mill, being therefore omnipresent in the probate-inventories. Finally, Chinese and European wares are al so listed in two of these six probateinventories, those of the Brazi lian Apolinrio de Oliveira Gago and Antnia Maria Dias, wife of the Portuguese Domingos Jos de Azevedo. Algranti (1997 :117) noted that a Portuguese influence on the colony was expres sed through the luxury of the tableware, displayed on rare social occasions to impress the guests. In the 19th century, the social significance attributed to tableware, partic ularly imported wares, increased in Brazil among the high and middle classes, as a conseq uence of the assimilation of the Western European ideal of domesticity, as demonstrated by research carried out by Lima in the context of Rio de Janeiro (see Lima, 1994; 1996a; 1996b; 1997; 1999). Limas research demonstrates that in both the domains of th e social consumption of tea and the formal dinners, these classes tried to emulate the Eu ropean bourgeoisie. Such emulation resulted in the mixing of Brazilian traditional practices with those of European influence, thus 63 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio Leite do Amaral Coutinho, 1818. 64 APMT, probate-inventory Apolinrio de Oliveira Gago, 1816.

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94 creating, in Limas words, hybrid expressi ons, marked by accentuated contrasts. (Lima, 1999:215; see also Needell 1993) The social im portance attached to the tea and dinner sets demonstrate that the acquisition of thes e items was guided by desires and necessities that surpassed their utilitarian function. For the case of the plantations of Chap ada dos Guimares, these portable items, although much cheaper than silver items, were evaluated by significant amounts of money, when contrasted to the investment made in furniture. In Antnia Maria Dias probate-inventory, the imported wares were valued at 6,637 ris while her furniture was valued at 15,000 ris .65 The case of Apolinrio Gago is more remarkable, since wares and furniture were very similar in value, 19,725 and 20,400 ris66 respectively. In terms of the regional context, this was a consider able amount of money sp ent on wares, since, as referred above, the valuation of the plan ters house furniture os cillated between 15,000 and 20,000 ris This concern in inve sting significant amounts of money in imported wares indicates the social importance of th ese items for the planters. Indeed, when Langsdorff visited this region, in 1827, he sp ent some days at the plantation Engenho do Quilombo (site Engenho do Quilombo) of the Portuguese Domingos Jos de Azevedo, widower of Antnia Maria Dias. Langsdorff described Azevedos house as a decadent and badly built structure, whose walls were not plastered. Nevertheless, he noticed that the planters dinner table was nicely presented, with English wares and a set of silver cutlery, despite the frequent apologies of the Domingos, who argued, probably aiming to impress the German traveler, that the major ity of his dinner sets were in his house in Cuiab (Langsdorff 1978:111). 65 APMT, probate-inventory Antnia Maria Dias, 1812. 66 APMT, probate-inventory Apolinrio de Oliveira Gago, 1816.

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95 This passage from Langsdorffs diary suggest s that these planters may have been more concerned with keeping a higher level of domesticity in their urban residences, where they had more occasions to create a so cial display, than in their plantation houses, despite the fact they spent most of the year in the latter establishments. Domestic items of urban houses for this period are described in four planters probate-inventories.67 Luis Monteiro Salgado, for instance, had furniture worth of 96,000 ris in his urban residence, as opposed to 15,200 ris worth of furniture in his Enge nho Rio da Casca (Tapero site). He was also concerned with keepi ng his silver items, valued at 78,700 ris in this urban residence, as well as import ed wares, valued at 19,500 ris .68 However, the most remarkable case was that of the Brazilian Antnio da Silva de Albuquerque, who had a furniture worth 138,600 ris in his urban house, plus 219,375 ris worth of items made of silver, 19,500 ris in imported wares, and 31,000 ris in glassware, while the furniture from his plantation was not evaluated at al l, probably because it had no commercial value.69 There were also cases of planters, like the Portuguese Valen tin Martins da Cruz, who spent practically the same amount of money, about 15,000 ris in furnishings and wares for both residences, thus keeping low le vels of domestic comfort in both urban and rural contexts. Other planters, like the Portuguese Paulo da Silva Coelho and the Brazilian Apolinrio de Oliveira Gago, were not interested in having houses in Cuiab, keeping their silver items in their respective plantation hous es. Despite some variations, what these comparisons demonstr ate is that, in general terms, planters were much more concerned in investing money in household it ems for their urban houses than for their 67 The probate-inventories of the Portugueses Luis Monteiro Salgado, 1808, Valentim Martins da Cruz, 1812, and Jos Gomes Monteiro, 1817; and the Brazilian Antnio da Silva de Albuquerque, 1812. 68 APMT, probate-inventory Luiz Monteiro Salgado, 1808. 69 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio da Silva de Albuquerque, 1812.

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96 rural ones. But, this comparison raises a question. Was the furniture that the planters maintained in their urban residences qualita tively distinct from that kept at their plantations, or are differences of a quantitative nature instead? Actually, the urban furniture presents little distincti on in terms of functional variability from their corres pondents in the plantations, be ing composed of tables, benches, trunks, boxes and small beds which are omnipresent in th ese latter settings. These items, however, had a highe r valuation in the city, sugg esting that they tended to be newer and maybe of better quality than their rural count erparts. The difference also consisted in the addition of a few items not common in plantation houses, such as chest of drawers and wardrobes. These pieces, how ever, are bedroom furniture, and not related to the social spaces of the houses. The onl y planter who appeared concerned with exposing the more sophisticated furniture in his urban house was the Brazilian Antnio da Silva Albuquerque, the riches t planter of Chapada during th is period. In his parlor he kept two sofas, called canaps and six armchairs of different types, in additional to 36 traditional, small benches. These comparisons demonstrate that there was no significant difference between the Portuguese and Brazilian planters mate rial life in the first decades of the 19th century. Rather, a low level of sophist ication was generalized, alth ough the wealthier planters tended to spend more on furniture and on othe r domestic items than the average planters. Perhaps the gender dimension could be an important factor behind this Portuguese austerity regarding their houses. Freyre ( 1986:29) notices that the areas in Brazil colonized by Portuguese couples had stronger Eu ropean influence than those areas, like Mato Grosso, in which Portuguese men married local women. Accordin g to the author:

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97 Where they established themselves [the Portuguese women], fat and slow-moving, with their knowledge of th e culinary arts and the hygien e of the home, with their European and Christian manner of caring for children and the sick, there the European civilization sent down its d eepest roots and achieved its greatest permanence. (Freyre 1986:29) Another important factor to be considered is the original social standing of these Portuguese planters in Portugal. Probably ve ry few of them came fr om wealthy families. Although a deeper study of th eir original social backgr ound would require additional research in Portuguese archives, the fact is th at most of these men came from small cities and villages, rather than from the biggest Portuguese cities, li ke Lisbon, where more cosmopolitan manners were adopted by the higher classes in the 18th century (see Santos 1983). Archaeological Artifacts and Probate-Invent ories: Planters Material Life in a Diachronic Perspective The picture presented by the domestic ite ms described in probate-inventories suggests that planters had very similar mate rial worlds, whose le vel of sophistication slightly varied according to their highe r or lower economic condition. Could the archaeological material add something significan t to this picture of social and material conditions? A major distinction between proba te-inventory lists of domestic items and archaeological artifacts is that the former sour ce describes items that were present in the house of the individual by occasion of his/her death. In this sense, these documents present a frozen picture of a very specific moment in the trajectory of the household. The archaeological record, in turn, represents practi ces principally carried out on a daily basis. Thus, despite its static nature, it presents a more dynamic picture of the daily practices of the households in their multiple economic, soci al, and ideological facets. The main goal of this section is to contrast the documenta ry and archaeological records, and search for

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98 differences, similarities, and ambiguities betw een the material culture described in the probate-inventories of the thre e excavated planters houses and the artifacts recovered through the archaeological res earch. Intra-site and inter-s ite comparisons, considering synchronic and diachronic variab ility at the regional level will be undertaken in an attempt to discover the regular ities and differences in the material behavior of the planters class. The three categories of arch aeological artifacts treated here are imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries. The assemblages were chronologically ordered according to the mean ceramic date formula (South 1972). The archaeological deposits studied presented intervals of formation gr eater than specific household occupations, so that the established mean dates must be consid ered as devices to ch ronologically organize the assemblages rather than referring to very delimited depositional events. Thus, the two oldest assemblages, referent to the year s of 1836.2 (mean date) (Tapero site) and 1841 (mean date) (Buritizinho site) are constituted by artifacts that were deposited between the end of the 18th and the first half of the 19th century. For the households in question, Taperos earlier assemblage re presents the occupati on of the first planter, the Portuguese Luis Monteiro Salgado, who died in 1808, a nd the subsequent occupation of his widow Rosa Cardoso de Lima, who dies in 1841. In turn, Taperos later assemblage, dated of 1850.5 (mean date), although it could embrace the final period of Rosa Cardosos household, is principally related to the subs equent occupation of this site, during the second half of the 19th century, when the household wa s not identified through the documentary research. The earlier assemblage of the Buritizinhos plan ters is mean-dated to 1841, being predominantly related to the hous eholds of Domingos da Silva Barreiros,

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99 who died in 1818, and his widow, Ana Luiza da Silvas, who died in 1848. The later assemblage, mean-dated to 1863.4, embraces both the occupation of their daughter, Antnia Pereira da Silva, dead in 1870, and the subsequent occupation, by Incio Jos de Sampaio. For the case of the Engenho do Quilombo, the only planters deposit identified was mean-dated to 1853, correlating principall y to the period of occupation of Francisco Vieira de Azevedos household, whic h lasted from the 1830s through 1861. Figure 3-2 presents the frequencies of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries70 for each context of deposition, chronolog ically ordered according to the mean ceramic dates. The first point to be cons idered is the omnipresence of locally-made pottery in the planters asse mblages, in proportions varying between 8% and 18% of the assemblage totals. Despite their omnipresence locally-made potteries are not described in planters probate-inventories due to their very low economic value. These items were only listed in two freed slaves probate-inventories, having very little or no value attached to them.71 Locally-made pottery is represented, in the planters contexts, almost exclusively by cooking pots, followed by a ve ry low frequency of storage vessels, probably used for water, as is still common in the region today. Therefore, these items were predominantly used for cooking food in the kitchen, an activity carried out by the domestic slaves. 70 The analysis of these material cat egories took into account exclusively the minimum number of vessels, rather than the number of fragments. 71 APMT, probate-inventory Maria Mina, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 33, Processo No. 655, year: 1832; probate-inventory Eugnio, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 130, Processo No. 219, year: 1882.

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100 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 Tapero 1836.2 Buritizinho 1841 Tapero 1850.5 Eng. Quilombo 1853 Buritizinho 1863.4% imported wares glasses locally-made pottery Figure 3-2. Frequency of imported wa res, glasses, and locally-made pottery in planters contexts: Tapero 1836.2 MNV: 195; Buritizinho 1841 MNV: 243; Tapero 1850.5 MNV: 106; Engenho do Quilombo 1853 MNV: 178; Buritizinho 1863.4 MNV: 95. In general terms, the planters material pa tterns present some regularity in the case of these three classes of artifacts. At the diac hronic level, these three classes present little oscillation. Imported wares composed the grea t majority of the assemblages, followed by glasses and, in smaller proportions, pottery. The only exception for th is pattern was the first period of occupation of the Buritizinho site (Engenho gua Fria), in which pottery appears to be more popular than glass. This deviation in pattern suggests an intensification of cooking activit ies on this plantation, probably related to the existence of a centralized kitchen, in which food could be cooked for some of the plantations slaves not related to the household. Th is possibility is reinforced by the highest proportion of plates (Figure 3-4) suggesting a more intense consumpti on of meals in this area and, as will be discussed further, by the bowls present in this assemblage. Glasses, classified as beve rage bottles, medicinal flasks and tableware, presented a high inter-site variability (Figure 3-3). The only regularity noticed concerns the highest

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101 popularity of beverage bottles in all contexts Diachronically, there is a gradual decrease of the bottles concurrent to the increase of tablewares up to 1850.5, when this trend is inverted. However, it is probabl e that these trends are more related to idiosyncrasies of these planters households rather than indi cative of significant temporal variations. 0 10 20 30 40 50 Tapero 1836.2 Buritizinho 1841 Tapero 1850.5 Eng. Quilombo 1853 Buritizinho 1863.4% beverage bottles medicinal flasks tableware others Figure 3-3: Frequency of gla ss functional categories in planters contexts: Tapero 1836.2 MNV: 41; Buritizinho 1841 MNV: 35; Tapero 1850.5 MNV: 14; Engenho do Quilombo 1853 MNV: 39; Buritizinho 1863.4 MNV: 17. Imported wares (Figure 3-4) present some regularity in terms of proportions of forms, but also a significant diachronic vari ation. Whereas plates tended to present very similar proportions over both time and space, with the only exception being the already discussed first period of occupation of the Buritizinho site, bowls tended to increase in frequency over time. The exception to this trend is in the latest context of the Buritizinho site, but this deposit also presents other ma terial particularities which do not correspond to the general trends evidenced in the planters material behavior. This is the case of the strong disproportion between cups and saucers, which is common in contexts related to

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102 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Tapero 1836.2 Buritizinho 1841 Tapero 1850.5 Eng. Quilombo 1853 Buritizinho 1863.4% plates bowls cup saucer service others Figure 3-4. Frequency of imported wares func tional categories in planters contexts: Tapero 1836.2 MNV: 140; Buriti zinho 1841 MNV: 162; Tapero 1850.5 MNV: 77; Engenho do Quilombo 1 853 MNV: 112; Buritizinho 1863.4 MNV: 65. the other social groups, as will be discussed later. Bowls were used for the consumption of soups and stews, meals which were genera lly taken straight from these pieces, without the use of cutlery. These pieces were more popular during the 18th century, when the use of cutlery was not widespread in Brazil (C ascudo 1983:709-710). Thus the trend for the increase in the frequency of these pieces over the 19th century in the region suggests a higher emphasis on the consumption of meals like soups and stews without the use of spoons, a pattern that is anachronistic to the general trend to a highe r complexity in the meals and the paraphernalia used for consuming them in 19th century Brazil (see Lima 1996), in which bowls were gradually substitu ted by deep plates which required the use of spoons for consuming the soups. This increas e of the bowls over ti me in the planters assemblages is probably due to the slaves in fluence. As will be discussed in Chapter 6, in the areas occupied by the slaves in the Ta pero and Buritizinho sites, bowls constituted the most frequently occuring pieces related to the consumption of food, suggesting that

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103 traditionally oriented African foodways, cente red on the consumption of stews and soups (see DeCorse 1999:147-148), were maintained by the slaves in the region. Since female slaves were the main cooks in the plan ters houses (Freyre 1992:454; Ramos 1977:85), it is probable that they influenced the planters foodways. Thus, this gradual increase of bowls over time in the planters assemblages could point to a process of creolization of the planters foodways, but th e possibility that these pieces were principally used by slaves who worked in the suga r-mills located next to the pl anters houses, must also be considered, as will be discussed later. One way to verify the extent to which pl anters were concerned with the social significance of the imported wares in their rural households is by classifying their refined earthenware assemblages according to the four levels of decoration proposed by Miller (1980; 1991) (see figures 3.5 and 3.6). The validity of the four levels of va lue of refined earth enware, based on the attribute decoration, was verified for the re gion of Chapada dos Guimares through lists of imported wares in probate-inventories which were specific enough to describe, although in very general terms, the decoration of these items. This was the case of Ana Luiza da Silvas probate-inventory,72 dated 1848, in which white, refined earthenware plates were valued at 240 ris per unit, Blue Edge pieces at 300 ris and blue transferprinted pieces in 400 ris Previous research, in probate -inventories of merchants of imported wares in Porto Alegre (in southern Brazil), have also demonstrated Millers scale as valid in Brazilian contexts (see Symanski 1998). 72 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Luiza da Silva, 1848.

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104 Figure 3-5. Refined earthenware common in th e contexts of Chapada dos Guimares. A) plate, undecorated. B) plate, creamware, Royal Rim. C) plate, Blue Edged. D) bowl, Spongeware. E) bowl, hand painted, Sprig. F) plate, transfer-printed, Flow Blue, chinoiserie. G) cover of terr ine, transfer-printed, classic landscape. Photography: Slvio Bragato. It can be assumed that those planters hous eholds that presented higher frequencies of the most expensive transfer-printed ware s were concerned not onl y with the exhibition of socio-economic status but were also in fluenced by the Western European ideal of domesticity. As previously revealed, the incr easing social significance attributed to the imported wares by the Brazilian high and mi ddle classes was a consequence of the assimilation of this ideal in the 19th century, as demons trated in research carried out by Lima in the context of Rio de Janeir o (see Lima, 1994; 1996a; 1996b; 1997; 1999; see also Sousa 1999; Symanski 2002). For the Chapada dos Guimares plantations, a gradual decrease may be noted in transfer-printed wares and an increase in the white, undecorated, wares over time, although the context of 1850.5 from the Tapero site represents an extreme case, which

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105 must be individually analyzed. This pa ttern suggests that insofar as the 19th century advanced, planters became gradually less con cerned with displaying their social status through imported wares, which became increasingl y utilitarian, losing most of their social significance, as demonstrated by the increase of the cheapest undecorated pieces. Although this trend in the lower investment in household items matches the previously discussed decline of the plan ters wealth over time, veri fied through the study of the diachronic variation of their fortunes, it al so indicates that these planters were increasingly less concerned with the adoption of the ideal of domesticity in this region during the second half of the 19th century. This trend goes agai nst the increase in both the 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Tapero 1836.2 Buritizinho 1841 Tapero 1850.5 Eng. Quilombo 1853 Buritizinho 1863.4% white minimally decorated hand-painted transfer-printed Figure 3-6. Planters refined earthenwar e classified according to Millers scale: Tapero 1836.2 MNV: 128; Buritizinho 1841 MNV: 149; Tapero 1850.5 MNV: 71; Engenho do Quilombo 1853 MNV: 105; Buritizinho 1863.4 MNV: 59. sophistication of the meals and of the paraphe rnalia used to present and serve them, as verified in the cosmopolitan city of Rio de Janeiro during the 19th century (see Lima 1999). Moreover, this occurre d at the exact time during which Mato Grossos upper classes started to adopt new concepts a bout civilization and pr ogress, being more

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106 influenced by the industrialized European c ountries due the opening of navigation in the Prata River, in 1857, which linked Cuiab to Rio de Janeiro and to the capital of Argentina, Buenos Aires (Volpato, 1993:3750). According to Volpato (1993:36-44), the establishment of this fluvial route strongly affected the provinces economic and social life, due to the easier access to industria lized commodities and to peoples and ideas coming from Europe. The variations in refined earthenware decorative categories are still more significant at the intra-site scal e, specifically in the case of the two sites that presented deposits related to different tem poral intervals, the Tapero a nd Buritizinho sites. In both cases it is very clear that the trend toward s a less sophisticated material life in the assemblages relates to th e second half of the 19th century. In the Tapero site, transfer-printed wares were the most popular type in the earlier period of occupation, related to the Portuguese Luis Monteiro Salgados and his widow, Rosa Cardosos, households. Interestingly, indus trialized wares are not listed either in Luis Monteiro Salgados probate-inventory nor in that of his widow. In 1808 the furniture in this plantation house was valu ed at the small sum of 10,800 ris and was composed of only four tables of different si zes and eight benches. More portable items were restricted to one kettle for hot chocolate making, called a chocolateira one basin and one jar of pewter, two pewter plates, one brass lantern, one brass ja r, and several copper pans ( tachos ). When Rosa Cardoso died, in 1841, no furniture was listed for the house, demonstrating the very low value of its probab le domestic items. The portable items were restricted to one case holding eight flasks and one lantern of brass. Rosa Cardoso, however, appeared to have lived in Cuiab, leaving the plantation under the

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107 administration of her son, Antnio Monteiro Salgado,. In Cuiab, she maintained high standards of domestic comfort, as demonstrated by the furnit ure in her house, valued at 106,500 ris without taking into account several s ilver items and other portable goods also present in this residence. While both probate-inventories demonstrate very little concern with the domestic comfort in this planters house, archaeologi cal data, particularly the imported wares, suggest a greater concern with the presentation of more expensive items at meal times, as indicated by the predominance of transfer-p rinted plates and the higher proportion of serving pieces, like platters, tureens and terrines. Moreover, the intense consumption of social drinks, like tea and coffee, as indicated by the high frequency of cups and saucers, in practically the same proportions, demonstrat es the importance of social events more typical of urban bourgeois domestic settings in this rural environment. Thus, the presence of more expensive wares gave some sense of refinement to this rustic environment. However, it must be taken into account that this refinement in the imported wares was far from matching the level of refinement found in the more cosmopolitan urban and even semi-rural contexts of Rio de Janeiro, in which the upper and middle classes used combined sets of transfer-printed dinnerware and tea ware, as well as porcelain tea sets, in their increasingly sophisticated and ritu alized meals (Lima 1996; 1999:214; 1999:218; Sousa 1999:212-216). In the case of the plantatio ns of Chapada dos Guimares, there is no evidence of combined sets of transfer-print ed wares, indicating that these pieces were whether individually bought or brought from the planters urban houses insofar as they became older and were substituted with new pieces. Moreover, for the specific case of the Tapero site, despite the combin ed use of teacups and saucers, teapots are absent from the

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108 assemblage, suggesting that tea, coffee, or ot her social drinks, were served directly from the kettle to the teacups, constituting a very informal way of using these items. Thus, these planters were much less concerned with the organization, order and segmentation of the meals than the urban elites of Rio de Janeiro. This informality in the use of imported wares demonstrates the specific conf iguration that the western European ideal of domesticity, and the practices associated to it, acquired in this very faraway countryside located in the heart of South America. In the case of the earlier occupation of the Buritizinho site (Engenho gua Fria), by Domingos da Silva Barreiros and his widow Ana Luiza da Silvas households, presented a distinct situation, since Ana Luiza appears to have lived in the plantatio n, despite the fact that she also had a hous e in Cuiab. Ana Luiza was concerned with keeping a high level of domestic comfort in her plantation house, as de monstrated by her furniture, valued at 180,200 ris She kept 282 pieces of importe d wares, including several specialized pieces for serving f ood and tea/coffee, as well as a porcelain tea set, valued at 19,200 ris These wares, when totaled, came to the impressive amount of 202,609 ris a value higher than that attributed to her fu rniture. She was also concerned with having a variety of glasswares, principally wate r and wine glasses, valued at 12,350 ris Interestingly, when the archaeological a ssemblage of imported wares associated with this period of occupation is compared to that of the above referred Tapero occupation (Figures 3.4 and 3.6), it is noted that the occupants of this last site, despite the simplicity of their furniture, were more c oncerned in using more expensive wares and consumed tea/coffee more frequently than Ana Luizas household. The possibility that part of Ana Luizas archaeological wares assemb lage might be related to the activities of

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109 a centralized kitchen, thus incl uding extra-household individual s, as previously discussed, could explain this incongruence between th e archaeological and documentary records. Indeed, when the frequency of the shapes of wares described in her probate-inventory is contrasted to the archaeological assemblage, so me clear divergences appear (Figure 3-7). In the first place, it is noted that the lower frequency of plates and the higher frequency of cups and saucers for the probate -inventory list is very similar to those proportions established for the Tapero site s archaeological assemblage. Conversely, bowls are practically absent from the probate -inventory list, which describes only two of these items, a remarkable contrast to the archaeological data, in which these pieces compose 15% of the assemblage of wares. Th is discrepancy between the frequencies of imported ware shapes presented in these two categories of records strongly suggests that the higher proportions of arch aeological plates and bowls are related to the feeding activities of other social gr oups present in the plantation, including slaves, who probably ate their principal meals close to the planters house, where the sugar-mill was located. In this sense, it is important to note that bowls constituted the most popular functional category in the slaves imported wares assemb lage of the Buritizinho site, constituting 47% of all pieces. A closer look at the bowls decorative variability in the planters assemblage suggests very strongly that thes e pieces were more related to slave activities. As can be seen in Figure 3-8, when Millers indexes fo r bowls are contrasted to those derived from the whole assemblage, significant differences appear. The high proportion of minimallydecorated bowls, which compose 62.5% of this functional category is very remarkable. Undecorated bowls, in turn, constitute 20.83% of this assemblage. Thus, more than 80%

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110 of the planters bowls assemblage is cons tituted by the least expensive pieces found on the market, demonstrating the very low social significance of this category of wares. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 inventory 1848assemblage 1841(md)% plates bowls cup saucer service others Figure 3-7. Planters imported wares asse mblages of the Buritizinho site functional variability. Probate-inventory 1848 M NV: 283; archaeological assemblage 1841 MNV: 162. Moreover, the proportions of the bowls in decorative categories strongly match those ones verified in the slaves assemblage fo r this site, as can be seen in the Figure 38. The high level of similarity between th ese pieces in both planters and slaves assemblages is highly suggestive that most of the bowls present in the planters area were used in slaves mealtime activities. In this sense, it is interesting to note that bowls are also absent from the only list of wares found for the Engenho do Quilombo site in the probate-inventory of Antnia Maria Dias, dated 1812, while the archaeological wares assemblage of this site presented the highest proportion of these pieces among th e five planters deposits (Figure 3-4). However, in the case of the latter, the te mporal differences between most of the archaeological assemblage, whose mean date was 1853, as well as the small number of

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111 wares listed in Antnia Marias probate-i nventory, limited to 30 items, do not furnish a secure comparative basis, although it may sugge st the possibility that most of the bowls found on this site could be related to the slav es mealtime activities, as opposed to those of the planters. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Planters 1841Overseers 1852Slaves 1862% white minimally decorated hand-painted transfer-printed Figure 3-8. Buritizinho site, bowls assemblages classified according to Millers scale: planters 1841 MNV: 24; free-laborer s 1852 MNV: 5; slaves 1862 MNV: 8. Assemblages of imported wares for th e later period of both Tapero and Buritizinho sites are less sophisticated than those in earlier periods demonstrating that the planters, in the second half of the 19th century, were less concerned with exhibiting evidence of a more sophisticated material li fe through these artifacts In the case of the Tapero site, there is a decrease in both th e serving pieces and in the transfer-printed wares, and a great increase in the proportion of bowls of the least expensive, white, undecorated, wares. As previously discussed, th is later deposit is principally related to the undocumented household(s) that followed th at of Luis Monteiro Salgado, which

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112 represented a rupture with the original Port uguese and Portuguese-descended family that kept the plantation from the end of the 18th century until the 1850s. In the case of the Buritizinho site, this late period is marked by the decrease in serving pieces, a high disproportion between cu ps and saucers, and a strong increase in the inexpensive undecorated wares. The most remarkable characteristic of this assemblage is the high disproportion betw een saucers and cups with the former presenting almost the double of the frequenc y of the latter. The proportionality of frequencies between these two items was a consta nt in all previous planters assemblages, as well as in the planters probate-inventory lists of imported wares, demonstrating that both pieces were used togeth er and consequently broke in similar proportions. Acting in support of cups, saucers have a superfluous util itarian function, serving only to present some level of sophistication in the act of drinking tea and co ffee. The higher frequency of these items in this late archaeological record indicates, however, th at they were more intensely used than cups, thus probably having multiple functions. Lima (2000) found a similar disproportion between cups and saucers for the first half of the 19th century in the contexts of the state of Rio de Janeiro, which she explained by considering the common practice, during that period, of consuming tea in the saucers themselves, which served to cool the hot beverage. In the second half of the 19th century Lima noticed that this custom began to be seen as inappropr iate and attributed to unedu cated people. As referred to above, this late assemblage of the Buritizinho is related to the occupation of Ana Luizas and Domingos Barreiros daughter, the widow An tnia Pereira da Silva, who died in 1870, and the subsequent occupation, by Incio Jos de Sampaio, which lasted from the 1870s until the beginning of the 20th century. Antnia Pereira da Silva, as opposed to her

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113 mother, was more concerned with her urban re sidence in Cuiab, where she kept the most expensive furniture valued at 240,000 ris as well as the silver items, valued at 308,000 ris The plantation house furniture, in turn, at the year of her death in 1870, was restricted to just thr ee tables, valued at 13,400 ris In her will Antnia Pereira recognized the good services that Maria Cec lia and Manuel Vicente Neves had done in the administration of the planta tion, and left each the sum of 500,000 ris Thus, this radical dropping in the standards of domestic comfort can be explained by the occupation of the planters house by these managers, who demonstrated a less s ophisticated material behavior. In the late period, post-1870, Incio Sampaios household also maintained these lower levels of domestic comfort. A very important point to be noted is that this functional pattern of imported wares is much more similar to that verified in the overseers/free-laborers deposit at this site, as will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 5, than to that of other establ ished planters in the region. The imported wares diachronic variability poi nts to a trend of a more sophisticated, European-influenced, material life for plante rs in the earlier occupations of these plantations than that in the late period of the second half of the 19th century. The weakening in the ideal of domesticity in th e post-1850 contexts is contradictory to Mato Grossos socio-economic conjuncture for this period, in which the province was better integrated in the world economic system and its high classes were more heavily influenced by European discourses and materi al life. On the other hand, such evidence matches the gradual impoverishment of th e planters during this period, which was discussed in the Chapter 2. The gradual lack of concern with the domestic environment of these plantations in the second half of the 19th century may be indi cative of the total

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114 consolidation of the city as the context for the social display in Mato Grosso. Indeed, some of the elite houses of Cuiab in the last qu arter of the 19th century, presented sophisticated furniture, including pianos, in consonance with the bourgeois environments of the court and larger Brazilian coastal cities (Leonzo 2004:271). Finally, the mixed character of the plante rs assemblages, as exemplified by the case of the Buritizinho site, demonstrates the pr oblems of trying to separe this social unit from other social groups, particularly the slav es. After all, slaves shared most of the physical plantations spaces with the planters. Thus, rather than trying to identify the noise in the pattern generated by the eviden ce of the practices of other social groups which left their vestiges in the planters archaeologi cal record, a more productive approach is to try to understand the complexities in this record as elements inherent to the plantations multicultural landscape, in which plan ters, free laborers, and slaves, or rather Portuguese, Africans, Indians, and Brazilians, despite their social and cultural boundaries, closely interacted, mutually influencing each other in a number of ways. In this sense, the planters archaeological record, a nd all of its implications in terms of power, identity, and creolization, acquires another leve l of significance when contrast ed, at an intra-site scale, to those of the other socio-cultural groups who occupied the plantations, as will be discussed further in Chapter 6. With this understanding in place, the next focus of analysis should be on the group opposed to th e planters in terms of the hierarchical structure of the plantations: the slaves. Like th e planters, slaves also developed a series of social strategies on these spaces, building alliances based on cultural affinities and expressing their differences through the material culture.

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115 CHAPTER 4 SLAVES COMMUNITIES IN CHAPADA DOS GUIMARES Slaves in Brazil did not compose a hom ogeneous group, neither in physical or social terms, and much less in cultural terms. The constant and intense arrival of new, African slaves in Brazil until 1850 resulted in the maintenance of several African-derived traditions throughout the country. Moreover, it permitted the formation of multiple African communities, built under cultural comm unalities such as language and religion. In this chapter, I will characterize the slave communities in Chapada dos Guimares plantations considering their African origins, gender ra tios, marriage patterns, and material culture, in particul ar, the pottery that they pr oduced. Based on the combination of documentary and archaeological data, I will defend the idea that the African slaves in these plantations did not become a mono lithic cultural group due to their common condition of captives, but rather, they were c oncerned with demonstr ating their cultural differences through the reproduction of groupspecific marriage patterns and through other elements of their cultural traditions, one material correlate of which was locallymade ceramics. An implication of this maintenance of multiple, African-derived identities in these spaces is that creolization was not a lin ear process, in which Africans with different cultural bac kgrounds formed a new, homogene ous, creole culture. Rather, this was a segmented, multidimensional, process. In this sense, the slaves creolized when they constructed these discrete African-derived communities. Creolization, as a homogenizing process, only became more evident when the African population was surpassed in number by the Brazilian-born slaves, in the second half of the 19th century.

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116 By the same token, the maintenance of stylis tic elements of their original cultural traditions, as displayed on their pottery, indicat es that these groups charged this material with perceptions about themselves, and thus intentionally used it in support of their African-derived identities. In addition, gender is a critical dimension to be considered, since women were principally responsi ble for the producti on of pottery. Slave Trade to Brazil and Mato Grosso The slave trade to Brazil fo llowed regional patterns, privil eging, in distinct periods, peoples from specific regions of Africa, who were sent to specific regions of Brazil. According to Conrad (1986:16) between 1500 and 1520 the major source of slaves was the Congo, and from 1520 until th e end of the sixteenth cen tury, Angola. During the 17th century, Central Africa, princi pally Angola, continued to be the major source of slaves transported to Brazil. Between 1680 and 1690, Bahia and Pernambuc o opened a new trade to the socalled Mina Coast (Lower Guinea), due to a severe drought and epidemics in Central Africa which strained supplies of slaves (Miller 1988:452). T hus, west Africa became the major source of slaves to these captaincies in the 18th century (Curtin 1969:209-210). According to Curtin (1969:208-209), the provin ce of Bahia had a special preference for slaves from the Mina Coast over Central Africans because the tobacco produced in Bahia was highly prized in west Afri ca and traded for slaves. However, central Africa was still the major source of slaves to Brazil during the 18th century, supplying 1,414,500 slaves, while west Africa supplied 611,000 slaves (Curtin 1969:211). In the early 18th century Rio de Janeiro became the main port of entry for Angolan slaves, whose final destination was the gold-be aring regions of Mina s Gerais, Gois, and Mato Grosso (Miller 1988:450-452). Although it was not possible to find specific

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117 references about the proportions of central a nd western Africans to Rio de Janeiro during the 18th century, Curtins (1969:208-211) numbers make clear that the majority of the slaves disembarked in Rio de Janeiro came from Central Africa. In fact, Florentino (1993:85) noted that between 1795 and 1811 onl y 3.2% of the slaving ships porting in Rio de Janeiro came from West Africa, bei ng that after 1816 none en trance of slaving ships from that region was documented. Around 1770, the Mina trade shifted further down toward Porto Novo and Lagos in the Bight of Benin. Civil wars in this region resulted in an increasing number of Yoruba slaves being sent to Bahia. This pattern continued into the opening decades of the 19th century, redefining the African ethnic se tting in Bahia (Reis 2003:159-164; Schwartz 1985:340). In the first half of the 19th century, Curtin (1969:240) affirms that 79.8% of the Atlantic slave traffic to Brazil was direct ed to Rio de Janeiro (73%) and So Paulo (6.8%), where Central Africans composed the va st majority of the slaves imported. From a total of 412,800 slaves imported to th ese two provinces between 1817 and 1843, 303,400 were from Central Africa, 105,600 from East Africa (Mozambique and Madagascar), and only 3,800 fr om West Africa. During the same period, Bahia and the northeast of Brazil received onl y 13% of the slaves arrivi ng in the country, the great majority coming from the ports of the Bight of Benin (Curtin 1969:240). The introduction of East Africans in Rio de Janeiro, although beginning at the end of the 18th century, was accentuated after 1815 (Florentino 1993:87) as a consequence of British pressure to end the African slave trade, ultimately forcing Po rtugal to ban the slave trade on the African coast north of the Equator. Between 1817 a nd 1843 slaves from this region came to

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118 represent about one quarter of the African slaves disembarked in this city (Curtin 1969:240-241; Florentino 1993:87). During the 18th century Mato Grosso was connect ed to the Brazilian coast by three routes. The first, called mones do sul linked Mato Grosso to th e southern captaincy of So Paulo through a system of rivers, a trip that took four to six months to complete (Siqueira et al. 1990:26). This was the predominant route until 1755. The slaves introduced through this route disembarked in Br azil at the port of Ri o de Janeiro. It is calculated that between 1722 and 1750 a total of 15,606 slav es arrived in Mato Grosso through this route (Silva 1995:250). Between 1755 and 1778 a fluvial route, connect ing Vila Bela in Mato Grosso to Belm in the northern captaincy of Par, was widely used. This route was called mones do norte The African slaves coming into Mato Grosso through this route were predominantly from Bissau and Cacheu, in West Africa (Neto 2001:44). This route, however, was never as critically important for the slave traffic to Mato Grosso as other routes, being responsible fo r the introduction of only 874 sl aves in the period between 1755 and 1772, as opposed to 3,700 slaves coming from Bahia and Rio de Janeiro between 1761 and 1771 (Silva 1995:250, 257). In 1736 a road connecting Cuiab to the central Brazilian village of Gois was opened, allowing the terrestrial contact between Mato Grosso and the northeastern and southern-central Brazilian coast. This road, however, was of little use until the last third of the 18th century when many merchants, unsatisfi ed with the monopolistic practices of the Companhia do Gro Par and Maranho the Portuguese trade company which controlled the route of the mones do norte started to use the Gois road to trade with

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119 the coastal cities of Rio de Janeiro and Salvador. The Gois road continued to be the major route of commerce, and consequently of slave traffic, until the opening of navigation on the Paraguai River in 1857 (L enharo 1982:26). Therefore, the commercial contact between Cuiab and the two major r eceiving ports for slaves in Brazil supplied Mato Grosso with slaves coming both from Western Africa, through Salvador, Bahia, and Central Africa, through Rio de Janeiro, be ing that after 1815 Rio de Janeiro also furnished slaves from Eastern Africa. In 1850 the Atlantic slave trad e was officially abolished in Brazil, making Brazilian planters dependent on the inte r-provincial slave trade and of the natural reproduction of their slaveholdings to acquire servile labor for thei r plantations. However, the Mato Grosso province seems to have been scarcely active in the importati on of slaves during this period, since the slavehol ding lists in the probate-invent ories indicate that between 1870 and 1888 the year of slavery abolition in Brazil the great majo rity of the slaves working in the plantations of Chapada dos Gu imares were born in Mato Grosso, with a small number coming from Minas Gerais, Gois and Bahia. African Nations: The Reconstruction of African Identities in Brazil A continuous discussion between scholars studying African and African-American cultures concerns the level of cultural homoge neity versus heterogeneity in sub-Saharan Africa. Mintz and Price (1992 [1976]) have ar gued that the cultura l heterogeneity in Africa was so great that slav es in the New World composed a very heterogeneous group. For these authors, such cultural diversity fo stered a very rapid pr ocess of creolization among African slaves in the Americas. On the other hand, Herkovitz (1941:295) maintained that the cultural homogeneity am ong the societies of western and central Africa was great enough for these two regions to be classified as a single cultural zone,

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120 which was the major source of African-A merican culture. More recently, Kopytoff (1987:35-40) has also defended the idea that cer tain cultural princi ples of organization were shared throughout sub-Saharan Africa. Thes e principles include a sense of hierarchy in social, political, and ritual relations, the tendency for certain positions of authority to be held for life, the submergence of the social identity of individuals in the group above all the corporate kin group, the use of the ki nship idiom as an a ppropriate metaphor for political relations, a pattern of perpetual ki nship in the relations among rulers, the drive to acquire relatives, adherents, dependents, a nd to keep them attached to oneself as a kind of social and political capital, and the aut hority of those ones who first established in a certain region over the newc omers (Kopytoff 1987:35-40). Others authors (Mbiti 1990:xiii; see also Harding 1997:39-41) have argued for a basic shared cosmology among sub-Saharan peop les or, in Mbitis (1990:xiii) words, a potential unity within the diversity of the African religions. Among the general characteristics of the African religions is the belief in a universal energy, which is placed at the center of the natural order of things (Harding 2000:39; Mbiti 199 1:19), the belief in the continuation of life after death, the indivisibility be tween the spiritual and the physical, or the sacred and the secular, in a such way that religiosity permeates all the facets of life, and their abili ty to incorporate new elem ents, suitable to their own historical situation and needs, into their traditional structure (Harding 2000:39-41; Mbiti 1990:2-5; 1991:14-19). Thornton (1998 [1992]:186-191; see also Sweet 2003:19), echoing Herskovits, also applies the idea of cultural zone to Africa but, rather than cl assifying western and central Africa into a single, cultural zone, he argue s that these two regions embrace three cultural

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121 zones: the Upper Guinea, covering the area r eaching from the Senegal river down to the area just south of Cape Mount in modern Li beria, whose peoples spoke languages of two families, the West Atlantic and the Mande; the Lower Guinea, stretching from Cape Palmas to the Bight of Biafra, whose peoples spoke languages of the Kwa family; and the Angola coast, occupied by peoples who spoke languages of the Bantu family. According to Thornton, within each one of these thr ee cultural-linguistic ar eas different ethnic groups shared many beliefs, values, and custom s, resulting in mutu al understandings both in Africa and in the slaves communities of the Americas. In his analysis, however, Thornton does not consid er Eastern Africa. This region, particularly Mozambique, from where most of the eastern African slaves came, had little in co mmon with the Atlantic coast despite the predominance of Bantu speakers peoples (Russel-Wood 2001: 14). According to Huffman (1989:157-158), these differences include language, with str ong distinctions between the Western Bantu spoken in central Africa and the Eastern Bant u from the eastern and southern regions of Africa; ideology, with Western Bantu peoples being matrilineal wh ile the eastern are patrilineal. Other differences include econom y, marriage patterns, and belief systems. Such differences formed distinct worl dviews between these two groups, which are reflected in their markedly distinct se ttlement patterns (Huffman 1989:158-159). Thus, what these discussions suggest is th e existence of a scal e of similarity or universality ranging from general cultural principles widely shared among all subSaharan populations, to beliefs and practices more characteristic of these distinct cultural zones, to more disc rete ones, shared along linguist ic lines, and, finally, to the specific cultural traits that are characteristic of definite ethnic groups. As recent research

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122 on African slavery in Brazil and elsewhere in Americas demonstrates (see Heywood 2002; Lovejoy 2000; Reis 2003; Russel-Wood 2001; Slenes 1991; Sweet 2003; Thornton 1992), the previously defended view that slavery brought about a sudden and deep cultural rupture among African slaves, due to factors su ch as the major cultural differences among these groups and a supposed devastating effect of the transatlantic passage over their lives, is no longer sustainable. Discussing the importance of the study of African cultural principles for the understanding of the African diaspora in the Americas, Russel-Wood (2001:25) reminds that enslaved Africans brought with them valu es, beliefs, behaviors, practices, concepts, and perspectives about themselv es, their role in the society and their place in the world that distinguished them from both the Afro-Brazilians and th e Luso-Brazilians. In the New World, these Africans de veloped broadened conceptions of ethnicity, establishing bonds among themselves based on wider linguistic -cultural similarities, so that peoples from the same African language group, a lthough from different original African ethnicities, associated with one another under the label of specific African nations. (Lovejoy 2000:9; Nishida 2003:32; Thornton 1992:195-205) In this work the emphasis will be on this most particular level of th e African nations. Nevertheless, Thorntons model of cultural zones is valid as an initia l way to divide the diversity of the African nations in Mato Grosso according to macr o cultural similarities In this context it should be remembered that the great majority of western Africans came from the region denoted by Thornton as Lower Guinea. Nishida (2003:31) reminds us that the classi fication of African slaves into nations in the New World was a device used for reduc ing African slaves to a limited number of

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123 categories, inherited from the European cu stom of identifying slaves in Africa by nationalities, regardless of their specifi c places of origin or ethnic affiliations. An African nation was characteri zed according to one out of fi ve criteria: 1the name of the port which slaves were shipped, such as Mina, referring to slaves embarked in the Bight of Benin, Western Africa, where the ma jor slaving port was the Portuguese fortress of So Jorge da Mina (current day Elmina, Gh ana); 2a wider ethnic-linguistic term, such as Nag, which was broadly applied to all Yo ruba-speaking peoples; 3the geographical regions of origin of the slaves, such as Congo and Angola; 4the names by which more discrete ethnic groups were known to other ethnic groups, such as the Tapa, a designate by which the Yoruba called the Nupe; 5the rarest cases in which the original African ethnic designation was kept, like the Hausas (Curtin 1969:184-185; Karash 2000: 45; Nishida 2003:32; Soares 1998:4). Therefore, in general, the African nati ons did not keep a di rect correlation with the forms of self-ascription current in Af rica. Nevertheless, the enslaved Africans adopted such categorizations to re-create th eir identities in the New World for the reason that these designations referred to geographi cal and linguistic-cultural areas wide enough to permit a general identification among the different people classified under these general labels (Nishida 2003:38; Oliveira 1994:176). In this sense, the declaration given by the slave Antnio, one of the rebels from the Mal (Islamized Yoruba) rebellion that occurred in Salvador in 1835, is illustrative of this point. On the occasion of his trial he affirmed: We are all Nags, but each of us has his/her own homeland. (see Nishida 2003:38)

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124 Nevertheless, African nations were Eu ropean categorizations imposed upon the African slaves. In this form, as affirms Oliveira (1994:176) the adaptation of peoples from different African ethnic groups to thes e more restricted categories involved the acceptance of new customs and the social cont exts to which they referred. As Barth affirms (1998:194-195 [1969]), self-ascripti on is the fundamental feature in the categorization of ethnic groups. Thus, if one group, despite the dissimilarities among their members, recognizes itself as a singl e entity, distinct fr om other groups, and declares itself subject to th e culture shared by its members, it constitutes an ethnic group (Barth 1998:195). In the case of the African nations in Br azil, these groups acquired a self-significance insofar as they created thei r own rules and defined the limits related to their affiliation or exclusion, orienting the behavior of their members and establishing criteria to socially classify th e other groups (Oliv eira 1994:176). As previously discussed, African slaves im ported to Mato Grosso arrived in Brazil principally through the ports of Salvador and Rio de Janeiro. Centra l Africans, who were predominantly Bantu speakers, came from a region of Africa largely related to four regional cultures: Kongo (Kikongo sp eakers), Mbundu (Kimbundu speakers), Ovimbundu (Umbundu speakers), and the Lunda-T chokwe groups from eastern Angola (Karasch 2000:58). Vansina (2002:x i-xii) affirms that these Ce ntral African cultures were not only interrelated, but also continually intera cted with each other. In Rio de Janeiro, these groups were divided into several na tions, with the Cabinda, Congo, Angola and Benguela being the most numerically prev alent during the first half of the 19th century (Karash 2000:50-58).

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125 Several authors (Craemer, Vansina, a nd Fox 1976; Curto and Lovejoy 2004:12; Haywood 2002; Karash 2000:355356; Mesquitela Lima 1988:223; Slenes 1991, 2002; Sweet 2003; Thompson 1984:104; Thornton, 1998) ag ree that Central Af ricans tended to share a cultural complex charac terized by linguistic similarities and a common religious worldview, based on the complex of fortune-mis fortune. This worldview sees the natural order of the universe as benevolent, but th at misfortune can be caused by the malefic action of spirits or persons, through bew itching. Their rituals are symbolic acts emphasizing music, dance and trance and focused on charms that embody the most powerful religious symbols. These charms are placed in sanctuaries aiming to protect the community from the misfortunes. Another f eature of these religions is the lack of conservatism, in which foreign rituals, symbol s, and beliefs can be added according to the circumstances, but always fitted in the pr ecepts of the cultural complex based on the notion of fortune-misfortune (Craemer, Vans ina, and Fox 1976; Karash 2000; Slenes 1991:58, 2002; Sweet 2003). According to Kara sh (2000:361-362), this Central African religious worldview was a charac teristic of the African slaves in Rio de Janeiro, so that they worshiped the images of Catholic divi nities as powerful amulets that could be related to their specific systems of beliefs. On the other hand, eastern African Bantus although they also could share this general religious worldview, were different from those of Central African, due to the absence of or very little contact between th e peoples of these two regions (Huffman 1989: 157-158; Russel-Wood 2000:14). Indeed there are references in 19th century Brazil where Moambiques, who composed the most repres entative Eastern African nation, kept their

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126 own dances and songs, separated themselv es into religious brotherhoods, and had rivalries with other Bantu speaker nati ons, particularly the Congos (Alpers 2005). In the case of Bahia, the majority of Western Africans came from the Bight of Benin. In Bahia, in the first decades of the 19th century, the Nag, Jeje, Mina, and Hausa were the major Western African nations. Duri ng this period, the Nag nation, related to the Yoruba-speaking peoples, was the most numerous (Reis 2003:309). Similarly to the case of the Central Africans, the Nag ident ity was based on several linguistic and cultural communalities, such as a common myth of origin and the belief in the same pantheon of divinities. Oliv eira (1994:176) observes that the great number of Nag speakers in Salvador, capital of Bahia, allowed more specific African ethnic categorizations, such as Ijexas, Ijebus, Oyo, et c., to be kept within this group. However, the major division within this group seem s to have been based within religion, distinguishing those who followed the precepts of Islam from those who tended to follow the Yoruba orisha cult. It is important to remember that Islam was a widespread religion in West Africa, and thus adopted by other groups besides the Nag, such as the Bornos, Tapas, and Hausas. Islamic slaves in Bahi a were generically referred to as Mal, a Yoruba expression for Muslim (Reis 2003:177). The Hausa was predominantly an Islamic group, composed primarily of prisoners captured in religious wars or jihads that occu rred in the Hausaland (C entral Sudan) in the beginning of the 19th century. For this reason, this group constituted the majority of new arrivals from west Africa in the first decade of the 19th century (Nishida 2003:69; Reis 2003:73). In Bahia, this group ke pt a strong cohesion, being re sponsible for a series of rebellions between 1807 and 1821 (Reis 2003:68-93).

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127 The Gege nation was composed of speak ers of the various Gbe languages, such as Ewe, Fon, and Allada. Most of the Gege came from the kingdom of Dahome, and worshiped Dahomean divinities called as voduns This group composed probably the largest African nation in Bahia in the second half of the 18th century, but they were surpassed by the Nag in 1820 (Pars 2000:70). In Bahia, the Geges had rivalries with the Nags whose origin was related to th e conflicts between the Gege Kingdom of Dahome and the Yoruba empire of Oyo (R eis 2003:326, 328). Nevert heless, the AfricanBahian religion of candombl was developed in the 19th century as a heterogeneous aggregation of deities of the polytheistic Geges vodun religion and the more monotheistic Yoruba orisha cults (Pars 2005). This religi ous aggregation, however, had precedence in Africa during the 18th century, when the Gbe absorbed Yoruba religious elements, more particularly the Ifa divinatory system (see Greene 2000:93). The Mina nation constituted a more ge neric category, which could refer to any slave from western Africa who was sent to Brazil through the Mina coast, the name designated in Brazil for slaves from the Bight of Benin. It not n ecessarily implied for only those slaves shipped from the port of S o Jorge da Mina, but also for those that embarked in the four other ports to the east of Mina: Grand Popo, Quidah, Jaquin and Apa (Verger 1976, cited in Kiddy 1999:235; Nishida 2003:31). Reis (2003:328), however, notes that the name Mina also refe rred to a more specific nation, composed of individuals from the kingdom of Pequeno P opo, located in the Dahome coast. This kingdom was formed in the 18th century by migrants running away from conflicts in the region of Elmina. This people called and still call themselves Mina. According to Reis

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128 (2003:328), it is probable that a considerable number of Mina slaves in Salvador were derived from this more discrete gr oup within the wider Mina nation. Brazilian-born slaves, in turn, were classi fied, according to their skin-color, into three nations: criolo, pardo, and cabra (Karash 2000:36-41; So ares 2000:99-102). The term criolo was applied to slaves w hose descent could be dire ctly related to Africa; pardos or mulattoes were slaves with mixed African and European descent; and cabra was the designative to slaves with mixed a nd uncertain descent, which could involve Amerindian and African descent, but also other mixed origins. For the case of Mato Grosso, an additional category, cabor was used to classify slaves of mixed African and Amerindian ascendance (Silva 1995:177). It has been argued that the formation of Af rican nations was be tter propitiated in urban settings, due to factors such as the greater concentr ation of slaves, the weaker control over them, and their ease of moveme nt when contrasted to the plantations (Bastide 1978:51-52; Harding 2000:52-54; Slen es 1991:57; Thorton 1992:202). In urban environments, Africans from the same nation tended to work together in male work gangs, had their own established meeting points referred to as cantos gathered for drum dances called batuques in which they danced and sang in their native lan guages, attended festivals related to their native African religions, sometimes established their own religious sodalities, and tended to keep e ndogamic strategies of marriage, selecting partners preferentially from the same n ation. (see Nishida 2003:39-57; Oliveira 1994:177-182; Sweet 2003:207) As late as the early 20th century, scholars in Rio de Janeiro and Salvador observed that ex-African slaves from different nations still kept

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129 their own religious cults and tended to gather with those from the same nation in specific locations of these cities (Rio 1906; Rodrigues 2004 [1933]). For rural areas, the maintenance of thes e African-derived iden tities of nation could have been more problematic due the sm all size of the slavehol dings, which made it difficult for the slaves to be selective in thei r social relations and to build alliances along these ethnic lines (Slenes 1991:57). However, studies of Africa n slave marriage patterns have demonstrated that also in the rura l areas slaves could have emphasized their identities of nation, selecting, when th e circumstances permitted, partners from the same African nation or those with simila r cultural backgrounds (see Florentino and Ges 1997:150; Schwartz 1989:391-393; Sweet 2003:46; Wimmer 2004:152-153). The case of the several rebellions conducted by the Hausas who lived in plantations close to Salvador, between 1807 and 1821, is not only very suggestive of the maintenance of such African nations in the rura l environment, but also dem onstrates that the boundaries between plantations did not impede slaves from keeping connections and establishing relationships with those from the same nat ion living in other plantations (Reis 2003:6893). The Demography of Slavery in Chapada dos Guimares Research on slaveholding lists present in the probate-inventories of 33 planters of Chapada dos Guimares, complemented by data of the probate-inventories of another 18 planters whose plantations were located in the region around Cuiab, permitted the identification of 31 African nations for the period between 1790 and 1869 (Table 4-1). For the late slavery period, between 1870 a nd 1888, African slaves composed a small minority and were no longer classified by natio n. There are two complementary ways of analyzing this demographic data; one more ge neral, taking into account the three general

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130 Table 4-1. Slaves nations in Chapada dos Guimares plantations 1790-1809 1810-1829 1830-1849 1850-1869 1870-1888 T % T % T % T % T % Central Africa Southern region Angola 15 6.09 10 2.11 6 1.79 8 1.42 Benguela 30 12. 19 96 20. 33 39 11. 64 17 3.03 Cassange 6 1.27 14 4.17 11 1.96 Ganguela 4 4.84 4 1.19 Mobundu 1 0.21 Quissama 1 0.4 1 0.29 1 0.17 Songo 2 0.58 1 0.17 46 18. 68 117 28. 76 66 19. 66 38 6.75 Northern region Cabinda 1 0.4 11 2.33 9 2.68 12 2.13 Congo 9 3.65 22 4.66 23 6.86 63 11.2 2 Loango 1 0.17 Manuana 1 0.17 Mazumbo 1 0.17 Monjolo 1 0.4 4 0.84 3 0.89 12 2.13 Rebolo 3 1.21 12 2.54 1 0.29 3 0.53 Sunde 1 0.17 14 5.57 49 10. 37 36 10. 72 94 16. 69 Western Africa Beni 1 0.29 Cabo Verde 1 0.4 Gege 1 0.17 Hausa 22 4.66 8 2.38 5 0.89 Mina 38 15. 44 79 16.7 13 3.88 6 1 Nag 5 2.03 4 0.84 6 1.79 7 1.24 Sobo 1 0.17 Tapa 1 0.4 2 0.42 6 1.79 45 18. 27 107 22. 66 34 10. 14 20 3.56

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131 Table 4-1. Continued 1790-1809 1810-1829 1830-1849 1850-1869 1870-1888 T % T % T % T % T % Eastern Africa Baca 3 0.89 3 0.53 Macumbe 4 1.62 9 1.9 5 1.49 1 0.17 Missena 1 0.17 Moambi que 20 5.97 44 7.8 Mujaca 1 0.17 Nhambanda 1 0.29 Quilungi 1 0.17 Pamb 1 0.29 4 1.62 9 1.9 30 8.93 51 9.01 Indian Cotocxi 1 1 0.21 Unident. African unident. 18 3.2 58 24. 06 Chiburigo 1 0.17 Chumbo 1 0.17 Mampuia 1 0.17 Mapam gangue 1 0.29 Muleque 3 0.53 1 0.29 24 4.24 58 24. 06 Brazil Cabra 24 9.75 17 3.6 34 10. 14 74 13. 19 43 17. 84 Cabur 1 0.4 6 1.27 5 0.89 11 4.56 Criolo 74 30. 08 121 25. 63 107 31. 94 215 38. 32 95 39. 41 Mulatto 38 14. 99 44 9.31 28 8.35 39 6.94 34 14. 10 137 55. 67 188 39. 83 169 50. 44 333 59. 35 183 75. 93 geographic regions of origin of these slaves (western, central and eas tern Africa), and one more specific, discerning the most numerically large African nations.

