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Factors Affecting Botanic Garden Visitation among African Americans


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FACTORS AFFECTING BOTANI C GARDEN VISITATION AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICANS By MELISSA MARIE STEINHAUER A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2006

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Copyright 2006 by Melissa Marie Steinhauer

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iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First of all, I thank everyone who served on my committee: Robert Bowden, Dr. Mark Brennan, Dr. Dennis McConnell, Dr. Ca rrie Reinhart-Adams Dr. David Sandrock, and Dr. Rick Schoellhorn. Their willingness to help and enthusiasm for my topic made the process much more enjoyable. Without their guidance and de dication, this thesis would not have been possible. I also thank the staff of Leu Gardens, including Robert Bowden, who believed in my research and provided their time, re sources, and expert ise to see it through. I want to thank my parents, Lise a nd David Steinhauer, for the support they provided to me during my rese arch in many ways. Their lo ve and assistance have given me the freedom to succeed. I also thank Erin Alvarez, Steven Kabat, and David and Michelle Taylor for their help in this project.

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iv TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.................................................................................................iii LIST OF TABLES.............................................................................................................vi LIST OF FIGURES..........................................................................................................vii ABSTRACT.......................................................................................................................ix CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................1 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE.......................................................................................5 Botanic Gardens............................................................................................................5 Importance of Gardens to Society.........................................................................5 Importance of Visitors to Gardens........................................................................6 African-Americans and Horticulture............................................................................6 History and Contributions.....................................................................................6 African-American Gardens.................................................................................11 African-American Attitudes Towards Ho rticulture and the Environment..........11 Visitor Diversity at Botanic Gardens..........................................................................12 Current Visitor Diversity.....................................................................................12 Factors Affecting Museum Visitation.................................................................13 Methods of Increasing Visitor Di versity at Public Gardens................................14 Factors Affecting Garden Vis itation Among African-Americans..............................16 African-Americans and Museums.......................................................................16 Constraints...........................................................................................................18 Race and Constraints...........................................................................................20 Conclusion..................................................................................................................23 3 VISITOR RESPONSES TO AN ETHNIC GARDEN DISPLAY.............................24 Introduction.................................................................................................................24 Methods......................................................................................................................26 Variables..............................................................................................................26 Site Selection.......................................................................................................27

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v Display Installation..............................................................................................27 Instrument Development.....................................................................................28 Sampling..............................................................................................................29 Analysis...............................................................................................................30 Results........................................................................................................................ .31 Attitude Towards the Garden Overall.................................................................33 Attitude Towards the African-American Horticulture Display...........................35 Interest in Ethnic Displays...................................................................................37 Discussion...................................................................................................................38 Conclusion..................................................................................................................42 4 GARDEN VISITATION FACTORS AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICANS.............44 Introduction.................................................................................................................44 African-American Attitudes Towards Ho rticulture and the Environment..........44 Factors Affecting Museum Visitation.................................................................45 African-Americans and Museums.......................................................................46 Methods......................................................................................................................48 Results........................................................................................................................ .52 Discussion...................................................................................................................58 5 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY........................................................................................63 APPENDIX A PLANTS IN AFRICAN-AMERICAN DISPLAY.....................................................67 B QUESTIONNAIRE FOR VISITOR RE SPONSES TO AN ETHNIC GARDEN DISPLAY...................................................................................................................69 C QUESTIONNAIRE FOR GARDEN VISITATION FACTORS AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICANS..........................................................................................73 D GROUPS AND EVENTS SURVEYED FOR GARDEN VISITATION FACTORS AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICANS.......................................................77 Organizations..............................................................................................................77 Events.........................................................................................................................77 E LIMITATIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH...................78 LIST OF REFERENCES...................................................................................................80 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.............................................................................................85

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vi LIST OF TABLES Table page 3-1 Regression for attitude towards the garden overall..................................................34 3-2 Regression for attitude towards African-American Horticulture Display...............36 3-3 Regression for interest in ethnic displays.................................................................37 4-1 Linear regression models of Ora nge County study of African-Americans..............57

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vii LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 3-1 Installation of th e African-American Horticulture display......................................28 3-2 Collecting data at Leu Gardens................................................................................30 3-3 Gender as percent of Leu Garden visitor sample.....................................................31 3-4 Visitor age groups as percent of sample...................................................................32 3-5 Ethnicity of Leu Garden visitor sample...................................................................32 3-6 Household income of Leu Garden visitor sample....................................................32 3-7 Highest level of education achieved by Leu Garden visitors as percentage of sample.......................................................................................................................33 3-8 Standardized regression coefficients for significant variables of attitude towards garden overall...........................................................................................................35 3-9 Standardized regression coefficients for significant variables of attitude towards African-American Horticulture Display...................................................................36 3-10 Standardized regression coe fficients for significant vari ables of interest in ethnic displays.....................................................................................................................38 4-1 Collecting data in Orange County............................................................................49 4-2 Gender as percentage of Orange County sample of African-Americans.................52 4-3 Age groups as percent of Orange County sample of African-Americans................53 4-4 Household income of Orange C ounty sample of African-Americans.....................53 4-5 Highest level of education achieved as percentage of Orange County sample of African-Americans...................................................................................................54 4-6 Survey responses as a percentage of sample in a study of African-Americans in Orange County.........................................................................................................55

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viii 4-7 Visits per year to a botanic garden as a youth in an Orange County sample of African-Americans...................................................................................................55 4-8 Survey responses to the question W ho took you to museums as a youth? in a study of African-Americans in Orange County.......................................................55 4-9 Standardized regression coefficien ts for variables having significant relationships with botanic garden visitation among African-Americans.................59

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ix Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science FACTORS AFFECTING BOTANI C GARDEN VISITATION AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICANS By Melissa Marie Steinhauer August 2006 Chair: Dennis McConnell Major Department: Environmental Horticulture Two studies were conducted. The first st udy investigated the extent to which differences in demographics and visitation ha bits influence visitors interest in ethnic garden displays and a botanic garden. The s econd study investigated the extent to which demographics, psychographic characteri stics, personal/cultural history, and environmental factors affect African-American adults visitation of botanic gardens. In the first study, visitor response to an et hnic garden display and attitude towards the garden overall were measured at a botan ic garden in Florida, where a display was constructed highlighting African-American cont ributions to horticulture. Variables were measured with Likert-type scale items and we re analyzed using bi variate correlation, chi square analysis (or gamma, as appr opriate), one-way ANOVA, and regression. The results suggested that race did not a ffect visitors attitudes towards a botanic garden overall. Younger visito rs, those who visit gardens more, and weekend visitors had a more positive attitude towards botanic gardens. Race was related to attitude

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x towards the display. African-Americans liked the African-American horticulture display more than any other ethnic group. Also, as income increased, attitude towards the African-American display decrea sed, but as education incr eased, attitude towards the display also increased. Freque nt garden visitors liked the display better, along with those who enjoy vegetable gardening more. Race wa s also related to preference for ethnic displays in general. European-Americans ha d less preference for ethnic displays than African-Americans did. Fall vis itors also had less preferen ce for ethnic displays than summer visitors did. In the second study, community groups and community event attendees were asked to complete questionnaires about factors rela ted to botanic garden visitation. The factors were measured using fill-in-the-blank, ch eck-box questions, and Likert-type scale and analyzed with linear regression. While all the variables f ound regarding museum visita tion were examined with regards to African-Americans visiting botanic gardens, relatively few variables were found significant. African-Americans who a ttended museums frequently and those who had positive experiences at bot anic gardens visited gardens more frequently. Those who perceived botanic gardens as good places to spend time with family and friends also visited more. Those who perceived botanic ga rdens as a nice change in their activities visited less. Based on this research, one can conclude that African-Americans may visit botanic gardens more if they feature displays about African-Ameri cans. Also, public relations efforts by botanic gardens should communicate to African-Americans that gardens are a good place to spend time with family a nd friends on a regular basis.

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1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Botanic gardens are an important part of society because they provide a variety of benefits to their communities. As gardens s eek to serve their communities, they are a source of community pride, enhance child rens education through school programs and field trips, act as a vacation destination and attract tourists, are a venue for community meetings and cultural events, and provide information for everyone from amateur gardeners to university scholars (Smith, 1989). As a place of leisure and connection with nature, botanic gardens help visitors cope with stress (Kohlleppel, Bradley, & Jacob, 2002). Gardens also help their communitie s financially. According to a 1997 study, cultural tourists (including those who visit botanic gard ens) have greater economic impact than general tourists (Stronge, 2000). Ultimately, botanic gardens exist to serv e the visitors that support them. Many gardens receive a significant porti on of their annual income fr om visitors, either in the form of earned income or contributions. In gardens that receive financial support from government sources, 19% of the operating budge t of thirty-seven gardens studied, on average, was from earned income, and admissi ons made up the larges t portion of earned income (Lowe, 1993). If a garden expects to rely heavily on indivi dual donations they must provide the public with what they want and need, and people want a good experience, though what makes a good experien ce varies somewhat between individuals (Robinson, 1996).

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2 Even so, gardens visitors do not reflect the diversity present in their communities most of the time. The average garden vis itor is a well-educated, middle-to-upper class European-American female, middle-aged or ol der (Andorka, 1999). It has been projected that by the year 2050, European -Americans will only be fifty percent of the population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004b). As European-A mericans lose majority status, it becomes more important that botanic gardens attr act and serve other ethnic groups. Gardens throughout North America have tried a vari ety of techniques to increase minority visitorship, including creating ethnic displays, hosting ethni c festivals, hiring minority staff, or devoting staff to improving comm unity relations (Hartfield, 1995; Hoffman, 1995; Raver, 2000). These efforts have rarely been studied or measur ed with regards to their effectiveness. One article was published about increasing diversity at botani c gardens (Andorka, 1999). The article proposed a five-step model to increase visitor diversity at botanic gardens based on a literature review. It s uggested an organization-wide approach to increase visitor diversity by modifying its hiring practices, st rategic planning, and programming goals to better attr act and serve all ethni c groups. This model has not been quantitatively tested. No studies in refereed journals have addressed the subject of visitor diversity in botanic gardens. Most research conducted to answer this que stion has been done in related fields, including museum studies and outdoor recreation. With regards to sp ecific ethnic groups, most research in these areas has focused on African-Americans, who are expected to increase to fifteen percent of the Americ an population by the year 2050 (Cordell et al, 2002).

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3 In most research, botanic gardens are cl assified as museums because of similar missions of research, education, and collectio ns. The research i ndicates that AfricanAmericans visit museums twenty to thirty pe rcent less than the ge neral population (Falk, 1998a). Similarly, African-Americans in the upper income and education categories are less likely than European -Americans in those same categories to support (through donations or volunteering) cultural activiti es including as museums, theatre, and symphony orchestras (Puckrein, 1991). According to the National Survey on Recreation and the Environment (NSRE), African-Americans participate in most outdoor recreation activities (w ith the exception of outdoor team sports) much less than Eu ropean-Americans (Cordell et al., 2002; Washburn & Wall, 1980). African-Americans al so have had less childhood exposure to outdoor recreation than European-Americans (Virden & Walker, 1999), and make less use of parks as adults than Europ ean-Americans (Payne et al., 2002). These attitudes towards the outdoors also are evident in African-Amercans presence in horticulture and other professi onal plant-related fields. While a record number of doctorate degrees were awarded to African-Americans in the United States in 2003 (1,708), only 108 degrees were awarded in biological scien ces, or 1.9 percent of all biological doctorates awarded. Not one degree was awarded in the fi elds of horticulture, plant physiology, plant breeding and genetics, botany, plant pa thology, forest biology, or forest management (Good news, 2005). Even though African-Americans as a whole are becoming better educated, there continues to be a lack of interest in plant sciences which seems to affect both leisure time and career choices.

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4 If botanic gardens knew how to better attract and serve African-American visitors, then African-Americans would be ab le to enjoy all the benefits th at gardens have to offer. This may also increase African-Americans in terest in horticulture as a profession and bring much-needed diversity to the field. This research involves two studies that aim to better understand these issues. The first measured the extent to which demographics and visitation habits influenced visitors' interests in ethnic garden disp lays and a botanic garden. The second study investigated the extent to which demographics, psychogr aphic characteristic s, personal/cultural history, and environmental factors affect African-Americans' visitation of botanic gardens.

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5 CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE Several areas of research are important in understa nding ethnic diversity among botanic garden visitors. These areas include benefits of botanic gardens, importance of visitors to gardens, African-Americans' history in horticulture, African-Americans' current attitudes towards horticulture and the environment, demographic trends among garden visitors, visitation fact ors at museums, methods to increase visitor diversity at botanic gardens, museums visitation fact ors among African-Americans, and leisure constraints. These subjects are pertinent to this thesis research because they demonstrate why the research is important, give us in formation to create an ethnic display, and identify variables to be included in the research. Botanic Gardens Importance of Gardens to Society Botanic gardens benefit and serve their communities in many ways: they are a source of community pride, enhance child rens education through school programs and field trips, act as a vacation destination and attract tourists, are a venue for community meetings and cultural events, and provide information for everyone from amateur gardeners to university scholars (Smith, 1989). One way gardens provide information to visitors is by displaying what plants can be grown in a pa rticular area (Paterson, 1985). As a place of leisure and connection with natu re, botanic gardens help visitors to cope with stress (Kohlleppel, Bradley, & Jacob, 2002). Gardens also help their communities

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6 financially. According to a 1997 study, cultu ral tourists (including those who visit botanic gardens) have more economic imp act than general tourists (Stronge, 2000). Importance of Visitors to Gardens Many gardens receive a significant portion of their annual income from visitors, either in the form of earned income or contri butions. In a study of thirty-seven gardens that receive financial support from the govern ment, 19% of a gardens operating budget on average was from earned income, and ad missions made up the largest portion of earned income (Lowe, 1993). In the same study, 23% of a gardens operating budget came from contributions, on average. Out of all privately contributed dollars to botanic gardens annually, a fifth is composed of i ndividual contributions (Arnoult, 1993). If a garden expects to rely heavily on individual donations they must provide the public with what they want and need, and people wa nt a good experience, though what makes a good experience varies somewhat between i ndividuals (Robinson, 1996). Even publicly supported museums must prove their effectiv eness through their ab ility to serve the public if they want continue d support (Karp & Lavine, 1993). African-Americans and Horticulture History and Contributions Africans were successful agriculturists when they were encountered by the Europeans during the 15th century. By 1460, the Portuguese had thoroughly explored the Upper Guinea Coast of West Africa and called it the Grain Coast or Rice Coast due to the abundance of cereals available for provisioning their ships. This area was not only important due to its location as a stopping poi nt for ships, but also because the cereals they could get there didnt spoil quickly on the long voyages between Europe and the Americas. The cereals were mainly rice, mille t, and sorghum. Europeans not only traded

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7 for these cereals in Africa, but also le arned about their cul tivation. Africans had developed advanced agricultur al techniques; especially fo r growing rice (Carney, 2001). In the early 1500s, Portuguese began to cultivate rice on plantations in South America, after observing African techniques. Growing rice required complex irrigation systems, division of specialized tasks, and specific tools. In African systems, rice cultivation was done mainly by women, but men had certain responsibilities as well. To grow rice, the Portuguese imported slaves who had the specialized skills needed to grow rice well. Slave owners asked specifically for slaves from the Grain Coast because of their rice production knowledge (Carney, 2001). Eventually, rice production moved to Nort h America because of the presence of African slaves there. African-Americans b ecame permanent residents of the Southeast coast of America in 1670 with the first permanent English settlement. During the 1690s, settlers began to grow rice in South Ca rolina where the wetlands were ideal for production (Mitchell, 1999). This crop became a major factor in founding the South Carolina colony, and made it the wealthiest co lony in the South. Records suggest that slaves actually taught the plantation ow ners how to cultiv ate rice (Carney, 2001). Thomas Jefferson had many expert slaves caring for his garden (Hatch, 2001). He, like many other slave owners of his time, allo wed his slaves to have personal garden plots. The slaves used these plots to grow extra food for themselves, but they also grew extra produce to sell. As a result, Jeffers on actually purchased much of his produce from his slaves. Even though he had a large vegetable garden, it was often used for experimental purposes, and he usually purchased staple crops from hi s slaves. He also bought produce from his slaves because they usually stored some vegetables in root

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8 cellars and were able to provi de Jefferson with certain vegeta bles out of season. Some of the slaves plots at Monticello were very large, and slaves were able to sell large quantities of a variety of vegetables, even hops. These gardens provided slaves some independence (Hatch, 2001). Many slaves grew traditional African food crops in their personal gardens. Since plantation owners were not interested in vege table crops from Africa, the plants or seeds were probably brought over to America either by slaves themselves or for the slaves because they requested them. In South Ca rolina, these crops included millet, greens, sorghum, and black-eyed peas. Other crops in this category included yam, pigeon peas, and African palm ( Elaeis guineesis; Carney, 2001). Plants that we re definitely brought to America by slaves include eggplant, okra, watermelon, cantaloupe, West Indian gherkin, and sesame. While the tomato came from Sout h America, slaves were instrumental in making the tomato more widely used in No rth America. Some Af rican food crops may have originally come from other continen ts because Africans adapted many food plants from peoples they traded with (McLaughlin, 2004). Food plants werent the only things that Africans brought with them to America; they also brought their knowledge of folk medicine (Mitchell, 1999). They combined their African knowledge with wh at they learned in the New World from Europeans and Native Americans. Many slaves were invol ved in health-care related activities on the plantation where they worked, ranging from assisting the plantation owner in the treatment of slaves, to bei ng considered doctors by African-Americans and EuropeanAmericans alike on the plantati on. Because of these changing roles, medicinal practices by African-Americans and European-Ameri cans were influenced by each others

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9 knowledge and traditions. In the eighteenth century, one slave was freed by the Carolina government because of his ability to cure pers ons who had ingested poison or been bitten by a rattlesnake. Usually slaves tried to treat th emselves if sick or in jured. If they were unable to treat themselves, they received tr eatment from their masters, whose knowledge was usually only as good as or worse than the treatments the slaves knew. Only in extreme cases were physicians called to treat slaves. Slaves knew not only how to make medicines from plants, but also how to make poisons. It was this fear that caused the Carolina government to pass laws in the 19th century banning African-Americans from practicing medicine or being empl oyed by physicians (Mitchell, 1999). The most research on African-American folk medicine has been done among the Gullah people of the Sea Islands off the co ast of South Carolina (Mitchell, 1999). History and geography isolated the Gullah fr om white influence both during and after slavery. They made up the majority of reside nts on the Sea Islands fr om the beginning of the eighteenth century until halfway into the twentieth century. This isolation allowed them to preserve their traditions and some of their language from Africa. Among the Gullah, there are three types of medicine, de pending on the source of illness: natural, occult, or spiritual. Natural medicine fo cuses on physical causes of disease and uses plants or plant parts. Gullah medicine may use any part of the plant, including roots, stems, bark, leaves, flowers, or fruit. The plant parts are frequently brewed as a tea for medicinal purposes (Mitchell, 1999). When slaves were first emancipated, many became sharecroppers in the South and used their small parcel of land to grow cash cr ops, as well as vegetables for their family. Eventually, African-Americans began to use their land and garden for more recreational

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10 purposes. As African-Americans left the rural South, they were generally reluctant to pursue agricultural or horticultural careers. However, many still kept their love and practice of gardening. In African-American communities in Miami, residents formed gardening clubs as early as 1926 that ar e still in place today (McLaughlin, 2004). African-American scientists also made im portant contributions to horticulture as well as other scientific innovations using plan ts. George Washingt on Carver is probably the best known African-American scientist. Although born a slave, he attended Iowa State for his bachelor degree. His research there included grafting experiments with plum trees and cacti, and breeding experiments with geranium and amaryllis. A few years after graduation, Carver took a faculty position in the Agriculture Department at Tuskegee College, and most of his research with pl ants was conducted to improve the lives of farmers. He experimented with different pl ants as food sources for livestock, including sorghum, soybean, corn, other grains, and even acorns. Carver observed that cowpeas made for great forage as well as human food, plus improved the soil. He also found that peanuts improved the soil and provided protein in farmers diets. Alfalfa was grown by Carver as a forage plant, along with Napier and Merker grasses. He did fertilizer comparisons with sweet potatoes. He trie d to raise silkworms on mulberry. At the Tuskegee experiment station, Carver also grew rice, Cuban sugarcane, and velvet beans (McMurry, 1981). Carver also experimented with new ways to use garden plants. He created coffee from kidney beans, used sweet potatoes to re duce wheat flour use in bread, and created milk, along with many other products, from p eanuts. He wrote extension publications providing many recipes for wild plums (McMurry, 1981).

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11 Dr. Percy Lavon Julian was another African -American scientist who worked with plants. In 1935, he developed a treatment fo r glaucoma from calabar beans. In 1940, he used a compound found in soybeans to create a new treatment for arth ritis which cost less than the cortisones which had previously be en used (Barrett, Ryan, and Visnaw, 2002). African-American Gardens Typical African-American yards in the ru ral South had swept yards until well into the twentieth century, but did include a vegeta ble garden and random flower plantings. Trees and shrubs were usually scattered ar ound the swept portion of the yard where they did not shade flowers. Trees were important in providing shade in the part of the yard that was used as an extension of the kitchen. Another characteristic part of the AfricanAmerican yard was the use of decorative ite ms made from scraps (McLaughlin, 2004). African-American Attitudes Towards Horticulture and the Environment According to the NSRE, African-Americans participate in most outdoor recreation activities (with the exception of outdoor team sports) much less than EuropeanAmericans (Washburne & Wall, 1980; Cordel l et al., 2002). Even African-Americans who reside in rural settings visit wildlands (undeveloped, usually wooded areas) less and enjoy their visits to wildlands less than European-Americans (Johnson et al., 1997). Similarly, they prefer urban parklands to be dedicated to re creation instead of conservation, and prefer organi zed park recreation over nature -based recreation (Payne et al., 2002). African-Americans also have had less chil dhood exposure to the outdoors than European-Americans (Virden & Walker, 1999) and make less use of parks as adults than European-Americans (Payne et al., 2002). These lower levels of outdoor recreati on participation corre spond with AfricanAmericans attitudes toward s the environment. More than any other racial group,

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12 African-Americans see the environment as having fewer problems and believe that humans have the right to modify or cont rol nature (Cordell et al., 2002). AfricanAmericans overall have a similar level of concern for the environment as EuropeanAmericans, but low-income African-American s have less concern for the environment than low-income and high-income European -Americans or African-Americans in the higher income groups (Newell & Green, 1997). African-American men are less involved in environmental activism. When they are involved, they usually focus more on pollution and similar issues that affect their commun ities, rather than wilderness conservation or related issues (Dorsey, 2001). These attitudes towards the outdoors also are evident in African-Americans presence in horticulture and other professi onal plant-related fields. While a record number of doctorate degrees were awarded to African-Americans in the United States in 2003 (1,708), only 108 degrees were awarded in biological scien ces, or 1.9 percent of all biological doctorates awarded. Not one degree was awarded in the fi elds of horticulture, plant physiology, plant breeding and genetics, botany, plant pa thology, forest biology, or forest management (Good news, 2005). Out of 9,512 agricultural science teachers in the United States in 1995, only 335 were African-Americans (Camp, 1995). Visitor Diversity at Botanic Gardens Current Visitor Diversity People who visit museums in general ar e well educated, middle to upper class, younger than the overall population, and are ac tive in community a nd leisure activities (Hood, 1983). Family groups are usually the larg est category of visitors. This varies with the type of museum, though. Visitors to art and history museums are usually older, while visitors to science museums are younger. Visitation also varies with race, with

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13 African-Americans visiting museums twenty to thirty percent less than the general population (Falk, 1998a). Factors Affecting Museum Visitation While demographics are often pointed to as a factor in museum visitation, they are not necessarily an influencing factor. They correlate with, but do not determine, an individuals decision to visit a museum. There are six major attributes that determine an adults leisure time choices. They are bei ng with people, doing something worthwhile, feeling comfortable in ones surroundi ngs, having new experiences, learning opportunities, and active participa tion. The importance of these at tributes to an individual is related to whether that indivi dual is a frequent vi sitor (three or more times per year), an occasional visitor (one or two times pe r year), or a non-pa rticipant (Hood, 1983). Frequent visitors consid er doing something worthwh ile, new experiences, and learning to be the most important factors in their leisure time choices. They view museums as having all of these three preferred factors, and were socialized to museums as children. Non-participants value social interaction, comfor t, and active participation as the most important factors. They see muse ums as having none of the factors that they consider important, and they were not social ized to museums as children. Occasional participants value the same factors as non-participants. Unlike non-participants, they see museums as having some of the factors they consider important. They come for special occasions such as events or holidays because it is only then that the museum becomes worth visiting (Hood, 1983). Cultural factors include the cultural norms for an ethnic group, such as attitudes towards the outdoors among African-Americans as previously mentioned. This also

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14 affects personal history by determining the amount of childhood socialization to museums (Falk, 1995). Museum-specific factors can also affect visi tation. For example, different types of museums (art museums or arboretums) will attract different types of visitors because of inherent differences in content (Falk & Dierking, 1992; Falk, 1993) People come to museums because of quality content that they find interesting (Falk, 1998b). Past or current museum policies can affect an individu als decision to visit or not visit a museum (Jones, 1983; West, 1989; Wicks & Crompton, 1990). A museums location can be a factor. For example, many people who live in the suburbs have a negative view of urban areas which might keep them from visiting a museum located in the city (Mintz, 1998). An institutions marketing practices also influences what kind of audience they attract (Falk, 1995). Perceived value of a museum vis it, but not actual cost of admission, deters some potential museum-goers (Falk, 1998b). Methods of Increasing Visitor Diversity at Public Gardens Many approaches are used to increase visito r diversity in botanical gardens. These include school group tours, ha ving a diverse staff, community relations, ethnic displays, and outreach projects. School group tours have been successfully used to increase visitor diversity. Queens Botanic Garden in Queens, New York is located in the most ethnically diverse county in the United States (Raver, 2000). As the garden developed, they offered tours for school groups. After visiting the garden on school field trips, children returned with their parents. Because the school groups were so diverse, their pa rents were diverse as well (Wade, 1983). However, at least one st udy has shown that school trips typically have a minimal impact on audi ence diversity (Mintz, 1998).

