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Verb-particle nominals in English

HIDE
 Title Page
 Dedication
 Acknowledgement
 Table of Contents
 List of Tables
 Abstract
 Introduction
 Review of literature
 Discussion of terms
 Historical perspective
 Verb/particle constructions
 Analysis
 Cross-linguistic analysis...
 Conclusion
 Appendix A: Verb-partical...
 Appendix B: Verb + particle:...
 Appendix C: Combined corpus of...
 Appendix D: Non-English examples...
 References
 Biographical sketch
University of Florida Institutional Repository

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VERB-PARTICLE NOMINALS IN ENGLISH By JANICE F. BRAGDON A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2006

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Copyright 2006 by Janice F. Bragdon

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To Molly, whose main desire in life was to be at my side (and lick the ice cream from my spoon)—As this work draws to a close, so doe s her sweet life. She deserves far more than these few short words in her honor for the fourteen-plus years of eternally wagging tail and bright eyes that she unfailingly gave, despite the fact that I often kept her up way past her bedtime as I typed away on one assi gnment or paper after another. She always lay contentedly at my feet wh erever they happened to be.

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iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This work would never have come into ex istence, nor would I have undertaken the challenge of returning to college to fini sh my undergraduate degree, and now my master’s degree, had not my manager and friend, Lucious Sumlar, encouraged me and held me accountable to set goals and work incrementally and purposefully toward them. I would not have been able to accomplish any of these goals had not my family, in particular my husband, encouraged me and b een willing to make whatever sacrifices necessary to enable me to attend cl asses and devote many hours to study. I am also indebted to the graduate pr ogram of the University of Florida for accepting me as a graduate student and for Dr. Caroline Wiltshire, in particular, for her assistance and encouragement in helping me make the transition from working-woman to student after a long hiatus from academia. Dr Diana Boxer’s invaluable counsel and the material presented in her class on graduate research also contribut ed immensely to an understanding of scholarly research and prepared the way for this work. Without the encouragement, faith in my abilit ies, and tireless assistance of Dr. Gary Miller, however, the idea for this work w ould have remained ungerminated. Dr. Miller sparked my interest in th e subject and challenged me, without pretension, to pursue beyond my level of expertise and assured me that I had a contribution to make. And, it is by God’s grace that I am sustained and enabled.

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v TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.................................................................................................iv LIST OF TABLES............................................................................................................vii ABSTRACT.....................................................................................................................vi ii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................1 1.1 Description of Topic...............................................................................................1 1.2 Methodology...........................................................................................................2 1.3 General Assumptions..............................................................................................3 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE.......................................................................................5 3 DISCUSSION OF TERMS..........................................................................................8 3.1 Deverbal nominals..................................................................................................8 3.2 Particles.................................................................................................................. .8 4 HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE..................................................................................11 4.1 Particles.................................................................................................................1 1 4.2 History of Verb/Particle Forms............................................................................12 5 VERB/PARTICLE CONSTRUCTIONS...................................................................16 5.1 Verb/Particle Combinations and Phrasal Verbs...................................................16 5.2 Verb-Particle Nominals........................................................................................18 5.2.1 Chronology.................................................................................................19 5.2.2 Speculation.................................................................................................20 5.2.3 Observation.................................................................................................20 6 ANALYSIS.................................................................................................................22 6.1 Review of Morphological Analysis......................................................................22 6.2 Syntactic Analysis................................................................................................27 6.2.1 Critical Distinctions....................................................................................27

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vi 6.2.2 Roepers Analysis.......................................................................................28 6.2.3 Expanded Analysis....................................................................................31 6.2.4 Other Considerations..................................................................................32 7 CROSS-LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF PARTICLES...............................................33 8 CONCLUSION...........................................................................................................37 APPENDIX A VERB-PARTICAL NOMINALS...............................................................................40 B VERB + PARTICLE: OFF ........................................................................................74 C COMBINED CORPUS OF VE RB/PARTICLE CONSTRUCTIONS....................102 D NON-ENGLISH EXAMPLES OF VERB-PARTICLE NOMINALS.....................160 LIST OF REFERENCES.................................................................................................164 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...........................................................................................168

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vii LIST OF TABLES Table page 1-1 Chronology of significant cha nges from Old to Middle English..............................4 4-1 Morris’s ‘separ able’ Teutonic particles...................................................................15 5-1 Representative chronology of verb/particle combinations......................................21 7-1 Cross-linguisti c particle/verb examples...................................................................35 A-1 Verb-particle nominals with complements.............................................................40 A-2 Chronological listi ng of verb-particle nominals.....................................................42 B-1 Verb + OFF formations............................................................................................74 B-2 Chronological listing of particle OFF combinations...............................................76 C-1 Combined Corpus of Ve rb and Particle constructions...........................................103 D-1 Non-English examples of verb-particle nominals................................................160