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132 Figure 4-1 presents the proportions of slav es from Western, Central, and Eastern Africa, plus those born in Braz il. It is clear that Brazilian -born slaves predominated in number over any African regional group and, consequently, over any African nation throughout the period analyzed. This group of sl aves will be discussed further. Presently the focus will be exclusively on the African groups. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 1790-18091810-18291830-18491850-1869% Western Africa Central Africa Eastern Africa Brazilian-born Figure 4-1. Regions of origin of Chapad a dos Guimares slaves: 1790-1809 n= 246; 1810-1829 n= 470; 1830-1849 n= 336; 1850-1869 n= 536. As can be seen in the Figure 4-1 Centra l Africans composed the majority of the African slaves in these plantations throughout the peri od between 1790 and 1869. Western African slaves, in turn, were also present in great proportions between 1790 and 1829, gradually dropping after 1830, the same peri od in which Eastern Africans started to increase in the region. These fluctuations in the regional demography of African slaves suggest that central African cultural influences could have been predominant throughout the period in study, while Western African infl uences could have been strong in the two earlier periods. After 1830 eastern African cult ural influences could have increased as a consequence of the increasing number of slav es from this region. As will be discussed

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133 further, these fluctuations have strong correlations with the diachronic variability associated with the locally-made pottery. At a more specific level, 31 African nations were identified for the period between 1790 and 1888 (see Table 4-1). Fr om these nations the numerically predominant were, in decreasing order, Benguela, Mina, Congo, Mozambique, Angola, Hausa, Cabinda and Cassange. As can be seen in the Figure 4-2 the four first nations mentioned tended to be the majority groups in different periods within this temporal spectrum. 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 1790-18091810-18291830-18491850-1869% Mina Benguela Congo Mozambique Others Figure 4-2. Major African nations in Chapada dos Guimares: 1790-1809 n= 106; 1810-1829 n= 284; 1830-1849 n= 166; 1850-1869 n= 228. For the period between 1790 and 1809 Mina wa s the major African nation in the region, and the second one in the subseque nt period. According to Vianna Filho (1988:35), Mina slaves were the preferred slaves in the mini ng captaincy of Minas Gerais in the 18th century, because they were considered to be the most strong and vigorous among the African slaves. Kiddy (1999:237), however, gives othe r interpretation for this preference. According to her, the Europeans thought that Mina slaves had an innate

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134 knowledge for gold mining, because the Akan peopl es of the gold or Mina coast (Bight of Benin) controlled the gold mines of the re gion. Thus, in Minas Gerais, the miners conferred upon them almost magical powers fo r finding gold. It is pr obable that the same perception about these slaves was common among the miners in Mato Grosso during the 18th century gold mining period, which could explain the predominance of this group in the earliest period here analyzed. Indeed, there are re ferences that Mina slaves were preferred in Mato Grosso in the 18th century, being less disc riminated against than the Angola and Benguela slaves (see Silva 2001:119-120). As previously discussed, in 1815 the slave trade was banished north of the equator, forcing the sl avers to concentrate in the regions of the southern hemisphere th at included central and eastern Africa. Thus, as the importation of western African populations began to decline in Brazil, this lead to the gradual decrease of these slaves be tween 1810 and 1869, as demonstrated in the Figures 4-1 and 4-2. Benguela was the second major nation represented between 1790 and 1809, and the largest between 1810 and 1849. The cultural influence of Benguela slaves, therefore, may have been very strong in the region throughout the first half of the 19th century. These slaves came from the region of Benguela, in southern Angola, which was predominantly occupied by the Ovimbundu, an Umbundu speaki ng people. This territory supported one of the largest populations of central Africa, due to the very good soils and weather conditions propitious for agricu lture, particularly in the ce ntral plateau (Miller 1988:17). The Ovimbundu were farming peoples spread throughout this region in chiefdoms, each under the control of a para mount chief. In the 19th century they were divided into 22 chiefdoms, about one half tributary to one or another of the more powerful groups

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135 (McCulloch 1952:1-2; Childs 1949:168). Childs (1949:167-168) observed that nearly all of the political divisions and denominations of these chiefdoms recorded in the end of the 18th and in the 19th century, such as the Bailundu, Bihe, Quiaca, Galange, Quibula, Andulo, Quingolo, Caluquembe, Sambo, Quikete, Caconda, and Quitata, were still in use in the first half of the 20th century. These chiefdoms, a lthough not representing a single polity, were political and commercially tie d, sharing a common political ideology which rationalized the ruling lineages right to inheri t control of these states, based on the belief that rulers had supernatural powers, with the practice of intermarriage also commonplace among the ruling lineages (Heywood 2000:4). Thei r traditions can be traced back to a combination of ancient rainmaking kings, wa rlords rich in cattle, and a late 16th century military cult recalled in the 18th century as the J aga. (Miller 1988:28) The region of Benguela grew steadily as a source of slaves throughout the 18th century. In the 1770s a large military expedition, launched by the Portuguese, displaced the Ovimbundu warlords on the highland platea u and established a string of merchant princes along the slave trading routes. Thes e princes funneled slaves to the port of Benguela (Miller 1988:133). The most intense peri od of slave traffic in this region was in the 1780s and 1790s, occasioned, according to Miller (1988:226), by a great drought that extended from 1785 to 1794. This drought genera ted enormous mortality from starvation, warfare, and smallpox epidemics. However, Silva (2004:245) adds that the peak of the slave traffic in the region was reached between 1791 and 1796, due principally to the conflicts between Benguelas Portuguese government and the local chiefdoms, intentionally generated by the Portuguese to acquire captives for the slave trade.

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136 The high proportion of Benguela slaves in Ch apada is in partial accordance with the data presented by Florentino (1993:88-89) for Rio de Janeiro, which was the main Brazilian port of entrance for central Af ricans. Florentino notes that, for the period between 1795 and 1811, slaving ships comi ng from Benguela and Luanda (Angolan slaves) composed 96% of the central African ships arriving in Rio de Janeiros port, of which those coming from Benguela composed almost 50%. However, between 1811 and 1830, ships from Benguela decreased to 15%, wh ile the proportion of Cabinda (northerncentral Africa) increased to 35%, followed by Luanda, which, although still the second most frequent central African slave port, dr opped to 32%. It is interesting to note that slaves from Benguela increased in proportion in Chapada dos Guimares at exactly the same period in which their entrance in th e port of Rio de Janeiro radically dropped (Figure 4-2). The predominantly Benguela co mposition of Chapadas slaveholdings is also in remarkable contrast to the com position of African slaves of the neighboring province of Gois between 1810 and 1834, in whic h the slaves of this nation were a small minority (see Karasch 2004:172). The contrast between the furnishing Brazi lian port of Rio de Janeiro and the receiving region of Mato Grosso points to the possibility that Chapada dos Guimares planters preferred Benguela slav es over those from other Af rican nations. Crivelente (2001:97) observed that there are environmental and climatic similarities between the Benguela plateau, inhabited by the Ovim bundu, and the highlands of Chapada dos Guimares. Moreover, these Benguela popula tions from the Central Plateau were traditionally farmers. Visiting this region in the second half of the 19th century, Capelo and Ivens (n.d.a:64) noticed that the principal crops pl anted by the Ovimbundu were

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137 bean, rice, cotton, potatoes, manioc, some fruits and sugar-cane, all cr ops also planted in Chapada (see also Crivelente 2001:97-98). T hus, these Benguela slaves carried out in their native land the same general planting ac tivities that they would do in Chapada dos Guimares plantations, which could explain the preference of the local planters for these slaves. One important point to note is that th e change in composition from Mina to Benguela slaves in Chapada dos Guimares (F igure 4-2) occurred at the same moment that the principal economic activity in th e region was changing from gold mining to planting (see Chapter 2). This is very sugge stive of the planters intentionally choosing slaves from specific regions of Africa, since, as discussed, Mina slav es were preferred for gold mining activities, while Benguela sl aves were traditionally farmers. The Angolan ethnographer Mesquitela Li ma (1988: 154, 184) affirms that the Ovimbundu, from Benguela, share with the Mbundu (Kimbundu speakers), from central Angola, the same linguistic system, whose di fferences are composed only of dialectical forms specific of each ethnic group. According to him, these two groups also share the same history and a set of cultural elements, constituting, therefore, a single cultural block. This point is significant sin ce the Angola nation, which was principally composed of Kimbundu speakers, was the fifth most numer ically prevalent African nation in Chapada. According to Thornton (2002:28-29) the kingdom of Angola referred, in the 1570s, to the region subject to the ngola a kiluange the African ruler along the middle Kwanza. In the early 17th century the Portuguese establis hed their principal slaving port at Luanda, designating the inland regions around as Angola, a term that served in Brazil as a cognate for the slaves th at embarked at that port.

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138 For the period between 1830 and 1849, Bengue la was still the major African nation in Chapada, but the Mina had been surpassed by Congo and Mozambique slaves. Finally, these two last groups becam e the major African nations between 1850 and 1869. This increase in both Congo and Moza mbique slaves reflects the dynamics of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. As previ ously discussed, in 1815, the slave trade was banished north of the equator, forcing the slavers to concentr ate in the regions of central and eastern Africa. In the case of Mozambi que, Capela (2002:84) affirms that the transatlantic traffic signif icantly increased after 1814, reaching its peak in 1829. The slaves referred to with the terms Mo zambique were those embarked in the port of the Island of Mozambique, which was the most important slaving port in this region of eastern Africa (Capela 2002: 207). Alpers (2005:44) observes that the designation Mozambique is highly problematic because it reflects the application of a geographical toponym to a wide variety of enslaved Bant u speakers from east Africa. Despite this diversity, Alpers (1975, cited in Karasch 2000: 60) affirms that most of the slaves exported from Mozambique in the 19th century were Macuas. Macuas were, indeed, the biggest eastern African ethnic group in Rio de Janeiro durin g the first half of the 19th century (Karasch 2000:60). Regarding the Congo nation, Karasch (2000: 54) notes that in Rio de Janeiro it included the Bakongos of northern Angola a nd southern Zaire (currently Peoples Republic of Congo), as well as other ethni c groups who had been commercialized through the slave markets linked to the trad ing network of the Zaire river and its tributaries. In Rio de Janeiro, the Congos were known as a proud people, who preserved their traditions and celebrated the Kongo Ki ngdom in their songs (Karasch 2000:55). The

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139 Kongo Kingdom was the largest state of central Africa. Originating from a confederation of states in the 15th century, this kingdom derived its power from collecting slaves that were concentrated in the capital, Mbanza Kongo. These slaves provided Kongo with both the wealth and the demogra phic resources to guarantee its political centralization (Thornton 1998:93). In 1765 this ki ngdom lost its political unity, due to conflicts with the Portuguese, who captured and killed its ki ng. The kingdom was thus broken up into a number of autonomous and semi-autonomous small states (Birminghan 1966:122-123). In the 18th century this region contin ued divided in provinces w hose lords still fought one another for a Christian Kongo royal title (Miller 1988:35). Herlin (2004:262) observes that the traffic of this regi on to Brazil was intensified after 1808, when Brazilian slave traders establ ished in Luanda star ted to move to the independent African ports north of the Congo River mouth pushed by Portuguese slave traders, where they reorganized the slave trad ing system that they dominated until its end. During the 1830s and 1840s, the intensification of British anti-slaving pressure led these slavers to create interlocking systems of factories, barra coons, financiers, brokers, suppliers, and shippers along the Congo coast, from which was woven a seamless web of legal and illegal trading operations. In the 1840s, despite the fact that Portuguese, under British pressure, began seizing Brazilian slavers, the slave imports to Brazil coming from these independent ports on the Congo coas t reached its peak (Herlin 2004:264-265). In summary, despite the great diversit y of African nations in Chapada dos Guimares, there were only four groups w ho were the most numerically prevalent in different intervals between 1790 and 1869. We stern African influence, principally represented by the Mina slaves, was ve ry strong between 1790 and 1829. However,

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140 southern central African Bengue las composed the major group throughout the first half of the 19th century. North-central African Congos and eastern African Mozambiques, in turn, increased in numbers after 1830, b ecoming the major nations between 1850 and 1869. After characterizing the dynamics of this African cultural dive rsity in the region, the following question emerges: to what extent were these different nations recognizing themselves as discrete groups and trying to k eep their African-derive d identities in this region? Differing from the descriptions of other re gions of Brazil such as Rio de Janeiro and Bahia, the travelers who vi sited Mato Grosso in the 19th century were not concerned with describing the slaves cultural dive rsity and possible maintenance of boundaries among the different African nations. Perhaps one of the reasons for this absence is the scarcity of travelers accounts for Mato Gro sso, when contrasted to the coastal regions. However, studying the documents of the sodality of the Nossa Senhora do Rosrio dos Pretos in Cuiab, for the colonial period, Silv a (2001:119-120) presents some evidences that suggest that Mina slaves were privileged in this fraternity over those ones from other African nations. There are three sets of data th at may be explored in an e ffort to evaluate the extent to which African slaves in Mato Grosso recognized their differences of origin as significant in the establishment of their soci al relationships and alliances: 1the rare documents, like wills of freed Africans and crim inal processes, in which they affirmed their African origins; 2th e slave marriage patterns in Ch apada dos Guimares, analyzed by Crivelente (2001) through parochial records present in the local church and

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141 complemented by the demographic data pr esented in this research; and 3the archaeological data, represented principally by the pottery made and used by these slaves. These three sets of data, a lthough complementary in many ways, can also contradict one another, since they concern three different le vels of information: 1the slaves selfperception of their origins, present in their own affirmations; 2the slaves practices of marriage, as registered by the parochial aut horities, for which there is no direct evidence about whether they constituted their own choi ces or were imposed by the planters; and 3the slaves daily practices, as represented by thos e durable artifacts that they used to carry out these practices and which compose the arch aeological record. The extent to which the slaves charged this material with per ceptions about themselves, and therefore, intentionally used it as a support of their African -derived identities, is the main subject to be considered. African Slaves Self-Perceptions in Mato Grosso The will of Antnio Jos de Souza,1 written in Cuiab in 1852, certainly constitutes the richest African testimony left by an ex-sla ve in Mato Grosso. Antnio declared he was born in Africa, from the Hausa (Auss) nation, from where he was captured and transported to Brazil when he was seven y ears old. He disembarked in the port of Salvador and seems to have been soon afte rwards transported to Mato Grosso. He acquired his freedom during the peri od in which he worked in the Santa Casa de Misericrdia a traditional Catholic hospital present in most of the Brazilian captaincies. Antnio paid for his freedom with a slav e that he had bought. An tnio probably saved money for purchasing this slav e when he worked as a slav e himself mining diamonds in the district of Diamantino, under the orders of the colonel Francisco Pereira Caldas. 1 IHGMT, ACBM-IPDAC, probate-inventory Antnio Jos de Souza, Pasta 73, n. 71p, year: 1852.

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142 During this period he married the creole Bened ita Pereira Caldas, who was also a slave of the same colonel. After a while the colonel m oved to the province of Gois, bringing with him Antnios wife. Despite the forced sepa ration, Antnio managed to get information about his wife, since he declared that she stil l lived in Gois, as a slave of one of the colonels daughters. Antnios narrative gi ves the impression that many years passed between the separation of his wife and the ela boration of his will. Nevertheless, he left the amount of 400,000 ris for Benedita, whom he still called his wife, for freeing her from slavery. A second case is that of Ana Maria Corras will,2 dated 1816. Ana Maria declared she was from the Mina Coast, from the Saba r nation, having been baptized in the locality of Porto Feliz, captaincy of So Paulo. This is one case in which within the wider label Mina, the slave still recognized her specific Afri can ethnicity as Sabar, and by making this designation marked this term as significant to the point of giving this information in her will. Unfortunately, no in formation was found on a Sabaru people in west Africa, but, traveling in Suda n in the second half of the 19th century, Theodore Roosevelt referred to the following local pr overb, based on a text in the Koran: Allah ma el saberin, izza sabaru God is with the patient if they know how to wait3. This name can also be a possible reference to Sola gberu, the leader of the Yoruba Muslims in yo in the beginning of the 19th century, who headed the community Oke Suna, in Ilorin (see Reis 2003:167). In both cases it is pointed out that there is a strong possibility that Ana Maria Corra was an Islamic Yorub. 2 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Maria Corra, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 20, Processo No 363, year: 1817. 3 See www.sakoman.net/pg/html/13930.htm

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143 The freed slave Roza da Costa Roriz4 also declared in her will, in 1824, that she was from the Mina Coast. Although she did not furnish more specific information about her origin, she affirmed that she had been ma rried to another freed Mina slave, having therefore chosen as partner somebody who was from the same African nation. The freed slave Antnio Silva Ribeiro5 also affirmed in his will that he was from the Mina Coast, being married to Ana Gonalves, whos e origin, unfortunately, he did not mention. The case of Jos Congo, a 50 years old farmhand slave, defendant in a murder case that happened in the rura l district of Brotas, in 1881,6 is also elucidative. During the trial, when the authorities asked where he was born, he answered: I am from Africa, from the land of the Congos. Although very s hort, this declaration is highly significant, in the sense that Jos Congo referred to a spec ific territory occupied by a precise people, the Congos, attaching his origin to this people. These sources indicate that African slaves in Mato Grosso kept a memory of their natives land and peoples even when they arri ved in Brazil as children, as was the case of the Hausa Antnio Jos de Souza. These ascr iptions, therefore, cons tituted an important element of their individual id entities, otherwise these Africa ns could have referred to their origins only by the more generic category Africa. These documents, however, do not furnish information on the possible use of these labels in the formation of more discrete African groups in Mato Grosso. In this sense, the analysis of slave marriage 4 APMT, probate-inventory Rosa da Costa Roriz, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 26, Processo No 325, year: 1824. 5 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio da Silva Ribeiro, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 29 Processo No 2, year: 1828. 6 APMT, processo criminal, ru: Jos Congo, escravo de Jos Pinto de Figueiredo, Cartrio do 6 Ofcio, Caixa 2, Mao 300, year: 1881.

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144 patterns in Chapada dos Guimares can be in formative of the extent to which African slaves were trying to build alliances ba sed on their identity of nation. Slaves Marriage Patterns in Chapada dos Guimares The marriage patterns of the Chapada dos Guimares slaves were discussed by Crivelente (2001), based on the pa rochial records existing in the Igreja Matriz de Santana de Chapada dos Guimares for the period between 1798 and 1830. Unfortunately, there is no research on this subject for the peri od after 1830 when, as previously discussed, major changes took place in the origins of th e African slaves in this region. Because Crivelente did not work with wider slave de mographic data for the region, the marriage patterns that she found were contrasted neit her to the actual African and Brazilian composition nor to the gender ratios of Chapad as slaveholdings. These two sets of data are more than complementary, in the sense that demographic data can point out the possible reasons behind some of the slaves marriage patterns verified in the region. Crivelente (2001:124) found 290 registers of slave marriages for the period between 1798 and 1830. She noted that both pa rtners were Africans in 37.2% of the cases. However, Crivelente did not calculate the ratios of slaves of African origin separately from those related to slaves of Brazilian origins. When this calculation is done it can be noted that from the total of 580 slaves, 326 (56.20%) were Africans. This proportion matches the demographic data for the period between 1790 and 1829, in which Africans composed 52.25% of the slaveh oldings (Table 4-1), demonstrating that both Africans and Brazilians slaves married in pr oportions related to their actual ratios in the slaveholdings, with no group privilege d over another in this practice. A closer look at the African married popul ation demonstrates that from these 326 African slaves, 216 individuals (66.25% of this group) married African partners,

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145 demonstrating the trend of African slaves to privilege as partners those who were born in Africa rather than in Brazil. This trend becomes even more significant when it is contrasted with the gender ra tios by origin present on these slaveholdings (Figure 4-3). 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 1790-18091810-18291830-18491850-18691870-1888% African females African males Brazilian females Brazilian males Figure 4-3: Gender rates be tween African and Brazilian slaves: 1790-1809 n= 246; 1810-1829 n= 470; 1830-1849 n= 336; 1850-1869 n= 560; 1870-1888 n= 196. As apparent in this graph, between 1790 and 1829, African female slaves composed 11.41% of the total population of these slaveholdings, while African males were the most numerous group, composing 40.73 % of the total slave population. Thus, there was an approximate proporti on of four male African slav es to each African female, while, in the total slave popul ation, there were about seven males to every three females (Figure 4-4). For this period, there was a ra tio of two Brazilian slave women to each African woman, demonstrating that there wa s twice the chance for African males to marry Brazilian females, when, in fact, the opposite occurred: for each three African males, two married African females. Thus, the gendered slave demography of Chapada dos Guimares demonstrates that Africans st rongly tended to marry among themselves,

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146 with African men marrying Brazi lian women probably only in situations where few or no African women were available in their slav eholding. In fact, Crivelente (2001:136) noted that from the 75 marriages between Afri cans and Brazilians slaves, only 15 (20%) happened between African females and Brazilian males. Therefore, for the total of 123 African females, only 12.19% married Brazilian males. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 1790-18091810-18291830-18491850-18691870-1888% Females Males Figure 4-4. General gender rates between slaves: 1790-1809 n= 246; 1810-1829 n= 470; 1830-1849 n= 336; 1850-1869 n= 560; 1870-1888 n= 196. Despite the high proportion of African marriages, only 66 Africans (30.55%) married partners from the same African n ation, demonstrating that intra-nation strategies of marriage between African slaves were not the norm in the plantations of Chapada dos Guimares. Crivelente (2001:125) notices that Benguela slaves tended to present a higher degree of endogamy (13 marriages), followed by Mina slaves (8 marriages), while there were 14 cases of marriage between Benguela and Mina slaves. Again, this lower frequency of intra-natio n marriages could have been occasioned by the low proportion of African women in the sl aveholdings, so that African males had, in many instances, to choose between females fr om other African nations or, conversely,

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147 to marry a Brazilian slave. In this sense, th e possibility could be that the Africans chose as partners those from the same cultural areas Unfortunately, Crivelen te does not present the complete data about inter-African na tions marriages, focusing her analysis only on the major group of the Benguelas. Benguela slaves, in 65.30% (n=32) of the cases, married other central Africans (including other Benguelas, Rebolos, Congos, Angolas, and Cabindas) and in 32.65% (n=16) of the cases they married western Africans (Minas and Nags). When these proportions are co ntrasted against the general African demography of this period, in which central Africans composed 56.95% of the slaveholdings, there was a slight trend for Benguela to privilege central Africans over slaves from other regions of Africa. In summary, these data point out the trend of African slaves choosing other Africans as partners, while Brazilians pr ivileged other Brazilians. This endogamy developed in three levels: the wider and more recurrent level of the general African origin of the partner; the intermediary level of the African regional origin of the slaves; and the more specifically, and less frequently, at the level of the African nation. Thus, what these data indicate is the stronger maintenance of bounda ries between African and Brazilian slaves in the space of the plantations, which sometimes could have given greater latitude to the forma tion of more discrete African groups, based on wider regional origins or in the more specific nations. It is important to note that these levels of endogamy, principally those verified in the mo re specific scale of Af rican nations, are very significant when, as demonstrated, these slaves were far from the ideal situation for finding partners, since their choice was limited exclusively to those slaves who lived in the same plantation. Between 1790 and 1829 the av erage size of the slaveholdings in the

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148 plantations of Chapada was 46 slaves (see chapter 2). If the very young and very old slaves are excluded, the number of marryi ng slaves would be drastically reduced. Moreover, the possibilities of choosing a partner dropped even more due the general gender disproportions of seven men to three women or, even worse for the Africans, of four male African slaves to each African female. Regarding all these limitations, the figure of 30.55% of endogamy in the level of African nations acquires a very high significance, demonstrating that the African slaves of Chapada were concerned with finding marriage partners more relate d to their origins and culture. Slaves communities and pottery vari ability in Chapada dos Guimares So far this discussion has been focused on the regional origins of the African slaves, the ways that they used these orig ins as a basis for the establishment of new communities in the coastal regions of Brazil, and the possibilities that the same process occurred in Mato Grosso, as pointed out by the documentary data. The changes in the African composition of the slaveholdings in Chapada between 1790 and 1869 suggest that different cultural influe nces, principally related to th e major African nations that dominated the slaves demographic setting in different periods, could have been introduced in the region at this time. A lthough documentary evidence points out the possibility of maintenance of discrete African communities in the region, it provides very little information about the po ssible cultural practices and traditions that these groups might have brought with them, and, consequen tly, on the possible ways that they kept, reinvented, and hybridized their original cultures in this new context. In this sense, archaeological data, principall y the locally-made pottery, have much to add to this discussion.

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149 As discussed in the Chapter 1, some scholar s in Brazil have sugge sted that incised decorations present in pottery from the hist orical period are predominantly associated with slave groups, since this type of decoration was employ ed predominantly in cooking pots, a type of vessel used in the kitchen, wh ere female slaves carried out a significant part of their daily tasks, including cooki ng (Dias Jr., 1988:8; Jacobus, 1997:66; Souza 2002:76-77). Taking into account the active part icipation of female slaves in local economies during the Brazilian colonial period, especially in the production and commercialization of food and utilitarian objects (Figueiredo, 1993; Mott, 1976; Nishida 2003), it is probable that fema le slaves and in some cases, Amerindians were primarily responsible for the production of pottery in Brazil during the 18th and 19th centuries. Indeed, for the specific case of Ma to Grosso, D Alincourt (1857:63) observed that pottery was made exclusively by poor wo men, in the shapes of cooking pots, storage pots, plates, and basins. Most of these women were from Africa and, in smaller proportions, of indigenous origin and/or descent. In fact, in 1797, only 5,96% of the Mato Grossos population was white (Silva 1995:212). Pottery variability, African nations and creolization in Chapada dos Guimares When documentary and archaeological da ta are analyzed under a diachronic perspective, both point to si gnificant changes over time: chan ges in the origin of the African slaves, in the ratios of Africans to Br azilians and of males to females, and in the decorative techniques for pot tery, including designs, shapes and functions. The diachronic perspective, therefore, is the be st strategy for understanding the meaningful relationships regarding slave groups and pottery, allowing the establishment of relevant temporal and cultural contexts to guide analogies (Hauser and DeCorse 2003:70).

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150 In the case of Chapada dos Guimares pot tery assemblages, the seriation method was employed in an effort to verify possibl e correlations between the pottery diachronic variability and the fluctuati ons in the origins of slaves over time, thus looking for possible cultural continuities as well as innovations that could be the result of the arrival of different groups of slaves in the re gion. The seriation method involves measuring stylistic similarity among pottery assemblages to verify variations in time and space. It constitutes, according to Neimann (1999:146), one of the best methods to both track cultural continuity and establish rupt ures in the archaeological record. The implications of possible correlations between the diachronic variation of the African composition of the Chapadas slav eholdings and the potterys diachronic variability are very significant, since they can point out that Africans from different regions arriving in Chapada dos Guimares di d not compose a culturally deprived crowd, but rather, brought with them specific cultural templates from their regions of origin, and thus were able to reproduce, re-invent, and hybridize their orig inal pottery traditions in this new context. In this section the analyses will consider the pottery found in the areas related to all the deposits excavated, so that this discussion will transit between the local, intra-site, and the regional, inter-site scales. Pottery from fourteen units of deposition, presenting mean dates furnished by the mean ceramic date formula (South 1972) applied to the European ceramics, and estimated dates ranging from the end of the 18th to the end of the 19th century, will be considered. One late cont ext, related to the first third of the 20th century (see Symanski and Souza 2002), was ad ded, to demonstrate th e continuities with the late 19th century contexts.

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151 The focus of this analysis will be on th e pottery decorative techniques and designs. The functional variability of these assemblages will be discussed further, in the next chapter. The frequency of decorated ve ssels varied over time (Figure 4-5). In 01020304050607080901001797.0 1802.5 1810.9 1820.3 1825.6 1836.2 1840.0 1850.0 1850.5 1852.7 1853.0 1862.1 1887.8 1894.0 1935.0Mean Date% Present Absent Figure 4-5. Percentage of decorated to undeco rated fragments of locally-made pottery in the analyzed contexts: 1797 n= 380; 1802.5 n= 194; 1810.9 n= 251; 1820.3 n= 440; 1825.6 n= 140; 1836.2 n= 535; 1840.0 n= 1547; 1850.0 n= 687; 1852.7 n= 196; 1853.0 n= 475; 1862.1 n= 425; 1887.8 n= 349; 1894.0 n= 278; 1935 n= 1020. deposits whose mean dates are prior to 1862.1, decorated fragments represent between 20% and 38% of the assemblages. These pe rcentages are very representative, since decorations in general were circumscribed on the neck of the vessel and, less frequently, on the lips and upper bulge. In the deposits wi th mean dates after 1853, the frequency of decorated sherds gradually dropped, representi ng 10% of the pottery assemblages on the

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152 end of the 19th century. Therefore, the attribute deco ration gradually lost its significance in the last third of the 19th century, as will be developed later in this discussion. In deposits whose mean dates are prior to 1862.1, decorated fragments represent between 20% and 38% of the assemblages. Th ese percentages are very representative, since decorations in general were circumscribed on the neck of the vessel and, less frequently, on the lips and upper bulge. In the deposits with mean dates after 1853, the frequency of decorated sherds gradually dropped, representing 10% of the pottery assemblages on the end of the 19th century. Therefore, the attribute decoration gradually lost its significance in the last third of the 19th century, as will be developed later in this discussion. The diachronic variation of decorated potte ry is related with another identified aspect involving a correlation between decorative techniques and styles and particular groups of vessels, something that may be be tter understood through the examination of the seriated frequencies of decorated pottery a nd its correlation with particular functional categories (Figure 4-6). Th e earliest deposits, dated between 1797 and 1836.2, are all associated with the Tapero site (Engenho do Rio da Casca), and correspond to the period in which this site was occupied by the Port uguese Luis Monteiro Salgado, who died in 1808, and his widow, Rosa Cardos o de Lima, who died in 1841. The pottery decoration in these earliest Taperos deposits (m.d. 1797-1836.2) was less varied than that from later deposits and was mostly composed of designs produced by incisions, which consisted of geometric motifs, predominantly re ctilinear, applied in the upper parts of the

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153 Figure 4-6 Pottery seriation.

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154 vessel. The most popular desi gns included diamonds, zigzags, and less frequently, waves (Figure 4-7). Deposits from this period pres ent a high proportion of decorations produced by the deliberated exhibition of coils used in the construction of th e vessel, which more frequently appear in combination with inci sions, always in the uppe r part of the vessel (Figure 4-8). Less frequent techniques in clude red painting by dipping, and corrugated (Figure 4-8). Finally, punctur ed, digitated and nailed decorations, sometimes in combination with incisions, are present in minimum proportions. As can be seen in Figure 4-6, the most popular of these decora tive techniques had specialized uses, being correlated with particular f unctional categories. These include the pottery presenting incisions or visible coils w ith superimposed incisions, which were used only for the processing or preparation of food, generally in the form of cooking pots. In these cooking pots, the incisions produced on the flat surf ace of the vessels present designs different from those made over visible coils. The red pa inting, in turn, is pres ent only in vessels whose function was related to the service or consumption of f ood, although in later periods multifunctional vessels were also used, and the corrugated style is present only in those vessels used for processing food, part icularly, the large manioc flour toasters, which are still in use in the region. The corrugated decoration, exclus ive of the manioc flour to asters, is evidence of the indigenous influence over the pottery of the region. This in fluence is also found on the use of an inclusion referred to as cariap B which is an organic temper produced by the burning of the bark of different types of tr ees. This temper is found in some Brazilian prehistoric sites, including those of Chapada dos Guimares (Vianna 2001; Vianna and Barbosa, in press), and is rare ly identified in historical c ontexts or contemporary pottery

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155 in other regions of Brazil (for the Mato Gr osso case, see Atades 2001; Scheur 1982). In Mato Grosso, indigenous labor was employed in the activities of ca ttle raising, in the extraction of poaia a native medicinal herb and in domestic services in the cities, Figure 4-7. Schematic representation of the most common decorative motifs in contexts mean dated between 1797 and 1836. Figure 4-8. Some of the decorative techni ques used on the pottery of Chapada dos Guimares. A) incised. B) visible coils with superimposed incisions. C) painted. D) corrugated. A B C D

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156 while they were less common in plantations, where slave labor carried by Africans and African descents predominated (Aleixo 1984:63-66; Silva 1995:263). Indeed, there is little documentary evidence for an indigenous presence in the Chapada dos Guimares plantations, although this region had been occupi ed in the historical period by the Bakairi and Bororo indigenous groups. Only two possibl e indigenous slaves we re identified in the lists of slaves present in the planters probate-inventories Fr ancisco Cotocxi, for the year of 1816, and Sebastio Mampuia, for the year of 1855. More indirect evidence for an indigenous presence in these plantations is the occurrence, in the slaveholdings lists, of a small proportion of slaves of mixed African and indigenous ascendance, referred to in Mato Grosso as cabors (Silva 1995:177). Cabors represent only 22 (1.21%) individuals in the tota l of 1810 slaves listed in proba te-inventories. In addition, it must be taken into account the possibility that indigenous descent could also be present in another skin color category listed in these documents, the cabra which was a designative for slaves of uncertain mixed ascendance (Karash 2000:39). Cabra slaves represent 178 (9.83%) individuals in thes e inventories of slaves. With the exception of corrugated decora tions, all other decorative techniques present in these assemblages may be f ound in sub-Saharan Africas archaeological assemblages from both the end of the Iron Age and the colonial period. In addition, designs such as waves, diamonds and zigzag s are employed generical ly in pottery from Africa, appearing in a number of compositions. While the correlation between the decorati on and functional categories of ceramics is clear-cut early in the histor y of the region, it lost intensit y in deposits with mean dates after 1836, when different types of decoration begun to be more indistinctly used (Figure

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157 4-6). At the same time, the frequency of pottery vessels used in the service and consumption of food declined, simultaneously w ith the increase in th e diversification of European refined-earthenware in slaves asse mblages. After this period, red painting and vessels with visible coils and superimposed incisions also drastically dropped in popularity. Although incised design s in the form of zigzags, diamonds and waves kept their popularity, new decorative techniques stamped and impressed with textiles and circles and a diversity of new decorative motifs were introduced in the region. These motifs included a variety of compositions employing the combined use of incision and punctuated, nailed and digita ted marks (Figure 4-9). Figure 4-9. Decorative techniques and designs common in post-1836 contexts. It is very significant that the major cha nges in the pottery assemblages happened in deposits after 1836.2, the same period in which the African composition of the slaveholdings was drastically changing within the region, with Mina and Benguela slaves giving way to Mozambique and Congo, who cons tituted the two major African nations after 1850 (Figure 4-2). Thus, the innovations on the pottery techniqu es of decoration in the post-1836 contexts can be explained by th e cultural influence of new African groups

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158 of slaves. In this sense, the dropping in bot h the red painted and red slip vessels in contexts after 1825.6 and in vessels presenti ng visible coils plus incisions after 1850 strongly match, respectively, the population d ecline of the Minas, after 1830, and the Benguelas, after 1850. These correlations sugge st that these two decorative categories could be related to the African regions of origin of these two nations. As previously discussed, Mina was a gene ric term for slaves embarked from any port along of the Bight of Benin, in western Africa. The presence of both red painted and red slip decorated vessels in western African pottery assemb lages from the late Iron Age and European contact period is a strong indicator that slav es coming from this region could be the main producers of this type of pottery in Ch apada dos Guimares (Figure 410). Although pottery in red pa inting and slip is also pres ent in the coas tal region of Congo (see Collections Ethnographics du Mu se du Congo, 1907), the contexts of the height of popularity of this type in Chapada occur before the arrival of slaves from the Congo region, indicating that these groups were not responsible for the earlier production of this type. Souza (2002:70-80), working in the 18th centurys Central Brazilian mining village of Ouro Fino, documented locally-p roduced low-fired earthenware in which incised decoration was predominantly associ ated with cooking vessels and painted decoration to service/consumption vessels Souza notes that during the period of occupation of this site, western Africans, represented by Mina and Nags, composed the overwhelming majority of th e slave population of the regi on, supplanted only by central Africans at the turn of that century (see also Souza and Symanski, forthcoming). In Western Africa, slip and red painted pottery is distributed in the region comprised by the hinterlands of Senegal (McIntosh and Bocoum 2000:21), and Nigeria

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159 (Wesler 1999:256), as well as in Mali, in the old cities of Jenn-Jeno (McIntosh 1995:135, 137-138,156,212) and Gao (Insoll 1997: 18). Connah (1987:114) and Frank (1998:20) agree that this type of decorati on is associated with the northern Savanna regions from west Africa, even though they are also found, in less frequency, closer the coastal areas, as is the case with Benin, Nigeria (Connah 1975:121-133), and Kuulo Kaata, Ghana (Stahl 1999:23). Figure 4-10. Painted and red slip pottery from Chapada dos Guimares. A) fragment from the Tapera do Pingador site, m.d. 1850. B) fragment from the Tapero site, m.d. 1820. In contrast to the Mina slaves, whose asso ciation with more geographically specific regions of west Africa is pr oblematic, Benguela slaves, in general, came from a more geographical and culturally discrete region of central Africa, predominantly occupied by the Ovimbundu, as previously discussed. Most of the Ovimbundu designs used incised motifs on pottery and in ornament s like bracelets, and are very similar to those present on the Chapada dos Guimares pottery asse mblages (Figures 4.11,4.12, 4.13, and 4.15). On the other hand, the very popular pattern of visible coils with incisions, common in earlier Chapada dos Guimares contexts, is not indicated in the literature on Ovimbundu ethnographical pottery (Gerde s 1995; Haeinstein 1964, 1988). AB

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160 AB CD EF GH IJ AB CD EF GH IJ Figure 4-11. Ovimbundu designs : A) Mayaka design on potte ry (Gerdes 1995:36). B) motif on a bracelet (Hauen stein 1988:44). C) motif mountains on a vessel (Hauenstein 1988:51). E) motif serpent on a bracelet (Hauenstein 1988:48). F) motif olombamba (tattoo) on ve ssel (Hauenstein 1964:65). G) motif mountains on a vessel (Hauenstein 1988: 51). H) motif olombambaon vessel (Hauenstein 1964:65). I) motif mountains on vessel (Hauenstein 1988:51). J) motif on a bracelet (H auenstein 1988:53). Figure 4-12. Incised designs common in c ontexts pre-1836 in Chapada dos Guimares pottery. Nevertheless, this pattern, sometimes pres enting incised designs very similar to those from Chapadas assemblages, is f ound in the Peoples Republic of Congo, on sites supposedly associated with the Iron Age in the Bushimaie Valley, Kasai, and in sites

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161 from the Classic Kisalian tradition, from th e 10th century A.D., in the Upemba Rift, Shaba (Maret 1982:85-86, 89-90). This patter n was also employed by the Luba people, who occupied the region between the Kasai and the Zaire rivers in the 18th century, as can be seen in one statuette from this gr oup present in the ethnogr aphic collection from the Metropolitan Museum of Natural Hist ory, New York (see Symanski and Souza 2001:139) (Figure 4-14). The region of thes e findings is located about 800 to 1000 kilometers northeast from the Central Plateau of Benguela, the land occupied by the Ovimbundu. A B C Figure 4-13. Pottery design found in Chapada dos Guimares and in Benguela. A) site Engenho do Quilombo (m.d. 1853). B) site Tapera do Pingador (1st half of the 19th century). C) Ovimbundu motif on bracelet (Haenstein 1988:53). There are two hypotheses for explaining th e presence of the vessels exhibiting visible coils with incised designs in the Chapadas sites. The first is that this pottery may

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162 correspond to a widespread tradition in cen tral Africa, which extended from region between the Kasai and the Zaire rivers, to the southwestern central plateau occupied by Figure 4-14. Pottery presenting visible coils with superimposed incisions. A) Tapero site. B) detail of Luba estatuete (collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Natural History, New York). C) Iron Age pottery from Kasay (Maret 1982). the Ovimbundu. In this sense, the absence of this pottery patte rn in the consulted references might be occasioned by the scarcity of archaeological resear ch in the region of

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163 Benguela. The second possibility is that slav es from the region between the Kasai and Zaire rivers were sent to Brazil through the port of Benguela. Indeed, Miller (1988:215217) affirms that the Lunda kingdom, located in the eastern side of the Kasai, increasingly grew in importanc e as a producer of slaves to be traded with the Portuguese in the 18th century. After 1750, one of the Lunda slaving trade rout es lead to Benguela, passing by Bihe and Caconda, in the Centra l Plateau occupied by the Ovimbundu (Miller 1988:216-218). Therefore, the possibility that so me slaves labeled as Benguela in Mato Grosso came from regions far away from the central plateau of Bengue la has to be taken into account. However, it should be remembered that in the end Figure 4-15. Decorative motif common in Chapada dos Guimares and Benguela. A) vessel from the Tapera do Pingador site, m.d. 1850; B) Ovimbundu motif, representation of a serpent in bracelet (Hauenstein 1988:48). of the 18th century the majority of the Benguela slaves sold to Br azil were really Ovimbundu from the Central Plat eau (see Silva 2004), which, as discussed, was one of the most densely populated regions of centr al Africa (Miller 1988: 17; see also Heywood 2000:05). Moreover, the Ovimbundus eastern neighbors are known as Nganguelas. Significantly, Nguangelas, or bett er Ganguelas, are present, in a very low number (Table

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164 7), in the Chapadas slaveholdings for th e period between 1810 and 1849. This Ganguela presence in the region is indicative of two in terrelated points: first, slaves embarking in Benguela received different culture or langua ge group designations, rather than being homogenized under the name of this slaving po rt; second, this indicates, in turn, that Benguela was a more restricted designation, probably applied to peoples from one particular region, a fact that matches ve ry well with the cohesion that this group attempted to maintain in Chapada, through the already discussed endogamic marriages. Pottery production and gender Gender is an important variable to be cons idered in this discussion about different African influences over Chapada dos Guimar es locally-made pottery, since women are the main producers of pottery throughout s ub-Saharan Africa (Ber ns 1993; Gosselain 1999:214). The best way to approach the gender dimension is searching for correlations between the presence of African females from specific nations and the intra-site pottery variability. Figure 4-16 presents the pr oportions of African females over time for the nine principal African nations of Chapada. Th e population curves of this graphic are different, in some crucial point s, from those established fo r the total popul ation of the four major African nations presented in Figure 4-2. Fi rst there is a very strong predominance of Benguelas (57%) over the female composition of the slaveholdings between 1790 and 1809, while in the total population for this period the Benguela are the second major African group, constituting 28% of the slaveholdings. In contrast, Mina slaves, who were the major nation during this period, constituted only 17% of the African female population. Nevertheless, Be nguela and Mina were the most numerous African females on these slaveholdings throughout the first half of the 19th century. The

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165 population curve for Congo females, in turn, matc hes very well with that defined for the whole Congo population over time. Betw een 1850 and 1869, Congo was strongly predominant in the female African popul ation, composing 28.5% of the female slaveholdings. Mozambique females, on th e other hand, never were numerically significant in the region, despite the fact that Mozambique became the second major African nation between 1850 and 1869. Th is low quantitative significance of Mozambique females could imply in a weaker cultural influence of this group over the pottery production. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 1790-18091810-18291830-18491850-1869% Mina Benguela Congo Mozambique Nag Rebolo Cassange Cabinda Angola others Figure 4-16. African female composition in Chapada dos Guimares slaveholdings: 1790-1809 n= 30; 1810-1829 n= 48; 1830-1849 n= 37; 1850-1869 n= 43. The Minas female composition matches ve ry well with the frequency of painted pottery over time (Figure 4-6). Both are pr esent in a small propor tion in the earliest period between 1790 and 1810, reaching their pe ak in the subsequent period between 1810 and 1830. In turn, the period in which Be nguela women predominated in the female slaveholdings corresponds to the period of maximum popularit y of the vessels exhibiting

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166 visible coils with incisions, in the contexts mean-dated between 1797 and 1850 (Figure 46). For this case, the very strong prepondera nce of Benguela women in the earliest period is in complete accordance to the regular fre quency of the referred vessels in the three earliest contexts, mean-dat ed between 1797 and 1810.9, dropping in the next two contexts (m.d. 1820.3 and 1825.6), which are referent to the period in which Mina females increase in numbers. An intra-site scale of analysis can contribute important elements to this discussion. As previously affirmed, the six oldest deposits, mean-dated between 1797 and 1836.2, and the deposit mean-dated in 1850.5 are from the Tapero site (Engenho do Rio da Casca). In turn, the depos its presenting the mean dates 1840.0, 1852.7, and 1862.1 are from the Buritizinho site (Engenho gua Fria). As can be seen in Figure 4-6, the pottery assemblage mean-dated 1840.0 (Buritizinho site ) presents several d ecorative techniques previously absent or minimally used in the re gion, which tend to become recurrent in the later deposits (Figure 4-9). This deposit, however, is very close temporally to the deposit from the Tapero site, mean-dated to 1836.2. In this regard, if only the chronological factor was considered, we might expect a stronger similarity between the pottery assemblages between these two deposits. In stead, there are remarkable differences between them. By the same token, the diffe rences between the Af rican composition of the slaveholdings of these two sites is also very strong. If we consider that African women, in both plantations, were responsib le for the production of pottery, then this variability acquires anothe r level of significance. For the case of the Tapero site, there ar e three slaveholding lists available, two from the probate-inventory of Luiz Monteiro Salgado for the years of 1808 and 1826, and

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167 one from the probate-inventory of his widow Rosa Cardoso de Lima, for the year of 18411 (Table 4-2). Table 4-2. Composition of the slaveholdings of the Tapero site African nations 1808 1826 1841 Male Female MaleFemale MaleFemale Angola 4 1 0 0 Benguela 11 3 6 2 1 0 Cabinda 1 1 2 0 0 0 Cassange 0 0 0 0 2 0 Congo 4 0 3 1 1 1 Ganguela 0 0 1 0 0 0 Macumbe 4 0 3 0 2 0 Mina 3 0 1 1 0 2 Monjolo 1 0 0 0 0 0 Nag 0 1 0 1 0 0 Rebolo 1 0 0 0 0 0 Total 29 6 16 5 6 3 Brazilian nations Cabra 3 1 5 1 7 10 Cabur 0 1 1 0 0 0 Mulato 8 4 12 12 0 1 Criolo 12 7 10 10 1 5 Total 23 13 28 23 8 16 As can be seen in this table, for the y ear of 1808, six female Africans lived in the Tapero site: Nestante Benguela, 40 years of age, Rosa Benguela, 40 years of age, Mariana Benguela, 30 years of ag e, Catarina Angola, 50 years of age, Joana Cabinda, 50 years of age, and Eufrsia Nag, 40 years of age. It is very significant that all three Benguela women of this slaveholding were married to Benguela men from the same slaveholding, as well as Catarina Angola, who was married to an Angolan slave. Considering all the possible partners that th ese women could have chosen from the male slaveholding, this endogamy is very sugges tive that the Benguelas from the Engenho Rio 1 APMT, probate-inventory Rosa Cardoso de Lima (1841).

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168 da Casca maintained a high level of intragroup cohesion. Moreover, with exception of the western African Eufrsia Nag, all other African females were central African Bantu. For the year of 1826, Catarina Angola, Joan a Cabinda, and Eufrasia Nag were already dead, and Nestante Benguela is no longer cited. Nevertheless, Rosa Benguela and Mariana Benguela s till lived in the engenho, together with three other African women: Isabel Congo, 19 years of age, Maria Mina, 25 years of age, and Tereza Nag, 18 years of age. In 1841, these three last African women still lived in the engenho, but the Benguela women had probably died. When these changes in the composition of the African females in the Tapero site is contrasted to the pottery seriation of the six deposits of this site, some very significant correlations emerge. At first, the painted pottery is presen t in a small proportion for the first two deposits (m.d.: 1797 and 1802.5), ex actly at the time that there was only one western African female in this slaveholdi ng. This proportion incr eases in the context dated 1810.9 and reaches its peak in that dated 1820.3, decreasing again in the following contexts. This increase in the painted pottery occurred at the same moment that two other western African women were added to th is slaveholding, sometime between 1808 and 1826. It is probable that these two women still lived with Eufrsia Nag, who died sometime during this period. Another very si gnificant correlation is in regard to the vessels exhibiting visible coils with inci sions, which composed, after the incised category, the most popular catego ry in the three earliest cont exts. The regularity of this category in these earliest contexts is in acco rdance with the period in which there were three Benguela women living in the site. Nest ante Benguela, however, died or was sold sometime between 1808 and 1826, which could be reflected in the decline in this

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169 decorative category in the 1820.3 and 1825.6 c ontexts. The context of 1836.2, however, does not correspond to these correlations be tween African females and pottery, since vessels presenting visible coils with incisions reached its peak, and the painted vessels began a strong decline, in the exact peri od in which Benguela women were no longer living in the engenho, but instead two Mina women were present in the slaveholding. In this case it is possible that the Benguelas daughters could have kept the tradition of the pottery production, reproduci ng styles they learned from their mothers. Unfortunately, the slaveholding lists present on the probate-inventories are no t very detailed about the filiations of the creole slaves, but at least one of the Benguela women, Mariana Benguela, had a daughter, Emerenciana Criola, who was born in 1812.2 An important issue to add in this discussion regards the pottery decorative variability in the four slaves areas of the Tapero site, the areas 1, 3, 4, and 15 (see figure 2-6) referent to th e deposits mean-dated between 1797 and 1820 (Figure 4-6), which suggests that slaves with different cu ltural backgrounds could have been living in different areas of the site. The slaves contex ts mean-dated 1797 (Figure 2-6, area 15) and 1802.5 (Figure 2-6, area 4) present some s ubtle differences, concerning the exclusive occurrence of vessels with d ecoration incised plus punctured in the former versus digitated plus fingernailed in the last. However, the most re markable difference is in the inverse proportions between pain ted and visible coil plus inci sed vessels verified in the areas 1 (m.d. 1810.9) and 3 (m.d. 1820.3) (see Figure 4-6). The variability between these two contexts can be an indication that th ese areas were occupied by slaves with differentiated cultural backgrounds with Mina slaves probabl y predominating in the area 3 and Benguela predominating in the area 1. Nevertheless, the data available does not 2 APMT, probate-inventory Luiz Monteiro Salgado, 1808.

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170 permit advance in this discussion about the possibility of a spa tial segregation among slaves from different nations in these plan tations. Further excavat ions in the biggest plantations of the region are nece ssary to approach this issue. The most compelling evidence that these fe male slaves were responsible for the pottery production in the Tapero site is the radical absence, in the late context of 1850.5, of almost all of the previously existent decorative variability. As discussed in Chapter 2, this late context refers to a period in whic h this plantation was in the hands of another unidentified owner, not related to the original planters family. After the death of Rosa Cardoso, in 1841, this plantation was sold, and its slaveholding spread out, divided among the heirs and also used to pay old debt s. Thus, the possible slaves who may have lived on this site after 1841 had nothing to do with the original slaveholding, a rupture that is very clear in this late pottery assemblage, characterized only by plain and exclusively incised pottery. For the case of the Buriti zinho site (Engenho gua Fria), there is only one slaveholding list, present in the 1848 probate-inventory of Ana Luiza da Silva. Ana Luiza was the widow of Domingos da Silva Barreir os, who acquired this property in 1809. Thus, the occupation of this site started at l east 20 years later than that of the Tapero site. For the year of 1848 there were 58 slav es living in this site, of which 26 were Africans (Table 4-3). Eight African females were identified in this site: Joaquina Benguela, 40 years of age, Ana Cassange, 25 years of age, Quirina Cassange, 25 years of age, Joana Congo, 60 years of age, Maria Congo, 50 years of age, Damiana Mina, 40 years of age, Quitria Mina, 70 years of age, and Joana Nag, 70 y ears of age. When th e African composition

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171 of this site is compared to that of the Ta pero site, great differen ces of nations among the male slaves of these two sites can be noticed. However, the differences between the female composition is more discreet, as illu strated by the presence of one Angolan and one Cabinda female in the Tapero site a nd two Cassange females in the Buritizinho, while Benguela, Congo, Mina and Nag wo men are present in both plantations. Table 4-3. Composition of the slav eholding of the Buritizinho site African nations 1848 Male Female Angola 1 0 Baca 1 0 Benguela 0 1 Beni 1 0 Cassange 1 2 Congo 3 2 Ganguela 1 0 Hausa 4 0 Mina 0 2 Mozambique 3 0 Nag 0 1 Songo 1 0 Tapa 2 0 Total 18 8 Brazilian nations Cabra 2 2 Mulato 8 6 Criolo 6 8 Total 16 16 Concurrently, painted pottery and pottery pr esenting visible coils with incisions are also present in the Buritizinho site assemblages, but in ve ry little proportions when contrasted to the Tapero site. While the low frequency of the pottery presenting visible coils with incisions in the Buritizinho site could be expl ained by the presence of only one Benguela female, if the hypothesis is accepted that Benguela females we re the main parties responsible for the

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172 production of this type of pottery, the low fre quency of painted pottery in this site does not correlate to the presence of three western African females. Nevertheless, this kind of correlation can be consistently problematic, si nce it implies essentia lizing identities in specific material categories. After all, thes e women shared the same physical and social space on these plantations, where exchange and consequent assimilation of different cultural influences could, and likely did, occur. Thus, the predominance of certain ceramic types in determined contexts has to be understood in terms of a dialectic between the individual potter, the intra-plantati on gendered slaveholding composition, and the regional slave demography, and all the variat ions over time in these three scales of analysis. In this sense, for the period between 1810 and 1849, which is related to the depositional interval of the mean dated 1840 s assemblage, the regional African female demography was characterized by a stronger western African, predominantly Mina and Nag, presence in the region, although there is a strong Cassange presence for the more restrict period between 1830-1849. This African female regional composition is reflected in Buritizinhos slaveholding, in which Mina Nag, and Cassange constituted, together, 62.5% of the African women in 1848. By th e same token, for th e period between 1790 and 1809 in the Tapero site, Benguela wome n composed 50% of the African female slaveholding, which is in agreement with the regional African female demography for this period, represented by 57% of Benguela females. A closer look at the seriated sequences (Figure 4-6) demonstrates that the impressed decoration in both ci rcles and in other motifs is exclusively present in the Buritizinho site, for the contexts of 1840 and 1862.1. The exclusivity of these two decorative types on this site c ould easily be explained by the specificities of its African

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173 female slaveholding, principally if it is ta ken into account that this was the only site excavated whose slaveholding included female Cassanges. In the case of the Engenho do Quilombo s ite, possible correlati ons between pottery and African females are more problematical because the slav eholdings on this site were smaller and highly varied over time. Unfortuna tely, no deposit that could be associated with its initial occupation by the Portuguese Domingos Jos de Azevedo, between the end of the 18th century and the early 1830s, was found. Domingos Azevedo kept 34 slaves in this plantation, 11 of them of African origin. Of these Africans, three were females: Josefa Angola, Laquena Benguela, and Josefa Mina. The deposit mean-dated to 1853 is predominantly associated with the period of occupation of Domingos son, Francisco Vieira de Azevedo. Francisco owned th is plantation between the 1830s and 1861, keeping only two of his fathers slaves, Lous iana Criola and Cipriano Pardo. There are two slaveholding lists for Francisco Vieiras household period, the first one from 1847, when his first wife, Ana Lut ria Filiz de Aquino, died,3 and the second one from 1861, when he died.4 In 1847 there were 21 slaves in th e plantation, with only one African, Zacharias Mozambique. In 1861 this number dropped to 12, including six Africans. Of these Africans, five were males three Mozambique, one Congo, and one not identified by nation. The only African female was Rosa Congo, 39 years of age. The last slaveholding list for the Engenho do Quilom bo site is from 1872, and related to occupation of Antnio Bruno Borges.5 For this year it is shown that 32 slaves lived at the plantation, with only five Af ricans, all males, and none of them identified by nation. 3 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Lutria Filiz de Aquino, 1847. 4 APMT, probate-inventory Francisco Vieira de Azevedo, 1861. 5 APMT, probate-inventory Antnio Bruno Borges, 1878.

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174 Delving deeper in the correlations of African females to pottery styles, it could be expected that females from a specific nation, who started to arrive in the region in great numbers after a definite date, and that could be present in the slaveholdings of the three plantations, might have left a specific archaeol ogical signature that s hould be present in all these sites after their initial date of arri val. As can be seen in the graph of African female composition (Figure 4-16) Congo fema les appeared in the region after 1810, gradually increasing in number until they became the dominant group between 1850 and 1869. Congo females were present in all of the three plantations ex cavated. For the case of the Tapero site, Isabel Congo appears in the slaveholding list of 1826, and is still present in that one from 1841. For the Bu ritizinho site, Joana Congo and Maria Congo are present in the list from 1848. Finally for the Engenho do Quilombo site, Rosa Congo appears in the slaveholding list from 1861. In archaeological terms, the introduction of a very specific type of ap pliqu, omnipresent on the 19th century sites researched, starting in the Taperos context mean-dated 1836.2, is very suggestive of these specific Congo cultural influences in Chapada dos Guimares. This type of appliqu, which is always placed in the upper bulge of the vessels, ha s a circular form and an average of 3 centimeters in diameter. In its interior, incise d patterns form a cross and, less frequently, a design similar to an asterisk, produced by th e addition of two more incised lines in the cross (Figure 4-17). Vessels with this sign we re present in the following contexts:1836.2, Tapero site (n=1), in the as terisk version; 1840, Buritizinho site (n=7); 1850, Tapera do Pingador site (n=2); 1850.5, Tapero site (n=1), in the asterisk version; 1852.7, Buritizinho site (n=1); 1853, Engenho do Qu ilombo site (n=1), in a stamped design

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175 spread on the vessels surface;1862.1, Buritizinho site (n=2); and 1894, Engenho do Quilombo site (n=1). Figure 4-17. Cruciform representations on Ch apada dos Guimares pottery. A) Tapero site, m.d. 1836. B) Buritizinho site, m. d. 1840. C) Engenho do Quilombo site, m.d. 1853. D) Tapera do Pingador site, m.d. 1850. The representation of a cross inscribed in ci rcular appliqus is comparable to what a number of archaeologists ha ve been associating with a Bakongo cosmogram (Ferguson 1992:110-116, 1999; Russel 1997:64; Sanfor d 1996:104-106; Wilkie 1999:274, 2000:2021; Young 1997:22). According to Thomps on (1984:109), among the Bakongo this sign represents the four moments of the sun, in which the supreme deity, Nzambi Mpungu, is referenced at the top, Kalunga, the world of the dead, at the bottom, and water in between. The circumference around the cro ss represents the reincarnation. This cosmogram also embraces derived sets of meanings, so the summit of the pattern symbolizes noon, maleness, north, and the peak of a persons strength on earth, while the bottom equals midnight, femaleness, south, and the highest point of a persons otherworldly strength (Tho mpson 1984:109). Although the repr esentation of crosses in different material supports are not exclusiv e of this group, appearing in west Africa

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176 (DeCorse 1999:139-140), East Af rica (Pikirayi 1993:145), as well as in other regions from central Africa occupied by other groups like the Chokwes and Luenas, from the regions of the high Zambeze and Lunda6 (Redinha 1948:74, 80). It s temporal correlation with the increasing of Congo sl aves, however, in the case of Chapada dos Guimares, not only suggests that individuals with a Bakongo background produced them, but also that these individuals were concerned with keeping at least some elements of their original system of beliefs, a discussion that will be further developed in Chapter 5. Pottery variability and creolization The increase in the ceramic decorative vari ability in post-1836 contexts is also in accordance to the progressive growth in the num ber of African nations in the region. For the earliest period, between 1790 and 1809, 12 nations were recorded. This number increased little throughout the first half of the 19th century, when only 14 African nations were recorded between 1830 a nd 1849. The peak of the African cultural diversity happened between 1850 and 1869, when 24 nations were documented (Table 41). This was also the period in which the num ber of Benguela and Mina females radically dropped in the region, from 51.34% of the African female population between 1830 and 1849 to only 12.24% between 1850 and 1869, having been replaced by females from a diverse range of nations, w ith Congo predominating (Figure 4-16). This increase in the number of African nations also matches the pe ak of the frequency of decorated pottery in the region, since the four 1850s mean dated contexts presented proportions of decorated pottery higher than 30% (Figure 4-5). This corresponde nce between the increase in the African diversity and the increase in both th e decoration and decorative variability of the 6 Redinha (1948:86) notices that this sign, in its both versions of cross and asterisk, is used in the regions of Zambeze and Lunda in tattoos and paintings, and as di vinatory pieces by the Chokwes. In both cases this sign represents the sun, having, therefore, a meaning ve ry close to that attributed to it by the Bakongo.