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15 Maintaining a diverse staff is also a successful method of promoting visitor diversity. At the Rutgers Urban Gardening pr ogram in New Jersey, the State Cooperative Extension staff who conduct the program are solely minorities. Because they share ethnicity with staff members, minority partic ipants stay in the program longer (Patel, 1994). Based on a literature review, Andorka concluded that divers ity should not only be part of recruiting and hiring employees, but shoul d also be a part of all staff and volunteer training and organizational plan ning (1999). Montreal Botani c Garden in Canada has a large Asian community; therefore, they employ staff who are capable of speaking Chinese and/or Japanese (Hoffman, 1995). Good community relations can also have an impact on increasing visitor diversity. New York Botanic Garden, located in the Br onx of New York City, suffered from poor community relations. Many Bronx resident s viewed botanic gardens as elitist institutions (Hartfield, 1995). The garden responded by hiring a community relations director to help change the communitys at titude by explaining to groups the different roles of the garden in res earch, education, and outreach. Garden staff observed that community members had a more positive view of the garden as a result. Montreal Botanic Garden created bonds with the Asia n community by creating separate societies for the Chinese and Japanese community member s to be involved with the garden. These societies not only volunteer in the garden, they also give input and make decisions regarding culturally-appropria te events, displays, a nd educational programming (Hoffman, 1995). Fairchild Tropical Gard en in Miami, FL created an advisory committee of community members to get inpu t on increasing audience diversity. If ethnic groups are included in planning ethnic di splays and educational programs, they are

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16 much more likely to attend. Relationships can also be maintained by including minority community members in evaluation after the display or program has been implemented (Andorka, 1999). Gardens can also attract minority visitors th rough ethnic displays or events. At the University of Michigans Matthaei Botanical Gardens, new cultural exhibits were installed to serve the community (Michener and Klatt, 1999 ). One of the exhibits, Out of Africa highlighted the Af rican Diasporas influence on American horticulture and agriculture. Thirty to fifty percent of the vis itors to this exhibit were African-American. To create connections with the Asian co mmunity, Montreal Botanic Garden built a Chinese Garden and a Japanese Garden de signed by a Chinese architect and Japanese architect, respectively (Hoffman, 1995). Thes e gardens are used for cultural events and education. At Queens Botanic Garden, the plants and daily activities in the garden reflect the variety of cultures that are present in the community. They host a Gardening Day each year which focuses on different cultures (Raver, 2000). A related approach is to have culturally-a ppropriate outreach projects to market the garden to community groups. Fairchild Trop ical Garden reached out by planting trees and gardens at schools attended by low-income populations, greening projects in similar neighborhoods, and implementing horticulture therapy programs at senior community centers (Andorka, 1999). Factors Affecting Garden Visita tion Among African-Americans African-Americans and Museums Education and income are often pointed out as the most important demographics defining a museum visitor or non-visitor. In spite of this, research has shown that African-Americans in the upper income and education categori es still are less likely to

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17 support cultural activitie s (such as art museums, theatre, etc) with their time and money than European-Americans in those same cat egories (Puckrein, 1991). Past racism by museums has given some African-Americans th e perception that they are unwelcome at museums. Even among African-Americans who do not feel unwelcome, the past racism affects current childhood soci alization among Afri can-Americans; they did not attend museums in the past, so the current parents were not museum-socia lized and do not bring their children to museums (Falk, 1995). One study looked at the museum attitudes, visitation, and related factors of a sample of over three hundred African-Americans in six different communities in the Eastern United States (Falk, 1995). Of those interviewed, 66% were non-visitors, 23% were occasional visitors, and 6% were frequent visitors. The reasons given for non-attenda nce were usually lack of interest or lack of time. Two-thirds of those who do visit museums gave learning-related reas ons for attendance. Content was frequently mentioned as a reas on to visit. Additi onally, word-of-mouth highly affected the decision to attend. Ni nety-one percent said they had never felt uncomfortable at a museum. Of those who had felt uncomfortable, less than half gave race-related reasons (Falk, 1995). Six different socio-demographic fact ors correlated with museum-going: community, marital status, age, education, in come, and church involvement. Those most likely to visit museums were from ethnically -mixed communities, married, older, more educated, higher income, and church-goers. Community was the best predictor of visitation, followed by church (Falk, 1995). A number of museums have found success with attracting African-Americans by form ing relationships with African-American

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18 churches (Falk, 1998a). It was found that mu seum socialization is not the only childhood experience that affects museum attendance (Falk, 1995). African-A merican adults who read as children or participated in youth clubs are also more likely to attend museums as adults. The largest factor that keeps African -Americans from visiting museums is simply lack of a museum-going tradition (Falk, 1995). Constraints Constraints research began in the 1980s w ith a focus on specific external barriers that prevent people from participating in desi red recreation activities (Jackson and Scott, 1999). The theory became broader and more theoretically complex as researchers sought to understand how constraints in any leisure activity also affect pr eferences, level of participation, and other ch aracteristics of pa rticipation. Researchers began to acknowledge that participation was impacted not only by physical, external constraints, but also by internal and social constraints. Crawford and Godbey (1987) defined two primary categories of constraints: antecedent constraints that affect pref erence for an activity, and intervening constraints that affect participation once pr eference or desire have been established. Among intervening constraints are internal and external constr aints (Jackson, 1988). These intervening constraints were typically m easured as perceived c onstraints, but this resulted in low correlation between constraint s and participation. Demographics such as race, gender, and class also act as constraints, called social structural constraints. In a study of participants in activ e leisure pursuits, perceived constraints had no or low negative correlation with participation. Some perceived constraints even demonstrated positive correlation with participation. On th e other hand, social structural constraints including gender, age, household type, o ccupational status, and income all had a

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19 correlation with partic ipation (Shaw, Bonen, & McCabe 1991). This research still primarily focused on intervening constraints, and was studied mainly through surveys. Intervening, or structural cons traints, were defined with a list either provided by the researcher, or offered by the participant in response to more open-ended questions. The number of structural constraints included in a survey usually range from fifteen to twenty-five (Jackson and Scott, 1999). The hierarchical model of constraints was developed to begin to address the previous mixed results regard ing constraints re lationship with participation and other conceptual issues (Crawford et al., 1991). Th e hierarchical model ha s three categories of constraints: intrapersonal, interpersonal, and st ructural. If an indivi dual is inhibited by one level of constraints, the next level of c onstraints does not affect that individual. For example, if intrapersonal constraints preven t an individual from participating in an activity, then the individual will not be concerned with any possible interpersonal constraints. Intrapersonal c onstraints (characteristics w ithin the individual) act as antecedent constraints, preventing desire for participation. Interpersonal constraints are the perceived constraints of possible co-par ticipants, and affect both preference and participation levels. Structural constraint s act as intervening c onstraints, preventing desired levels of partic ipation. These constraint types, a nd their hierarchical nature, were confirmed by a study of high school students in the context of starting a new leisure activity (Raymore et al., 1993). However, a li mit of this study was that actual effects on participation were not measured. This st udy was part of a move towards finding common dimensions or factors of constraints. Many common factors have been found, suggesting

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20 that there is a common core of constraints that most pe ople face (Jackson and Scott, 1999). Further conceptualization s uggested that constraints ar e not always barriers to desire or participation, but that people us ually negotiate throu gh different kinds of constraints (Jackson et al., 1993). The re sult of negotiation is often modified participation. A person who participates may have already negotiated through their constraints. This new model also suggested that anticipation of an interpersonal or structural constraint may negatively affect desire for particip ation. The concept of negotiation has been supporte d empirically by several studi es, but it is still poorly understood (Kay & Jackson, 1991; Henders on et al., 1995; Samdahl & Jekubovich, 1997). Race and Constraints Because African-Americans continue to f ace various forms of racism, race is an important issue to consider when studying cons traints (Shinew et al., 2004). This racism has caused many African-Americans to choose leisure activities in the home (Woodard, 1988). African-Americans in one study reporte d feeling unwelcome in several leisure activities (Philipp, 1999). They are less likely to particip ate in many outdoor recreation activities than Caucasians (Washburne and Wa ll, 1980). Some of the constraints that inhibit participation in these activities ar e transportation, concern for safety, and poor maintenance of recreation facilities. For African-American women, some constraints to outdoor recreation are perceptions of the activities, lack of time, lack of space, job demands, expectations of family members, needs of family members, and economic factors (Henderson & Ainsworth, 2001). Resu lts from the National Survey on Recreation

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21 and the Environment suggested that race is a factor in predicting constraints for nonparticipants, but not for participation in a preferred activity (Johnson et al., 2001). Researchers of race and constraints say th at it is not enough to hide race in the demographics of earlier constr aints models. A few theories have been used to explain race and leisure constraints. The marginality hypothesis says that Afri can-Americans are constrained because of their marginal status in society (Washburne, 1978). This hypothesis is largely addressed through socioeconomic status and resources. In a study comparing le isure preferences of African-Americans and European-Americans of different socioeconomic status (SES), preferences of middle-class African-Americans were closer to those of lower-class African-Americans than to preferences of middle-class European-Americans (Stamps and Stamps, 1985). This evidence suggests that SES alone cannot explain AfricanAmericans leisure patterns. On the othe r hand, Floyd et al. (1994) compared AfricanAmericans and European-Americans with thei r subjective social class, and observed a strong relationship between leisure prefer ences of African-Americans and EuropeanAmericans who considered themselves middle-class. The ethnicity hypothesis addresses similaritie s within race between social classes. This hypothesis says leisure patterns of African-American s are based on the norms and values of their subculture (Washburne, 1978) This hypothesis is supported throughout the research regarding African-Americans attitudes towards horticulture and the environment, as well as their particip ation in outdoor recreation and museums (Washburne & Wall, 1980; Puckrein, 1991; Cam p, 1995; Johnson et al., 1997; Newell & Green, 1997; Falk, 1998a; Cordell et al., 2002; Payne et al., 2002; Good news, 2005).

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22 Several researchers have suggested that th e theory needs more complex models that combine the above concepts (Floyd, 1998; Philipp, 1995; Henderson & Ainswoth, 2001). The Ethnicity and Public Recreation Mode l includes perceived discrimination and ethnicity (Gomez, 2002). Perceived discrimi nation has been suggested frequently as a concept to explain leisure constraints, but it needs further conc eptual and empirical development (Floyd, 1998). It also focuse s on the concept of acculturation, or the process of a minority group keeping some cu ltural norms while incorporating norms from the dominant group. The model proposes that acculturation influences socioeconomic status and sub-cultural identi ty (ethnicity). Those two va riables then impact perceived discrimination and perceived benefits of recr eation (motivation), which in turn affect participation. Socioeconomic status and sub-cultural identity also may impact participation directly. This model does not fully address the issue of constraints. It includes some aspects of constraints, includi ng social structural constraints, cultural norms (an antecedent constraint), and pe rceived discrimination, but there are many common constraints that are not included in the model. One framework used to examine race and constraints came from an article on womens leisure constraints. This framewor k provided three approach es to constraints: 1) leisure constraints are linked to structured societal roles, 2) leisure activities add to constraints because they reinforce societal ro les, and 3) because of the free-choice nature of leisure, it can be used for resistance against societal roles (Shaw, 1994). This framework addresses marginality in the fi rst approach, and ethnicity in the second approach. It was examined further in the c ontext of race by a study of Chicago park users (Shinew et al., 2004). The results suggest ed that African-American and European-

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23 American park users had distinctly differe nt leisure preferences which supported the second approach. African-Americans pref erred shopping and going to church, while European-Americans preferred nature-based ac tivities. On the other hand, the first approach was not supported. Both African-A mericans and European-Americans reported low levels of constraints, but European-Ame ricans actually felt slightly more constrained than African-Americans. Conclusion No previous study has been published measuring the variables influencing visitation of botanic gardens. Because botanic gardens are considered museum-like institutions, museum studies research reveals several factors that in fluence visitation. These factors are included in four cat egories: demographic, psychographic, personal/cultural history, and environmental. Among African-Americans, several specific variables related to museum visitati on have been identifie d. Attitudes towards horticulture, outdoor recreation, and the enviro nment verify a pattern of cultural norms that would discourage African-Americans pa rticipation in botanic gardens. Our understanding of constraints veri fies that the visitation fact ors identified should fall into distinct categories. The race and constraint s research suggest that these cultural norms may be the most important variable in determining leisure choices among AfricanAmericans. All of these variab les need to be measured in the context of botanic gardens. More specifically, ethnic disp lays should be examined in their potential to change cultural norms by allowing minor ity visitors to better relate to botanic gardens.

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24 CHAPTER 3 VISITOR RESPONSES TO AN ETHNIC GARDEN DISPLAY Introduction Many gardens receive a significant portion of their annual income from visitors, either in the form of earned income or contri butions. In a study of thirty-seven gardens that receive financial support from the govern ment, 19% of a gardens operating budget was from earned income, with admissions th e largest portion of ear ned income, and 23% of a gardens operating budget came from c ontributions (Lowe, 1993). Out of all privately contributed dollars to botanic gardens annuall y, a fifth is composed of individual contributions (Ar noult, 1993). If a garden expects to rely heavily on individual donations they mu st provide the public with what they want and need, and people want a good experience, though what makes a good experience varies somewhat between individuals (Robinson, 1996). Even publicly supported museums must prove their effectiveness through their ability to se rve the public if they want continued support (Karp & Lavine, 1993). Ideally, gardens should appeal to all ethnic groups, but vi sitors to botanic gardens are predominantly Caucasian (Andorka, 1999) Research has shown that AfricanAmericans visit museums twenty to thirty pe rcent less than the ge neral population (Falk, 1998). Since botanic gardens are considered mu seum-like institutions, these statistics can be applied to botanic gardens as well as mu seums. Similarly, African-Americans in the upper income and education categories still are less likely to suppor t cultural activities

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25 (such as museums) with their time a nd money than their European-American equivalences (Puckrein, 1991). One significant study looked at the museum attitudes, visitation, and related factors of a sample of over three hundred African-Ame ricans in six different communities in the Eastern United States (Falk, 1995). The reas ons given for non-attendance were usually lack of interest or lack of time. Content wa s frequently mentioned as a reason to visit. This is true not only for Afri can-Americans, but for people in general. Different types of museums (art museums or arboretums) will attract different types of visitors because of inherent differences in cont ent (Falk & Dierking, 1992; Fal k, 1993). Interesting, quality displays are one of the primary reason s individuals visit museums (Falk, 1998). Demographic variables significantly correlate with museum visitation; therefore, they should be considered in any stu dy of museum visitors (Hood, 1983). Also, individuals usually differ psychologically be tween non-visitors, occas ional visitors (one or two times a year), and frequent visitors (thr ee or more times a year). Frequent visitors value doing something worthwhile, new experi ences, and learning as the most important aspects of their leisure time choices, while occasional and non-visi tors prefer being comfortable, active participati on, and social interaction. Vis itors to museums also differ between seasons, especially between fall/w inter and spring/summer (Hood, 1988), so the timing of the visit is considered to be an important variable. Based on the research, this study investigated the extent to which differences in demographics and visitation habits influenced visitors interest in ethnic garden displays and a botanic garden in Or ange County, FL during Summer and Fall (July-November) 2005. Research questions included: How do different racial groups view ethnic

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26 displays? Do Caucasian visitors find an African-American display more or less interesting than African-American visitors ? Do demographic variables or garden visitation affect attitude towards botanic gardens? Methods Variables Because individuals responses to a botanic garden display were being studied, the unit of analysis was the individual. As units of analysis, individuals may be characterized in terms of their membership in social groupi ngs, such as racial groups (Babbie, 1998). The population under study was adult visitors to Harry P. Leu Gardens. In 2004, Leu Gardens had 121,537 visitors. I used a crosssectional study because I was not able to collect sufficient data before installation of the display. Cross-sec tional studies are used when it is not possible to collect data before and after treatment, in this case display installation (DeVaus, 2001). Dependant variables included attitude towa rds the botanic garden overall, attitude towards the African-American horticulture disp lay, and preference for ethnic displays. Attitude towards Leu Gardens and attitude to wards the African-American Horticulture display were both measured with Likert-type scales (1=strongly disagree, 5=agree; Edwards, 1957). Both the Leu Gardens scale and African-American Horticulture display scale were reliable ( =0.75 and =0.86, respectively). The questions measured attitude in different ways, including willingness to visit again in the future, and willingness to recommend the botanic garden to others. Pr eference for ethnic displays was measured using a single Likert-type item. Independent variables included: ethnicity, gender, age, income, education, previous visitation to Leu (yes or no), Leu visits per year, previous visitation of other botanic

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27 gardens (yes or no), other garden visits per year, day of visit (week end or weekday), and season of visit. Independent variables are the factors we expected to influence the dependent variables mentioned above. For attitude towards the African-American Horticulture display, preference for vegeta ble gardening was also considered. All independent variables except se ason, day of visit, and intere st in vegetable gardening were measured through check boxes and fill-in -the-blank. Season and day of visit were measured by researcher observation. Interest in vegetable gardening was measured with a single Likert-type item. Site Selection Harry P. Leu Gardens in Orlando, FL was selected as the site for the display and visitor survey because of its reasonable proxim ity to University of Florida and because of its high visitor rate. It is also recognized as a major botanical gard en. Dr. Michael Dirr, an eminent expert in landscape horticultu re, called it a true plantsmans garden (Bowden, 2004). It was also selected because the garden had made no previous efforts to increase visitor diversity, but had expressed an interest in doing so. While the percentage of African-Americans in Orange County is hi gher than the nationa l percentage (Orange County=18%, US=12%, U.S. Census, 2004a), the staff at Leu Gardens had observed very low rates of visitation by African-Americans. Display Installation I installed an African-American Horticultu re display in the vegetable garden in May 2005. The display included plants intr oduced to America from Africa by slaves, plants used by African-American scientists and plants used medicinally by AfricanAmericans in the South over the past two cen turies (see Appendix A). A large sign gave an overview of the display, while smaller si gns identified plants and described their

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28 significance. In addition, brochur es were distributed at the entrance to the botanic garden that went more in-depth a nd listed sources for more information. The plants in the display were maintained by the staff at Leu Gardens. A B C D Figure 3-1. Installation of the African-American Horticulture displa y. A) Raking out the beds. B) Making rows for the seed. C) Planting the seeds. D) The finished garden. Instrument Development After the display was in place for three months, a self-completion questionnaire was distributed to and collected from adult (a ge 18 and older) visitors at the Leu Gardens exit. The questionnaire consisted of twen ty-seven items, including Likert-type, check boxes, fill-in-the-blank, and open-ended questions. Some items were omitted because they were not considered relevant to the re search questions. With in the questionnaire, a 5-item scale measured attitude towards the garden overall, and a 7-item scale measured attitude towards the African-American horti culture display. Interest in vegetable

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29 gardening and interest in ethni c displays were also measur ed using Likert-type items. Demographics were measured using check-boxe s. Garden visitation was measured with a combination of check-boxes and fill-in -the-blank (See Appendix B for sample questionnaire). The questionnaire was reviewed by a pa nel which included Geraldine Thompson, executive director of the Wells Built Muse um of African-American History in Orlando, Florida, Myron Floyd, an associate professo r at University of Florida who conducts research on the topic of race, ethnicity and leisure, and Deborah Johnson-Simon, who conducted research in Orange County about African-Americans and their support of African-American museums. Shortly after the display wa s installed, a pilot test wa s conducted with thirty participants using the same di stribution methods later discus sed in the sampling section. Ten to thirty subjects is considered appropr iate for a pilot test (Isaac & Michael, 1997). Sampling Availability sampling was used because it was impossible to develop a complete sampling frame (Sullivan, 2001). In this case I could not randomly select out of all garden visitors, or even garden visitors in a given year. Instead, we sampled from all visitors on several different days. The re search was conducted in both summer and fall because visitors differ between spring/s ummer and fall/winter (Hood, 1988). Research was also conducted on both weekends and weekdays, as work-week visitors were observed to differ demographically from week end visitors (persona l observation, Melissa Steinhauer). Participants were chosen by aski ng all visitors leaving the garden during the surveying times to participate. Because there are approximately 120,000 visitors in a given year, a minimum sample size of 384 wa s required so that sample proportion would

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30 be within plus or minus 0.05 of the populati on proportion with a nine ty-five percent level of confidence (Krejcie & Morgan, 1970). I obtained a final sample size of 450. Leu Gardens had no previous data on their visi tors beyond number of visitors, thus the samples could not be compared to prior data. A B C D Figure 3-2. Collecting data at Leu Gardens. A) Table set up at garden exit in visitor building. B) Waiting for visitors to exit garden. C) Visitors participating in study. D) Completing the survey instrument. Analysis Relationships between the independent va riables and dependent variables were examined using bivariate correlation, chi squa re analysis (or gamma, as appropriate), one-way ANOVA, and regression. Chi square ( ) was used to compare groups of nominal variables. Regression gives us a more accurate depicti on of how variables realistically interact by considering many independent variables si multaneously instead of their individual

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31 relationships to the dependent variable. To better understand ethnicity, dummy variables were used for ethnic classifications in th e regression. Because I installed an AfricanAmerican display, African-Americans were chosen as the reference category for the dummy variables. Similar independent va riables (e.g. demographic variables, other variables) were grouped together into separate models and th en into one overall model to better observe how the variables interact. Th roughout, significance le vels were set at =0.05. 62% 38% Female Male Figure 3-3. Gender as percent of Leu Garden visitor sample Results The sample was roughly evenly divided between the two seasons. Fifty-four percent of my sample visited in summer, fortysix percent in fall. A much larger part of the sample population visited on weekends (70.8%) than on weekdays (28.9%). Only 38.4% of visitors had been to Leu before, but 84% had visited ot her botanic gardens before. Visitors were mostly female, European-American, well-educated, and middleaged or younger (see Figures 33 through 3-7 for more detail).

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32 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 18-2930-3940-4950-5960-6970+ Figure 3-4. Visitor age groups as percent of sample. 78% 9% 5% 5% 3% European-American Hispanic or Latino African-American Asian Other Figure 3-5. Ethnicity of Le u Garden visitor sample. 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 <$9,999$30,00049,999 $70,00089,999 $100,000+ Figure 3-6. Household income of Leu Garden visitor sample.

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33 Attitude Towards the Garden Overall The scale measuring attitude towa rds Leu Gardens was reliable ( =0.75). The scale showed no relationship between demogr aphic variables and attitude towards the botanic garden. While demographic variables were not significant with respect to attitude towards the garden, several other variab les were significant, includi ng those related to timing of the visit and previous garden visits. Attitude towards the garden was significantly related 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 No dp.HS Dp.AA/ASBA/BSMA/MSPhD/MD Figure 3-7. Highest level of education achieved by Leu Garden visitors as percentage of sample. to season of the year ( =11.321, P<0.05). Individuals who visited on weekends usually liked the garden more than those wh o visited on weekdays (Weekend=1, r=0.150, P<0.001). Attitude towards the garden was positively related to previous visitation. Those who had previously visited Leu had a more positive attitude towards the garden (r=0.240, P<0.001), and those who visited more frequently liked the garden more than those who visited less frequently (r=0.107, P<0.05). Th ere was a very significant relationship between attitude and visits per year to other bo tanic gardens ( =0.242, P<0.001).

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34 Table 3-1. Regression for attitude towards the garden overall Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Reduced Overall -Standardized Regression Coefficients -Demographic Variables Gender (males=1) .009 -.002 Age -.184*** -.177*** -.155** Income .065 .054 Education .028 -.025 European-American .118 .076 Asian .008 .022 Hispanic or Latino .055 .044 Other race -.022 -.048 Other variables Visited Leu before .205*** .186*** .204*** Leu visits per year .090 .095 Visited other gardens before .040 .098 .108* Other garden visits per year -.032 -.033 Season of year (Summer=1) .024 .025 Day of week (Weekend=1) .144** .121* .122* R2 Adjusted .019 .070 .081 .091 F value 1.929 6.664 3.477 10.868 Cases 386 447 379 389 *significant at the .05 level **significant at the .01 level ***significant at the .001 level Relationships between the independent vari ables and attitude towards Leu Gardens overall were further explored in three differe nt models using regres sion (See Table 3-2). Model 1 examined just the demographic va riables, Model 2 included only the other variables, and Model 3 included all the i ndependent variables. The reduced model overall included age, visited Leu before, visited others before, and day of week.