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viii Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts VERB-PARTICLE NOMINALS IN ENGLISH By Janice F. Bragdon August 2006 Chair: D. Gary Miller Major Department: Linguistics Particles in English can appear to the right or left of a stem—verb, noun, or adjective—to produce a verbal, nominal, or adjectival constr uction. All of these patterns are productive in English (albeit with diach ronic variableness), but none occur without directional constraint in certain cases. For example, there is income (n.), come in (phrasal verb), but no to income (v.) or a come in (nominal). Since early Modern English one of the most productive patterns in English has been the verb-particle construction. Th e verb-particle verbal combination (e.g., run down, bring about, cast off, play on, bowl over blend in, come by, bounce back, dish up etc.), commonly called phrasal verbs is extremely productive with thousands of examples catalogued in stand-alone dictiona ries, receiving extensive scrutiny in the literature, seeking the explanation for their co mbinatorial constraints. The verb-particle nominal construction, on the other hand, although less common than the verbal counterpart, is still a fixture in both spoken and written E nglish today. But, while the

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ix verb-particle nominal is prevalent in English, it is almost non-existent in other Germanic languages such as Dutch, Swedish, and German. Two central issues of concern to linguists are (1) why particle s can appear to the right of the verb so productively in English, but not in other Germanic languages, and (2) what factors constrain which particle and ve rb combinations are possible. This paper focuses on the verb-particle nominal cons truction through a study of its historical development, a review of literature, a topograp hy of the subject, and an assemblage of a more comprehensive corpus in order to facil itate indepth and explanatory research in the future.

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1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Description of Topic Word formation processes in English are topics of ongoing scholarly investigation and debate, transversing and intertwining both morphological and syntac tical disciplines. One of these processes, nominalization, occu rs when nouns, or synt actic units functioning as noun phrases, are derived from some other kind of unit. This paper focuses on the particular process of nominaliza tion involved in a verb/particle1 combination where the particle appears to the right of the verb (hereafter called verb-particle nominals). Particles themselves are so familiar to Eng lish speakers that they are taken quite for granted and their complexity often overlooked, but resear ch has shown them to be intricate entities in scope and function. Why do both overpass and Passover exist? Why can we say income but not to income ? Are the differences syntactic, morphological, historical, or semantic, or some combinati on of factors? No study of particles in combination with other forms can succeed with out taking into account each of these areas as well as their unique indi vidual characteristics. The function of the particle in English gr ammatical relations is one of the least understood entities in linguistics. Although much research is focused on particle verbal combinations, a paucity of research exists concerning particle nomi nal formations. One of the difficulties encountered when examini ng particle nominal formations lies in the 1 Since verb and particle constructs can occur with the particle either preceding or following the base, I will use verb/particle combination to indicate either direction, and w ill use verb-particle or particle-verb to specify which direction.

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2 lack of a comprehensive corpus of examples. Because the particle appears to the right of the stem, alphabetical searches are virtually useless, or extremely time-consuming. The findings and observations of ma ny studies have taken far t oo few representative cases into account due to the difficulty in acce ssing a greater range of both synchronic and diachronic data. Even less focus has been devoted to the pa rticle in a cross-linguistic context. Roeper (1999:41) throws down the gauntlet for us to question why English alone among other Indo-European languages al lows the particle to productive ly incorporate to the right in a verb-particle nominal construction and suggests there is a “historical story [that] should be told.” To these ends this research aims to creat e a historical base and enlarge a relevant corpus so that current and future theories s eeking a more complete e xplanation of the role of particles in human language can be more accurately facilitated. By expanding the corpus of verb/particle nominals as a li nguistic laboratory, theo ries can be more extensively tested against diachronic and s ynchronic usage patterns, moving the science of linguistics closer to a unified theory of verb/particle relations. 1.2 Methodology The core of this research is aimed at th e development of a more complete history and corpus of verb-particle nominal cons tructions in English and other Germanic languages as well as to make this corpus available to linguists exploring particle constructions. My primary resources we re the OED and the MED (Middle English Dictionary). Additionally, I re viewed prior literature in or der to find more examples as well as to begin application of curre nt theories to expanded data.

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3 Obtaining undocumented examples of ve rb-particle nominals is challenging because search strings must truncate to the e nd of a word rather than its beginning. An alphabetical search is not possible in these cas es. Using current lists or dictionaries of phrasal verbs is only minimally helpful because they often do not identify nominal constructions. A search of entire corpus wo rks is essential, but a lengthy process. Therefore, utilizing the sear ch functions of the OED and the Middle English Dictionary (MED) online proved an optimum choice to bo th allow truncated searches and provide enough text to identify and pr ovide contextual analysis. 1.3 General Assumptions The limited scope of this paper preclude s delving into the existing analyses, sometimes conflicting, concerning the motivations for certain hi storical changes, such as VP movement in Old English, changes in pr imary word order from OV to VO, changes in case assignments, and loss of case markings Theories abound and theories change as more data is accessed, analyzed, and shared. Linguists generally agree that the loss of case-marking distinctions in English and the change in primary word order from OV to VO signaled profound changes in the language. In many instances loss of lexical case shifted the semantic workload to syntactic mechanisms. These changes came not all at once, but cascaded as one innovation motivated another. Such innovations undoubtedly affected word forms working variously in role s of prepositions and particles. Agreeing with Miller (2006), I orient my research w ithin his chronology (cf. Allen 1995) as shown in Table 1-1. Additionally, any comprehensive historical study of language change will consider all factors which contribute to the origin and change of formations over time, including, but not limited to, reanalysis, metathesis rebracketing, conversion, merging, and other