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177 pottery strongly suggests that female potters with distinctive cultural backgrounds used pottery to expose their differences of origin and ethnicity. Although this active use of pottery to express differences of African origin, as previ ously discussed, has happened since the beginning of the historical occupa tion of the region, the high predominance of Benguela and Mina females througho ut the first half of the 19th century probably gave more visibility to the pottery produced by th ese two groups in the earlier contexts. The period starting in 1850 also marks th e decline in the African population in general and the African female population in particular and, consequently, the intensification of the creolization process in the region. While the general African slave population dropped from 49% between 1830 and 1849 to 22% after 1870, African females went from a regular proportion of 11% to 12% between 1790 and 1849, to 8.75% between 1850 and 1869, and 2.55% after 1870. This decline in the African slave population corresponds to the decline in the fr equency of decorated pottery in contexts post-1853, in which this category came to represent less than 10% of the pottery assemblages in the late 19th and early 20th century contexts. Thus, the decline in the decorated pottery was simultaneous to the in tensification of the creolization of the slaveholdings, in which Brazilian born slav es numerically surpa ssed those of African origins. This process tended to dissipate the cultural diffe rences among slaves, insofar as these Brazilian-born slaves, al though not representing a cohesi ve group, tended to share, from birth, very similar conditions of existence. Particularly in the late 19th century contexts, which are associated with this hi ghly creolized slave population, the decorated pottery, although stil l maintaining some of the popular 18th and 19th centuries motifs,

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178 became, in the vast majority of the case s, roughly executed and lacking symmetry or creativity. Therefore, when Africans from two ma jor groups, Benguela and Mina, dominated the female slaveholding composition in th e region, between 1790 and 1850, pottery presented a lower number of decorative techni ques and variability of designs. After 1850, when the African population reached the peak of cultural diversity in the region, decorated pottery reached the peak of both frequency and decorativ e variability. Insofar as this African cultural diversity gave room to a more culturally homogeneous creole population, in the last third of the 19th century, decorated pottery declined and its motifs became more simplified. These correlations suggest that slaves with differentiated cultural backgrounds instrumenta lly used decorated pottery to express their differences. When this population became more culturally homogeneous, in the la st third of the 19th century, decorated pottery lost most of its so cial function, thus declining in popularity. These correlations between the African female composition of the Chapadas slaveholdings and the diachronic variability of pottery strongly s uggests that African females, despite the fact that they represente d just one third of the female slaves between 1790 and 1850, were mainly responsible for the production of most of the decorated pottery of the region. Three sets of evidence supporting this African female pottery manufacturing complex have been discussed: 1) the similarities of the Chapadas decorated pottery with stylisti c traditions of the sub-Saharan Africa; 2) the innovations in decoration techniques and designs in contex ts post-1836, which cannot be adequately explained by the female creole presence; and 3) the correlation betw een the decline in the

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179 African population in general, the African female in particular, and the radical decline in the amount of decorated pottery in the second half of the 19th century. This discussion has tried to demonstrate that Africans in Chapada dos Guimares did not become a homogeneous group because th ey shared the same social and material conditions of existence. In this sense, the data presented challenge s the traditional model of creolization proposed by Mi ntz and Price (1992). As pr eviously discussed, these authors have emphasized the idea that Africans in the Americas succumbed to a quick process of creolization, due to factors such as the specificities of the new social and cultural environment and the culturally mi xed composition of the slaveholdings, which did not permit the maintenance of culturally specific African practices and traditions. The case of Chapada dos Guimares suggests, inst ead, that Africans were concerned with keeping and performing their different cult ural backgrounds, as well as in forging alliances with those who were culturally more similar when the circumstances permitted. Although the creoliza tion process did occur in the region, it exhibits a di fferent rhythm than that proposed by Mintz and Price ( 1992), which only becomes more evident when the more culturally homogeneous Brazilian-bor n slave population surp asses the Africans, after 1850.

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180 CHAPTER 5 FEITORES, AGREGADOS AND CAMARADAS: FREE LABORERS IN CHAPADA DOS GUIMARES PLANTATIONS This chapter will focus on the intermediary social segment between the planters and slaves, constituted by the free laborers who carried out diversified activities in the space of the plantations. Although this group wa s predominantly composed of mulattoes (Aleixo 1984:62; Seckinger 1970: 78), the presence of Europ eans, European-descendants and Africans in the historical documents demonstrates the social-racial-cultural heterogeneity of this group. The main goal he re is to discuss the extent to which free laborers were able to use material culture to a ffirm their social identity in the space of the plantations. To approach this issue a contextual study is re quired, since their material culture only acquires meaning when contrasted with that related to the planters and slaves. Such comparisons, in turn, highlight the power relations that characterized the plantations space, a topic that will be more deeply developed in the next chapter. The Social Categorization of Free Laborers Documentary references about the plantations free labore rs are much more scarce than those that refer to the slaves, since they were not listed in pr obate-inventories, being only occasionally referred in the planters will s in recognition of thei r services. They are present, however, in the rare plantations accoun t books and in criminal processes, in this last case generally as a result of tensions with slaves. Seckinger (1970:78) categori zes the mass of individuals between the planters and merchants upper class and the slaves in Ma to Grosso into four strata, gradually

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181 decreasing in social status and economic sta nding: 1minor ranchers, farmers and small merchants; 2artisans, such as tailors, carpenters, boiler-makers, jewelers, masons, dressmakers and smiths; 3sales clerks and tavern-keepers; and 4a great mass of unskilled, illiterate propertyless poor, who existed at the subsistence level and to whom most of the mulattos and freedmen belonged. Most of the free laborers working in the plantations belonged to this last stratum. Studying plantation accounts in Bahia, Schwartz (1985:314) classified the plantations salaried employs into four gr oups: 1salaried prof essionals who provided skills, expertise, or services to the plantations on a recurring basis: attorneys, city craters, chaplains and health-care speci alists; 2employees engage d on an annual basis: sugarmaking specialists, such as the sugar master, th e crater at the mill, the purger, kettlemen, and overseers in field and factory; 3artisa ns such as blacksmiths, carpenters, masons, shipwrights, and coppersmiths, who worked on a daily or piecework basis; 4unskilled workers, often freedmen or their descendants, who also worked on a short term or occasional basis, generally in tasks unsuitable or too dangerous for slaves. These same categories of salaried empleeys were also present in Chapada dos Guimares plantations, according to informa tion present in three plantations account books.1 The difference concerns the category of the sugar-making specialists, which is absent in these documents, indicating the low level of specialization of the sugar production in the region. In Chapada dos Gu imares plantations the artisans were usually contracted for a short to middle term period that could last from several days to several months. The main artisans were the carpenters, followed by ironsmiths, masons 1 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809; probate-inventory Valentim Martins da Cruz, Cartrio do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 24, Processo No 721, y ear: 1820; probate-inventory Apolinrio de Oliveira Gago, 1816.

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182 and kettlemen. Mule-drivers could be contract ed on a temporary or a nnual basis. It is important to notice that in many plantations the handcraft and mule-driven works could also be carried out by specialized slaves. Mana gers and overseers are also present in these documents, and seem to be contracted on an a nnual basis. Finally, the last group listed is that of the unskilled free laborers, called in the region as camaradas, who could also be contracted on a temporary or annual basis. The plantations accounts, however, did not mention the category of the tenant farmers, referred to in the region as a ggregates. According to Volpato (1993:201), aggregates had their own clearing fields in the plantations, sharing their crop with the planters. They could live on the plantations wi th their family, a privilege that was denied to the camaradas. This was the case of a couple, Claudina Maria and Manoel de SantAna Fogaa, aggregates in the Engenho Santo Antnio, in Chapada, where they lived in a house right behind the planters house. Manoel work ed in his own clearing field in the plantation while Claudina worked as a dressmaker.2 The camaradas, in turn, many times worked side by side with slaves in the clearing fields, under the supervision of the overseers, being subjected to the same sort of physical punishments than the slaves. According to Volpato (1993:201), it was common for camaradas to try to run away from the plantations, to escape from the very rigid labor regimes to which they were subjected. Ve ry low wages were another reason why they opted for breaking their c ontracts through escaping. Fo r instance, in 1820 Manuel Rodrigues Tavares paid to the camaradas of the Engenho So Romo a yearly wage of 25,000 ris, and the mule-drivers 40,000 ris, while the carpenters, contracted for short 2 APMT, Tribunal da Relao, Caixa 11, Doc. 57, No 255, year:1862.

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183 term works, received an average of 11,250 ris a month.3 Overseers also received small wages for their work. In 1809 Manoel Pereira da Silva Coelho paid Joo Batista, overseer of the Engenho Santo Antnio das Palmeiras, a yearly wage of 40,000 ris.4 To gain a better understanding of these values requires taki ng into account that during this period a healthy male slave, between 18 and 25 years old, was valued at 168,000 ris. The very low wages paid to overseers could be justif ied because many times this function could be executed by a slave or ex-slave. This was th e case of the slave Luiz, overseer of the Engenho Baguass,5 and of Joo Crisstemo de Cout o, ex-slave, overseer of the Engenho Santo Antnio.6 For the case of the coffee production regi on of the Paraba Valley, in Rio de Janeiro, McCann (1997:33) noted that most planters only em ployed one or two overseers, even if they had as many as 200 slaves. But in the plantations holding more than 50 slaves in the Paraba Valley, overseers we re joined by at least one auxiliary. Unfortunately, for the case of Chapada dos Guimares plantations this kind of data was not available, due the scarcity of the plantations accounts bo oks, but it is probable that the proportions between overseers and slaves could be simila r to that of the Paraba Valley. The itinerant, unstable life of the camaradas in Mato Grosso is well exemplified by the case of Joo Paulo de Medeiros Rondon.7 He worked for two months as a camarada in the Plantation SantAna, in the locality of Livramento. During this period he had an affair with Maria, one plantations slaves. E nding his work in the plantation, Joo Paulo 3 APMT, probate-inventory Valentim Martins da Cruz, 1820. 4 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809. 5 APMT, processos de homicdio, Cartrio do 6 Ofcio, Caixa 1, Mao 70, year: 1853. 6 APMT, Tribunal da Relao, Caixa 11, Doc. 57, No 255, year:1862. 7 APMT, Tribunal da Relao, Caixa 14, Doc. 926, No 323, year:1875.

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184 started to work in a mining field close to the plantation, being able to secretly visit Maria on a regular basis, since the planter prohibited their relationship. One night, when Joo slept with Maria in a hammock in the sugar-mill, he was attacked by one of the plantations slave, Pedro, who, jealous of hi s relationship with Maria, tried to kill him. This account is a good exampl e of how socially close camaradas could be with slaves, many times sharing with them the same affair s and social networks. Indeed, in Chapada dos Guimares many camaradas were freedmen, sometimes Africans. This was the case of the African Jos Moambique and the creo le Jos da Costa, two freedmen who worked as camaradas in the Engenho Baguass, the same engenho that kept as overseer the slave Luiz.8 The Archaeology of the Free Laborers The material life of the free laborers in Chapada dos Guimares plantations can be viewed via two contexts: Unit 14 of the Taper o site (see Figure 2. 6) and Unit 2 of the Buritizinho site (see figure 2.7) As discussed in Chapter 2 (s ee also Chapter 5), these two units are closer to their respective planters hous es than the rest of the areas related to the occupation of slaves, which is in accordan ce to the documentary references about the spatial location of this social category in th e plantations of the re gion. In both cases the archaeological record pointed out to better material conditi ons in the life of this group than for that of the slave groups. While th e Engenho do Quilombo site also presented a unit of occupation and deposition close to th e planters house, which was occupied by free laborers in the early 20th century, there is no clear evidence that its previous 19th century occupation is related to slaves or free laborers, given the absence of more peripheral deposits in this site. 8 APMT, processos de homicdio, Cartrio do 6 Ofcio, Caixa 1, Mao 70, year: 1853.

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185 Although in both Tapero and Buritizinho site s, it is evident that the areas of habitation closer to the plan ters houses were occupied by individuals or groups in a hierarchical level intermediary between the planters and the slaves, there is no clear evidence pointing out which category of free laborers their occupants could pertain, whether managers, aggregates, artisans, or camaradas. However, in both cases, the archaeological record points to groups who lived in the plantati on on a long term basis, so that there is little probability that these units are related to the itinerant artisans. By the same token the camaradas, although they could live in th e plantations for periods longer than artisans, had a more itinerant way of life and did not constitute family in the plantations. The best possibil ity is that these units were occupied by aggregates, something that is suggested by some historic al records, as related above. Aggregates could live in a plantation for a long period, sometimes their whole life, and could also constitute a family, which seems to be mo re in accordance with the composition of the archaeological record in these areas, and which also points to househol d activities. It is not clear the extent to which aggregates could also carry out the role of overseers or even managers in these plantations, but these possibilities should not be overlooked. Unfortunately, no plantation account book refe rent to the Tapero and Buritizinho sites was found in the historical documents. Thus, there are very few references to the free laborers who occupied these sites. For the case of the Tapero site, the only reference is present in the planter Luis M onteiro Salgados will, dated 1808.9 In a passage of his will, Luis Monteiro asks his will maker to collect the plantations camarada Jos Pinto Gomes the amount of money that he owed, c onsistent with the plantations account book. No other reference is made in this document about other free laborers in the plantation. 9 APMT, probate-inventory Luiz Monteiro Salgado, 1808.

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186 Nevertheless, this passage is very suggestive of the patr on-client relationship in the Engenho Rio da Casca (Tapero site). The fact that one camarada was owing money to the planter indicates a strategy to maintain free laborers atta ched to the plantation through successive debts contracted with the planter, a strategy that was kept in the region until, at least, the beginning of the 20th century (Siqueira et al 1990:57). After Luis Monteiros death, his son, Antnio Monteiro, became the plantations manager, as indicated in the will of Rosa Cardoso, widow of Luiz Monteiro.10 But, although Antnio Monteiro could be considered a free laborer, he was also from the planters family, and very probably lived with his family in the planters house. In the case of the Buritizinho site, the Engenho gua Fria, the only reference to free laborers is also present in a will, th at of Antnia Pereir a da Silva, dated 1870.11 In a passage of her will, Ant nia Pereira leaves 500,000 ris to Maria Ceclia, as payment for the good services she has done in the administration of my sugar-mill, and other 500,000 ris to Manuel Vicente Neves, for the same reas on. Antnia Pereira still affirmed that, in the case of the death of Maria Ceclia, th e payment should go to Maria Ceclias daughter, Quirina. Antnia Pereiras recogni tion of the services of these managers, including her concern with guaranteeing the money to Maria Ceclias daughter in the case of her death, suggests a long term relationship between the planter and her managers, indicating that they probably lived in the plantation for quite a long time. Therefore, it is possible that Unit 2 of the Bu ritizinho site is relate d to the household of these managers, who probably formed a couple. 10 APMT, probate-inventory Rosa Cardoso de Lima, 1841. 11 APMT, probate-inventory Antnia Pereira da Silva, 1870.

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187 In the Tapero site, the archaeological deposit of the free laborers area was represented by two layers, the lower layer m ean dated, according to the mean ceramic date formula, to 1825.6, and the upper one to 185 3.4. The lower layer, thus, is related to the period in which the Portuguese Luis Montei ro Salgado and his widow, Rosa Cardoso, owned the plantation, while the upper laye r relates to the uni dentified occupation subsequent to Luis Monteiros family. In the case of the Buritizinho site, the free laborers area was represented by only one layer, mean dated to 1852.7, encompassing, therefore, the occupation of Ana Luiza da Silva, who died in 1848, and of her daughter Antnia Pereira da Silva, who died in 1870. Figure 5-1 presents the proportions of impor ted wares, glasses, and locally-made pottery for these three contexts. In regard to the Tapero site, the only significant variation concerns the decreased availability of locally-made pottery in the later period. This variation contrasts strongly with the frequency of locally-made pottery in the contemporary context of Buritizinho which was three times higher, pointing to significant differences in the material life of the free laborers between these two plantations. Indeed, a major distinction between the free laborer s of these sites concerns the level of autonomy they had to choose the industriali zed items they used. For the case of the Tapero site, the analysis of the imported wares demonstrated that all the types present in the free laborers unit, in both periods, were also present, in much higher numbers, in the planters area. This evidence strongly suggests that the grou ps who occupied this area received the imported wares from the planters when these pieces were old and probably damaged. Schiffer (1987:28) refers to this pr ocess in which artifacts change owners and social units as lateral cycling. This practi ce has also been identified in the context of

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188 North American plantations through cases in wh ich the slaves were the receivers of the planters wares (Thomas 1998:540; Young 1997:28). For the earlier period of occupation of the Tapero site, this process of lateral cy cling is also sustained by the mean date of the planters imported wares assemblage, 1836. 2, almost eleven years newer than the wares used by the free laborers during the same period, mean dated to 1825.6, being that both contexts presented very cl ose depositional intervals. This process of distribution of the imported wares by the planters in the Taper o site also included th e slaves, as will be discussed in Chapter 6. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Tapero site area 14-cam.II 1825.6 Tapero site area 14cam.I 1852.4 Buritizinho site area 2 1852.7% imported wares glasses locally-made potteries Figure 5-1: Frequency of impor ted wares, glasses, and loca lly-made potteries in freelaborers contexts: Tapero 1825.6 M NV: 56; Tapero 1852.4 MNV: 29; Buritizinho 1852.7 MNV: 80. On the other hand, the comparison of the planters and free laborers imported wares assemblages of the Buritizinho site de monstrated a low proba bility of the process of lateral cycling, since 47% of the types present in the free laborers area are absent in the planters area. Thus, in the Buritizi nho site, free laborers had a higher degree of autonomy in choosing their items of consump tion than the corresponding social units at

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189 the Tapero site. A closer look at the importe d wares assemblages of both sites indicates other specifics about the material behavior of the free laborers for each case. Figure 5-2 presents the frequency of the imported ware s shapes in the context of the three free laborers deposits. In the case of the Tapero site, the variability relates to a very high frequency of plates in the earlier period, which drops in the later period while the frequency of cups increases, suggesting a mo re intense consumption of beverages like tea and coffee in this period. In both the late cont ext of the Tapero site and in the 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Tapero site area 14-cam.II 1825.6 Tapero site area 14cam.I 1852.4 Buritizinho site area 2 1852.7% plates bowls cups saucers service pieces others Figure 5-2. Frequency of imported wares functi onal categories in free-laborers contexts: Tapero 1825.6 MNV: 35; Tapero 1852.4 MNV: 20; Buritizinho 1852.7 MNV: 51. Buritizinho there is a strong disproportion be tween cups and saucers, which diverge based in the first case as cups predominate while in the last case bowls predominate the assemblage. These disproportions are a remarkable contrast to the patterns verified in the planters contexts (see figure 3.4), in which cups and sauc ers occurred in very close proportions, indicating their simu ltaneous use in the consumption of tea and/or coffee. In the context of free laborers, the disproportions verified suggest th at these pieces had multiple functions.

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190 Figure 5-3 presents the proportions of the re fined earthenware decorative types according to Millers (1980, 1991) index. The inversion of proportions between the cheapest white, undecorated, refined earthenware and the most expensive transfer-printed wares between the two periods of the Tapero si te is particularly noteworthy. This trend reflects what was verified in the planters refined earthenware, in both earlier and later assemblages, which were also characterized by the increase of white earthenware and the decrease of transfer-printed wares over time (see figure 3.6), and thus is related to the planters consumer choices, as discussed in Chapter 3. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Tapero site area 14-cam.II 1825.6 Tapero site area 14cam.I 1852.4 Buritizinho site area 2 1852.7% white minimally decorated hand-painted transfer-printed Figure 5-3. Free-laborers refined earthenware cla ssified according to Millers scale: Tapero 1825.6 MNV: 30; Tapero 1852.4 MNV: 17; Buritizinho 1852.7 MNV: 39. In the case of the Buritizinho site, free laborers had autonomy to choose many, if not most, of their imported wares, something th at permits the explora tion of some facets of their consumer behavior. As can be s een in Figure 5-3 this group had a higher proportion of transfer-printed wares than th e cheaper decorative types. This group was also concerned with having service pieces, re presented by one teapot, one terrine, and one

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191 third piece that could be either a sugar bow l or a sauce bowl. The presence of these superfluous and higher economic value items de monstrates that this group was concerned with presenting the meals and segmenting th e feeding process in a way more closely related to the material behavior of the plan ters than to the slaves, who did not have serving pieces. The concept of emulation is useful to di scuss the formal and decorative variability of this free-laborers imported wares assembla ge. Emulation is the process in which the members of one class mimic the behavior and fa shion of those from other, usually higher, class, forcing these last one s to search for new fashions by which to distinguish themselves. This process occurs in societie s in which more than one class can have access to determined items of consumption and when the inter-classes relationship is not static (Praetzellis et al. 1988:194). Thus, it is possible that when this group opted for more expensive imported wares they tried to em ulate the material behavior of the planters through the adoption of a simila r aesthetic and of the con cept of displaying a higher economic condition based on the acquisition of more expensive material items. As Gibb (1996:25) affirms, the constellation of artif acts owned by a household represents the view that this group has of itself, so that exceptio nal acquisitions can create the illusion that an ideal is being reached, and thus they repres ent an effort in the groups redefinition of itself. In this sense, the most expensiv e imported wares kept by Buritizinhos free laborers can represent, simultaneously, their aspirations for a higher social standard, represented in the region by th e planters class, and the n eed for materially separating themselves from the lowest class of slaves.

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192 Nevertheless, the patterns of use of the imported wares by this group presented some particularities that discern it from the plan ters class. This is the case for the above discussed disproportion between saucers and cups, with saucer s being almost twice more frequent than cups, indicating multiple patterns of use of these pieces. Moreover, only one third of the cups exhibit decorations that match those of the saucers, indicating a low concern for this group in using matched piece s, a marked difference from the planters. Another difference is the absen ce of glass tableware (tumblers and wine glasses) in this assemblage (Figure 5-4) part icularly since these items co mposed 26% of the planters glass assemblage. Therefore, the specific patterns of use of the imported wares by Buritizinhos free laborers demonstrate th at although this group recognized, accepted, and even manipulated to their own ends the so cial meanings attributed to these items by the planters, they did not recognize the rules of use of such items. Such rules, as affirmed by Bourdieu (1999:15), acted as the real distinction mark ers between social groups. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Tapero site area 14-cam.II 1825.6 Tapero site area 14cam.I 1852.4 Buritizinho site area 2 1852.7% beverage bottles medicinal flasks tableware others Figure 5-4. Frequency of glass functional categorie s in free-laborers contexts: Tapero 1825.6 MNV: 11; Tapero 1852.4 M NV: 07; Buritizinho 1852.7 MNV: 11.

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193 In summary, the archaeological record i ndicates that the free laborers of the Tapero and Buritizinho sites had differing de grees of autonomy in choosing their items of consumption. Taperos free laborers can be considered as passive consumers, insofar as the totality of their industrialized items were furnished by the planters. Thus, this material informs more about the planters pe rceptions and consumer choices than it does of the free laborers. Moreover, this practice of distribution of thes e items indicates the paternalist posture of the planters, who ai med to control the material life of the subordinated groups through the concession of these daily use items. According to Garman (1998:137), paternalism constituted one of the most humiliating forms of power relations, since it is based in the conception th at adults must be treated as children, who need to be educated, watched, and punished in cases of insubordination. As previously discussed, a passage in Luiz Monteiros will su ggests that this planter could have kept the camaradas in the plantation working under a system of successive contraction of debts. The archaeological data reinforces this possibi lity, since it demonstrates that free laborers depended on the planter to ac quire industrialized items. On the other hand, free labor ers at the Buritizinho site were subjected to more subtle strategies of domination, since th ey had autonomy to choose their items of consumption In this sense, they were able to use the material culture as a form of selfexpression, buying items that had more to do w ith the planters aesth etics and systems of values than with the slaves. As argues Bourdieu (1984:41), the working class aesthetic is a dominated aesthetic which is constantly obliged to define itself in terms of the dominant aesthetics. The planters values, in turn, were related to the consumer culture of industrial capitalism, emphasizing socio-ec onomic display through material items, as

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194 opposed to a folk culture, common among the sl ave groups, as will be discussed in the next chapter. In general terms, the material patterns established for the free laborers occupy the middle ground between the planters and slave s material patterns, demonstrating the social ambiguity of this group. The European descendants, mulattoes, and Africans who worked in the plantations whether as managers, overseers or aggregates, constituted, in all instances, an indispensable element for the maintenance of the slaving system in their varied roles of watching the slaves, enforci ng production, and guard ing against rebellion. On the other side, and similarly to the slaves, these individuals were also subjected to the planters exploitation, alt hough this exploitation was ma nifested more through the economic domination than through the ope n coercion applied to the slaves.

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195 CHAPTER 6 THE LANDSCAPES OF POWER IN CHAPADA DOS GUIMARES The material structure of the planta tions of Chapada dos Guimares were characterized in Chapter 2, in which it was demonstrated that these spaces were fundamentally hierarchical, with planters, free-laborers, a nd slaves living in different units. In this chapter the focus will be on the ways in which these different groups appropriated these spaces according to their di fferentiated systems of references, and the implications of this process in terms of power relations. This analysis will be based on the spatial distribution of struct ures and portable artifacts in a diachronic perspective. Space, Place, Practices, Representations, and Artifacts: Some Theoretical Remarks The fundamental feature of the plantations of Chapada dos Guimares is that they constituted places occupied by peoples of di stinct social and cultural backgrounds, whose relationships were founded on a strictly hi erarchical structure. Although these groups occupied differentiated living spaces within th e plantation, they shared the same place, the plantation, and, many times, the same spaces for activities. Thus, the study of the material manifestations of these groups and their distribution on the plantations requires the use of a theory of space, a theory th at can take account for not only the social standing of each group, but al so their differentiated cultural backgrounds. The ideas of three authors concerning space, Lefebvre ( 2002 [1974]), DeCerteau (1994), and Hirsch (1995), will be the basis of this analysis. While Lefebvre (2002 [1974]) furnishes a more general theory of social space, viewing the materiality of th e space simultaneously as the

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196 medium and the result of social relations, DeCerteau (1994) and Hirsch (1995) emphasize different aspects of this recursive relationship. According to Lefebvre (2002 [1974]:73), so cial space, rather than a thing or product, is the outcome of a set of opera tions, subsuming the things produced and encompassing their interrelationships in their coexistence and simultaneity. In this sense, it is concurrently the result of past actions and the generator of ne w actions, an idea that corresponds to Bourdieus (1977) notion of habitus as stru ctures that simultaneously produce (structuring) the human action and ar e re-produced (structured) by the human action. Lefebvres (2002 [1974]:77) idea of social space as containing a diversity of objects that are simultaneously things and re lations is fundamental to understand the distribution of the material items on the sp ace of the plantations, since it permits the evaluation of this material culture as the ev idence of the practices of these different groups, and, therefore, as a subject to be di fferently appropriated by each group. In this sense perception, here define d as the ways in which diffe rent groups appropriate the material world, attributing to it meanings that can simultaneously legitimize and subvert social relations, is an important dimension to be considered. DeCerteau (1984) adds other elements to th is discussion. According to him, society is composed of two basic groups, producers a nd consumers. Producers are the subjects of will and power and consumers are the dominated elements. To DeCerteau (1984:XIX), place is the domain of the producers, being the locus of strategies developed by them with the purpose of control the consumers. Place is de fined as an instantaneous configuration of positions, in which each element is situated in its own proper and distinct location, a location which it defines. In other words, place is characteristically

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197 static. However, when used by the consumers, place becomes space. Space is defined as a practiced place, which exists in terms of vectors of direction, velocities, and time variables (DeCerteau 1984: 117). Hence, space is fundamentally dynamic, being composed of intersections of mobile elements. DeCerteau (1984:XIII-XIV) argues that c onsumers have the ability to use the products imposed by a dominant economic order with respec t to ends and references foreign to the system that is being imposed. In this way they can deflect the power of this order which they lack the means to challe nge. Consumers do that through practices of reappropriation of the space organized by the st rategies of the producers. Such practices are referred to as tactics. Differing from stra tegies, tactics are frag mentary, have no base at their disposal, and depend on time, being constantly on the watc h for opportunities in which to be carried out. DeCerteau observ es that many everyday practices, such as reading, talking, dwelling, and cooking, are tactical in character (DeCerteau 1984:XIX). In this work, I will adopt DeCerteaus con ceptions of place and space, and their derived notions of strategy and tactic, viewing the plan tations as both a planters place and also as predominantly the space of slaves. Conversely, his qualification of society as composed of the two basic groups of producers and cons umers will be avoided. Although this dual conception is relativistic, since DeCerteau al so sees the producers as consumers, it is more productive to approach the social universe of the plantations considering the hierarchical landscape of these environments which was composed of the three basic social categories: planters, free laborers and slaves. Indeed, planters can be, to a great extent, considered as DeCerteaus producers, insofar as they controlled the space of the plantation and a large amount of aspects of the subordinated groups lives. Nevertheless,

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198 the relations that planters kept with free la borers were based on para meters different than those they kept with slaves, since free laborers constituted the human repressor apparatus which controlled the slaves. Thus, to label these subordinated groups under the general categorization of consumers is oversimplifying the complexity of the social relationships within the plan tations spaces. These different groups carried out different practices on the plantations spaces. Some of these practices had ends and references foreign to the system imposed by the planters, composing, therefore, spatial tactics. The interaction among these socio-cultura l groups on the plantations spaces was marked by strong tensions, in which differe ntiated cultural practi ces and systems of beliefs were repressed by the hegemonic cu lture imposed by the planters. Planters and slaves tried to orientate thei r daily lives through very distin ct references, related with their differentiated cultural backgrounds. The model of landscape proposed by Hirsh (1995) is adequate to explor e the ways in which the daily lives of these groups were guided by their different bac kgrounds. Hirsh argues that la ndscape is a process which relates a foreground of everyday social life to a background of poten tial existence. The foreground constitutes the concre te actuality of the everyday life, embracing the concepts of place, inside, and image. On the other ha nd, the background constitutes an idealized potential world, which embraces the concepts of space, outside, and representation (Hirsh 1995:3-4). These two poles of human experience ex ist in a process of mutual implication, in which human beings attempt to realize in the foreground what can only be potentiality in the background (Hirsh 1995:22). The concept of habitus, proposed by Bourdieu (1977), embraces both notions of background and foreground. Foreground can be seen as the structure of actuality, as the

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199 material and the social world, being, to some extent, shared by all the social groups which occupy a physical space; background is the stru cture of representation, of memories, of systems of beliefs, being, therefore, differe ntiated according to soci o-culturally specific groups. To Bourdieu (1977:72) habitus concerns the internalization of the structure, and its reproduction through practice. Thus it involves practices as well as representations. In this sense the practice emerges as a dialecti c between the foreground and the background. The foreground, as it involve s the materiality of the ex istence and, consequently, the notion of place, is related to the domain of strategy. In the case of the plantations, the planter organized the di stribution of the material structur es, the built environment, aiming to control the use of the space and to determin e the set of practices that could be carried out in this space. But, the fact is that indi viduals are not passive subjects, rather, though their daily practices, they can assign different uses to these spaces and even, on some occasions, subvert the original purposes and c onsequent meanings associated with these spaces. Portable artifacts are items which are used in the carrying out of these practices, having, therefore, a more dynamic character than the built structures. Moreover, as will be discussed below, portable artifacts, like st ructures, not only inform about the domain of the practice, but also about the domain of the representation. Hence, whereas the analysis of structures and their spatial dist ribution can inform about the original purposes by which the space was organized the strate gies of the producers the analysis of portable artifacts can inform about alternative, tactical ways in which the space was used by different groups in the carrying out of their daily practices. Portable artifacts are signif icant in three dimensions, ec onomic or utilitarian, social, and representational, which parallel the thre e levels of functions proposed by Binford

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200 (1962) as technoeconomic, sociot echnic, and ideotechnic. What is being considered here is that, in the plantations space, most of the artifacts were simultaneously imbued with these three dimensions. While the social and economic dimensions can be associated with the foreground, the representational dimens ion concerns the background. The economic and social dimensions of the artifacts are present in the notion of artif acts as commodities (Orser 1992). Commodities can be defined as goods and services produced for a market, which can be compared and exchanged without reference to the social matrix in which they were produced (Wolf 1982:310). In the capitalist system, commodities are made into measures of the worth of people, being, therefore, central elements to the maintenance of the ideology of class, which supports and reproduces inequalities (Plattner 1989:387). Orsers (1992) view of artifacts as commodities is based in Appadurais reflections about commodities and the politics of value (Appadurai, 1986). Appadurai is concerned with the circulation of commodities in social life, arguing that their value is created through exchange. The link between exchange and value is created by the domain of politics, politics being de fined in the broad sense of relations, assumptions, and contests pertaini ng to power (Appadurai 1986:56-57). The change of focus from the process of ex change to the things that are exchanged permits a glimpse into the dynamic nature of things, in which the same thing can be treated as a commodity at one time and not at another, and can be seen as a commodity by a person and as something else by a nother (Kopytoff 1986:64). Thus, the cultural biography and the life history of things beco me central to the understanding of the ways in which objects were used in the structur ing of inter-groups so cial relationships. Whereas the life history of an object is re lated with the cultural changes that it

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201 experienced throughout its existence (Kopytoff 1986:64), the cultural biography is related with the study of the changes of context of a particular object through time (Appadurai 1986:34). Throughout this study, three major classe s of artifacts are being discussed: imported wares, glass artifacts, and locally -produced pottery. Although all these classes can be considered as commodities, they ha d different economic and social values. The Aristotle concepts of use value and excha nge value are useful to characterize the significance of each one of these classes. Us e value is the abil ity of an object to satisfy a human want (Orser 1992:97), while ex change value refers to the number of objects or services a single object can command in an exchange situation. (Orser 1992:97) But, although the concepts of use a nd exchange values can be analytically useful to discuss the processes of distribution of the artifacts, they take into little account the representational dimension of the artifact s. What must be considered is that, in determined contexts, some artifacts or categor ies of artifacts have a sign value, which can be determinant to the affirmation of identities and the shaping of consciousness (Kearney 1995:158). As Kearne y argues (1995: 168-169), such value-saturated signs, when consumed, nurture the class based id entity of the consum ing subject who so consumes value in accord with strategies of re sistance resistance that is often integral to the reproduction of class differences. The Planters Place: Strategies and Distri bution of Material Items in the Space of the Plantation The study of the distribution of structures and artifacts and their implications in terms of power relations in the space of the pl antations requires cont exts that have been carefully spatially and chronologi cally delimited, and which may then be associated with

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202 specific socio-cultural units. The Taper o (Engenho Rio da Casca) and Buritizinho (Engenho gua Fria) sites represent the best contexts for this st udy, since they have deposits spatial and temporally discrete which can be associ ated, with a good margin of confidence, to the three social categories trea ted here: planters, free-laborers, and slaves. The plantation Engenho do Quilombo, on the ot her hand, presented only one socially defined context which related to the planters. The social iden tities of the occupants of the other unit excavated in this site are more nebulous, and they could even have changed their status from slaves to free laborers over time, given that its occupation extended into the beginning of the 20th century. The Tapera do Pingador s ite, in turn, is a non-plantation context, probably occupied by runaway or fr eed slaves, and later by freedmen. Only one area of occupation was identified in this site so that no spatially evident hierarchical structure could be identified. Consequently, most of this an alysis will concentrate on the Tapero and Buritizinho cases, using the contexts of the Engenho do Quilombo and Tapera do Pingador sites as complementar y data when this is required. The archaeological research on these sites, including site plans, mean-dates, and quantification of materials, was presented in Chapter 2. This study will consider the intra-site distri bution of artifacts in these sites for three periods: the end of the 18th century, the first half of the 19th century and the second half of that century, discussing the continuities and ch anges in the practices related to slaves and planters. The Tapero site pr esented contexts dated to these three periods, defined according to the chronological information furnished by the refined earthenware and glasses, with the period between 1790 a nd 1890 constituting the general interval of occupation for this site. The contexts of occupa tion of the Buritizinho, in turn, refer to the

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203 first and second half of the 19th century, and its general peri od of occupation was between 1809 and 1890. The Tapero Site Although the Tapero site pres ented deposits dating to three periods of occupation between 1790 and 1890, the intermediary period, referent to the first half of the 19th century, presents the best context for understa nding the distribution of the material items on the plantation space. This period is represen ted by the lower archaeo logical layer of all the central areas deposits (pla nters household m.d. 1836.2), by the lower layer of the area 14 (free-laborers m.d. 1825.6), by ar ea 1 (slaves m.d. 1810.9), and by one intermediate layer of area 3 (slaves m.d. 1820.3). Thus, the three basic social groups who occupied the plantation are archaeologically represented in this period. The earliest period of occupation, in turn, presented onl y two deposits, areas 4 (m.d. 1802.5) and 15 (m.d. 1797), both related to the slaves units of habitation. Although the planters and freelaborers areas were also occ upied during this first period, the depositional interval of their assemblages was wider, and it was not pos sible to isolate more temporally discrete deposits specifically related with this first period, with exception of a small assemblage of refined earthenware concentrat ed in the first trench of area 7, in the interior of the planters house. The late period is repres ented by the upper layers of both the central area (m.d. 1850.5) and area 14 (m.d. 1852.4), an d one small assemblage in area 3, which was not quantitatively significant. As informed in Chapters 2 and 3, at the beginning of the 19th century the Tapero site was headed by the Portuguese captain Luis Monteiro Salgado, who, in 1808, kept 63 slaves on this plantation, 35 being African, plus eight in his urban residence in Cuiab. In 1826, under his son Antnio Salgados administ ration, there were 71 slaves, 21 Africans

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204 and 50 Brazilians, living in the plantation. In 1841, year of Luis Monteiros widows wife, Rosa Cardoso, death, 33 slaves lived in the plantation, nine being African. Figure 6-1. Plan of the Tapero site indicating the living spaces of the different social groups. Luis Monteiro organized the layout and di stribution of the structures inside the plantation with the purpose of highlighting a hierarchical arrangement, defined according to the greater or lesser proximity of his house, aiming to impose order and visual control over this space and over the subordinated groups (Figure 6-1). As discussed in Chapter 2, the center of activities on the Chapadas plantations was the sugar-mill, strategically placed next to the planters house, where th e planters and their managers could easily supervise the work of the slaves. Theref ore, the planters house represented the

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205 surveillance center, being a material expression of the power of the planter. In the case of the Tapero site, this was the only house built with stone and tiles, in contrast with the slaves houses, built with clay and straw. Th e durable material used to construct the planters house gave it a character of tem poral continuity, serving to legitimize and reproduce hierarchical social relationships through time. Th e area of the free-laborers is located 30 meters to the north from the farmers house (Figure 6-1, area 14), in a direction opposite to the slav es houses. Finally, the slaves deposits are located an average distance of 60 meters to the east and southeast of the plan ters house (Figure 61, areas 1, 3, 4, and 15). The strategic distribution of units of ha bitation in the plantation space was further enhanced by the redistribution of the industr ialized artifacts, refined earthenware and glasses, by the planters. As discussed in Ch apter 3, refined earthe nware had a high socioeconomic significance for the planters because these items displayed the superior status of this group not only in the st ructure of the plantation, but al so in front of other planters of the region. Locally-made po ttery, in turn, had an economic value so low that this category is not present in the probate-inventor ies, with only one ex ception, the inventory of poorness of the freed slave Joaquina Mina1 murdered in Cuiab in 1832. The police authorities who investigated her murder listed all the material items present in her house, including the locally-made potte ry, represented by six cooking pots, ten plates,, and the impressive number of 22 smoking pipes. The cooking pots were valued at 50 ris each, while undecorated refined earthenware plates in the same list were valued at 200 ris per unit. As can be seen in Figure 6-2, in the Tapero site locally-made pottery presented a 1 APMT, probate-inventory, Joaquina Mina. do 5 Ofcio, Caixa 33, Processo No. 655, year: 1832.

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206 distribution inverse to that of refined earthenware, being present in high proportions in the slaves areas, decreasing in the freelaborers areas, and reaching its lowest proportions in the planters areas. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Central area 1836.2 Area 14 1825.6 rea 3 1820.3 rea 1 1810.9% imported wares glasses locally-made potteries Figure 6-2. Tapero site frequency of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries in planters, free-laborers and slaves contexts: central area 1836.2 MNV: 195; area 14 1825.6 MNV: 56; area 3 1820.3 MNV: 51; area 1 1810.9 MNV: 28. Due to the higher economic value of the refined earthenware, the planters redistributed these pieces with the purpose of underlining the social hierarchy within the plantation space, keeping the most expensive pieces and giving to the free-laborers decorated, used pieces of higher value. Th e slaves received only the least expensive pieces (see Figure 6-3). In terms of glass it ems (Figure 6-4), there is a much higher diversity of specialized shapes, related to ta blewares, medicinal flasks, decorative items, cosmetic and perfume flasks in the planters areas, while a gradual increase in the frequency of the purely utilitarian beverage bo ttles from the free-laborers to the slaves units is noted.

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207 Figure 6-3. Tapero site refined earthenwar e classified according to Millers scale in planters, free-laborers, and slaves contexts: central area 1836.2 MNV: 128; area 14 1825.6 MNV: 30; ar ea 3 1820.3 MNV: 25; area 1 1810.9 MNV: 11. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90Central area 1836.2 Area 14 1825.6 rea 3 1820.3 rea 1 1810.9 % beverage bottles medicinal flasks tableware others Figure 6-4. Tapero site fr equency of glass functional categories in planters, freelaborers and slaves contexts: central area 1836.2 MNV: 41; area 14 1825.6 MNV: 11; area 3 1820.3 MNV: 07; area 1 1810.9 MNV: 04. Therefore, through the control over the dist ribution of the industrialized items the planters openly revealed thei r hegemony in the spaces of the plantation. This was a strategy of domination which had the purpose of reproducing, on a daily basis, the strong 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Central area 1836.2 A rea 14 1825.6 rea 3 1820.3 rea 1 1810.9% white minimally decorated hand painted transfer-printed

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208 social inequalities already marked by the mate rial composition and spatial distribution of the structures of inhabitation. Moreover, re fined earthenware were strongly associated with the background of the planters, not only in terms of social significance, but also in terms of identification with a European bourgeois ideal of urban life, which was spreading in the Brazilian urban centers c oncurrently with the massive importation of European industrialized items during the 19th century (see Lima 1999; Symanski 2002), as discussed in Chapter 3. One important aspect of this distribution of refined earthenware is that whereas the planters maintained the newest pieces for them selves, they gave the oldest pieces to the slaves. In general terms, the overseers received pieces newer th an that given to the slaves but older than that retained by the farmers. This situation is well illustrated by the mean ceramic dates (South 1972) associated with each assemblage: Central area 1836.2, area 14 1825.6, area 3 1820.3, and area 1 1810.9.2 Therefore, when distributing these pieces, the planters were concerned not only w ith emphasizing the social hierarchy inside the plantation, but also with a temporalit y imbued in the refined earthenware that highlighted these differences. In this sense, they equalized social distance not only with spatial but also with temporal distance. The group socially closer to them, the overseers, lived nearer to their house and received re fined earthenware not as old as those ones given to the slaves, who lived farther from thei r house. This hierarchical and diachronic 2 The application of Souths Mean ceramic date formula to the assemblages had the purpose of quantitatively demonstrating the popularity of olde r vs. newer refined earth enware in the referred assemblages rather than to establish a chronology. The mean dates of specific types in each assemblage presented very close ranges, indicating the contem porarity of these areas: central area from 1790 (creamware) to 1850 (transfer printed blue, linear rim) ; area 14 from 1790 (creamware) to 1850 (transferprinted blue, linear rim); area 3 from 1790 (creamware) to 1850 (transfer-printed blue, linear rim); area 1 from 1790 (creamware) to 1847 (transfer printed black).

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209 distribution of refined earthe nware was further reinforced by the distribution of the cheapest category of the locally -made pottery (Figure 6.2). At this point it is important to consider the two discourses that the upper classes used to justify African slavery in Brazil in the 19th century: religion and race. These discourses were joined together, with one r eaffirming the other. The most traditional was the religious discourse that professed that the slaving of Africans was important to transform those pagan peoples into Chri stians (Alencastro, 1997:82; Vainfas 1986). Racist discourses preached the disjunction be tween the world of th e white and the world of the black, justifying the hi erarchical relationships betw een these two groups (Vainfas 1986:42). After 1850, these discours es acquired a pseudo-scientif ic basis, which affirmed that dark skin-color people had a brain de ficiency that made them lazy and sensuous creatures (Alencastro, 1997:80). Seeing slaves as pagans, racially inferior, and primitive, the planters probably treated the material manifestations of that group, such as its pottery, as primitive objects that were unworthy fo r a planters house, a place where modern objects represented the age of industrial capitalism and the bourgeois way of life. With these prejudices in mind, the planter organized the material universe of the plantation following a diachronic model: the planters house represented modernity; the slaves houses, filled with very out-of-fashion re fined earthenware and rough and primitive pottery, represented a primitive time, being therefore not only spatially, but also temporally far from the planters house. On the middle ground, between the modern and the primitive, was the ambiguous space of the fr ee-laborers, an intermediary social group that was concurrently oppressor and oppressed as well as modern and primitive.

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210 The planters manipulation of the physical and social space can be defined as a set of oppositions: white European-descent planter/black African or African-descent slave, planters stone and tile house/ slaves wattle and daub cabins, center (planters house)/periphery (slaves cabins), European white-refined earth enware/locally made black pottery, European modernity/African p rimitivism. These oppositions have as their central element the dichotomy nature/culture which was promoted by the planters view of the social space of the plantation. Thus, fr om the planters perspective, this social space could be seen as a gradation of a set of spheres from the domain of culture, whose core was the planters house, outward to the domain of nature. The free-laborers adjacent house, probably occupied by physically mixed persons, mulattoes or creoles, with its hybrid material culture, represented a lower sphere of cultu re. The slaves houses, farthest from the planters core, located on the borders of the living space of the plantation, represented an even lower sphere of culture, closer to the domain of nature. Indeed, the slaves, as well as the agricultu ral products planted around the living space of the plantation, needed to be domesticated by the planters. Thus, following the slaves sphere, the lowest sphere of culture was th e crop fields around the plantations living space. Involving this sphere was the domain of nature, represented by the dangerous forest, the space of the beasts, savage animals, and uncivilized Indians. The Buritizinho site (Engenho gua Fria) While study of the use of the space by diffe rent social groups on the Tapero site is limited to the first half of the 19th century, when planters, fr ee-laborers and slaves are archaeologically represented, the Buritizinho site adds a di achronic dimension to this analysis, since, in this site, the same so cial groups are represented by archaeological deposits that date to th e second half of the 19th century. Although the occupation of the

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211 Buritizinho site started in 1809 (see Chapter 2) only one assemblage, from the planters household (Figure 6-5, area 1 m.d. 1841), is re presentative of the first half of the 19th century. The other assemblages, even though re presenting depositional intervals initiated before 1850, principally date to the second half of the 19th century. Three deposits are representative of this peri od: area 1 (planters househol d m.d. 1863.4), area 2 (freelaborers house m.d. 1852.7), and area 3 (s lave cabin m.d. 1862.1) (Figure 6-5). Figure 6-5. Plan of the Buritizinho site indicating th e living spaces of the different social groups. The Buritizinho site, as informed in Chap ters 2 and 3, was initially headed by Domingos da Silva Barreiros, who died in 1818. His widow, Ana Luiza da Silva, headed the engenho until her death, in 1848, when the prope rty passed into the hands of her

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212 daughter, Antnia Pereira da Silva, who died in 1870, leaving no descendants. The only slaveholding list available for this plantation is for the year of 1848, when there were 58 slaves living in this site, 26 being African. This site presented a hierarchical spatial organization analogous to the Tapero site in which free-laborers were hous ed closer to the planters ho use and slaves farther from it (Figure 6-5). The same hierarchy of access to the industria lized resources wares and glasses is also evident in this site, demonstrating that, like in the case of the Tapero, the intra-site social hierarchy was reinforced by the material culture. This unequal access to the industrialized resources is particularly evid ent in the distribution of the three major material categories, industrialized wares, gl asses, and locally-made pottery (Figure 6-6) and in the functional variability of the items of glass (Figure 6-7). 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Area 1 1841 Area 1 1863.4 Area 2 1852.7 Area 3 1862.1% imported wares glasses locally-made potteries Figure 6-6. Buritizinho site frequency of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries in planters, free-laborers and slaves contexts: area 1 1841 MNV: 243; area 1 1863.4 MNV: 95; area 2 1852.7 MNV: 80; area 3 1862.1 MNV: 43.

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213 As can be seen in Figure 6-6 the distribu tions of industrialized wares and pottery present the same pattern verified for the Ta pero site (see Figure 6-2), in which the highest proportions of industr ialized wares are present in the planters area (area 1) gradually declining towards th e free-laborers and the slav es areas, insofar as locallymade pottery increases in frequency in these last two areas. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80Area 1 1841 Area 1 1863.4 Area 2 1852.7 Area 3 1862.1% beverage bottles medicinal flasks tableware others Figure 6-7. Buritizinho site frequency of glass f unctional categories in planters, freelaborers and slaves co ntexts: area 1 1841 MNV: 35; area 1 1863.4 MNV: 17; area 2 1852.7 MNV: 11; area 3 1862.1 MNV: 10. By the same token, the functional variabili ty of the glass items strongly resembles the pattern identified for the Tapero site, with planters having a higher frequency of tablewares, cosmetics and deco rative objects and a lower pr oportion of purely utilitarian bottles, which gradually increase in frequency towards the free-laborers and slaves units. On the other hand, the variability of industriali zed wares in this site suggests that both slaves and free-laborers had autonomy to c hoose these items, differing from the Tapero site, in which the planters distributed this material, pointing out si gnificant changes in the strategies of social negotiation in th e region in the second half of the 19th century. In this sense, the free-laborers and slav es industrialized wares presen t specificities in terms of

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214 functional and decorative variability that make these assemblages different from those in the correspondent subordinated groups of the Tapero site, as will be discussed later. The Slaves Space Since African Religion belongs to the pe ople, when Africans migrate in large numbers from one part of the continent to another, or from Africa to other continents, they take religion with them They can only know how to live within their religious cont ext. Even if they are conve rted to another religion like Christianity or Islam, they do not comp letely abandon their traditional religion immediately: it remains with them for several generations and sometimes centuries. (Mbiti 1991:14-15) As DeCerteau (1984:XIX) argues, a tactic insinuates itself into the others place, having no base at its dis posal, being therefore depe ndent on time, and on the opportunities to be carried out. Hercules Flor ence (cited in Brazil 2002:37), visiting one plantation of Chapada dos Guimares in 1827, described a baptism celebration in the planters family. At a certain moment of the festivities the slaves started to dance their typical dance, the batuque. The French traveler got so shocked by the supposed immorality of the dance that, in respect for hi s lovely hostesses, he refused to describe it. The regional dominant society had a dubious attitude with relation to such practices of African origin. At the same time that govern mental authorities and planters repressed these practices, they also perm itted them, fearing that their total suppression could incite slave rebellions (Volpato 1993). Thus, although slaves performed most of their practices in accordance to the hierarchical system imposed by the plan ters, they also took advantage of the circumstances available to subvert this space, using it according to their African-derived practices and representations. Thus, they reappropriated th e plantations spaces according

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215 to their own perceptions, per ceptions guided by their differe ntiated backgrounds. In this sense, there is little probabil ity that they ascribed to th e refined earthenware the same social significance that planters ascribed to these items. The locally-made pottery, in turn, even though it had only a minimum exchange value for the wider society, was invested with very strong sign-values by the slaves. As discussed in Chapter 4, many of these pieces were decorated with inci sed decorative designs typical of several traditions of subSaharan Africa, being, therefore, impregnate d with values that had as their intent enhancing identities based on cultural references completely distinct from the planters hegemonic culture. This representational di mension of the slaves pottery will be explored later. For now, the focus will be on th e functional variability of this material and what information it can provide ab out the slaves daily practices. The Slaves Daily Practices: Foodways and Risk Management For the case of the Tapero site, there is ve ry little diachronic va riation in the form and function of the slaves pottery as semblages between the end of the 18th and the first half of the 19th century. These assemblages are char acterized by a great diversity of forms, including cooking pots, pieces of se rvice and consumption (plates, small plates, bowls, jars and tumblers), storage vessels, and multifunctional pieces, in contrast to the planters and free-laborers pottery assembla ges, almost exclusively limited to cooking pots (Figures 6.8 and 6.9). Howson (1990:80) calls attention to the domain of the slaves foodways, which constituted one of the most intimate asp ects of their life, a nd was therefore less susceptible to the coercion of the dominant gr oup. In this sense, bowls represented the highest frequency among the pi eces of service and consump tion of food in the slaves pottery

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216 Figure 6-8. Forms of pottery identified in the Chapada dos Guimares assemblages. Preparation and processing of food: cooki ng pots (1-13), manioc flour toasters (14-15), domestic melting pots (16-17); service and consum ption of food: bowls (18-20), plates (21-22), small plat es (23), mug (24), jar (25); storage: jug (26), water jug (27-28), n.d. (29); multifunctional vessels: 30-35.

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217 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Central areaArea 14Areas 3 + 1% cooking pots storage service/consumption multifunctional Figure 6-9. Tapero site frequency of locally-m ade pottery functional categories in contexts from the first half of the 19th century: central area MNV: 14; area 14 MNV: 10; areas 3 + 1 MNV: 32. assemblage, composing 68% of this category (see Figure 6-8, numb ers 18-20). In terms of the slaves industrialized wares assemblage s, although bowls are pr esent in proportions lower than plates, cups and saucers, their fre quency is higher than that verified for these pieces in the planters and free-laborers assemblages (see Figure 6-10). The high frequency of this functional category indicate s the slaves emphasized the consumption of stews and soups (see Figure 6-11), which corr elates with traditional western African foodways described by DeCorse (1999:150), in wh ich the food is served in bowls and the bones are cracked for marrow extraction. This preponderance of bowls has also been verified in some slaving contexts in the United States (see, for example, Adam s and Boling 1989; Baker 1980; Otto 1984; Singleton 1996:153). For the case of the Buritizi nho site, the slaves locally-made pottery assemblage is represented almost exclusiv ely by cooking pots, with the exception of one

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218 bowl. Nevertheless, bowls cons tituted the most popular form in the industrialized wares assemblage of this group, representing 47% of the pieces in this material category (Figure 6-12). This evidence suggests that the slaves of the region kept their African-influenced foodways in the second half of the 19th century. Currently, a traditional dish of the peasant population of the regi on is a stew of beef with manioc (Lima Filho 2001:118). Other significant characteristic of the pottery assemblage of the slaves from the Tapero site is the high per centage of storage vessels (s ee Figure 6-8, pieces 26-28), when compared with the plan ters and free-laborers assemb lages (see Figure 6-9). These vessels suggest that the slaves were more concerned with f ood storage than the other two groups. Moreover, the volume capacity of th e peripheral storage vessels ranged between eight to more than thirty liters, whereas thos e from the central area presented much lower capacities, ranging between one and four liters Several travelers that visited Brazil during the 19th century described the supplying of food furnished by the planters to their 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80Central area 1836.2 Area 14 1825.6 rea 3 1820.3 rea 1 1810.9% plates bowls cups saucers service pieces others/unind. Figure 6-10. Tapero site frequency of importe d wares functional categories in planters, free-laborers, and slaves contexts: central area 1836.2 MNV: 140; area 14 1825.6 MNV: 35; ar ea 3 1820.3 MNV: 25; area 1 1810.9 MNV: 11.

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219 Figure 6-11. Slaves preparing and consuming some kind of s oup or stew in bowls (Debret 1978). 0 10 20 30 40 50 60Area 1 1841Area 1 1863.4 Area 2 1852.7 Area 3 1862.1% plates bowls cup saucer service others Figure 6-12. Buritizinho site frequency of imported wares functional categories in planters, free-laborers, and slaves contexts: area 1 1841 MNV: 162; area 1 1863.4 MNV: 65; area 2 1852.7 MNV: 51; area 3 1862.1 MNV: 19.