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35 -0.25 -0.2 -0.15 -0.1 -0.05 0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 Age Visit Leu Before Visit Others Before Day of weekSignificant Independent VariablesStand Regression Coefficient Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Figure 3-8. Standardized regression coefficien ts for significant variables of attitude towards garden overall Attitude Towards the African-American Horticulture Display The scale measuring attitude towa rds the display was reliable ( =0.86). It showed significant differences in response with respec t to demographic variab les. Higher income visitors had a more negative attitude to wards the display (r=0.125, P<0.05). Attitude had no direct relationship with a ny other demographic variable. Looking beyond demographic variables, both pr evious visitors to Leu and frequent visitors to other gardens had a more pos itive attitude towards the display (r=0.120, P<0.05 and r=0.143, P<0.05, respectively) than th e sample overall. Visitors who enjoy vegetable gardening also had a more positive attitude towards the display (r=0.258, P<0.001). Relationships between the independent vari ables and attitude towards Leu gardens overall were compared in three different m odels as with attitude towards the garden overall (See Table 3-3). The reduced mode l overall included income, education, ethnic

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36 Table 3-2. Regression for attitude towards African-American Horticulture Display Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Reduced Overall -Standardized Regression Coefficients -Demographic Variables Gender (males=1) -.045 -.010 Age -.016 -.072 Income -.156* -.145 -.149* Education .162* .161 .136* European-American -.230 -.288* -.197* Asian -.046 -.122 Hispanic or Latino -.194 -.248* -.174* Other race -.165* -.216** -.183** Other variables Visited Leu before -.027 -.015 Leu visits per year .083 .179* .178** Visited other gardens before -.119 -.120 Other garden visits per year .153* .157* .138* Season of year (Summer=1) -.026 -.038 Day of week (Weekend=1) -.021 -.068 Like vegetable gardening .257*** .263*** .251*** R2 Adjusted .030 .083 .155 .158 F value 2.007 4.719 4.089 6.267 Cases 249 280 237 243 *significant at the .05 level **significant at the .01 level ***significant at the .001 level -0.3 -0.25 -0.2 -0.15 -0.1 -0.05 0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0.3I ncom e Ed uc ati on E u r opA m er H i spani c Other race L eu v is i ts / yr Ot h er visits/yr V eg gar d e ni n gSignificant Indepedent VariablesStand Regression Coefficient Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Figure 3-9. Standardized regression coefficien ts for significant variables of attitude towards African-American Horticulture Display

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37 classifications (compared to African-Americans) Leu visits per year, other garden visits per year, and vegetable gardening. Interest in Ethnic Displays The data revealed that dem ographics did significantly a ffect interest in ethnic displays. Minority indivi duals were more likely to be inte rested in ethnic displays than European-Americans (r=0.111, P<0.05). More highl y educated visitors also had more interest in ethnic displays than less educated visitors (r=0.110, P<0.05). No other demographic variables had a si gnificant relationship with in terest in ethnic displays. Table 3-3. Regression for inte rest in ethnic displays Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Reduced Overall -Standardized Regression Coefficients -Demographic Variables Gender (males=1) -.024 .034 Age .007 -.052 Income -.085 -.090 Education .160** .130* .108* European-American -.250** -.246** -.175*** Asian .012 -.010 Hispanic or Latino -.088 -.092 Other race -.066 -.056 Other variables Visited Leu before -.056 -.059 Leu visits per year .220 .187 Visited other gardens before .044 .069 Other garden visits per year -.201 -.163 Season of year (Summer=1) -.110* -.108* -.131** Day of week (Weekend=1) -.043 -.064 R2 Adjusted .048 .015 .052 .052 F value 3.386 2.063 2.518 8.031 Cases 369 422 372 383 *significant at the .05 level **significant at the .01 level ***significant at the .001 level

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38 -0.3 -0.25 -0.2 -0.15 -0.1 -0.05 0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 Education EuropeanAmerican Season Significant Independent VariablesStand Regression Coefficient Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Figure 3-10. Standardized regres sion coefficients for significant variables of interest in ethnic displays In addition to demographics, visitation hab its were also important to interest in ethnic displays. Ethnic display interest was le ss for summer visitors than fall visitors (Summer=1, r=-0.128, P<0.01). Interest in et hnic displays also had a significant relationship with both Leu visits per year (F=3.008, P<0.05) and other garden visits per year (F=6.059, P<0.01). The relationships between the independent variables and attitude towards Leu Gardens overall were compared in three diffe rent models as with the other dependent variables (See Table 3-4). The reduced m odel overall included education, EuropeanAmerican ethnicity, and season. Discussion The demographics of the sample for this study were predominantly female, younger, European/European-American, and in the upper education and income categories. Leu Gardens visitors may not necessarily reflect community demographics

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39 because many of the visitors ar e tourists from other cities and even other countries. Even so, comparing visitor and community demographics will help gardens better understand the issues they face. Surprisingly, the sample was younger overall This was possibly influenced by the garden being located in proximity to four colleges. This ma y also reflect the content of botanic gardens; science muse ums typically attract younger vis itors than art or history museums (Hood, 1983). Some older visitors ma y also be deterred by the perception of having to walk a lot at botanic gardens. Gardens could substantially benefit from involving this younger population as volunteers and donors. Special events or giving clubs for younger donors can help achieve th is; for example, Brooklyn Botanic Garden has a New Leaders Circle with an a nnual event for young professionals (Brooklyn Botanic Garden, 2005). One younger respondent suggested that the garden should get local colleges/unive rsities involved. Differences in racial composition were also noticed between the community and the visitor sample. As previously establishe d in the literature, visitors to museums and botanic gardens are usually European-Ameri can (Andorka, 1999). Or ange County is only 57.5% European-American (U.S. Census, 2004a), but the visitor sample was over 77% European-American. The percent of Asians was actually higher in the sample (4.1%) than in Orange County as a whole (3.4%). African Americans (5.5% of sample) and Hispanics (8.8% of sample) were drastica lly underrepresented compared to Orange County demographics (18.2% of population a nd 18.8% of population, respectively). This verifies our need for more research pertaini ng to attracting and serv ing all minority ethnic groups.

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40 The attitude towards the garden overall was influenced by a few surprising factors. Not only were there more younger visitors than older visitors, but younger visitors also had a more positive attitude towards the garden than older visitors. Also, weekend visitors liked the garden bette r than weekday visitors. When age and day of week were compared, weekend visitors were significan tly younger than weekda y visitors (r=-0.229, P<0.001). Weekend visitors, then, liked the ga rden better because they were younger. No previous research has mentioned differe nces between weekend and weekday visitors to botanic gardens or museums. Accordi ng to the model, those who have the most positive attitude towards Leu Gardens are younge r, weekend visitors who have visited a botanic garden before (Leu or otherwise). Si nce previous garden vi sitation is important to attitude, school field trips may be a way to increase interest in bot anic gardens later in life. One participant suggested gardens shoul d introduce school programs, field trips, etc., targeted at children. Start working on the next generation of garden lovers. While only a few significant variables were found in the initial analysis of attitude towards the display, regression illuminated vari ables that were related. All ethnic groups except Asians were observed to have a le ss positive attitude towards the AfricanAmerican display than the African-Americans. Asians neither had a more positive nor more negative attitude towards the display than African-Americans. The evidence, then, suggests that display content geared to a speci fic ethnic group will be interesting to that ethnic group. One participant commented abou t the display, If we have an (AfricanAmerican) section, I want a Polish-American, German-American, and Asian-American section. Research has also reported that African-Americans, especially, visit museums because of interesting display content (Falk, 1995). Botanic gardens should create ethnic

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41 displays focusing on a particular ethnic group that is prevalent in their community in order to attract more of that group. For example, Matthaei Bota nical Gardens observed that thirty to fifty percent of visitors to their Out of Africa exhibit were AfricanAmerican (Michener and Klatt, 1999). Ethnicity was not the only va riable that affected attitude towards the display. Visitors also had a more positive attitude towa rds the display if they visited Leu and other botanic gardens more frequently. Previous research has observed that more frequent garden visitors value learning as an importa nt part of their free-time activities (Hood, 1983). Perhaps more frequent visitors liked the African-American display better because it was an opportunity to learn something ne w. This would also explain why more educated visitors had a more positive att itude towards the display. Other important variables were interest in vegetable garden and income. Interest in vegetable gardening held the strongest rela tionship with attitude towards the African-American display since it was a vegetable garden display. One re spondent said the African-American display needed more color. If possible, future di splays should integrate more landscape plants, in addition to or instead of vegetable plants, to appeal to a wider a udience. The negative correlation with income was surprising, since income was not observed as a significant variable in interest in ethni c displays. Perhaps income was specifically a factor in attitude towards the African-American display because of display-specific variables such as the types of signs used or the f act that it was a vegetable garden. The results for interest in ethnic displays were consistent with what could be expected, and similar to attitude towards th e African-American horticulture display. The evidence suggests that people of higher education prefer ethnic displays. This is logical

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42 because people of higher education usually en joy learning more, so they enjoy learning about different cultures. Several participan ts, especially highly-e ducated individuals, commented that they would have liked mo re information in the African-American display, such as more information about the historic implications of African-American horticulture and more information displa ys about gardening practices. Also, European-Americans overall had less interest in ethnic displays than African-Americans. Based on observation, this is because visitors want to learn about things that are more relevant to them. Unexpected ly, season was a significant va riable in the regression. However, when season and education we re compared, a relationship was found ( =16.706, P<0.05), so the effect season has on inte rest in ethnic displa ys is affected by differences in education. Because botanic gardens are considered museum-like institutions, traditional museums as well may benefit from the result s of this research. Traditional museums should also consider adding ethn ic displays in their area of expertise to be tter attract and serve minority groups. They also may use sc hool field trips to introduce individuals to museums early in life. Conclusion No previous research has observed relations hips between attitude towards an ethnic display and any other variable. Many signi ficant relationships were observed in this research. The majority of our visitor samp le was well-educated, in the middle to upper income levels, younger, European-American, a nd female. Visiting Leu before, visiting other gardens before, and summer all had a pos itive relationship with attitude towards Leu Gardens overall. Age had a negative relati onship with attitude towards the garden overall. Education, Leu visits per year, and ot her garden visits per year all had a positive

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43 relationship with attitude towards the Afri can-American Horticulture display, while income, European-American ethnicity, Hispanic ethnicity, and other ethnicity all had a negative relationship with attitude towards the display. Looking at general interest in ethnic displays, education had a positive rela tionship, while European-American ethnicity and summer had a negative relationship. The results suggest that ethnic displays are a viable method for attracting and serving minority populations.

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44 CHAPTER 4 GARDEN VISITATION FACTORS AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICANS Introduction The benefits of a botanic ga rden are numerous. As gardens seek to serve their communities, they are a source of commun ity pride, enhance childrens education through school programs, act as a vacati on destination, are a venue for community meetings and cultural events, provide information for everyo ne from amateur gardeners to university scholars, and he lp visitors cope with stre ss (Smith, 1989; Kohlleppel, Bradley, & Jacob, 2002). Yet many gardens observe that African-Ame ricans, even those in the immediate vicinity of the garden, do not take advant age of the benefits that a botanic garden provides. It is not surprisi ng when one considers the genera l interests and leisure patterns of African-Americans as a whol e, including interest in th e outdoors and museums. African-American Attitudes Towards Horticulture and the Environment African-Americans have less interest in the outdoors, the environment, and plantrelated occupations than th e general American populati on. According to the NSRE, African-Americans participate in most outdoor recreation activities (except outdoor team sports) much less than European-Americans (Washburne & Wall, 1980; Cordell et al., 2002). African-Americans also have had le ss childhood exposure to the outdoors than European-Americans (Virden & Walker, 1999), and make less use of parks as adults than European-Americans (Payne et al., 2002). African-Americans overall have a similar level of concern for the environment as Eu ropean-Americans, but low-income African-

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45 Americans have less concern for the envir onment than low-income and high-income European-Americans or African-Americans in the higher income groups (Newell & Green, 1997). While a record number of docto rate degrees were awarded to AfricanAmericans in the United States in 2003 (1,708) not one degree was awarded in the fields of horticulture, plan t physiology, plant breeding and ge netics, botany, plant pathology, forest biology, or forest management (Good news, 2005). Factors Affecting Museum Visitation Demographic factors are known to have an important relationship with museum visitation (Falk, 1998). Since botanic garden s are considered muse um-like institutions, this research can be applied to botanic gard ens as well as museums. These factors include gender, race, income, education, and occupation. There are six major leisure preferences that determin e an adults leisure time choices. They are being with people, doing so mething worthwhile, feeling comfortable in ones surroundings, new experiences, a lear ning opportunity, and active participation. The importance of these attributes to an indivi dual is related to whether that individual is a frequent visitor (three or more times per ye ar), an occasional visitor (one or two times per year), or a nonparticipant (Hood, 1983). Frequent visitors consider doing someth ing worthwhile, new experiences, and learning to be the most important factors in their leisure time choices, and view museums as having all of these three pref erred factors. Nonparticipants value social interaction, comfort, and active participation as the mo st important factors, and see museums as having none of the factors that they consider important. Occasional participants value the same factors as non-participants. Unlike non-participants, they see museums as having some of the factors they consider important (Hood, 1983).

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46 Cultural factors include the cultural norms for an ethnic group, such as attitudes towards the outdoors among African-Americans as previously mentioned. This also affects personal history by determining the amount of childhood socialization to museums (Falk, 1995). Museum-specific factors can also affect visitation. People come to museums because of quality content that they find in teresting (Falk & Dier king, 1992; Falk, 1993; Falk, 1998b). Past or current museum policies ca n affect an individual s decision to visit or not visit a museum (Jones, 1983; West, 1989; Wicks & Crompton, 1990). A museums location can be a factor. For ex ample, many people who live in the suburbs have a negative view of urban areas whic h might keep them from visiting a museum located in the city (Mintz, 1998). An instit utions marketing practices also influences what kind of audience they attract (Falk, 1995). Perceived value of a museum visit, but not actual cost of admission, deters so me potential museum-goers (Falk, 1998b). African-Americans and Museums African-Americans visit museums twenty to thirty percent less than the general population (Falk, 1998). African-Americans in the upper income and education categories are less likely to support cultural activ ities (such as art muse ums, theatre, etc) with their time and money than European-Ame ricans in those same categories (Puckrein, 1991). Past racism by museums has given so me African-Americans the perception that they are unwelcome at museums. Even among African-Americans who do not feel unwelcome, parents were unable to attend muse ums when they were growing up, so they do not museum-socialize their children now (Falk, 1995). One study looked at the museum attitudes, visitation, and related factors of a sample of over three hundred African-Americans in six different communities in the

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47 Eastern United States (Falk, 1995). The reas ons given for non-attendance were usually lack of interest or lack of time. Most who do visit museums gave learning-related reasons for attendance. Content and word-ofmouth both highly aff ected the decision to attend. Ninety-one percent said they had never felt uncomfortable at a museum. Of those who had felt uncomfortable, less than ha lf gave race-related reasons (Falk, 1995). Six different socio-demographic factors co rrelated with museum-going: community, marital status, age, education, income, and church involvement. Those most likely to visit museums were from ethnically-mixed co mmunities, married, older, more educated, in higher income brackets, and church-goers (Falk, 1995). A number of museums have found success with attracting Af rican-Americans by forming relationships with AfricanAmerican churches (Falk, 1998a). The largest factor that keeps African-Americans from visiting museums is simply lack of a museum-going tradition (Falk, 1995). The research has reported that African-Am ericans overall have less interest in horticulture, outdoors, and the environment than European-Americans (Washburne & Wall, 1980; Camp, 1995; Johnson et al., 1997; Newell & Green, 1997; Virden & Walker, 1999; Dorsey, 2001; Cordell et al., 2002; Payne et al., 2002). This suggests that cultural norms are one of the biggest barriers to Afri can-American visitation to botanic gardens. In addition to cultural and personal history, ot her categories of variables that have been identified with regards to museum visitation are demographic factors, psychographic factors, and environmental factors (Hood, 1983; Falk, 1995; Falk, 1998b). Factors that have been identified as specifically affec ting African-American vi sitation of museums include lack of interest, lack of time, and church attendance (Falk, 1995).

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48 This study investigated the extent to which demographics, psychographic characteristics, personal/cultural history, and environmental factors affect AfricanAmerican adults visitation of botanic ga rdens in Orange County, FL during Fall and Winter 2005-2006 (September 2005-February 2006). The research questions I investigated include: Which fact ors are the best predictors of botanic garden visitation? How do demographics correlate with bot anic garden vis itation among AfricanAmericans? Methods To answer the research questions, I comp leted a cross-sectio nal study using selfcompletion questionnaires (appropriate when th ere is no component of time to the study (DeVaus, 2001)). The population under study was African-American adults in Orange County, FL. The unit of analysis was the indi vidual. This is appr opriate to understand a defined ethnic population such as African-Americans because populations are made up of individuals (Babbie, 1998). Orange County has approximately 965,000 residents (US Census, 2004a). Of those, about 126,000 are African-American a dults. Over 185,000 people reside within the Orlando city limits, the major city in Orange County, and about 50,000 are AfricanAmerican. Because it was known which kinds of participants would provide the best information, purposive sampling methods were appropriate for this study (Sullivan, 2001). Participants were selected by cont acting community groups including AfricanAmerican churches, the African-America n Chamber of Commerce, and related community groups. A similar strategy wa s used in a previous study interviewing African-Americans about their museum attitude s (Falk, 1995). Multiple approaches were

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49 used to distribute and collect questionnaires Some questionnaires were dropped off at civic organizations and picked up at a late r date. Most of the questionnaires were obtained by attending African-A merican church services or events where a large proportion of African-Americans were present. These events included community youth football games, Martin Luther King Day cel ebrations, and the Zora Neale Hurston A B C D Figure 4-1. Collecting data in Orange County. A) Completing surveys at Unity Heritage Festival in Winter Park. B) Asking an attendee to particip ate in the study at Zora Neale Hurston Festival in Eato nville. C) Attendees at Zora Neale Hurston Festival. D) Completing the surv ey instrument at Martin Luther King, Jr. Parade in Orlando. Festival. Participants were offered one free admission to Harry P. Leu Gardens in Orlando, FL as an incentive. While the original goal was a sample size of 300 based on the size of the population (Kre jcie & Morgan, 1970), a fina l total of 250 questionnaires were obtained due to low response rates. Th e time required for the questionnaire (ten to fifteen minutes) was a deterrent for many poten tial participants. Also, many did not want

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50 to complete a questionnaire because they did not know what a botanic garden was. Since the main goal was to get a variety of res pondents in order to determine relationships among variables, and not to make definitive statements about this population as a whole, the final sample size was considered sufficient. The questionnaire was composed of th ree fill-in-the-bla nk, ten check-box questions, two open-ended questions and th irty-two Likert-type scale (1=strongly disagree, 5=strongly agree; Edwards, 1957) items to determine which factors are important in the decision whether or not to visit a botanic garden. (See Appendix C for sample questionnaire.) The questionnaire was reviewed by a panel which included Geraldine Thompson, executive director of the Wells Built Museum of AfricanAmerican History in Orlando, Florida, Myron Floyd, an associate professor at University of Florida who conducts research on the topic of race, ethnicity and leisure, and Deborah Johnson-Simon, who conducted research in Or ange County about African-Americans and their support of African-American museums. A pilot test of sixteen church attendees was conducted (Isaac & Michael, 1997). The factors considered in the questionnaire were taken from the museum studies research previously mentioned. The cat egories of variables are demographic, psychographic, personal and cultural hist ory, and environmental factors (Falk, 1998b). The demographic variables measured in th is study were gender age, income, and education (Falk, 1998b). Race was not necessary to measure because all participants were of the same race. The demographic va riables were measures with check boxes in section three of the survey.

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51 Psychographic variables are psychological in nature and include motivations (Hood, 1983). Section one of the questionnaire used nine Likert-type scale items to measure individual psychographic preferences. Section two used four Liker-type items to measure whether individuals perceived botanic gardens to satisfy those psychographic preferences (items 29, 32, 33, and 34). Personal and cultural history refers to wh ether a person was taken to museums as a child, and how they perceived their muse um experiences. In this study, church attendance and civic involvement were also included in this category, based on the fact that these activities influence cultural norms and personal preferences. While these factors have been previously identified by the literature (F alk, 1998b), they have not been previously included under pers onal and cultural history. Th ese variables were measured through seven check-box and fill-in-the-blank questions in section one, as well as one index item in section two (item 35). Environmental factors refer to a miscella neous assortment of circumstances, as previously outlined in the literature review. These variables were all measured in section two using fifteen Likert-type items. The dependant variable, garden visitation, was measured through fill-in-the-blank questions in section one. On e item (#6) asked about visit frequency to Leu Gardens, a large local botanic garden. Another item ( #5) asked about visit frequency to botanic gardens in general. These items were adde d to create a scale b ecause these two items together create a total pict ure of garden visitation. Relationships between the factors and th e dependent variable were examined through linear regression. Six models were created. Four models looked at each of the

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52 categories individually with ea ch item considered separate ly. The fifth model looked at all the factors together, a nd the sixth model was the reduced overall model. The regression method cannot properl y analyze the large number of items that were included in the questionnaire, so scales we re created for groups of factors. Results The demographics measured in the study we re gender, age, household income, and education. Other personal habits consid ered included childhood museum and garden experiences, church attendance, and civic invol vement. The majority of the sample was female (see Figures 4-2 to 4-8 for details). In terms of age, the largest group (28.9%) was 40-49 years old, and the second largest group ( 25.2%) was 30-39 years old. The largest group in terms of household income wa s those with an income of $30,000-49,999 (31.7%), followed by those with an in come of $10,000-29,999 (22.6%). The largest education groups were those with a bachelor degree (29.4%) and those with only a high school diploma (22.4%). The percentage of respondents who visited museums less than once a year as a youth (38%) was about the sa me as those who visited occasionally as a youth (once or twice a year; 39.2 %). Many more visited museums as a youth with school 61% 39% Female Male Figure 4-2. Gender as percentage of Ora nge County sample of African-Americans

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53 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 18-2930-3940-4950-5960-6970+ Figure 4-3. Age groups as percent of Ora nge County sample of African-Americans. 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 <$9,999$30,00049,999 $70,00089,999 $100,000+ Figure 4-4. Household income of Orange County sample of African-Americans. than with family. The majority also visited a public garden as a yout h. The vast majority of respondents attended church regularly, belonged to a civic organization, and volunteered for comm unity activities. The demographic factors (gender, age, in come, and education) relationships with current garden visitation were examined in Model 1 (see Table 4-1). None of the demographic variables had a significant re lationship with botanic garden visitation.

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54 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 No dp.HS Dp.AA/ASBA/BSMA/MSPhD/MD Figure 4-5. Highest level of education achieve d as percentage of Orange County sample of African-Americans. After demographics, the psychographic fact ors were examined in Model 2. Two items had a significant relationship with gard en visitation. Indivi duals who thought that botanic gardens were a good place to spend tim e with family and friends visited botanic gardens more frequently than the over all sample (r=0.370, P<0.001). Individuals who thought that botanic gardens were a g ood place to experience something new and different visited botanic garden s less frequently (r=-0.246, P<0.05). Looking further, personal and cultural hi story were examined in Model 3. Again, two items had a significant relationship with garden visitation. Those who attended museums more frequently also attended botanic gardens more frequently (r=0.302, P<0.001). Also, those who had previously ha d positive experiences at botanic gardens visited gardens more frequently (r=0.146, P<0.05).

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55 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 Did you visit a public garden as a youth Do you volunteer Do you attend church regularly Are you part of a civic organization Yes No Figure 4-6. Survey responses as a percentage of sample in a study of African-Americans in Orange County 38% 39% 23% Less than 1 1 or 2 3 or more Figure 4-7. Visits per year to a botanic garden as a youth in an Orange County sample of African-Americans 12% 37% 44% 7% Family Both family and school School Other Figure 4-8. Survey responses to the questi on Who took you to museums as a youth? in a study of African-Ameri cans in Orange County The last group of variables, environmental factors, was examined in Model 4. Out of all the environmental factors considere d, two had a significan t relationship with visitation. Individuals who we re willing to pay admission to a botanic garden visited

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56 more frequently (r=0.165, P<0.05), while those who thought that botanic gardens welcomed all types of visitors visited bot anic gardens less frequently (r=-0.175, P<0.05). All four groups of variab les were considered in M odel 5. There were too many items to run them through the regression as in dividual items, so scales were created for categories of factors. The demographics we re considered different enough individually that they were not combined in a scale. The reliability of the personal and cultural history scale was not high e nough to use. When the psychogr aphic scale was created, the garden-specific items were left out because two of the items were significant on their own. The remaining scale was reliable ( =0.77). A scale was also created of the environmental factors, and it was reliable ( =0.72). Three significan t relationships were observed. Those who saw botanic gardens as being a good place for social interaction were still more likely to visit gardens frequently (r= 0.276, P<0.05). On the other hand, those who saw botanic gardens as a change fr om the usual visited botanic gardens fewer times per year (r=-0.296, P<0.05) Finally, those who visite d museums frequently also visited botanic gardens frequently (r=0.299, P<0.005). The final reduced model had four items. One of the variables had a negative relationship with visitation, while the other three had a positive relationship with visitation. Those who believed gardens provide d new and different experiences visited less frequently (r=-0.283, P<0.01), but those who believed gardens were a good place for social interaction visited more (r=0.268, P<0.05) Frequent museum attendees were also frequent garden visitors (r=0.309, P<0.001). Fi nally, those who previously had positive experiences at botanic garden s also attended more frequently (r=0.162, P<0.05). In the

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57 final model, these four variables together ex plained seventeen percen t of variation in the sample (Adjusted R2=0.170). Table 4-1. Linear regression models of Orange County study of African-Americans Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Reduced overall Demographics Gender .033 .018 Age .043 -.022 Income .144 .132 Education -.048 -.039 Psychographic Social interaction -.048 New experiences -.025 Being alone .070 Learning -.066 Comfort -.019 Active participation .045 Something worthwhile .090 Thinking -.009 Excitement over comfort .018 No new experiences -.062 Pyschographic scale .069 Garden evaluation Provides learning .071 .037 Provides social interaction .370*** .276* .268* Provides new experiences -.246* -.296* -.283** Provides active participation -.004 -.104 Personal/cultural history Childhood museum attendance .042 .023 Childhood museum guidance -.003 -.004 Childhood garden attendance .072 .084 Current museum attendance .302*** .299*** .309***

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58 Table 4-1. Continued Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Reduced overall Church attendance -.028 -.023 Civic involvement -.009 -.040 Volunteerism -.060 -.053 Previous garden experience .146* .154 .162* Environmental factors .019 Perceptions of gardens Good value1 -.005 Worth paying for .165* Good value2 .138 For young families .044 For older adults .043 Welcome all visitors -.175* For rich people .054 Are irrelevant .086 Have helpful staff .091 Should have diverse staff -.040 Should be involved in community .086 Is for tourists .044 Is well-known in community .048 Personal constraints No time -.117 Too far .074 R2 Adjusted .005 .010 .134 .028 .146 .170 F value 1.267 1.150 5.197 1.418 2.999 11.369 Cases 221 197 209 199 192 199 *significant at the .05 level **significant at the .01 level ***significant at the .001 level Discussion The data suggests that African-American adults who perceive botanic gardens as being a good place to spend time with friends and family will visit botanic gardens more frequently. This variable was not only significant in the redu ced overall regression model, but it was also incl uded in the open-ended responses. When asked What could

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59 botanic gardens do to make you more likely to visit, or would make you visit more often, several participants mentioned friends or family in their response. For example, one participant answered, programs and ads that appeal to families. This appears to be contrary to the previous research which s uggested that frequent visitors to museums would not attend museums for social intera ction (Hood, 1983). Since botanic gardens are outdoors, unlike a more traditional art or hist ory museum, they might be seen as more suitable for social interaction. These findings also suggest that botanic gardens could attract more African-American visitors by marketing themselves as a good place to take the family or a group of friends. In additi on to offering classes wh ere individuals learn and participate, group activiti es for the whole family may attract more AfricanAmericans. For example, having a childrens garden or informal childrens activities would encourage families to spend the day with their children. While the data did not support a relationship between church attend ance or civic involvement and garden -0.4 -0.3 -0.2 -0.1 0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 Soc interaction New experience Museum attend Past garden exp Worth paying for Welcome allSignificant Independent VariablesStand Regression Coefficient Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6 Figure 4-9. Standardized regr ession coefficients for va riables having significant relationships with botanic garden visitation among African-Americans

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60 visitation, churches and civic groups are bot h good places to build relationships with groups of African-Americans. Similarly, botanic gardens could design themselves in a way that would encourage visitors to bri ng their friends and family. Groupings of benches or chairs in appropriate areas of the garden might i nvite a group of friends to sit and talk. The evidence from the final regression also indicates that African-American adults visit botanic gardens less frequently if they see them as a change from the ordinary. Previous research reported that frequent museum visitors ty pically prefer new experiences in their leisure time (Hood, 1983) While the survey participants did not outright self-identif y as preferring leisure ac tivities that change little, the results suggest that African-Americans overall do not prefer new experiences as frequent museum visitors usually do. Botanic ga rdens might encourage more visits by ensuring that all new visitors feel comfortable, an attribute that is more important for infrequent museum visitors and non-visitors (Hood, 1983). For example, brochures and maps should be provided that can answer most questions, a nd volunteers or staff should be available to answer any remaining questions. Gardens also could change public perception by offering more pop culture activities such as co ncerts. Many particip ants suggested that events would encourage them to visit more One respondent, for example, wrote, Have different activities, such as art shows or chamber/jazz music performances to bring different target groups out. Another res pondent recommended that gardens should be more culturally diverse in ac tivities. By introducing the ga rdens through an event that community members are more familiar wit h, this could create connections with the community.