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4 processes fitting within generative frameworks of language. Sociolinguistic factors for language change also cannot be ignored in cases where community members may imitate prestigious speakers using a form with high fre quency in sufficient quantities so as to tip the scales toward adoption of new forms. However, no study of these processes can result in accurate analysis, especial ly as it applies to language change, without all of the relevant data, commensurate with a crime scen e investigation in which all of the evidence must be considered. This paper provides the investigator more of the necessary evidence than has been assembled in the past. Table 1-1. Chronology of significant ch anges from Old to Middle English Date Changes c12 Parameter setting switch to non-V-final. 1138 End of clitic movement in prose (Pet erborough Chronicle). Fixing of the verb in post-subject position doomed cli tic movement to that position. 1150 Obsolescence of locative pronoun movement with P-stranding: the productively generated type in there entailed lexical freezing of the Germanic type therein a1200 Generalization of P-stranding to WH operations. 1200 Consistent (regional) VO patterns in finite and non-finite clauses….a major innovation compared to the rest of Germanic where nonfinite clauses remain verb-final. Change of overt to covert Pincorporation (V -P reanalysis) P-stranded passives with nominative subject (replacing P-incorporated passives) Final loss of clitic pronoun movement. Loss of V2 in topicalization structures begins (as part of the fixing of SVO) 1230 Loss of dative/accusative case contrast Miller (2006 to appear)

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5 CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE Copious research has been devoted to the verbal combinations, especially the verbparticle verbal forms, informally called phrasal verbs (see Chapter 5.1). Much less research has focused on nominalization of the verb/particle combinations, despite the fact that the particle-verb nominal form has a long history. Particle-verb nominals were evident in Old English ( upspring c1000, uphold 1066), and Middle English (upbraid a1200, upbrixle c1200, uprist c1250, uprise a1300, upsty c1300, upcome 1375, aboutstand 1382, offcast 1387, onstead 1400). Only in Late Middle English to Early Modern English did the verb-particl e nominal form become evident ( gravup 1324, runabout 1377, lean-to 1453, sit-up 1483, startup 1517, passover 1530, runaway 1547, put by 1549, put off 1549, pass-by 1550, wind-up 1573, start-away 1578, hang-by 1579, pull-down 1588, stand-up 1590, hop-about 1593, Walkup 1595, sneakup 1596). Over time the particle-verb nominal construction has lessened in productivity, giving sway to the verb-particle nominal, wh ich has become a prolific nominal-generating phenomenon since Early Modern English. (See Appendix B, Tables B-1 and B-2, for a chronology of verbs combined with the particle off ). Adams (2001: 77) repo rts that the OED records nearly one hundred nouns ending in up over seventy ending in out and around fifty in off since 1800. Despite the history and apparent pro ductivity of the verb-particle nominal construction, most linguists devote only a few paragraphs or pages (i f any) to discussion of the verb-particle nominal construction, with few exceptions (cf. Lindelf 1938, Berg

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6 1998, Roeper 1999). Fraser (1976:2 7), in fact, in his mere two-page coverage of verbparticle nominalizations, dec lines outright to even discu ss the phenomenon, deferring to derivational approaches done by Chomsky (1968) and (1968). Instead, he raises questions that indicate the d earth of knowledge about them, e.g., he asks, “Given some verb/particle combination, how can we predict that it may occur as a nominalization…given a verb, does it comb ine with any particle? And, if the combination does occur as a nominalization, can we predict its interpre tation?” He notes, “relatively few of the verb/particle combinations occur as nominalizations and those which do provide little basis on which to genera lize.” The questions he raises are not yet satisfactorily unanswered. Perhaps the absence in the li terature devoted to verb-par ticle nominals results from the more prolific occurrence of the verb/parti cle verbal constructs, or perhaps the verbal constructs in general are cons idered more diverse or comp lex—therefore more intriguing or warranting of research. Perhaps, since some linguists consider that verb/particle nominals derive in some fashion from the verbal structures (cf. Marchand 1969), they assume an understanding of verb/particle nominal forms will automatically follow from knowledge of the verbal (which may be at leas t partially valid). This theory would also need, however, to account for the fact that so me verb-particle nomina ls have obscure, if any, relationship to a corres ponding verb-particle verb (e.g., cookoff bakeoff makeup, faceup (‘fight’), ton-up (‘speed of 100 miles per hour’, frame up, cut up) Most verb-particle nominals, however, do sh are the same lexical form and order as the verb-particle verb al correlate and many do have a semantic relationship. No doubt, a

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7 careful consideration of ve rb/particle nominals would not be complete without understanding their possible rela tionships with the seemingly related other forms.