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220 slaves as miserable and the slaves as unde rnourished, like Langsdorff, when he visited the plantation Engenho do Quilombo in 1827 (Lagsdorff 1997:111112). Therefore, hunger was a constant risk in the life of ma ny slaves. In this sense, high proportion of storage vessels in the slaves assemblages of the Tapero site may be related with possible risk management strategies of this group, fo cused on the storage of food to attenuate the effects of an inconstant and inadequate feeding. As argued by Plattner (1989a:13), aversion to risk seems to be a constant in the human life, so that peop le try to design their lives in ways that bad outcomes and surp rises are minimized. This was, probably, a generalized practice among the slaves from Brazilian rural areas, as suggested by the painting from the interior of the country of a slave family in which a storage vessel is present (Figure 6-13). Figure 6-13. Poor family (Guillo bel, 1812, in Algranti 1997:101) Although the highest proportion of beverage bottles in the slave areas of the Tapero and Buritizinho sites can be indica tive of a high consumption of alcoholic beverages, principally sugarcane liquor, among this group, these items could also have

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221 been used for the storage of foodstuffs and other products, like water, spices, condiments, seasonings, eatable oils, and home made medi cines, as has been verified among the contemporary peasant population of the regi on. According to Posnanski (1999:33), this process of reutilization of be verage bottles is a practice st ill common in western Africa. Storage ceramic vessels, in turn, are absent in the slaves pottery assemblage at the Buritizinho site, pointing to changes in the slaves risk management strategies in the second half of the 19th century, and perhaps related with a more re gular supply of foodstuffs, as will be discussed in more depth later. The Domain of Representation: Pottery Symbolism and Slaves Backgrounds While in Chapter 4 the focus was on speci fic African ethnic-regional influences over the pottery of Chapada dos Guimares, now attention will be turned to more general perceptions about pottery shared among diffe rent peoples throughout sub-Saharan Africa. I will defend the idea that the African-influen ced designs and signs present on the pottery of Chapada dos Guimares can be considered as representations of the slaves African background(s), serving to reproduce African -derived memories and identities. Gosselain (1999), comparing data collected in 102 sub-Saharan African societies, concluded that there are some underlying principles regarding pottery symbolism common to a great number of thes e societies. He calls the attention to the widely shared thermodynamic philosophy and its relations with pottery making. This philosophy is based on the idea that the universe and human actions have to be kept at a low and constant temperature. Concurrently, in pottery making, regulating temperature is fundamental, since excessive he ating or cooling affect the clay workability, drying and firing (Gosselain 1999:215). According to Gosse lain (1999:212), most of these peoples associate pottery with human beings, so th at the pottery orname ntation parallels body

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222 scarifications and tattoos, wh erein parts of the vessel are designated after body parts, and specific human body parts may be symbolized on the vessel to specify its gender. Indeed, this conceptual iden tification of pottery with huma n bodies among African peoples has been discussed by several authors, including David et al (1988) and Posnanski (1999:2728), for western Africa, Pikirayi (1993: 145-146), for eastern Africa, and Danish (1990:11-12) for central Africa. Moreover, in many African myths of origin, human beings were created from pottery. There are, therefore, strong analogies between the pottery process of production and life cycle and the transformational processes which peoples are subjected throughout their life-cycle, so that th e pottery or parts of its manufacturing process may serve as an instrume nt or a model in the course of cultural transformations or even as a metaphor for explaining certain physiological or mythical transformations. (Gosselain 1999:214) Considering these analogies about pottery and the life cycle of human beings, the female c onnotation of this craft in the great majority of these societies becomes clear, given the role of the female in the biological reproduction of the society, through the concep tion and nurturing of children (Gosselain 1999:214). The association of pottery with women, who are mainly responsible for cultivating the earth and preparing the food, is particul arly strong among the Bantu groups of central Africa (Angola Culturas Tradicionais 1976:20). As discussed in Chapter 4, the great majority of the African slaves in Ch apada came from central Africa, a strongly predominant Bantu region. For instance, among the Zulu, one Bantu people from southern Africa, gender divisions are cosm ologically underpinned, with the supremebeing, the Sky-Lord (Mveliangangi), being pe rceived as a masculine entity, and the earth

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223 as feminine. In this sense th e earth is the provid er of nourishment for the people, while the Sky-Lord is the father, the reproducer. Thus, in the Zulu division of labor, women work the earth, cultivating, preparing the food, and usi ng and molding the clay taken from the female entity, the mother-earth, to make pottery (Reush 1998:19). The earth is also seen by the Zulu as the place of th e ancestors, something that makes pottery appropriate vessels to be used in communi on with the spiritual world (Reusch 1998:18), an association also common among Bantu gr oups from central Africa (Danish 1990:11). In Mato Grosso, there is some evidence th at this cosmological underpinning of gender functions was maintained in Afro-Brazilian communities, like Vila Bela. Vila Bela was capital of the Province of Mato Grosso be tween 1752 and 1835, when most of the white dominant population abandoned the city, whic h passed into control of the African and African-descent population. A ccording to accounts collected by Bandeira (1988:158), the women of the community were responsib le for the planting and harvesting of agricultural products. For the case of Chapada dos Guimares, there is some clear evidence that the slaves kept the African anthropomorphic conception of ceramic vessels, since all the sites studied presented ceramic pieces whose decora tion mimics scarifica tion marks of groups from western (Figures 6.14 and 6.15), central (Figure 6-16 ), and eastern (Figure 6-17) Africa. Scarifications in Africa, as well as in Brazil, were ethnically specific marks of identification. Visiting Bahia in 1850s, Jame s Wheterell (1860, cited in Nishida 2003:3536) observed that Africans from each nation had their peculiar scarification marks. He

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224 A B CD A B CD Figure 6-14. Western African slaves in Brazil. A) Yorub male (Guilherme Gaensly, c. 1880. B) Mina female (Rugendas 1979). C) Mina male (Christiano Junior, 2nd half of the 19th century). D) Mina female (idem). described the Nags national mark as three small cuts in the centre of forehead, while the Benguela had five, seven, or eleven sm all nodules of flesh in the centre of the forehead, forming a line of warts from the r oots of the hair to the nose. Scarification marks were the most evident physical distin ction between Africans and creoles in Brazil

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225 and constituted signs through which African s from the same et hnicity could easily identify each other and being identified by t hose ones from other groups. Creole slaves, in turn, did not have scarifications, and proba bly were not interested in reproducing this practice because it could make them more physically simila r to the Africans, who had a lower social status. A B C A B C Figure 6-15. Examples of pottery of Chapada dos Guimares mimicking Mina scarifications. A) Buritizinho site (m .d. 1852.7). B) Buritizinho site (m.d. 1862.1). C) Tapero site (m.d. 1820.3).

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226 A B Figure 6-16. Representation of the cruciform sign. A) pottery fragments of Chapada dos Guimares. B) Wollega woman (drawing of Luis Guilherme Santos copied from photography in Escher 1991). Figure 6-17. Sign present in pot tery and scarification. A) fragment of pottery of the Buritizinho site. B) slave from th e Mozambique nation (Rugendas 1979). Although African slaves were unable to re produce these signs in the body of their descendents, they were able do this in th e bodies of their cerami c vessels. Therefore, when the slaves of Chapada dos Guimares applied African-influenced designs on the pottery, they not only reproduced African-ori ginated aesthetics and systems of beliefs, but also an ideal African body which coul d no longer be reproduced in their new environment. Ashmore and Knapp (1999:14) notice that mythical or cosmological concepts are embedded in the collective memo ry of a group and in the individual memory A B A B

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227 of its members. Such memories are often the means of organizing, using, and living in the landscape. In this sense, the pottery and its decorative elements had the purpose of maintaining and reproducing African-originate d memories, representations, and system of beliefs: the backgr ound of the slaves. Planters and slaves, therefore, percei ved the space of the plantations very differently. Planters, as discussed, organized these spaces following a strictly hierarchical model. They distributed industrialized wares a nd glasses in an effort to reinforce this model, thus highlighting the ec onomic value of these items, a kind of value attributed to the capitalist system within which this group was completely immersed. On the other hand, the capitalist culture of consumption was foreign to the slaves systems of references, so that they may not have recogn ized the social significance that the planters attributed to this material. Conversely, they impregnated the lowest economically valued material category, the pottery that they produ ced, with a different se t of values, values that referenced their African background. Through the widesp read distribution of their pottery on the plantations space, not only as ve ssels that were constantly manipulated but also as fragments spread throughout the surf ace, the slaves reappr opriated the plantation space in accordance to their own perceptions, impregnating this space with African memories and representations. Maybe not coincidently, among the Ovimbundu, who constituted, under the name of Benguela, th e major African group in Chapada throughout the first half of the 19th century (see Chapter 4), the d ecorative designs on pottery are called oku-taleka, an expression that derives from the verb tala, which means to look, or see (Estermann 1960 cited in Gerdes 1995:30). Thus the female potters, whether in the Ovimbundus plateau of Benguela or in the pl antations of Chapada dos Guimares, make

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228 these drawings to be seen, to be looked at to be perceived and understood by those ones who kept their same background. The data from the Buritizinho site adds an important element to this discussion, insofar as they indicate that this representational dimension of the pottery was also present in the slaves industrialized wa res. The comparison between the types of industrialized ware present in the slave cabin (Figure 6-5 area 3) and the planters and free-laborers areas (Figure 6-5 areas 1 and 2) demonstrated that 47.3% of the slaves assemblage is composed of decorative types exclusive of this area, indicating that the slaves had a reasonable degree of autonomy in choosing these pieces. These evidences are significant since they sugge st that these slaves were ab le to participate as active consumers in the market, which, in turn, i ndicates that they could make some money through their productive activities. In Mato Grosso, like in other regions of Brazil (see Barickman 1994; Reis and Silva 1989), the planters sometimes permitted to the slaves their own provision grounds, where they cult ivated, among other vegetables, corn, beans and manioc (Aleixo 1984:48; A ssis 1988:38). Thus, it is probable that the slaves of the Buritizinho had their own provision grounds and could commercialize their surplus in the marketplace, generating earnings that permitted them, at least, to become more active consumers. Having the possibility of choosing their own industrialized wares, this group privileged the bowls, which, as previously discussed, are related to their Africaninfluenced foodways, constituting 48% of this assemblage. In terms of decoration, this group preferred the minimally decorated pi eces, which represented 37.5% of this assemblage, followed by undecorated and transf er-printed in the same proportions of

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229 25%. Significantly, the majority of the bowls are minimally-deco rated, in the cut sponge technique, with abstract motifs that pres ent strong similarities with the incised decorations present in the locally-made potte ry of the region (see Figure 6-18) and in traditional African designs found in textiles and pottery. For example, the figure of concentric lozenges, present in one of these pieces, is a widespread decorative motif in western and central Africa (see Figure 619). Among the Ovimbundu this design is called ongombo yosay, a representation of the moon (Haenstein 1988:36, 72). Therefore, when the slaves of the Buritizinho site had the opportunity to choose their own industrialized earthenware, they founded their choices in re ferents very distinct from those of the planters, valui ng bowls decorated with designs that had more to do with African aesthetics than with the European aesthetics typical from the more expensive transfer-printed pieces. Figure 6-18. Buritizinho site refined earthenware from the slave cabin (area 3).

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230 Figure 6-19. Design in concentric lozenges. A) refined earthenware from the slaves cabin, Buritizinho site (m.d. 1862.1). B) t ypical beer mug from the Ambos, an Ovimbundu group (Estermann and Gibson 1976) C) traditional textile from Angola (Angola Culturas Tr adicionais 1976). D) Wolof textile, Senegal (Thompson 1983:211). Thus, differently from the Tapero site, in which planters distributed refined earthenware aiming to strengthen the hierarchi cal order current in th e plantation, in the slaves area of the Buritizinho si te, the slaves charged most of these items with the same values they imposed over the locally-produced pottery, values that referenced their African background. Hence, these two groups e xpressed different sets of values through the consumption of refined earthenware. The pl anters highlighted the exchange value of these items, related to the e xhibition of status and repr esentation of their economic power. The slaves, in turn, attributed sign va lues to these items, values which emphasized A B C D A B C D

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231 their different backgrounds and, consequently their resistance to the cultural hegemony of the planters. Social Tensions and Change in Chapada dos Guimares In the period between the end of the 18th century and the middle of the 19th century, as represented by the Tapero site, the dist ribution of the indust rialized items was symptomatic of the rigid control maintain ed over the life of the subordinated groups. Slaves and even free laborers did not have an active participation in the market place, passively receiving products chosen by th e planters. Through the distribution of commodities the planters expressed their view of the social hierarchy within the plantation. During the second half of the 19th century, as represen ted by the Buritizinho site, this situation changed, with the slaves entering into the market place, and acquiring the liberty to choose their own consumer items. Although the different postur es adopted by the plante rs of the Tapero and Buritizinho sites could be related to idiosync ratic factors, referent to the personal and moral conduct of each planter, it is more coherent to evaluate these changes in negotiation strategies among thes e groups in a diachronic pers pective, considering wider social forces acting in the regional, national and even international levels. Thus, documentary sources point to the intensificati on of social tensions between planters and slaves in the region of Chapada dos Gu imares during the second half of the 19th century. Between 1865 and 1870, Brazil, supported by Uruguay and Argentina, fought against Paraguay in a war related to frontier issues. This war brought about serious problems for the commerce in Mato Grosso, due the prohib ition of navigation of the Prata River. During this period all the government military efforts were concentrated on the war, a condition that stimulated the pr oliferation and expansion of se ttlements of runaway slaves

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232 (quilombos) in Mato Grosso. It is important to notice that one of th e biggest quilombos of Mato Grosso, the quilombo of the Manso River, which came to comport, during the peak of its occupation, a population higher than si x hundred inhabitants, was located in the region of Chapada dos Guimares (Volpato, 1993:186). The first references to this quilombo are from 1859. After this date, these spaces of resistance proliferated, and there exist documentary references to at least fi ve other quilombos in the region (Volpato, 1993:186; Siqueira, 2001:87-95). Due to the absence of military repression, the quilombolas became more and more daring, continuous ly attacking the plantations of the region. Moreover, these plantati ons were also subjected to the attack of Amerindians (Volpato 1993:62-64). Thus, this region became extremely insecure for the planters and their families, who depended on the slave labor to maintain the productive activities of their plantations. This situation increased th e economic instability in the region, leading the planters to invest less in the produc tion and even, in some cases, to abandon their plantations. This process may be responsib le for the archaeologically documented economic decadence of the Tapero during this period (see Chapter 3). Thus, it is probable that this pressure coming from below, from the slaves to the planters, that led to the archaeologically docum ented changes in the pl anters strategies of domination in the second half of the 19th century. Fearful of the slaves reprisals, the planters decreased the degree of control over their material life, no longer distributing to them the industrialized items. Rather, they conceded to the slaves some degree of economic autonomy that permitted to them become, at the very least, more active consumers, as suggested by the refined ear thenware of the slaves cabins in the Buritizinho site. Such changes may have also oc casioned the alterations in the slaves risk

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233 management strategies, due to a higher regu larity and stability in the distribution of foodstuffs to this group, as suggested by the ab sence of storage vessels in the slave cabin of the Buritizinho site the pieces that had b een very popular in the slaves areas of the Tapero site in the previous periods. The Domain of Tactic: African-Derived Re ligious Practices in the Plantations Space In Brazil, planters tried to discipline the slaves th rough both physical punishment and the imposition of ideologies. While physic al punishments were the immediate answer to any deviation of what was considered the ri ght behavior or attitude in a given setting, having, therefore, a tactical character, ideolo gies had to be inculcated into the slaves worldview. In this sense ideologies had to be constantly referred to through specific practices and the material world. The previous analysis of the planters strategies has demonstrated the ideological role of the mate rial world in justifying and legitimizing the hierarchical order that characterized the pl antations of the region. In addition, the imposition of the ideology of the Catholic ch urch over the slaves was another important element of this system of domination. This ideology was aimed at in culcating the slaves with the importance of the Christian pa ssivity before Gods will. Thus, as good Christians, slaves should passively accept thei r fate, their condition of servitude. In this sense, slavery acquired meaning as a neces sary penance to reach the reign of God (Vainfas 1986:101, 127). In the plantations of Chapada dos Guimar es the imposition of the Catholic religion over the slaves was a rule among the planters, as evidenced by the pres ence of chapels in many of these properties (see Chapter 2), and by the planters concern with marrying the slaves couples within the Catholic church (see Crivelente 2001). Moreover, the slaves

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234 were obliged to gather to pray Catholic pr ayers under the supervisi on of overseers every morning before the labor began, and were physically punished if they did not do so (Volpato 1993:149). Florence (n.d.:118), when visiting the plantation Engenho do Quilombo in 1827, affirmed that its owner, the planter Domingos Jos de Azevedo, gathered all the slaves in front of his house every night to pray right after dinner. Nevertheless, it is probable that, many times, the adoption of elements of Christian religiosity by African slaves had a tactical character of social negotiation with the dominant society, not altering the core of their African-derived systems of beliefs. As Karasch (2000:361-362) notes in the case of Ri o de Janeiro, central Africans worshiped the images of Catholic divinities as powerful charms that could be related to their specific systems of beliefs. For the case of Chapad a dos Guimares, some evidences from the Tapero and Buritizinho sites suggest that slav es could also have kept their own Africanderived systems of beliefs. Although there is a great vari ation in religious systems in Africa, there are some core principles that are shar ed throughout sub-Saharan Afri ca. These principles include the belief in a universal energy, which is pla ced at the center of th e natural order of the things, the ability to incorporate new elements into their traditional structure, and the overwhelming concern with human beings, sinc e the spiritual is seen as contained not only in the systems of belief but also with in the physicality of experience (Harding 2000:39-41; Mbiti 1990, 1991). In this sense, th e dialogue between the spiritual and the material worlds is constant, explaining temporal conditions an d dictating codes of behavior, including responses to misfortunes (Sweet 2003:6). It is interesting to note that in Mato Grosso the Afro-Brazilian community of Vila Bela still keeps this worldview,

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235 dividing the universe in two an tagonistic but complementary worlds: the material world of the living and the supernatural world of the dead and gods (Bandeira 1988:184). According to Bandeira, there is a permanent tension between these two worlds, so that control over the supernat ural, through rites and magical pr actices, is considered essential for the maintenance of the communitys life. (Bandeira 1988:184-185) In terms of the Chapada dos Guimares sites, the clearest evidence of the maintenance of African-derived systems of beliefs is the already discussed cruciform sign, omnipresent in these sites as appliqu s in ceramic vessels (see Figure 6-16). As noted previously, several scholars have associated this sign with the Bakongo cosmogram, although it is also used by other peoples of northeastern Angola, like the Tchokwe, and carryies meanings analogous to that of the Bakongo. As discussed in Chapter 4, this sign started to appear in the pottery assemblages of the region at the same period in which slaves from the Congo natio n became a numerically dominant group in 1830s. This strong correlation is evidence that Congo slaves introduced this sign in the region, probably attributing to it the same religious signi ficance given by peoples from their native land. As discussed in Chapter 4, vessels with this sign are present in several contexts, starting in the deposit mean-dated to 1836.2, associated with the planters area of the Tapero site. For the case of the Buritizinho and Enge nho do Quilombo sites, these vessels are present in the deposits associated with the three social groups, slaves, freelaborers, and planters. In contrast, at the Tapero site there ar e only two pieces, both found in deposits associated with the planters house hold, including one piece found inside the planters house (Figure 6-20). The omnipresence of vessels presenting a

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236 traditional African religious sign in the plan ters houses demonstrates a situation of symbolic confrontation, in which slaves challenged the planters Catholic religion through the exposition of their ow n religious signs right in th e center of radiation of the planters power. In this sense, the slaves confronted the norms and authority of the planters, but in such a way th at the planters did not identif y the contesting character of these expressions. In the Tapero site, the sampling of 50% of the interior space of the planters house, through the opening of parallel trench es, permitted the discovery of some other possible evidence of magic-religious practices probably associated with the slaves, which point to a remarkable subversion of the plan ters place. During the excavation, in the corner of a room settled on the houses founda tion, a coarse earthenware plate with a copper coin in its center, stamped in 1869, was found in a situation of de-facto refuse (Figure 6-20). The stratigraphy indicated that these pieces were intentionally placed under the original floor of the house. The Af rican-oriented ritual dimension of this material is suggested by a hi storical description furnishe d by Sweet (2003:130), about a Mina slave jailed in Joo Pesso a, captaincy of Paraba, Br azil, in 1799, who, aiming to predict his future, took a coin and laid it in a plate with water. In Mato Grosso, similar divinatory practices were registered among the Africans accused of witchcraft on occasion of the Diocesan visitation, between 1785 and 1787. These individuals told the fortune and indicated the location of lost or stolen objects through different methods. One used a plate filled with water in which was placed a package of taffeta, another used a small pot of coarse earthenware containing cooking oil, and the third used a doll (Rosa 1996:213).

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237 In addition, the practice of burying ritual objects under the house floor has been archaeologically documented in Africa for th e settlements of Elmina, Ghana, where the Portuguese established, in 1482, the main slav ing port of western Af rica, the fortress of So Jorge da Mina (DeCorse 2001:123), which gave origin to the name of the Mina nation in Brazil. In Elmina, the ritu al paraphernalia found beneath living floors included ritual pots containi ng chicken bones and terracott a figurines. Hiding conjure items in the house of the enemy is also a common practice among the Bantu groups of Angola, with such magical objects being hidde n close to the door, on the roof, or in the holes in the walls of the victims house (C apelo and Ivens n.d. [1886]:134-136; Figueira 1938:201). In the case of Mato Grosso, Rosa ( 1996:215) refers to the case of the African Manuel Quiama, who, during the same Dioces an visitation to Cuiab, was accused of burying conjure items in the door of a white ma n. This practice has also been recorded more recently in the African-Brazilian co mmunity of Vila Bela, in Mato Grosso (Bandeira 1988:188). Finally, the placement of ritual objects under the floor is a traditional practice still maintained in the candombl houses in Bahia (Harding 2000:36). Invading a house of calundu an African-Brazilian religion antecedent to candombl in Cachoeira, captaincy of Bahi a, in 1785, the police authorities described small metal objects placed under the houses floor (R eis 1988:57-58). According to Harding (2000:36), this practice is essentia l in the establ ishment of the candombl houses, and it indicates a more or less permanent connecti on between the place, the spirits of the place, and the people encharged with the ritual care of both. Copper coins, in turn, were part of the paraphernalia ritual commonly described in the 19th century candombl houses of Bahia as well as in their antecedent 18th century

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238 calundu houses (Harding 2000:75-76; Reis and Silva 1989:128). Among African peoples copper is generally imbued with amuletic or magical properties, enc ouraging fertility and warding off danger (Herbert 1983:81). Several western African peoples, like the Dogon, Bambara, Senufo, Bozo, and Sorko, cosmologi cally associate copper with water (Herbert 1983:190-191). African-Americans also attributed magical and curative power to copper coins, which were used to protect the wear er from harm and in essence prevent death (Davidson 2004:23; Wilkie 1995:144). The context of the find at the Tapero site, under the floor, in the corner of a room, parallels those described by Leone and Fr y (2001) for African-American caches gatherings of artifacts of ritu al usually related to spirit management found in domestic sites of Annapolis. Leone and Fry (2001:147) describe these caches as generally composed of nails, pins, bits of glass, buttons bones, beads, coins mostly pierced and potsherds, being generally placed under ch imney bases or hearths, under a rooms northeast corner, and around doorways. Among the Bakongo the caches are called minkisi (nkisi in the singular), and it is believed that their components have a soul and a life of their own. These components have metonymic and metaphoric meanings related to the referred Bakongo cosmogram (Fennell 2003:13; Thompson 1983:117-121).The nkisi container can be a bag, a ceramic vessel, a wooden statue, and a cloth bundl e among other things (Thompson 1983:117). Fennell (2003:13) notices that items with refl ective surfaces, such as quartz crystals, sea shells, mica and mirror fragments are common components of the minkisi, because they are metaphoric for the water boundary of the livi ng and the world of the spirits, and thus communicate the invocation of spiritual forces into the world of the living (see also Jones

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239 2000). In central Africa, the attributing of magi cal properties to materials with reflective surfaces was not limited to the Bakongo, si nce the Tchokwe from northeastern Angola also used such items in divinatory pract ices (Redinha 1953:76). According to Jones (2000:7), quartz crystals have been found in several North-Amer ican sites associated with African Americans, but not on sites associated exclusively with European Americans. She cites the case of the Carrol House, in Annapolis, where several caches of quartz crystals were found, the largest group being co mposed of 12 crystals grouped in an area 6 inches in diameter, accompanied by a tiny face ted glass bead and a smooth black stone. This group of items was covered with a refi ned earthenware bowl ha nd-painted in a blueon-white design similar to a large asterisk, resembling th e Bakongo cosmogram (see also Galke 2000). It is very significant that most of the items believed to compose a nkisi in the Carrol House are also present in th e planters house of the Taper o site. This is the case of quartz crystals numbering eleven, a pottery vessel presenting a circular appliqu with an asterisk sign incised on it, which is a possible representa tion of the Bakongo cosmogram, and a black shiny stone (Figures 6.20 a nd 6.21). But, differently from the caches described in North American contexts, these ite ms were not concentrat ed in a single spot within the planters house. The quartz crysta ls were neither randomly spread within the house, rather they were always placed close as possible to other crystals. It is also significant to note that the three coarse earthenware pipes found in the house were deposited close to three quart z crystals (Figure 6-20), near to the houses southwestern wall, close to what was probably the houses backdoor. Among African Americans thresholds have an important role for ritual practices, being one of the places where

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240 Figure 6-20. Tapero site items with possi ble magic-religious meanings found inside the planters house. conjure items are buried (Galke 2000:22). The practice of hiding magical objects close to the houses door was also reported in the 19th century among the Ovimbundu of Benguela (Capelo and Ivens n.d.[1886]:134-136). Regardin g the coarse earthenware pipes, the use of these items was widespread among Af ricans and African-descendants in Brazil (Agostini 1998), being also widely used in Africa (Philips 1983). In Brazil, there are references that indicate that these items could also have had a magic-religious connotation, being found in alta rs in Afro-Brazilian religious houses, together with other sacred items, such as hand-charms, beads, and so on (Sampaio 2001:162). It is also

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241 important to note that only th ree other crystals were found in the Tapero site, one in the slaves area 15, and the other two in the planters area of refuse deposition located 15 meters northwestern of the house (area 12). Mo reover, quartz crystals were not found in any area of the three other historical sites excavated in the region. Regarding the black stone, it is a hematite which presents a very shiny surface (Figure 6-21). Unfortunately, the reference fo r the specific context of deposition inside the planters house was lost. Like the crystals, it is possible that this stone, due to its very reflective surface, could also be charged w ith magic-religious meanings. Visiting the region occupied by the Tchokwe, in Angola, Redinha (1953:103), described a dark shiny stone displayed in the chiefs (soba) prayer house, which was used by one of his ancestors in magical practices. Stones also ha ve an important role in Western African religions, particularly in the Dahomean Gbe cu lts. In Afro-Brazilian religions particular stones are still kept in altars and are wo rshiped as representations of specific orixas (Bastide 1960:192, 207). Figure 6-21. Tapero site hematite found inside the planters house. However, the possibility that these items could have been collected by members of the planters family without any direct rela tionship to African-deriv ed religious beliefs

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242 and practices has to be taken into account, si nce, as Fennell (2000:282) cautions, much of the material culture of African American fo lk religion traditions was likely meaningful within the conjuring of tradi tions of many European Americans. In this sense, Fennell (2000:286) notes that 19th century texts in England re port the practice of keeping different types of distinctive stones, includi ng crystals, on ones person or in ones house to ward off fiends and acts of sorcery. In Po rtugal it is usual, among the peasant people, to use different kinds of amulets and ch arms, including thunderst ones (archaeological lithic artifacts) and rock crys tals, to protect against harm (Gallop 1961:60). The use of coins, especially pierced coins, as charms has also been reported in western Europe, including Portugal (see Da vidson 2004; Gallop 1961:60). Other findings that can be i ndicative of the possible main tenance of Afro-Brazilian systems of beliefs by the slaves are two comple te bottles, one of black glass and the other of white stoneware, buried close to the in terior corner of th e slaves house at the Buritizinho site (area 3, m.d. 1862.1) (Fi gure 6-22). These bottl es, although produced with different materials, have very simila r dimensions and shapes. Similar findings of bottles, always numbering two, have been reco vered in African-American contexts in the Caribbean (Jamaica) and United States (Wilkie 1997:88-89), and have been identified as conjure bottles. Puckett (1968 [1926], cited in Wilkie 1997:88) in his ethnographic research about folk beliefs of Southern Af rican-Americans, describes the use of such bottles, which are filled with magically mean ingful ingredients and buried near doorsteps or houses, or in paths and crossroads. Bottles also were a common item in the

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243 Figure 6-22. Buritizinho site context of deposition of the unbroken bottles in the slave cabin (area 3). paraphernalia ritual of the 19th century Bahian candombls (Harding 2000:75-76) as well as used in divinatory practices carried out by Angolan slaves in Brazil in the 18th century (Sweet 2003:126). Sweet (2003:126) notes that these practices were carried out by the Congolese and their descendents during the di aspora, who used the bottles to lure and trap evil spirits, a point al so affirmed by Thompson (1983:142-145). Nevertheless, the use of bottles in Western European folk religious traditions as protection against witches has also been recorded (Fennell 2000:300). Th e victim of a supposed act of witchcraft should fill the bottle with pins and the witch s nails and urine, and bury it close to the hearth of his house. Fennell (2000: 300) notes that dozens of su ch witch-bottles have been uncovered archaeologically at sites in England dating from the 17th century to up to the 20th century. In the context of the slaves of the Buritizinho site, however, it is more

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244 logical to consider that these findings are more directly related to African-derived systems of beliefs than to those of western-European folk beliefs. In the case of the possible ritual object s found in the planter s house at the Tapero site, the probability that these findings ar e related to African and African-Brazilian religious practices seems also to be stronger than their possible western-European origin, since, as described, all these items are co mmon in African and Afro-Brazilian religions. In this sense, the subversive, tactical char acter of the practices that involved the hiding and burying of these objects is notorious, since the slaves, and more probably the domestic slaves who lived or worked most of the time in the house, had to watch for opportunities to do these things, taking adva ntage of those moments in which the vigilance over them by the planters family and overseers was weakened. On the other hand, if these objects were deposited by the members of the planters family, they are indicative of the maintenance of traditional Portuguese folk beliefs, probably also influenced by the African systems of beliefs. After all, the children of the planters were raised mainly by the domestic female slaves who introduced, in the planters house, their beliefs (see Freyre 1992:326-331). Thus, the Catho lic faith of the planters children could have been subjected to a syncretism, contai ning elements of both African and westernEuropean folk traditions. The existence of systems of beliefs pa rallel to Catholicism between both the dominant, European-descent, society and the Af rican-descent slaves is evidenced in Mato Grosso by the use of hand charms, known as figas, by both groups. The figa is a charm, possibly of European origin, since it was used by the Romans and Etruscans, which represents a hand gesture in which the thum b is thrust between the curled index and

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245 middle fingers in obvious imitation of hetero sexual intercourse. In Western Europe, including Portugal, it is used for magical pr otection against the ev il eye (Gallop 1961:60). For Mato Grosso, figas, generally made in gold and/or co ral, are described principally in probate-inventories of females of African and uncertain descent. Figas are also commonly described in 18th century freed female slaves probate-inventories of the captaincy of Minas Gerais (Paiva 2001:220221). The British traveler Thomas Ewbank (cited in Karasch 2000:305) noticed that figas were the main charm used by all classes in Rio de Janeiro, having a special appeal among the slaves, who spent the first money that they could make buying one of these charms. In Mato Grosso, as in other regions of Brazil, figas could be used individually or gathered in a chain, usually a rosary, with other charms and Catholic signs. In the Joaquina Minas probate-inventory,3 a set of religious porta ble items is described, including two rosaries, one in gold and another in silver, one saint sp irit, probably a dove in silver, another rosary c ontaining a gold bead and two figas, two bentinhos small cloth squares sewed with pictures of Our Lady a nd Jesus Christ which were worn on the breast and back under the clot hing, and one image of Saint Anthony. Among items more closely related to African-deri ved aesthetics and practices is described in several blue beads, probably used by the ex-slave to make necklaces and other ornaments, necklaces of coral, and 22 pipes, probably produced by her for sale. Figas and doves in gold, rosaries, coral necklaces and sacred hearts ar e also described in the probate-inventory of another freed female slave, Joaquina Le ite, dated 1878, as well as in the probateinventories of poor women of unknown descent, like Be nta Maria Pera, dated 1844, Maria da Lapa Correa da Costa, dated 1862, and Maria Eugnia, dated 1867. As argued 3 APMT, probate-inventory, Joaquina Mina, 1832.

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246 by Sweet (2003:207), slaves could have adopted ro saries as power objects that functioned like so many other African talismans. When these charms and religious figures were gathered in a chain, they were referred to as penca de balangands, and were commonly associated with female slaves, who carried them displayed at the waist with the intent of being protected by their power (Paiva 2001:220-221). Although most of these it ems referred to the Catholic faith, they could have a special appeal for the slaves as charms, being thus imbued with values that had more to do with their African-derived syst ems of beliefs than with the more apparent catholic religion, since the belief in the pr otective power of charms was widespread in sub-Saharan Africa (see Figueira 1938:200; Ka rasch 2000:353, 361-362; Mbiti 1991:24). Coincidently, the only planters probate-inventor y describing figas and other elements common in the pencas of balangands is that of Antnia Pereira da Silva, owner of the Engenho gua Fria, the origin al name of the Buritizinho site. This document describes a possible penca de balangands composed of a figa, heart, key, etc, in addition to a thick neck lace of gold containing a large figa, one heart made of gold, and two other figas made of coral and gold. On the other hand, like the majority of the planters of the region, she kept in her plantation house one altar containing two images, one of Our Lord Crucified and the other of Our Lady, and several religious objects related to the celebra tion of the Sacred Sacrifice of Mass. These items suggest that the religious worldview of Antnia Pereira was a syncretic Catholicism, in which elements of a Portuguese traditional folk cu lture, perhaps mixed with African-Brazilian beliefs, represented by the belief in the pr otective power of the charms, was kept in

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247 conjunction with the more traditional elements of the Catholic faith, represented by the altar of Catholic images for mass celebra tion that were present in her house. The presence of archaeological material indicative of African -derived religious beliefs in both Tapero and Buritizinho sites indicates that the imposition of the Catholic religion over the slaves was less effective th an the planters probably realized. These findings suggest that slaves not only rejected the Catholic religion, at least in the traditional form that it was preached by the dominant society, but also used their own religions expressions as weapons to mitigate the violence against them and the power of the planters over them. Conversel y, it has to be taken into co nsideration that the planters religiosity was also imbued with non-Catho lic elements, which had their origin in traditional Portuguese folk beliefs and that co uld also have been influenced by Africanderived religiosity. Thus, in some sense, bot h groups could have practiced systems of beliefs parallels to Catho licism. The slaves, although obliged to adopt, at least superficially, the Catholic faith and its rite s and practices, simulta neously kept Africanderived systems of beliefs, as pointed out by the presence of the Bakongo cosmogram in pottery vessels, by the use of protective charms, and by the possible manipulation of caches aiming to control the supernatural wo rld. The planters, in turn, professed the Catholic faith, but at the same time belie ved in the protective power of non-Catholic charms like figas. In essence, this belief in the forces of a supernatural world that could be captured in specific object s was a facet of both systems of beliefs and could have acted as a common denominator between worldviews otherwise disparate. At present time the peasant population of Ch apada dos Guimares seems, at least in some sense, to have lost the memory of the African gods and supernatural entities.

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248 Nevertheless, they keep traditional religious celebrations with clear African influences. These celebrations are referred to as feasts of saints. Once a year, specific families organize a big feast for their patron saint, to which the whole commun ity is invited. The image of the patron saint is kept in a domes tic altar in the living room, together with images of other saints (Figure 6-23). In the region of Chapada dos Guimares the principal feasts of saints are those of Sa int Benedict, the black saint worshipped by the slaves, Saint Francisco, Saint John and Saint Rita de Cssia. Several weeks before the beginning of the feast, the family organizes the flag of the saint (bandeira do santo), which displays a painting of the specific saint. Some members of the family, followed by a group of devotees of the saint, carry th e flag in a procession down a very well established route (Figure 6-24). This procession lasts weeks, visiting all the villages of the region, being received in the houses, where they eat, sing, play accordion, and pray. In each house visited the heads of the flag ask for money and provisions to be used in the feast, like chickens, pigs, muttons, rice, manioc, etc. When the flag of the saint gets back to the feast givers hous e the celebration starts which includes prayers in front of the saints altar, followed by a communal meal and dances that extend through the whole night. The feast is finalized with the ritual wa shing of the patron saint images in the river (Figure 6-25). During this ceremony, the elder women of the family carry the images of the saints to the river, followed by the proces sion. Then they enter into the river and bless its water with the saints images, making in th e water three signs in the form of cross. After the water is blessed these women dri nk it and all the member s of the procession enter into the water to be blessed (Lima F ilho 2001:40-42). The saints are then returned to their domestic altar.

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249 Figure 6-23. Chapada dos Guimares domestic alta r of Saint Benedict. Photography: Silvio Bragato. Figure 6-24. Chapada dos Guimares banner of Saint John Baptist. Photography: Silvio Bragato.

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250 Figure 6-25. Chapada dos Guimares ritual washi ng of the saint (Sai nt John) in the Casca river. Photogra phy: Silvio Bragato. The similarity between the feasts of sa ints of Chapada dos Guimares and some Ovimbundus festivities involving proce ssions, particularly the feast of hela and the procession of the sacred ox is remarkable. The feast of hela is the celebration of the sorghum beer described by Capelo and Iven s (n.d. [1886]:157-158) in 1884, recorded when crossing the southern part of the centr al plateau of Benguela. According to Capelo and Ivens, this feast was celebrated in June in several villages (senzalas) of the region. As part of the preparation for the celebration, two of the most important individuals in a village assumed the role of the feast givers and, followed by several members of their village, traveled around the region over several days, paying visits to several senzalas to ask for provisions for the feast, an occasion in which they played musical instruments and sang songs. Returning to the vi llage, the celebration ended in dancing and festivity. The Nyanecas procession of the sacred ox pays homage to the ancient Nyaneka kings, who are represented by the sacred ox. This processi on also extends for se veral weeks, visiting several farms of the region, before returni ng to its village of origin (Estermann and Gibson 1976:158-159).

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251 Concerning the ritual washing of the sa int it must be remembered that although bodies of water are significant in Christian prot estant religions, they do not have a ritual importance in the Catholic religion which is into the present time, the most popular religion of Brazil. On the other hand, bodies of water have a strong significance in several religions from wester n and central Africa, being s een as places inhabited by supernatural entities, like gods, goddesses, and spirits (see Mbiti 1991:152; Thompson 1983). Afro-Brazilian religions also give a strong meaning to the water (Bastide 1978:160), being common to the realization of rituals and deposition of gifts to the entities at the margin of rivers, lakes, and sea. The belief in supernatural water entities is still common in the Afro-Br azilian community of Vila Bela, in Mato Grosso, where the population leaves offerings, like mirrors, beads, and combs, at a sacred stone located in the middle of a lake, to the female entity known as me da gua (Bandeira 1988:206207). In addition, the similaritie s between the Afro-Brazilian cu lts of the Catholic saints and the central Africans cults of ancestral spirits have b een noted by Sweet (2003:206). It is important to remember that in the Bakongo cosmology, the water separates the world of the living from the kingdom of the dead (T hompson 1983:109). In this sense, the ritual washing of the saint in Chapada dos Guimares can be seem as an adjustment of both catholic and African beliefs w ithin a single structure. When the elder woman makes the sign of the cross on the river s water, she is simultaneously referring to the Christian cross and to the meanings related to the Ba kongo cross. When she dives the image of the saint, as an ancestor spirit, into the water, she is establishing a cont act between the natural and supernatural worlds, and thus renewing the power of the saint as an intermediary between both worlds. In summary, this contem porary ritual constitutes a synthesis of

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252 references, in which elements of diversified origins, the Catholic religion, Africanderived religious beliefs, pro cessions, crosses, black and white saints, and the spirits of the ancestors, were all aggregat ed into a single practice. This practice is, therefore, the final result of the composition, through time, of different backgrounds into a shared foreground.

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253 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION In a broader sense, this work sought to demonstrate that the study of slaves cultural practices and their material manifestations in specific contexts requires a very wide scale of analysis: the Atlantic World. The study of the Atlantic World has received renewed attention since Thornton (1998 [1992]) publishe d his seminal book on this subject, although historians of slavery in Br azil have long had a similar interest in the diversified African origin s of the slave population (s ee Ramos 1971 [1941]; Rodrigues 2004 [1933]; Viana Filho 1988 [1944]). On the ot her hand, in terms of African-American archaeology, few archaeologists have taken into account Posn anskys (1999:22) view that the knowledge of the geographic origins of th e African populations transplanted to the New World is fundamental for understanding the cultural practices of these groups. Indeed, the study of the slaves origins s hould be a necessary first step in any archaeological research focused on the slave experience in the Americas. In this dissertation the careful study of th e regional origin of the enslaved Africans in Chapada dos Guimares permitted close examination of these groups and consideration of their more specific cultura l matrixes, rather than just assuming the existence a priori of either an African hom ogeneous culture or of a general African deep structure among them. As discussed in th e first chapter, th e idea of a cultural homogeneity between western and central Af rica, which was great enough to classify these two regions as a single cultural z one, was defended by Herskovits (1941:295), and resulted in the search for Africanisms in the Americas, under the paradigm of

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254 acculturation. The idea of an Af rican general grammar, or deep structure, in turn, was defended by Mintz and Price ( 1992 [1976]), and resulted in the abandonment of the search for a specific African material culture to focus on the African-oriented ways that slaves used material culture, under the para digm of creolization. Actually acculturation and creolization are opposing models for approa ching the issue of the enslaved Africans socio-cultural adaptation in the New World. While the former was concerned with the inventory of African cultural tr aits maintained in the Ameri cas, the latter took for granted the existence of general African grammati cal principles orientating the slaves experience. Thus, these paradigms represen t the two sides of the opposition between practice (the cultural traits) and struct ure (the grammatical principles). But, the experience of Africans and their descendants in the New World was more complex than the extremes represented by these models. As many recent studies have demonstrated, Africans in Brazil were able to rebuild their identities and form more discrete groups based on cultural elements that were characteristic of specific regions of Africa, like language and religion. These cult ural elements were, therefore, neither a general African deep structure nor someth ing shared throughout Africa. Along these lines, I have defended in this dissertation the idea that creolization in Chapada dos Guimares was not a fast and linear proce ss, but a segmented one in which peoples sharing cultural affinities formed more exclusive groups within the wider slaves community and, in some extent, used the mate rial culture to expose their differences. The cultural differences among slaves only decr eased when the composition of slaveholdings began to be dominated by Afro-Brazilians, due to the sharp decrease of Africans entering the region after the abolition of the transatlantic slave trade.

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255 On the other hand, some pan-African cultural principles appear to have indeed been important for the establishm ent of a basic mutual unders tanding among Africans with very differentiated cultural backgrounds. Ba sed on this issue, this study emphasized the cultural perceptions about pottery that are common throughout sub-Saharan Africa, principally the anthropomorphic conception of the vessels and the role of women in their production, which is sustained by a cosmology that associates women with the earth. As discussed in the Chapter 6, Africans in Chapada maintained these more general perceptions about pottery, a nd thus were able to sym bolically reappropriate the plantations spaces through the distribution of th is material. In this sense, the distribution of pottery across the sp ace of the plantations constituted an alternative discourse to that imposed by the planters who organized these spaces according to a hierarchical model which was reinforced by the distribution of industrialized items such as imported wares, items that the planters imbued with We stern European systems of value. Although these more general African cultura l principles were important in the establishment of relations am ong Africans with very different cultural backgrounds, in no way were they enough to meld the slaves in to a homogenized cultu re. The case of the plantations of the Chapada dos Guimares demo nstrates that 1Africans clearly preferred to marry other Africans rather than Afro-Br azilians, and also preferred to marry those from the same nation over potential partne rs from other nations; 2the African demography changed over time, with the ma jor groups of Mina and Benguela gradually loosing their numeric predominance to gr oups from Congo and Mozambique; 3these changes in the demography of the nations were accompanied by the introduction of new designs and decorative techni ques in the pottery ; 4the most popular decorative

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256 techniques and designs from earlier periods radically dropped in popularity when Mina and Benguela slaves were numerically surp assed by Congo and Mozambique; 5finally, when an Afro-Brazilian generation became nu merically dominant after 1870, decorated pottery radically dropped in popularity. In more specific terms, the following co rrelations between the diachronic pottery variability and the variability in the origins of the Africans ha ve been revealed: 1visible coil with incisions was the most popular pottery type when Benguela slaves predominated, noting that many designs on this pottery are very similar to those used by the Ovimbundu of the region of Benguela; 2red painted pottery was more popular when Mina slaves, principally females, predominated it is also noted th at red painting typical of this pottery had a long tr adition in western Africa, the ar ea from which the Mina slaves originated; 3the sign of the cross inside a circle only appeared in the region when Congo slaves significantly increased in numbers; 4decorated vessels radically dropped in popularity in the last third of the 19th century, when an African-Brazilian generation strongly dominated the demographic setting in the region. Thus, these correlations suggest that Af ricans used pottery to express their differences in the plantations of Chapada dos Guimares, exhibiting designs and signs that referred to their differentiated cultu ral backgrounds. On the other hand, AfroBrazilian slaves apparently did not ascribe th e same cultural significance to this material as did the Africans, and proba bly did not use them as a ve hicle to display and embody cultural differences. In terms of future directions of research one important point to approach is the issue of the indigenous presence in the region of Chapada dos Guimares and its

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257 influence over the locally-made pottery. As discussed in chapter 4, the indigenous influence over this material is noticed in the widespread use of the temper cariap and in the corrugated decoration, the latter exclusively present on th e manioc flour toasters. The historical documents, in turn, inform very l ittle about the presence of Amerindians in the plantations of the region. A lthough the almost complete absence of references to this group in probate-inventories is justifiabl e, since these documents only listed the possessions of the planters, wh ich included Africans and Afri can-Brazilian slaves but not Amerindians, whose slavery had been prohibited in the early 18th century, it was expected that other documents, like criminal proce sses, could indicate their presence on the plantations. Although criminal processes presen ted very rich pictur es of the social dynamics on these plantations, characterizing th e tensions among their occupants, as well as describing their activities and social networks, none of these documents cited the presence of Amerindians in these establishments. Nonetheless, the existence, in many slaveholdings of the region, of small numbers of cabra and cabur slaves, both designations that refer to i ndividuals of mixed African and Amerindian ascendance, indicate that some of the sl aves had close relationships w ith Amerindians. Thus, the study of the interactions between sl aves and Amerindians in the pl antations of the region is a very fruitful avenue of inquiry to be explored in the future. It is important to note that the correl ations established here between pottery variability and specific groups of slaves were mainly of a diachronic order. Unfortunately, the scarcity of archaeological deposits related to slaves that present temporally close depositional intervals in the intra-site scale did not permit the exploration of all of the implica tions of the synchronic pottery va riability. In this sense, if

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258 this segmentation of the slaves according to cultural affinities was also spatially demarked, with more discrete groups of slaves occupying speci fic spaces of the plantations, a synchronic intra-s ite decorative variability in the ceramic assemblages, with vessels presenting determined decorative tech niques and designs bei ng more frequent in discrete areas of each site could be expected There is, indeed, some evidence that this process could have occurred in the Tapero site as discussed in Chapter 4, but to advance this discussion would require a higher number of contexts related to the spaces occupied by slaves. In this regard, the ideal situation w ould be to excavate one of the plantations of the region that held the highest number of slaves. Additional research in probateinventories and parochial books could provi de information about marriage patterns among the slaves within this plantation, possi bly indicating the leve l of maintenance of alliances between those of the same natio ns through consensual unions. The excavation of several distinct areas occupied by slaves in this site could permit the recovery of pottery assemblages temporally close to each other, whose variability could be indicative of the extent to which slaves from different origins and cultural backgrounds were able to spatially segregate themselves in this setting, and the role of the material culture in the maintenance of these intr a-group cultural boundaries. Another strategy is studying the synchronic variability at the inter-site scale, searching for plantations that had slaveholdings predominan tly from a specific nation and contrasting with others in wh ich groups from other nations were the majority. In this dissertation a first step in this direction ha s been achieved, demons trating that the very temporally close deposits from the Tapero site, mean dated to 1836.2, and from the Buritizinho site, mean dated to 1840, presen ted very different types of pottery, in

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259 accordance with the differences illustrated in the African com position of individual slaveholdings. In the wider context of Brazil, it is equally expected that contexts from Bahia, the state that received the highest number of western Africans, will exhibit pottery assemblages of a different nature than those fr om Rio de Janeiro, st ate that received the majority of central Africans. Nonetheless, the analysis of pottery variability at the local, regional, and national scales shou ld not be confused with an a ppeal to return to a culturehistorical approach, using ceramic types as passive indicators of identity. Rather, if there is significant variation in the pottery produced by the slaves, and if this variation can be related to distinct African cultural influences, as the results of this research have indicated, the question then b ecomes one of understanding the role of this material in the processes by which Africans and African -Brazilians built, reproduced, rebuilt, hybridized, and, finally, creolized their ident ities in Brazil. Accomplishing that means, indeed, making a history of culture of these pe ople, but in the wider sense attributed to this term, it implies the study of the totality of the dimensions of their cultural practices, including their African origins, the possible ways in which they were recontextualized and hybridized in Brazil, and their contemporary composition. In this research archaeological and do cumentary evidence were approached as two interdependent data sets which could be contrasted searching for correlations, complementarities and ambiguities. The main goal of the historical research was identifying the sites and the social groups who occupied them, w ith the purpose of correlating the archaeological deposits with these social groups. The most significant correlation verified was between the cha nges in the African composition of the

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260 slaveholdings over time and the diachronic va riability of the locally-made pottery, which indicated that the differentiate d groups of African slaves wh o occupied these plantations were able to keep important cultural elements of their regions of or igin, expressed in the pottery that they produced. In addition, the characterization of the material life of the slaves is only possible thr ough the archaeology. Although some sources such as probateinventories of freed slaves and travelers ac counts can give some clues about the slaves material life, these sources will not reflect the reality of the daily life of the slaves. In the case of the former, it will describe, rather, th e exception, since freed slaves not only were a minority but also probably had a material life different from the slaves. Traveler accounts, on the other side, although sometime s rich in details, represent the biased perceptions that the white, dominant class, had from the slaves. The archaeological data, in turn, permitted not only to characterize the slaves material life but also its changes over time. Moreover, the study of the distribu tion of the pottery produced by these groups over the plantations space furnished insi ghts about the ways that the slaves reappropriatted these settings according to their own perceptions, perceptions that were based on system of values differentiated from those ones that the plan ters tried to impose over them. In this sense, the archaeological da ta provided an alternative reading to that presented by the documentary sources, dem onstrating that the plantations landscape was fundamentally contested, subjected to differe ntiated sets of discourses by the different social actors who occupied these spaces.

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261 APPENDIX A GLASSES IDENTIFICATION AND QUANTITATIVE DATA Tapero site Area 7 Total of sherds: 195. Minimum number of vessels: 21. Layer 2 1. Ampoule, hinged mold. MNV: 01. 2. Fruit bowl, cololess. MNV: 01. 3. Ink bottle, octogonal, uncolored, produ ced in two pieces hinged mold with separated base. Period of pr oduction: starting in 1840. 4. Lamp glass, aqua-green. MNV: 01. 5. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, aqua green. MNV: 01. 6. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 01. 7. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 01. 8. Liquor case bottle, dark green. MNV: 01. 9. Liquor case bottle, green. MNV: 01. 10. Medicinal flask for ointment, aqua marine. MNV: 01. 11. Medicinal flask, cobalt blue, made in tw o pieces hinged mold with separated base, with use of snape case. Period of produc tion: starting in 1840 (Jones et al. 1989). MNV: 01. 12. Medicinal flask, uncolored, glass ball t ype closure. Period of production: starting in 1860 (Lorrain 1968). MNV: 01. 13. Medicinal flask, uncolored, made in two pieces hinged mold with separated base, lip finished with lipping tool. Period of production: 1840-1925 (Jones et al. 1989, Lorrain 1968). MNV: 01. 14. Medicinal flask, uncolored, with lettered panel. Period of pr oduction: starting in 1867 (Baugher 1982). MNV: 01. 15. Mirror. MNV: 01. 16. Unidentified piece, probably ornamental, produced in pressed glass mold. Period of production: starting in 1820 (J ones et al. 1989). MNV: 01. 17. Water glass uncolored, panelled, pre ssed glass mold. Period of production: starting in 1820 (Jones et al. 1989). MNV: 01. Layer 1 1. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, aqua-green. Pr oduced in chilled iron mold. Period of production: starting in 1870 (Lorrain 1968). MNV: 01. 2. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 01. 3. Medicinal flask, produced in three piece hi nged, chilled iron, mold, with the use of lipping tool and snape case. Peri od of production: 1870-1925. MNV: 01.

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262 4. Unidentified piece, probably ornamental, panelled, pressed glass mold. Period of production: starting in 1820. MNV: 01. Area 8 Number of sherds: 92. Minimum number of pieces: 12 Layer 2 1. Flask of ointment, colorless, ma de with lipping tool. MNV: 01. 2. Flask of ointment, colorless, two piece hi nged mold with separated base. Use of snape case. MNV: 01. 3. Flask of perfum, colorless. MNV: 01. 4. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, amber, turn mold. Period of production: 1870-1920. MNV: 01. 5. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, aqua-green, turn mold. MNV: 01. 6. Liquor bottle, dark green. MNV: 02. 7. Liquor, case bottle, dark green. MNV: 01. 8. Unidentified piece, colorless. MNV: 01. 9. Wine glass, pressed glass mold. MNV: 01. Layer 1 1Water glass, colorless, pressed glass mold. MNV: 01. 2Wine glass, colorless, pressed glass mold. MNV: 01. Area 9 Total of sherds: 170. Minimum number of pieces: 10. Layer 2 1. Large bottle, green. MNV: 01. 2. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 01. 3. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, made with snape case. MNV: 01. 4. Liquor case bottle, green. MNV: 01. 5. Medicinal flask, colorless. MNV: 01. 6. Unidentified piece, colorless. MNV: 01. 7. Wine bottle, pressed glass mold. MNV: 01. Layer 1 1Liquor bottle, cylindrical, green, Ricketts mold. Period of production: starting in 1821 (Jones 1971). MNV: 01. 2Medicinal flask, lettered panel. MNV: 01. 3Medicinal flask. MNV: 01.

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263 Area 12 Total of sherds: 80. Minimum number of pieces: 12. Layer 2 1Liquor, case bottle, green. MNV: 01. 2Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 01. 3Liquor bottles, olive green. MNV: 02. 4Medicinal flask, colorless. MNV: 01. 5Medicinal flask, lettered panel. MNV: 01. 6Tableware, colorless, unidentifi ed, pressed glass mold. MNV: 01. Layer 1 1Liquor bottle, cylindrical, amber, turn mold. MNV: 01. 2Liquor case bottle, o live green. MNV: 01. 3Medicinal flask, colorless. MNV: 01. 4Perfume flask, two piece hinged mold. MNV: 01. 5Water glass, colorless, pressed glass mold. MNV: 01. Area 14 Total of sherds: 279 Minimum number of pieces: 18. Layer 2 1Liquor bottle, cylindrical, olive gr een, mold Ricketts. MNV: 01. 2Liquor bottles, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 03. 3Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 01. 4Liquor case bottle, o live green. MNV: 01. 5Liquor case bottle, dark green. MNV: 01. 6Medicinal flask, colorless, two piece hinge d mold with separated base. MNV: 01. 7Medicinal flask, colorless. MNV: 01. 8Medicinal flask, colorless, two pieces hinged mold with separated base. MNV: 01. 9Water glass, colorless. MNV: 01. Layer 1 1Liquor bottle, cylindrical, light green, turn mold. MNV: 01. 2Liquor bottle, cylindrical. MNV: 01. 3Liquor bottle, cylindrical, aqua green. MNV: 01. 4Liquor bottle, cylindrical, aqua green. MNV: 01. 5Medicinal flask, two pieces hinged mold. MNV: 01. 6Water glasses, colorless, panele d, pressed glass mold. MNV: 02. Area 3

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264 Number of sherds: 325. Minimum number of pieces: 17. Layer 3 1Liquor case bottle, dark green. MNV: 01. 2Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 05. Layer 2 1. Large liquor bottle, dark gr een, turn mold. MNV: 01. 2. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 01. 3. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, olive gr een, mold Ricketts. MNV: 01. 4. Liquor bottles cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 02. 5. Medicinal flask, colorless, two pieces hinged mold. MNV: 01. 6. Water glass, colorless. MNV: 01. Layer 1 1Liquor bottle, cylindrical, light green. MNV: 01. 2Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green, presenting push-up in conical shape, common between 1825 and 1875 (Jones 1971). MNV: 01. Area 4 Number of sherds: 13. Minimum number of pieces: 03. 1Liquor case bottle, dark green. MNV: 01. 2Liquor case bottle, o live green. MNV: 01. 3Liquor bottle, cylindrical, olive green. MNV: 01. Area 1 Number of sherds: 32. Minimum number of pieces: 05. 1Lamp fragment. MNV: 01. 2Liquor bottle, cylindrical, olive green. MNV: 01. 3Liquor case bottle, dark green. MNV: 01. 4Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 02. Area 15 Number of sherds: 13. Minimum number of pieces: 04. 1Liquor case bottle, dark green. MNV: 01. 2Liquor case bottle, o live green. MNV: 01. 3Liquor cylindrical bottles, dark green. MNV: 02.

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265 Buritizinho Site Area 1 Layer 1 Number of sherds: 25. Minimum number of pieces: 05. 1Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 01. 2Liquor bottle, cylindrical, light green. MNV: 01. 3Medicinal flask, colorless, ma de with lipping tool. MNV: 01. 4Unidentified pieces, colorless. MNV: 02. Layer 2 Number of sherds: 43. Minimum number of pieces: 08. 1. Flat glass. MNV: 01. 2. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, amber, turn mold. MNV: 01. 3. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, aqua green. MNV: 01. 4. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark gr een, top type champagne. MNV: 01. 5. Medicinal flask, wide mouth. MNV: 01. 6. Unidentified piece, blue. MNV: 01. 7. Water glass, colorless, paneled, pressed glass mold. MNV: 01. 8. Wine glass, colorless, pressed glass mold. MNV: 01. Layer 3 Number of sherds: 14. Minimum number of pieces: 04. 1Flat glass, colorless. MNV: 01. 2Liquor bottle, cylindrical, amber, turn mold. MNV: 01. 3Liquor bottle, cylindrical colorless. MNV: 01. 4Liquor bottle, cylindrical, olive green. MNV: 01. Layer 4 Number of sherds: 334. Minimum number of pieces: 31. 1. Flat glass, colorless. MNV: 01. 2. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, amber. MNV: 01. 3. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, aqua green. MNV: 01. 4. Liquor bottle, cylindrical colorless. MNV: 01. 5. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green, dipped mold. MNV: 01. 6. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dipped mold. MNV: 01.