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61 Unsurprisingly, the results in the final regression model demonstrated that AfricanAmericans who were frequent visitors to botan ic gardens are also fr equent visitors to museums. This supports the grouping of a nd comparison between botanic gardens and museums in future research. While some research has pointed out the differences between visitors of different types of muse ums, the results of this study emphasize that frequent museum-goers tend to be interested in museums in general, despite differences in content (Falk & Dierking, 1992; Falk, 1993). The literature has al so pointed out that frequent museum-goers share common dem ographic and psychographic profiles (Hood, 1983; Falk, 1998b). If this is so, then a simp le and easy place to recruit more AfricanAmerican visitors to botanic gardens is from museum visitors. Other types of institutions that can be included in this are zoos and aquariums. Gardens may use this to their advantage by cooperating with museums in public relations and marketing. They especially might attract more African-American visitors by offering garden brochures at African-American museums. For example, Orange County has the Zora Neale Hurston Museum, a museum about an African-Ameri can author, and the Wells-Built Museum of African-American History. Finally, the evidence from the reduced overall model suggests that AfricanAmericans who enjoy their visits to botanic gardens will visit more. The literature has reported that visitors expect gardens to meet their wants and needs, whether that is handicapped-accessibility, gardening classes, or beautiful flower displays (Robinson, 1996). As recommended previously, botanic gardens can encourage more visits by helping first-time visitors to enjoy themse lves. While botanic gardens cannot make everyone happy all of the time, a regular eval uation program that asks visitors their

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62 opinion can go a long way in help ing gardens know the wants a nd needs of their visitors. This study did not address museum evalua tion, but there are many books and articles available for gardens that wish to start an evaluation program. Just as this study has drawn from museum research to examine botanic gardens, museums may also draw from this garden re search as well. Many of the suggestions offered for botanic gardens might also be applied to museums to attract and serve minorities better. Museums should consider that African-Americans will visit more if they find museums to be a good place for so cial interaction an d design programming accordingly. Creating ties with the commun ity would cause African-Americans to view museums as a less of a change from the ordina ry and more of a place to visit regularly. Visitors of other museums, botanic gardens, and other museum-like institutions are an easy way to increase awareness of a museum and attract new visitors from minority groups.

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63 CHAPTER 5 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Botanic garden benefits are numerous to both their communities and visitors. However botanic gardens must provide the public with what they want and need to obtain funding from tax dollars, individual contri butions, or gate admi ssions. Consequently, gardens should appeal to all ethnic groups but visitors to botanic gardens are predominantly Caucasian. Much research has been done examining why people do or do not visit museums and parks, but little previous research ha s examined why people visit botanic gardens, and none has evaluated African-Ame rican botanic garden visitation. Two studies were conducted to examine fact ors affecting botanic garden visitation by African-Americans. The first study investig ated how differences in demographics and visitation habits influence visitors interest in an ethnic garden display during Summer and Fall (July-November) 2005 at Leu Gardens, a botanic garden in Orange County, FL. The second study investigated the extent to which demographics, psychographic characteristics, personal/cultural history, and environmental factors affect AfricanAmerican adults visitation of botanic ga rdens in Orange County, FL during Fall and Winter 2005-2006 (September 2005-February 2006). The first study measured vi sitor response to an ethnic ga rden display and attitude towards Leu Gardens. The ethnic garden display highlighted African-American contributions to horticulture.

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64 Results suggested that race did not affect visitors at titudes towards the botanic garden overall. Younger visito rs, those who visit gardens mo re frequently, and weekend visitors had higher positive ratings than the st atistical average rating. Race was related to attitude towards the African-American hor ticulture display. Europeans/EuropeanAmericans and Hispanics liked the African -American horticulture display less than African-Americans did. Als o, as income increased, attitude towards the AfricanAmerican display decreased. On the other ha nd, as education increased, attitude towards the display increased. Frequent garden visi tors and those who enjoy vegetable gardening also liked the display more than the average vi sitor. Race was also related to preference for ethnic displays in general. European -Americans had less preference for ethnic displays than African-Americans. Fall visitors had less preference for et hnic displays than summer visitors. As education increased, preference for ethnic displays increased. The second study asked African-American community groups and attendees at African-American community events to comp lete questionnaires about botanic garden visitation. Responses were measured using fill-in-the-blank, check-box questions, and Likert-type scale ratings. When all the variables were examined w ith regards to Africa n-Americans visiting botanic gardens, relatively few variables were significant. African-Americans who attended museums frequently and those who had positive experiences at botanic gardens visited gardens more frequently. Those w ho perceived botanic gardens as good places to spend time with family and friends also vi sited more. Those who perceived botanic gardens as a nice change in th eir activities visited less.

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65 The results revealed that visitors to Leu Gardens were younger. Gardens could substantially benefit from involving this large younger population as volunteers and donors. Special events or giving club s for younger donors can help achieve this The research showed that African-Ameri cans have a positive attitude towards ethnic displays, especially garden displays feat uring their culture or history. The research also suggests that African-Americans who had positive experiences at botanic gardens will visit gardens more frequently. Therefore, African-Americans may visit botanic gardens more if they featur e displays about African-Amer icans. The research also showed that that their freque nt botanic garden visitors would enjoy the addition of an ethnic display. Botanic gardens can also encourage more visits by helping first-time visitors to enjoy themselves. While botanic gardens ca nnot make everyone ha ppy all of the time, a regular evaluation program that asks visito rs their opinion can go a long way in helping gardens know the wants and n eeds of their visitors. African-Americans who visit museums more frequently also visit gardens more frequently. This suggests that a simple and easy place to recruit mo re African-American visitors is from museum visito rs. Other research suggests th at zoo and aquarium visitors respond as museum visitors do. Gardens espe cially might attract more African-American visitors by offering garden brochur es at African-American museums. African-American adults visit botanic gardens less frequently if they see them as a change from the ordinary. Gardens could ch ange public perception by offering more pop culture activities such as concerts. By introducing the gardens through an event that

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66 community members are more familiar wit h, this could create connections with the community. African-American botanic ga rden visitations would in crease if public relations efforts by botanic gardens communicated to African-Americans that gardens are a good place to spend time with family and friends on a regular basis. This suggests that group activities for the whole family would attract more African-Americans. For example, having a childrens garden or informal childrens activities would encourage families to spend the day with their children. While the data did not support a relationship between church attendance or civic involvement and ga rden visitation, church es and civic groups are both good places to contact groups of African -Americans. The results of this research can help botanic gardens implement practi ces to better serve their communities and increase the diversity of their frequent visitors.

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67 APPENDIX A PLANTS IN AFRICAN-AMERICAN DISPLAY Common name Scientific name Family Notes Vegetable Plants Eggplant Solanum melongena Solanaceae Slave introduction Okra Abelmoschus esculentus Malvaceae Slave intro, originally called nkrumun or ochingombo Millet Poaceae Slave introduction Sweet potato Ipomoea batatas Convolvulaceae Slave intro, Carver did fertilizer comparisons, used in bread to reduce flour use during war Yams Dioscorea spp. Dioscoreaceae Slave introduction Watermelon Citrullus lanatus Cucurbitaceae Slave introduction Cantaloupe Cucumis melo Cucurbitaceae Slave introduction West Indian gherkin Cucumis anguria Cucurbitaceae Slave introduction Black-eyed peas Vigna unguiculata Fabaceae Slave introduction Pigeon peas Cajanus cajan Fabaceae Slave introduction Sesame Sesamum orientale Pedaliaceae Slave introduction Collard greens Brassica oleracea var. acephala Brassicaceae Slave introduction Chili pepper Capiscum annuum Solinaceae Used by African-Americans Peanut Arachis hypogaea Fabaceae Carver developed milk from peanuts, 115 uses Corn Zea mays var. saccharata Poaceae Carver experimented as food source for livestock Cowpeas Vigna unguiculata Fabaceae Carver found good for feeding people and animals and building the soil Cotton Gossypium Malvaceae Carver, medicinalbark for abortion Sugarcane Saccharum officinarum Poaceae Carver grew at experiment station Medicinal plants Blackberry Rubus Rosaceae Roots for stomach pains, tea for dysentery and diarrhea Boneset Eupatorium Asteraceae Leaves in tonic for colds,

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68 perfoliatum fevers, pneumonia Comfrey Symphytum officinale Boraginaceae Tea from leaves for body pains Common ironweed Vernonia angustifolia Asteraceae Root for snake bites, aphrodisiac Mullein Verbascum ScrophulariaceaeBoiled leaves were wrapped around the body for fevers and swollen limbs, leaf tea for colds, kidney diseases St. John's Hypericum Clusiaceae Bathe with warm water and St. Johns for sores Button snakeroot Eryngium yuccifolium Apiaceae Root tea w/ whiskey for colds and worms Tadawas Aster spp. Asteraceae Leaf tea for fever

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69 APPENDIX B QUESTIONNAIRE FOR VISITOR RE SPONSES TO AN ETHNIC GARDEN DISPLAY Garden Visitor Questionnaire We would like to know about your experiences and preferences. If th ere is a box, please place a in the box next to your answer. If ther e is a blank, please write your answer in the blank Have you visited Leu Gardens before? Yes No If yes about how many times a year, on av erage, do you visit Leu Gardens? ______times per year Have you visited a public garden other than Le u Gardens before? (A public garden might include botanic gardens, histor ic estates, sculpture gardens, or other gardens open to the public) Yes No If yes about how many times a year, on average, do you visit other public gardens? ______times per year What are your favorite parts of Leu Garden s? Please choose the th ree you like best. If you cant find it on the list, writ e it in next to other. Tropical stream garden Home demonstration garden Vegetable garden Rose garden White garden Palm garden Camellia collection Butterfly garden Leu house museum Other ____________________ Please rate the following statements about Leu Gardens by checking the appropriate box.

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70 Strongly Disagree Somewhat Disagree NeutralSomewhat Agree Strongly Agree I would recommend Leu Gardens to my family and friends. My visit to Leu Gardens was boring. I would like to visit Leu Gardens again in the next six months. I would like to visit Leu Gardens again in the next year. I do not want to visit Leu Gardens again. I enjoy vegetable gardening. Botanic gardens should have more displays about the garden practices of different ethnic groups. Did you visit the vegetable garden today? Yes No If yes, please rate the followi ng statements about the display. If no, please continue at the symbol. Strongly Disagree Somewhat Disagree NeutralSomewhat Agree Strongly Agree I would recommend the African-American Horticulture display to my family and friends. The African-American Horticulture display was very interesting. There should be more displays like the African-American Horticulture display in botanic gardens. The African-American Horticulture display was boring. The African-American

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71 Horticulture display was the most interesting part of the garden. I would like to visit the African-American Horticulture display again in the next year. I would like to visit the African-American Horticulture display again in the next six months. Please tell us about y ourself by placing a in the box next to your answer. What is your gender? Female Male How old are you? 18-29 60-69 30-39 70-79 40-49 80+ 50-59 What is your race/ethnicity? Caucasian, non-Hispanic Native Hawaiian or other Black or African-American Pacific Islander American Indian or Alaskan native Hispanic or Latino Asian Other _________________ What is your annual household income? under $9,999 $70,000-89,999 $10,000-29,999 $90,000-99,999 $30,000-49,999 $100,000-499,999 $50,000-69,999 $500,000 and over What is the highest level of education you have achieved? Kindergarten 8th grade Bachelor degree

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72 9th 12th grade, but no diploma Masters degree High school diploma Doctorate degree Two-year degree What do you think public gardens could do differe ntly to attract more diverse visitors? What do you think could be changed a bout the African-American display?

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73 APPENDIX C QUESTIONNAIRE FOR GARDEN VISI TATION FACTORS AMONG AFRICANAMERICANS Public Garden Questionnaire Section I: Personal charac teristics and experiences First of all, please tell us a little bit about your expe riences with museums and what you like to do. For questions with boxes, please place a in the appropriate box next to your answer. If there is a blank, please fill in the blank with your response. 1. How frequently, on average, did you a ttend museums as a youth (before the age of 18)? 3 or more times a year Once or twice a year Less than once a year 2. Who took you to museums as a child? My family My school Both family and school Other____________ 3. Did you visit any public gardens growi ng up? (including botanic gardens, historical/estate gardens, di splay gardens, and arboreta) Yes No 4. About how often do you currently attend mu seums in a given year, on average? ______ times per year 5. About how often do you visit botanic gardens in a year, on average? ______times per year 6. How frequently do you attend Leu Gardens in a given year? ______ times per year OR have never been 7. Do you attend church or other religious services regularly? Yes No 8. Are you involved in a civic group or othe r community activities, not including a religious group?

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74 Yes No 9. Do you volunteer? Yes No Please rate the following statements by checking the appropriate box. Strongly Disagree Somewhat Disagree NeutralSomewhat Agree Strongly Agree It is important to spend time with family and friends in my free time. I want to be challenged by new experiences in my free time. I enjoy doing activities alone. Learning is fun. It is very important to be comfortable in my surroundings at all times. I prefer leisure activities in which I can actively participate. I want to spend my free time doing something worthwhile. On the weekends, I just want to relax and shut my brain off. I will sacrifice comfort if it means I can do something exciting. I like participating in activities that are the same every time. Section II: Opinions about botanic gardens Now we would like to know what you think about botanic gardens. If you have not been to a botanic garden before, respond to the statem ent based on what y ou think a visit to a garden would be like. Strongly Disagree Somewhat Disagree NeutralSomewhat Agree Strongly Agree Botanic gardens are NOT worth the amount that they charge for admission. I would only attend a botanic garden if it was free. Botanic gardens are a good value compared to other

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75 activities I might spend my money on. Botanic gardens are only for families with kids. Botanic gardens are only for older adults. Botanic gardens welcome all visitors from all backgrounds. Botanic gardens are only for rich people. Botanic gardens are boring. Botanic gardens are irrelevant to my life. Botanic gardens are good places to learn more about gardening. I do NOT have time to go to botanic gardens. Botanic gardens are a good place to relax. Botanic gardens are a good place to spend time with family and friends. Botanic gardens are a nice change from ordinary activities. Theres always a lot to do at botanic gardens. My visits to botanic gardens have always been positive. Botanic garden staff members are always helpful and friendly. Botanic gardens must have a diverse staff. Botanic gardens should be involved in projects to help the community. If I were asked to participate in an advisory council to give a botanic garden new ideas, I would participate. Everyone in Orange County has heard of Leu Gardens. Leu Gardens is a place for tourists. I would go to Leu Gardens more if it were closer to my home.

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76 Section III: Demographics Remember, your answers are completely con fidential, so please answer all questions honestly. 1. What is your gender? male female 2. How old are you? 18-29 60-69 30-39 70-79 40-49 80+ 50-59 3. What is your annual household income? under $9,999 $70,000-89,999 $10,000-29,999 $90,000-99,999 $30,000-49,999 $100,000-499,999 $50,000-69,999 $500,000 and over 4. What is the highest level of education you have achieved? 1st-8th grade Bachelor degree 9th-12th grade, but no diploma Master degree High school diploma Doctorate degree Two-year degree 5. Are you a resident of Orange County? Yes No Section IV: Open-ended Questions Please answer these two questions to help us understand your point of view better. 1. If you do not visit botanic gardens, why dont you visit? 2. What could botanic gardens do to make you more likely to visit, or would make you visit more often? 3. Any additional comments?

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77 APPENDIX D GROUPS AND EVENTS SURVEYED FO R GARDEN VISITATION FACTORS AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICANS Organizations Metropolitan Orlando Urban League Wells Built Museum of African-A merican History in Orlando, FL St. Mark AME Church in Orlando, FL Events Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Co mmemorative Luncheon in Orlando, FL Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Parade in Orlando, FL Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr Festival in Orlando, FL Unity Heritage Festival in Winter Park, FL Zora Neale Hurston Festival in Eatonville, FL Jazz concert at Wells Built Museum of African-American History in Orlando, FL Orange County Youth Tackle Football Super Bowl

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78 APPENDIX E LIMITATIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH Because no previous research has been done on this topic, I have included this list of suggestions for future research base d on what I learned in my own research. Future ethnic displays should be we ll marked. Many visitors missed the African-American display who would ha ve enjoyed it because there were insufficient signs. Actual changes in attitu de or visitation by minoriti es as a result of ethnic displays should be measured. Since most botanic gardens have a lmost no African-American visitors, researchers may want to coordina te a group of African-Americans who would agree to come to the garden to analyze the display. Many respondents suggested that lack of advertising was an issue in visitation. Future research should an alyze what marketing methods are typically used by botanic gardens, and their effectiveness in reaching minority groups. Programs and events were frequently mentioned as methods of attracting minority groups. Future research may i nvestigate if there is more diversity among event attendees than among gard en visitors on a non-event day.

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79 The only surveys successfully returned were ones distributed in person. Mailed surveys will result in a very low response rate. The most effective way to survey is to network and find contacts who will direct the researcher to individuals, organizations, and events that will have the best response.

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80 LIST OF REFERENCES Andorka, C. 1999. A five-step plan for divers ifying your audience. The Public Garden. 14(4): 17-20. Arnoult, L. 1993. 124 billion reasons why you should do fundraising. The Public Garden. 8(1): 28-30. Babbie, E. 1998. The practice of social research. 8th ed. Wadsworth Publishing Company, Belmont, CA. Barrett, L., M. Ryan, and J. Visnaw. 2002. Inventors and inventions. 1 March 2005. . Brooklyn Botanic Garden. 2005. 2003 Annual Report. 27 Jan 2005. Bowden, R. 2004. Personal communication. 6 Dec 2004. Camp, W. G. 1995. Agricultural education in the United States: Teacher gender and ethnicity by region and state. The Agricu ltural Education Magazine. 68(1): 22-23. Carney, J. A. 2001. Black rice: the African or igins of rice cultivat ion in the Americas. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA. Cordell, H. K., C. J. Betz, and G. T. Green. 2002. Recreation and the environment as cultural dimensions in contemporary Amer ican society. Leisure Sciences. 24: 1341. Crawford, D.W. and G. Godbey. 1987. Reconcep tualizing barriers to family leisure Leisure Sciences. 9:119-127. Crawford, D., E. Jackson, & G. Godbe y. 1991. A hierarchical model of leisure constraints. Leisure Sciences. 13:309-320. DeVaus, D. 2001. Research design in social re search. Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks. Dorsey, J. W. 2001. The presence of African American men in the environmental movement (or lack thereof). Journal of African American Men. 6(3):63-83. Edwards, A. 1957. Techniques of attitude scale construction. A ppleton, Century, and Crofits, New York.

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81 Falk, J. H. 1993. Leisure decisions affec ting African-American use of museums. American Association of Museums, Washington, D.C. Falk, J. H. 1995. Factors influencing Afri can-American leisure time utilization of museums. Journal of Leisure Research. 27(1):41-61. Falk, J. H. 1998a. A framework for divers ifying museum audiences. Museum News. 77(5):36-39, 61. Falk, J. H. 1998b. Visitors who does, who doesnt, and why (why people go to museums). Museum News. 77(2):38-43. Falk, J. H. and L. D. Dierking. 1992. The Museum Experience. Whalesback Books, Washington, D.C. Floyd, M. F. 1998. Getting beyond marginality and ethnicity: The challenge for race and ethnic studies in leisure research. Journal of Leisure Research. 30:3. Floyd, M. F., K. J. Shinew, F. A. McGuire, and F. P. Noe. 1994. Race, class, and leisure activity preferences: Marginality and ethnicity revisited. Journal of Leisure Research. 26:158-173. Gomez, E. 2002. The ethnicity of public recreation participat ion model. Leisure Sciences, 24, 123. Good news! A record number of doctoral de grees awarded to Afri can-Americans. 2005. 5 Dec 2005. Hartfield, R. 1995. Community re lations at the New York Bo tanic Garden. The Public Garden. 10(1):8-10. Hatch, P. J. 2001. African-American Garden s at Monticello. Twinleaf Journal [Online]. 16 Nov 2004. http://www.twinleaf.org/ar ticles/aagardens.html Henderson, K. A. and B. E. Ainsworth. 2001. Researching leisure and physical activity with women of color: Issues and emer ging questions. Leisure Sciences. 23:21. Henderson, K. A., L. A. Bedini, L. Hecht, and R. Schuler. 1995. Women with physical disabilities and the negotiati on of leisure constraints. Leisure Studies. 14:17-31. Hoffman, F. 1995. From nature to culturecre ating links with cultural communities. The Public Garden. 10(1):11-12, 42. Hood, M. G. 1983. Staying away: why people choose not to visit museums. Museum News. 61(4):50-57. Hood, M. G. 1988. A comprehensive approach to audience development. The Public Garden. 3(3):16-18.

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82 Isaac, S. and W. Michael. 1997. Handbook in res earch and evaluation. 3rd edition. Edits., San Diego. Jackson, E. L. 1988. Leisure constraints: A su rvey of past research. Leisure Sciences. 10:203-215. Jackson, E.L., D.W. Crawford, and G. Godbe y. 1993. Negotiation of leisure constraints. Leisure Sciences. 15:1-11. Jackson, E. L. and D. Scott. 1999. Constraints to leisure, p. 299-321. In: E. L. Jackson L. and T. L. Burton (eds.). Leisure studies. Venture Publishing, State College, PA. Johnson, C.Y., J. M. Bowker, and H. K. Co rdell. 2001. Outdoor recreation constraints: An examination of race, gender, and rural dwelling. Southern Rural Sociology. 17:111. Johnson, C. Y., P. M. Horan, and W. Pepper. 1997. Race, rural residence, and wildland visitation: Examining the influence of sociocultural meaning. Rural Sociology. 62(1):89-110. Jones, B.D. 1983. Governing urban America: A policy focus. Little Brown & Co., Boston. Karp, I. and S. D. Lavine. 1993. Communities an d museums: partners in crisis. Museum News. 72(3):44-45, 69. Kay, T., and G. Jackson. 1991. Leisure despit e constraint: The impact of leisure constraints on leisure participation. Journal of Leisure Research. 23:301-313. Kohlleppel, T., J.C. Bradley, and S. Jac ob. 2002. A walk through the garden: Can a visit to a botanic garden reduce st ress? HortTechnology. 12:489-492. Krejcie, R.V. and D.W. Morgan. 1970. Determ ining sample size for research activities. Educational and Psychological Measurement. 30:607-610. Lowe, C.B. 1993. Funding strategies: Where does your garden get its money? The Public Garden. 8(1):14-15, 36-37. McLaughlin, J. 2004. A guide to planting an Af rican-American/African focused yard in Miami-Dade County: An overview of landscape design and plants grown in traditional African-American yards. 29 Oct 2004. . McMurry Edwards, L. 1981. George Washington Carver, scientist and symbol. Oxford Univ. Press, New York.