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8 CHAPTER 3 DISCUSSION OF TERMS 3.1 Deverbal nominals Derived nominals, from adjectives or ve rbs, are particularly common in English, called deadjectivals or deverbals respectively: 1. sad sadness 2. act action and actor Nominalization may also occur by incorporation of a particle to the left or right of a base (noun, verb, or adjective) although the rightward configuration currently produces more verbals than nominals or adjectivals. 3. hold up your hands/there was a hold-up at the bank 4. run away from the problem/he is a runaway 5. take out the trash/let’s order takeout tonight 6. update your calendar/an update of the situation 3.2 Particles The grammatical term particle has stood for many entities over the years. From the OED we find that in 1924 Jespersen ( Philos. Gram. 87) states, “I therefore propose to revert to the old terminology by which these four classes [ sc. adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions, and interjections] are treated as one called ‘particles’. A 1965 entry indicates that particle could mean, not only prepositions, articles, indefinite pronouns, etc., but also prefixes, suffi xes and inflectional endings. As late as 1991 there was the idea that in certain cases, the particle is a sentence final marker serving to specify the speaker’s assertion of the conten t of the entire sentence.

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9 The entry for particle in the Concise Oxford Dictionary of Linquistics reveals how multipurpose a term it is: Used of divers classes of uninflected words in divers languages. Usually of words that are short, sometimes, though not always clitic, and generally not falling easily under any of the traditional parts of speech. … Used by e.g., C. F. Hockett in the 1950s of all forms that do not take infl ections. Also by Jesperson of all the elements, e.g., in English traditionally called adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions, and interjections. Thence, specifically in English, of the second element of a phrasal verb: e.g., up in I picked it up (Particle) Therefore, when discussing pa rticles, linguists r ecognize that qualification must be given so that their read ers find congruence. Emonds (1972, 1976) calls the English pa rticles shown in (3), below, intransitive prepositions 7. John looked (up) the information (up). Jackendoff (1977) includes particles within the same category of prepositions and postpositions, the former intransitive and th e others transitive. den Dikken (1995:29) agrees that particles are pre positional in nature and “obviously intran sitive in the sense that they take no more than a single argumen t”, but that particles can also differ from intransitive prepositions b ecause (in some languages like Dutch) particles can freely incorporate into a verb cluster, while in transitive prepositions often do not, as he illustrates in the Dutch examples (4-5), below: 8. dat Jan (boven) wil (*boven) wonen. 9. that Jan (upstairs) wa nts (*upstairs) live. 10. dat Jan (boven) wil (boven) komen. 11. that Jan (upstairs) wa nts (upstairs) come. den Dikken suggests that an aspectual differenc e may trigger the incompatibility in these cases. Essentially he consider s that possibly all particles ar e heads of complement small clauses (SC) and of the “class of non-Ca se-assigning, argument-taking prepositional

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10 elements.” Adams (2001:71) consider particle s, when initial elements of a compound, to have much in common with prefixes, in that while “semantically distinct from their independent homonyms, occur produ ctively in a series of items… out in verbs, and over and under in verbs, adjectives, a nd deverbal and deadjectival nouns.” Miller (2006 to appear) accepts that prepositions are the cas e-assigning counterparts of particles and “preverbs (verbal prefixes) encompass both prepositions and particles.” What becomes clear is that particles function in varied a nd complex ways and wield significant influence on word-formation processes, the depths of wh ich have yet to be fully plumbed. This paper limits its scope to the role of the part icle to the right of a verb base in nominal formations, but cannot ignore the broader scop e of the particle/pre position (or P-word) field in general. Particle forms commonly involved in the ve rb-particle nominal configurations are about, around, back, by, down, for, in, off, on, out, over, through (thru), to, up, and with Such forms can be prepositional or adverbial in the verb-particle verbal construction, but since the distinction is variable and sometimes obscure in verb-particle nominals, the term most often favored is particle Before making definitive claims about origins of right-hand particle nominals, it will be useful to both define and di achronically trace their history, and then continue the work of analyzing their structure and origins both diachronically and synchronicall y. (A corpus of verb/parti cle combinations and other related forms can be reviewed in Appe ndix C, which, due to their volume and productivity, is necessarily a work in progress.)

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11 CHAPTER 4 HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 4.1 Particles Particles have perhaps one of the longest hi stories of any word form. In light of this, Dunkel (2003) feels strongly that: aside from its own inherent interest, the study of the particles can have [far reaching] implications... Particles are a known repository of archaic features, preserved due to their extraparadigmatic nature. That is: a priori one can expect to learn more about historical morphol ogy from the study of the so-called ‘indeclinables’ (actually frozen forms) than from that of living paradigms (actually hotbeds of analogy and innovation). The study of the particles has already enabled breakthroughs in problematic areas for which the indeclinabilia had never been considered in the slightest degree relevan t; more of the same is to be expected on the basis of the Gesamtmaterial. In the beginning was the particle? Actuall y, that might not be far from the truth. According to a 1982 study by Dedre Gentne r, in many languages nouns are learned before verbs, and in some cases the first relational predicate s poken by the children was down (at 13 or 14 months of age), followed by th e first true verbs (at 16 and 20 months). In other words, particles like down and up are verb-like predicates. Indeed their closeness to verbal function becoming evid ent as some linguists (Miller, to appear) explore the condition that at l east some of the particles or iginate in func tional phrases (vP). Morris (1886), under his chapte r on derivation and formati on gives us a list of the forms he refers to as inseparabl e and separable Teutonic particles: Inseparable : A or of (OE: , on, t, at, ge, y, -and,-anda ), be or by (OE: be, bi, big ), for (OE: for ; Goth. faur, fair, fra ; Lat. per ), fore gain I or Y mis-, nether (OE: nither ), sand (OE: sam ‘half’), to (Lat. dis), un, wan (OE: wan ), and with