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266 7. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, olive gr een, mold Ricketts. MNV: 01. 8. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, olive green. MNV: 01. 9. Liquor bottle, cylindrical. MNV: 03. 10. Medicinal flask, aqua green, lettered panel. MNV: 01. 11. Medicinal flask, aqua green, lettered panel. MNV: 01. 12. Medicinal flask, aqua green, lettered panel. MNV: 01. 13. Medicinal flask, aqua green. MNV: 01. 14. Medicinal flask, cobalt blue. MNV: 02. 15. Medicinal flask, wide mouth. MNV: 03. 16. Medicinal flask. MNV: 01. 17. Medicinal flask. MNV: 01. 18. Unidentified piece, color milk, common starting in 1890 (Fike 1991). MNV: 01. 19. Unidentified piece, colorless. MNV: 01. 20. Unidentified piece, probably ornamental. MNV: 01. 21. Water glass, paneled. MNV: 01. 22. Water glass, pressed glass mold. MNV: 01. 23. Water glass. MNV: 01. 24. Water glasses, paneled, pr essed glass mold. MNV: 02. 25. Wine glass. MNV: 01. Layer 5 Number of sherds: 37. Minimum number of pieces: 04. 1Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 01. 2Liquor bottle, cylindrical, olive green. MNV: 01. 3Liquor bottle, cylindrical, amber. MNV: 01. 4Water glass, paneled. MNV: 01. Area 2 Number of sherds: 90. Minimum number of pieces: 11. 1. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, aqua green. MNV: 01. 2. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green made with lipping tool. MNV: 01. 3. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, light green. MNV: 01. 4. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, mold Ricketts. MNV: 01. 5. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, olive green, made with lipping tool. MNV: 01. 6. Medicinal flask, colorless. MNV: 01. 7. Medicinal flask, colorless. MNV: 01. 8. Unidentified piece, blue. MNV: 01. 9. Unidentified piece, colorless, pressed glass mold. MNV: 01. 10. Unidentified pieces, colorless. MNV: 02.

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267 Area 3 Number of sherds: 170. Minimum number of pieces: 10. 1Flat glass. MNV: 01. 2Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green, mold Ricketts. MNV: 01. 3Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green, mold Ricketts. MNV: 01. 4Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 01. 5Liquor case bottle, dark green. MNV: 01. 6Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dipped mold. MNV: 01. 7Liquor bottle, cylindrical, aqua green. MNV: 01. 8Medicinal flask, colorless, two pieces mold with separated base. MNV: 01. 9Small square bottle, olive green. MNV: 01. 10Unidentified piece, colorless. MNV: 01. Site Engenho do Quilombo Area 1 Layer 2 Number of sherds: 365. Minimum number of pieces: 39. 1. Lamp. MNV: 01. 2. Large bottle, olive green. MNV: 01. 3. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, MNV: 02. 4. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, amber, crown cap. Period of production: starting in 1892. MNV: 01. 5. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, amber. MNV: 01. 6. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, aqua green, made with snape case. MNV: 01. 7. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, champa gne top, light green. MNV: 01. 8. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 01. 9. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, green, automatic mold, starting in 1903 (Jones and Sullivan 1989). MNV: 01. 10. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, light green, made with lipping tool. MNV: 01. 11. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, olive green. MNV: 01. 12. Liquor case bottle, green. MNV: 01. 13. Liquor case bottle, light green. MNV: 01. 14. Liquor case bottle, o live green. MNV: 01. 15. Medicinal flask, amber. MNV: 01. 16. Medicinal flask, aqua green. MNV: 01. 17. Medicinal flask, colorless. MNV: 05. 18. Medicinal flask, colorless, lettered panel. MNV: 02. 19. Medicinal flask, light green. MNV: 01. 20. Recycled piece, 2cm diameter, circular, polished. MNV: 01. 21. Unidentified piece, cobalt blue. MNV: 01. 22. Unidentified piece, colorless. MNV: 01. 23. Unidentified piece, milk color. MNV: 01.

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268 24. Unidentified piece, pressed glass mold. MNV: 01. 25. Unidentified pieces, colorless. MNV: 05. 26. Water glass, colorless, paneled. MNV: 01. 27. Water glass. MNV: 01. 28. Wine glasses, pressed glass mold. MNV: 02. Area 2 Number of sherds: 487. Minimum number of pieces: 36. 1. Bottle of mineral water, green, semi-aut omatic mold, Santa Marina. MNV: 01. 2. Large bottle, dark green. MNV: 01. 3. Liquor bottle, aqua green, Santa Marina. MNV: 01. 4. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, amber. MNV: 01. 5. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, aqua green, se mi-automatic mold, Santa Marina. MNV: 01. 6. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, aqua green. MNV: 01. 7. Liquor bottle, green, champagne top, semi-automatic mold. Fabricant mark: Santa Marina. Brazilian industry founded in 1896. Period of production: after 1906, year in which this industry acquired the first se mi-automatic bottle machines (Zanettini and Camargo 1999). MNV: 01. 8. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, colorless, use of lipping tool. MNV: 01. 9. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green, semi -automatic mold, Santa Marina. MNV: 01. 10. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 02. 11. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, green. MNV: 01. 12. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, li ght green, use of snape case and lipping tool. MNV: 01. 13. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, mold Ricketts. MNV: 01. 14. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, wine of Porto, green. MNV: 01. 15. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, yellow, automatic mold. MNV: 01. 16. Liquor bottle, cylindrical, ye llow, snape case. MNV: 02. 17. Liquor case bottle, green. MNV: 01. 18. Liquor case bottle, olive green, use of snape case. MNV: 02. 19. Medicinal flask, colorless. MNV: 01. 20. Medicinal flask, lettered panel. MNV: 01. 21. Unidentified pieces, colorless. MNV: 01. 22. Water glass, paneled, pre ssed glass mold. MNV: 01. 23. Water glass, paneled. MNV: 01. 24. Wine glass. MNV: 01.

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269 Tapera do Pingador Site Layer 1 Number of sherds: 1283. Minimum number of pieces: 33. 1Flask of creolin. End of 19th century. MNV: 01. 2Large bottle, aqua green. MNV: 01. 3Liquor bottle, cylindrical, light green, turn mold. MNV: 02. 4Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green, mold Ricketts. MNV: 01. 5Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green, use of snape case. MNV: 01. 6Liquor bottle, cylindrical, three pieces hinged mold. MNV: 01. 7Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green, turn mold. MNV: 01. 8Liquor bottles, cylindrical, light green, snape case. MNV: 02. 9Liquor bottle, cylindrical, light green. MNV: 01. 10Liquor bottle, cylindrical, dark green. MNV: 02. 11Liquor bottle, cylindrical, colo rless, lipping tool. MNV: 01. 12Liquor bottle, cylindrical, colorless, top champagne, lipping tool. MNV: 01. 13Medicinal flask, aqua green, lettered panel. MNV: 01. 14Medicinal flask, aqua green, lettered panel. MNV: 01. 15Medicinal flask, aqua green, two pie ces hinged mold, snape case. MNV: 01. 16Medicinal flask, syrup, aqua green, tw o pieces hinged mold with separated base, snape case. MNV: 01. 17Medicinal flask of ointment, purple, two pieces hinged mold with separated base, sanpe case, lipping tool. MNV: 01. 18Medicinal flask of syrup, purple. MNV: 01. 19Medicinal flask, purple. MNV: 01. 20Medicinal flask, purple, Jamaica Ginger, common in the last quarter of the 19th century (Fike 1991). MNV: 01. 21Medicinal glass, colorless. MNV: 01. 22Perfume flask, colorless. MNV: 01. 23Unidentified bottles, purple. MNV: 02. 24Unidentified piece, purple. MNV: 01. Layer 2 plus clay pit 1Liquor bottle, cylindrical, light green. MNV: 01. 2Unidentified pieces. MNV: 02.

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270 APPENDIX B IMPORTED WARES IDENTIFICATI ON, QUANTITATIVE DATA AND DATING Tapero Site Area 7 Layer 2 Total of sherds: 336 Minimum number of vessels: 57 Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, Spongeware. Period of production: 1860-1935. MNV:01. 2. Cup, Peasant Style. Period of production: 1830-1860. MNV: 02. 3. Cup, transfer-printed blue, romantic design. Period of production: 1793-1870. Peak of production: 1831-1851 (Samford 1997:06). MNV: 01. 4. Cup, transfer-printed green. Period of production: 1828-1859. Peak of popularity: 1830-1846 (Samford 1997: 20; Majewski and OBrien 1987:142). MNV: 01. 5. Cup, undecorated, creamware Period of production: 1760-1820. MNV: 01. 6. Cups, transfer-printed blue, Flow Bl ue. Period of production: 1835-1901. MNV: 03. 7. Mug, undecorated. Period of production: undetermined. MNV: 01. 8. Plate, Blue Edge pattern. Period of production: 1780-1860 (Miller 1980). MNV: 04. 9. Plate, blue stripes. Period of production: undetermined. MNV: 02. 10. Plate, decorated in cut sponge. Period of production: 1845-1920 (Majewski and OBrien 1987: 161-162). MNV: 02. 11. Plate, Green Edge pattern. Period of production: 1780-1840 (Miller 1991:06). MNV:01. 12. Plate, Queens Shape pattern, creamware Beginning of production: 1762 (Hume 1991:124). Approximate end of production: 1820. MNV: 01. 13. Plate, Royal Rim pattern, creamware Beginning of production: 1762 (Hume 1991:124). Approximated end of productio n: 1820 (Wall 1994; Sussman 1978). MNV: 01. 14. Plate, transfer-printed blue, Flow Blue, chinoiserie design. Period of production: 1835-1867. Peak of production: 1841-1854 (Samford 1997: 23). MNV:01. 15. Plate, transfer-printed blue, pastoral design. Period of production: 1781-1859. Peak of production: 1819-1836 (Samford 1997:06). MNV: 1. 16. Plates, Royal Rim, unidentified MNV:05. 17. Plates, transfer-printed blue, Flow Blue. Period of production: 1835-1901. MNV: 03. 18. Plates, transfer-printed blue, Willow pattern. Beginning of production: 1790 (Miller 1991:08). End of produc tion, undetermined. MNV: 05. 19. Plates, undecorated, pearlware Peri od of production: 1780-1850. MNV: 02.

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271 20. Saucer, hand painted, Peasant Style. Period of production: 1830-1860 (Majewski and OBrien 1987: 157). MNV: 02. 21. Saucer, transfer-printed blue, classi c design. Period of production: 1793-1868. Peak of production: 1827-1847 (Samford 1997:06). MNV: 01. 22. Saucer, transfer-printed blue. Peri od of production: undetermined. MNV: 01 23. Saucer, transfer-printed green. Peri od of production: 1828-1859. Peak of popularity: 1830-1846 (Samford 1997: 20; Majewski and OBrien 1987:142). MNV: 01. 24. Saucer, undecorated, creamware. Pe riod of production: 1760.1820. MNV: 01. 25. Saucer, undecorated, pearlware. Peri od of production: 1780-1850. MNV: 01. 26. Saucer, undecorated. Period of pr oduction: undetermined. MNV: 02. 27. Unidentified piece, cut sponge. Period of production: 1845-1920. MNV: 01. 28. Unidentified piece, hand painted. Period of production: undetermined. MNV: 01. 29. Unidentified piece, transfer-printed bl ue. Period of production: undetermined. MNV:01. 30. Unidentified pieces, undecorated. Period of production: undetermined. MNV: 02. Porcelain 1Plate, Chinese porcelain. Period of production: before 1850. MNV 01. 2Plate, Chinese porcelain, hand painted. Period of production: before 1850. MNV: 01. Ironstone (white granite) 1. Cup, undecorated. Period of producti on: 1855-1900 (Majewski and OBrien 1987: 165). MNV: 01. Others 1. Cup, color brow. Period of pr oduction: undetermined. MNV: 01.

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272 Table B-1. Mean ceramic date formula, area 7, layer 2 Ware Mean date MNV Product Royal Rim, creamware 1791 01 1791 Queens Shape,creamware 1791 01 1791 Pearlware 1815 03 5545 Creamware 1790 02 3580 Flow Blue chinoiserie 1847.5 01 1847.5 transfer-printed blue pastoral 1827.5 01 1827.5 transfer-printed blue romantic 1841 01 1841 transfer-printed blue classic 1840.5 01 1840.5 transfer-printed green 1838 01 1838 Green Edged 1810 01 1810 Blue Edged 1820 04 7280 Cut sponge 1872.5 03 5617.5 Peasant Style 1845 04 7380 Spongeware 1880 01 1880 Ironstone 1872.5 01 1872.5 Product 26 47741.5 Mean date: 47741.5:26 = 1836.2 Area 7 Layer 1 Total of sherds: 44. Minimum number of vessels: 23. Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, cut sponge plus hand-painted. Period of production: 1845-1860 (Majewski and OBrien 1987). MNV: 01. 2. Bowls, undecorated. Period of production: undetermined. M 3. NV: 02. 4. Bowls, undecorated. Period of pr oduction: undetermined. MNV: 02. 5. Cup, Gotic pattern. Period of produc tion: 1840-1860 (Wall 1994). MNV: 01. 6. Cup, unidentified decoration. Period of production: undetermined. MNV: 01. 7. Plate, Blue Edge pattern. Period of production: 1780-1860. MNV: 01. 8. Plate, Royal Rim Pattern, pearlware Period of production: 1780-1850. MNV: 01. 9. Plate, transfer-printed blue, linear ri m. Period of production: 1820-1891. Peak of production: 1842-1858 (Samford 1997:18). MNV: 01. 10. Plate, transfer-printed blue, Willow pa ttern, whiteware Period of production: after 1820. MNV: 01.

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273 11. Plate, transfer-printed pink. Period of production: 1828-1864. Peak of production: 1828-1842 (Samford 1997:20; Majewski and OBrien 1987: 142). MNV: 01. 12. Plates, undecorated. Period of pr oduction: undetermined. MNV: 03. 13. Saucer, decorated with stripes. Peri od of production: undetermined. MNV: 01 14. Saucer, transfer-printed bl ue, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 15. Saucer, transfer-printed bl ue, Flow Blue. Period of production: 1835-1901. MNV: 01. 16. Saucer, undecorated. Period of pr oduction: undetermined. MNV: 01. 17. Unidentified piece, transfer-printed bl ue, Flow Blue. Period of production: 18351901. MNV: 01. Ironstone (white granite) 1Plate, undecorated. Period of production: after 1855 (Miller 1980:04). Peak of production: 1870-1890 Majewski a nd OBrien 1987:120). MNV: 01. 2Saucer, presenting hand-pai nted strip. Peak of pr oduction: 1870-1890. MNV: 01. Porcelain 1. Saucer, Chinese porcelain, decorated in blue. Period of production: before 1850. MNV: 01. Table B-2. Mean ceramic date formula area 7, layer 1 Ware Mean date MNV Product Royal Rim, pearlware 1815 01 1815 Gotic 1850 01 1850 Transfer-printed blue, linear rim 1855.5 01 1855.5 Transfer-printed pink 1846 01 1846 Blue Edged 1820 01 1820 Ironstone 1872.5 03 5617.5 Cut sponge 1872.5 01 1872.5 Product 09 16676.5 Mean date: 16676.5:9 = 1852.9 Areas 8 and 9 Layer 2 Number of sherds: 263 Minimum number of vessels: 60 Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, cut sponge plus Peasant Style. MNV: 01. 2. Bowl, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 3. Bowl, decorated with st ripes in blue. MNV:01. 4. Bowl, pearlware MNV: 01. 5. Bowl, Spongeware. MNV: 01.

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274 6. Bowl, transfer-printed black. MNV: 01. 7. Bowls, undecorated. MNV: 02. 8. Cup, blue stripes. MNV: 01. 9. Cup, Gotic pattern. MNV: 01. 10. Cup, Peasant Style. MNV: 02. 11. Cup, transfer-printed blue, classic de sign, impressed in negative. Peak of production: 1833-1848. MNV: 01. 12. Cup, transfer-printed blue, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 13. Cup, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. 14. Cups, Sprig. MNV: 02. 15. Cups, undecorated. MNV: 02. 16. Mug, Peasant Style. MNV: 01. 17. Plate, Paris pattern, cr eamware Period of produc tion: 1790-1820 (Noel Hume 1991:126). MNV: 01. 18. Plate, pearlware MNV: 02. 19. Plate, Royal Rim pattern, creamware MNV: 01. 20. Plate, transfer-printed blue, Flow Blue, chinoiserie design. MNV: 01. 21. Plate, transfer-printed blue, linear rim. MNV: 01. 22. Plate, transfer-printed blue. Period of production: undetermined. MNV: 01. 23. Plate, undecorated. MNV: 01. 24. Plate, unidentified decoration. MNV: 01. 25. Plates, Blue Edge. MNV: 06. 26. Plates, transfer-printed blue, Willow pattern. MNV: 02. 27. Platter, transfer-printed blue, Willow pattern. MNV: 02. 28. Plates, transfer-printed blue, Willow pattern, pearlware MNV: 03. 29. Saucer, decorated with polychromic stripes. MNV: 01. 30. Saucer, hand-painted, Sprig. Peri od of production: 1830-1860. MNV: 02. 31. Saucer, Peasant Style. MNV: 01. 32. Saucer, transfer-printed blue, chinoiserie design. MNV: 01. 33. Saucer, transfer-printed bl ue, pearlware MNV: 01. 34. Saucer, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. 35. Saucers, undecorated. MNV: 02. 36. Service piece, transfer-pri nted blue, Flow Blue, chi noiserie design. MNV: 01. 37. Service piece, transfer-pri nted blue. Period of production: undetermined. MNV: 01. 38. Tureen, transfer-printed blue, Flow Blue, floral design. MNV: 01 39. Tureen, transfer-printed bl ue, linear rim. MNV: 01. 40. Unidentified piece, brow color. MNV: 01. 41. Unidentified piece, transfer-printed blue, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 42. Unindentified piece, transfer-printed black. Period of production: 1830-1864 (Majewski and OBrien 1987: 142; Samford 1997:20). MNV: 01. Ironstone 1. Saucer. MNV: 01.

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275 Table B-3. Mean ceramic date fo rmula, areas 8 and 9, layer 2. Ware Mean dateMNV Product transfer-printed medium blue 1840.5 01 1840.5 Flow Blue, chinoiserie 1851 06 1851 Flow Blue floral 1881.5 01 1881 Willow pearlware 1820 03 5460 transfer-printed black 1847 02 3694 Cut sponge/Peasant 1852.5 01 1852.5 Peasant Style 1845 04 7380 Pearlware 1815 03 5445 Blue Edged 1820 06 10920 Spongeware 1880 01 1880 Creamware Paris 1805 01 1805 Gotic 1850 01 1850 Ironstone 1872.5 01 1872.5 Creamware, Royal Rim 1791 01 1791 transfer-printed blue, pearlware 1817 01 1817 Cut sponge 1872.5 01 1872.5 Sprig 1845 04 7380 transfer-printed blue, linear rim 1855.5 02 3711 Product 40 73558 Mean date: 73558:40 = 1838.9 Areas 8 and 9 Layer 1 Number of sherds: 125 Minimum number of vessels: 42 Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 2. Bowl, decorated with stripes. MNV: 01. 3. Bowl, Peasant Style. MNV: 01. 4. Bowl, undecorated, fabricant mark Cope land, used starting in 1847 (Kovel and Kovel 1986). MNV: 01. 5. Cup, Flow Blue. MNV: 02. 6. Cup, transfer-printed dark blue. Pe riod of production: 1802-1846. Peak of production: 1819-1835 (Samford 1997:20). MNV: 01. 7. Cup, transfer-printed light blue. Peak of production: 1833-1848 (Samford 1997:20). MNV: 01.

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276 8. Cup, undecorated, pearlware MNV: 01. 9. Cup, undecorated, whiteware MNV: 02. 10. Mug, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 11. Mug, hand-paint, pearlware MNV: 01. 12. Plate, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 13. Plate, Flow Blue, fl oral rim. MNV: 01. 14. Plate, Royal Rim Pattern, unidentified MNV: 01. 15. Plate, transfer-printed blue, Flow Blue, chinoiserie design. MNV: 02. 16. Plate, transfer-printed blue, linear rim. MNV: 01. 17. Plates, transfer-printed blue, Willow pattern, pearlware MNV: 02 18. Plates, transfer-printed blue, Willow pattern. MNV: 02. 19. Plates, undecorated, whiteware MNV: 08. 20. Saucer, decorated with stripes. MNV: 01. 21. Saucer, Flow Blue, flor al designs. MNV: 01. 22. Saucer, Gotic pattern. MNV: 01. 23. Saucer, undecorated, pearlware fabrican t mark Davenport, used starting in 1795 (Kovel and Kovel 1986). MNV: 01. 24. Saucer, undecorated, whiteware MNV: 01. 25. Unidentified piece, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. Ironstone 1Plates, ironstone. MNV: 03. 2Cup, ironstone, presenting blue stripes. MNV: 01. Table B-4. Mean ceramic date fo rmula, areas 8 and 9, layer 1 Ware Mean dateMNV Product transfer-printed light blue 1842.5 01 1842.5 transfer-printed dark blue 1824 01 1824 Flow Blue chinoiserie 1851 02 3702 Flow Blue Floral 1881.5 02 3763 Willow pearlware 1820 02 3640 Peasant Style 1845 01 1845 Pearlware 1815 02 3630 Gotic 1850 01 1850 Cut sponge 1872.5 02 3745 Peasant Style 1845 01 1845 Transfer-printed blue, linear rim 1855.5 01 1855.5 Davenport, pearlware 1822.5 01 1822.5 Ironstone 1872.5 04 7490 Product 21 38854.5 Mean date: 38854.5:21=1850.21

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277 Area 12 Layer 2 Number of sherds: 52 Minimum number of vessels: 23. Refined earthenware 1. Cup, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 2. Cup, Sprig, pearlware MNV: 01. 3. Cup, transfer-printed, Flow Blue, chinoiserie design. MNV: 01. 4. Cup, transfer-printed, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 5. Cup, undecorated. MNV: 01. 6. Mug, undecorated, pearlware. MNV: 01. 7. Plate, Green Edge Pattern. MNV: 01. 8. Plate, transfer-printed blue, flor al design. Peak of production: 1833-1849 (Samford 1997:06). MNV: 01 9. Plate, transfer-printed blue, linear rim. MNV: 01. 10. Plates, Royal Rim, unidentified MNV: 02. 11. Saucer, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. 12. Unidentified piece, decorated with stripes. MNV: 01. 13. Unidentified piece, Spongeware. MNV: 01. 14. Unidentified piece, transfer-printed dark and light. MNV: 01. 15. Unidentified piece, undecorated. MNV: 01. 16. Unidentified pieces, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 02. Ironstone 1Saucer. MNV: 02. 2Unidentified piece. MNV: 01. Porcelain 1Cup, undecorated. MNV: 01. 2Saucer, undecorated. MNV: 01. Majolica 1. Unidentified piece. MNV: 01.

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278 Table B-5. Mean ceramic date formula, area 12, layer 2 Ware Mean date MNV Product Royal Rim, creamware 1791 01 1791 Flow Blue, chinoserie 1851 01 1851 transfer-printed blue, linear rim 1855.5 01 1855.5 transfer-printed blue dark and light 1838.5 01 1838.5 transfer-printed blue, pearlware 1817 01 1817 Blue Edged 1820 01 1820 Green Edged 1810 01 1810 Spongeware 1880 01 1880 Sprig, pearlware 1840 01 1840 Product 09 16503 Mean date: 16503:9 = 1833.6 Area 12 Layer 1 Total of sherds: 108 Minimum number of vessels: 32 Refined earthenware 1. Basin, undecorated, whiteware. MNV: 01. 2. Mug, decorated in transfer printing green, with a sequence of scrolls limited to the rim. Period of production: probably final of 19th century. MNV: 01. 3. Cup, Gotic pattern. MNV: 01. 4. Cup, undecorated. MNV: 01. 5. Saucer, undecorated. MNV: 01. 6. Plate, Royal Rim, creamware MNV: 01. 7. Plate, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 8. Plate, Blue Edged. MNV: 01. 9. Plate, transfer-printed blue, Willow pattern. NV: 01. 10. Cup, transfer-printed Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 11. Plate, transfer-printed blue, linear rim. MNV: 01. 12. Cover of service piece, undecorated. MNV: 01. 13. Bowl, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 14. Saucer, decorated with stripes. MNV: 01. 15. Bowl, Peasant Style. MNV: 01. 16. Bowl, decorated with stripes. MNV: 01. 17. Plate, decorated with a blue stripe. MNV: 01. 18. Plate, decoration unidentified. MNV: 01. 19. Plates, Royal rim. MNV: 02. 20. Plate, undecorated, whiteware. MNV: 02.

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279 21. Bowl, undecorated. MNV: 03. 22. Cup, Sprig, painted in earth tones. Period of production: 1810-1860 (Majewski and O Brien 1987:157). MNV: 01. Ironstone 1Plate. MNV: 01. 2Cup. MNV: 01. Chinese Porcelain 1. Plate, hand-painted. MNV: 01. Table B-6. Mean ceramic date formula, area 12, layer 1 Ware Mean date MNV Product Creamware, Royal Rim 1791 01 1791 Gtico 1850 01 1850 Ironstone 1872.5 02 3745 transfer-printed blue, linear rim 1855.5 01 1850 Cut sponge 1872.5 02 3745 Pearlware 1815 01 1815 Sprig, earth tones 1835 01 1835 Peasant Style 1845 01 1845 Product 10 18481.5 Mean date: 18481.5:10 = 1848.15 Area 14 Layer 2 Total of sherds: 232. Minimum number of vessels: 35 Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, decoration unidentified. MNV: 01. 2. Bowl, Peasant Style. MNV: 01. 3. Bowl, undecorated. MNV: 01. 4. Cover of pot, creamware MNV: 01. 5. Cover of tureen, transfer-printed blue classic design, pearlware MNV: 01. 6. Cup, transfer-printed, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 7. Cup, transfer-printed, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 8. Mug, undecorated, pearlware MNV: 01. 9. Plate, Blue Edged, pearlware MNV: 07. 10. Plate, Queens Shape, creamware MNV: 01. 11. Plate, Royal Rim, pearlware MNV: 04. 12. Plate, transfer-printed blue, linear rim. MNV: 01. 13. Plate, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 02. 14. Plate, transfer-printed, Flow Bl ue, chinoiserie design. MNV: 01. 15. Plate, transfer-printed, Flow Blue, floral de sign. MNV: 01. 16. Plates, transfer-printed blue, Willow pattern. MNV: 03.

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280 17. Plates, transfer-printed blue, Willow pattern, pearlware MNV: 03. 18. Small plate, transfer-printed, Flow Blue, chinoiserie design. MNV: 01. 19. Unidentified piece, transfer-printed blue, central floral. MNV: 01. 20. Unidentified piece, transfer-printed pink. MNV: 01. Chinese porcelain 1. Plate, hand-painted. MNV: 01. Table B-7. Mean ceramic date formula, area 14, layer 2 Ware Mean date MNV Product Willow, pearlware 1820 03 5460 transfer-printed blue, classic design 1837 01 1837 transfer-printed blue, linear rim 1850 01 1850 Flow Blue, chinoserie 1847.5 02 3695 Flow Blue, floral 1881.5 01 1881.5 transfer-printed pink 1835 01 1835 transfer-printed blue, floral central 1841 01 1841 Blue Edged 1820 07 12740 Peasant Style 1845 01 1845 Queens Shape, creamware 1791 01 1791 Pearlware 1815 05 9075 Creamware 1790 01 1790 Product 25 45640.5 Mean date: 45640.5:25 = 1825.6 Area 14 Layer 1 Total of sherds: 62. Minimum number of vessels: 20. Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, decorated with stripes. MNV: 01. 2. Bowl, undecorated, whiteware MNV: 01. 3. Cup, Gotic pattern. MNV: 01. 4. Cup, Peasant Style. MNV: 01. 5. Cup, transfer-printed green. MNV: 01. 6. Cup, undecorated. MNV: 02. 7. Plate, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 8. Plate, Royal Rim, pearlware. MNV: 01. 9. Plate, transfer-printed blue, Willow patte rn. Fabricant mark: John Meyer and Son. Period of production: 1837-1897 (Kove l and Kovel 1986:105). MNV: 01. 10. Plate, transfer-printed blue, Willow pattern. MNV: 01.

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281 11. Plate, undecorated, whiteware MNV: 02. 12. Plates, undecorated. MNV: 02. 13. Saucer, transfer-printed, Flow Blue, floral design. MNV: 01. 14. Saucer, undecorated. MNV: 01. Ironstone 1. Unidentified piece. MNV: 01. 2. Plate. MNV: 01. 3. Cup. MNV: 01. Table B-8. Mean ceramic date formula, area 14, layer 1 Ware Mean dateMNV Product Willow, J.M & S 1867 01 1867 Flow Blue, floral 1881.5 01 1881.5 transfer-printed green 1838 01 1838 Peasant Style 1845 01 1845 Cut sponge 1872.5 01 1872.5 Royal Rim, Pearlware 1815 01 1815 Creamware 1790 01 1790 Gotic 1850 01 1850 Ironstone 1872.5 03 5617.5 Product 11 20376.5 Mean date: 20376.5:11 = 1852.4 Area 3 Layer 2 Total of sherds: 60. Minimum number of vessels: 25. Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, decorated with pink stripes. MNV: 01. 2. Bowl, undecorated. MNV: 01. 3. Cup, Peasant Style, earth tones. MNV: 01. 4. Cup, Peasant Style. MNV: 01. 5. Cup, undecorated, creamware MNV: 01. 6. Cup, undecorated. MNV: 01. 7. Mug, transfer-printed, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 8. Mug, undecorated, pearlware MNV: 01. 9. Plate, Blue Edged. MNV: 01. 10. Plate, Royal Rim, creamware MNV: 02. 11. Plate, transfer-printed blue. Fabrican t mark: William Adams and Sons. Period of fabrication: 1819-1864. MNV: 01. 12. Plate, transfer-printed, linear rim. MNV: 01. 13. Plate, undecorated, creamware MNV: 01.

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282 14. Plate, Willow pattern, pearlware MNV: 01. 15. Saucer, hand-painted over the glaze glaze creamware MNV: 01. 16. Saucer, Peasant Style, earth tones. MNV: 01. 17. Saucer, Peasant Style. MNV: 1. 18. Saucer, undecorated, pearlware. MNV: 01. 19. Small plate, undecorated. MNV: 01. 20. Unidentified piece, transfer-printed black. MNV: 01. 21. Unidentified piece, undecorated. MNV: 01. 22. Unidentified piece, transfer-printed blue, floral design. MNV: 01. Chinese porcelain 1Cup, Swaton pattern. MNV: 01. 2Bowl, hand-painted in blue. MNV: 01. Table B-9. Mean ceramic date formula, area 3, layer 2 Ware Mean dateMNV Product Royal Rim, creamware 1791 02 3582 Pearlware 1815 02 3630 Creamware, others 1790 03 5370 Willow, pearlware 1820 01 1820 transfer-printed blue, linear rim 1850 01 1850 Blue Edged 1820 01 1820 Peasant Style 1845 02 3690 Peasant Style, earth tones 1835 02 3670 transfer-printed black 1847 01 1847 transfer-printed blue, W.A. & S 1841.5 01 1841.5 Product 16 29120.5 Mean date: 29120.5:16 = 1820.03 Area 4 Number of sherds: 64 Minimum number of vessels: 16. Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, dipped ware, Bande d design. MNV: 01. 2. Bowl, dipped ware. MNV: 01. 3. Bowl, undecorated, creamware MNV: 02. 4. Cup, Peasant Style, earth tones, pearlware MNV: 01. 5. Cup, undecorated, pearlware. MNV: 01. 6. Plate, Blue Edged. MNV: 01. 7. Plate, Green Edeged. MNV: 01. 8. Plate, Paris patterns, creamware MNV: 01.

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283 9. Plate, Queens Shape, creamware MNV: 01. 10. Plates, Royal Rim, creamware. MNV: 04. Majolica 1. Bowl. MNV: 01. 2. Plate. MNV: 01. Table B-10. Mean ceramic date formula, area 4 Ware Mean dateMNV Product Green Edged 1810 01 1810 Blue Edged 1820 01 1820 Peasant Styleearth tones 1835 01 1835 Royal rim, creamware 1791 04 7164 Queens Shape, creamware 1791 01 1791 Pearlware 1815 01 1815 Creamware 1790 02 3580 Dipped Ware 1815 01 1815 Product 12 21630 Mean date: 28794 : 16 = 1802.5 Area 15 Number of sherds: 63 Minimum number of vessels: 13 Refined earthenware 1. Bowls, undecorated, creamware. MNV: 02. 2. Cup, undecorated. MNV: 01. 3. Plate, Blue Edged, pearlware. MNV: 01. 4. Plate, Green Edged. MNV: 01. 5. Plate, Paris pattern, creamware MNV: 01. 6. Plates, Queens Shape, creamware 02. 7. Plates, Royal Rim, creamware MNV: 03. Chinese porcelain 1. Unidentified piece, Chinese porcelain. MNV: 01. Majolica 1. Unidentified piece. MNV: 01.

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284 Table B-11. Mean ceramic date formula, area 15 Ware Mean dateMNV Product Blue Edged 1820 01 1820 Green Edged 1810 01 1810 Royal rim, creamware 1791 03 5373 Queens Shape, creamware 1791 02 3582 Paris Pattern, creamware 1805 01 1805 Creamware 1790 02 3580 Product 10 17970 Mean date: 17970:10 = 1797 Buritizinho Site Area 1 Layer 1 Number of sherds: 40. Minimum number of vessels: 17. Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, undecorated. MNV: 01. 2. Cup, transfer-printed pink, reviva l. Period of production: end of 19th century (Majewski and O Brien 1987: 145).MNV: 01. 3. Plate, Blue Edged. MNV: 01. 4. Plate, decorated with a silver stripe. MNV: 01. 5. Plate, decorated with stripes. MNV: 01. 6. Plate, hand-painted. MNV: 01. 7. Plate, transfer-printed purple. Peri od of production: 1828-1870. MNV: 01. 8. Plates, undecorated. MNV: 04. 9. Saucer, undecorated. MNV: 01. 10. Saucer, transfer-printed, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 11. Unidentified piece, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 12. Unidentified piece, transfer-printed blue, floral design. MNV: 01. 13. Unidentified pieces, undecorated. MNV: 02. Table B-12. Mean ceramic date formula, area 1, layer 1 Ware Mean date MNV Product transfer-printed purple 1849 01 1849 Blue Edged 1820 01 1820 cut sponge 1872.5 01 1872.5 transfer-printed black 1847 01 1847 transfer-printed pink, revival 1900 01 1900 Flow Blue 1868 01 1868 Product 06 11156.5

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285 Mean date: 11156.5:06 = 1859.4 Area 1 Layer 2 Total of sherds: 94 Minimum number of vessels: 28 Refined earthenware 1. Basin, undecorated. MNV: 01. 2. Bowl, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 3. Bowl, dipped ware, Banded design, policromic stripes. MNV: 01. 4. Bowl, dipped ware, brow, geometric design. MNV: 01. 5. Cup, decorated with stripes over the glaze. MNV: 01. 6. Cup, transfer-printed light blue. MNV: 01. 7. Cup, undecorated. MNV: 01. 8. Plate, decorated with bl ue stripes. MNV: 01. 9. Plate, rim decorated in relief, pa ttern Bell Tracery (Wetherbee 1985:113). Probable fabricant: Holland and Green. Period of production: 1853-1882. MNV: 01. 10. Plate, transfer-printed blue, Willow pattern. MNV: 01. 11. Plate, transfer-printed purple. MNV: 01. 12. Plate, undecorated. MNV: 01. 13. Plates, Royal Rim. MNV: 02. 14. Plates, transfer-printed Flow Blue. MNV: 02. 15. Plates, undecorated. MNV: 02. 16. Saucer, decorated with stripes over the glaze Fabricant mark: Villeroy and Boch. Period of production: starting in 1874. MNV: 01. 17. Saucer, transfer-printed bl ue, Sheet pattern, revival. Period of production: end of 19th century (Majewski and O Brien 1987:18). MNV: 01. 18. Saucer, undecorated. MNV: 01. 19. Unidentified piece, undecorated. Fabricant mark: Opaque de Sarreguemines. Period of production: starting in 1875. Ironstone 1Plate. MNV: 01. 2Cover of teapot. MNV: 01. 3Cup. MNV: 01. 4Saucer. MNV: 02.

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286 Table B-13. Mean ceramic date formula, Area 1, layer 2 Ware Mean date MNV Product Flow Blue, no identificado 1868 02 3736 transfer-printed violeta 1849 01 1849 cut sponge 1872.5 01 1872.5 transfer-printed blue claro 1840.5 01 1840.5 Marca Villeroy & Boch 1887 01 1887 Bell Tracery 1867.5 01 1867.5 Marca Opaque de Sarreguemines 1887.5 01 1887.5 Product 08 14940 Mean date: 14940:08 = 1867.5 Area 1 Layer 3 Total of sherds: 60. Minimum number of vessels: 17. Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, dipped ware, geometric designs. MNV: 01. 2. Cup, Gotic pattern. MNV: 01. 3. Cup, hand-painted. MNV: 01. 4. Cup, undecorated. MNV: 01. 5. Plate, decorated with bl ue stripes. MNV: 01. 6. Plate, decorated with si lver stripe. MNV: 01. 7. Plate, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. 8. Plate, transfer-printed, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 9. Plates, undecorated. MNV: 03. 10. Saucer, decorated with stripes over the glaze Fabricant mark: Villeroy and Boch. MNV: 01. 11. Saucer, decorated with stripes over the glaze MNV: 01. 12. Saucer, Gothic patterns. MNV: 01. 13. Saucer, undecorated. Fabricant mark: Opaque de Sarreguemines. MNV: 01. 14. Saucer, undecorated. MNV: 01. Ironstone 1. Unidentified piece. MNV: 01. Area 1 Layer 4 Number of sherds: 1256. Minimum number of pieces: 149. Refined earthenware 1. Basin, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 2. Basin, pink strip. MNV: 01. 3. Bowl, cut sponge. MNV: 01.

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287 4. Bowl, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 5. Bowl, decorated with a green stripe. MNV: 01. 6. Bowl, dipped ware, banded. MNV: 01. 7. Bowl, dipped ware, geometri c design, brow. MNV: 01. 8. Bowl, polychromic stripes, whiteware MNV: 01. 9. Bowl, transfer-printed black, floral design. MNV: 01. 10. Bowl, transfer-printed dark bl ue, classic design. MNV: 01. 11. Bowls, cut sponge. MNV: 05. 12. Bowls, Peasant Style. MNV: 02. 13. Bowls, undecorated, pearlware. MNV: 03. 14. Bowls, undecorated. MNV: 02. 15. Cup, Gothic pattern. Fabricant mark: Opaque de Sarreguemine. MNV: 01. 16. Cup, green stripes. MNV: 01. 17. Cup, hand painted floral. MNV: 01. 18. Cup, Peasant Style, earth tones. MNV: 01. 19. Cup, spongeware. MNV: 01. 20. Cup, transfer-printed brow Sheet pattern. MNV: 01. 21. Cup, transfer-printed green. MNV: 01. 22. Cup, transfer-printed pink. MNV: 01. 23. Cup, transfer-printed, Flow Blue, chinoiserie design. MNV: 01. 24. Cup, transfer-printed, Flow Blue, chinoiserie design. MNV: 01. 25. Cup, undecorated, pearlware. MNV: 01. 26. Cup, undecorated. MNV: 01. 27. Cup, undecorated. MNV: 01. 28. Cups, polychromic stripes. MNV: 02. 29. Mug, Peasant Style. MNV: 01. 30. Plate, blue stripes. MNV: 01. 31. Plate, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 32. Plate, Gothic pattern with blue stripes. MNV: 01. 33. Plate, hand painted floral. MNV: 01. 34. Plate, Pink Edged. MNV: 01. 35. Plate, silver stripes. MNV: 01. 36. Plate, transfer-printed black floral designs. MNV: 01. 37. Plate, transfer-printed black floral designs. MNV: 01. 38. Plate, transfer-printed blue, chinoiserie design. MNV: 01. 39. Plate, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. 40. Plate, transfer-printed brow, negative impression. MNV: 01. 41. Plate, transfer-printed Flow Blue, floral de sign. MNV: 01. 42. Plate, transfer-printed Flow Bl ue, no central design. MNV: 01. 43. Plate, transfer-printed purple, exotic design. MNV: 01. 44. Plate, transfer-printed, dark blue, floral rim. MNV: 01. 45. Plate, transfer-printed, Flow Blue, floral rim. MNV: 01. 46. Plate, undecorated. Fabricant mark: Adams. Period of production:1800-1864 (Fisher 1970:42). MNV: 01. 47. Plate, undecorated. Fabricant mark: Cre il and Montereau. Pe riod of production: 1819-1895. MNV: 01.

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288 48. Plate, undecorated. Fabricant mark: Holland and Green. MNV: 01. 49. Plate, wavy stripe. MNV: 01. 50. Plates, Blue Edged. MNV: 18. 51. Plates, Blued Edged, pearlware MNV: 02. 52. Plates, Green Edged. MNV: 02. 53. Plates, Queens Shape, creamware MNV: 02. 54. Plates, rim decorated in molded reli ef, Bell Tracery pattern. MNV: 03. 55. Plates, Royal Rim, creamware MNV: 06. 56. Plates, Royal Rim, pearlware MNV: 02. 57. Plates, Royal Rim. MNV: 08. 58. Plates, transfer-printed blue, Willow pattern. MNV: 03. 59. Plates, transfer-printed purple, chinoiserie design. MNV: 02. 60. Plates, transfer-printed, Flow Bl ue, romantic design. MNV: 03. 61. Plates, undecorated. MNV: 07. 62. Platter, undecorated, square shape. MNV: 01. 63. Platters, transfer-printed, Flow Blue, floral design. MNV: 02. 64. Saucer, blue and pink stripes. MNV: 01. 65. Saucer, Gothic pattern. MNV: 01. 66. Saucer, Peasant Style, cobalt blue. MNV: 01. 67. Saucer, Sprig, cobalt blue, pearlware. MNV: 01. 68. Saucer, transfer-printed br ow, Sheet pattern. MNV: 01. 69. Saucers, Peasant Style, pearlware MNV: 01. 70. Saucers, Peasant Style. MNV: 03. 71. Saucers, Sprig. MNV: 01. 72. Saucers, transfer-printed, Flow Bl ue, chinoiserie design. MNV: 02. 73. Saucers, undecorated. MNV: 03. 74. Small plates, undecorated, creamware MNV: 02. 75. Unidentified piece, Peasant Style, cobalt blue. MNV: 01. 76. Unidentified piece, transfer-printed light blue. MNV: 01. Ironstone 1Cup, Gothic pattern. MNV: 01. 2Saucer, Gothic pattern. MNV: 01. 3Saucer. MNV: 01. 4Saucer, decorated with stripes over the glaze MNV: 01. 5Plates. MNV: 02. 6Unidentified piece. MNV: 01. Chinese porcelain 1Plate, Macau. MNV: 01. 2Plate, hand-painted. MNV: 01. Majolica 1. Unidentified pieces. MNV: 03.

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289 Table B-14. Mean ceramic date formula, area 1, layer 4 Ware Mean date MNV Product transfer-printed purple, chinoiserie design 1849 03 5547 transfer-printed blue, chinoiserie design 1826 01 1826 transfer-printed black 1847 03 5541 transfer-printed brow 1848.5 03 5545.5 transfer-printed green 1843.5 01 1843.5 transfer-printed pink 1846 01 1846 transfer-printed light blue 1840.5 01 1840.5 transfer-printed blue, classic design 1837 01 1837 Flow Blue, no central design 1889.5 02 3779 Flow Blue, central floral 1881.5 03 5644.5 Flow Blue, romantic design 1856 03 5568 Flow Blue, chinoiserie design 1847.5 04 7390 Cut sponge 1872.5 09 16852.5 Royal Rim, creamware 1791 06 10746 Queens Shape, creamware 1791 02 3582 creamware 1790 02 3580 Pearlware 1815 06 10890 Bell Tracery 1867.5 03 5602.5 Mark Adams 1832 01 1832 Mark Opaque de Sarreguemines 1887.5 01 1887.5 Blue Edged 1820 18 32760 Blue Edged, pearlware 1815 02 3630 Green Edged 1810 02 3620 Peasant Style 1845 08 14760 Sprig 1845 01 1845 Sprig, blue cobalto 1835 01 1835 Peasant Style, blue cobalto 1835 02 3670 Ironstone 1872.5 02 3745 Product 92 169045.5 Mean date: 169045.5:92 = 1837.4

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290 Area 1 Layer 5 Number of sherds: 52. Minimum number of vessels: 14. Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 2. Bowl, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 3. Cup, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. 4. Cup, transfer-printed, Flow Blue, chinoiserie design. MNV: 01. 5. Plate, decorated with bl ue stripes. MNV: 01. 6. Plate, decorated with si lver stripes. MNV: 01. 7. Plate, Pink Edge. MNV: 01. 8. Plate, Royal Rim. MNV: 01. 9. Plate, Royal Rim, creamware MNV: 01. 10. Plate, transfer-printed, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 11. Plate, undecorated, creamware MNV: 01. 12. Saucer, hand-painted, pearlware MNV: 01. 13. Saucer, undecorated. MNV: 01. Ironstone 1. Plate. MNV: 01. Chinese porcelain 1. Unidentified piece. MNV: 01. Table B-15. Mean ceramic date formula, area 1, layer 5 Ware Mean date MNV Product Flow Blue, no identificado 1868 01 1868 Flow Blue, chinoiserie 1847.5 01 1847.5 Cut sponge 1872.5 03 5617.5 Royal Rim, creamware 1791 01 1791 Creamware 1790 01 1790 Pearlware 1815 01 1815 Ironstone 1872.5 01 1872.5 Product 9 16601.5 Mean date: 16601.5:9 = 1844.6 Area 2 Number of sherds: 173 Minimum number of vessels: 51. Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, dipped ware, Banded. MNV: 01. 2. Bowl, hand painted. MNV: 01. 3. Bowl, Peasant Style. MNV: 01. 4. Bowl, transfer-printed, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 5. Bowl, undecorated. MNV: 01.

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291 6. Bowl, undecorated. MNV: 01. 7. Cup, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 8. Cup, Sprig. MNV: 01. 9. Cup, transfer-printed, Flow Bl ue, floral design. MNV: 01. 10. Cup, unidentified decoration in molded relieve. MNV: 01. 11. Mug, decoration unidentified. MNV: 01. 12. Plate, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 13. Plate, molded relieve, Bells Tracery. MNV: 02. 14. Plate, Royal Rim, pearlware MNV: 01. 15. Plate, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. 16. Plate, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. 17. Plate, transfer-printed purple, exotic design. MNV: 01. 18. Plate, transfer-printed, Flow Bl ue, chinoiserie design. MNV: 01. 19. Plates, Blue Edged. MNV: 05. 20. Plates, Royal Rim. MNV: 02. 21. Plates, transfer-printed blue, Willow. MNV: 04. 22. Saucer, Bells Tracery. MNV: 01. 23. Saucer, Peasant Style plus spatter. MNV: 01. 24. Saucer, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. 25. Saucer, transfer-printed brow. MNV: 01. 26. Saucer, transfer-printed, Flow Bl ue, chinoiserie design. MNV: 01. 27. Saucer, undecorated. MNV: 01. 28. Saucers, undecorated. MNV: 02. 29. Teapot undecorated. MNV: 01. 30. Tureen with cover, transfer-printed blue, Willow. MNV: 01. 31. Unidentified piece, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 32. Unidentified piece, spongeware bicolor. MNV: 01. 33. Unidentified piece, spongeware. MNV: 01. 34. Unidentified piece. MNV: 01. Ironstone 1. Cup. MNV: 01. 2. Plate, decorated with blue stripes over the glaze MNV: 02. 3. Plate. MNV: 01. 4. Saucer, Gothic style. MNV: 01. 5. Sugar bowl. MNV: 01.

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292 Table B-16. Mean ceramic date formula, area 2 Ware Mean date MNV Product Flow Blue 1868 01 1868 Flow Blue, chinoiserie 1851 02 3702 Flow Blue, floral 1881.5 01 1881.5 transfer-printed purple 1849 01 1849 transfer-printed brow 1848.5 01 1848.5 Ironstone 1872.5 01 1872.5 Cut sponge 1872.5 03 5617.5 Spongeware 1880 02 3760 Pearlware 1815 01 1815 Bells Traccery 1867.5 03 5602.5 Sprig 1845 01 1845 Blue Edged 1820 05 9100 Product 22 40761.5 Mean date: 40761.5:22=1852.79 Area 3 Number of sherds: 162. Minimum number of vessels: 19. Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, decorated with polychromic bands. MNV:01 2. Bowl, Peasant Style. MNV:01 3. Bowl, spongeware, bicolor. MNV:01 4. Bowl, transfer-printed, Flow Blue, Floral design. MNV:01 5. Bowl, undecorated, whiteware MNV:01 6. Bowls, cut sponge. MNV: 03. 7. Plate, Blue Edged. MNV:01 8. Plate, Royal Rim. MNV:01 9. Plate, transfer-printed, cobalt blue. Fabricant mark: Wedgwood. Period of fabrication: 1796 to the present (Kovel and Kovel 1986:222). MNV:01 10. Plate, undecorated. MNV:01 11. Saucer, Peasant Style. MNV:01 12. Saucer, transfer-printed, Flow Blue, ch inoiserie design. Fabricant mark: William Adams and Sons. Period of producti on: 1819-1864 (Kovel and Kovel 1986:36). MNV:01 13. Saucer, transfer-printed, Flow Blue, floral design. MNV:01 14. Saucer, unidentified decoration. MNV:01 15. Unidentified piece. MNV:01 Ironstone 1. Cup, Gothic style. MNV:01 Chinese porcelain 1. Bowl, Macau, floral de sign over the glaze MNV: 01.

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293 Table B-17. Mean ceramic date formula, area 3 Ware Mean date MNV Product Flow Blue, chinoiserie 1851 01 1851 Flow Blue 1868 01 1868 Flow Blue, floral 1881.5 01 1881.5 Cut sponge 1872.5 03 5617.5 Spongeware 1880 01 1880 Blue Edged 1815 01 1815 Peasant Style 1845 02 3690 Product 10 18621 Mean date: 18621:10=1862.1 Engenho do Quilombo Site Area 1 Layer 2 Number of sherds: 410. Minimum number of vessels: 112. Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, cut sponge plus floral hand painted. MNV: 01. 2. Bowl, dipped ware, banded. MNV: 01. 3. Bowl, dipped ware, Blue Banded. Pe riod of production: 1840-1900 (Miller 1991:07). MNV: 01. 4. Bowl, dipped ware, geometric design. MNV: 01. 5. Bowl, Peasant Style. MNV: 01. 6. Bowl, transfer-printed Flow Blue with golden stripes. Period of production: 18601901. MNV: 01. 7. Bowl, undecorated, pearlware. MNV: 01. 8. Bowls, cut sponge. MNV: 08. 9. Bowls, decorated with stripes. MNV: 02. 10. Bowls, undecorated. MNV: 05. 11. Cover of service piece, undecorated. MNV: 01. 12. Cup, decorated with an orange stripe. MNV: 01. 13. Cup, Sprig. MNV: 01. 14. Cup, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. 15. Cup, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. 16. Cup, transfer-printed pink, Sheet patterns, revival. MNV: 01. 17. Cup, transfer-printed purple. MNV: 01. 18. Cup, transfer-printed, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 19. Cups, decorated with blue stripes. MNV: 02. 20. Cups, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 02. 21. Cups, undecorated. MNV: 02. 22. Hollowware unidentified, Peasant Style. MNV: 01. 23. Mug, creamware MNV: 01. 24. Mug, undecorated. MNV: 01.

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294 25. Plate, molded relieve, pattern Wheat and Daisy. Period of production: end of the 19th century (Sussman 1985:73). MNV: 01. 26. Plate, molded relieve. Period of productio n: the indcription E ngland indicates that it was made after 1880. MNV: 01. 27. Plate, Pink Edged. MNV: 01. Period of production: 1820-1860 (Majewski and OBrien 1987:150). MNV: 01. 28. Plate, Royal Rim, pearlware MNV: 01. 29. Plate, Shell Edged, no painted. MNV: 01. 30. Plate, transfer-printed pink, Sheet Patte rn, revival. Period of production: end of 19th century. MNV: 01. 31. Plate, transfer-printed, Flow Bl ue, no central design. MNV: 01. 32. Plates, Blue Edged. MNV: 04. 33. Plates, cut sponge. MNV: 03. 34. Plates, decorated with stripes. MNV: 06. 35. Plates, Green Edged. MNV: 02. 36. Plates, Royal Rim, creamware MNV: 04. 37. Plates, Royal Rim. MNV: 05. 38. Plates, transfer-printed blue, Willow. MNV: 05. 39. Plates, undecorated. MNV: 11. 40. Platter, transfer-printed blue, Willow. MNV: 01. 41. Saucer, decorated with an orange stripe. MNV: 01. 42. Saucer, decorated with green stripes. MNV: 01. 43. Saucer, Peasant Style. MNV: 01. 44. Saucer, Sprig. MNV: 01. 45. Saucer, transfer-printed black, late. MNV: 01. 46. Saucer, transfer-printed brow, late. MNV: 01. 47. Saucer, transfer-printed pink, late. MNV: 01. 48. Saucer, transfer-printed pink, Sh eet Pattern, revival. MNV: 01. 49. Saucer, transfer-printed pink, Sheet pattern. MNV: 01. 50. Saucer, transfer-printed purple. MNV: 01. 51. Saucer, transfer-printed, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 52. Saucer, undecorated, pearlware. MNV: 01. 53. Service piece unidentified, tran sfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. 54. Unidentified oiece, undecorated. MNV: 01. 55. Unidentified piece, spatterware. MNV: 01. 56. Unidentified piece, transfer-printed Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 57. Unidentified piece, transfer-printed purple. MNV: 01. 58. Unidentified piece. MNV: 01. Ironstone 1. Plates. MNV: 02. 2. Saucers. MNV: 02. Porcelain 1Cup, decorated with golden stripes over the glaze MNV: 01. 2Saucer, decorated with golden stripes over the glaze MNV: 01. Chinese porcelain 1. Plate, porcelain of Makau. MNV: 01.

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295 Table B-18. Mean ceramic date formula, area 1, layer 2 Ware Mean date MNV Product Transfer-printed pink, Sheet Pattern, late 1900 03 5700 Transfer-printed purple 1849 03 5547 Transfer-printed brow, late 1900 01 1900 Transfer-printed black, late 1900 01 1900 Transfer-printed pink, late 1900 01 1900 Flow Blue, no central design 1889.5 01 1889.5 Flow Blue 1868 03 5604 Flow Blue, golden stripes 1880.5 01 1880.5 Cut sponge 1872.5 12 22470 Peasant Style 1845 03 5535 Sprig 1845 02 3690 Dipped Ware, Blue Banded 1865 01 1865 Blue Edged 1820 04 7280 Green Edged 1810 02 3620 Pink Edged 1840 01 1840 Ironstone 1872.5 02 3745 Wheat and Daisy 1900 01 1900 Spatterware 1840 01 1840 Royal Rim, creamware 1791 04 7164 Pearlware 1815 03 5445 Creamware 1790 01 1790 Product 51 94505 Mean date: 94505:51=1853.03 Area 2 Number of sherds: 177. Minimum number of vessels: 48. Refined earthenware 1. Bowl, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 2. Bowl, decorated with blue stripes. MNV: 01. 3. Bowl, dipped ware, banded. MNV: 01. 4. Bowl, Sprig. MNV: 01. 5. Bowl, transfer-printed green. MNV: 01. 6. Bowls, undecorated. MNV: 03.

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296 7. Cup, transfer-printed blue, floral design, pearlware. MNV: 01. 8. Cup, transfer-printed blue, roman tic or pastoral design. MNV: 01. 9. Cup, transfer-printed pink, Sheet pattern, late. MNV: 01. 10. Cup, transfer-printed, Flow Blue. MNV: 01. 11. Cup, undecorated. MNV: 01. 12. Hollowware, transfer-printed light blue. MNV: 01. 13. Mug, decorated with stripes over the glaze glaze. MNV: 01. 14. Mug, dipped ware, blue, ge ometric design. MNV: 01. 15. Pate, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. 16. Plate, Blue Edged. MNV: 01. 17. Plate, molded relieve. MNV: 01. 18. Plate, Royal Rim. MNV: 01. 19. Plate, transfer-printed blue. MNV: 01. 20. Plate, transfer-printed, Flow Blue, floral design, pear lware. MNV: 01. 21. Plate, undecorated, pearlware. MNV: 01. 22. Plates, transfer-printed bl ue, exotic design. Period of production: 1793-1868. Peak of production: 1820-1842 (Sam ford 1997:06). MNV: 02. 23. Plates, transfer-printed blue, Willow pattern. MNV: 02. 24. Plates, undecorated. MNV: 04. 25. Saucer, Sprig, pearlware. MNV: 01. 26. Saucer, transfer-printed blue, chinoiserie design. MNV: 01. 27. Saucer, transfer-printed pink, Sheet pattern, late. MNV: 01. 28. Saucer, undecorated. MNV: 01. 29. Serving piece, transfer-p rinted blue, gothic design pearlware. Period of production: 1818-1890. Peak of produc tion: 1841-1852 (Samford 1997:06). MNV: 01. 30. Unidentified piece, Sprig. MNV: 01. 31. Unidentified, undecorated pieces. MNV: 03. Ironstone 1. Plate. MNV: 01. 3Saucer. MNV: 01. 2. Cup. MNV: 01. Chinese porcelain 1Saucer, hand-painted floral po lychromic decoration. MNV: 01. 2Unidentified pieces, Macau porcelain. MNV: 02. 3Plate, Macau porcelain, presenting the desi gn of a butterfly over the glaze. MNV: 01.