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83 Michener, D. C. and B. Klatt. 1999. Peoples, pl ants, and cultures at the University of Michigan Matthaei Botanical Gardens. The Public Garden. 14(2):27-30. Mintz, A. 1998. Demographic trends, st rategic responses. Museum News. 77(3). Mitchell, F. 1999. Hoodoo medicine: Gullah he rbal remedies. Summerhouse Press, Columbia, SC. Newell, S. J. and C. L. Green. 1997. Racial differences in consumer environmental concern. Journal of Consumer Affairs. 31(1):53-69. Patel, I.C. 1994. Rutgers Urban Gardening: A st udy in cultural diversity and gardening. HortTechnology. 4(4):402-403. Paterson, A. 1985. Trees in the landscape: A botanic gardens role. Journal of Arboriculture. 11(4):121-122. Payne, L. L., A. J. Mowen, and E. Orsega-Smith. 2002. An examination of park preferences and behaviors am ong urban residents: The role of residential location, race, and age. Leisure Sciences. 24(2):181-198. Philipp, S. F. 1995. Race and leisure cons traints. Leisure Sciences. 17:109. Philipp, S. F. 1999. Are we welcome? AfricanAmerican racial acceptance in leisure activities and the importance given to ch ildrens leisure. Journal of Leisure Research. 31:385. Puckrein, G. 1991. The participation of Af rican-Americans in cultu ral leisure pursuits. Unpublished study produced for Ameri can Visions, Washington, D.C. Raver, Anne. 2000. From tai chi to collard greens, a flowering of diversity. The New York Times. 149(51497):F4. Raymore, L., G. Godbey, D. Crawford, and A. von Eye. 1993. Nature and process of leisure constraints: An empirica l test. Leisure Sciences. 15:99-113. Robinson, F. 1996. The people-plant connection: While people are dependant on plants, botanic gardens are dependant on people. The Public Garden. 11(2):18-20, 43. Samdahl, D. and N. Jekubovich. 1997. A criti que of leisure constraints: Comparative analyses and understandings. Jour nal of Leisure Research. 29:430-452. Shaw, S. M. 1994. Gender, leisure and constrai nt: Towards a framework for the analysis of womens leisure. Journa l of Leisure Research. 26:8. Shaw, S.M., A. Bonen, and J. F. McCabe. 1991. Do more constraints mean less leisure? Examining the relationship between cons traints and particip ation. Journal of Leisure Research. 2:286-300.

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84 Shinew, K., M. Floyd, and D. Parry. 2004. U nderstanding the relationship between race and leisure activities and c onstraints: Exploring an a lternative framework. Leisure Sciences. 26:181-299. Smith, S. 1989. Why a botanical garden ? The Public Garden. 4(1):14-15. Stamps, S. M. and M. B. Stamps. 1985. Race, class and leisure activities of urban residents. Journal of Leisure Research. 17:40. Stronge, W. 2000. The economic impact of the Florida arts and cultu ral industry. 1 Nov 2004. . Sullivan, T.J. 2001. Methods of social research. Harcourt, Orlando, FL. U.S. Census Bureau. 2004a. 2004 American Community Survey. 11 July 2006. U.S. Census Bureau. 2004b. U.S. interim proj ections by age, sex, race, and Hispanic origin. 11 July 2006. http://www.census.gov/ipc/www/usinterimproj/natprojtab01a.pdf Virden, R. J. and G. J. Walker. 1999. Et hnic/racial and gender variations among meanings given to, and preferences for, th e natural environment. Leisure Sciences. 21:219-239. Wade, R. 1983. Community participation at Queens Botanical Garden. Longwood Program Seminars. 15:21-25. Washburne, R. 1978. Black under-participation in wildland recreation: Alternative explanations. Leisure Sciences. 1:175. Washburne, R. and P. Wall. 1980. Black-white ethnic differences in outdoor recreation. USDA Forest Service Research Paper. INT-249. Intermountain Forest and Range Experiment Station, Ogden, UT. West, P. 1989. Urban region parks and black minorities: Subculture, marginality, and interracial relations in park use in the Detroit metropolitan area. Leisure Sciences. 11:11-28. Wicks, B.E. and J. L. Crompton. 1990. Predic ting the equity preferences of park and recreation department employees and reside nts of Austin, TX. Journal of Leisure Research. 22:18-35. Woodard, M. D. 1988. Class, regionality, and leisure among urban Black Americans: The post-civil rights era. Journa l of Leisure Research, 20, 87.

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85 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Melissa Marie Steinhauer, daughter of Da vid and Lise (Schmidt) Steinhauer, was born July 21, 1982, in West Palm Beach, Flor ida. She entered Auburn University in August 2000. While in high school, visits to pub lic gardens resulted in a desire to one day work in public gardens. This intere st was cultivated in classes at Auburn and confirmed in internships at Bellingrath Gardens and Callaway Gardens, where she learned about some of the issues in managi ng public gardens. She graduated summa cum laude as a University Honors Scholar from A uburn University in 2004 with a Bachelor of Science in horticulture. To better prepare herself for management, she entered graduate school at University of Florida in August 2004. After graduating, she will work in a public garden in the Southeast United States.


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Copyright Date: 2008

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FACTORS AFFECTING BOTANIC GARDEN VISITATION
AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICANS















By

MELISSA MARIE STEINHAUER


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF SCIENCE

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2006

































Copyright 2006

by

Melissa Marie Steinhauer









ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

First of all, I thank everyone who served on my committee: Robert Bowden, Dr.

Mark Brennan, Dr. Dennis McConnell, Dr. Carrie Reinhart-Adams, Dr. David Sandrock,

and Dr. Rick Schoellhom. Their willingness to help and enthusiasm for my topic made

the process much more enjoyable. Without their guidance and dedication, this thesis

would not have been possible.

I also thank the staff of Leu Gardens, including Robert Bowden, who believed in

my research and provided their time, resources, and expertise to see it through.

I want to thank my parents, Lise and David Steinhauer, for the support they

provided to me during my research in many ways. Their love and assistance have given

me the freedom to succeed.

I also thank Erin Alvarez, Steven Kabat, and David and Michelle Taylor for their

help in this project.

















TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S ................................................................................................. iii

LIST OF TABLES .............. ................. ........... ....................... .... vi

L IST O F F IG U R E S .... ...... ................................................ .. .. ..... .............. vii

ABSTRACT .............. ......................................... ix

CHAPTER

1 IN TRODU CTION ................................................. ...... .................

2 REV IEW O F LITER A TU RE .......................................................................... ....... 5

B otanic G ardens............................................................. 5
Im portance of G ardens to Society ........................................ ...................... 5
Importance of Visitors to Gardens .................. ....... ............... ....................6
African-Am ericans and H orticulture ........................................ ........................ 6
H history and Contributions ............................................................................6
A frican-A m erican G ardens ......................................................... ................ .. 11
African-American Attitudes Towards Horticulture and the Environment ..........11
V isitor D diversity at B otanic G ardens...................................... .......... ............12
C current V isitor D diversity ................................................................ ............... 12
Factors Affecting Museum Visitation ........................ ...................13
Methods of Increasing Visitor Diversity at Public Gardens.............................14
Factors Affecting Garden Visitation Among African-Americans..............................16
African-Americans and Museums......... ............... ............................16
Constraints ........... .. .... .......................................... .. ...... .. 18
Race and Constraints ......... ........................ ................... ..... 20
C o n clu sio n ............. ........... ..... ......... .. .. ................................................. 2 3

3 VISITOR RESPONSES TO AN ETHNIC GARDEN DISPLAY..........................24

In tro du ctio n ...................................... ................................................ 2 4
M eth o d s ..............................................................................2 6
V ariab le s .............................. ...................................................... ............... 2 6
Site Selection .................................... ............................... ........27









D display Installation ......... .............................................................. ...... .. .. 27
Instrum ent D evelopm ent .............................................................................. 28
Sam pling ......................................................................29
A naly sis ..................................................................................... 30
Results ......... ...... ........ ....... ................. .31
Attitude Towards the Garden Overall ................................ .......................33
Attitude Towards the African-American Horticulture Display.........................35
Interest in Ethnic D isplays........................................................ ............... 37
D discussion ............... ......... ....................................................... ........38
C on clu sion ................................................................................................... 4 2

4 GARDEN VISITATION FACTORS AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICANS .............44

In tro d u ctio n .......................... .......... ................. ... .. ..................................... 4 4
African-American Attitudes Towards Horticulture and the Environment..........44
Factors Affecting M useum Visitation ...................................... ............... 45
African-Americans and Museums............................. .......................... 46
M eth o d s ..............................................................................4 8
R e su lts.......................... .. ......... ... .. .................................................... 5 2
D discussion .......................................... ..... ............. ............ 58

5 EXECU TIVE SUM M ARY ............................................... ............................. 63

APPENDIX

A PLANTS IN AFRICAN-AMERICAN DISPLAY .................................................67

B QUESTIONNAIRE FOR VISITOR RESPONSES TO AN ETHNIC GARDEN
D IS P L A Y .......................................................................... 6 9

C QUESTIONNAIRE FOR GARDEN VISITATION FACTORS AMONG
AFRICAN -AM ERICAN S .......................................................... ............... 73

D GROUPS AND EVENTS SURVEYED FOR GARDEN VISITATION
FACTORS AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICANS ....................................................77

O organizations ................................................................................................... ....... 77
E v e n ts ................................................................................................................... 7 7

E LIMITATIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH ...................78

L IST O F R E F E R E N C E S ........................................................................ .....................80

B IO G R A PH IC A L SK E TCH ..................................................................... ..................85
















LIST OF TABLES


Table page

3-1 Regression for attitude towards the garden overall ..................... ...............34

3-2 Regression for attitude towards African-American Horticulture Display ...............36

3-3 Regression for interest in ethnic displays........................................................ .... 37

4-1 Linear regression models of Orange County study of African-Americans..............57
















LIST OF FIGURES


Figure page

3-1 Installation of the African-American Horticulture display .................. ...............28

3-2 Collecting data at Leu G ardens ........................................ .......................... 30

3-3 Gender as percent of Leu Garden visitor sample ............................................... 31

3-4 Visitor age groups as percent of sample............................................................. 32

3-5 Ethnicity of Leu Garden visitor sample. ....................................... ....... ............ 32

3-6 Household income of Leu Garden visitor sample............................... ...............32

3-7 Highest level of education achieved by Leu Garden visitors as percentage of
sam ple ......... .... .............. ..................................... ........................... 33

3-8 Standardized regression coefficients for significant variables of attitude towards
garden overall ................... ... .. .............. ............. .......... 35

3-9 Standardized regression coefficients for significant variables of attitude towards
African-American Horticulture Display............................................................. 36

3-10 Standardized regression coefficients for significant variables of interest in ethnic
d isp lay s ...................................... ................................................ .. 3 8

4-1 Collecting data in Orange County .................................... .......................... ........ 49

4-2 Gender as percentage of Orange County sample of African-Americans.................52

4-3 Age groups as percent of Orange County sample of African-Americans ..............53

4-4 Household income of Orange County sample of African-Americans. ..................53

4-5 Highest level of education achieved as percentage of Orange County sample of
A frican-A m ericans. ........................................................................ ....................54

4-6 Survey responses as a percentage of sample in a study of African-Americans in
O ran g e C ou nty ..................................................... ................ 5 5









4-7 Visits per year to a botanic garden as a youth in an Orange County sample of
A frican -A m erican s ......................................................................... ....................55

4-8 Survey responses to the question "Who took you to museums as a youth?" in a
study of African-Americans in Orange County .....................................................55

4-9 Standardized regression coefficients for variables having significant
relationships with botanic garden visitation among African-Americans .................59















Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science

FACTORS AFFECTING BOTANIC GARDEN VISITATION
AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICANS

By

Melissa Marie Steinhauer

August 2006

Chair: Dennis McConnell
Major Department: Environmental Horticulture

Two studies were conducted. The first study investigated the extent to which

differences in demographics and visitation habits influence visitors' interest in ethnic

garden displays and a botanic garden. The second study investigated the extent to which

demographics, psychographic characteristics, personal/cultural history, and

environmental factors affect African-American adults' visitation of botanic gardens.

In the first study, visitor response to an ethnic garden display and attitude towards

the garden overall were measured at a botanic garden in Florida, where a display was

constructed highlighting African-American contributions to horticulture. Variables were

measured with Likert-type scale items and were analyzed using bivariate correlation, chi

square analysis (or gamma, as appropriate), one-way ANOVA, and regression.

The results suggested that race did not affect visitors' attitudes towards a botanic

garden overall. Younger visitors, those who visit gardens more, and weekend visitors

had a more positive attitude towards botanic gardens. Race was related to attitude









towards the display. African-Americans liked the African-American horticulture display

more than any other ethnic group. Also, as income increased, attitude towards the

African-American display decreased, but as education increased, attitude towards the

display also increased. Frequent garden visitors liked the display better, along with those

who enjoy vegetable gardening more. Race was also related to preference for ethnic

displays in general. European-Americans had less preference for ethnic displays than

African-Americans did. Fall visitors also had less preference for ethnic displays than

summer visitors did.

In the second study, community groups and community event attendees were asked

to complete questionnaires about factors related to botanic garden visitation. The factors

were measured using fill-in-the-blank, check-box questions, and Likert-type scale and

analyzed with linear regression.

While all the variables found regarding museum visitation were examined with

regards to African-Americans visiting botanic gardens, relatively few variables were

found significant. African-Americans who attended museums frequently and those who

had positive experiences at botanic gardens visited gardens more frequently. Those who

perceived botanic gardens as good places to spend time with family and friends also

visited more. Those who perceived botanic gardens as a nice change in their activities

visited less.

Based on this research, one can conclude that African-Americans may visit botanic

gardens more if they feature displays about African-Americans. Also, public relations

efforts by botanic gardens should communicate to African-Americans that gardens are a

good place to spend time with family and friends on a regular basis.















CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

Botanic gardens are an important part of society because they provide a variety of

benefits to their communities. As gardens seek to serve their communities, they are a

source of community pride, enhance children's education through school programs and

field trips, act as a vacation destination and attract tourists, are a venue for community

meetings and cultural events, and provide information for everyone from amateur

gardeners to university scholars (Smith, 1989). As a place of leisure and connection with

nature, botanic gardens help visitors cope with stress (Kohlleppel, Bradley, & Jacob,

2002). Gardens also help their communities financially. According to a 1997 study,

cultural tourists (including those who visit botanic gardens) have greater economic

impact than general tourists (Stronge, 2000).

Ultimately, botanic gardens exist to serve the visitors that support them. Many

gardens receive a significant portion of their annual income from visitors, either in the

form of earned income or contributions. In gardens that receive financial support from

government sources, 19% of the operating budget of thirty-seven gardens studied, on

average, was from earned income, and admissions made up the largest portion of earned

income (Lowe, 1993). If a garden expects to rely heavily on individual donations they

must provide the public with what they want and need, and people want a good

experience, though what makes a good experience varies somewhat between individuals

(Robinson, 1996).









Even so, gardens' visitors do not reflect the diversity present in their communities

most of the time. The average garden visitor is a well-educated, middle-to-upper class

European-American female, middle-aged or older (Andorka, 1999). It has been projected

that by the year 2050, European-Americans will only be fifty percent of the population

(U.S. Census Bureau, 2004b). As European-Americans lose majority status, it becomes

more important that botanic gardens attract and serve other ethnic groups. Gardens

throughout North America have tried a variety of techniques to increase minority

visitorship, including creating ethnic displays, hosting ethnic festivals, hiring minority

staff, or devoting staff to improving community relations (Hartfield, 1995; Hoffman,

1995; Raver, 2000). These efforts have rarely been studied or measured with regards to

their effectiveness.

One article was published about increasing diversity at botanic gardens (Andorka,

1999). The article proposed a five-step model to increase visitor diversity at botanic

gardens based on a literature review. It suggested an organization-wide approach to

increase visitor diversity by modifying its hiring practices, strategic planning, and

programming goals to better attract and serve all ethnic groups. This model has not been

quantitatively tested. No studies in refereed journals have addressed the subject of visitor

diversity in botanic gardens.

Most research conducted to answer this question has been done in related fields,

including museum studies and outdoor recreation. With regards to specific ethnic groups,

most research in these areas has focused on African-Americans, who are expected to

increase to fifteen percent of the American population by the year 2050 (Cordell et al,

2002).









In most research, botanic gardens are classified as museums because of similar

missions of research, education, and collections. The research indicates that African-

Americans visit museums twenty to thirty percent less than the general population (Falk,

1998a). Similarly, African-Americans in the upper income and education categories are

less likely than European-Americans in those same categories to support (through

donations or volunteering) cultural activities including as museums, theatre, and

symphony orchestras (Puckrein, 1991).

According to the National Survey on Recreation and the Environment (NSRE),

African-Americans participate in most outdoor recreation activities (with the exception of

outdoor team sports) much less than European-Americans (Cordell et al., 2002;

Washburn & Wall, 1980). African-Americans also have had less childhood exposure to

outdoor recreation than European-Americans (Virden & Walker, 1999), and make less

use of parks as adults than European-Americans (Payne et al., 2002).

These attitudes towards the outdoors also are evident in African-Amercans'

presence in horticulture and other professional plant-related fields. While a record

number of doctorate degrees were awarded to African-Americans in the United States in

2003 (1,708), only 108 degrees were awarded in biological sciences, or 1.9 percent of all

biological doctorates awarded. Not one degree was awarded in the fields of horticulture,

plant physiology, plant breeding and genetics, botany, plant pathology, forest biology, or

forest management (Good news, 2005). Even though African-Americans as a whole are

becoming better educated, there continues to be a lack of interest in plant sciences which

seems to affect both leisure time and career choices.









If botanic gardens knew how to better attract and serve African-American visitors,

then African-Americans would be able to enjoy all the benefits that gardens have to offer.

This may also increase African-Americans' interest in horticulture as a profession and

bring much-needed diversity to the field.

This research involves two studies that aim to better understand these issues. The

first measured the extent to which demographics and visitation habits influenced visitors'

interests in ethnic garden displays and a botanic garden. The second study investigated

the extent to which demographics, psychographic characteristics, personal/cultural

history, and environmental factors affect African-Americans' visitation of botanic

gardens.















CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Several areas of research are important in understanding ethnic diversity among

botanic garden visitors. These areas include benefits of botanic gardens, importance of

visitors to gardens, African-Americans' history in horticulture, African-Americans'

current attitudes towards horticulture and the environment, demographic trends among

garden visitors, visitation factors at museums, methods to increase visitor diversity at

botanic gardens, museums visitation factors among African-Americans, and leisure

constraints. These subjects are pertinent to this thesis research because they demonstrate

why the research is important, give us information to create an ethnic display, and

identify variables to be included in the research.

Botanic Gardens

Importance of Gardens to Society

Botanic gardens benefit and serve their communities in many ways: they are a

source of community pride, enhance children's education through school programs and

field trips, act as a vacation destination and attract tourists, are a venue for community

meetings and cultural events, and provide information for everyone from amateur

gardeners to university scholars (Smith, 1989). One way gardens provide information to

visitors is by displaying what plants can be grown in a particular area (Paterson, 1985).

As a place of leisure and connection with nature, botanic gardens help visitors to cope

with stress (Kohlleppel, Bradley, & Jacob, 2002). Gardens also help their communities









financially. According to a 1997 study, cultural tourists (including those who visit

botanic gardens) have more economic impact than general tourists (Stronge, 2000).

Importance of Visitors to Gardens

Many gardens receive a significant portion of their annual income from visitors,

either in the form of earned income or contributions. In a study of thirty-seven gardens

that receive financial support from the government, 19% of a garden's operating budget

on average was from earned income, and admissions made up the largest portion of

earned income (Lowe, 1993). In the same study, 23% of a garden's operating budget

came from contributions, on average. Out of all privately contributed dollars to botanic

gardens annually, a fifth is composed of individual contributions (Arnoult, 1993). If a

garden expects to rely heavily on individual donations they must provide the public with

what they want and need, and people want a good experience, though what makes a good

experience varies somewhat between individuals (Robinson, 1996). Even publicly

supported museums must prove their effectiveness through their ability to serve the

public if they want continued support (Karp & Lavine, 1993).

African-Americans and Horticulture

History and Contributions

Africans were successful agriculturists when they were encountered by the

Europeans during the 15th century. By 1460, the Portuguese had thoroughly explored the

Upper Guinea Coast of West Africa and called it the Grain Coast or Rice Coast due to the

abundance of cereals available for provisioning their ships. This area was not only

important due to its location as a stopping point for ships, but also because the cereals

they could get there didn't spoil quickly on the long voyages between Europe and the

Americas. The cereals were mainly rice, millet, and sorghum. Europeans not only traded









for these cereals in Africa, but also learned about their cultivation. Africans had

developed advanced agricultural techniques; especially for growing rice (Carney, 2001).

In the early 1500s, Portuguese began to cultivate rice on plantations in South

America, after observing African techniques. Growing rice required complex irrigation

systems, division of specialized tasks, and specific tools. In African systems, rice

cultivation was done mainly by women, but men had certain responsibilities as well. To

grow rice, the Portuguese imported slaves who had the specialized skills needed to grow

rice well. Slave owners asked specifically for slaves from the Grain Coast because of

their rice production knowledge (Carney, 2001).

Eventually, rice production moved to North America because of the presence of

African slaves there. African-Americans became permanent residents of the Southeast

coast of America in 1670 with the first permanent English settlement. During the 1690s,

settlers began to grow rice in South Carolina where the wetlands were ideal for

production (Mitchell, 1999). This crop became a major factor in founding the South

Carolina colony, and made it the wealthiest colony in the South. Records suggest that

slaves actually taught the plantation owners how to cultivate rice (Carney, 2001).

Thomas Jefferson had many expert slaves caring for his garden (Hatch, 2001). He,

like many other slave owners of his time, allowed his slaves to have personal garden

plots. The slaves used these plots to grow extra food for themselves, but they also grew

extra produce to sell. As a result, Jefferson actually purchased much of his produce from

his slaves. Even though he had a large vegetable garden, it was often used for

experimental purposes, and he usually purchased staple crops from his slaves. He also

bought produce from his slaves because they usually stored some vegetables in root









cellars and were able to provide Jefferson with certain vegetables out of season. Some of

the slave's plots at Monticello were very large, and slaves were able to sell large

quantities of a variety of vegetables, even hops. These gardens provided slaves some

independence (Hatch, 2001).

Many slaves grew traditional African food crops in their personal gardens. Since

plantation owners were not interested in vegetable crops from Africa, the plants or seeds

were probably brought over to America either by slaves themselves or for the slaves

because they requested them. In South Carolina, these crops included millet, greens,

sorghum, and black-eyed peas. Other crops in this category included yam, pigeon peas,

and African palm (Elaeis guineesis; Carney, 2001). Plants that were definitely brought to

America by slaves include eggplant, okra, watermelon, cantaloupe, West Indian gherkin,

and sesame. While the tomato came from South America, slaves were instrumental in

making the tomato more widely used in North America. Some African food crops may

have originally come from other continents because Africans adapted many food plants

from peoples they traded with (McLaughlin, 2004).

Food plants weren't the only things that Africans brought with them to America;

they also brought their knowledge of folk medicine (Mitchell, 1999). They combined

their African knowledge with what they learned in the New World from Europeans and

Native Americans. Many slaves were involved in health-care related activities on the

plantation where they worked, ranging from assisting the plantation owner in the

treatment of slaves, to being considered doctors by African-Americans and European-

Americans alike on the plantation. Because of these changing roles, medicinal practices

by African-Americans and European-Americans were influenced by each others'









knowledge and traditions. In the eighteenth century, one slave was freed by the Carolina

government because of his ability to cure persons who had ingested poison or been bitten

by a rattlesnake. Usually slaves tried to treat themselves if sick or injured. If they were

unable to treat themselves, they received treatment from their masters, whose knowledge

was usually only as good as or worse than the treatments the slaves knew. Only in

extreme cases were physicians called to treat slaves. Slaves knew not only how to make

medicines from plants, but also how to make poisons. It was this fear that caused the

Carolina government to pass laws in the 19th century banning African-Americans from

practicing medicine or being employed by physicians (Mitchell, 1999).

The most research on African-American folk medicine has been done among the

Gullah people of the Sea Islands off the coast of South Carolina (Mitchell, 1999).

History and geography isolated the Gullah from white influence both during and after

slavery. They made up the majority of residents on the Sea Islands from the beginning of

the eighteenth century until halfway into the twentieth century. This isolation allowed

them to preserve their traditions and some of their language from Africa. Among the

Gullah, there are three types of medicine, depending on the source of illness: natural,

occult, or spiritual. Natural medicine focuses on physical causes of disease and uses

plants or plant parts. Gullah medicine may use any part of the plant, including roots,

stems, bark, leaves, flowers, or fruit. The plant parts are frequently brewed as a tea for

medicinal purposes (Mitchell, 1999).

When slaves were first emancipated, many became sharecroppers in the South and

used their small parcel of land to grow cash crops, as well as vegetables for their family.

Eventually, African-Americans began to use their land and garden for more recreational









purposes. As African-Americans left the rural South, they were generally reluctant to

pursue agricultural or horticultural careers. However, many still kept their love and

practice of gardening. In African-American communities in Miami, residents formed

gardening clubs as early as 1926 that are still in place today (McLaughlin, 2004).

African-American scientists also made important contributions to horticulture as

well as other scientific innovations using plants. George Washington Carver is probably

the best known African-American scientist. Although born a slave, he attended Iowa

State for his bachelor degree. His research there included grafting experiments with plum

trees and cacti, and breeding experiments with geranium and amaryllis. A few years after

graduation, Carver took a faculty position in the Agriculture Department at Tuskegee

College, and most of his research with plants was conducted to improve the lives of

farmers. He experimented with different plants as food sources for livestock, including

sorghum, soybean, corn, other grains, and even acorns. Carver observed that cowpeas

made for great forage as well as human food, plus improved the soil. He also found that

peanuts improved the soil and provided protein in farmers' diets. Alfalfa was grown by

Carver as a forage plant, along with Napier and Merker grasses. He did fertilizer

comparisons with sweet potatoes. He tried to raise silkworms on mulberry. At the

Tuskegee experiment station, Carver also grew rice, Cuban sugarcane, and velvet beans

(McMurry, 1981).

Carver also experimented with new ways to use garden plants. He created coffee

from kidney beans, used sweet potatoes to reduce wheat flour use in bread, and created

milk, along with many other products, from peanuts. He wrote extension publications

providing many recipes for wild plums (McMurry, 1981).









Dr. Percy Lavon Julian was another African-American scientist who worked with

plants. In 1935, he developed a treatment for glaucoma from calabar beans. In 1940, he

used a compound found in soybeans to create a new treatment for arthritis which cost less

than the cortisones which had previously been used (Barrett, Ryan, and Visnaw, 2002).