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12 Separable : after (c885, OE: ft, fter eft ‘again’ ) all (c800) forth (c1000) fro or from (874, OE: fram ; ON: fra ) in (c700, OE: in, inn) of or off, (658) on, out or ut (OE : t ) over (OE: ofer ) thorough or through (OE: thurh thuruh ) under, and up (888) The ones Morris refers to as ‘separable’ are the ones we find most of ten occurring in the verb/particle combinations, and which are so named, quite obviously, because they can also exist independently Some examples of separable particles that Morris provides from these particles are seen in Table 4-1. It should be noted that the origin dates shown in Table 4-1 are merely recorded instances provided in the OED, not necessarily the actual date of their origin. 4.2 History of Verb/Particle Forms When and how did verb/particle combinati ons occur? Early opinion held (Whitney 1867) that “prepositions were once adverbial pr efixes to the verb, serving to point out more clearly the direction of th e verbal action: by degrees th ey detached themselves from the verb and came to belong to the noun, furt hering the disappearance of its case-endings, and assuming their office. The oldest prepos itions can be traced to pronominal roots; others are from verbal roots.” Curme (1914: 320) discusses the “gra dual shifting of usage in the early English from the verb with inse parable prefix to the combination where the particle or so-called separable prefix fo llows the verb in the sentence.” Marchand (1951:101-02), in a study of syntactic change involving loss of inflections in English, notes (referring to verb-particle verbals) ther e is a “tendency to turn prepositions which belong to substantives into a constituent part of the verb (referring to phrasal verbs)… bow to look after send for etc…which leads to the passive constructions he was bowed to he was looked after he was sent for .” Based upon this, Marchand dates the origins of the phrasal verb process to Early Middle English because he notes, “the passive

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13 type he was sent for occurs as early as 1300.” Th e OED lists an entry for verbal pull off as early as c1000, as well as get up (1154) and look up (c1200), so it would seem that the phrasal verb process may have had an ear lier origin than Marchand supposes. Additionally, since off and up in these combinations do not seem to function as prepositions, it appears that de riving phrasal verbs from passi ve constructions falls short of a comprehensive explanation. Oddly enough, Morris (1886), in his comprehensive work on the history and development of the English language and word formation, does not even discuss the verb/particle construction per se, even though ex amples of both verb -particle ve rbals and verb-particle nominals by that time were numerous. As illustrated by Morris’s examples (and dictionaries are replete with other nineteenth century exam ples) particles, even in his day, entered into relationships with other fo rms rather freely, resulting in verbs, nouns, and adjectives. Kennedy (1967) in his study of verb-adverb combinations2 traces the transition from inseparable prefixes (which were more prevalent in Old English (e.g., ofteah forgeaf onsendon forscrifen becom onleac etc.) than verbs with separable modifiers (e.g., up ahafen for gewat, ut scufon up … stigon gewitap for ) to the increasing appearance of the separable varieties. It is Kennedy’s opinion that had it not been for the influx into English of a multitude of Roma nce verbs with inseparable prefixes, the development of the English ve rb-particle combinations w ould have been even more rapid. He reasons this based on the idea that during the Middle English period, the 2 Kennedy calls about, across, around, at, by, down, for, in, off, on, out, over, thru, to, up and with adverbial particles.

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14 native, or Teutonic, forms, which compose th e verb-particle combinations, were viewed more as the language of the street and were not as esteemed in formal literature, but were, rather, relegated for dialog. If this view is correct, it is not su rprising that the verbparticle combinations appear more fre quently in Elizabethan comedies. Such combinations did, however, appear in the mo re dignified Biblical version of 1611 (known as the Authorized King James Version ), but were usually those th at were to be taken more literally; e.g., enter in fill up pluck out root up, foam out build up lay by etc. Evidence of the conservatism of the aut hors of the 1611 Bible edition, as regards the inclusion of particle forms, can be found in a margin note in a early twentieth century King James Version edition (Schofield 1917).3. I Corinthians 14:36 in the 1917 edition reads, “What? came the word of God out from you? or came it unto you only?” The margin note in this edition states that in the original there was no out only from The editors of this edition apparently felt the meaning would be rendered clearer to their current audience by the additional of the partic le, indicating the use of the particle in semantic rendering and also the acceptance of the verb-particle form into the.grammar of the English language. 4 Some of the more recent editi ons and revisions, however, that seek to render the Bible in even more m odern vernacular, either omit the particle out in this passage, or substitute another word. The New King James Bible (1979, 1985) translate that same passage “Or did the word of God come originally from you?…”, replacing out with a different word entirely. The Revised Standard Version (1977) reads “What! Did the word of G od originate with you,…” The Amplified Bible (1958, 1987) 3 This is not a revision in the sense of using differe nt source documents, but what purports to be essentially the same King James Version of 1611 with only minor lexical or grammatical updates similar to this type. 4 It would be interesting to learn exactly when the out was added. A Scofield KJV edition of 1917 also includes the word out in I Corinthians 14:36.