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297 Table B-19. Mean ceramic date formula, area 2 Ware Mean date MNV Product Transfer-printed pink, Sheet Pattern, late 1900 02 3800 Transfer-printed blue, floral, pearlware 1817 01 1817 Transfer-printed blue, exhotic design 1831 02 3662 Transfer-printed blue, gothic design 1834 01 1834 Transfer-printed light blue 1842.5 01 1842.5 Flow Blue, design chinoiserie 1851 01 1851 Flow Blue, sem identificao 1868 01 1868 Flow Blue, floral, pearlware 1842.5 01 1842.5 Cut sponge 1872.5 01 1872.5 Sprig, pearlware 1840 01 1840 Sprig 1845 02 3690 Dipped Ware, Blue Banded 1865 01 1865 Blue Edged 1820 01 1820 Ironstone 1872.5 01 1872.5 Pearlware 1815 01 1815 Product 18 33292 Mean date: 33292:18=1849.5 Site Tapera do Pingador Layer 1 Number of sherds: 157 Minimum number of vessels: 21. Refined earthenware 1Plates, undecorated. MNV: 02. 2Plates, undecorated, Royal Rim. MNV: 04. 3Plate, Gothic style, decorated with blue stripes. MNV: 01. 4Plate, Gothic style, decorate d with pink stripes. MNV: 01. 5Plate, Blue Edged. MNV: 01. 6Plate, Blue Edged, pearlware. MNV: 01. 7Cup, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 8Saucer, cut sponge. MNV: 01. 9Unidentified service piece, transfer-print ed black, chinoiserie design. MNV: 01. 10Plates, transfer-printed Flow Blue. MNV: 02.

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298 11Cup, decorated with blue stripe. MNV: 01. 12Bowl, undecorated, pearlware. MNV: 01. 13Cup, undecorated, pearlware. MNV: 01. 14Cup, undecorated. MNV: 01. 15Bowl, undecorated. MNV: 01. 16Unidentified piece, undecorated. MNV: 01. Feature filled with dark soil Number of sherds: 22. Minimum number of vessels: 07. Refined earthenware 1. Plate, transfer-printed blue, fl oral rim, pearlware. MNV: 01. 2. Plates, Royal Rim. MNV: 04. 3. Plate, Blue Edged. MNV: 01. 4. Bowl, Sprig. MNV: 01.

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299 APPENDIX C POTTERY TOTAL PERCENTAGES BY SITE The Tables present the percentage of the attributes considered in the analysis, according to the site, area, and estratigraphy. Min. = mineral Car. = cariap Veg. = vegetal Charc. = charcoal

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300 Pottery Percentage of Sherds by Site Table C1. Temper Min Car. B She rd Min. + Car. B Min.+ charc. Min.+ sherd Min.+ Sherd + Car. B Min.+ Sherd + Car.B + Charc. Min.+ Sherd + Car.B +Veg. B Min.+ Charc. +Car. B Min.+ veg.+ Car.B Min.+ Veg.+ Car.B Min.+ Veg.B +Car. B+ Cv. Car.B + Veg. B Car.B + Charc. Veg.B + Veg.G + Car.B + Min Und BURI TIZIN HO 1.66 1.39 0.49 72.44 0.18 3.51 6.83 0.13 0.00 2.16 4.00 2. 52 0.04 0.04 0.00 4.14 0.43 ENG. QUIL. 4.62 0.59 0.24 77.40 0.12 4.62 1.54 0.00 0.00 0.71 1.89 3. 20 0.00 0.00 0.00 5.09 0.00 TAPE RO 21.8 9 3.50 1.61 65.96 0.07 2.63 0. 36 0.33 0.00 3.39 0.07 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.11 0.00 0.07 PING ADO R 6.93 4.56 0.27 59.07 0.00 1.37 3.19 0.00 2.83 2.46 10.21 1. 55 0.73 0.27 0.27 6.02 0.27 MEAN% 10,8 9 2.64 0.87 68.35 0.10 2.95 3. 04 0.17 0.45 2.52 3.17 1.45 0.13 0.06 0.09 2.91 0.12 N 752 182 60 4721 7 204 210 12 31 174 219 100 9 4 6 201 15

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301 Table C-2. Firing Oxidazing Reducing Oxidizing / reducing Und BURITIZINHO 38.13 40.69 21.03 0.13 ENG. QUILOMBO 54.44 28.87 16.58 0.12 TAPERO 35.53 47.65 16.42 0.40 PINGADOR 29.81 50.05 20.05 0.09 MEAN% 37.78 43.50 18.51 0.23 N 2609 3004 1278 16 Table C-3. Manuf acture technique Coiled Modeling Molding Slab building Coiled + modeling Und BURITIZINHO 94.24 3.10 0.00 0.04 0.09 2.52 ENG. QUILOMBO 89.23 3.79 0.00 0.00 0.00 6.98 TAPERO 90.00 5.25 0.07 0.15 0.47 4.05 PINGADOR 80.22 5.74 0.00 0.09 7.38 6.56 MEAN% 89.72 4.46 0.03 0.09 1.39 4.31 N 6197 308 2 6 96 298

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302 Table C4. External finishing Smoothing Burnishing Burnishing striation Brushing No finishing Smoothing Neck.+ brushing body Worn und BURITIZIN HO 76.66 7.96 2.61 12.01 0.40 0.00 0.27 0.09 ENG. QUILOMBO 74.91 3.31 1.18 19.64 0.36 0.00 0.47 0.12 TAPERO 81.98 2.33 3.79 5.62 0.62 3.50 0.22 1.93 PINGADOR 80.77 2.73 2.01 5.10 6.47 0.00 2.92 0.00 MEAN% 79.21 4.33 2.81 9.31 1.45 1.39 0.69 0.81 N 5471 299 194 643 100 96 48 56 Table C5. Internal finishing Smoothing Burnishing Burnishing striation Brushing No finishing Worn und BURITIZINHO 55.76 40.87 2.38 0.18 0.22 0.58 0.00 ENG. QUILOMBO 66.27 29.94 2.37 0.00 0.47 0.95 0.00 TAPERO 68.19 22.66 5.62 0.07 1.42 0.47 1.57 PINGADOR 73.11 10.67 7.75 0.09 6.47 1.91 0.00 MEAN% 64.73 27.51 4.52 0.10 1.72 0.8 0.62 N 4471 1900 312 7 119 55 43

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303 Table C6. Diameter of the orifice 1-14 15-29 30-44 45-59 Und BURITIZINHO 1.8 18.91 0.90 0.00 78.38 ENG. QUILOMBO 2.56 23.06 0.00 0.00 74.36 TAPERO 7.95 19.45 0.00 1.76 70.79 PINGADOR 0.00 33.32 9.52 0.00 57.14 MEAN% 3.95 21.66 1.65 0.66 71.81 N 12 66 5 2 220 Diameter em mm. The percentages refer to the sherds totalized in the minimum number of vessels (MNV) classified as rims. Table C7. Base Flat Concave Pedestal Ring Und BURITIZINHO 86.96 4.35 0.00 8.70 8.70 ENG. QUILOMBO 71.43 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 TAPERO 77.42 0.00 9.68 6.45 6.45 PINGADOR 100.0 0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 MEAN% 81.82 1.52 4.55 6.06 6.06 N 54 1 3 4 4 The percentages refer to the sherds totalized in the minimum number of vessels (MNV) classified as bases.

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304 Table C8. Diameter of base 1-4 5-8 9-12 13-16 17-20 und BURITIZINHO 8.70 26.09 30.44 0.00 0.00 34.78 ENG. QUILOMBO 0.00 14.29 14.29 0.00 0.00 71.43 TAPERO 3.23 12.91 25.81 3.23 6.46 48.39 PINGADOR 0.00 20.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 80.00 MEAN% 4.56 18.19 24.25 1.52 3.04 48.48 N 3 12 16 1 2 32 Diameter em mm. The percentages refer to the sherds totalized in the mi nimum number of vessels (MNV) classified as bases. Table C9. Decoration Abs ent Imp ress ed texti le Cor ruga ted Digi tate d Digi tate dfige rnai led Fige rnai led Inci sion +ex cisi on Punct uatio n Sta mpe d Pain ted Visibl e coil undec Imp ress ed Incisio n+dig. finger nailed Incisio n+Fig ernaile d Inci sion +Im pres sed Inci sion + Pun ctua tion Incisi on+c arimb ad Visib le coil+ Incisi on Imp ress ed+ fing erna iled U nd BURIT 77.8 3 0.00 0.00 0.04 0.18 0.36 18.7 5 0.00 0.09 0.45 0.00 0.18 0.00 0. 18 0.09 0.00 0.49 0.76 0.27 0. 30 ENG. QUIL. 74.0 8 0.24 0.00 0.83 0.36 0.00 11.8 4 0.00 0.47 1.30 0.00 0.00 0.00 0. 36 0.00 9.35 0.36 0.59 0.00 0. 24 TAPE RO 72.5 6 0.00 1.17 0.58 0.04 0.00 13.8 3 0.11 0.04 2.37 0.22 0.00 0.11 0. 00 0,66 0.22 0.00 6.86 0.00 1. 25 PINGA DOR 71.1 9 0.00 0.55 0.64 0.36 0.00 15.9 5 0.00 0.00 0.46 0.64 0.00 5.38 0. 00 0.00 0.36 0.18 3.10 0.00 1. 18 MEAN% 74.2 3 0.03 0.55 0.45 0.17 0.12 15.7 1 0.04 0.10 1.32 0.19 0.06 0.90 0. 10 0.29 1.29 0.23 3.53 0.09 0. 80 N 512 7 2 38 31 12 8 107 1 3 7 91 13 4 62 7 20 89 16 244 6 56

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305 Table C10. Decoration location Lip Rim Nec k Upper body Base Lip +ri m Lip+Ri m+Nec k Lip+bo +neck+ upper body La+bo+ neck+u pper bdy +lower body Rim+ neck+ upper body Neck.+ Upper body Upper body+ lower body Comple te vessel Rimx+ neck+ upper body Neck + Upper body Und BURI T. 0.09 0.04 0.27 2.29 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.04 0.00 0.09 0.00 0.18 0.04 0.00 18.8 4 ENG. QUIL. 0.71 0.12 0.00 1.66 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.24 0.00 0.00 0.00 13.9 6 TAPE RO 0.91 0.00 1.06 8.14 0.18 0. 07 0.07 0.04 0.00 0.04 0.15 0.00 0.77 0.00 0.11 18.6 8 PING ADO R 0.00 0.18 2.01 1.19 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.82 0.00 0.18 0.00 5.29 18.6 9 MEAN% 0.48 0.06 0.83 4.36 0.07 0. 03 0.03 0.01 0.01 0.01 0.22 0.03 0.39 0.01 0.88 18.1 6 N 33 4 57 301 5 2 2 1 1 1 15 2 27 1 61 125 4 Table C11. Shapes Preparing/processingEstorageService/consumption multifunctional BURITIZINHO 2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10 11,12 16,17,20 21,22 ENG. QUILOLOMBO 2,5,6,7,8 16 21,23 TAPERO 1,2,3,5,6,7,8,9 11,13,1415,16,17,18,19 21,22 PINGADOR 1,2,3,4,6,8,9 12 16,17 22,23 The shapes are presented in the Figure 6-.8.

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306 Tapero Site Table C12. Temper Min Car. B Sherd Min + Car. B Min + char c. Min. + sher d Min.+ Sherd + Car.B Min.+ Sherd +Car. B+ Charc. Min. + Sherd + Car.B +Vg. B Min.+ Charc.+ Car.B Min.+ veg.B+ Car.B Min.+ Veg.G+ Car.B Min.+ Veg.B+ CB+Cv. Car.B+ Veg. B Car.B + Charc Veg.B +Veg. G+CB +Min und A1/C1 +2 11.5 5 3.59 2.79 68.1 3 0.00 6.77 0.00 0.40 0.00 6.37 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.40 0.00 0.00 A3/C2 30.2 3 3.64 1.59 57.0 5 0.00 1.14 1.36 0.00 0.00 4.32 0. 23 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.45 0.00 0.00 A4/C1 +2 26.2 9 2.58 2.06 65.4 6 0.00 1.55 0.52 0.00 0.00 1.55 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 A7+8/ C1 18.3 5 2.75 0.00 69.7 2 0.00 1.83 0.00 7.34 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 A7+8/ C2 11.6 7 4.79 3.75 76.4 6 0.00 1.67 0.21 0.00 0.00 0.83 0. 21 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 A14/C 2 15.7 1 0.00 0.00 84.2 9 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 A15C 1+2 22.1 1 1.05 1.58 63.4 2 0.00 2.89 0.26 0.00 0.00 8.68 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

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307 Table C-13. Firing Oxidizing Reducing Oxidizing/ reducing Und A1/C1+2 31.08 56.98 11.95 0.00 A3/C2 47.05 36.37 16.36 0.23 A4/C1+2 33.50 31.96 33.51 1.03 A7+8/C1 23.85 55.96 20.18 0.00 A7+8/C2 29.38 56.25 13.75 0.63 A14/C2 27.86 57.14 14.28 0.71 A15C1+2 46.05 37.11 16.58 0.26 Table C-14. Manuf acture technique Coiled Modeling Molding slab building Coiled + modeling Und A1/C1+2 93.63 2.39 0.00 0.00 0.00 3.98 A3/C2 78.18 15.00 0.00 0.00 2.50 4.32 A4/C1+2 93.81 4.12 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.06 A7+8/C1 77.06 13.76 0.00 0.00 0.00 9.17 A7+8/C2 87.92 5.63 0.00 0.42 0.00 6.04 A14/C2 95.71 2.14 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.14 A15C1+2 98.16 1.05 0.00 0.26 0.00 0.53

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308 Table C15. External finishing Smoothing Burnishing Burnishing striation Brushing No finishing Smoothing Neck.+ brushing body Worn Und A1/C1+2 83.27 5.98 3.98 6.77 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 A3/C2 90.00 2.05 2.27 2.73 2.95 0.00 0.00 0.00 A4/C1+2 79.38 6.19 10.31 2.06 0.52 0.00 0.00 1.55 A7+8/C1 74.31 0.00 5.50 17.43 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.75 A7+8/C2 73.75 0.63 1.25 7.08 0.21 11.25 0.00 5.83 A14/C2 72.86 2.14 1.43 20.71 0.00 0.00 0.71 0.52 A15C1+2 91.84 1.32 4.47 1.58 0.00 0.00 0.26 0.53 Table C-16. Internal finishing Smoothing Burnishing Burnishing striation Brushing No finishing Worn Und A1/C1+2 74.50 20.32 4.78 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.40 A3/C2 72.50 14.09 4.55 0.00 8.41 0.45 0.00 A4/C1+2 62.37 29.90 5.67 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.06 A7+8/C1 72.48 10.09 15.60 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.83 A7+8/C2 60.42 32.29 2.92 0.42 0.42 0.00 3.54 A14/C2 56.43 32.14 10.00 0.00 0.00 0.71 0.71 A15C1+2 78.42 16.58 4.47 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.53

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309 Table C-17. Diameter of the orifice 1-14 15-29 30-44 45-59 Und A1/C1+2 15.38 23.07 0.00 0.00 61.54 A3/C2 10.52 31.57 0.00 0.00 57.89 A4/C1+2 7.14 14.28 0.00 0.00 78.57 A7+8/C1 14.29 29.58 0.00 14.29 42.86 A7+8/C2 0.00 8.33 0.00 8.33 83.33 A14/C2 0.00 30.00 0.00 0.00 70.00 A15C1+2 7.69 0.00 0.00 0.00 92.31 Table C-18. Base Flat Concave Pedestal Ring Und A1/C1+2 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 A3/C2 66.67 0.00 22.22 11.11 0.00 A4/C1+2 100.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 A7+8/C1 50.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 50.00 A7+8/C2 100.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 A14/C2 66.67 0.00 0.00 0.00 33.33 A15C1+2 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

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310Table C-19. Diameter of base 1-4 5-8 9-12 13-16 17-20 und A1/C1+2 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 A3/C2 11.11 0.00 33.33 0.00 11.11 44.44 A4/C1+2 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 100.0 0 A7+8/C1 0.00 50.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 50.00 A7+8/C2 0.00 0.00 20.00 0.00 0.00 80.00 A14/C2 0.00 33.33 33.33 0.00 33.33 0.00 A15C1+2 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Table C-20. Decoration Abs ent Imp ress ed texti le Cor ruga ted Digi tate d Digi tate dfige rnai led Fige rnai led Inci sion Exc isio n Pun ctua tion Sta mpe d Pain ted Visi ble coil und ec. Impres sed Incisio n + dig.fin gernail ed Incisio n + Figern ailed Incisio n+ Impres sed Inci sion + Pun ctua tion Inci sion + cari mba d Visibl e coil+ Incisio n Imp ress ed+ fing erna iled Und A1/ C1+ 2 70.9 2 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 11.9 6 1.20 0.00 3.98 0.00 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 9.56 0.00 2.40 A3/ C2 76.5 9 0.00 0.23 0.00 0.00 0.00 12.2 7 0.00 0.00 7.23 0.45 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.27 0.00 0.91 A4/ C1+ 2 76.8 0 0.00 1.03 0.00 0.52 0.00 12.3 7 0.00 0.00 1.55 0.00 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 7.73 0.00 0.00 A7+ 8/C 1 79.8 2 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 19.2 7 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.92 A7+ 8/C 2 67.5 0 0.00 0.63 3.33 0.00 0.00 10.4 1 0.00 0.21 0.21 0.42 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 15.21 0.00 2.08 A14 /C2 79.2 9 0.00 2.86 0.00 0.00 0.00 12.8 5 0.00 0.00 1.43 0.00 0.00 0.71 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.86 0.00 0.00 A15 C1+ 2 75.5 3 0.00 2.37 0.00 0.00 0.00 9.74 0. 00 0.00 1.58 0.26 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 7.37 0.00 1.58

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311 Table C-21. Decoration location Lip Rim Neck Upper body Base Lip +ri m Lip+ Rim+ Neck Lip+b o+nec k+bod y La+bo +neck +bs+bi Rim+ neck+ upper body Neck. + Upper body Body sup+bod y lower Compl ete vessel Rimx neck+body super Neckx Boj. Sup Und A1/C1 +2 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.99 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.80 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 26.2 9 A3/C2 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 23.4 1 A4/C1 +2 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.03 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.55 20.6 2 A7+8/ C1 0.92 0.00 0.00 15.60 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 3.67 A7+8/ C2 3.96 0.00 0.00 11.04 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 17.7 1 A14/C 2 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 20.7 1 A15C 1+2 0.00 0.00 5.53 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 18.9 5

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312Buritizinho Site Table C-22. Temper Min Car. B Sher d Min. + Car.B Min + char c. Min. + sher d Min.+ Sherd. + Car.B Min .+ Sherd +Car.B +Charc. Min + Sherd +CB +Vg.B Min + Charc. +Car. B Min +veg. B + Car.B Min + Veg.G +Car. B Min.+ Veg.B +CB+ Cv. Car.B + Veg. B Car.B + Charc. Veg.B +Veg. G +Car. B +Min und A1 2.1 3 1.75 0.39 74.08 0.26 2.59 4. 07 0.19 0.00 2.71 4.20 2.33 0.06 0.06 0.00 4.65 0.50 A2 1.5 3 0.51 1.53 68.37 0.00 1.02 12. 76 0.00 0.00 0.51 7.14 4.08 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.55 0.00 A3 0.0 0 0.71 0.47 69.41 0.00 8.24 12. 71 0.00 0.00 1.18 1.88 2.12 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.82 0.48 Table C-23. Firing Oxidant Reducing Oxidizing / reducing Und A1 36.20 42.15 21.52 0.13 A2 37.75 44.39 17.85 0.00 A3 46.11 33.65 20.24 0.00 Table C24. Manufacture technique Coiled Modeling Molding Slab building Coiled + modeling Und A1 93.79 3.49 0.00 0.06 0.13 2.52 A2 92.35 2.04 0.00 0.00 0.00 5.61 A3 98.12 1.65 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.24

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313 Table C25. External finishing Smoothing Burnishing Burnishing striation Brushing No finishing Smoothing Neck.+ brushing body Worn Und A1 75.50 8.02 2.13 13.38 0.58 0.00 0.32 0.06 A2 70.92 12.76 2.55 12.76 0.00 0.00 0.51 0.51 A3 81.88 5.65 4.71 7.76 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Table C26. Internal finishing Smoothing Burnishing Burnishing striation Brushing No finishing Worn Und A1 58.18 38.98 1.94 0.26 0.32 0.32 0.00 A2 38.78 57.14 2.55 0.00 0.00 1.53 0.00 A3 54.82 40.94 4.24 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Table C-27. Diameter of the orifice 1-14 15-29 30-44 45-59 Und A1 2.60 15.59 1.30 0.00 80.52 A2 0.00 38.90 0.00 0.00 61.12 A3 7.14 7.14 0.00 0.00 85.71 Table C-28. Base Flat Concave Pedestal Ring Und A1 82.35 5.88 0.00 11.76 0.00 A2 100.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 A3 100.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

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314Table C29. Diameter of base 1-4 5-8 9-12 13-16 17-20 und A1 0.00 35.29 35.29 0.00 0.00 29.41 A2 0.00 0.00 100.0 0 0.00 0.00 0.00 A3 33.33 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 66.66 Table C-30. Decoration Absen t Impres sed textile Cor ruga ted Digi tate d Digi tate d fige rnai led Figer nailed Incisio n Excisi oo Pun ctua tion Sta mpe d Pain ted Visi ble coil und ec. Imp ress ed Inci sion +di g. fing erna iled Inci sion +Fi gern aile d Inci sion +Im pres sed Inci sion +Pu nctu atio n Inci sion +car imb ad Visi ble coil + Inci sion Imp ress ed+ fing erna iled Und A1 77.76 0.00 0.00 0.06 0.26 0.45 18.49 0.00 0.13 0.52 0.00 0.13 0. 00 0.26 0.13 0.00 0.65 0.78 0.00 0.38 A2 68.37 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.51 26.02 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.02 0.00 4.08 A3 81.41 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 17.42 0.00 0.00 0.47 0.00 0.47 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.24 0.00 0.00 Table C-31. Decoration location Lip Rim Neck Upper body base Lip + rim Lip+ Rim+ Neck Lip+ neck+ upper body Lip+neck+ Upper body+lowe r body Rim+ neck+upper body Neck. + Upper body Upper body+ Lower body Compl ete vessel Rim x neck+ upper body Neck x Upper body Und A1 0.06 0.06 0.39 1.29 0.00 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.06 0.00 0.13 0.00 0.26 0.06 0.00 19.5 9 A2 0.51 0.00 0.00 11.22 0.00 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 19.9 0 A3 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.88 0.00 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 16.4 7

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315Engenho do Quilombo Site Table C-32. Temper Mi n. Car. B Sherd Min. + Car.B Min + char c. Min .+ sher d Min.+ Sherd. + Car.B Min.+ Sherd + Car.B + Charc. Min.+ Sherd + Car.B + Vg.B Min .+ Cha rc.+ Car. B Min.+ veg.B + Car.B Min.+ Veg.G +Car. B Min.+ Veg.B +CB+ Cv. Car.B + Veg. B Car.B + Charc. Veg.B +Veg. G+CB +Min und A1/ C2 4.4 3 0.42 0.42 74.68 0.21 6.54 1. 48 0.00 0.00 1.05 1.05 3.38 0.00 0.00 0.00 6.33 0.00 A2/ C1+ 2 4.6 8 1.08 0.00 83.81 0.00 1.08 1. 44 0.00 0.00 0.36 3.24 1.44 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.88 0.00 Table C-33. Firing Oxidazing Reducing Oxidizing / reducing Und A1/C2 63.71 22.99 13.08 0.21 A2/C1+2 42.44 36.33 21.22 0.00 Table C-34. Manuf acture technique Coiled Modeling Molding Slab building Coiled + modeling Und A1/C2 93.46 2.53 0.00 0.00 0.00 4.01 A2/C1+2 83.45 4.68 0.00 0.00 0.00 11.87 Table C-35. External surface finishing Smoothing Burnishing Burnishing striation Brushing No finishing Smoothing Neck.+ brushing body Worn Und A1/C2 71.94 4.01 1.48 22.15 0.21 0.00 0.00 0.21 A2/C1+2 81.29 1.44 0.00 15.47 0.72 0.00 1.08 0.00

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316 Table C36. Internal finishing Smoothing Burnishing Burnishing striation Brushing No finishing Worn Und A1/C2 64.98 31.22 2.95 0.00 0.42 0.42 0.00 A2/C1+2 73.38 23.38 0.72 0.00 0.72 1.80 0.00 Table C-37. Diameter of the orifice 1-14 15-29 30-44 45-59 Und A1/C2 0.00 25.92 000 0.00 74.07 A2/C1+2 11.11 22.22 0.00 0.00 66.67 Table C-38. Base Flat Concave Pedestal Ring Und A1/C2 100.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 A2/C1+2 50.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 50.00 Table C-39. Diameter da base 1-4 5-8 9-12 13-16 17-20 und A1/C2 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 A2/C1+2 0.00 0.00 50.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Diameter in mm.

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317Table C40. Decoration Abs ent Imp ress ed texti le Cor ruga ted Digi tate d Digi tfige rnai led Fige rnai led Inci sion + Exc isio n Pun ctua tion Stam ped Pain ted Vis. coil und. Imp res. Incisio n+ dig. finger nailed Inci s.+ Fin gern aile d Incisio n+Imp ressed Incisio n+Pun ctuatio n Incisio n+cari mbad Vis. coil + Inci sion Imp res. + fing erna iled Und A1/ C2 61.6 0 0.42 1.48 0.00 0.00 0.00 15.4 0 0.00 0.63 2.32 0.00 0.00 0.00 0. 63 0.00 16.46 0.42 0.42 0.00 0.21 A2/ C1+ 2 89.9 3 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.08 0.00 6.4 0. 00 0.36 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.36 0.36 1.08 0.00 0.00 Table C41. Decoration location Lip Rim Neck Up. bod y base Lip +ri m Lip+ Rim+ Neck Lip+bo +neck+ body sup La+bo+ neck+bs +bi Rim+ neck+b o upper Neck.+ Upper body Body sup+bo dy lower Comple te vessel Rimx neck+b ody super Neckx Boj. Sup Und A1/C2 1.27 0.21 0.00 2.95 0.00 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.42 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 A2/C1+2 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

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318Pingador Site Table C42. Temper Min Car. B She rd Min + Car. B Min + char c. Min .+ sher d Min.+ Sherd. + Car.B Min.+ Sherd +Car. B+Ch arc. Min.+ Sherd +Car. B +Vg.B Min.+ Charc. +Car. B Min+ veg.B + Car.B Min.+ Veg.G+ Car.B Min.+ Veg.B+ CB+Cv. Car.B+ Veg. B Car.B+ Charc. Veg.B+ Veg.G+ Car.B+ Min und A1/C1 20.9 2 4.87 0.57 49.2 8 0.00 0.29 0.86 0.00 0.00 1.43 17. 48 0.29 0.00 0.00 0.29 3.72 0.00 A1/C2 +3 0.44 3.78 0.15 62.4 5 0.00 1.89 4.66 0.00 4.51 3.06 6. 99 2.33 1.16 0.44 0.29 7.42 0.30 Table C-43. Firing Oxidazing Reducing Oxidizing / reducing Und A1/C1 18.62 53.01 28.08 0.29 A1/C2+3 34.21 48.72 17.03 0.00 Table C-44. Manuf acture technique Coiled Modeling Molding Slab building Coiled + modeling Und A1/C1 71.92 8.31 0.00 0.00 0.00 19.77 A1/C2+3 82.82 4.8 0.00 0.15 11.79 0.44 Table C45. External surface finishing Smoothing Burnishing Burnishing striation Brushing No finishing Smoothing Neck.+ brushing body Worn Und A1/C1 69.05 1.72 0.57 6.02 20.06 0.00 2.58 0.00 A1/C2+3 86.17 3.35 2.62 4.80 0.00 0.00 3.06 0.00

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319Table C-46. Internal finishing Smoothing Burnishing Burnishing striation Brushing No finishing Worn Und A1/C1 68.48 10.89 0.29 0.29 20.06 0.00 0.00 A1/C2+3 73.80 11.06 12.08 0.00 0.00 3.06 0.00 Table C-47. Diameter of the orifice 1-14 15-29 30-44 45-59 Und A1/C1 0.00 10.00 30.00 0.00 60.00 A1/C2+3 0.00 31.05 3.45 0.00 65.52 Diameter in mm. Table C-48. Base Flat Concave Pedestal Ring Und A1/C1 100.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 A1/C2+3 100.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Table C49. Diameter of base 1-4 5-8 9-12 13-16 17-20 und A1/C1 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 A1/C2+3 0.00 50.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 50.00 Diameter in mm.

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320Table C50. Decoration Abs ent Imp res. texti le Cor ruga ted Digi tate d Digi tate dfige rnai l. Fige rnai led Inci sion Exc isio n Punc Tuat i on Sta mp ed Pai nte d Vis. coil und. Impr essed Incisi on+di g.fing ernail ed Incis. + Finge rnaile d Incisi on+I mpres sed Incis + Punc t. Incisi on+ca rimba d Visibl e coil+I ncisio n Impre ssed+ finger nailed Un d A1/ C1 82.8 1 0.00 1.43 1.72 0.00 0.00 10.0 3 0.00 0.0 0 0.2 9 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.86 0.57 1.15 0.00 1.1 5 A1/ C2+ 3 65.0 7 0.00 0.15 0.15 0.58 0.00 19.0 7 0.00 0.0 0 0.4 4 1.02 0.00 7.71 0.00 0.00 0.15 0.00 4.37 0.00 1.3 2 Table C-51. Decoration location Lip Rim Neck Upper body base Lip+ rim Lip+Rim +Neck Lip+bo +neck+ upper body La+bo+ neck+u p body+lo wer body Rim+ neck+u p body Neck.+ Upper body Up. Body + lower body Compl ete vessel Rimx neck + Uppe r body Neck x Upper body U nd A1/ C1 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.15 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 15 .4 7 A1/ C2+ 3 0.00 0.29 3.20 1.31 0.00 0. 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 1. 31 0.00 0.15 0.00 7.57 20 .6 7

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PAGE 360

343 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Lus Symanski was born in June 10, 1969, in Porto Alegre, a capital in southern Brazil. In 1993, he received a Bachelor of Arts degree in archaeol ogy from Universidade Estcio de S, in Rio de Jane iro and, in 1997, a Master of Arts degree in history from Pontifcia Universidade Catlica do Rio Gr ande do Sul, Porto Alegre. He has been working in historical archaeology since 1991, carry ing out research in th e states of Rio de Janeiro, Rio Grande do Sul, Bahia, Gois, and Mato Grosso. His future plans involve teaching and conducing research on the Afri can diaspora in Brazil and in Angola.


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Title: Slaves and Planters in Western Brazil: Material Culture, Identity and Power
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SLAVES AND PLANTERS IN WESTERN BRAZIL: MATERIAL CULTURE,
IDENTITY AND POWER














By

LUIS CLAUDIO PEREIRA SYMANSKI


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2006

































Copyright 2006

by

Luis Claudio Pereira Symanski















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the members of my doctoral committee for their advice and

guidance throughout this process of learning. I am very grateful to my advisor, Michael

Heckenberger, for giving me the incentive to pursue doctoral studies in the United States

at the University of Florida. I also thank Michael for all of his assistance with the

complicated academic matters that I had to face over the last four years. My cochair,

James Davidson, has been a fundamental influence in my intellectual development during

the last two years, especially in relation to my understanding of the African diaspora.

Without his encouragement, ideas, and suggestions this dissertation would certainly not

be what it is. The same is true for Kathleen Deagan, who has always been available to

discuss my ideas and helped to open my mind to different perspectives through which I

could approach my subject. The discussions with Jeffrey Needell regarding the

historiography of slavery in Brazil had fundamental importance in the development of my

research. His pointed commentary and critical sensibilities have inspired me to refine my

ideas and be more careful in the use of primary and secondary sources. Outside of my

committee I would like to thank Susan Gillespie, whose classes transformed the way I

think about material culture.

In Brazil I would like to express my gratitude, first and foremost, to my colleague

in the archaeological contract project that gave rise to this dissertation, Marcos Andre

Souza. Marcos was responsible for the analysis of the pottery at the sites that I discussed

in this dissertation and the first person to study the African influence in this material. I









thank Tania Andrade Lima, my intellectual mentor for the last fifteen years, for teaching

me that archaeology is much more than the dry description and quantification of artifacts.

I am also very grateful to my colleagues at the Instituto Goiano de Pre-Hist6ria e

Antropologia who participated in the project upon which this dissertation is based,

especially Jezus Marco de Ataides, Leila Fraga, Manuel Ferreira Filho, Dulce Pedroso,

Claudio Silva and Flavio Oliveira. In Mato Grosso I wish to thank the historian Elizabeth

Madureira Siqueira, whose initial research on the history of Chapada dos Guimardes

served as a basic reference for my documentary research. Particular gratitude is due to

Dr. Nauk Maria de Jesus, specialist in history of Mato Grosso, for helping me with the

documentary research and commenting on the first draft of this dissertation. At the Public

Archive of Mato Grosso I would like to thank the good will of the director Eliane

Fernandes and the employees Vanda Silva, Carlos Gongalves and Luzinete Correa.

Angelina Howell helped with the grammatical review, which I am sure was not an easy

job. Others who have helped me in several facets of my academic and private life include

Dave Mead, Renata Godoy, Diogo Costa, Flavio Jakowski and Juliana Azoubel. I must

thank my parents, Eni Terezinha and Jodo Pedro, for their constant emotional support.

Finally, I am grateful to the Brazilian National Science Foundation (CNPq) for awarding

the fellowship that allowed me to pursue and complete my doctoral studies at the

University of Florida. CNPq has granted me successive fellowships over the last fifteen

years and, without the generosity of this governmental organization, I would not have

been able to complete my studies in the field of archaeology.















TABLE OF CONTENTS



A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S ................................................................................................. iii

LIST OF TABLES .............................................. viii

LIST OF FIGURES ......................................... .................................... xii

ABSTRACT ................................................... ................. xvi

CHAPTER

1 IN T R O D U C T IO N ........ .. ........................................ ................................. ............ .. 1

Cultural Contact Theories in African-American Archaeology..................................4...
African Influences over Colonoware: A Debate in African-American Archaeology ..9
Pottery and Slaves Identities in Chapada dos Guimaraes......................................13
M ethodology of Field and Laboratory................................................... ............... 14
Structure of the D issertation .......................................................................................22

2 THE PLANTATIONS OF CHAPADA DOS GUIMARAES: ECONOMY AND
M A TE R IA L STR U C TU R E .......................................................................................26

The Historical Occupation of M ato Grosso ............... .............. ..................... 26
The Process of Occupation of Chapada dos Guimaraes........................................29
The Spatial Organization of the Plantations ............... .................................... 32
The Plantation Economy of Chapada dos Guimaraes ...........................................41
The Historical Sites of Chapada dos Guim araes ...................................... ............... 52
The Taperdo Site (Engenho do Rio da Casca)................................ ................ 52
The Buritizinho Site (Engenho Agua Fria) .................................... ................ 56
The Engenho do Quilom bo Site ....................... .......................................... 59
The Tapera do Pingador Site ....................... ............................................... 63

3 THE PLANTERS WORLD: SOCIAL STRATEGIES AND MATERIAL
CULTURE IN CHAPADA DOS GUIMARAES PLANTATIONS.......................67

Familial Trajectories in Chapada dos Guimaraes.................................. ................ 68
G ender and Social Strategies ................................................................. ................ 74
The Planters' D om estic M material W orld................................................ ................ 87









Archaeological Artifacts and Probate-Inventories: Planters' Material Life in a
D iachronic P erspectiv e........................................... ......................... ................ 97

4 SLAVES COMMUNITIES IN CHAPADA DOS GUIMARAES.........................115

Slave Trade to B razil and M ato G rosso ....................................... ............................ 116
African "Nations": The Reconstruction of African Identities in Brazil .................119
The Demography of Slavery in Chapada dos Guimaraes...................................129
African Slaves Self-Perceptions in M ato Grosso................... ................... 141
Slaves Marriage Patterns in Chapada dos Guimaraes ..................................144
Slaves communities and pottery variability in Chapada dos Guimaraes ........148
Pottery variability, African "nations" and creolization in Chapada dos
G uim araes .................................................... ............... 149
Pottery production and gender ............ .. .......................................... 164
Pottery variability and creolization ....... ... .................. ................... 176

5 FEITORES, AGREGADOS AND CAMARADAS: FREE LABORERS IN
CHAPADA DOS GUIMARAES' PLANTATIONS .................... ...................180

The Social Categorization of Free Laborers...... .... ..................................... 180
The Archaeology of the Free Laborers........................................ 184

6 THE LANDSCAPES OF POWER IN CHAPADA DOS GUIMARAES ............ 195

Space, Place, Practices, Representations, and Artifacts: Some Theoretical
R em arks .............. ....................................... .... ...... .... ... ..................... 195
The Planters' Place: Strategies and Distribution of Material Items in the Space of
th e P lan tatio n ......................................................................................................... 2 0 1
The T aperdo Site....................................................... ................ .. .............. ............ 203
The Buritizinho site (Engenho Agua Fria)....... ... ................................... 210
The Slaves' Space .............................................. .. .... .... ......... .... ............... 214
The Slaves' Daily Practices: Foodways and Risk Management.....................215
The Domain of Representation: Pottery Symbolism and Slaves' Backgrounds221
Social Tensions and Change in Chapada dos Guimaraes................................231
The Domain of Tactic: African-Derived Religious Practices in the
Plantations' Space .................................................................................... 233

7 C O N C LU SIO N ............... .. .................. .................. .......................... ............... 253

APPENDIX

A GLASSES IDENTIFICATION AND QUANTITATIVE DATA ........................261

B IMPORTED WARES IDENTIFICATION, QUANTITATIVE DATA AND
D A TIN G ................................................................................ ........... ...................... 270

C POTTERY- TOTAL PERCENTAGES BY SITE....................... ...................299









REFERENCES ..................................... ........... ............................. 322

BIO GRAPH ICAL SK ETCH ...................... ............................................................ 343















LIST OF TABLES


Table page

2-1 Size of the slaveholdings identified in Chapada dos Guimaraes ..........................44

2-2 Size of the slaveholdings identified in Chapada dos Guimaraes ..........................46

2-3 Taperao site total of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries
present in the analyzed contexts.......................................................... ................ 56

2-4 Buritizinho site total of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries
present in the analyzed contexts .......................................................... ................ 59

2-5 Engenho do Quilombo site total of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made
potteries present in the analyzed contexts........................................... ................ 63

2-6 Tapera do Pingador site total of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made
potteries present in the analyzed contexts .......................................... ................ 65

4-1 Slaves "nations" in Chapada dos Guimaraes' plantations ................................130

4-2 Composition of the slaveholdings of the Taperao site ............... ...................167

4-3 Composition of the slaveholding of the Buritizinho site...................................171

B-I M ean ceramic date formula, area 7, layer 2 ...................................... ................ 272

B-2 M ean ceramic date formula, area 7, layer 1 ..................................... ................ 273

B-3 Mean ceramic date formula, areas 8 and 9, layer 2..................... ...................275

B-4 Mean ceramic date formula, areas 8 and 9, layer 1 ..................... ..................276

B-5 M ean ceramic date formula, area 12, layer 2 ....... ... ...................................278

B-6 M ean ceramic date formula, area 12, layer 1 ....... .... ..................................279

B-7 M ean ceramic date formula, area 14, layer 2 ....... ... ...................................280

B-8 M ean ceramic date formula, area 14, layer 1 ....... .... .................................. 281

B-9 Mean ceramic date formula, area 3, layer 2 ...............................282









B-10 Mean ceramic date formula, area 4 .......... ...... ......................283

B-11 Mean ceramic date formula, area 15 .......... ..........................284

B-12 M ean ceram ic date formula, area 1, layer 1 ...................................... ................ 284

B-13 Mean ceramic date formula, Area 1, layer 2.......... ...................................286

B-14 Mean ceramic date formula, area 1, layer 4 ......................................................289

B-15 M ean ceramic date formula, area 1, layer 5 ...................................... ................ 290

B-16 Mean ceramic date formula, area 2 .......... ...... ......................292

B-17 Mean ceramic date formula, area 3 .......... ...... ......................293

B-18 Mean ceramic date formula, area 1, layer 2 ......................................................295

B-19 Mean ceramic date formula, area 2 .......... ...... ......................297

C 1 T e m p e r ................................................................................................................. .. 3 0 0

C -2 F irin g ...................................................................................................................... 3 0 1

C -3 M manufacture technique ....................................... ......................... ................ 301

C -4 E external fi fishing ................................................. ............................................ 302

C-5 Internal finishing ................................... ......... ...... ...............302

C -6 D iam eter of the orifice ................. .............................................................3...... 03

C -7 B a se ...................................................................................................... ......... .. 3 0 3

C-8 Diameter of base ...................... ........... .....................................304

C -9 D eco ratio n .............................................................................................................. 3 0 4

C -10 D ecoration location ................................................................... ................ 305

C 1 1 S h a p e s .................................................................................................................. ... 3 0 5

C 12 T e m p e r ................................................................................................................. .. 3 0 6

C 1 3 F irin g ...................................................................................................................... 3 0 7

C -14 M manufacture technique....................................... ......................... ...............3...... 07

C -15 E external fi fishing ................................................. ............................................ 308









C-16 Internal finishing .................................................. ............................................ 308

C-17 D iam eter of the orifice .................. .............................................................. 309

C 1 8 B a s e .......................................................................................................................3 0 9

C-19 D iam eter of base ..... .. ............. .. ........... .............. ............... .. 10

C -2 0 D e c o ratio n .............................................................................................................. 3 1 0

C-21 D ecoration location ................... ..............................................................3...... 11

C -2 2 T e m p e r ...................................................................................................................3 12

C -2 3 F irin g ...................................................................................................................... 3 1 2

C-24 M manufacture technique....................................... ......................... ...............3...... 12

C- 25 External finishing ................................................. ............................................3 13

C- 26 Internal finishing .................................................. ............................................3 13

C-27 D iam eter of the orifice .................. .............................................................3...... 13

C -2 8 B a se ........................................................................................................................ 3 1 3

C-29 D iam eter of base ..... .. ............. .. ........... .............. ............... .. 14

C -3 0 D e c o ratio n .............................................................................................................. 3 14

C-3 1 D ecoration location ................... ..............................................................3...... 14

C -3 2 T e m p e r ...................................................................................................................3 1 5

C -3 3 F irin g ...................................................................................................................... 3 1 5

C-34 M manufacture technique ....................................... ......................... ...............3...... 15

C-35 External surface finishing..................................... ....................... ...............3...... 15

C-36 Internal finishing .................................................. ............................................3 16

C-37 D iam eter of the orifice .................. .............................................................3...... 16

C -3 8 B a se ........................................................................................................................ 3 1 6

C-39 D iam eter da base ......... .............. .. .......... .................................. .....3 16

C -4 0 D e c o ratio n .............................................................................................................. 3 1 7



x









C -41 D ecoration location ................... ..............................................................3...... 17

C -4 2 T e m p e r ...................................................................................................................3 1 8

C -4 3 F irin g ...................................................................................................................... 3 1 8

C -44 M manufacture technique....................................... ......................... ...............3...... 18

C -45 E xternal surface finishing..................................... ....................... ...............3...... 18

C-46 Internal finishing ............................... .... ......... ...... ..................19

C -47 D iam eter of the orifice .................. .............................................................3...... 19

C -4 8 B a se ........................................................................................................................ 3 1 9

C-49 Diameter of base..................... .... ........... ........................ .. 19

C -50 D ecoration ........... ............................................................................ 32 0

C -5 1 D ecoration location ........................................................................ ...............320















LIST OF FIGURES


Figure page

2-1 Map: Planta topogrhfica da nova descoberta da quina na Villa do Cuyaba.
Author: Priest Jose Manuel de Siqueira. Year: 1800.. ........................................28

2-2 Picture of oxen-powered sugar-mill in the coastal region of Brazil in the early
19 th c en tu ry .............................................................................................................. 3 6

2-3 O verseer punishing slave ......................................... ........................ ................ 38

2-4 Picture of the Engenho Buriti, Chapada dos Guimaraes, 1827...............................39

2-5 Engenho B uriti, other perspective....................................................... ................ 40

2-6 P lan of the T aperao site ........................................... ......................... ................ 53

2-7 P lan of the B uritizinho site........................................ ....................... ................ 57

2-8 Plan of the Engenho do Quilom bo site................................................ ................ 61

3-1 Rural domestic environment in the early 19th century.........................................92

3-2 Frequency of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made pottery in planters'
context ts ......................................................................... .... ............. .................. 10 0

3-3 Frequency of glass' functional categories in planters' contexts ..........................101

3-4 Frequency of imported wares' functional categories in planters' contexts..........102

3-5 Refined earthenware common in the contexts of Chapada dos Guimaraes ......104

3-6 Planters' refined earthenware classified according to Miller's scale .................. 105

3-7 Planters' imported wares assemblages of the Buritizinho site functional
v a riab ility ............................................................................................................... 1 1 0

3-8 Buritizinho site, bowls assemblages classified according to Miller's scale...........111

4-1 Regions of origin of Chapada dos Guimaraes' slaves................. ...................132

4-2 Major African nations in Chapada dos Guimaraes ................. ...................133









4-3 Gender rates between African and Brazilian slaves.................... ...................145

4-4 General gender rates between slaves................................. 146

4-5 Percentage of decorated to undecorated fragments of locally-made pottery in the
analyzed contexts ................................ ............................. 151

4-6 P ottery seriation ..... ............... ...................................... ............... .. 153

4-7 Schematic representation of the most common decorative motifs in contexts
mean dated between 1797 and 1836. ...... ... .......................... 155

4-8 Some of the decorative techniques used on the pottery of Chapada dos
G u im ard e s.............................................................................................................. 1 5 5

4-9 Decorative techniques and designs common in post-1836 contexts ....................157

4-10 Painted and red slip pottery from Chapada dos Guimaraes .................159

4-11 O vim bundu designs. .................................................................... ............... 160

4-12 Incised designs common in contexts pre-1836 in Chapada dos Guimaraes'
p o tte ry .................................................................................................................. ... 1 6 0

4-13 Pottery design found in Chapada dos Guimaraes and in Benguela......................161

4-14 Pottery presenting visible coils with superimposed incisions............................. 162

4-15 Decorative motif common in Chapada dos Guimaraes and Benguela......... 163

4-16 African female composition in Chapada dos Guimaraes' slaveholdings .............165

4-17 Cruciform representations on Chapada dos Guimaraes' pottery ........................ 175

5-1 Frequency of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries in free-
laborers' contexts ........... ............. .... .......... ........ ............... 188

5-2 Frequency of imported wares' functional categories in free-laborers' contexts .... 189

5-3 Free-laborers' refined earthenware classified according to Miller's scale.......... 190

5-4 Frequency of glass' functional categories in free-laborers' contexts.................. 192

6-1 Plan of the Taperao site indicating the living spaces of the different social
g ro u p s ................................................................................................................. .. 2 0 4

6-2 Taperao site frequency of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries
in planters', free-laborers', and slaves' contexts......................... ................... 206









6-3 Taperao site refined earthenware classified according to Miller's scale in
planters', free-laborers', and slaves' contexts....... ... ..................................... 207

6-4 Taperao site frequency of glass' functional categories in planters', free-
laborers' and slaves' contexts ....... ........... ............ ...................... 207

6-5 Plan of the Buritizinho site indicating the living spaces of the different social
g r o u p s ................................................................................................................. ... 2 1 1

6-6 Buritizinho site frequency of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made
potteries in planters', free-laborers', and slaves' contexts................................212

6-7 Buritizinho site frequency of glass' functional categories in planters', free-
laborers' and slaves' contexts ....... ........... ............ ...................... 213

6-8 Forms of pottery identified in the Chapada dos Guimaraes' assemblages ......216

6-9 Taperao site frequency of locally-made pottery functional categories in
contexts from the first half of the 19th century ....... ... ................................... 217

6-10 Taperao site frequency of imported wares' functional categories in planters',
free-laborers', and slaves' contexts. ..... ........ ...................... 218

6-11 Slaves preparing and consuming some kind of soup or stew in bowls ................219

6-12 Buritizinho site frequency of imported wares' functional categories in
planters', free-laborers, and slaves' contexts. ..................................... 219

6 -13 P o o r fam ily ............................................................................................................. 2 2 0

6-14 W western African slaves in Brazil...... .......... ........ ...................... 224

6-15 Examples of pottery of Chapada dos Guimaraes mimicking Mina scarifications .225

6-16 Representation of the cruciform sign .......... .........................226

6-17 Sign present in pottery and scarification....... .......... ....................................... 226

6-18 Buritizinho site refined earthenware from the slave cabin................................229

6-19 D esign in concentric lozenges...... ............. ............ ...................... 230

6-20 Taperao site items with possible magic-religious meanings found inside the
p lan ter's h ou se ........................................................................................................ 2 4 0

6-21 Taperao site hematite found inside the planter's house. ................................241

6-22 Buritizinho site context of deposition of the unbroken bottles ........................243









6-23 Chapada dos Guimaraes

6-24 Chapada dos Guimaraes

6-25 Chapada dos Guimaraes


domestic altar of Saint Benedict...............................249

banner of Saint John Baptist...................................249

ritual washing of the saint in the Casca river. ............250















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

SLAVES AND PLANTERS IN WESTERN BRAZIL: MATERIAL CULTURE,
IDENTITY AND POWER

By

Luis Claudio Pereira Symanski

December 2006

Chair: Michael Heckenberger
Cochair: James Davidson
Major Department: Anthropology

This dissertation analyzes historic documents and the archaeological record in an

attempt to reveal the processes of formation of differentiated groups of slaves, segmented

along African-derived ethnic lines, on the plantations of Chapada dos Guimaraes, in

western Brazil. The two major data sets used in this analysis are demographic data

regarding the composition of slaveholdings in Chapada dos Guimaraes between 1780 and

1880, extracted from slaveholdings lists present in planters' probate-inventories, and the

locally-made pottery exhumed from 18th and 19th century sites of the region. The

correlations between the changes in the African composition of the slaveholdings and the

rise and fall of specific decorative techniques and designs on the locally-made pottery

over time demonstrate that groups from different regions of Africa exerted specific

influences over this material. Thus, it is affirmed that these more discrete groups used

pottery as a vehicle of expression of their differentiated African regional identities. The

evidence presented challenges the established models of creolization in the anthropology









and history of the African diaspora, which holds that the process of cultural

homogenization of the African slaves in the Americas, particularly on plantations, was a

very fast paced process. Rather, the cases discussed in this study demonstrate that this

process of cultural homogenization was segmented, rather than linear, and occurred at a

much slower pace than traditionally assumed.














CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

This dissertation concerns slaves and the spaces where they composed an almost

absolute majority: the plantations. The geographical scope is western Brazil, more

specifically the county of Chapada dos Guimaraes, in the state of Mato Grosso. Currently

one of the biggest grain producers in Brazil, Mato Grosso was, during the 18th and 19th

centuries, a peripheral province, far removed from the main Brazilian coastal centers,

whose economy was initially based on the extraction of gold in short-lived mines whose

rapid exhaustion forced the population to keep an itinerant way of life, always searching

for new mines to be exploited. The collapse of the mining period, at the end of the 18th

century, brought about the diversification of productive activities, with many miners

investing all or part of their slaveholdings in plantation activities. In no other region of

Mato Grosso was this process so clear as it is in Chapada dos Guimaraes, which

witnessed an enormous proliferation of sugar-cane plantations between the end of the 18th

century and the first decades of the 19th century. Nonetheless, the products of these

plantations were destined almost exclusively for the internal markets of Mato Grosso,

since the huge distance from the Brazilian coastal cities made the exportation of these

products economically unviable (Lenharo 1982; Volpato 1987).

This research will consider the plantations of Chapada dos Guimaraes as the

backdrop over which slaves waged their daily lives and developed strategies of social and

cultural reproduction. Thus, a good deal of attention will be given to the characterization

of these settings. A basic assumption is that the slaves life, and by extension, their









material culture, is better understood when contrasted against the other social groups with

whom they interacted, that is, planters and free laborers. In this sense, the notion of class

adopted in this research is a relational one, which sees class as "a set of relations that are

historically constituted, fluid and constantly changing." (Wurst 1999:9) Thus, class,

rather than a static category based on rank, is considered as a formation based on

perceived economic relationship. This relational notion of class is based on the concept of

the dialectic, which proposes the study of the web of social relations that makes up the

whole through the examination of its parts, considering that these relations define the

whole (Wurst 1999:7-9). Therefore, in this study, planters, free laborers and slaves will

be considered as representing three distinct classes, which can only be characterized

through the relations that they maintained among themselves.

Although this relational notion of class is a necessary first step in the categorization

of the groups who lived on the plantations, it does not take into account the great cultural

diversity that characterized these settings. In that sense, while the relationships among

planters, free-laborers, and slaves were fundamentally class-based, an important

dimension of the relationships among the slaves was their differentiated ethnic-cultural

identity, which permitted the formation of discrete groups within the slave's wider

community. Thus, this research will be less concerned with a class-based focus than with

the cultural heterogeneity of the slave groups and the ways in which it may be manifested

archaeologically. As will be discussed throughout this study, the colonization of western

Brazil was carried out by people from Portugal, from different parts of the Brazilian

colony, and from Africa, who all gathered with the several indigenous groups who

occupied this region in villages, mining camps, fortresses, plantations, and farms. As a









consequence of these interactions, a highly diversified cultural landscape was created,

which forced individuals with different cultural backgrounds to realign their sense of

group affiliation and manage their identities at different levels. Thus the slaves had to

cope not only with their differences of origin in the establishment of the plantations

communities, but also with larger social categories created by the colonial encounters.

These categories distinguished Portuguese from Brazilians; Africans from creoles,

mulattoes, cabras, and cabords; whites from blacks and both from Amerindians; the free

from the enslaved; and planters from free laborers and slaves. These categories

corresponded to three interdependent levels of classification, starting with the widest

social distinction between slaves and non-slaves, passing by the intermediary racial

division of people according to color-lines, and finishing in the more subtle and

narrowest ethnic-cultural categorization.

In Mato Grosso, the historiographic research on slavery has been predominantly

focused on the first level of categorization, examining the slaves as a relatively

homogeneous social group (see Aleixo 1984; Assis 1988; Brazil 2002; Volpato 1993,

1996). The only exception to this trend is Crivelente (2001), who studies the practices of

marriage among African slaves of different origins in the plantations of Chapada dos

Guimardes. In African-American archaeology the focus also has been in the homogeneity

of the slaves, be it defined according to class, ethnic, or racial parameters (see, for

example, Adams and Boling 1989; Orser 1992; Otto 1984; Thomas 1998; Young 1997).

The issue of the cultural heterogeneity of the slaves has only been partially taken into

account when scholars are concerned in mapping the cultural matrixes of some practices,









principally of magic-religious character, which left vestiges in the archaeological record

(see, for example, Fennell 2003; Samford 1999).

Cultural Contact Theories in African-American Archaeology

Probably one of the major reasons that left archaeologists reticent to focus on the

cultural heterogeneity of slave groups is that such an approach involves a search for

African continuities, or Africanisms, an issue that has been discredited in recent decades

due to its close contact with the outdated paradigm of acculturation. We are reminded by

Singleton (1998:174) that the term Africanism was coined by Herkosvits (1941) to refer

to those customs and practices with an African origin still kept by African-descent

populations in the Americas. Herskovits (1941:295) argued for a level of cultural

homogeneity between Western and central Africa great enough for these two regions to

be classified as a single "cultural zone." Because this "cultural zone" was the major

source of African-American culture, a reasonable degree of homogeneity was expected in

the cultural practices of African-Americans. On the other hand, Herkosvits attributed the

lost of such African costumes and practices to acculturation.

In African-American archaeology, studies that developed under the paradigm of

acculturation followed this premise, assuming that an initial African-influenced slave

culture gradually conformed to Euro-American cultural models, through the adoption of

Euro-American material culture (see, for example, Wheaton and Garrow 1985).

Obviously, the first problem with this model in archaeology is the direct correlation

between material culture and culture, so that the former becomes a passive reflection of

the latter. In recent decades, acculturation has been strongly criticized as a passive, one-

directional model, taken from the perspective of the politically dominant, which fails to

examine the agency of the colonized, explaining cultural change solely in terms of









outdated ideas, such as trait complexes (Cusick 1998:126; Howson 1990:81; Singleton

1998:176).

The recognition of these problems has brought archaeologists to develop more

subtle approaches to the issue of Africanisms, changing the focus from the search for

material correlates of an African heritage to the specific African-oriented ways in which

slaves could have used the material culture. This change of emphasis, from Africanisms

and acculturation to the domain of practices, resonates with a change of theoretical

orientation in the definition of African-American ethnicity, in which the essentialist

model of ethnicity of the studies of acculturation was substituted with a more fluid model

of creolization. The historian Edward Brathwait (1971, cited in Singleton 1998:177)

defined creolization as "a process involving multicultural interaction and exchange that

results in new cultural forms." This concept is commonly used in conjunction with the

notion of ethnogenesis, aiming to address the effect of the New World experience upon

all population groups, including Euro-Americans (Dawdy 2000:1).