African-American Gardens

Typical African-American yards in the rural South had swept yards until well into

the twentieth century, but did include a vegetable garden and random flower plantings.

Trees and shrubs were usually scattered around the swept portion of the yard where they

did not shade flowers. Trees were important in providing shade in the part of the yard

that was used as an extension of the kitchen. Another characteristic part of the African-

American yard was the use of decorative items made from scraps (McLaughlin, 2004).

African-American Attitudes Towards Horticulture and the Environment

According to the NSRE, African-Americans participate in most outdoor recreation

activities (with the exception of outdoor team sports) much less than European-

Americans (Washburne & Wall, 1980; Cordell et al., 2002). Even African-Americans

who reside in rural settings visit wildlands (undeveloped, usually wooded areas) less and

enjoy their visits to wildlands less than European-Americans (Johnson et al., 1997).

Similarly, they prefer urban parklands to be dedicated to recreation instead of

conservation, and prefer organized park recreation over nature-based recreation (Payne et

al., 2002). African-Americans also have had less childhood exposure to the outdoors

than European-Americans (Virden & Walker, 1999), and make less use of parks as adults

than European-Americans (Payne et al., 2002).

These lower levels of outdoor recreation participation correspond with African-

Americans' attitudes towards the environment. More than any other racial group,









African-Americans see the environment as having fewer problems and believe that

humans have the right to modify or control nature (Cordell et al., 2002). African-

Americans overall have a similar level of concern for the environment as European-

Americans, but low-income African-Americans have less concern for the environment

than low-income and high-income European-Americans or African-Americans in the

higher income groups (Newell & Green, 1997). African-American men are less involved

in environmental activism. When they are involved, they usually focus more on pollution

and similar issues that affect their communities, rather than wilderness conservation or

related issues (Dorsey, 2001).

These attitudes towards the outdoors also are evident in African-Americans'

presence in horticulture and other professional plant-related fields. While a record

number of doctorate degrees were awarded to African-Americans in the United States in

2003 (1,708), only 108 degrees were awarded in biological sciences, or 1.9 percent of all

biological doctorates awarded. Not one degree was awarded in the fields of horticulture,

plant physiology, plant breeding and genetics, botany, plant pathology, forest biology, or

forest management (Good news, 2005). Out of 9,512 agricultural science teachers in the

United States in 1995, only 335 were African-Americans (Camp, 1995).

Visitor Diversity at Botanic Gardens

Current Visitor Diversity

People who visit museums in general are well educated, middle to upper class,

younger than the overall population, and are active in community and leisure activities

(Hood, 1983). Family groups are usually the largest category of visitors. This varies

with the type of museum, though. Visitors to art and history museums are usually older,

while visitors to science museums are younger. Visitation also varies with race, with









African-Americans visiting museums twenty to thirty percent less than the general

population (Falk, 1998a).

Factors Affecting Museum Visitation

While demographics are often pointed to as a factor in museum visitation, they are

not necessarily an influencing factor. They correlate with, but do not determine, an

individual's decision to visit a museum. There are six major attributes that determine an

adult's leisure time choices. They are being with people, doing something worthwhile,

feeling comfortable in one's surroundings, having new experiences, learning

opportunities, and active participation. The importance of these attributes to an individual

is related to whether that individual is a frequent visitor (three or more times per year), an

occasional visitor (one or two times per year), or a non-participant (Hood, 1983).

Frequent visitors consider doing something worthwhile, new experiences, and

learning to be the most important factors in their leisure time choices. They view

museums as having all of these three preferred factors, and were socialized to museums

as children. Non-participants value social interaction, comfort, and active participation as

the most important factors. They see museums as having none of the factors that they

consider important, and they were not socialized to museums as children. Occasional

participants value the same factors as non-participants. Unlike non-participants, they see

museums as having some of the factors they consider important. They come for special

occasions such as events or holidays because it is only then that the museum becomes

worth visiting (Hood, 1983).

Cultural factors include the cultural norms for an ethnic group, such as attitudes

towards the outdoors among African-Americans as previously mentioned. This also









affects personal history by determining the amount of childhood socialization to

museums (Falk, 1995).

Museum-specific factors can also affect visitation. For example, different types of

museums (art museums or arboretums) will attract different types of visitors because of

inherent differences in content (Falk & Dierking, 1992; Falk, 1993). People come to

museums because of quality content that they find interesting (Falk, 1998b). Past or

current museum policies can affect an individual's decision to visit or not visit a museum

(Jones, 1983; West, 1989; Wicks & Crompton, 1990). A museum's location can be a

factor. For example, many people who live in the suburbs have a negative view of urban

areas which might keep them from visiting a museum located in the city (Mintz, 1998).

An institution's marketing practices also influences what kind of audience they attract

(Falk, 1995). Perceived value of a museum visit, but not actual cost of admission, deters

some potential museum-goers (Falk, 1998b).

Methods of Increasing Visitor Diversity at Public Gardens

Many approaches are used to increase visitor diversity in botanical gardens. These

include school group tours, having a diverse staff, community relations, ethnic displays,

and outreach projects.

School group tours have been successfully used to increase visitor diversity.

Queens Botanic Garden in Queens, New York is located in the most ethnically diverse

county in the United States (Raver, 2000). As the garden developed, they offered tours

for school groups. After visiting the garden on school field trips, children returned with

their parents. Because the school groups were so diverse, their parents were diverse as

well (Wade, 1983). However, at least one study has shown that school trips typically

have a minimal impact on audience diversity (Mintz, 1998).









Maintaining a diverse staff is also a successful method of promoting visitor

diversity. At the Rutgers Urban Gardening program in New Jersey, the State Cooperative

Extension staff who conduct the program are solely minorities. Because they share

ethnicity with staff members, minority participants stay in the program longer (Patel,

1994). Based on a literature review, Andorka concluded that diversity should not only be

part of recruiting and hiring employees, but should also be a part of all staff and volunteer

training and organizational planning (1999). Montreal Botanic Garden in Canada has a

large Asian community; therefore, they employ staff who are capable of speaking

Chinese and/or Japanese (Hoffman, 1995).

Good community relations can also have an impact on increasing visitor diversity.

New York Botanic Garden, located in the Bronx of New York City, suffered from poor

community relations. Many Bronx residents viewed botanic gardens as "elitist

institutions" (Hartfield, 1995). The garden responded by hiring a community relations

director to help change the community's attitude by explaining to groups the different

roles of the garden in research, education, and outreach. Garden staff observed that

community members had a more positive view of the garden as a result. Montreal

Botanic Garden created bonds with the Asian community by creating separate societies

for the Chinese and Japanese community members to be involved with the garden. These

societies not only volunteer in the garden, they also give input and make decisions

regarding culturally-appropriate events, displays, and educational programming

(Hoffman, 1995). Fairchild Tropical Garden in Miami, FL created an advisory

committee of community members to get input on increasing audience diversity. If

ethnic groups are included in planning ethnic displays and educational programs, they are









much more likely to attend. Relationships can also be maintained by including minority

community members in evaluation after the display or program has been implemented

(Andorka, 1999).

Gardens can also attract minority visitors through ethnic displays or events. At the

University of Michigan's Matthaei Botanical Gardens, new cultural exhibits were

installed to serve the community (Michener and Klatt, 1999). One of the exhibits, "Out

of Africa" highlighted the African Diaspora's influence on American horticulture and

agriculture. Thirty to fifty percent of the visitors to this exhibit were African-American.

To create connections with the Asian community, Montreal Botanic Garden built a

Chinese Garden and a Japanese Garden designed by a Chinese architect and Japanese

architect, respectively (Hoffman, 1995). These gardens are used for cultural events and

education. At Queens Botanic Garden, the plants and daily activities in the garden reflect

the variety of cultures that are present in the community. They host a Gardening Day

each year which focuses on different cultures (Raver, 2000).

A related approach is to have culturally-appropriate outreach projects to market the

garden to community groups. Fairchild Tropical Garden reached out by planting trees

and gardens at schools attended by low-income populations, greening projects in similar

neighborhoods, and implementing horticulture therapy programs at senior community

centers (Andorka, 1999).

Factors Affecting Garden Visitation Among African-Americans

African-Americans and Museums

Education and income are often pointed out as the most important demographics

defining a museum visitor or non-visitor. In spite of this, research has shown that

African-Americans in the upper income and education categories still are less likely to









support cultural activities (such as art museums, theatre, etc) with their time and money

than European-Americans in those same categories (Puckrein, 1991). Past racism by

museums has given some African-Americans the perception that they are unwelcome at

museums. Even among African-Americans who do not feel unwelcome, the past racism

affects current childhood socialization among African-Americans; they did not attend

museums in the past, so the current parents were not museum-socialized and do not bring

their children to museums (Falk, 1995).

One study looked at the museum attitudes, visitation, and related factors of a

sample of over three hundred African-Americans in six different communities in the

Eastern United States (Falk, 1995). Of those interviewed, 66% were non-visitors, 23%

were occasional visitors, and 6% were frequent visitors.

The reasons given for non-attendance were usually lack of interest or lack of time.

Two-thirds of those who do visit museums gave learning-related reasons for attendance.

Content was frequently mentioned as a reason to visit. Additionally, word-of-mouth

highly affected the decision to attend. Ninety-one percent said they had never felt

uncomfortable at a museum. Of those who had felt uncomfortable, less than half gave

race-related reasons (Falk, 1995).

Six different socio-demographic factors correlated with museum-going:

community, marital status, age, education, income, and church involvement. Those most

likely to visit museums were from ethnically-mixed communities, married, older, more

educated, higher income, and church-goers. Community was the best predictor of

visitation, followed by church (Falk, 1995). A number of museums have found success

with attracting African-Americans by forming relationships with African-American









churches (Falk, 1998a). It was found that museum socialization is not the only childhood

experience that affects museum attendance (Falk, 1995). African-American adults who

read as children or participated in youth clubs are also more likely to attend museums as

adults. The largest factor that keeps African-Americans from visiting museums is simply

lack of a museum-going tradition (Falk, 1995).

Constraints

Constraints research began in the 1980s with a focus on specific external barriers

that prevent people from participating in desired recreation activities (Jackson and Scott,

1999). The theory became broader and more theoretically complex as researchers sought

to understand how constraints in any leisure activity also affect preferences, level of

participation, and other characteristics of participation. Researchers began to

acknowledge that participation was impacted not only by physical, external constraints,

but also by internal and social constraints.

Crawford and Godbey (1987) defined two primary categories of constraints:

"antecedent" constraints that affect preference for an activity, and "intervening"

constraints that affect participation once preference or desire have been established.

Among intervening constraints are internal and external constraints (Jackson, 1988).

These intervening constraints were typically measured as perceived constraints, but this

resulted in low correlation between constraints and participation. Demographics such as

race, gender, and class also act as constraints, called "social structural constraints." In a

study of participants in active leisure pursuits, perceived constraints had no or low

negative correlation with participation. Some perceived constraints even demonstrated

positive correlation with participation. On the other hand, social structural constraints

including gender, age, household type, occupational status, and income all had a









correlation with participation (Shaw, Bonen, & McCabe, 1991). This research still

primarily focused on intervening constraints, and was studied mainly through surveys.

Intervening, or structural constraints, were defined with a list either provided by the

researcher, or offered by the participant in response to more open-ended questions. The

number of structural constraints included in a survey usually range from fifteen to

twenty-five (Jackson and Scott, 1999).

The hierarchical model of constraints was developed to begin to address the

previous mixed results regarding constraints' relationship with participation and other

conceptual issues (Crawford et al., 1991). The hierarchical model has three categories of

constraints: intrapersonal, interpersonal, and structural. If an individual is inhibited by

one level of constraints, the next level of constraints does not affect that individual. For

example, if intrapersonal constraints prevent an individual from participating in an

activity, then the individual will not be concerned with any possible interpersonal

constraints. Intrapersonal constraints (characteristics within the individual) act as

antecedent constraints, preventing desire for participation. Interpersonal constraints are

the perceived constraints of possible co-participants, and affect both preference and

participation levels. Structural constraints act as intervening constraints, preventing

desired levels of participation. These constraint types, and their hierarchical nature, were

confirmed by a study of high school students in the context of starting a new leisure

activity (Raymore et al., 1993). However, a limit of this study was that actual effects on

participation were not measured. This study was part of a move towards finding common

dimensions or factors of constraints. Many common factors have been found, suggesting









that there is a common core of constraints that most people face (Jackson and Scott,

1999).

Further conceptualization suggested that constraints are not always barriers to

desire or participation, but that people usually negotiate through different kinds of

constraints (Jackson et al., 1993). The result of negotiation is often modified

participation. A person who participates may have already negotiated through their

constraints. This new model also suggested that anticipation of an interpersonal or

structural constraint may negatively affect desire for participation. The concept of

negotiation has been supported empirically by several studies, but it is still poorly

understood (Kay & Jackson, 1991; Henderson et al., 1995; Samdahl & Jekubovich,

1997).

Race and Constraints

Because African-Americans continue to face various forms of racism, race is an

important issue to consider when studying constraints (Shinew et al., 2004). This racism

has caused many African-Americans to choose leisure activities in the home (Woodard,

1988). African-Americans in one study reported feeling unwelcome in several leisure

activities (Philipp, 1999). They are less likely to participate in many outdoor recreation

activities than Caucasians (Washburne and Wall, 1980). Some of the constraints that

inhibit participation in these activities are transportation, concern for safety, and poor

maintenance of recreation facilities. For African-American women, some constraints to

outdoor recreation are perceptions of the activities, lack of time, lack of space, job

demands, expectations of family members, needs of family members, and economic

factors (Henderson & Ainsworth, 2001). Results from the National Survey on Recreation









and the Environment suggested that race is a factor in predicting constraints for non-

participants, but not for participation in a preferred activity (Johnson et al., 2001).

Researchers of race and constraints say that it is not enough to hide race in the

demographics of earlier constraints models. A few theories have been used to explain

race and leisure constraints.

The marginality hypothesis says that African-Americans are constrained because of

their marginal status in society (Washburne, 1978). This hypothesis is largely addressed

through socioeconomic status and resources. In a study comparing leisure preferences of

African-Americans and European-Americans of different socioeconomic status (SES),

preferences of middle-class African-Americans were closer to those of lower-class

African-Americans than to preferences of middle-class European-Americans (Stamps and

Stamps, 1985). This evidence suggests that SES alone cannot explain African-

Americans' leisure patterns. On the other hand, Floyd et al. (1994) compared African-

Americans and European-Americans with their subjective social class, and observed a

strong relationship between leisure preferences of African-Americans and European-

Americans who considered themselves middle-class.

The ethnicity hypothesis addresses similarities within race between social classes.

This hypothesis says leisure patterns of African-Americans are based on the norms and

values of their subculture (Washburne, 1978). This hypothesis is supported throughout

the research regarding African-Americans' attitudes towards horticulture and the

environment, as well as their participation in outdoor recreation and museums

(Washburne & Wall, 1980; Puckrein, 1991; Camp, 1995; Johnson et al., 1997; Newell &

Green, 1997; Falk, 1998a; Cordell et al., 2002; Payne et al., 2002; Good news, 2005).









Several researchers have suggested that the theory needs more complex models that

combine the above concepts (Floyd, 1998; Philipp, 1995; Henderson & Ainswoth, 2001).

The Ethnicity and Public Recreation Model includes perceived discrimination and

ethnicity (Gomez, 2002). Perceived discrimination has been suggested frequently as a

concept to explain leisure constraints, but it needs further conceptual and empirical

development (Floyd, 1998). It also focuses on the concept of acculturation, or the

process of a minority group keeping some cultural norms while incorporating norms from

the dominant group. The model proposes that acculturation influences socioeconomic

status and sub-cultural identity (ethnicity). Those two variables then impact perceived

discrimination and perceived benefits of recreation (motivation), which in turn affect

participation. Socioeconomic status and sub-cultural identity also may impact

participation directly. This model does not fully address the issue of constraints. It

includes some aspects of constraints, including social structural constraints, cultural

norms (an antecedent constraint), and perceived discrimination, but there are many

common constraints that are not included in the model.

One framework used to examine race and constraints came from an article on

women's leisure constraints. This framework provided three approaches to constraints:

1) leisure constraints are linked to structured societal roles, 2) leisure activities add to

constraints because they reinforce societal roles, and 3) because of the free-choice nature

of leisure, it can be used for resistance against societal roles (Shaw, 1994). This

framework addresses marginality in the first approach, and ethnicity in the second

approach. It was examined further in the context of race by a study of Chicago park users

(Shinew et al., 2004). The results suggested that African-American and European-









American park users had distinctly different leisure preferences, which supported the

second approach. African-Americans preferred shopping and going to church, while

European-Americans preferred nature-based activities. On the other hand, the first

approach was not supported. Both African-Americans and European-Americans reported

low levels of constraints, but European-Americans actually felt slightly more constrained

than African-Americans.

Conclusion

No previous study has been published measuring the variables influencing

visitation of botanic gardens. Because botanic gardens are considered museum-like

institutions, museum studies research reveals several factors that influence visitation.

These factors are included in four categories: demographic, psychographic,

personal/cultural history, and environmental. Among African-Americans, several

specific variables related to museum visitation have been identified. Attitudes towards

horticulture, outdoor recreation, and the environment verify a pattern of cultural norms

that would discourage African-Americans' participation in botanic gardens. Our

understanding of constraints verifies that the visitation factors identified should fall into

distinct categories. The race and constraints research suggest that these cultural norms

may be the most important variable in determining leisure choices among African-

Americans. All of these variables need to be measured in the context of botanic gardens.

More specifically, ethnic displays should be examined in their potential to change

cultural norms by allowing minority visitors to better relate to botanic gardens.















CHAPTER 3
VISITOR RESPONSES TO AN ETHNIC GARDEN DISPLAY

Introduction

Many gardens receive a significant portion of their annual income from visitors,

either in the form of earned income or contributions. In a study of thirty-seven gardens

that receive financial support from the government, 19% of a garden's operating budget

was from earned income, with admissions the largest portion of earned income, and 23%

of a garden's operating budget came from contributions (Lowe, 1993). Out of all

privately contributed dollars to botanic gardens annually, a fifth is composed of

individual contributions (Arnoult, 1993). If a garden expects to rely heavily on

individual donations they must provide the public with what they want and need, and

people want a good experience, though what makes a good experience varies somewhat

between individuals (Robinson, 1996). Even publicly supported museums must prove

their effectiveness through their ability to serve the public if they want continued support

(Karp & Lavine, 1993).

Ideally, gardens should appeal to all ethnic groups, but visitors to botanic gardens

are predominantly Caucasian (Andorka, 1999). Research has shown that African-

Americans visit museums twenty to thirty percent less than the general population (Falk,

1998). Since botanic gardens are considered museum-like institutions, these statistics can

be applied to botanic gardens as well as museums. Similarly, African-Americans in the

upper income and education categories still are less likely to support cultural activities









(such as museums) with their time and money than their European-American

equivalences (Puckrein, 1991).

One significant study looked at the museum attitudes, visitation, and related factors

of a sample of over three hundred African-Americans in six different communities in the

Eastern United States (Falk, 1995). The reasons given for non-attendance were usually

lack of interest or lack of time. Content was frequently mentioned as a reason to visit.

This is true not only for African-Americans, but for people in general. Different types of

museums (art museums or arboretums) will attract different types of visitors because of

inherent differences in content (Falk & Dierking, 1992; Falk, 1993). Interesting, quality

displays are one of the primary reasons individuals visit museums (Falk, 1998).

Demographic variables significantly correlate with museum visitation; therefore,

they should be considered in any study of museum visitors (Hood, 1983). Also,

individuals usually differ psychologically between non-visitors, occasional visitors (one

or two times a year), and frequent visitors (three or more times a year). Frequent visitors

value doing something worthwhile, new experiences, and learning as the most important

aspects of their leisure time choices, while occasional and non-visitors prefer being

comfortable, active participation, and social interaction. Visitors to museums also differ

between seasons, especially between fall/winter and spring/summer (Hood, 1988), so the

timing of the visit is considered to be an important variable.

Based on the research, this study investigated the extent to which differences in

demographics and visitation habits influenced visitors' interest in ethnic garden displays

and a botanic garden in Orange County, FL during Summer and Fall (July-November)

2005. Research questions included: How do different racial groups' view ethnic









displays? Do Caucasian visitors find an African-American display more or less

interesting than African-American visitors? Do demographic variables or garden

visitation affect attitude towards botanic gardens?

Methods

Variables

Because individuals' responses to a botanic garden display were being studied, the

unit of analysis was the individual. As units of analysis, individuals may be characterized

in terms of their membership in social groupings, such as racial groups (Babbie, 1998).

The population under study was adult visitors to Harry P. Leu Gardens. In 2004, Leu

Gardens had 121,537 visitors. I used a cross-sectional study because I was not able to

collect sufficient data before installation of the display. Cross-sectional studies are used

when it is not possible to collect data before and after "treatment," in this case display

installation (DeVaus, 2001).

Dependant variables included attitude towards the botanic garden overall, attitude

towards the African-American horticulture display, and preference for ethnic displays.

Attitude towards Leu Gardens and attitude towards the African-American Horticulture

display were both measured with Likert-type scales stronglyy disagree, 5=agree;

Edwards, 1957). Both the Leu Gardens scale and African-American Horticulture display

scale were reliable (a=0.75 and a=0.86, respectively). The questions measured attitude in

different ways, including willingness to visit again in the future, and willingness to

recommend the botanic garden to others. Preference for ethnic displays was measured

using a single Likert-type item.

Independent variables included: ethnicity, gender, age, income, education, previous

visitation to Leu (yes or no), Leu visits per year, previous visitation of other botanic









gardens (yes or no), other garden visits per year, day of visit (weekend or weekday), and

season of visit. Independent variables are the factors we expected to influence the

dependent variables mentioned above. For attitude towards the African-American

Horticulture display, preference for vegetable gardening was also considered. All

independent variables except season, day of visit, and interest in vegetable gardening

were measured through check boxes and fill-in-the-blank. Season and day of visit were

measured by researcher observation. Interest in vegetable gardening was measured with

a single Likert-type item.

Site Selection

Harry P. Leu Gardens in Orlando, FL was selected as the site for the display and

visitor survey because of its reasonable proximity to University of Florida and because of

its high visitor rate. It is also recognized as a major botanical garden. Dr. Michael Dirr,

an eminent expert in landscape horticulture, called it "a true plantsman's garden"

(Bowden, 2004). It was also selected because the garden had made no previous efforts to

increase visitor diversity, but had expressed an interest in doing so. While the percentage

of African-Americans in Orange County is higher than the national percentage (Orange

County=18%, US=12%, U.S. Census, 2004a), the staff at Leu Gardens had observed very

low rates of visitation by African-Americans.

Display Installation

I installed an African-American Horticulture display in the vegetable garden in

May 2005. The display included plants introduced to America from Africa by slaves,

plants used by African-American scientists, and plants used medicinally by African-

Americans in the South over the past two centuries (see Appendix A). A large sign gave

an overview of the display, while smaller signs identified plants and described their









significance. In addition, brochures were distributed at the entrance to the botanic garden

that went more in-depth and listed sources for more information. The plants in the

display were maintained by the staff at Leu Gardens.

























Figure 3-1. Installation of the African-American Horticulture display. A) Raking out the
beds. B) Making rows for the seed. C) Planting the seeds. D) The finished
garden.

Instrument Development

After the display was in place for three months, a self-completion questionnaire

was distributed to and collected from adult (age 18 and older) visitors at the Leu Gardens

exit. The questionnaire consisted of twenty-seven items, including Likert-type, check

boxes, fill-in-the-blank, and open-ended questions. Some items were omitted because

they were not considered relevant to the research questions. Within the questionnaire, a

5-item scale measured attitude towards the garden overall, and a 7-item scale measured

attitude towards the African-American horticulture display. Interest in vegetable









gardening and interest in ethnic displays were also measured using Likert-type items.

Demographics were measured using check-boxes. Garden visitation was measured with

a combination of check-boxes and fill-in-the-blank (See Appendix B for sample

questionnaire).

The questionnaire was reviewed by a panel which included Geraldine Thompson,

executive director of the Wells' Built Museum of African-American History in Orlando,

Florida, Myron Floyd, an associate professor at University of Florida who conducts

research on the topic of race, ethnicity and leisure, and Deborah Johnson-Simon, who

conducted research in Orange County about African-Americans and their support of

African-American museums.

Shortly after the display was installed, a pilot test was conducted with thirty

participants using the same distribution methods later discussed in the sampling section.

Ten to thirty subjects is considered appropriate for a pilot test (Isaac & Michael, 1997).

Sampling

Availability sampling was used because it was impossible to develop a complete

sampling frame (Sullivan, 2001). In this case, I could not randomly select out of all

garden visitors, or even garden visitors in a given year. Instead, we sampled from all

visitors on several different days. The research was conducted in both summer and fall

because visitors differ between spring/summer and fall/winter (Hood, 1988). Research

was also conducted on both weekends and weekdays, as work-week visitors were

observed to differ demographically from weekend visitors (personal observation, Melissa

Steinhauer). Participants were chosen by asking all visitors leaving the garden during the

surveying times to participate. Because there are approximately 120,000 visitors in a

given year, a minimum sample size of 384 was required so that sample proportion would









be within plus or minus 0.05 of the population proportion with a ninety-five percent level

of confidence (Krejcie & Morgan, 1970). I obtained a final sample size of 450. Leu

Gardens had no previous data on their visitors beyond number of visitors, thus the

samples could not be compared to prior data.












A B


Figure 3-2. Collecting data at Leu Gardens. A) Table set up at garden exit in visitor
building. B) Waiting for visitors to exit garden. C) Visitors participating in
study. D) Completing the survey instrument.

Analysis

Relationships between the independent variables and dependent variables were

examined using bivariate correlation, chi square analysis (or gamma, as appropriate),

one-way ANOVA, and regression. Chi square (x2) was used to compare groups of

nominal variables.