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15 reads similarly “What! Did the word of the Lord originate with you …” It seems that out has fallen from grace in the eyes of many editors but possibly due to the greater semantic specificity of the non-particle choice to narrow the scope of their interpretation. Table 4-1. Morris’s ‘separ able’ Teutonic particles Particle Word formations after eft-soons (c1000), after-growth aftermath (1523), after-dinner afterspring (1583). This formation rema ins very productive; the OED lists 200+ of them. all all-mighty (c890, OE: ealmihti es ) all-wise This formation likewise remains productive, but rarely fo rming deverbal nominatives. [NOTE: Morris considers all a particle, but modern linguists do not.] forth forth-coming (1533), forthgoing (1382), cf. forthgang (c900) fro, from fromward (c888), forward (a1300) in income (a1300), inwit (a1225), ‘conscience’, inland (904), insight (c1200), inborn (1000), inbred (a1592), instep (1530), inward (adj. c888, n. c1000), inlay v. (1596, n. 1656), infold (1578) of, off offal (v. OE, n. 1398), offset (n. 1555, v. 1673), offscum (1579), offspring (OE), athirst (a1000, OE: of-thyrst ) on onset (v. eOE, n. 1423), onslay (v. eOE) onslaught (1625), onward (1496) out, ut outbud outpour outroot outbreathe outbreak outcast outside outpost outlaw utter and utmost over (forming substantives and adjectives): overcoat overflow overjoy overpoise overbig overcold over-curious (OE: overhand) over (forming verbs): overflow overfly overgild overhang overspread overthrow overburden overbuild overdry overdrunk overcarry overfatigued overhear overlook overuse through, thorough thorough-fare thoroughbred through-train under: (verbal) undergo understand undertake underlet undersell underprize under: (forming substantives): undergrowth underwood up: (forming substantives): upland upstart upshot up: (forming adjectives): upright upward up: (forming verbs): upbear upbraid (OE: obraide ), uphold upset

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16 CHAPTER 5 VERB/PARTICLE CONSTRUCTIONS 5.1 Verb/Particle Combinations and Phrasal Verbs Even though the focus of this paper is verb-particle nominal constructions, verb and particle verbal constructions must be taken into account as well because of their precedence historically, chronologically, a nd constructively (in many cases). Verbparticle verbal constructions (e.g ., the river overflowed its banks, they outlawed the event, they put out the fire, she sang along with me ) are known variously as particle verbs verb/particle combinations These constructions are of interest to syntacticians and morphologists due to their abundance in E nglish and also their intriguing chameleonlike resemblance to phrases, small clauses, and/or complex words (compounds). The verb-particle verbals, often informally referred to as phrasal verbs or separable verbs have received particular attention in the literature (Hiltunen 1983, Kayne 1985, den Dikken 1995, Baker 1997, Jackendoff 2002, Gries 1999, 2003, Deh and Jackendoff, et al. 2002, to name only a few). In fact, verb-particle combinations are so prevalent in presen t-day English that it has become useful to devote separate di ctionaries and web sites to them. The Oxford Dictionary of Phrasal Verbs (Cowie and Mackin 1993) boasts of over 11,000 entries. (Interestingly, of its 517 pages, only four pages (514 to 517) are devoted to an index of ‘nominalized’ forms.) The Longman Phrasal Verb Dictionary 2nd Ed. (Longman 2000) lists over 5,000 entries. Some others are:

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17 The Ultimate Phrasal Verb Book (Hart 1999), for ESL and EFL students, offers over “400 phrasal verbs, dozens of nouns, and dozens of adjectives” The American Heritage Dictionary of Phrasal Verbs (2005) “lists and defines thousands of phrasal verbs” Cambridge International Dictionary of Phrasal Verbs (1998) reports to provide “clear and simple explanati ons of 6,000 phrasal verbs cu rrent in British, American and Australian English today, along with t housands of example sentences showing phrasal verbs used in typical contexts.” McGraw-Hill’s Dictionary of Amer ican Idioms and Phrasal Verbs (2005) touts over 24,000 entries, but not all are phrasal verbs per se. English Phrasal Verbs in Use (2004) references over 1000 “useful and frequent” phrasal verbs This is not an exhaustive list, but does serve to show the ubiquity of the phrasal verb construction in English. Additionally, a quick Google search us ing the search term ‘dictionary of phrasal verbs’ results in web access to numerous interactive web sites for instructional and informational purposes (some with games) authored by both private and educational concerns, many of which ar e designed for ESL or EFL students. Verb-particle verbal forms do indeed predat e verb-particle nominals. According to my research, the first verb-particle nominals appear quite a bit later than the verbal constructions: lean-to (1453), sit-up (1483), runaway (1547). Were verb-particle verbals, therefore, a possible influencing factor in the form ation of verb-particle nominals as some suggest? Or are there other triggering influences? The agentive participialparticle nominal, e.g., looker about (1382), bringer out (1386), lookers up (1400), finder up (1430), bringer up (1529), etc. might also be considered. Chronologically, these forms appear alongside the early verb-particle nominals and bear a similar agen tive feature, however, they a ppear to replace each other. There is never a look about (although there is a look-out ), and no bring-out look-up