Fergunson (1992), influenced by the work of the historian and folklorist Charles

Joyner (1984, cited in Fergunson 1992:xlii), introduced the concept of creolization in

African-American archaeology. Joyner's contribution was to apply linguistic concepts to

describe the process of creolizing culture, arguing that slaves used European American

material culture following underlying rules, a grammar which remained principally

African (Fergunson 1992:xlii). Following this linguistic model, artifacts are comparable

to the words of a language and the ways they were used are likened to the structure or

grammar of language (Fergunson 2000:7). Studies concerned with the maintenance of

African derived systems of beliefs have, implicit or explicitly, assumed this grammatical









model of creolization, insofar as they are concerned with the ways in which some

categories of European-American artifacts were used in slaves' magical-religious

practices (see, for example, Adams 1994; Brown 1994; Leone and Fry 2001; Wilkie

1997).

The work of the cultural anthropologists Mintz and Price (Mintz and Price 1992

[1976]) has been very influential in studies concerned with the process of creolization in

African-American archaeology. Mintz and Price (1992:9-10) defend a view of

creolization consonant with the linguistic model, assuming that enslaved Africans shared

a certain number of underlying cultural understandings and assumptions, that is,

unconscious grammatical principles, that were used as the base over which they created a

new creole culture in the Americas (Mintz and Price 1992:2; 9-14). These authors have

argued that the cultural heterogeneity of the Africans in the New World was so large that

they did not compose groups, "being more accurate to view them as very heterogeneous

crowdi. (Mintz and Price 1992:18) Moreover, due to this cultural diversity, the process

of creolization was very rapid, with slaves adapting to their new social environments and

creating new institutions and creolized cultural forms almost automatically as a reaction

to the oppressive conditions of slavery (Mintz and Price 1992:54).

However, some authors have criticized the idea underlying the linguistic model of

creolization. Singleton (1998:177) argues that this approach is static, since it assumes that

such grammars exist in invariable forms regardless of social context. Gundaker

(2000:132) reaffirms this point, arguing that such a model is narrow insofar as it ignores

the important fact of the coexistence of creoles with metropolitan languages, and,

therefore, the active role of the actors in manipulating more than one kind of language,









behavioral style, and material repertoire according to their interests. The grammatical

model of creolization is founded, therefore, in a rigid notion of structure, in which the

action of individuals is caged into pre-determined cultural rules. Within this structure no

margin is given to creative and strategic actions, in which so-called creolized groups

could be adopting different patterns of behavior, determined according to the social

context, aiming toward the accomplishment of specific goals. An additional problem,

pointed out by Singleton (1988:177), is that the focus on the process of creolization

obscures the cultural identity of specific ethnic groups.

Regarding this last issue, several recent studies have demonstrated that Mintz and

Price exaggerated the level of cultural heterogeneity of the Africans in the Americas,

since they did not take into account the regional patterns in the trans-Atlantic slave trade,

which privileged, in distinct periods, peoples from specific regions of Africa, who, in

turn, were sent to specific regions of the Americas. Furthermore, within these African

regions different ethnic groups shared many beliefs, values, and customs (see Mann

2001:7; Sweet 2003:2-3; Thornton 1998:191-192). In the Americas, these groups tended

to gather according to linguistic and cultural similarities, building broader ethnic

identities, referred to as nations (Lovejoy 2000:9; Nishida 2003:32; Oliveira 1994:176;

Thornton 1998:195-205). In this way, these studies have shifted the focus away from the

explicit study of creolization toward an emphasis on placing Africans and their

descendents at the center of their own histories. Finally, these studies have renewed the

concern with African cultural retentions the Africanisms, examining them within

cultural matrices more specific than that proposed by Herskovits (see, for example,









Heywood 2002; Lovejoy 2000; Mann 2001; Nishida 2003; Oliveira 1994; Reis 2003;

Sweet 2003; Thornton 1998).

This study will rely on the more recent trends in studies of the African diaspora, so

that its primary focus will be on cultural diversity, considering that the slaves on the

plantations of Chapada dos Guimaraes, like those in Brazilian urban settings (see Karasch

2000; Nishida 2003; Oliveira 1994; Reis 2003), internally divided themselves in groups

that shared cultural affinities, the so-called African "nations". In this sense, the central

thesis presented here is that the process of creolization of the African slaves in Chapada

dos Guimaraes was segmented rather than linear, first involving the formation of

subgroups who shared cultural elements typical of their regions of origin in Africa, and

thereafter the formation of a more culturally cohesive African-Brazilian group. This

process of formation of differentiated groups of slaves will be examined through the

combination of documentary and archaeological sources. The two major data sets used in

this analysis will be demographic data regarding the composition of slaveholdings in

Chapada dos Guimaraes, extracted from slaveholdings lists present in planter's probate-

inventories, and the pottery produced by these groups. As will be discussed in Chapter 4,

although documentary evidences point out to the possibility of maintenance of discrete

African communities in the region, they provide very little information about the possible

cultural practices and traditions that these groups might have brought with them, and,

consequently, on the possible ways that they kept, re-invented, and hybridized their

original cultures in this new context. In this sense, archaeological data, principally the

locally-made, low fired, earthenware, denoted as "Colonoware" in North America, will

have much to add to this discussion.









African Influences over Colonoware: A Debate in African-American Archaeology

In the United States, the issue of the African influence over Colonoware ceramics

found in African-American sites has been subject of a wide debate, divided between

scholars supporting this interpretation (Deetz 1996; Emmerson 1999; Fergunson 1992;

Meyers 1999; Petersen and Waters 1988; Wheaton and Garrow 1985), and those rejecting

it (DeCorse 1999; Hill 1987, Mouer et al. 1999; Posnanski 1999). The genesis of this

debate goes back to the 1960s when Noel Hume (1962), excavating the earliest sites

associated with the English colonization of Virginia, found assemblages of a coarse,

unglazed pottery, mostly in non-European shapes. He classified this pottery as Colono-

Indian Ware, given its similarities to both pre-historic and historic Amerindian wares in

Virginia. Noel-Hume argued that Amerindians made the vessels in styles accepted by

African-Americans, who bought them, thus explaining the presence of this pottery in

African-American sites. In the 1970s, South (1974 cited in Fergunson 1980) and

Polhemus (1976 cited in Fergunson 1980) challenged this interpretation, suggesting an

African-American origin for this pottery, based on the similarities of the Colono-Indian

ware of South Carolina with modern Ghanaian and Nigerian potteries. Fergunson (1980;

1992) traced similarities between Colono-Indian ware and pottery traditions from west

Africa in terms of techniques of manufacture, in both the predominate low-fired coiled

and molded earthenware; similarity of shapes, particularly in the flat bases and flaring

rims; and surface finishing, in which smoothed or burnished finishing is the most usual

techniques in both cases.

The evidence presented by Fergunson (1980; 1992) for an African influence over

Colonoware found in slave sites, although supported by some subsequent works (see

examples in Deetz 1996; Emmerson 1999; Meyers 1999; Petersen and Waters 1988;









Wheaton and Garrow 1985), have also been questioned by several scholars (see DeCorse

1999; Hill 1987, Mouer et al. 1999; Posnanski 1999). Thus, Hill (1987) argues that

Colonoware vessels have little similarity with African archaeological pottery traditions,

being rather similar to any pottery produced by native populations throughout the world,

so that both Africans and Amerindians could easily have produced these vessels.

Posnanski (1999) and DeCorse (1999) share Hill's view, noticing that this utilitarian and

poorly decorated pottery does not mirror the sophistication of the ceramic traditions of

western Africa.

These criticisms of historical archaeologists working in Africa, the Caribbean, and

North America demonstrate how problematic it is to assume the existence of direct

correlations in stylistic and craftwork traditions between Africa and the New World

slave's material culture. Indeed, studies defending African influences over Colonoware

have, in most cases, been based on selected evidence that constitute rare exceptions in the

slaves' material universe revealed through archaeology. This is the case of Meyers'

(1999) study in Jamaica, in which he argues for a western African influence over the

decoration of pottery based only on 28 decorated fragments, which constituted 3% of the

total Colonoware assemblage, otherwise represented only by undecorated sherds (see

other criticisms in Hauser and DeCorse 2003). In fact, decoration is a minor dimension of

Colonoware associated with slaves in United States and the Caribbean. Whereas in

United States this pottery is generally undecorated, in the Caribbean decoration is present

in a very small percentage, varying between 3% and 5% of the assemblages (see Meyers

1999:209; Petersen et al. 1999:185). This very low quantitative significance of decorated









Colonoware makes problematic the search for correlations with the richly decorated

African pottery traditions.

More recently some historical archaeologists have proposed abandoning this

polarized debate and evaluating this pottery in terms of the process of interaction that it

represents (see Orser 1996; Singleton and Bograd 2000). Thus, Orser (1996) sees

Colonowares as a mutualist kind of artifact, which was used by both African-Americans

and Native-Americans as an expression of resistance to the European colonialism.

Singleton and Bograd (2000) argue that the focus on the identity of the producers of this

category of artifact is based on the idea of an essentialist and, therefore, static conception

of ethnic identity, which limits the potential of this material in the study of colonial and

multicultural settings. For these authors, a more productive perspective is to approach

Colonoware as an intercultural artifact, imbued with transformative meanings and uses.

The problem with this last view is that considering Colonoware as an intercultural artifact

is a generalizing proposition, which does not take into account the cultural context in

which this material was produced and used. For instance, an African slave producing

Colonoware on a plantation probably was much more influenced by its African cultural

templates of production than by an Amerindian tradition. Moreover, her/his major social

and cultural ties were within her/his slave community rather than with Amerindians with

whom this slave could have had very little, if any, cultural affinity. Thus, the explanation

of Colonoware as an intercultural artifact has to be context-dependent, being necessary,

in the first place, to establish the level of interaction among African-Americans,

Amerindians, and European-Americans to each case, rather than just to assume that

intense interaction happened.









In the case of Brazil, some scholars have suggested that incised decorations present

in locally-made pottery from the historical period are predominantly associated with

slave groups, since this type of decoration was employed largely in cooking pots, a type

of vessel used in the kitchen, where female slaves carried out a significant part of their

daily tasks, including cooking (Dias Jr., 1988:8; Jacobus, 1997:66; Souza 2002:76-77).

Differing from North American and Caribbean contexts, decoration is a very common

dimension of the Brazilian Colonoware.1 In the case of Chapada dos Guimaraes' sites,

26.15% of the locally-made pottery assemblages (1774 fragments) are decorated and

most of the decorative techniques and designs that are present indicate strong similarities

with sub-Saharan African pottery assemblages from both the end of the Iron Age and the

colonial period (see Souza and Symanski forthcoming; Symanski and Souza 2001:131-

169), pointing to the very strong possibility that slaves were principally responsible for

the production of this pottery in these contexts, as will be discussed in Chapter 4.

Moreover, there are very clear differences between these historic pottery assemblages and

the pre-historic pottery recovered from several sites in this region, in which incised

decoration is practically absent (Vianna 2001). Finally, the tradition of pottery making in

the region of Chapada dos Guimaraes has been maintained until recent times by women

of mixed African and indigenous descent, and there exists at least one potter in each rural

community (Ataides 2001).





1 In this dissertation, the Colonoware found in Brazilian contexts will be called locally-made pottery.
Although the low fired, locally produced, earthenware found in Brazilian historical contexts has been
called, since 1960s, as Neo-Brazilian ceramic (cerimica Neo-Brasileira), this term will not be used, due its
homogenizing character, which does not take into account the huge variability of this material throughout
the national territory and the multiplicity of cultural influences that it was subjected (see Souza,
forthcoming).









Pottery and Slaves Identities in Chapada dos Guimaries

In this study I will argue that the more discrete African regional groups identified

in the Chapada dos Guimaraes' plantations exerted specific influences over the locally-

produced pottery found on these sites. Thus, the identification of the African

composition of the Chapada dos Guimaraes' slaveholdings and the characterization of the

major African "nations" that occupied this region is a fundamental first step for

understanding the dynamics between pottery and African identities. Slaveholding lists

present in probate-inventories of the planters of the region furnish detailed information

about the origin, gender, and age of these slaves to the period between 1790 and 1880.

The locally-made pottery, in turn, is represented by fifteen assemblages, representing

distinct depositional intervals from the end of the 18th century to the end of the 19th and

early 20th century. These two data sets will be analyzed via a diachronic perspective,

searching for correlations between the changes in the composition of the slaveholdings

over time and the variability of the locally-made pottery, especially its decorative

techniques and designs.

Based on the correlations established between the pottery's diachronic variability

and the changes in the composition of the slaveholdings, I will defend the following

points: 1- Africans in Brazil did not become a monolithic cultural group due the

conditions of slavery; 2- although a general African worldview, or underlying cultural

principles, could have been important in the adjustment of slaves with differentiated

cultural backgrounds in the space of the plantations, more regionally circumscribed

African cultural elements, such as language, religion, and material culture, were more

important in the building of difference within the slave communities; 3- Colonoware









served as a material support of these more discrete African identities, being important for

studying the processes of reconstruction of African identities as well as creolization.

Considering these points, I will argue that creolization in Chapada dos Guimaraes

was a segmented, rather than linear, process, an idea that has resonance with Nishida's

(2003) study on urban slavery in Salvador. In this sense, creolization first involved the

formation of more exclusive groups within the wider slaves' community. This diversity

only decreased in the region when an African-Brazilian population strongly dominated

the demographic setting after 1870. In this way, the process of cultural homogenization

of the slave population had a rhythm much slower than that defended by Mintz and Price

(1992:54).

After presenting evidence demonstrating the African influences over the Chapada

dos Guimaraes' locally-made pottery, the analysis will advance to a further level of

abstraction in Chapter 6, interpreting the distribution of this and other material categories

on the plantations' spaces as a strategy through which slaves symbolically re-

appropriated these spaces according to their own perceptions.

Methodology of Field and Laboratory

This study is a direct result of the development of research that I began in 1999

when I was contracted by the Instituto Goiano de Pre-Hist6ria e Antropologia of the

Universidade Cat6olica de Goias to survey and rescue the historical sites located within

the area subjected to be flooded by the dam of the Manso River Hydroelectric, a project

financed by Furnas Centrais Eletricas SA (see Symanski and Souza 2001). The dam

flooded an area of 432 square kilometers in the county of Chapada dos Guimaraes, state

of Mato Grosso. Between February of 1999 and July of 2000 I excavated four historical

sites, three characterized as plantations referred to by the site names Taperdo,









Buritizinho, and Engenho do Quilombo, and one as a small rural settlement, referred to as

the Tapera do Pingador site, which, according to oral information, was occupied by

runaway or freed slaves. The period of occupation of these sites is from the end of the

18th through the end of the 19th century.

The application of standardized survey and excavation procedures in each site (see

Symanski and Souza 2001) permitted the recovery of quantitatively significant

assemblages, associated with the three basic social groups that occupied the region:

planters, free-laborers, and slaves. The systematic-geometric sampling methodology

(Redman 1974) was applied to identify the areas with highest concentration of artifacts in

the subsurface level in each site. Thus, test-pits of 1/2m2 were opened in regular intervals

of 10 meters throughout the extent of each site. This method permitted a uniform

coverage of the subsurface of each site, which, in turn, allowed the identification of the

areas representative of the three above referred basic social groups which occupied these

sites. The areas in each site that presented the highest concentrations of artifacts, revealed

through the test-pits, were then intensively excavated. The excavation of each area was

oriented to the natural stratigraphy, whose layers were subdivided into arbitrary levels of

10 centimeters. The areas of excavation varied according to each case, with the smallest

significant area representing eight square meters and the biggest one representing 128

square meters. These areas were subdivided in units measuring 1 x 1 or 2 x 2 meters. The

features identified were excavated as isolated depositional events. More detailed

information about the sites, areas of excavation, stratigraphy, features, and assemblages

will be presented in Chapter 2 and in the appendix.









Three major categories of artifacts were analyzed for this study: industrialized

wares, glasses, and locally-made pottery. These assemblages were analyzed with the aim

of deriving patterns of content. According to Majewski and O'Brien (1987:14) patterns of

content are derived through the calculus of the frequencies and percentages of the

material categories analyzed, taking into account previously established variables, such as

types of paste, decoration, function, or value. The variability of the frequencies or

percentages of the types identified can then be compared in the intra-site/inter-structure

level and in the inter-site level, searching for regularities and divergences in the

formation of the patterns (see also South 1977). Through this analysis it was possible to

derive some trends in the patterns of artifacts related to the three basic social units

considered here, as will be discussed in the chapters 3 to 6.

The assemblages of industrialized wares were classified according to the following

attributes: paste, glaze, decorative technique, color, and decorative pattern. Imported

wares were grouped, according to the paste, into four classes: majolicas, refined

earthenware, ironstones, and porcelain. Refined earthenware composed the largest class

of imported wares in the sites studied. After classifying the assemblages into these four

classes, the fragments of each class were subdivided into the following functional

categories: plates, bowls, cups, saucers, service and consumption wares, and other

miscellaneous wares. Next, the minimum number of vessels was established for each of

these functional categories.

Aiming to establish a chronology of occupation to the areas of excavation of each

site, the mean ceramic date formula (South 1972) was applied to the assemblages of

imported wares. The mean date was weighted by the frequency of the ceramic sherds of









those ceramic types that have a known period of manufacture or popularity. The total

number of fragments of each ceramic type is multiplied by its respective mean date. The

result obtained for each type is then totaled. This product is then divided by the total

number of fragments that were considered in the calculation, which furnishes the mean

date of the assemblage. In this study I ran the formula on the vessels, rather than the

sherds, in each assemblage, aiming to ameliorate the possible deviations that could be

occasioned by a great number of sherds referent to one piece versus the pieces

represented by just one or a few sherds. It is important to note that the mean ceramic date

formula was used just as a device to chronologically organize the assemblages. In many

areas occupied by the slaves the assemblages of imported wares were represented by less

than one hundred sherds, being therefore of low quantitative significance for applying

this formula. Nevertheless, it was considered that the results of the formula could furnish

a general idea of the period in which the areas in question were occupied. Regarding this

issue, an important point to be noticed is that only one of the four sites excavated was

continuously occupied since the 19th century, the Engenho do Quilombo site. The three

other sites were abandoned in the end of the 19th or the beginning of the 20th century,

which resulted in very little post-depositional alterations of their archaeological deposits.

In addition, refined earthenware was also classified according to the four levels of

economic value proposed by Miller (1980). Based on refined earthenware price lists of

the Staffordshire ceramic industries, for the period between 1795 and 1855, Miller (1980)

verified these wares were classified in increasing levels of price according to the

complexity of the technique of decoration employed. Years later, based on new sources,

Miller (1991) extended the reach of this scale up to 1880. Miller classified refined









earthenware into four basic groups: 1- the lowest level of the undecorated, white wares;

2- the minimally-decorated wares, presenting decorations which required lesser skills,

such as Shell Edge, Spongeware and Banded; 3- the hand-painted wares presenting

motifs as flowers, leafs, stylized Chinese landscapes, and geometric patterns; and 4- the

most expensive wares decorated in the technique of transfer printing. Although Miller

also provided a method for calculating the relative value of these vessels in an

archaeological assemblage based on the potter's price lists, the present analysis seeks

only to account for the frequencies and percentages of these four groups of wares to each

assemblage for the following reasons: 1- the assemblages analyzed, in many cases, refer

to wide depositional intervals; 2- assemblages with very different depositional intervals

could not be subjected to comparison through these indexes, due the effects of inflation

on the wares, and 3- the still unverified effects of the international and internal commerce

over the price of these wares, although research in probate-inventories of merchants of

imported wares has pointed out the validity of Miller's scale for the Brazilian context (see

Symanski 1998).

Glass sherds were, at first, divided by colors and then according to technological

and morphological attributes. The pieces were classified into four wide, functional

categories: beverage bottles, medicinal flasks, tableware, and others.

The analysis of the locally-made pottery emphasized three sets of attributes:

technological, formal, and decorative. The analysis took into account the following

attributes: types of temper, size of temper, surface treatment, decorative technique,

manufacture technique, rim form, rim inclination, rim size, and rim diameter. The

reconstitution of forms, calculation of volume, and ethnographic information permitted









inferences about the functional aspects of the vessels. Based on the formal characteristics

of the reconstituted vessels it was possible to identify four basic functional categories:

storage, cooking, service and consumption, and multifunctional. The minimum number of

vessels was established based on the style of the rims and bases that did not coincide

within the assemblages. Regarding the decorative dimension, the sherds were classified

into thirteen decorative techniques: incised, painted, visible coil, visible coil plus incised,

impressed, subdivided in impression of textiles, impression of circles, and others,

stamped, incised plus stamped, incised plus punctured, corrugated, digitated/fingernailed,

and incised plus digitated. The decorated sherds that did not fall into these categories

were classified as undetermined/miscellaneous.

The seriation method was employed to verify the diachronic variability of the

decorative techniques. In this way, the pottery assemblages were chronologically ordered

according to the mean dates of their respective archaeological deposits and the decorative

techniques present in each assemblage had their percentage represented in the form of a

bar graph. The superposition of the lines of bars referent to each assemblage permits easy

visualization of the popularity, presence, and absence of the decorative techniques and,

consequently, their temporal variability, as will be discussed in Chapter 4.

The documentary research was carried out in the Arquivo Publico do Mato Grosso

(APMT), followed by complementary research in the Instituto Hist6rico e Geografico do

Mato Grosso (IHGMT). It was also used copies of land titles researched by Siqueira

(2001) in the Instituto de Terras de Mato Grosso (INTERMAT).

The main goals of the documentary research were to:









uncover information about the occupants of the historical sites, with the goal of

correlating the archaeological deposits within specific and historically situated social

units;

study the material conditions of life in the plantations of the region in order to

understand their economic and social structure and their similarities and differences to

other more frequently studied plantation systems in Brazil;

characterize economically and socially the distinct social groups who occupied

these settings;

study the regional demography of slaves, and the possible fluctuations over time

in their origin;

investigate the social and cultural practices of the slaves, with the goal of

verifying the extent to which they built cultural borders between them and the planters

and among themselves.

The major sources of information were probate-inventories, land titles, criminal

process documents and traveler's accounts. Land titles furnished important information

about the process of occupation of the region, indicating the names of the first colonizers

and the places where they settled. These documents permitted the identification of the

first owners of the plantations excavated, which, in turn, allowed location of their

probate-inventories to track the trajectory of their families and the process of occupation

of these sites by different households between 1780 and 1880. In fact, probate-inventories

were the richest documentary source and the most frequently used in this research,

providing information about the planters' domestic environment, the material structure of

the plantations, the productive activities carried out in these sites, and the socio-economic









hierarchy among the planters. The slaveholding lists present in these documents

permitted the study of slave demography in the region, providing information about the

number of slaves held on each plantation, their origin, their "nations" (Congo, Angola,

Benguela, Mozambique, Mina, among others), the "race" of the African-Brazilian slaves

(creole, mulatto, cabra, or cabure), gender ratios, and age.

But, because the primary objective of the probate-inventories was evaluating the

economic patrimony of the deceased, these documents provide little information about

the social dynamics of the plantations and give only a partial picture of the social

hierarchy in these establishments. In this regard, free laborers are referred in very few

instances and only in the planter's wills and in the plantation account books that are

sometimes inserted into the probate-inventories. On the other hand, criminal process

documents are a rich source for studying the social dynamics and some facets of the daily

life in the plantations, since these documents, aside from describing the conflicts and

tensions between planters, slaves, and free laborers, also furnish information about the

social standing and occupation of the victims, defendants, and witnesses involved in a

crime. Moreover, these documents often describe the activities of these individuals at the

moment in which the crime happened. Traveler's accounts provide some important

information about the social practices of distinct groups, like foodways, use and

significance of certain material items, and religiosity, that are not present in other

sources.

Finally, a good deal of attention was given to the 18th and 19th century cultural

practices and stylistic traditions of the peoples of the African regions of origin of the

slaves who compulsorily migrated to Brazil and lived the rest of their lives in Chapada









dos Guimaraes' plantations. The main sources for this information were traveler's

accounts, historical studies, ethnographical and ethno-historical studies, museum

catalogs, and archaeological papers and reports. The goal was verifying the extent to

which these peoples were able to maintain, transform, and hybridize their original

practices and traditions in this new context where they were obligated to rebuild their

lives under the conditions of servitude.

Structure of the Dissertation

Because this dissertation deals with data from four historical sites located in the

same region, the primary focus of analysis will be on the regional, inter-site scale, rather

than the local, intra-site scale. In addition, the widest scale of the transatlantic region, the

system that integrated Brazil, Africa and Portugal through a constant interchange of

people, ideas, and objects (see Thornton 1998), will be considered throughout the

chapters in this study. Thus, the archaeological contexts will be analyzed by taking into

account these gradually increasing spheres of interaction, beginning at the site level, to

the regional level, and finally to the transatlantic level.

Chapter 2 provides the basic context for this study. It begins by presenting some

general information on the history and economy of Mato Grosso, progressing to a

regional study and discussing the historical process of occupation of Chapada dos

Guimaraes, and then characterizing the economy and material structure of the plantations

of this region, and finally presents basic information about the excavated sites and their

occupants.

Chapter 3 focuses on the planters, their social practices and material life. The

trajectory of some of the most important families of planters who established themselves

in the region since the end of the 18th century is analyzed with the goal of understanding









the social strategies that this group developed to keep the ownership of the land in the

region throughout the generations. The material life of this group will be characterized

through documentary and archaeological data, discussing the extent to which this group

was influenced by the bourgeois, western-European, culture of consumption that started

to manifest and consolidate in Brazil in the early 19th century, and, on the other hand, the

possible influences that slaves exerted over the planter's material life.

Chapter 4's focus moves to the group directly opposite to that of the planters on the

social spectrum: the slaves. It begins by presenting information about the African slave

trade to Brazil and Mato Grosso. Next, the process of reconstruction of African identities

in Brazil is discussed, characterizing the principal African "nations" in terms of their

regional origins and cultural elements, such as language and religiosity. The focus is then

narrowed to the context of Chapada dos Guimardes, furnishing quantitative information

about all of the African "nations" identified in the slaveholdings lists in the period

between 1790 and 1888, and discussing the fluctuations over time in their general

demography, gender ratios, and ratios of Africans to African-Brazilians. Marriage

patterns among these groups, based on the data presented by Crivelente (2001), are

discussed in relation to the demographic data. The demographic predominance of distinct

African "nations" in different periods is established and these data are correlated with the

rise and fall of specific decorative techniques and designs over time on the locally-made

pottery. Having established these correlations in the regional scale, information is

presented on the specific regions of origin of these African groups particularly in

reference to stylistic traditions evidenced in pottery and other material supports,

especially in relation to the strong similarities between some designs and decorative









techniques present on Chapada dos Guimaraes' pottery and those found in these African

regions. The major implication of these correlations is that Africans in Chapada dos

Guimaraes used pottery as a vehicle through which they exposed their differences and

affinities in terms of cultural order. More specifically, the dimension of gender is added

to this analysis in an attempt to verify possible correlations between the African females

who occupied each site, as they were supposedly primarily responsible for pottery

production, and the intra- and inter-site pottery variability. Finally, the diachronic

perspective advanced here also permits a discussion of the rhythm of the process of

creolization in the region, demonstrating that pottery gradually lost its significance as an

expression of identity differences insofar as a creole generation dominated the

demographic setting in these plantations.

Chapter 5 treats the intermediary element between planters and slaves, that is, the

free laborers who lived in these plantations. This was a very heterogeneous group,

composed of specialized and well paid artisans as well as unspecialized and salaried

laborers, who many times worked side by side with slaves. The ethno-racial composition

of this group was also diversified, being represented by Portuguese and Portuguese-

Brazilians, Africans, creoles, and mulattos. As previously discussed, documentary data

about this group are much more fragmentary than those concerning planters and slaves.

Because of this scarcity of information, this is the briefest chapter of the dissertation.

Conversely, this scarcity of documentary data makes the archaeological record even more

valuable as a source of information about this group, pointing out its daily practices and

material life. In this regard, the main goal of this chapter was evaluating the extent to

which free laborers were able to use the material culture to build a social identity which









differentiated them from the slaves and approximated them to the planters. As will be

seen, the patterns of material life of this group were as ambiguous as their social

condition in the plantation's structure.

Finally, Chapter 6, as previously stated, is a study on the distribution of the material

culture across the space of the plantations, exploring the ways in which slaves and

planters used material items to appropriate these spaces according to their differentiated

systems of references and the implications of this process in terms of power relations. In

this way, the primary focus will be on the intra-site scale, but also searching for

regularities and divergences in the regional level. This analysis will be founded on

theories of space and landscape proposed by LeFebvre (2002 [1974]), DeCerteau (1984),

and Hirsch (1995). In addition, the artifacts found in different contexts will be examined

taking into account the different categories of value imbued to them, which include use,

exchange, and sign-values (Kopytoff 1986:64; Orser 1992:97; Kearney 1995:158). It will

be sustained that the material culture produced and/or culturally appropriated by the

slaves represented a set of discourses, based on African-derived systems of values,

alternative to the discourses imposed by the planters, who maintained a hierarchical view

of these spaces. These two sets of discourses, as well as the worldviews from which they

derived, were fitted in the same landscape, composing a dialectic that characterized the

multi-cultural space of the plantations. As will be discussed with the basis in

archaeological, documentary, and ethnographic evidence, these discourses gradually

infiltrated one another in a such way that their contemporary composition is present in

some of the traditional practices kept by the population of the region in modern times.














CHAPTER 2
THE PLANTATIONS OF CHAPADA DOS GUIMARAES: ECONOMY AND
MATERIAL STRUCTURE

My intent in this chapter is to present some basic information about the historical

occupation of Mato Grosso and Chapada dos Guimaraes, aiming to furnish a context for

the discussions that will be developed throughout this dissertation. This contextualization

will follow from the wider occupational process of the territory of Mato Grosso, to the

specific region of Chapada dos Guimaraes. Special attention will be given to the

characterization of the economy and material structure of the Chapada dos Guimaraes'

plantations. Finally, the four historical sites excavated will be described, and information

about both the households and slaveholdings who occupied each site will be presented.

The Historical Occupation of Mato Grosso

The territory that currently corresponds to the state of Mato Grosso, although

explored since the beginning of the 17th century by bandeiras, expeditions which

searched for Indians for slaving and gold, only began to be colonized in 1718. It was this

year that an expedition, coming from the captaincy of Sao Paulo, discovered gold on the

margins of the Coxip6 River. The population increase in this mining site gave rise to the

village of Cuiaba, officially founded in 1719 (Correa Filho 1969:206-207). The first

colonists came from the captaincy of Sao Paulo following a fluvial route originated in the

Tiet6 River, called mongoes do sul (Siqueira et al. 1990:13).

During the 18th century, gold mining, carried out by slave labor, was the economic

activity responsible for the colonization of the territory of Mato Grosso. Because the gold









in these mines was easily exhausted, the population was constantly moving, searching for

new productive mines throughout the territory (Volpato 1987:92). The itinerancy of the

population preoccupied the Portuguese government, since the possession of this frontier

region, which was subject to disputes with Spain, could best be secured by the

establishment of a more population. Thus, in 1748 this region was separated from the

captaincy of Sdo Paulo and, in 1752, the capital of the captaincy, Vila Bela da Santissima

Trindade, was founded on the margins of the Guapore River. Aiming to supply the new

capital with the necessary commodities and slaves, the Portuguese government

established, in 1755, the Companhia de Comdrcio do Grd-Pard e Maranhdo, which

monopolized the commercial navigation between Vila Bela and Belem do Para, through

the route of the Madeira and Guapore rivers (Siqueira et al. 1990:20-21). Vila Bela kept

the status of capital of Mato Grosso until 1835, when, due to its economic decline, the

provincial government moved to Cuiaba (Bandeira 1988:112).

By the end of the 18th century the gold mines of Mato Grosso were exhausted,

forcing its population to reprioritize economic activities. Thus, most of the slaves

previously employed in gold mining were reallocated to cattle farms and sugar-cane

plantations, which substantially increased in number during this period. In 1805 the

Portuguese Crown permitted diamond mining, up to then prohibited due the dispute with

the Spain over this frontier territory. Although the exploration of diamonds revitalized the

export commerce of the captaincy, in 1830 it also began to decline (Assis 1988:26;

Lenharo 1982:10).













































~-s*


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/


L- I


., < ..* w i i I
Vii g.i .. -- rLi5.',..: '


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4f~


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Figure 2-1. Map: Planta topografica da nova descoberta da quina na Villa do Cuyaba.
Author: Priest Jose Manuel de Siqueira. Year: 1800. 1- Taperdo site; 2-
Buritizinho site; 3- Engenho do Quilombo site; 4-Tapera do Pingador site.


**









Gold and diamond mining, however, did not bring wealth to the region because

Gold and diamond mining, however, did not bring wealth to the region because

the Portuguese Crown heavily taxed the mining production (Siqueira et al. 1990:20).

Moreover, the long distance from Cuiaba to the center-southern region, the danger of

Indian attacks during the travel, and the scarcity or absence of villages and posts along

the routes made the commercial integration of Mato Grosso with the rest of Brazil

(Volpato 1987) very difficult. The realignment of the economic activities from mining to

sugar production and cattle raising in the end of the 18th century did not change this

scenario, because these products, unlike gold and diamonds, did not have a high value per

weight that could offset the cost of exportation (Volpato 1987:87), a problem that was

only partially solved with the opening of the navigation in the Prata River, in 1857

(Volpato 1993:36, 50-51). The establishment of this fluvial route strongly affected the

province's economic and social life due to the easier access to industrialized commodities

and to peoples and ideas coming from Europe (Volpato 1993:36-44).

The Process of Occupation of Chapada dos Guimaries

The historical occupation of Chapada dos Guimaraes began as a consequence of the

founding of the village of Cuiaba, in 1719. To supply the population of the village with

foodstuffs, agricultural farms had to be located close to the village. Thus, in 1720,

Ant6nio de Almeida Lara established the first plantation in the southern region of

Chapada. This plantation employed more than 30 slaves in planting, cattle raising, and

sugar production (Rosa 1995:42). A more intense occupation of this region started in

1726, when the colonial government began to distribute land titles, called letters of

sesmarias, to the elite established in the territory of Mato Grosso, composed of the

prestigious miners, militaries, and representatives of the colonial bureaucracy (Siqueira









2001:58). These sesmarias had commonly one half square league in size, an area roughly

corresponding to nine square kilometers, but there were cases of granting of bigger

extensions of land in the region, having one half league by three leagues in size, as the

sesmaria granted to the Portuguese Valentim Martins da Cruz in 1781.1

In turn, the historical process of population settlement in the region that is the focus

of this research, in the Casca and Quilombo rivers (Figure 2-1), only started in 1780

(Siqueira 2001:81). Between 1780 and 1791, at least 33 persons received land-titles in

this region, with some of receiving two or more sesmarias. This establishment of the

population occurred at a time when gold-mining was collapsing in Mato Grosso, forcing

many miners to reallocate part of their slaveholdings for planting activities (Aleixo

1984:44; Volpato 1987:93-94). The case of the sargento-mor2 Ant6nio da Silva

Albuquerque, documented by Crivelente (2001:49-50), is very illustrative of this process

of diversification of productive activities during this period. In 1798, in a declaration for

the government of the captaincy, this new planter affirmed that he started that same year

to produce cane brandy (cachaga), an activity in which he had no experience, and that he

simultaneously employed his slaveholding in mining and planting activities. The

Portuguese Valentim Martins da Cruz was another planter who kept his slaves working in

both activities. After 1805, when diamond mining was finally begun in the region after

having been prohibited due the conflicts with the Spain over this territory, some planters

also started to explore diamonds. The German naturalist Langsdorff, who visited this

region in 1827, described diamond exploration sites on the margins of the Quilombo

river, close to the plantation Engenho do Quilombo, and one of the sites discussed in this


I1HGMT, ACBM IPDAC Pasta 70 Doc. 1770 fls. 19 v.
2 Military post equivalent to major.









dissertation (Langsdorff 1997:114). Other planters, however, like the Portuguese Luiz

Monteiro Salgado, employed their slaveholdings exclusively in planting activities. In

1784 Luiz Monteiro requested from the General-captain of the captaincy a sesmaria to

employ his 32 slaves in planting activities for their own subsistence and for that of his

own family.3

The funds that most of the first colonizers used to establish these plantations came

principally from the profits that they accumulated from gold mining (Arruda 1987:16), an

activity that permitted them to acquire slaves, which were the most expensive investment,

in quantity large enough to successfully start this new entrepreneurship. A sesmaria of

one half square league, when it was not granted by the government, could still be bought,

in the beginning of the 19th century, for prices varying between 60,000 and 360,000 reis.

At this time a male slave between 18-25 years was evaluated and valued according to his

abilities and physical condition, at between 180.000 and 240.000 reis.4 The value of a

sesmaria varied according to its location, distance from the main rivers, and fertility of

the soils. Even the whole plantation complex, which included the most expensive sugar-

mills powered by water, planter's house, smaller houses for free-laborers, deposits, and

slaves' cabins, was evaluated by amounts varying between 720.0005 and 1.800.000,6 the

price of five to ten young slaves. The low value of these establishments was certainly due

the fact that their buildings were made of wattle-and-daub, although the most important





3 APMT, s6rie: correspondencia ativa; fundo:Camara; requerente: Luiz Monteiro Salgado; year: 1784.
4 APMT, probate-inventory Luiz Monteiro Salgado, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Processo No. 448, year: 1808;
probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 15, year: 1809.
5 APMT, probate-inventory Luiz Monteiro Salgado, 1808.
6 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nia Maria Dias, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 16, Processo No. 20, year:
1812.









buildings, such as the planter's house and the sugar-mill, commonly had roofs made of

tiles.7

By the end of the 18th century the region of Chapada dos Guimaraes had the largest

concentration of sugar plantations in the state of Mato Grosso. According to Mesquita

(1931:33), in 1796 there were 20 plantations with engenhos (sugar-mills) in this region,

employing a total of 728 slaves, while in the rest of the captaincy there were only 14

plantations with engenhos, which employed 331 slaves. In 1815 the number of slaves in

this region had substantially increased to 2,147 individuals, out of a total population of

3,743 inhabitants, indicating the strong intensification of the plantations' productive

activities (Crivelente 2001:52). Three years later, in 1818, a census pointed out Chapada

dos Guimaraes as still having the biggest concentration of engenhos in Mato Grosso,

numbering 36 total, although the number of these establishments had substantially

increased to 117 in the remainder of the captaincy.8

The Spatial Organization of the Plantations

A brief description of the social hierarchy on these plantations is required to better

understand the spatial organization of these establishments. More detailed information

about each social group will be furnished in the chapters 3, 4 and 5. A rigid social

stratification, which had the planters on the top, was maintained in these units. Planters

resided on the plantations during the dry season (between April and November),

supervising the harvesting of the cane and the preparation of sugar and derived products.

At the end of this period, most of them removed their families to Cuiaba, where they



7 APMT, probate-inventory Tereza Maria da Transfiguraqdo, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 54, Processo No.
790, year: 1847.
8 RIHGB. DescrigAo Estatistica da Capitania de Mato Grosso, seus Distritos, Freguesias, Igrejas,
Estabelecimentos, Profissionais, Lavras, Engenhos e Popula~go 1818. Vol. XX 1875.









could satisfy their social needs and look after their political and economic interests

(Seckinger, 1970:69).

Free laborers, divided into wage-laborers, known as camaradas, overseers,

sharecroppers, and artisans, composed the middle stratum. Overseers had as their main

function controlling the labor and daily life of the slaves. Sharecroppers were not wage-

laborers, but people who lived in the plantations as aggregates, keeping their own

clearing to plant and giving part of their production to the planters, and/or carrying out

other economic activities. Camaradas composed the lowest stratum among the free

laborers. They worked as wage-laborers under the orders of the overseers, in activities

such as carpentry, blacksmithing, conducting of mule troops and, principally, planting

(Volpato 1993:201). Artisans, such as carpenters and blacksmiths, offered their services

in the plantations of the region, being contracted on a daily basis or paid in accordance to

the service carried out. Differing from the three other categories of free-laborers, artisans

did not live on the plantations for long periods of time.

The main activity carried out by slaves was planting, although they could also be

employed in gold and diamond mining (Crivelente 2001:51). At least in some plantations

of the region they were subjected to extremely violent and oppressive forms of treatment.

Langsdorff (1997:111-112) visiting the plantation Engenho do Quilombo, in 1827,

described the slaves as undernourished and barely dressed. The women were

overwhelmed with cotton weaving activities and, at night, locked in a room located right

under the planter's bedroom. The social tensions resulting from this exploitative system

sometimes emerged in cases of slaves murdering planters, 9 overseers,10 and


9 APMT, Tribunal da Rela'io, Proc. 779, year: 1838; APEMT, Arquivo do 60 Oficio, caixa 1, mayo 70,
year:1853.









camaradas,11 in acts of revolt against the physical punishments to which they were

constantly submitted. The formation of quilombos, settlements of runaway slaves, was

also common in this region (Volpato 1996).

The description of the material structure of the plantations is important for

understanding the use of the space by the different groups who occupied these

establishments. Although the planters' probate-inventories furnish some general

information about the plantations' buildings, little is informed about their spatial

organization. For instance, one of the most complete descriptions of plantations is found

on Manuel de Moura's probate inventory, dated 1801.12 His plantation, located close to

Cuiaba, is described as containing the following buildings: a living house presenting a

double tiled-roof, one house of engenho (mill-house), also covered with tiles, whose

engine was run by oxen, one house behind the engenho for wage laborers, one wattle-

and-daub house containing two water-powered monjolos (mill for the making of manioc

flour and corn flour), other wattle-and-daub houses containing one brickwork for the

production of tiles, one larder, and several senzalas (slave cabins). This description

makes clear that planters, wage-laborers, and slaves lived in different units within the

plantation space.

The careful reading of the probate-inventories' descriptions, attempting to join

fragmented pieces of information that could point out to some general characteristics of

the plantations spatial organization, demonstrates that the sugar-mill was always located

next to the planters' houses. Indeed, the French painter Hercules Florence, visiting the


10 APMT, Tribunal da Rela'go, Proc. 57, year: 1862.
11 APMT, Tribunal da Rela'go, Proc. 926, year: 1875; APEMT, Arquivo do 60 Oficio, caixa 2, mayo 84,
year: 1881.
12 APMT, probate-inventory Manuel de Moura, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 07, Processo No. 675, year:
1801.









region in 1827, described the engenhos of two plantations as placed right behind the

planters' houses (Florence n.d.: 110, 118). The engenho constituted the productive center

of the plantations and their most important structure, as indicated in the probate-

inventories descriptions, which tend to list first the engenho, followed by the planter's

house, as an attached structure, and therefore, secondary in importance.13 Visiting the

Fazenda Jacobina, the biggest plantation of Mato Grosso, in 1827, Florence (n.d.: 126)

saw more than one hundred people, between slaves and free, women in their majority,

working in distinct activities in the sugar-mill (see Figure 2-2).

According to Volpato (1993:110), the sugar-mills of Mato Grosso were very simple

and small when contrasted to those existent in the coastal regions, whose production was

oriented to exportation. However, most of these engenhos were water-powered, which,

according to Schwartz (1985:116), implied a much higher investment than that necessary

to run the oxen-powered mills. Besides the mill, these millhouses were equipped with

alambique, which was a device for distilling sugar-cane, monjolo, a simple manual or

water-powered device used to crush corn, manioc, and to grind coffee, molds for sugar

and rapadura14-making, barrels for storage of cane brandy, and other equipment and

utensils.












13APMT, probate-inventory Ana Luiza da Silva, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 55, Processo No. 873, year:
1848; probate-inventory Ant6nio Jos6 de Cerqueira Caldas, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 63 Processo No.
02, year: 1853.
14 Rapadura is black sugar molded in the shape of small bricks.






























Figure 2-2. Picture of oxen-powered sugar-mill in the coastal region of Brazil in the early
19th century (Rugendas 1979).

Also close to the engenho, but not attached to the planters' houses, were located the

wage-laborers and/or tenant farmers' houses. In Manuel de Moura's probate-inventory15,

as described above, one wage-laborers' house was located right behind the millhouse.

Paulo Silva Coelho's probate-inventory16 describes five houses with tiled-roofs, located

next to the planter's house, which, according to the description, were used to house

camaradas (wage-laborers) and as larders. Claudina Maria, a witness in an overseer's

case of murder by a slave in the Engenho Santo Ant6nio, in Chapada dos Guimardes,

affirmed that she lived with her husband as aggregates in this engenho, in a house located

in the backyard of the planter's house. 17

While wage-laborers/aggregates' houses were located close to the planters' houses

and, consequently, to the millhouses, the documents studied give no clues about the


15 APMT, probate-inventory Manoel de Moura, 1801.
16 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809.
17 APMT, Tribunal da Rela'go, Caixa 11, Doc. 57, No. 255, year: 1862.









location of the slaves' houses, know as senzalas, on the plantation spaces. This gap,

however, is fulfilled by the archaeological data. Archaeological excavations on the

Taperdo and Buritizinho plantation sites, as will be discussed further in this chapter,

demonstrates that while free-laborers lived in houses between 30 to 50 meters from the

planters' houses, slaves lived in houses located between 50 and 80 meters from the

planters'. As pointed out by the probate-inventories and confirmed by the archaeological

data, plantations could have several senzalas. Thus, in general, slaves were not sheltered

into a single big structure, but in several smaller ones, and there probably existed some

senzalas that were restricted to nuclear families, as suggested by Volpato (1993:150).

Senzalas are generally described in probate-inventories as having grassed-roofs, and

therefore indicating a wattle-and-daub construction of very little economic value. In

Manuel de Moura's probate inventory,18 senzalas are described as having banana trees

around them, which could constitute an important foodstuff for the slaves' subsistence,

and illustrates some similarity to subsistence activities in Africa. According to Volpato

(1993:150) these habitations were deprived of any kind of comfort, with the slaves

sleeping on leathers stretched on the floor, and also indicating that leathers were also

used as the senzalas' doors.

The combination of archaeological and documentary data indicates that the

disposition of the habitations related to distinct social categories on these plantations

followed a rigidly hierarchical plan, defined according to a greater or lesser proximity to

the planters' house. The picture of a plantation in the southern-central region of Brazil,

drawn by Debret (1978) in the first decade of the 19th century (Figure 2-3), illustrates

very well the plantations' pattern of disposition of the habitations.

18 APMT, probate-inventory Manoel de Moura, 1801.

































Figure 2-3. Overseer punishing slave (Debret 19


In this picture the foreground represents the area of the planter's house,19 from

which can be seen the stairway and one column. At the right side, behind this house,

there is an adjacent house, probably the house of a free-laborer based on its proximity to

the planter's house. Finally, at the left background, there are what Debret describes as

three wattle-and-daub houses that were occupied by slaves.














19 In his description, Debret affirms that this is the overseer's house, what seems to be contradictory, since
the stairway and the column indicate that it was a very elaborated structure, therefore more related to the
planters' houses. Debret could have been deceived by the fact that sometimes managers could live in the
planters' houses, as suggested by some documents.





























Figure 2-4. Picture of the Engenho Buriti, Chapada dos Guimaraes, 1827 (Florence n.d.).

Visiting the region of Chapada dos Guimaraes in 1827, Hercules Florence (n.d.)

made two drawings of the Engenho Buriti, taken from different perspectives, which

illustrate a distribution of the houses very similar to that represented by Debret (see

figures 2.4 and 2.5). In the left corner of Figure 2-4, part of a small, wattle-and-daub

house is represented, followed by what seems to be a group of three more wattle-and-

daub houses and, on the right background, the planter's house and the engenho, both

presented with tiled-roofs. In the Figure 2-5, the same distribution of the houses is

presented, but in this case the planter's house is located in the left middle-ground, with

the engenho's house, powered by the water from an aqueduct, right behind it. In the

foreground the arrival of the planter is illustrated, an old woman called Ant6nia, carried

by two slaves in a hammock suspended by thick bamboo, and smoking a long pipe.







40













"

.,- .. e r'. -



f -.,-A, --




L. "".


Figure 2-5. Engenho Buriti, other perspective (Florence n.d.).

Although Florence did not describe the social standing of the occupants of the

smaller houses, it seems clear that it represents the same spatial hierarchy noticed in the

Taperao and Buritizinho sites.

Other structures that comprised part of the plantation complex were one or more

larders for storage of foodstuffs and tools, and, in the case of the bigger plantations,

brickworks, carpentries, blacksmith's workshops, and chapels. According to Mesquita

(1931:36-37) the chapel was located next to the planter's house. The importance the

planters ascribed to the chapel was so great that the roofs of these buildings were covered

with tiles even in the plantations where the planter's house had a grass-roof.20






20APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nio da Silva Albuquerque Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 16, Processo No.
621, year: 1812.









The Plantation Economy of Chapada dos Guimaries

Corr6a Filho (1969:455) describes the plantations of Chapada dos Guimaraes as

units that produced almost everything they needed for their subsistence, resorting to the

external, local markets only for goods such as salt, iron, fabrics, agricultural tools and

equipment (see also Aleixo 1984:46). Besides sugar-cane and its by-products, sugar and

cachaga (cane brandy), these units still produced cotton, spinet weaved in the engenhos,

tobacco, coffee, cacao, and several subsistence crops, such as beans, corn, rice, manioc,

sweet cassava, sweet potatoes, and yams (Correa Filho 1969:455; Seckinger 1970:44).

Probate-inventories also indicate the planting of castor bean. The biggest profit of the

plantations, however, came from the selling of cane brandy, which was widely consumed

in the Province (Mesquita 1937:38).

Mules, oxen, horses and pigs were the most common animals raised in these

establishments. Mules, varying in number between eight and twenty, were used for the

transportation of the plantation products to Cuiaba. Oxen, varying in number between

four and 53, were used for pulling wooden cars, known as carros de boi, which

transported the sugar-cane from the plant-fields to the mill and the general foodstuffs

produced in the plantations to Cuiaba (Brazil 2002:79). Oxen were also used to power the

mills in the non water-powered engenhos. Schwartz (1985:116) noted that oxen-powered

mills needed about sixty animals to be kept functional; this is one reason why oxen were

so numerous in some engenhos. Horses are also always present in the probate-

inventories, but generally in small numbers, varying between one and eight, although

some plantations could keep higher numbers. Florence (n.d.: 112) affirmed that these

plantations also raised pigs for selling in Cuiaba. However, pigs appear less frequently in

the probate-inventories than the other animals given above, and generally in numbers









varying between 20 and no more than 50, demonstrating a low economic significance for

these animals, which would have been used much more for the plantations' internal

consumption than for commercial trade. Other animals, such as cows and sheep, are

occasionally present, but always in small numbers. In general, what these numbers

indicate is that the planters were not concerned in raising animals to commercialize, but

keeping only those animals needed for the internal consumption of their establishments.

The great distance of the Brazilian coast, where the major consumer markets were

located, and the limitations of the local economy, are the main reasons given to the

underdevelopment of an economy oriented to exportation in Mato Grosso (Lenharo

1982:30; Volpato 1993:50-51). This great distance from the coastal cities made

counterproductive the exportation of any product that did not have a high value by weight

to compensate for the cost of transportation, as was the case of the plantation products.

For this reason, gold and diamonds reigned supreme in the captaincy's exportation

commerce until the opening of navigation in the Paraguay river in 1857 (Volpato

1993:50-51).

Thus, the production of these engenhos was basically for the captaincy's internal

consumption, being principally destined to supply Cuiaba and, in a smaller proportion, to

the mule troops that passed by the region on their way to the captaincy of Goias (Volpato

1996:110). Lenharo (1982:30) affirms that there was also a limited exportation to Para,

but he does not furnish information about the period and the exporting region, which, for

logistical motives, could be Vila Bela, that kept a regular commerce with Para through

the fluvial Madeira-Guapore route during the second half of the 18th century. Aleixo

(1984:53) affirms that part of the sugar-production was also destined to the "frontier









market" in Bolivia, more specifically the villages of Moxos, Chiquitos, and Santa Cruz de

la Sierra. After 1872, with the reopening of the navigation on the Paraguay River which

was closed during the War of Paraguay (1865-1870), sugar and its by-products were also

exported to the Paraguayan market (Aleixo 1984:53; Assis 1988:49; Volpato 1996:110).

The comparison to the more economically dynamic captaincies of Rio de Janeiro

and Bahia, whose sugar production was oriented directly to exportation, gives a better

idea of the expressivity of Mato Grosso's engenhos. In the decade of 1770 there were 323

engenhos in Rio de Janeiro, in which lived 11,623 slaves (Florentino and G6es 1997:45-

46), against 34 engenhos, holding 1059 slaves, in Mato Grosso. In 1817 there were 340

engenhos in Bahia (Schwartz 1985:440) and, for the case of Rio de Janeiro, Florentino

and G6es (1997:46) note that the number of these establishments went from 400 in 1810

to 700 in 1828. At first sight, the number of 153 engenhos in Mato Grosso for the year of

1818 seems to be very significant, given the peripheral condition of this captaincy.

However, a closer analysis, taking into account the size of the slaveholdings on these

units reveals another reality.

The size of the slaveholdings provides insight not only into the intensity of the

plantations' productive activities, but also into the planters' wealth and power, since

throughout the period under consideration slaves were one of the most expensive goods a

person could afford to buy. For instance, in 1850, the average price of a sesmaria was

1,200,000 reis, while the average price for a slave between 17 and 25 years old was

500,000 reis (Aleixo 1984:51).

Although the slaveholdings' average in Chapada dos Guimardes oscillated over

time, mean numbers do not represent the reality of the majority of these plantations,









because there were too many variations in their size (Table 2.1). Between 1790 and 1809

only two planters' probate-inventories of Chapada dos Guimaraes were found.

Fortunately, for the year of 1798 there is a list of the most important planters of this

region, numbering 19, and their respective slaveholdings.21 For that year, the biggest

planter was Jose Pedro Gomes, who kept 98 slaves, followed by Raimundo Manuel de

Albuquerque, with 80 slaves, and Valentim Martins da Cruz, with 70 slaves. The other 16

planters kept between 13 and 60 slaves. The mean number of slaves per plantation was

38.42, which is very close to the average of slaves in the plantations of Rio de Janeiro for

the year of 1778, calculated to be 36 slaves (Schwartz 1985:444).

Table 2-1. Size of the slaveholdings identified in Chapada dos Guimaraes
Size of Number of owners Total of
holding slaveholdings
in slaves
1798 1810- 1830- 1850- 1870-
1829 1849 1869 1888
9-19 3 Nd 1 4 4 12
20-29 5 Nd 6 3 1 15
30-39 4 2 1 1 1 9
40-49 3 2 Nd Nd Nd 5
50-59 Nd 1 1 1 1 4
60-69 1 Nd Nd 1 Nd 2
70-79 1 1 Nd Nd Nd 2
80-89 1 Nd Nd Nd Nd 1
90-99 1 1 Nd Nd Nd 2
> 100 Nd Nd Nd 1 Nd 1

Slaveholdings in Chapada dos Guimaraes tended to be much bigger between 1810

and 1829 than in the previous and subsequent periods, which is in accordance with

Mesquita's (1931:38) affirmation that the decade of 1820 was the phase of greatest

economic development in this region. For this period, plantations averaged 53.57 slaves,

with the biggest slaveholding, numbering 93 slaves, located in the Engenho do Rio da


21 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachapas, farinhas e monjolos, Lata 1798 B.









Casca, and owned by the major Ant6nio da Silva Albuquerque. Albuquerque seems to

have been one of the biggest slavers from Mato Grosso, since he still had 82 other slaves

working in mining activities in two mines close to Cuiaba.22 The second greatest

slaveholding, numbering 72 slaves, pertained to Rosa Cardoso de Lima,23 widow of the

Portuguese captain Luiz Monteiro Salgado, from another plantation also named Engenho

do Rio da Casca, which is one of the historical sites analyzed in this dissertation (Taperdo

site). Slaveholdings from the five other plantations varied in number between 32 and 57

slaves (Table 2.2).

Between 1830 and 1849 the slaveholdings average was 26.77, and the biggest

slaveholding found, numbering 57 slaves, was associated with Ana Luiza da Silva,24

owner of the Engenho Agua Fria, which is another historical site analyzed in this

dissertation (Buritizinho site). An additional eight plantations identified kept between 14

and 33 slaves (Table 2.2).

Between 1850 and 1869 slaveholdings averaged 33.16, and the biggest plantation,

the Engenho Bom Jardim, owned by the ex-president of Mato Grosso, Ant6nio Correa da

Costa,25 kept 128 slaves. This planter was another of the biggest slavers of Mato Grosso,

since he also had 81 other slaves working on another plantation and in three cattle farms.

The second biggest planter was Ant6nio Corr6a's son-in-law Jose de Lara Pinto,26 from

the Engenho Campo Alegre, who kept sixty slaves. Another big plantation owner was





22 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nio da Silva Albuquerque Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 16, Processo No.
621, year: 1812.
23 APMT, probate-inventory Luiz Monteiro Salgado, 1808.
24 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Luiza da Silva, 1848.
25 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nio Corr6a da Costa, Cart6rio do 20 Oficio, Caixa 02, year: 1855.
26 A. Alencar, Roteiro Geneal6gico de Mato Grosso vol. 1, 135-136.