Regression gives us a more accurate depiction of how variables realistically interact

by considering many independent variables simultaneously instead of their individual









relationships to the dependent variable. To better understand ethnicity, dummy variables

were used for ethnic classifications in the regression. Because I installed an African-

American display, African-Americans were chosen as the reference category for the

dummy variables. Similar independent variables (e.g. demographic variables, other

variables) were grouped together into separate models and then into one overall model to

better observe how the variables interact. Throughout, significance levels were set at

a=0.05.






38%
Female I
1 MaleI
62%





Figure 3-3. Gender as percent of Leu Garden visitor sample

Results

The sample was roughly evenly divided between the two seasons. Fifty-four

percent of my sample visited in summer, forty-six percent in fall. A much larger part of

the sample population visited on weekends (70.8%) than on weekdays (28.9%). Only

38.4% of visitors had been to Leu before, but 84% had visited other botanic gardens

before. Visitors were mostly female, European-American, well-educated, and middle-

aged or younger (see Figures 3-3 through 3-7 for more detail).























0-
18-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-69 70+

Figure 3-4. Visitor age groups as percent of sample.


5% 3%
5O







78%


* European-American
* Hispanic or Latino
O African-American
O Asian
* Other


Figure 3-5. Ethnicity of Leu Garden visitor sample.


<$9,999


$3
4


.0,000-
9,999


$70,000- $100,000+
89,999


Figure 3-6. Household income of Leu Garden visitor sample.


1,


IL









Attitude Towards the Garden Overall

The scale measuring attitude towards Leu Gardens was reliable (a=0.75). The

scale showed no relationship between demographic variables and attitude towards the

botanic garden.

While demographic variables were not significant with respect to attitude towards

the garden, several other variables were significant, including those related to timing of

the visit and previous garden visits. Attitude towards the garden was significantly related


35
30
25
20-



5


No dp. HS Dp. AA/AS BA/BS MA/MS PhD/MD

Figure 3-7. Highest level of education achieved by Leu Garden visitors as percentage of
sample.

to season of the year (X2=11.321, P<0.05). Individuals who visited on weekends usually

liked the garden more than those who visited on weekdays (Weekend=l, r=0.150,

P<0.001).

Attitude towards the garden was positively related to previous visitation. Those

who had previously visited Leu had a more positive attitude towards the garden (r=0.240,

P<0.001), and those who visited more frequently liked the garden more than those who

visited less frequently (r=0.107, P<0.05). There was a very significant relationship

between attitude and visits per year to other botanic gardens (y=0.242, P<0.001).









Table 3-1. Regression for attitude towards the garden overall
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Reduced
Overall
-- Standardized Regression Coefficients --
Demographic Variables
Gender (males=l) .009 -.002
Age -.184*** -.177*** -.155**
Income .065 .054
Education .028 -.025
European-American .118 .076
Asian .008 .022
Hispanic or Latino .055 .044
Other race -.022 -.048

Other variables
Visited Leu before .205*** .186*** .204***
Leu visits per year .090 .095
Visited other gardens before .040 .098 .108*
Other garden visits per year -.032 -.033
Season of year (Summer=l) .024 .025
Day of week (Weekend=l) .144** .121* .122*

R2 Adjusted .019 .070 .081 .091
F value 1.929 6.664 3.477 10.868
Cases 386 447 379 389
*significant at the .05 level **significant at the .01 level ***significant at the .001 level

Relationships between the independent variables and attitude towards Leu Gardens

overall were further explored in three different models using regression (See Table 3-2).

Model 1 examined just the demographic variables, Model 2 included only the other

variables, and Model 3 included all the independent variables. The reduced model

overall included age, visited Leu before, visited others before, and day of week.










0.25
0.2
S 0.15


0.1
0.05 ,
0 "
-0.05
0 Age Visit Leu Visit Others-Day of week
Before Before
-0.15
-0.2
-0.25
Significant Independent Variables

SModel 1 U Model 2 O Model 3 O Model 4

Figure 3-8. Standardized regression coefficients for significant variables of attitude
towards garden overall

Attitude Towards the African-American Horticulture Display

The scale measuring attitude towards the display was reliable (a=0.86). It showed

significant differences in response with respect to demographic variables. Higher income

visitors had a more negative attitude towards the display (r=-0.125, P<0.05). Attitude

had no direct relationship with any other demographic variable.

Looking beyond demographic variables, both previous visitors to Leu and frequent

visitors to other gardens had a more positive attitude towards the display (r=0.120,

P<0.05 and r=0.143, P<0.05, respectively) than the sample overall. Visitors who enjoy

vegetable gardening also had a more positive attitude towards the display (r=0.258,

P<0.001).

Relationships between the independent variables and attitude towards Leu gardens

overall were compared in three different models as with attitude towards the garden

overall (See Table 3-3). The reduced model overall included income, education, ethnic










Table 3-2. Regression for attitude towards African-American Horticulture Display
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Reduced
Overall
-- Standardized Regression Coefficients --
Demographic Variables
Gender (males=l) -.045 -.010
Age -.016 -.072
Income -.156* -.145 -.149*
Education .162* .161 .136*
European-American -.230 -.288* -.197*
Asian -.046 -.122
Hispanic or Latino -.194 -.248* -.174*
Other race -.165* -.216** -.183**

Other variables
Visited Leu before -.027 -.015
Leu visits per year .083 .179* .178**
Visited other gardens before -.119 -.120
Other garden visits per year .153* .157* .138*
Season of year (Summer=l) -.026 -.038
Day of week (Weekend=l) -.021 -.068
Like vegetable gardening .257*** .263*** .251***

R2 Adjusted .030 .083 .155 .158
F value 2.007 4.719 4.089 6.267
Cases 249 280 237 243
*significant at the .05 level **significant at the .01 level ***significant at the .001 level


0.3
0.25
0.2
0.15
0.1
0.05
0
-0.05
-0.1
-0.15
-0.2
-0.25
-0.3


Significant Inde pe dent Variable s


I Model 1 0 Model 2 0 Model 3 O Model 4

Figure 3-9. Standardized regression coefficients for significant variables of attitude
towards African-American Horticulture Display









classifications (compared to African-Americans), Leu visits per year, other garden visits

per year, and vegetable gardening.

Interest in Ethnic Displays

The data revealed that demographics did significantly affect interest in ethnic

displays. Minority individuals were more likely to be interested in ethnic displays than

European-Americans (r=0.111, P<0.05). More highly educated visitors also had more

interest in ethnic displays than less educated visitors (r=0.110, P<0.05). No other

demographic variables had a significant relationship with interest in ethnic displays.

Table 3-3. Regression for interest in ethnic displays
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Reduced
Overall
-- Standardized Regression Coefficients --
Demographic Variables
Gender (males=l) -.024 .034
Age .007 -.052
Income -.085 -.090
Education .160** .130* .108*
European-American -.250** -.246** -.175***
Asian .012 -.010
Hispanic or Latino -.088 -.092
Other race -.066 -.056

Other variables
Visited Leu before -.056 -.059
Leu visits per year .220 .187
Visited other gardens before .044 .069
Other garden visits per year -.201 -.163
Season of year (Summer=l) -.110* -.108* -.131**
Day of week (Weekend= 1) -.043 -.064

R2 Adjusted .048 .015 .052 .052
F value 3.386 2.063 2.518 8.031
Cases 369 422 372 383
*significant at the .05 level **significant at the .01 level ***significant at the .001 level











0.2
0.15--
S 0.1 -
S0.05
00-
-0.05 -- Education European- Season
-0.1 American
ou -0.15-
-c -0.2
S -0.25
-0.3

Significant Independent Variables

U Model 1 U Model 2 O Model 3 0 Model 4

Figure 3-10. Standardized regression coefficients for significant variables of interest in
ethnic displays

In addition to demographics, visitation habits were also important to interest in

ethnic displays. Ethnic display interest was less for summer visitors than fall visitors

(Summer=l, r=-0.128, P<0.01). Interest in ethnic displays also had a significant

relationship with both Leu visits per year (F=3.008, P<0.05) and other garden visits per

year (F=6.059, P<0.01).

The relationships between the independent variables and attitude towards Leu

Gardens overall were compared in three different models as with the other dependent

variables (See Table 3-4). The reduced model overall included education, European-

American ethnicity, and season.

Discussion

The demographics of the sample for this study were predominantly female,

younger, European/European-American, and in the upper education and income

categories. Leu Gardens visitors may not necessarily reflect community demographics









because many of the visitors are tourists from other cities and even other countries.

Even so, comparing visitor and community demographics will help gardens better

understand the issues they face.

Surprisingly, the sample was younger overall. This was possibly influenced by the

garden being located in proximity to four colleges. This may also reflect the content of

botanic gardens; science museums typically attract younger visitors than art or history

museums (Hood, 1983). Some older visitors may also be deterred by the perception of

having to walk a lot at botanic gardens. Gardens could substantially benefit from

involving this younger population as volunteers and donors. Special events or giving

clubs for younger donors can help achieve this; for example, Brooklyn Botanic Garden

has a "New Leaders Circle" with an annual event for young professionals (Brooklyn

Botanic Garden, 2005). One younger respondent suggested that the garden should "get

local colleges/universities involved."

Differences in racial composition were also noticed between the community and

the visitor sample. As previously established in the literature, visitors to museums and

botanic gardens are usually European-American (Andorka, 1999). Orange County is only

57.5% European-American (U.S. Census, 2004a), but the visitor sample was over 77%

European-American. The percent of Asians was actually higher in the sample (4.1%)

than in Orange County as a whole (3.4%). African Americans (5.5% of sample) and

Hispanics (8.8% of sample) were drastically underrepresented compared to Orange

County demographics (18.2% of population and 18.8% of population, respectively). This

verifies our need for more research pertaining to attracting and serving all minority ethnic

groups.









The attitude towards the garden overall was influenced by a few surprising factors.

Not only were there more younger visitors than older visitors, but younger visitors also

had a more positive attitude towards the garden than older visitors. Also, weekend

visitors liked the garden better than weekday visitors. When age and day of week were

compared, weekend visitors were significantly younger than weekday visitors (r=-0.229,

P<0.001). Weekend visitors, then, liked the garden better because they were younger.

No previous research has mentioned differences between weekend and weekday visitors

to botanic gardens or museums. According to the model, those who have the most

positive attitude towards Leu Gardens are younger, weekend visitors who have visited a

botanic garden before (Leu or otherwise). Since previous garden visitation is important

to attitude, school field trips may be a way to increase interest in botanic gardens later in

life. One participant suggested gardens should "introduce school programs, field trips,

etc., targeted at children. Start working on the next generation of garden lovers."

While only a few significant variables were found in the initial analysis of attitude

towards the display, regression illuminated variables that were related. All ethnic groups

except Asians were observed to have a less positive attitude towards the African-

American display than the African-Americans. Asians neither had a more positive nor

more negative attitude towards the display than African-Americans. The evidence, then,

suggests that display content geared to a specific ethnic group will be interesting to that

ethnic group. One participant commented about the display, "If we have an (African-

American) section, I want a Polish-American, German-American, and Asian-American

section." Research has also reported that African-Americans, especially, visit museums

because of interesting display content (Falk, 1995). Botanic gardens should create ethnic









displays focusing on a particular ethnic group that is prevalent in their community in

order to attract more of that group. For example, Matthaei Botanical Gardens observed

that thirty to fifty percent of visitors to their "Out of Africa" exhibit were African-

American (Michener and Klatt, 1999).

Ethnicity was not the only variable that affected attitude towards the display.

Visitors also had a more positive attitude towards the display if they visited Leu and other

botanic gardens more frequently. Previous research has observed that more frequent

garden visitors value learning as an important part of their free-time activities (Hood,

1983). Perhaps more frequent visitors liked the African-American display better because

it was an opportunity to learn something new. This would also explain why more

educated visitors had a more positive attitude towards the display. Other important

variables were interest in vegetable garden and income. Interest in vegetable gardening

held the strongest relationship with attitude towards the African-American display since

it was a vegetable garden display. One respondent said the African-American display

needed "more color." If possible, future displays should integrate more landscape plants,

in addition to or instead of vegetable plants, to appeal to a wider audience. The negative

correlation with income was surprising, since income was not observed as a significant

variable in interest in ethnic displays. Perhaps income was specifically a factor in

attitude towards the African-American display because of display-specific variables such

as the types of signs used or the fact that it was a vegetable garden.

The results for interest in ethnic displays were consistent with what could be

expected, and similar to attitude towards the African-American horticulture display. The

evidence suggests that people of higher education prefer ethnic displays. This is logical









because people of higher education usually enjoy learning more, so they enjoy learning

about different cultures. Several participants, especially highly-educated individuals,

commented that they would have liked more information in the African-American

display, such as "more information about the historic implications of African-American

horticulture" and "more information displays about gardening practices." Also,

European-Americans overall had less interest in ethnic displays than African-Americans.

Based on observation, this is because visitors want to learn about things that are more

relevant to them. Unexpectedly, season was a significant variable in the regression.

However, when season and education were compared, a relationship was found

(2=16.706, P<0.05), so the effect season has on interest in ethnic displays is affected by

differences in education.

Because botanic gardens are considered museum-like institutions, traditional

museums as well may benefit from the results of this research. Traditional museums

should also consider adding ethnic displays in their area of expertise to better attract and

serve minority groups. They also may use school field trips to introduce individuals to

museums early in life.

Conclusion

No previous research has observed relationships between attitude towards an ethnic

display and any other variable. Many significant relationships were observed in this

research. The majority of our visitor sample was well-educated, in the middle to upper

income levels, younger, European-American, and female. Visiting Leu before, visiting

other gardens before, and summer all had a positive relationship with attitude towards

Leu Gardens overall. Age had a negative relationship with attitude towards the garden

overall. Education, Leu visits per year, and other garden visits per year all had a positive






43


relationship with attitude towards the African-American Horticulture display, while

income, European-American ethnicity, Hispanic ethnicity, and other ethnicity all had a

negative relationship with attitude towards the display. Looking at general interest in

ethnic displays, education had a positive relationship, while European-American ethnicity

and summer had a negative relationship. The results suggest that ethnic displays are a

viable method for attracting and serving minority populations.














CHAPTER 4
GARDEN VISITATION FACTORS AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICANS

Introduction

The benefits of a botanic garden are numerous. As gardens seek to serve their

communities, they are a source of community pride, enhance children's education

through school programs, act as a vacation destination, are a venue for community

meetings and cultural events, provide information for everyone from amateur gardeners

to university scholars, and help visitors cope with stress (Smith, 1989; Kohlleppel,

Bradley, & Jacob, 2002).

Yet many gardens observe that African-Americans, even those in the immediate

vicinity of the garden, do not take advantage of the benefits that a botanic garden

provides. It is not surprising when one considers the general interests and leisure patterns

of African-Americans as a whole, including interest in the outdoors and museums.

African-American Attitudes Towards Horticulture and the Environment

African-Americans have less interest in the outdoors, the environment, and plant-

related occupations than the general American population. According to the NSRE,

African-Americans participate in most outdoor recreation activities (except outdoor team

sports) much less than European-Americans (Washburne & Wall, 1980; Cordell et al.,

2002). African-Americans also have had less childhood exposure to the outdoors than

European-Americans (Virden & Walker, 1999), and make less use of parks as adults than

European-Americans (Payne et al., 2002). African-Americans overall have a similar

level of concern for the environment as European-Americans, but low-income African-









Americans have less concern for the environment than low-income and high-income

European-Americans or African-Americans in the higher income groups (Newell &

Green, 1997). While a record number of doctorate degrees were awarded to African-

Americans in the United States in 2003 (1,708), not one degree was awarded in the fields

of horticulture, plant physiology, plant breeding and genetics, botany, plant pathology,

forest biology, or forest management (Good news, 2005).

Factors Affecting Museum Visitation

Demographic factors are known to have an important relationship with museum

visitation (Falk, 1998). Since botanic gardens are considered museum-like institutions,

this research can be applied to botanic gardens as well as museums. These factors include

gender, race, income, education, and occupation.

There are six major leisure preferences that determine an adult's leisure time

choices. They are being with people, doing something worthwhile, feeling comfortable in

one's surroundings, new experiences, a learning opportunity, and active participation.

The importance of these attributes to an individual is related to whether that individual is

a frequent visitor (three or more times per year), an occasional visitor (one or two times

per year), or a non-participant (Hood, 1983).

Frequent visitors consider doing something worthwhile, new experiences, and

learning to be the most important factors in their leisure time choices, and view museums

as having all of these three preferred factors. Non-participants value social interaction,

comfort, and active participation as the most important factors, and see museums as

having none of the factors that they consider important. Occasional participants value the

same factors as non-participants. Unlike non-participants, they see museums as having

some of the factors they consider important (Hood, 1983).









Cultural factors include the cultural norms for an ethnic group, such as attitudes

towards the outdoors among African-Americans as previously mentioned. This also

affects personal history by determining the amount of childhood socialization to

museums (Falk, 1995).

Museum-specific factors can also affect visitation. People come to museums

because of quality content that they find interesting (Falk & Dierking, 1992; Falk, 1993;

Falk, 1998b). Past or current museum policies can affect an individual's decision to visit

or not visit a museum (Jones, 1983; West, 1989; Wicks & Crompton, 1990). A

museum's location can be a factor. For example, many people who live in the suburbs

have a negative view of urban areas which might keep them from visiting a museum

located in the city (Mintz, 1998). An institution's marketing practices also influences

what kind of audience they attract (Falk, 1995). Perceived value of a museum visit, but

not actual cost of admission, deters some potential museum-goers (Falk, 1998b).

African-Americans and Museums

African-Americans visit museums twenty to thirty percent less than the general

population (Falk, 1998). African-Americans in the upper income and education

categories are less likely to support cultural activities (such as art museums, theatre, etc)

with their time and money than European-Americans in those same categories (Puckrein,

1991). Past racism by museums has given some African-Americans the perception that

they are unwelcome at museums. Even among African-Americans who do not feel

unwelcome, parents were unable to attend museums when they were growing up, so they

do not museum-socialize their children now (Falk, 1995).

One study looked at the museum attitudes, visitation, and related factors of a

sample of over three hundred African-Americans in six different communities in the









Eastern United States (Falk, 1995). The reasons given for non-attendance were usually

lack of interest or lack of time. Most who do visit museums gave learning-related

reasons for attendance. Content and word-of-mouth both highly affected the decision to

attend. Ninety-one percent said they had never felt uncomfortable at a museum. Of

those who had felt uncomfortable, less than half gave race-related reasons (Falk, 1995).

Six different socio-demographic factors correlated with museum-going: community,

marital status, age, education, income, and church involvement. Those most likely to

visit museums were from ethnically-mixed communities, married, older, more educated,

in higher income brackets, and church-goers (Falk, 1995). A number of museums have

found success with attracting African-Americans by forming relationships with African-

American churches (Falk, 1998a). The largest factor that keeps African-Americans from

visiting museums is simply lack of a museum-going tradition (Falk, 1995).

The research has reported that African-Americans overall have less interest in

horticulture, outdoors, and the environment than European-Americans (Washburne &

Wall, 1980; Camp, 1995; Johnson et al., 1997; Newell & Green, 1997; Virden & Walker,

1999; Dorsey, 2001; Cordell et al., 2002; Payne et al., 2002). This suggests that cultural

norms are one of the biggest barriers to African-American visitation to botanic gardens.

In addition to cultural and personal history, other categories of variables that have been

identified with regards to museum visitation are demographic factors, psychographic

factors, and environmental factors (Hood, 1983; Falk, 1995; Falk, 1998b). Factors that

have been identified as specifically affecting African-American visitation of museums

include lack of interest, lack of time, and church attendance (Falk, 1995).









This study investigated the extent to which demographics, psychographic

characteristics, personal/cultural history, and environmental factors affect African-

American adults' visitation of botanic gardens in Orange County, FL during Fall and

Winter 2005-2006 (September 2005-February 2006). The research questions I

investigated include: Which factors are the best predictors of botanic garden visitation?

How do demographics correlate with botanic garden visitation among African-

Americans?

Methods

To answer the research questions, I completed a cross-sectional study using self-

completion questionnaires (appropriate when there is no component of time to the study

(DeVaus, 2001)). The population under study was African-American adults in Orange

County, FL. The unit of analysis was the individual. This is appropriate to understand a

defined ethnic population such as African-Americans because populations are made up of

individuals (Babbie, 1998).

Orange County has approximately 965,000 residents (US Census, 2004a). Of

those, about 126,000 are African-American adults. Over 185,000 people reside within

the Orlando city limits, the major city in Orange County, and about 50,000 are African-

American.

Because it was known which kinds of participants would provide the best

information, purposive sampling methods were appropriate for this study (Sullivan,

2001). Participants were selected by contacting community groups including African-

American churches, the African-American Chamber of Commerce, and related

community groups. A similar strategy was used in a previous study interviewing

African-Americans about their museum attitudes (Falk, 1995). Multiple approaches were









used to distribute and collect questionnaires. Some questionnaires were dropped off at

civic organizations and picked up at a later date. Most of the questionnaires were

obtained by attending African-American church services or events where a large

proportion of African-Americans were present. These events included community youth

football games, Martin Luther King Day celebrations, and the Zora Neale Hurston

























Figure 4-1. Collecting data in Orange County. A) Completing surveys at Unity Heritage
Festival in Winter Park. B) Asking an attendee to participate in the study at
Zora Neale Hurston Festival in Eatonville. C) Attendees at Zora Neale
Hurston Festival. D) Completing the survey instrument at Martin Luther King,
Jr. Parade in Orlando.

Festival. Participants were offered one free admission to Harry P. Leu Gardens in

Orlando, FL as an incentive. While the original goal was a sample size of 300 based on

the size of the population (Krejcie & Morgan, 1970), a final total of 250 questionnaires

were obtained due to low response rates. The time required for the questionnaire (ten to

fifteen minutes) was a deterrent for many potential participants. Also, many did not want









to complete a questionnaire because they did not know what a botanic garden was. Since

the main goal was to get a variety of respondents in order to determine relationships

among variables, and not to make definitive statements about this population as a whole,

the final sample size was considered sufficient.

The questionnaire was composed of three fill-in-the-blank, ten check-box

questions, two open-ended questions and thirty-two Likert-type scale (l=strongly

disagree, 5=strongly agree; Edwards, 1957) items to determine which factors are

important in the decision whether or not to visit a botanic garden. (See Appendix C for

sample questionnaire.) The questionnaire was reviewed by a panel which included

Geraldine Thompson, executive director of the Wells' Built Museum of African-

American History in Orlando, Florida, Myron Floyd, an associate professor at University

of Florida who conducts research on the topic of race, ethnicity and leisure, and Deborah

Johnson-Simon, who conducted research in Orange County about African-Americans and

their support of African-American museums. A pilot test of sixteen church attendees was

conducted (Isaac & Michael, 1997).

The factors considered in the questionnaire were taken from the museum studies

research previously mentioned. The categories of variables are demographic,

psychographic, personal and cultural history, and environmental factors (Falk, 1998b).

The demographic variables measured in this study were gender, age, income, and

education (Falk, 1998b). Race was not necessary to measure because all participants

were of the same race. The demographic variables were measures with check boxes in

section three of the survey.









Psychographic variables are psychological in nature and include motivations

(Hood, 1983). Section one of the questionnaire used nine Likert-type scale items to

measure individual psychographic preferences. Section two used four Liker-type items to

measure whether individuals perceived botanic gardens to satisfy those psychographic

preferences (items 29, 32, 33, and 34).

Personal and cultural history refers to whether a person was taken to museums as a

child, and how they perceived their museum experiences. In this study, church

attendance and civic involvement were also included in this category, based on the fact

that these activities influence cultural norms and personal preferences. While these

factors have been previously identified by the literature (Falk, 1998b), they have not been

previously included under personal and cultural history. These variables were measured

through seven check-box and fill-in-the-blank questions in section one, as well as one

index item in section two (item 35).

Environmental factors refer to a miscellaneous assortment of circumstances, as

previously outlined in the literature review. These variables were all measured in section

two using fifteen Likert-type items.

The dependant variable, garden visitation, was measured through fill-in-the-blank

questions in section one. One item (#6) asked about visit frequency to Leu Gardens, a

large local botanic garden. Another item (#5) asked about visit frequency to botanic

gardens in general. These items were added to create a scale because these two items

together create a total picture of garden visitation.

Relationships between the factors and the dependent variable were examined

through linear regression. Six models were created. Four models looked at each of the









categories individually with each item considered separately. The fifth model looked at

all the factors together, and the sixth model was the reduced overall model. The

regression method cannot properly analyze the large number of items that were included

in the questionnaire, so scales were created for groups of factors.

Results

The demographics measured in the study were gender, age, household income, and

education. Other personal habits considered included childhood museum and garden

experiences, church attendance, and civic involvement. The majority of the sample was

female (see Figures 4-2 to 4-8 for details). In terms of age, the largest group (28.9%) was

40-49 years old, and the second largest group (25.2%) was 30-39 years old. The largest

group in terms of household income was those with an income of $30,000-49,999

(31.7%), followed by those with an income of $10,000-29,999 (22.6%). The largest

education groups were those with a bachelor degree (29.4%) and those with only a high

school diploma (22.4%). The percentage of respondents who visited museums less than

once a year as a youth (38%) was about the same as those who visited occasionally as a

youth (once or twice a year; 39.2%). Many more visited museums as a youth with school






39%0
3 Female
61Male
6 1%0/b


Figure 4-2. Gender as percentage of Orange County sample of African-Americans

















18-29 30-39 40-49 50-59
Figure 4-3. Age groups as percent of Orange


60-69 70+


County sample of African-Americans.