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18 find-up or bring-up Forms of the type looker up are not productive today. There may be value in examining these formati ons and their diachroni c transformation in parallel fashion so as to rev eal the mechanisms of change. 5.2 Verb-Particle Nominals Scholarly literature on the verb-particl e nominal construct is comparatively nonexistent. To date there appears to be no pub lished comprehensive corpus of verb-particle nominals, only a few short lists mentione d in other work (cf. Kennedy 1967, Fraser 1976). Berg (1998) mentions a self-compiled co unt from a search of four dictionaries, which yielded 313 verb-particle nominals and 118 verb-particle adjectives. He found only 65 particle-verb nominals and 19 particle -verb adjectives, but does not explain the imbalance nor provide dates of origin for a ny of his examples, nor does he provide his sources. In my search for examples of verb-particle nominals using the OED and MED as primary sources, I realize the difficulty in cataloging a corpus of this form since alphabetical searches are relatively useless. Backward and rhyming dictionaries can be useful in identifying verb + particle forms, but most do not provide sufficient contextual information to ascertain grammatical function. Kennedy (1967) in Modern English Verb-Adverb Combination devotes a mere 2.5 out of 51 pages to the verb-particle nominal. He considers the verb-particle nominals little more than an ongoing tendency “on the part of speakers of English today to utilize the … verb as a noun” (47). He notes that both verb-particle ve rbals and nominals develop differences in accent, form, and m eaning and show “marked divergences from the verbs originating them.” He tends to lu mp both formations together as a strong and “growing tendency in English” with “merits and weaknesses” (40) —the merits being creative expression, but the weaknesses bei ng an over reliance on simple, one-syllable

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19 words of primarily Teutonic origin, princi pally the practice of the “common, relatively uneducated, mind” (40)—in other words pure sl ang in his opinion. Obviously Kennedy’s is a prescriptivist viewpoint, but evidence does seem to indicate that the verb-particle nominal construction’s utilization occurs more often in informal settings. Analysis of verb-particle verbal combinations has been extensively performed by less prescriptivistic minds (Kayne 1985, den Dikken 1995, Bake r 1997, Gries 1999, Jackendoff 2002, Deh and Jackendoff, et al. 2002, and many more), but the overwhelming bulk of the focus remains on the verb-particle verbal constructi on rather than the nominal. Verb-particle nominal combinations warrant a similar focus. 5.2.1 Chronology Upon chronological examination, it is evident that English initia lly exhibited only a left-hand nominal particle parameter, e.g., in nominals upspring (1000), uphold (1066), upbraid (1200), upbrixle obs. (1200), uprist (1250), uptie (1295), uprise (1300), upcome (1375), and in gerundials such as uprising (1250), downsitting (1340), upcovering (1300), about-standing (1340), about-writing (1349), and upspringing (1400). This condition is not surprising given that the inflectional system of Old English would have largely prohibited rightward incorporation of partic les, although in Old English sentences, a particle could appear before or following the verb to which it was related. Adams (2001:72) notes that in Old Eng lish particles often occurred before the verb, “especially in subordinate clauses and when th e verb had a non-finite form…, 1. si an ic up aweox ‘after I grew up’ (‘The Wife’s Lament’, 3) 2. w s se cyng inngongende to him ‘the king went (lit. was going) in to him’ (Bede 438.5). …But sometimes, especially in main and i ndependent clauses [they] followed the verb:

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20 3. wurpa hit ut on t water ‘throw it out on the water’ (Exodus 1:22); 4. ceorf of t lim ‘cut off that limb’ ( lfric Homilies, I.516.4).” 5.2.2 Speculation It may be tempting to speculate, as does Adams, that change in word order from non-verb final that took place between the Old English and late Middle English periods (c1200) precipitated the tendency for the particle to incorporat e to the right of the verb. In truth, as Miller (2006:31-30) suggests, language change is almost always motivated by multiple innovations: “The fixing of VO order per se would be insufficient to motivate verb-particle reanalysis … or every SVO language should ha ve it. Given den Dikken’s account of verb-particle reanal ysis, what the word order shift could motivate was the change from overt P-incorporati on to covert (abstract) P-inco rporation; i.e. verb-particle reanalysis.” Verb-particle reanalysis, in th is instance, refers to the P (preposition) losing its licensing and becoming ‘r eanalyzed’ as part of the verb. The chronology5 given in Table 5-1, based on examples of earliest record ed forms, supports the timeframe of this assumption. 5.2.3 Observation Whatever the cause, we do notice that ri ght-handed verb-partic le nominal forms begin to appear in English somewhat later th an left-handed forms. The earliest example I have been able to discover, albeit a debatable example, is graup meaning ‘a spade’ (c1300.?cp., from graven [v.] ‘to bury, dig, engrave’ pl us ‘up’, [adv.], MED). Another early example is renne-aboute ‘run-about’ (1377) used as a proper name, bind-with 5 Note that this list of first occurrences is repres entative of my current findings (see Appendix D for complete list), although continued s earching may find earlier occurrences.