Table 2-2. Size of the slaveholdings identified in Chapada dos Guimaraes
Slave- Sharing Total
Planter Year Plantation holding year Amount Liquid
Luis Monteiro Rio da
Salgado 1808 Casca 63 1830 9.715.550 1.941.243
Paulo Silva
Coelho 1809 Lagoinha 60 1827 19.028.016 14.955.370
Ant6nia Maria
Dias 1812 Quilombo 34 1820 9.331.462 9.331.462
Ant6nio Silva Rio da
Albuquerque 1812 Casca 93 1813 46.999.730 35.520.529
Apolinario
Oliveira Gago 1816 Buriti 48 Nd Nd Nd
Jose Gomes
Monteiro 1817 Palmeiras 46 1817 16.601.005 14.450.593
Conceigdo
Ant6nio L. A. do
Coutinho 1818 Quilombo 32 1820 6.601.231 1.915.410
Ant6nio Silva
Albuquerque 1830 Aricai 20 Nd 9.876.105 Nd
Priest Ant6nio
T. C. de Sa 1834 Abrilongo 25 Nd Nd Nd
Rosa Cardoso Rio da
de Lima 1841 Casca 33 1842 13.179.180 7.034.749
Joaquim da
Silva Prado 1843 Borote 27 1843 19.522.300 Nd
Maria Silva A.
Nunes 1845 Aricai 14 1845 15.785.200 11.370.740
Tereza M. da
Transfigurado 1847 Abrilongo 23 1848 13.869.440 5.210.857
Carlota J.
Moreira 1847 Bom Jardim 29 1847 17.933.840 17.840.204
Ana Luiza F.
de Aquino 1847 Quilombo 21 1847 7.041.400 Nd
Ana Luiza da
Silva 1848 Agua Fria 58 1849 Nd 61.716.725
Ant6nio J. C. Rio da
Caldas 1853 Casca 51 1853 74.802.168 71.109.633
Simplicio V.
de Souza 1853 Bigorna 23 Nd 18.746.700 Nd
Ant6nio C. da
Costa 1855 Bom Jardim 128 1856 234.990.179 233.583.539
Rosa L. A.
Coutinho 1856 Gl6ria 19 Nd Nd Nd
Feliciana Q. P.
da Silva 1856 Lagoinha 30 1860 14.267.601 12.725.600









Table 2-2. Continued
Slave- Sharing Total
Planter Year Plantation holding year Amount Liquid
Jose G. Corr6a 1861 Serra 13 Nd 21.026.840 Nd
Francisco V.
de Azevedo 1861 Quilombo 12 1862 31.850.420 27.428.310
Rosalia Xavier
da Siqueira 1863 Samambaia 10 1865 11.940.100 9.298.965
Ant6nio Jose
de S. Cruz 1865 Samambaia 5 1870 6.000.000 3.925.500
Escolastica M.
da Cruz 1866 Sdo Romdo 37 1866 40.822.494 40.506.134
Jose de Lara Campo
Pinto 1868 Alegre 60 1869 Nd 105.289.400
Ant6nia P. da
Silva 1870 Agua Fria nd 1870 43.611.468 41.611.468
Eleuterio da C.
Monteiro 1870 Jurumirim 14 1872 18.095.210 12.944.823
Laureano X.
da Silva 1874 Bicuda 16 Nd Nd Nd
Maria C. de
Toledo 1876 Bom Jardim 55 1876 Nd 254.334.080
Caetano Leite
Pereira Gomes 1878 Bigorna 25 Nd 31.882.900 Nd
Ant6nio Bruno
Borges 1878 Quilombo 32 1879 51.768.300 51.163.640
Manoel Jose
M. da Silva 1879 Lagoinha 19 1879 Nd 43.308.809
Ant6nio C. da
Costa 1883 Rio da Casca Nd 1884 34.324.586 Nd

Ant6nio Jose de Cerqueira Caldas' Engenho Rio da Casca, which had 51 slaves.27 Nine

other plantations kept between 10 and 37 slaves (Table 2.2).

Finally, for the period between 1870 and 1888, slaveholdings averaged 23.28 per

engenho, and the biggest plantation identified remained the Engenho Bom Jardim,

headed then by Maria da Conceicgo de Toledo,28 widow of Ant6nio Corr6a da Costa,

which kept 55 slaves, followed by Ant6nio Bruno Borges' Engenho do Quilombo, which

27 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nio Jos6 de Cerqueira Caldas, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 63, Processo
No. 02, year: 1853.
28 APMT, probate-inventory Maria da Conceigio de Toledo, Cart6rio do 20 Oficio, Caixa 03B, year: 1876.









is other of the historical sites analyzed in this dissertation (Engenho do Quilombo site),

with 32 slaves.29 The other five plantations identified had between nine and 24 slaves

(Table 2.2).

The comparison of these figures to those presented by Schwartz (1985:449-451) for

the sugar-plantations of the Rec6ncavo Baiano, in Bahia, which was the major sugar

plantation region in Brazil in the beginning of the 19th century (Schwartz 1985:444), is a

good way to evaluate the economic significance of the Chapada dos Guimaraes'

plantations. Working with data for the years 1816 and 1817, Schwartz (1985:450-451)

found an average of 65 slaves per engenho. He classified Bahian sugar-plantations into

three sizes, small, medium, and big. The small plantations operated with 20 to 60 slaves;

the medium with 60 to 99 slaves, and the big ones with more than 100 slaves. He noticed

that medium-sized plantations were the most common, being that only 15% of the

plantations counted 100 slaves or more. For the case of Chapada dos Guimaraes, as can

be seen in Table 2.1, 85% of the plantations (n=45) kept between nine and 59 slaves,

being therefore characterized as small units when compared to Bahia. Seven engenhos

(13.20%) had between 60 and 99 slaves, and only one (1.80%) kept more than 100

slaves. Even in the period of greatest economic prosperity (1810-1829), most of the

engenhos of Chapada dos Guimaraes could be classified as small and, in rarer cases, as

medium, when contrasted to the more economically dynamic sugar-production province

of Bahia. However, what could be characterized as the typical engenho in Chapada dos

Guimaraes, throughout the period studied, is one establishment keeping between 9 and 39

slaves, as was the case with 36 (67.92%) of the plantations identified.


29 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nio Bruno Borges, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 119, year: 1878.









The total evaluation of the planters' patrimony, referred to as monte-mor in the

probate-inventories, is another way to verify the economic significance of these

plantations and the possible regional hierarchy among the planters (Table 2.2). A wider

comparison between the levels of fortune of this group and those from the economically

more dynamic coastal regions of Brazil can be very suggestive about what it meant to be

"senhor de engenho" in a peripheral captaincy. The potential incomparability among the

sources related to different periods has to be taken into account, since the data available

embraces a period of 75 years (1808-1883) in which inflation considerably devaluated the

currency. For instance, while in 1812 a young male slave, between 18-25 years old, was

evaluated in 240,000 reis,30 in 1878 a slave in the same age range was valued at

1,600,000 reis,31 an increase of 6.66 times. Although the value of the slaves might not be

taken as the best comparison parameter, given the fluctuations in the Atlantic slave trade

and its prohibition in 1850, which heavily inflated slaves' prices, the prices of the sugar,

the main trading product of these establishments, also rose considerably in the same

period. In 1809 one arroba of sugar was valued at 1.650 reis,32 in 1879 it had increased

to 5.500 reis,33 3.33 times, which could correspond to a figure closer to the general

inflation for this period. The best strategy to minimize the effects of the inflation over the

planters' total patrimonies is analyzing shorter periods of time.

For the period between 1813 and 1830, the average patrimony for six out of seven

planters, for whom this information is available, was about 11,858,000 reis, while the

wealthiest fortune, from Ant6nio da Silva Albuquerque, totalized 46,999,730 reis.


30 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nio da Silva Albuquerque, 1812.
31 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nio Bruno Borges, 1878.
32 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809.
3 APMT, probate-inventory Manoel Jos6 Moreira da Silva Junior, Cart6rio do 30 Oficio, Caixa 184, year:
1879.









Between 1842 and 1856 the average for seven out of ten planters was 15,150,000 reis,

while the three wealthiest planters, Ana Luiza da Silva, Ant6nio Joaquim Cerqueira

Caldas, and the ex-president of the province, Ant6nio Correa da Costa, had fortunes

respectively evaluated in 61,716,725 reis, 74,802,168 reis, and 234,990,179 reis. For the

last period, 1860 to 1884, the average for 10 out of 13 planters increased to 27,752,000

reis,34 while the two wealthiest planters' fortunes, totaled 105,289,400 reis for Jose de

Lara Pinto, and 254,334,080 reis for Maria da Conceicgo de Toledo, widow of Ant6nio

Correa da Costa. Although the fortune of the average planter increased 2.34 times

between 1813 and 1884, what these numbers demonstrate is that, in general terms, these

planters were impoverishing over time, given the inflation in the same period.

The question that must be raised is what was the significance of these planters'

average and highest fortunes when they are placed in the wider Brazilian social context?

Unfortunately there are almost no studies done on the regional basis exposing levels of

wealth of the general Brazilian population. For the case of Salvador, capital of Bahia, in

the first half of the 19th century, Mattoso (1997:161-162) affirms that the group of people

who could afford more stable living conditions, were those merchants and craftsmen

whose patrimony totaled between two and ten million reis. Mattoso, however, classifies

as "true fortunes" only those superior to ten million reis, reached by some merchants,

bureaucrats, and civil servants, since this was the minimum amount that could guarantee

economic stability for its owner and his or her family. In this sense, the average planters

of Chapada dos Guimardes could be classified as belonging to the high class in the 19th

century Brazilian general social structure. But when the fortunes of this group are


34 Ant6nia Pereira da Silva's fortune was not considered in this calculation due the absence of the
evaluation of her slaves, which could have very considerably increased her total fortune.









contrasted to those from the most economically dynamic southern-central coffee-

production region of Sao Paulo, another picture is revealed. Working with seven coffee

planters' probate-inventories of the county of Queluz, province of Sao Paulo, for the

period between 1842 and 1885, Marins (1995) found fortunes varying between

82,164,570 and 317,671,119 reis. For the period between 1842 and 1856, the fortunes of

these planters averaged about 159,155,000 reis, a value more than ten times higher than

that found for the average planters of Chapada dos Guimaraes.

For the last period, between 1860 and 1885, these coffee planters' fortunes

averaged about 170,000,000 reis, a value still more than six times higher than that from

their Chapada dos Guimaraes peers. Only the three wealthiest planters of Chapada

accumulated fortunes that could be comparable to those of these coffee planters, Ant6nio

Correa da Costa, his wife Maria da Conceicgo de Toledo and, maybe not coincidently,

Ant6nio Corr6a's son-in-law Jose de Lara Pinto. But, as previously stated, Ant6nio

Correa da Costa had been president of the province of Mato Grosso, constituting,

therefore, an exceptional case, since his fortune might have been accumulated through a

set of other sources, rather than just by the plantation's profit alone.

What these numbers confirm is the low level of profit of the Chapada dos

Guimaraes' plantations. Although their production exerted a fundamental role in the

economic vitality of the province, these establishments were not able to bring absolute

wealth for their owners, benefiting them more in terms of the relative stability furnished

by the land ownership and by the prestige and social status enjoyed by holding the

condition of "senhor de engenho." Still, even these two elements were not a guarantee of

economic stability for the life of the planters' descendents, who had to follow established









social strategies in an attempt to maintain at least part of the social prestige enjoyed by

their parents, as will be discussed in the next chapter.

The Historical Sites of Chapada dos Guimaries

Four historical sites were excavated in the county of Chapada dos Guimaraes as

part of one historical archaeological rescue project (see Symanski and Souza 2001).

Three of these sites, Taperao, Buritizinho, and Engenho do Quilombo, are plantations; the

last one, the Tapera do Pingador, is probably a small quilombo (Figure 2-1).

The Taperio Site (Engenho do Rio da Casca)

The Taperao site, originally named Engenho do Rio da Casca, is a plantation which

was occupied between the end of the 18th and the end of the 19th century. It is a site of

large dimensions in the regional context, with structures and features distributed over an

area of 180 x 180 meters (Figure 2-6).

Documentary research in the Arquivo Publico do Estado de Mato Grosso permitted

identification of the Taperao planters' household and respective slaveholdings for the

first half of the 19th century. This sesmaria had been originally granted to the captain

Francisco Ferreira de Azevedo, in 1786, but a few years later the Portuguese captain Luis

Monteiro Salgado acquired it in a public auction, from the patrimony of Jose Pereira

Nunes.35 In the list of Chapada dos Guimaraes' engenhos for the year of 1798, Luis

Monteiro appeared well established there, keeping a slaveholding of 60 slaves.36 He was

married to Rosa Cardoso de Lima, who was born in Mato Grosso. The couple had three







35 IHGMT, ACBM/IPDAC Pasta 70 Docs. 1.762-1763, fl. 46.
36 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachaqas...






53


sons and four daughters. His daughter Luisa Maria married another planter in the region,

Captain Ant6nio Leite do Amaral Coutinho, who died in 1818.37




stream


13


3






1711
12 8 II

9 / ugar- mill 1
Schann I








Om 10m 20m

Figure 2-6. Plan of the Taperdo site (Engenho do Rio da Casca).

When Luis Monteiro Salgado died, in 1808, the plantation was very productive.

There were 61 slaves living there and eight slaves living in his urban residence, in

Cuiaba. Among his plantation's slaves, 32 were Africans and 29 were Brazilian-born.

Upon his death, the plantation was inherited by his wife. In 1812, she put her son,


37 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nio Leite do Amaral Coutinho Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 21, Processo
No. 149, year: 1818.









Ant6nio Monteiro Salgado, in charge of its administration, an activity that he carried out

until 1838. During the period of his administration, the plantation seems to have

prospered even more, since in 1826 there were 71 slaves living there, 21 Africans and 50

Brazilians.38

Both Rosa Cardoso de Lima and Ant6nio Monteiro Salgado died in 1841. At this

moment the plantation was in economic decline, given that its slaveholding had dropped

to 33 individuals, nine Africans and 24 Brazilians.39 The plantation then passed into the

hands of Rosa Cardoso's grandson-in-law, Joao Fernandes de Mello, as partial payment

of a debt, and the slaves dispersed, some being given in payment against debts and others

distributed among Rosa Cardoso's heirs.40 Joao Fernandes de Mello was also a planter of

the region, owner of the Engenho da Gl6ria. He was married to Rosa Leite do Amaral

Coutinho, daughter of Luiza Maria and Ant6nio Leite, and therefore granddaughter of

Luis Monteiro Salgado and Rosa Cardoso de Lima. Joao Fernandes probably sold the

Engenho do Rio da Casca after a period of time, given that when his wife died, in 1856,

this property was not listed in the couple's probate-inventory.41 Although archaeological

material demonstrates that this plantation was occupied until the end of the 19th century,

no documentary registers of its subsequent owners was found.

Archaeological excavation on this plantation was concentrated on deposits related

to six units of habitation (Figure 2-6). The archaeological material referent to the

planter's house is associated with the excavation units 7, 8, 9 and 12. Unit 7 corresponds



38 APMT, probate-inventory Luis Monteiro Salgado, 1808.
39 APMT, probate-inventory Rosa Cardoso de Lima, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 44, Processo No. 118,
year: 1841.
40 Ibidem.
41 APMT, probate-inventory Rosa Leite do Amaral Coutinho Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 69, Processo
No. 339, year: 1856.









to the interior of the planter's house. Aiming to understand the internal

compartmentalization of this house, four parallel trenches were opened, sampling 50% of

their interior, totalizing 160m2 of excavated area. Unit 8 is an area of refuse deposition

adjacent to the house. Unit 9 is a trench of 1 x 20 meters in the backyard of the planter's

house. Unit 12, in turn, is a peripheral area of deposition of refuse of the planter's house,

located 14 meters northwest from it. Unit 14, located about 35 meters north from the

planter's house, is a deposit referent to some category of free-laborer, probably overseer

or aggregate. Units 1, 3, 4, and 15 are deposits related to the slaves. The rest of the units

of excavation, including Unit 13, were not considered in this analysis because they

presented only small amounts of archaeological material that appear inconsequential to

the context of the current analysis. A total of 422 square meters were excavated in this

site, including 240 test-pits of 50 x 50 cm in regular intervals of 10 meters throughout the

extension of the site.

Table 2.3 presents the number of fragments and minimum number of vessels for

the three material categories exhumed from this site which will be approached in this

study, including: imported wares, glass, and locally-made pottery. The table also provides

the mean date for each deposit, according to the mean ceramic date formula (South 1972)

applied to the refined earthenware.









Table 2-3. Taperao site total of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries
present in the analyzed contexts
Taperao site Imported Glass Locally-made Mean
wares pottery ceramic
date
Sherds MNV Sherds MNV Sherds MNV
Planter's deposits
Units 7+8+9+ 277 77 149 14 206 15 1850.5
12/layer 1
Units 651 140 400 41 535 14 1836.2
7+8+9+12/layer 2
Free-laborer
deposits
Unit 14/layer 1 62 20 162 07 27 02 1852.4
Unit 14/layer 2 232 35 117 11 140 10 1825.6
Slaves deposits
Unit I/layer 1+2 27 11 32 04 251 13 1810.9
Unit 3/layer 2 60 25 252 07 440 19 1820.3
Unit 4/layer 1+2 64 16 13 03 194 14 1802.5
Unit 15/layer 1+2 63 13 13 04 380 13 1797.0
Total 1436 337 1138 91 2146 98

The Buritizinho Site (Engenho Agua Fria)

The Buritizinho site, originally named Engenho Agua Fria, is another plantation of

large dimensions, whose structures and features are distributed over an area of 80 x 140

meters (Figure 2-7). Mato Grosso's provincial governor conceded this sesmaria title to

Domingos da Silva Barreiros in 1809.42 Domingos Barreiros was married to Ana Luiza

da Silva, daughter of the Portuguese Lieutenant Paulo da Silva Coelho, one of the

greatest planters of the region in the end of the 18th century. This couple had two

daughters, Ana Luiza Tereza da Silva and Ant6nia Pereira da Silva. Both daughters


42 INTERMAT Livro de registro das sesmarias. Livro 3, Reg. 27 fls. 22v a 23v.












I _-


slc


S -e
P \' !. '
/ v .......
!' '
i h ii


F


hri nel


11 2-------- "t


ruin!1 [ed J ii E`_1 an e JI

- - - - - -


Figure 2-7. Plan of the Buritizinho site (Engenho Agua Fria) 1- planter's area; 2- free-
laborers area; 3- slaves' area.

married local planters.43 In 1827 Ana Luiza married the captain Vitoriano Jose do Couto,

who was son and grandson of Portuguese local planters, the captains Jose do Couto da

Encarnacao and Francisco Corr6a da Costa, respectively (Alencar n.d.a: 19). Ant6nia

Pereira, in turn, married the planter Jose Gomes Monteiro, who was also son and


43 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Luiza da Silva, 1848.









grandson of Portuguese local planters, the captains Jose Gomes Monteiro and Francisco

Correa da Costa, respectively.44 In 1818 Domingos Barreiros died, and the engenho

passed into the hands of his wife, Ana Luiza. When she died, in 1848, the plantation had

57 slaves, 25 Africans and 32 Brazilians.45 The plantation was inherited by her daughter,

Ant6nia Pereira da Silva, then widow of Jose Gomes Monteiro. Ant6nia Pereira died in

1870, leaving no descendants. In her will, she freed all of her slaves, which is the reason

why there is no slaveholding list in her probate-inventory. She left the plantation to her

god-daughter Ant6nia Guilhermina de Oliveira, who was married to the physician

Caetano Xavier da Silva Pereira46. This couple lived in Cuiaba, and seems to have had

little interest in keeping the plantation, since Caetano Xavier sold it some years latter to

Inacio Jose de Sampaio, who still owned this property at the beginning of the 20th

century.47

Archaeological excavations on this plantation concentrated on deposits associated

with three units of habitation including the planter's house, the free-laborers' house, and

one senzala. The planter's residential area presented a large refuse disposal area, a

channel 1.90m deep by two meters wide and of an undefined length, which probably

served to channel water for powering the mill. This channel was filled with the garbage

produced by the planter's household. The archaeological material in this feature was

deposited between the beginning and the end of the 19th century. Although this feature

presented five archaeological layers, the cross-mending of the archaeological material

from the layers I, II, and III pointed out to the same depositional process. The material



44 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nia Pereira da Silva, Cart6rio do 60 Oficio, Caixa 02, year: 1870.
45 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Luiza da Silva, 1848.
46 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nia Pereira da Silva, 1870.
47 INTERMAT. Certiddo de registro de propriedade. Fl. 20









recovered from layers IV and V also cross-mended, so that the assemblages were

separated in only two depositional sequences.

Unit 2, located about 35 meters to the northeast from the planter's house (Figure 2-

7), is probably associated to the overseers or aggregates of the engenho. The material

recovered in this area is predominantly related to the middle of the 19th century. Area 3,

located about 70 meters from the planter's house, corresponds to a slave cabin. Its

material is also predominantly related to the second half of the 19th century. A total of

117 square meters was excavated in this site, including 116 test-pits of 50 x 50 cm in

regular intervals of 10 meters throughout the extension of the site.

Table 2.4 presents the quantitative data for the imported wares, glasses, and locally-

made potteries exhumed from the three excavated units.

Table 2-4. Buritizinho site total of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made potteries
present in the analyzed contexts.
Site Buritizinho Imported Glass Locally-made Mean
(Engenho Agua wares pottery ceramic
Fria) date
Sherds MNV Sherds MNV Sherds MNV
Planter's deposit
Unit 1 layers I 194 65 82 17 443 13 1863.4
III
Unit 1 layers IV- 1308 162 371 35 1104 46 1841
V
Free-laborers' 173 51 90 11 196 18 1852.7
deposit unit 2
Slaves' deposit 162 19 170 10 425 14 1862.1
unit 3
Total 1837 297 713 73 2168 91

The Engenho do Quilombo Site

The Engenho do Quilombo is a plantation whose features and structures are

distributed over an area of 70 x 80 meters (Figure 2-8). Its first owner was Antonio Dias

Lessa, who acquired it through land title administered by the captaincy governor in 1781.









The Portuguese Domingos Jose de Azevedo bought this plantation in the beginning of the

19th century.48 In 1827 the German naturalist Ludwig von Langsdorff, after spending the

night in the Engenho Agua Fria (Buritizinho site), where he was very well received by

Ana Luiza da Silva, visited this plantation. Langsdorff (1997:111-112) described the

property as decadent, and Domingos Jose de Azevedo as a notoriously brutal man, who

treated his slaves more viciously than any other planter he had met in Brazil. According

to Langsdorff, these slaves were undernourished and barely dressed. The women were

burdened in their cotton weaving tasks and, at night, Azevedo locked them in a room

located right under his bedroom, as noted earlier in this chapter.

Domingos Azevedo was married to Ant6nia Maria Dias, who died at an early age

in 1812, leaving five young children. At this time the plantation had 33 slaves, 10

Africans and 22 Brazilians.49 Domingos Azevedo probably died in the 1830s. The

Engenho do Quilombo was inherited by his son, Francisco Vieira de Azevedo, who was

married to Ana Luteria Filiz de Aquino, also a daughter of planters of the region. Ana

Luteria died in 1847, a period in which the plantation's slaveholding had dropped to 21

slaves, only one being African. 50 After Ana Luteria's death, Francisco Vieira married

Ana Leite Pereira. He died in 1861. At this time, four Africans and eight Brazilian-born

slaves lived on the plantation.51 In 1870 Ana Leite sold the Engenho do Quilombo to

another planter of the region, the colonel Ant6nio Bruno Borges.52 Ant6nio Borges was

born in 1826, in Sdo Jodo del Rey, Province of Minas Gerais. He got married to

48 IHGMT, ACBM/IPDAC Pasta 70 Docs. 1.762-1763, fls. 9v-10.

49 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nia Maria Dias, 1812.
50 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Lut6ria Filiz de Aquino, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 52, Processo No.
211, year: 1847.
51 APMT, probate-inventory Francisco Vieira de Azevedo Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 75, Processo No.
398, year: 1861.
52 Ibidem.







61


Umbelina Ricarda do Couto in 1847 (Alencar n.d.a:3). Umbelina was daughter and

grand-daughter of two planters of Chapada, the captain Jose Couto da Encarnacgo and the












\





I* 4
:. .- ombc ,ve.









S i *

S* 4 *. 4 a ".
Splinter's -
house
*foInd ktioi *A









Om 10m 20m


Figure 2-8: Plan of the Engenho do Quilombo site 1- planter's area; 2- slaves and/or
free-laborers' area.

captain Francisco Corr6a da Costa, respectively, both native from Portugal (Alencar

n.d.a:3). Ant6nio Borges was an active combatant of the quilombos of the region. In

1868, revolted by the quilombolas' frequent attacks on the plantations, he contracted an

African-Brazilian to infiltrate the Quilombo do Rio Manso, located in the county of









Chapada dos Guimardes. This was the largest quilombo of Mato Grosso at that time,

sheltering about 300 individuals (Volpato 1993:188-189). In 1871 Borges provided

financial assistance for an expedition against these quilombos, which was only partially

successful, since some quilombos kept active until the beginning of the 1880s (Siqueira

2001:91). Ant6nio Borges died in 1877, twelve years after his wife, a time in which his

plantation had 32 slaves, only five of which were Africans.53 According to oral

information provided by Joana Paes de Oliveira, her grandfather-in-law, Raimundo Jose

da Siqueira bought the plantation from Ant6nio Borges' descendants at the end of the 19th

century, keeping two of the female ex-slaves who lived there. This property still belongs

to the descendants of Raimundo Siqueira.

Archaeological excavations in the Engenho do Quilombo concentrated in two

refuse areas (Figure 2-8). The first related to the planter's house (Unit 1) and the second

one, located 40 meters from this house, related to a dwelling that was occupied by

plantation laborers in the beginning of the 20th century, according to Joana Paes'

information (Unit 2). For the 19th century there is no conclusive evidence to affirm if this

second area was occupied by slaves or free-laborers. Although the deposit associated to

the planter's house presented 3 stratigraphic layers, totaling 1 meter of thickness, only the

layer in contact to the base of the deposit contained material from the 19th century. Unit

2, in turn, presented an archaeological layer varying in thickness between 40 and 70

centimeters. An anachronism was verified between the refined earthenware found in this

deposit, in that its majority dated to the middle of the 19th century, while the majority of

glass bottles dated to the beginning of the 20th century. This combination of older wares

and newer bottles was verified close to the bottom of the deposit. It must be remembered

53 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nio Bruno Borges, 1878.









that diamond mining was carried out in this site since the beginning of the 19th century, as

described by Langsdorff in 1827 (see Langsdorff 1997:114). It is possible that in this

case, this particular area saw intermittent use up to the beginning of the 20th century, thus

mixing up components from this later period with those from previous occupations. A

total of 108 square meters was excavated in this site, including 82 test-pits of 50 x 50cm

opened in regular intervals of 10 and 5 meters.

Table 2.5 presents the quantitative data for the imported wares, glasses, and locally-

made pottery, considered in this analysis.

Table 2-5.Engenho do Quilombo site total of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made
potteries present in the analyzed contexts
Site Engenho do Imported Glass Locally-made Mean
Quilombo wares pottery ceramic
date
Sherds MNV Sherds MNV Sherds MNV
Planter's deposit 410 112 365 39 475 27 1853
unit I/layer 3
unit 2/layers 1+2 177 48 487 36 278 09 1849.5
Total 587 160 852 75 753 36

The Tapera do Pingador Site

The Tapera do Pingador is a site of small dimensions. The features and structures

are distributed in an area of 30 x 30 meters (Figure 2-9). The land where this site is

located has been occupied since the end of the 19th century by an African-descent family,

nowadays headed by Durvalino Nascimento da Mata, but unfortunately no documentary

information was found about its previous occupations. However, according to oral

information provided by Durvalino Nascimento, this site was occupied by slaves, and

was probably a small quilombo or a settlement of freed slaves. As previously discussed,

throughout the 19th century there were several quilombos of various sizes spread

throughout this region. It was common for inhabitants of the biggest quilombos to leave










and settle into new, smaller quilombos (Siqueira 2001:94). Freed slaves, in turn, could

also live in isolated places. Langsdorff (1997:96), in 1827, mentioned the existence of

these small units, inhabited by poor ex-slaves in the region. Other evidence sustaining the

possible African/Afro-Brazilian occupation of this site is the local toponimy, since the

closest hill is called Serra do Cambambe. Cambambe is the name of a region in Angola's

hinterland and, in Brazil, it also came to be the name of an African nation (Russel-Wood

2001:13).


Pin gador Stream















-1 Foundation
-'-2 2- Clay pit
jL' ,_, 3 Post-holes










0 1 2m

Figure 2-9. Plan of the Tapera do Pingador site.









A total of 131 square meters was excavated in this site (Figure 2-9). Two

components were identified, one related to the first half of the 19th century and the other

one to the end of that century. In the clay-bottom level of the archaeological deposit, a

feature of irregular shape, about 3 x 4 meters of diameter and 12 meter deep was exposed.

It was filled in with dark soil presenting many pottery fragments, which in some cases

formed complete vessels, and other occasional fragments of refined earthenware and

coins, both from the first half of the 19th century. On the eastern border of this feature, a

line of post-holes was exposed. This feature is similar to the clay pits found in African-

American sites in the United States, which consisted of holes excavated close to the

slaves' houses and whose clay was used to build the walls of wattle-and-daub houses,

wherein the holes were likely used as refuse areas (Ferguson 1992:64).

Quantitative data for the imported wares, glasses, and locally-made pottery,

considered in this analysis are presented in Table 2.6.

Table 2-6. Tapera do Pingador site total of imported wares, glasses, and locally-made
potteries present in the analyzed contexts.
Tapera do Imported wares Glass Locally-made Mean ceramic
Pingador pottery date
Sherds MNV Sherds MNV Sherds MNV
layer 1 157 21 1283 26 349 10 Undetermined
(end of 19th
century)
layers 2 + 21 07 03 03 687 29 Undetermined
clay-pit (1st half of 19th
century)
Total 178 28 1286 29 1036 39

This chapter consisted in a wide contextualization, at first furnishing information

about the history and economy of Chapada dos Guimardes plantations and, later,

furnishing basic information about the historical sites studied. The next three chapters

will be focused on the actors who occupied these settings: planters, slaves, and overseers.






66


These groups will be characterized according to documentary and archaeological

information, approaching the social strategies that they used to maintain their social-

cultural cohesion and characterizing their differentiated material world. Special attention

will be given to the role that these groups gave to the material culture as a vehicle

through which differences of economic, social, and cultural order could be expressed.














CHAPTER 3
THE PLANTERS WORLD: SOCIAL STRATEGIES AND MATERIAL CULTURE IN
CHAPADA DOS GUIMARAES PLANTATIONS

This chapter will focus on the planters, aiming to characterize this group in terms of

its social practices and material life. This analysis will take a diachronic perspective,

starting with tracking the trajectory of some of the most important Portuguese and

Brazilian planters' families that established themselves in Chapada dos Guimardes in the

end of the 18th century, aiming to investigate the strategies that this group developed to

keep the possession of the land in the region over the generations. The planters' material

world, in turn, will be characterized on the basis of the documentary and archaeological

data. While documentary data, particularly probate-inventories' lists of household items,

permits characterization of the domestic environment of this group in its regularities and

idiosyncrasies, the archaeological data is more informative of their daily practices, thusly

adding a more dynamic dimension to this analysis. These two categories of sources

present information that can be, simultaneously, complementary and discrepant. Whereas

the complementary nature between data sets furnishes a richer picture of the planters'

material life, the discrepancies are also very informative, since they demonstrate that the

social and material life of this group was impregnated with influences of the other social

segments, particularly slaves, who shared most of the physical spaces with the planters.









Familial Trajectories in Chapada dos Guimaries

As revealed in Chapter 2, in 1780, the general-governor of Mato Grosso started to

distribute land-titles in the region under study, located between the Casca and Quilombo

rivers. These land-titles were basically given to miners who, due the exhaustion of the

gold mines at this period, wanted to use their slaves in productive activities related to

planting and processing of sugar cane and other foodstuffs (Volpato 1987:93-94).

However, the documents available suggest that only a few of these original land-granters

established themselves and carried out productive activities on these lands. The

documents available furnish the name of 33 persons originally granted with land-titles in

this region between 1780 and 1790. When these names are contrasted to the relation of

Chapada dos Guimaraes' planters of 1798, composed of nineteen planters, it is verified

that only six of these planters, Francisco Corr6a da Costa, Valentim Martins da Cruz,

Jose Gomes de Barros, Maria Roiz, Jose Pedro Gomes, and Domingos da Costa

Monteiro, gained their land-titles through this system of concession of sesmarias.

Probably most of the other thirteen planters bought the lands from the original land-title

holders. This was the case of Apolinario de Oliveira Gago, who bought the sesmaria that

had been granted to his uncle Jose G6es e Siqueira in 1785.1 A more emblematic case

was the Portuguese captain Luis Monteiro Salgado, who acquired seven sesmarias, all of

them bought by auction from the inheritance of Jose Pereira Nunes.2 Luis Monteiro

Salgado's sesmarias were located in contiguous lands, and in 1798 he employed 60

slaves in planting activities in his Engenho do Rio da Casca (Taperdo site), the biggest





1 IHGMT, ACBM/IPDAC Pasta 70 Docs. 1.762-1763, fl. 2v.
2 IHGMT, ACBM/IPDAC Pasta 70 Docs. 1.762-1763, fl. 46.









site excavated for this research.3 Jose Pereira Nunes himself, although having been

granted by the government a number of land-titles, was also concerned with purchasing

some sesmarias from previous land-grant holders.4 Therefore, most of the original land-

grant holders were not concerned in keeping their properties, selling them just a few

years later to the Portuguese and Brazilians with military patents who arrived in Mato

Grosso in the second half of the 18th century.

This group came to compose the first generation of planters in the Casca and

Quilombo rivers, whose families created roots in the region, exploring the land and

exploiting the slaves almost until the end of the 19th century. Most of these planters

started to arrive in Mato Grosso principally after 1751, due the establishment of the

government of the captaincy, which required the formation of an administrative and

military apparatus. These public servants and military officials superposed the existent

elite, up to then composed of miners and merchants (Volpato 1987:20-21).

The tracking of the familial trajectory of some planters suggests that this group was

very concerned in establishing familial alliances and, through this means, guarantee the

intra-group perpetuation and transmission of power, represented by the owning of land

and slaves. This analysis will start with the family of the Portuguese captain Francisco

Correa da Costa, who was born in the village of Massarelos, county of Porto (Alencar

n.d.a:1).

In 1798, Francisco Correa da Costa appears in the lists of engenhos in Chapada dos

Guimardes as owning 34 slaves.5 He gained the land title in 1780, establishing his




3 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachaqas...
4 IHGMT, ACBM/IPDAC Pasta 70 Docs. 1.762-1763, fl. 47.
5 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachacas...









engenho in the headwaters of the Arica stream, later called Ribeirdo Bom Jardim.6 He

married the cuiabana (from Cuiaba) Maria Tereza de Jesus, daughter of the captain

paulista (from Sdo Paulo captaincy) Martinho de Oliveira Gago and sister of the captain

Apolinario de Oliveira Gago, also a planter in Chapada dos Guimaraes (Alencar n.d.a: 1).

Francisco Corr6a da Costa died in 1800, leaving three sons and three daughters.

Significantly, his three daughters married Portuguese military officials. The oldest one,

Gertrudes Maria de Jesus, married the Portuguese captain Jose do Couto da Encarnaco,

who arrived in Cuiaba in 1781 (Alencar n.d.a:2). Jose do Couto was another planter in

Chapada dos Guimaraes, keeping 15 slaves working on his plantation in 1798.7 His

second daughter, Ana Maria da Lapa, married the Portuguese captain Jose Gomes

Monteiro, who also managed to acquire land in Chapada dos Guimaraes in the beginning

of the 19th century. When he died in 1817, he had 46 slaves working in his Engenho das

Palmeiras.8 Finally, his last daughter, Maria Francisca de Jesus, married the Portuguese

captain Paulo Luiz Barata (Alencar n.d.a:74). In this last case, however, there is no

information that this couple came to own land in Chapada, although this possibility is

great, since their son, also named Paulo Luiz Barata, owned the Engenho Barrocas, in

Chapada (Alencar n.d.a:78), which he could have inherited from his parents.

Another case in point was the Portuguese lieutenant Paulo da Silva Coelho, who, in

1798, kept 45 slaves working in his engenho Lagoinha de Santo Ant6nio das Palmeiras,

in Chapada.9 He was married to Ana Pereira da Silva, whose ascendance was not




6 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nio Corrfa da Costa, 1855.
APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachacas...
8 APMT, probate-inventory Jos6 Gomes Monteiro, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 20, Processo No. 179,
year: 1817.
9 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachacas...









determined, having six children, four women and two men.10 Of his daughters, at least

three, Ana Luiza, Maria, and Cust6dia, married other planters of Chapada. Ana Luiza got

married to the captain Domingos da Silva Barreiros, who was granted a land-title in the

Rio da Casca region in 1809, where he established the Engenho Agua Fria (Buritizinho

site)." Unfortunately, no information was found about the origin of Domingos Barreiros.

Maria married the Portuguese alferes12 Manoel Jose Moreira,13 who acquired the

Engenho Bom Jardim in 1818. Cust6dia, in turn, got married, after her parents' death, to

the cuiabano captain Eleuterio da Costa Monteiro, owner of the Engenho Jurumim,14

which he probably inherited from his father, the planter Domingos da Costa Monteiro,

who had been granted a land-title in the region in 1780.15

The wealthiest planter identified for this initial period was the Sergeant-Major

Ant6nio da Silva Albuquerque. He was Brazilian, born in Paracatu, captaincy of Minas

Gerais.16 In 1798 he had 40 slaves working in his engenho in Chapada,17 number that

increased to 93 when he died, in 1812, without taken into account his other 82 slaves who

worked in two mines in other regions of Mato Grosso. Ant6nio Albuquerque married

Maria Francisca de Moraes, daughter of the lieutenant Jose Ribeiro Mendes (Alencar

n.d.c:60). He and Maria Francisca had eight children, five women and three men

(Alencar n.d.c:59). At least two of their oldest daughters married Portuguese planters

10 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809.
11 INTERMAT Livro de registro das sesmarias. Livro 3, Reg. 27 fis. 22v a 23v.
12 Military post equivalent to second lieutenant.
13 Although none information was found about Manoel Moreira's origin in the archives of Cuiabi, his name
appears in documents of the Arquivo Distrital de Braga, Portugal, for the years of 1774 and 1816 (source:
http:epl.di.uminho.pt).
14 APMT, probate-inventory Eleut6rio da Costa Monteiro, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 103, Processo No.
632, year: 1870.
15 APMT, ACBM/IPDAC Pasta 70 Docs. 1.762-1763, fls. 10-10v.
16 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nio da Silva ALbuquerque, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 16, Processo No.
621, year: 1812.
17 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachaqas...









who owned land in Chapada. Their first daughter, Maria da Silva Albuquerque, got

married to the Portuguese lieutenant Jer6nimo Joaquim Nunes, who arrived in Cuiaba in

1804, and died in 1837. Jer6nimo Nunes was nominated vice-president of the Mato

Grosso province in 1826 (Alencar n.d.c.:59-62). This couple owned the Engenho do

Arica, in Chapada, whose slaveholding was composed of 14 slaves at the time of Maria

Albuquerque's death, in 1845.18 His second daughter, Ana da Silva Albuquerque,

married the Portuguese lieutenant-colonel Ant6nio Jose de Cerqueira Caldas, owner of

the Engenho Rio da Casca, in Chapada, where he had 51 slaves working when he died, in

1853.19

Actually, the practice of Brazilian families marrying their daughters to Portuguese

was well established in the colonial period, and has been verified in other rural regions of

Brazil, such as the countryside of the captaincies of Sdo Paulo (Metcalf 1992:94; Bacellar

1997:110), Rio de Janeiro (Faria 1998:193), and Bahia (Borges 1992:244). This

preference of Brazilian planters for Portuguese sons-in-law has been explained in terms

of the web of contacts of these immigrants, who tended to be merchants, with the more

urbane and commercial world, thus allowing families to annex new capital and lines of

business (Borges 1992:244; Faria 1998:193; Metcalf 1992:94), although, as Freyre

affirms (1986:96-97), their European origin could also have been an important criterion

for those families concerned in keeping the "whiteness" of their offspring. In spite of this

subject, Florence (n.d.:127) ironically refers to the case of the Portuguese lieutenant-

colonel Jodo Pereira Leite, from the Fazenda Jacobina, the biggest plantation of Mato



18 APMT, probate-inventory Maria da Silva de Albuquerque Nunes, Cart6rio do 20 Oficio, Caixa 01, year:
1845.
19 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nio Jos6 de Cerqueira Caldas, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 63, Processo
No. 02, year: 1853.









Grosso in 1827, with the following words: "Oh, this nostalgic colonial time (...) in which

the Portuguese men from Europe were able to marry rich [Brazilian] heirs only because

they were white."

This practice of endogamic marriages among the planters' families was kept over

time, in such a way that granddaughters and grandsons of the first planters married

among themselves. This case is very well illustrated by Domingos da Silva Barreiros'

daughters. As illustrated above, Domingos Barreiros, owner of the Engenho Agua Fria

(Buritizinho site) was married to Ana Luiza da Silva, daughter of the Portuguese planter

Paulo da Silva Coelho. This couple had two daughters, Ana Luiza Tereza da Silva and

Ant6nia Pereira da Silva. Both daughters married local planters. In 1827 Ana Luiza

married the captain Vitoriano Jose do Couto, who was son and grandson of Portuguese

planters, the captains Jose do Couto da Encarnago and Francisco Correa da Costa,

respectively (Alencar n.d.a: 19). Ant6nia Pereira, in turn, married the planter Jose Gomes

Monteiro, who was also son and grandson of Portuguese planters, the captains Jose

Gomes Monteiro and, again, Francisco Correa da Costa, respectively (Alencar n.d.a:42-

43).

Nevertheless, although skin-color categorizations acted as a major scheme of social

distinction, in a scale in which the predominantly whiter, Portuguese ascendance, skin

color was correlated to the planters class, while the darker, African ascendance, skin

color was correlated to the slaves class, some planters also had offspring with Africans

and Indians. For instance, Crivelente (2001:147-150) refers to the case of the Portuguese

Valentim Martins da Cruz, who had nine children from his slave Joaquina. Valentim, was









settled in the region since 1780,20 and had a significant slaveholding of 70 slaves in

1798.21 He never married, but in his will, in 1812, he recognized as legitimate the six

daughters and three sons that he had with the referent slave. His children are all

categorized aspardos (mulattos) in this document,22 being that his plantation was

inherited by his daughter, theparda Escolastica Martins da Cruz, who kept this property

productive until her death, in 1866.23 Siqueira (2001:107-108) also describes the case of a

planter of the region, Jose Martins de Carvalho, married to an indigenous woman,

Emerenciana Bororo, who inherited his plantation in 1863.

In summary, the cases discussed demonstrate that a reasonable majority of these

planters were very concerned with establishing a community, aggregated by familial ties

and sharing the same social and economic interests and positions. The benefits of

establishing such alliances were many. Considering just the economic level, they

guaranteed that the land ownership in the region was held in the hands of their small

group of families over the generations, a very important advantage in a world marked by

the economic instability that menaced even the most powerful families, as will be

discussed next.

Gender and Social Strategies

The study of probate-inventories demonstrates that, although the planters'

patrimony was divided among the widow and heirs upon the planters' death, the widow

not only had right to 50% of her husband's goods, but also was, many times, responsible

for the administration of the patrimony left to the rest of the heirs. The women, therefore,


20 IHGMT, ACBM IPDAC Pasta 70 Doc. 1770 fls. 19; 19v.
21 APMT, Engenhos de fazer cachaqas...
22 APMT, probate-inventory Valentim Martins da Cruz, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 17, Processo No. 970,
year: 1812.
23 APMT, probate-inventory Escolistica Martins da Cruz, 1866.









exerted a fundamental role in the planters' social strategies, being primarily responsible

for the maintenance of the land and its transmission over the generations. In many cases,

these planters' wives were much younger than their husbands, tending to die many years

later than them. This was the case, for instance, of the Portuguese captain Luis Monteiro

Salgado's wife, Rosa Cardoso de Lima, who died in 1841, 33 years after him,24 of

captain Domingos da Silva Barreiro's wife, Ana Luiza da Siva, dead in 1848, 30 years

after her him;25 and of the Portuguese captain Jose Gomes Monteiro's wife, Ana Maria

da Lapa, dead in 1858, 41 years after him.26

The control over the whole fortune by the widows was a very important strategy to

avoid the fragmentation of the family's patrimony, which, however, was unavoidable

after the widow's death. This fragmentation tended to occur as a result of the process of

division of the fortune, as demonstrated in the probate-inventories. The death of the

spouse, whether the planter or his wife, required the inventorying of the couple's

patrimony, aiming to establish its total value to start the process of division of the fortune

among the heirs. In this inventorying all the debits and credits of the couple were also

computed, being that the debits in many cases tended to be much bigger than the credits.

Thus, the first procedure was paying the deceased's debits. The remaining value was

divided in two halves, 50% for the widow/widower and the 50% for the deceased. From

the deceased's part, he/she had the right to destine 30% according to his/her own will in

will, in cases where the deceased had left one, which was usually used to cover the

expenses with the death, such as burial, masses, donations for churches and religious


24 APMT, probate-inventory Rosa Cardoso de Lima, 1841.
25 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Luiza da Silva, 1848.
26 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Maria da Lapa, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 71, Processo No. 780, year:
1858.









sodalities, as well as paying of debts, rewarding of favorite sons, daughters, godsons and

goddaughters, and recognition of illegitimates children, sometimes had with slaves, in the

case of the male planters. Thus, only 35% of the planters' fortune, after the paying of the

debits, remained to be divided among his/her children. Taking into account that these

planters had an average of seven children, the final result was a total of 5% of the

planters' liquid patrimony to each heir. This proportion, however, could be even more

fragmented in the case of heirs with children, since these last ones had right to 50% of

their parents' share.

Therefore, only on occasion of the death of the widow, which, as previously

discussed, tended to happen only after a considerable number of years or decades, was

the patrimony fully divided among the heirs, but not before it was again subjected to the

whole process of inventorying, in which more debts were again abated. An additional

problem was the lack of experience of many of these female widows over the

administration of the plantations. Living in a rural, patriarchal society, these women used

to be very submissive to their husbands. For instance, visiting in 1827 the plantation

Engenho do Quilombo (site Engenho do Quilombo), Hercules Florence (n.d.: 118)

became horrified when the planter, the Portuguese Domingos Jose de Azevedo, told him

that, when his wife was alive, he used to lock her in the basement of the house when he

had to leave the plantation for business. In view of this oppression, many of these

planters' wives were not involved in the economic affairs related to the administration of

the engenhos before their husbands' death. Therefore, these widows had two options:

contracting a manager for administrating the plantation or learning by themselves how to

do it.









For the un-experienced widows who had sons of a mature age, the best solution

was contracting them as plantation managers, as did Rosa Cardoso Lima27 and Ana

Pereira da Silva.28 Rosa Cardoso kept her son, Ant6nio Monteiro Salgado, as the manager

of the Engenho Rio da Casca between 1812 and 1838, under the yearly wage of 64

oitavas29 of gold. On the other hand, for the widows without sons or whose sons were

very young, the solution was either contracting a third party for carrying out the

administrative activities, or taking care of the engenho by themselves. Feliciana

Querubina Pereira da Silva, widow of the captain Manoel Pereira da Silva Coelho,

without children, contracted the husband of her niece, Miguel Joaquim Soares, for

administering her Engenho Lagoinha.30 At the occasion of her death, in 1856, she owed

for such services the significant amount of 3,000,000 reis. This was one of the cases in

which the contracted manager seemed to care little about the carrying out of his

administrative functions, since upon Feliciana's death the engenho went to public

auction, being bought by Manoel Jose Moreira da Silva for 18,000,000 reis, an amount

which included the 23 slaves who worked there. Most of this money went to pay

Feliciana's debits, leaving the amount of 8,102,801 reis to be divided among her heirs.31

Among those widows who decided that taking care of the engenhos by themselves

was the best option, there were some histories of failure and others of success. The case

of Tereza Maria da Transfiguracgo, widow of Luiz Rodrigues de Sampaio, owner of the





27 APMT, probate-inventory Rosa Cardoso de Lima, 1841.
28 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809.
29 Oitava: the eighth part of an ounce.
30 APMT, probate-inventory Feliciana Querubina Pereira da Silva, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 69,
Process No. 506, year: 1856.
31 Ibidem.









Engenho Abrilongo, is illustrative of the former situation.32 This couple had eight

children, most of them still very young when Tereza Maria died in 1847. Her fortune

totaled 13,869,440 reis, but after the payment of debts, there remained only 5,210,857

reis to be divided among the orphans, meaning a value of 604,708 reis went to each one,

an amount of money sufficient to buy only one 18-25 years old male slave. After the

payment of the debts, the orphans, under the guardianship of Ant6nio Bento Pires, son-in-

law of Thereza Maria, were able to keep the engenho. The way that Ant6nio Bento

carried out his role of tutor, however, was subjected to criticisms by a local planter, the

widow Ant6nia Pereira da Silva, from the Engenho Agua Fria (Buritizinho site). In a

letter to the Judge of Orphans, in 1849, she denounced that the orphans were living in

misery and the engenho was degrading, since most of its equipment and slaves had been

given as payment of debts. Ant6nia Pereira asked the judge for a public auction for

selling the engenho, so that the orphans could guarantee the money from a property

which was rapidly loosing value due to its state of abandonment. In his defense to the

judge, Ant6nio Bento Pires argued that the fertile land in which the engenho was settled

was more important than the mill and other buildings, and the little planting that had been

done was enough to guarantee the orphans survival.33 This case is exemplary of the

economic instability to which the children of the powerful planters could be subject upon

their death, when the payment of debts and fragmentation of the patrimony could bring

about a situation of near misery even when they were able to keep the plantation.

There were also cases in which the family's bankruptcy came even before the

widow's death. This appears to have happened to Ana Maria da Lapa and Luiza Maria de

32 APMT, probate-inventory Thereza Maria da Transfiguraqgo, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 54, Processo
No. 790, year: 1847.
3 Ibidem.









Jesus. Daughter and wife of important planters of Chapada dos Guimardes, the

Portugueses Francisco Correa da Costa and Jose Gomes Monteiro respectively, Ana

Maria was left, by occasion of her husband's death, in 1817, with seven children between

one and 15 years old. She assumed the administration of the Engenho das Palmeiras,

since her husband had left few debts and a considerable patrimony evaluated at

14,452,593 reis. When she died, in 1858, she had lost the engenho and lived in her house

in Cuiaba, having then only 13 slaves, a small number when contrasted to the 46 slaves

left by her husband. She was able to keep just a tract of land in Chapada, without

buildings and evaluated to be worth the small amount of 200,000 reis, in a time in which

a young slave was valued at 1.400.000 reis.34 A similar situation happened to Luiza

Maria de Jesus, also daughter and wife of planters, Luis Monteiro Salgado and Ant6nio

Leite do Amaral Coutinho, respectively. She inherited the Engenho Conceicgo do

Quilombo from her husband in 1818. Ant6nio Leite had seven children, three from one

previous marriage and four from his marriage to Luiza Maria. He left her in an instable

economic situation, since most of his fortune, including many of his 32 slaves, went to

pay debts, resulting in the amount of 6,136,729 to be divided between the widow and his

seven children. After winning a judicial dispute to avoid a third party assuming her

children's tutelage, Luiza Maria won the right to administer the engenho by herself, but

the book of receipts and expenses of the engenho, present in her husband's probate-

inventory, for the years between 1818 and 1826, makes clear that she was unsuccessful in

this enterprise, since the expenses were bigger than the profit, forcing Luiza Maria to




34 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Maria da Lapa, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 71, Processo No. 780, year:
1858.









mortgage the engenho in 1836.35 By occasion of her death, in 1855, she had lost it,

keeping just one house in Cuiaba and a tract of land in Chapada, this last one valued at

the small amount of 50,000 reis.36

There were some cases, however, of women who were very successful in

administering engenhos. Florence (n.d.: 109-110), in 1827, described one of these female

planters, Mrs. Ant6nia, from the Engenho Buriti, who spent the days laid on a hammock

close to the sugar-mill, smoking a long pipe and supervising the activities of the slaves.

Mrs. Ant6nia Arruda was daughter of Apolinario de Oliveira Gago, who died unmarried

in 1816, leaving a son and a daughter from two illicit relationships. In his will, Gago left

one half of his patrimony to Ant6nia, as recognition of her help in the plantation affairs.

She seemed very adept at conducting the business, since one account book of the

engenho under her administration for the year of 1817 presented a positive balance of

619,654 reis, while in many other cases engenhos tended to present a negative balance

after the planters death.37

Ana Luiza da Silva, widow of Domingos da Silva Barreiros, and her daughter,

Ant6nia Pereira da Silva, are another example of very successful female planters. Both

mother and daughter lived in the Engenho Agua Fria (Buritizinho site). By the time of

Ana Luiza's death in 1848, she had accumulated the significant fortune of 62,161,429

reis. Moreover, several of the planters of the region owed money to her, suggesting that

lending money was an important way to guarantee her economic success. Ana Luiza's

inheritance was divided by two heirs, Ant6nia Pereira and her first cousin, Ant6nio


35 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nio Leite do Amaral Coutinho, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 21, Processo
No. 149, year: 1818.
36 APMT, probate-inventory Luiza Maria de Jesus, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 67, Processo No. 651, year:
1855.
37 APMT, probate-inventory Apolindrio de Oliveira Gago, Cart6rio do 20 Oficio, Caixa 1, year: 1816.









Correa de Couto. Ant6nia kept the Engenho Agua Fria.38 Before her death, in 1870, she

freed all of her slaves in a will, since she did not have descendents, leaving her fortune to

a goddaughter, Ant6nia Guilhermina de Oliveira, daughter of the Baron of Aguapey.

Even without slaves, Ant6nia Pereira's patrimony totalized the significant amount of

43,611,458 reis. Like her mother, she also seemed to be lending money, given the great

number of people owing money to her and the great amount of money in specimen

described in her probate-inventory.39

While at least some of the planters' daughters had the possibility of guaranteeing

their welfare by marrying other planters of the region, the planters' sons and the less

fortunate daughters, in many instances, had to face a more unstable situation since, as

discussed above, after the planters' widows death the patrimony had to be shared by the

numerous heirs and was rarely enough to guarantee the social and economic status that

their parents afforded. Thus, social strategies had to be developed to give them a chance

to reach economic success. One recurrent alternative for the men was to get married to

the daughters of successful planters, having access, through this way, to a dowry that

could permit their initial economic emancipation. This practice well established in

colonial Brazil, was maintained into the 19th century. The dowry constituted a donation

given by the parents, or other closer family members, to their daughters on the occasion

of their marriage. According to Metcalf (1992:102), the dowry constituted one of the

most commons practices to favor one heir over another, since its value was established by

the parents. Although kept in the name of the wife, whose rights to the dowry were




38 APMT, probate-inventory Ana Luiza da Silva, 1848.
39 APMT, probate-inventory Ant6nia Pereira da Silva, 1870.









protected by law, so that her husband would be unable to loan it or to sell it without her

consent, the dowry was administered by the husband.

One example of the proportions that a dowry given by a rich planter could reach is

that received by Carolina Correa da Costa from her father, the captain Ant6nio Correa da

Costa, on the occasion of her wedding to the captain Jose de Lara Pinto, in 1840. The

couple received 11 slaves, 25 canadas40 of cachaga (cane brandy), 38 horses and mares,

291 head of cattle, 1,568,312 rdis in money, and two sesmarias in Chapada dos

Guimardes, where they probably established the Engenho Campo Alegre (Alencar

n.d.a:127, 135). Ant6nio Correa da Costa was one of the most powerful men of Mato

Grosso, coming to assume the presidency of the province between 1831 and 1834

(Alencar n.d.a:127), being owner of the Engenho Bom Jardim, in Chapada, which he

inherited from his father, the Portuguese Francisco Correa da Costa. The Portuguese

planter Paulo da Silva Coelho also gave very generous dowries to his daughters Ana

Luiza and Maria Pereira. Ana Luiza received, on occasion of her wedding to the captain

Domingos da Silva Barreiros, four thousand cruzados in public titles, two small houses in

Cuiaba, two female slaves, and four thousand cruzados in gold or in foodstuffs.41

Probably Domingos Barreiros used a part of this capital to establish the Engenho Agua

Fria, which he acquired the same year of his father-in-law's death, in 1809.42 Maria

Pereira, on the occasion of her wedding to the Portuguese alferes Manoel Jose Moreira,

received one house in Cuiaba, two female slaves, and the value of two thousand oitavas





40 Canada: Portuguese measure for liquids equivalent to three English pints.
41 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809.
42 INTERMAT Livro de registro das sesmarias.









of gold in foodstuffs.43 Years later, in 1818, Manoel Jose was granted a sesmaria in the

region of Chapada, where he established the Engenho Bom Jardim.44

The dowry, however, rather than a total donation, was a kind of long-term loan,

since the couple benefited had to return 50% of the value received by occasion of the

sharing of the patrimony upon the death of the of the last parent. Thus, the dowry was an

endogamic system of circulation of the family's capital, since the 50% returned benefited

the planters' sons as well as the other daughters that did not receive this assistance.

Moreover, although administered by the husband, the dowry continued to be considered

the patrimony of the donating family, serving as a mechanism of subordination of the

husband to his dowry donators. An illustrative case is present in the will of the widow

Escolastica Martins da Cruz, daughter and wife of Chapada's planters. She declared that

she had given as a dowry for her granddaughter, Ant6nia Leonor Martins da Cruz, when

the granddaughter was married to Jodo de Albuquerque Nunes, one house in Cuiaba and

three slaves. Ant6nia Leonor died a few years after her marriage, leaving only one

daughter. In her will, Escolastica affirmed that the dowry pertained to her great-

granddaughter, who was still underage in 1866, and named as a caretaker a third party,

since she was very disappointed with the behavior that her grandson-in-law was having

towards her family.45

Another alternative for the planters' sons, after their parents' death, was to be kept

as the manager of the family's engenho. This was the case of the lieutenant Manoel

Pereira da Silva Coelho, son of the Portuguese Paulo da Silva Coelho. His mother, Ana



43 APMT, probate-inventory Paulo da Silva Coelho, 1809.
44 INTERMAT Livro de registro das sesmarias.
45 APMT, probate-inventory Escolistica Martins da Cruz, Cart6rio do 50 Oficio, Caixa 85, Processo No.
766, year: 1866.