35
30
25
20

10
15
0
<$9,999 $30,000- $70,000- $100,000+
49,999 89,999
Figure 4-4. Household income of Orange County sample of African-Americans.
than with family. The majority also visited a public garden as a youth. The vast majority
of respondents attended church regularly, belonged to a civic organization, and
volunteered for community activities.
The demographic factors' (gender, age, income, and education) relationships with
current garden visitation were examined in Model 1 (see Table 4-1). None of the
demographic variables had a significant relationship with botanic garden visitation.


i1










30

25

20

15


0


No dp. HS Dp. AA/AS BA/BS MA/MS PhD/MD

Figure 4-5. Highest level of education achieved as percentage of Orange County sample
of African-Americans.

After demographics, the psychographic factors were examined in Model 2. Two

items had a significant relationship with garden visitation. Individuals who thought that

botanic gardens were a good place to spend time with family and friends visited botanic

gardens more frequently than the overall sample (r=0.370, P<0.001). Individuals who

thought that botanic gardens were a good place to experience something new and

different visited botanic gardens less frequently (r=-0.246, P<0.05).

Looking further, personal and cultural history were examined in Model 3. Again,

two items had a significant relationship with garden visitation. Those who attended

museums more frequently also attended botanic gardens more frequently (r=0.302,

P<0.001). Also, those who had previously had positive experiences at botanic gardens

visited gardens more frequently (r=0.146, P<0.05).













80
70'
60'
50,
4 Yes
3 0 '
20, ENo
10
0
Did you visit a Do you Do you attend Are you part of
public garden as volunteer church regularly a civic
a youth organization


Figure 4-6. Survey responses as a percentage of sample in a study of African-Americans
in Orange County






SLess than 1
1 or 2
03or more

39%



Figure 4-7. Visits per year to a botanic garden as a youth in an Orange County sample of
African-Americans




7% 12% 0 Family

M Both family and
school
44% 37% School

D Other




Figure 4-8. Survey responses to the question "Who took you to museums as a youth?" in
a study of African-Americans in Orange County

The last group of variables, environmental factors, was examined in Model 4. Out


of all the environmental factors considered, two had a significant relationship with


visitation. Individuals who were willing to pay admission to a botanic garden visited









more frequently (r=0.165, P<0.05), while those who thought that botanic gardens

welcomed all types of visitors visited botanic gardens less frequently (r=-0.175, P<0.05).

All four groups of variables were considered in Model 5. There were too many

items to run them through the regression as individual items, so scales were created for

categories of factors. The demographics were considered different enough individually

that they were not combined in a scale. The reliability of the personal and cultural

history scale was not high enough to use. When the psychographic scale was created, the

garden-specific items were left out because two of the items were significant on their

own. The remaining scale was reliable (a=0.77). A scale was also created of the

environmental factors, and it was reliable (a=0.72). Three significant relationships were

observed. Those who saw botanic gardens as being a good place for social interaction

were still more likely to visit gardens frequently (r=0.276, P<0.05). On the other hand,

those who saw botanic gardens as a change from the usual visited botanic gardens fewer

times per year (r=-0.296, P<0.05). Finally, those who visited museums frequently also

visited botanic gardens frequently (r=0.299, P<0.005).

The final reduced model had four items. One of the variables had a negative

relationship with visitation, while the other three had a positive relationship with

visitation. Those who believed gardens provided new and different experiences visited

less frequently (r=-0.283, P<0.01), but those who believed gardens were a good place for

social interaction visited more (r=0.268, P<0.05). Frequent museum attendees were also

frequent garden visitors (r=0.309, P<0.001). Finally, those who previously had positive

experiences at botanic gardens also attended more frequently (r=0.162, P<0.05). In the









final model, these four variables together explained seventeen percent of variation in the

sample (Adjusted R2=0.170).

Table 4-1. Linear regression models of Orange County study of African-Americans
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Reduced
overall


Demographics
Gender
Age
Income
Education


.033
.043
.144
-.048


.018
-.022
.132
-.039


Psychographic
Social interaction
New experiences
Being alone
Learning
Comfort
Active participation
Something
worthwhile
Thinking
Excitement over
comfort
No new experiences
Pyschographic scale
Garden evaluation
Provides learning
Provides social
interaction
Provides new
experiences
Provides active
participation

Personal/cultural
history
Childhood museum
attendance
Childhood museum
guidance
Childhood garden
attendance
Current museum
attendance


.048
-.025
.070
-.066
-.019
.045
.090

-.009
.018

-.062


.069


.071
.370***

-.246*


.037
.276*


.268*


-.296* -.283**


-.004


-.104


.042

-.003


.072


.302***


.023

-.004

.084

.299*** .309***









Table 4-1. Continued
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Reduced
overall
Church attendance -.028 -.023
Civic involvement -.009 -.040
Volunteerism -.060 -.053
Previous garden .146* .154 .162*
experience

Environmental .019
factors
Perceptions of
gardens
Good value -.005
Worth paying for .165*
Good value .138
For young families .044
For older adults .043
Welcome all visitors -.175*
For rich people .054
Are irrelevant .086
Have helpful staff .091
Should have diverse -.040
staff
Should be involved in .086
community
Is for tourists .044
Is well-known in .048
community
Personal constraints
No time -.117
Too far .074

R2 Adjusted .005 .010 .134 .028 .146 .170
F value 1.267 1.150 5.197 1.418 2.999 11.369
Cases 221 197 209 199 192 199
*significant at the .05 level **significant at the .01 level ***significant at the .001 level

Discussion

The data suggests that African-American adults who perceive botanic gardens as

being a good place to spend time with friends and family will visit botanic gardens more

frequently. This variable was not only significant in the reduced overall regression

model, but it was also included in the open-ended responses. When asked "What could









botanic gardens do to make you more likely to visit, or would make you visit more

often," several participants mentioned friends or family in their response. For example,

one participant answered, "programs and ads that appeal to families." This appears to be

contrary to the previous research which suggested that frequent visitors to museums

would not attend museums for social interaction (Hood, 1983). Since botanic gardens are

outdoors, unlike a more traditional art or history museum, they might be seen as more

suitable for social interaction. These findings also suggest that botanic gardens could

attract more African-American visitors by marketing themselves as a good place to take

the family or a group of friends. In addition to offering classes where individuals learn

and participate, group activities for the whole family may attract more African-

Americans. For example, having a children's garden or informal children's activities

would encourage families to spend the day with their children. While the data did not

support a relationship between church attendance or civic involvement and garden


0.5
0.4-
0.3
0.2
0.1

S-0.1 -Soc New Museum-Past garden-Worth-Welcome all
Interaction experience attend exp paying for U
-0.2
S-0.3
-0.4

Significant Independent Variables

Model 2 0 Model 3 O Model 4 E Model 5 E Model 6

Figure 4-9. Standardized regression coefficients for variables having significant
relationships with botanic garden visitation among African-Americans









visitation, churches and civic groups are both good places to build relationships with

groups of African-Americans. Similarly, botanic gardens could design themselves in a

way that would encourage visitors to bring their friends and family. Groupings of

benches or chairs in appropriate areas of the garden might invite a group of friends to sit

and talk.

The evidence from the final regression also indicates that African-American adults

visit botanic gardens less frequently if they see them as a change from the ordinary.

Previous research reported that frequent museum visitors typically prefer new

experiences in their leisure time (Hood, 1983). While the survey participants did not

outright self-identify as preferring leisure activities that change little, the results suggest

that African-Americans overall do not prefer new experiences as frequent museum

visitors usually do. Botanic gardens might encourage more visits by ensuring that all new

visitors feel comfortable, an attribute that is more important for infrequent museum

visitors and non-visitors (Hood, 1983). For example, brochures and maps should be

provided that can answer most questions, and volunteers or staff should be available to

answer any remaining questions. Gardens also could change public perception by

offering more "pop culture" activities such as concerts. Many participants suggested that

events would encourage them to visit more. One respondent, for example, wrote, "Have

different activities, such as art shows or chamber/jazz music performances to bring

different target groups out." Another respondent recommended that gardens should "be

more culturally diverse in activities." By introducing the gardens through an event that

community members are more familiar with, this could create connections with the

community.









Unsurprisingly, the results in the final regression model demonstrated that African-

Americans who were frequent visitors to botanic gardens are also frequent visitors to

museums. This supports the grouping of and comparison between botanic gardens and

museums in future research. While some research has pointed out the differences

between visitors of different types of museums, the results of this study emphasize that

frequent museum-goers tend to be interested in museums in general, despite differences

in content (Falk & Dierking, 1992; Falk, 1993). The literature has also pointed out that

frequent museum-goers share common demographic and psychographic profiles (Hood,

1983; Falk, 1998b). If this is so, then a simple and easy place to recruit more African-

American visitors to botanic gardens is from museum visitors. Other types of institutions

that can be included in this are zoos and aquariums. Gardens may use this to their

advantage by cooperating with museums in public relations and marketing. They

especially might attract more African-American visitors by offering garden brochures at

African-American museums. For example, Orange County has the Zora Neale Hurston

Museum, a museum about an African-American author, and the Wells'-Built Museum of

African-American History.

Finally, the evidence from the reduced overall model suggests that African-

Americans who enjoy their visits to botanic gardens will visit more. The literature has

reported that visitors expect gardens to meet their wants and needs, whether that is

handicapped-accessibility, gardening classes, or beautiful flower displays (Robinson,

1996). As recommended previously, botanic gardens can encourage more visits by

helping first-time visitors to enjoy themselves. While botanic gardens cannot make

everyone happy all of the time, a regular evaluation program that asks visitors their









opinion can go a long way in helping gardens know the wants and needs of their visitors.

This study did not address museum evaluation, but there are many books and articles

available for gardens that wish to start an evaluation program.

Just as this study has drawn from museum research to examine botanic gardens,

museums may also draw from this garden research as well. Many of the suggestions

offered for botanic gardens might also be applied to museums to attract and serve

minorities better. Museums should consider that African-Americans will visit more if

they find museums to be a good place for social interaction and design programming

accordingly. Creating ties with the community would cause African-Americans to view

museums as a less of a change from the ordinary and more of a place to visit regularly.

Visitors of other museums, botanic gardens, and other museum-like institutions are an

easy way to increase awareness of a museum and attract new visitors from minority

groups.















CHAPTER 5
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Botanic garden benefits are numerous to both their communities and visitors.

However botanic gardens must provide the public with what they want and need to obtain

funding from tax dollars, individual contributions, or gate admissions. Consequently,

gardens should appeal to all ethnic groups, but visitors to botanic gardens are

predominantly Caucasian.

Much research has been done examining why people do or do not visit museums

and parks, but little previous research has examined why people visit botanic gardens,

and none has evaluated African-American botanic garden visitation.

Two studies were conducted to examine factors affecting botanic garden visitation

by African-Americans. The first study investigated how differences in demographics and

visitation habits influence visitors' interest in an ethnic garden display during Summer

and Fall (July-November) 2005 at Leu Gardens, a botanic garden in Orange County, FL.

The second study investigated the extent to which demographics, psychographic

characteristics, personal/cultural history, and environmental factors affect African-

American adults' visitation of botanic gardens in Orange County, FL during Fall and

Winter 2005-2006 (September 2005-February 2006).

The first study measured visitor response to an ethnic garden display and attitude

towards Leu Gardens. The ethnic garden display highlighted African-American

contributions to horticulture.









Results suggested that race did not affect visitors' attitudes towards the botanic

garden overall. Younger visitors, those who visit gardens more frequently, and weekend

visitors had higher positive ratings than the statistical average rating. Race was related to

attitude towards the African-American horticulture display. Europeans/European-

Americans and Hispanics liked the African-American horticulture display less than

African-Americans did. Also, as income increased, attitude towards the African-

American display decreased. On the other hand, as education increased, attitude towards

the display increased. Frequent garden visitors and those who enjoy vegetable gardening

also liked the display more than the average visitor. Race was also related to preference

for ethnic displays in general. European-Americans had less preference for ethnic

displays than African-Americans. Fall visitors had less preference for ethnic displays than

summer visitors. As education increased, preference for ethnic displays increased.

The second study asked African-American community groups and attendees at

African-American community events to complete questionnaires about botanic garden

visitation. Responses were measured using fill-in-the-blank, check-box questions, and

Likert-type scale ratings.

When all the variables were examined with regards to African-Americans visiting

botanic gardens, relatively few variables were significant. African-Americans who

attended museums frequently and those who had positive experiences at botanic gardens

visited gardens more frequently. Those who perceived botanic gardens as good places to

spend time with family and friends also visited more. Those who perceived botanic

gardens as a nice change in their activities visited less.









The results revealed that visitors to Leu Gardens were younger. Gardens could

substantially benefit from involving this large younger population as volunteers and

donors. Special events or giving clubs for younger donors can help achieve this

The research showed that African-Americans have a positive attitude towards

ethnic displays, especially garden displays featuring their culture or history. The research

also suggests that African-Americans who had positive experiences at botanic gardens

will visit gardens more frequently. Therefore, African-Americans may visit botanic

gardens more if they feature displays about African-Americans. The research also

showed that that their frequent botanic garden visitors would enjoy the addition of an

ethnic display.

Botanic gardens can also encourage more visits by helping first-time visitors to

enjoy themselves. While botanic gardens cannot make everyone happy all of the time, a

regular evaluation program that asks visitors their opinion can go a long way in helping

gardens know the wants and needs of their visitors.

African-Americans who visit museums more frequently also visit gardens more

frequently. This suggests that a simple and easy place to recruit more African-American

visitors is from museum visitors. Other research suggests that zoo and aquarium visitors

respond as museum visitors do. Gardens especially might attract more African-American

visitors by offering garden brochures at African-American museums.

African-American adults visit botanic gardens less frequently if they see them as a

change from the ordinary. Gardens could change public perception by offering more "pop

culture" activities such as concerts. By introducing the gardens through an event that









community members are more familiar with, this could create connections with the

community.

African-American botanic garden visitations would increase if public relations

efforts by botanic gardens communicated to African-Americans that gardens are a good

place to spend time with family and friends on a regular basis. This suggests that group

activities for the whole family would attract more African-Americans. For example,

having a children's garden or informal children's activities would encourage families to

spend the day with their children. While the data did not support a relationship between

church attendance or civic involvement and garden visitation, churches and civic groups

are both good places to contact groups of African-Americans. The results of this research

can help botanic gardens implement practices to better serve their communities and

increase the diversity of their frequent visitors.















APPENDIX A
PLANTS IN AFRICAN-AMERICAN DISPLAY


Common name Scientific name Family Notes
Vegetable Plants
Eggplant Solanum Solanaceae Slave introduction
melongena
Okra Abelmoschus Malvaceae Slave intro, originally called
esculentus "nkrumun" or "ochingombo"
Millet Poaceae Slave introduction
Sweet potato Ipomoea batatas Convolvulaceae Slave intro, Carver did
fertilizer comparisons, used in
bread to reduce flour use
during war
Yams Dioscorea spp. Dioscoreaceae Slave introduction
Watermelon Citrullus lanatus Cucurbitaceae Slave introduction
Cantaloupe Cucumis melo Cucurbitaceae Slave introduction
West Indian Cucumis anguria Cucurbitaceae Slave introduction
gherkin
Black-eyed peas Vigna unguiculata Fabaceae Slave introduction
Pigeon peas Cajanus cajan Fabaceae Slave introduction
Sesame Sesamum Pedaliaceae Slave introduction
oriental
Collard greens Brassica oleracea Brassicaceae Slave introduction
var. acephala
Chili pepper Capiscum annuum Solinaceae Used by African-Americans
Peanut Arachis hypogaea Fabaceae Carver developed milk from
peanuts, 115 uses
Corn Zea mays var. Poaceae Carver experimented as food
saccharata source for livestock
Cowpeas Vigna unguiculata Fabaceae Carver found good for feeding
people and animals and
building the soil
Cotton Gossypium Malvaceae Carver, medicinal-bark for
abortion
Sugarcane Saccharum Poaceae Carver grew at experiment
o ficinarum station
Medicinal plants
Blackberry Rubus Rosaceae Roots for stomach pains, tea
for dysentery and diarrhea
Boneset Eupatorium Asteraceae Leaves in tonic for colds,









perfoliatum fevers, pneumonia
Comfrey Symphytum Boraginaceae Tea from leaves for body pains
officinale
Common Vernonia Asteraceae Root for snake bites,
ironweed angustifolia aphrodisiac
Mullein Verbascum Scrophulariaceae Boiled leaves were wrapped
around the body for fevers and
swollen limbs, leaf tea for
colds, kidney diseases
St. John's Hypericum Clusiaceae Bathe with warm water and St.
John's for sores
Button snakeroot Eryngium Apiaceae Root tea w/ whiskey for colds
uccifolium and worms
Tadawas Aster spp. Asteraceae Leaf tea for fever














APPENDIX B
QUESTIONNAIRE FOR VISITOR RESPONSES TO AN ETHNIC GARDEN
DISPLAY

Garden Visitor Questionnaire

We would like to know about your experiences and preferences. If there is a box, please
place a ,in the box next to your answer. If there is a blank, please write your answer in
the blank

Have you visited Leu Gardens before?


L Yes


O No


Ifyes, about how many times a year, on average, do you visit Leu Gardens?

times per year

Have you visited a public garden other than Leu Gardens before? (A public garden might
include botanic gardens, historic estates, sculpture gardens, or other gardens open to the
public)


LO Ye


garden


O No


Ifyes, about how many times a year, on average, do you visit other public
s?


times per year

What are your favorite parts of Leu Gardens? Please choose the three you like best. If
you can't find it on the list, write it in next to "other."


Tropical stream garden
Vegetable garden
White garden
Camellia collection
Leu house museum


Home demonstration garden
Rose garden
Palm garden
Butterfly garden
Other


Please rate the following statements about Leu Gardens by checking the appropriate box.


s
































Did you visit the vegetable garden today?


L Yes


O No


Ifyes, please rate the following statements about the display. If no, please continue at the

symbol.

Strongly Somewhat Neutral Somewhat Strongly
Disagree Disagree Agree Agree
I would recommend the
African-American Horticulture
display to my family and
friends.
The African-American
Horticulture display was very
interesting.
There should be more displays
like the African-American
Horticulture display in botanic
gardens.
The African-American
Horticulture display was
boring.
The African-American


Strongly Somewhat Neutral Somewhat Strongly
Disagree Disagree Agree Agree
I would recommend Leu
Gardens to my family and
friends.
My visit to Leu Gardens was
boring.
I would like to visit Leu
Gardens again in the next six
months.
I would like to visit Leu
Gardens again in the next year.
I do not want to visit Leu
Gardens again.
I enjoy vegetable gardening.
Botanic gardens should have
more displays about the garden
practices of different ethnic
groups.





















Please tell us about yourself by placing a ,in the box next to your answer.

What is your gender?


O Female


L Male


How old are you?


L 18-29
L 30-39
L 40-49
O 50-59


60-69
70-79
80+


What is your race/ethnicity?


-1 Caucasian, non-Hispanic
[ Black or African-American
L American Indian or Alaskan native
[L Asian

What is your annual household income?


under $9,999
$10,000-29,999
$30,000-49,999
$50,000-69,999


Native Hawaiian or other
Pacific Islander
Hispanic or Latino
Other


L $70,000-89,999
L $90,000-99,999
L $100,000-499,999
LJ $500,000 and over


What is the highest level of education you have achieved?


LJ Kindergarten 8th grade


L- Bachelor degree


Horticulture display was the
most interesting part of the
garden.
I would like to visit the
African-American Horticulture
display again in the next year.
I would like to visit the
African-American Horticulture
display again in the next six
months.









9th 12th grade, but no diploma
High school diploma
Two-year degree


LJ Masters degree
LI Doctorate degree


What do you think public gardens could do differently to attract more diverse visitors?




What do you think could be changed about the African-American display?














APPENDIX C
QUESTIONNAIRE FOR GARDEN VISITATION FACTORS AMONG AFRICAN-
AMERICANS

Public Garden Questionnaire

Section I: Personal characteristics and experiences
First of all, please tell us a little bit about your experiences i ith museums and what you
like to do. For questions i i/th boxes, please place a in the appropriate box next to
your answer. If there is a blank, please fill in the bhink n ith your response.

1. How frequently, on average, did you attend museums as a youth (before the age
of 18)?

LI 3 or more times a year LJ Once or twice a year LJ Less than once a year

2. Who took you to museums as a child?

O My family O My school O Both family and school O Other

3. Did you visit any public gardens growing up? (including botanic gardens,
historical/estate gardens, display gardens, and arboreta)

L Yes L No

4. About how often do you currently attend museums in a given year, on average?
times per year

5. About how often do you visit botanic gardens in a year, on average?
times per year

6. How frequently do you attend Leu Gardens in a given year?
times per year OR LO have never been

7. Do you attend church or other religious services regularly?

O Yes O No

8. Are you involved in a civic group or other community activities, not including a
religious group?











O Yes O No

9. Do you volunteer?

O Yes O No


Please rate the following Strongly Somewhat Neutral Somewhat Strongly
statements by checking the Disagree Disagree Agree Agree
appropriate box.
It is important to spend time
with family and friends in my
free time.
I want to be challenged by new
experiences in my free time.
I enjoy doing activities alone.
Learning is fun.
It is very important to be
comfortable in my surroundings
at all times.
I prefer leisure activities in
which I can actively participate.
I want to spend my free time
doing something worthwhile.
On the weekends, I just want to
relax and shut my brain off.
I will sacrifice comfort if it
means I can do something
exciting.
I like participating in activities
that are the same every time.

Section II: Opinions about botanic gardens
Now we would like to know what you think about botanic gardens. If you have not been
to a botanic garden before, respond to the statement based on what you think a visit to a
garden would be like.
Strongly Somewhat Neutral Somewhat Strongly
Disagree Disagree Agree Agree
Botanic gardens are NOT worth
the amount that they charge for
admission.
I would only attend a botanic
garden if it was free.
Botanic gardens are a good
value compared to other









activities I might spend my
money on.
Botanic gardens are only for
families with kids.
Botanic gardens are only for
older adults.
Botanic gardens welcome all
visitors from all backgrounds.
Botanic gardens are only for
rich people.
Botanic gardens are boring.
Botanic gardens are irrelevant to
my life.
Botanic gardens are good places
to learn more about gardening.
I do NOT have time to go to
botanic gardens.
Botanic gardens are a good
place to relax.
Botanic gardens are a good
place to spend time with family
and friends.
Botanic gardens are a nice
change from ordinary activities.
There's always a lot to do at
botanic gardens.
My visits to botanic gardens
have always been positive.
Botanic garden staff members
are always helpful and friendly.
Botanic gardens must have a
diverse staff.
Botanic gardens should be
involved in projects to help the
community.
If I were asked to participate in
an advisory council to give a
botanic garden new ideas, I
would participate.
Everyone in Orange County has
heard of Leu Gardens.
Leu Gardens is a place for
tourists.
I would go to Leu Gardens
more if it were closer to my
home.


i i + I I


4 + 4 + +










Section III: Demographics
Remember, your answers are completely confidential, so please answer all questions
honestly.

1. What is your gender?
Ll male [L female

2. How old are you?
O 18-29 O 60-69
O 30-39 O 70-79
O 40-49 L 80+
O 50-59


What is your annual household income?
under $9,999 OL
$10,000-29,999 O
$30,000-49,999 O
$50,000-69,999 O

What is the highest level of education you
1st-8th grade [
9th-12th grade, but no diploma [
High school diploma [-
Two-year degree


$70,000-89,999
$90,000-99,999
$100,000-499,999
$500,000 and over

have achieved?
Bachelor degree
Master degree
Doctorate degree


5. Are you a resident of Orange County?
L Yes L No

Section IV: Open-ended Questions
Please answer these two questions to help us understand your point of view better.

1. If you do not visit botanic gardens, why don't you visit?



2. What could botanic gardens do to make you more likely to visit, or would make
you visit more often?


3. Any additional comments?















APPENDIX D
GROUPS AND EVENTS SURVEYED FOR GARDEN VISITATION FACTORS
AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICANS

Organizations

> Metropolitan Orlando Urban League
SWells' Built Museum of African-American History in Orlando, FL
> St. Mark AME Church in Orlando, FL

Events

SDr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Commemorative Luncheon in Orlando, FL
> Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Parade in Orlando, FL
> Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Festival in Orlando, FL
> Unity Heritage Festival in Winter Park, FL
> Zora Neale Hurston Festival in Eatonville, FL
SJazz concert at Wells' Built Museum of African-American History in Orlando, FL
> Orange County Youth Tackle Football Super Bowl



















APPENDIX E
LIMITATIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

Because no previous research has been done on this topic, I have included this list

of suggestions for future research based on what I learned in my own research.

SFuture ethnic displays should be well marked. Many visitors missed the

African-American display who would have enjoyed it because there were

insufficient signs.

SActual changes in attitude or visitation by minorities as a result of ethnic

displays should be measured.

SSince most botanic gardens have almost no African-American visitors,

researchers may want to coordinate a group of African-Americans who

would agree to come to the garden to analyze the display.

SMany respondents suggested that lack of advertising was an issue in

visitation. Future research should analyze what marketing methods are

typically used by botanic gardens, and their effectiveness in reaching

minority groups.

SPrograms and events were frequently mentioned as methods of attracting

minority groups. Future research may investigate if there is more diversity

among event attendees than among garden visitors on a non-event day.






79


The only surveys successfully returned were ones distributed in person.

Mailed surveys will result in a very low response rate. The most effective

way to survey is to network and find contacts who will direct the researcher

to individuals, organizations, and events that will have the best response.
















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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Melissa Marie Steinhauer, daughter of David and Lise (Schmidt) Steinhauer, was

born July 21, 1982, in West Palm Beach, Florida. She entered Auburn University in

August 2000. While in high school, visits to public gardens resulted in a desire to one

day work in public gardens. This interest was cultivated in classes at Auburn and

confirmed in internships at Bellingrath Gardens and Callaway Gardens, where she

learned about some of the issues in managing public gardens. She graduated summa cum

laude as a University Honors Scholar from Auburn University in 2004 with a Bachelor of

Science in horticulture. To better prepare herself for management, she entered graduate

school at University of Florida in August 2004. After graduating, she will work in a

public garden in the Southeast United States.