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21 (1336), lean-to (1453), sit-up (1483), meaning ‘a surprise’, startup (1517), a kind of a boot, runaway (1547), and runabout (1549). (See Appendix A, Table A-2, for sources and contexts of verb-particle nominals). We see a slight increase in the verb-parti cle nominal constructions in the sixteenth century, but an exponential incr ease thereafter. As the verb-particle nominal forms increase, the particle-verb nominal forms noticeably decrease (see Table 5-1), although particle-verb nominalization rema ins a productive process, e.g., overkill (l957) and update (1967), into modern times. Particles to the right of bases forming verbal combinations (verb-particle verbals) do appear to occur considerably earlier than do verbparticle nominal combinations (1154 vs 1377), although, since the first recorded occurrence of the verb-particle nominal is a proper name, perhaps the more genuine firstoccurrence should be considered lean-to (1453). Table 5-1. Representative chronolo gy of verb/particle combinations Date Combination Type eOE onslay P-V verb OE of-fall P-V verb OE offspring P-V nominal 900 forthgang (forthgoing) P-Gerund 1000 upspring P-V nominal 1154 get up V-P verb 1377 Renne-about (runabout) V-P nominal (proper name) 1382 looker about V-P agentive 1387 passing forth Gerund-P 1430 upfinder P-V agentive 1453 lean-to V-P nominal 1485 sit-up ‘a surprise’ V-P nominal 1752 break up P-V adjectival passive

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22 CHAPTER 6 ANALYSIS 6.1 Review of Morphological Analysis Marchand (1969), considers verb/particle co mbinations to be a type of compound, but he makes a distinction betw een impersonal substantives (e.g., blackout 1913) and personal substantives (e.g., runabout 1549) and considers them to have different origins.6 He agrees with Lindelhof’s (1937:35) suggest ion that “the origin of this type ( runabout ) is perhaps to be found in imperative phrases” based on the fact that since the late Middle English period imperative words have appeared in proper names, e.g., Lovegold Makejoy Mendmarket Drinkwater Breakspear Shakespeare Shakestaff Hackblock Hurlbut Shakelance Scaredevil Lackland Trustgod Doolittle Cutright Golightly Playfair Treadaway Walkup Drinklow (Marston 1969:383-384). These imperative-type forms appear morphologically the same as runabout but differ from the type blackout ; however, may have played a role in populariz ing the verb-particle nominal form, making it more likely to be available and replicated in other locutions. However, even if this scenario is plau sible, the question remains why the verbparticle nominal constructions were available at all in Eng lish, since they are not (or at least very rare) in other I ndo-European languages (see Chapte r 7 for further discussion of verb/particle constructions in Du tch, Danish, Swedish, and German). 6 Today they are usually called event vs. entity nominals.

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23 Marchand (1969:39-42) mentions verb-parti cle nominals briefly by attempting a rough typology, assigning them as either person al or impersonal agent denotations or imperative formatives. Berg (1998) tends to agree, along with Lindelf (1938), Marchand (1969:382ff), and Hunter (1947), that verb-particl e nouns and adjectives are generally derived from verb-particle verbs, but notes that unexplained gaps exist in parallel derivation. Cowie & Mackin (1993) note, in their dic tionary of phrasal verbs, that certain pertinent nouns have no obvious relationship to phrasal verbs. However, the example they use is mock-up Their claim is that the noun mockup does not come from the verb to mock up The earliest date of the verb to mock is c1439 (OED) with a sense of ‘to deceive or impose upon; to delude, befool; to tantalize, disappoint.’ Even as early as 1595 to mock could have the sense of ‘to simulate, make a pretence of ‘. In 1914 the phrasal verb to mock up was being used to give the sens e of ‘to produce a mock-up of; to make as a replica or imitation, esp. for temporary show; to contrive, improvise.’ According to the OED, the first recorded use of the noun mockup was 1920. Based on these dates, a verbal orig in is highly probable, gi ving further evidence that a comprehensive corpus may alleviate premature conclusions in theory. If the verb-particle nouns (and adjectives) are deverbal in nature, the verbal forms would be expected to have appeared earlier, and for the most part this is borne out by searching chronologies of word origins in the OED (see Appendices A-E for examples). Other examples exist, however, that are not so clear, especially when the order of the verb and particle is mainta ined. For example, the noun income has no corresponding verb to income, and the verb to go on has no counterpart nominal go-on ; and reverse

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24 orders produce the verb to come in but do not yield a verb to on go Berg (1998:259) concludes that there were “v arying degrees of compatibility between lexical classes and morphological orders in English. While the st em-particle order fits more naturally the class of verbs, the particle stem order associ ates more easily with nouns and adjectives.” He bases his conclusion in part upon the diach ronic empirical observation that life spans of the particular word order types “bore out the prediction that the stable patterns persist while the unstable ones tend to disappear”, thereby explaining what he deemed “systematic lexical gaps.” While his observations may be valid, they offer no explanation of how and what kinds of orde rs for nouns, verbs, and adjective particle combinations can grammatically occur and why. So what are the systems at work that produce or constrain these combinations? Berg (1998) maintains that sometimes inversi on seems to play a role (the upsurge/*to upsurge), sometimes conversion (zero deriva tion) (the overhaul/*to haul over), sometimes neither. Zero derivation, or conve rsion, i.e. verb-to-noun functional shift, is very common in Modern English, e.g., stone (v.) = ‘throw stone s (n.) at.’ Many, perhaps most, verb-particle nominals seem to have been “zero” derived from corresponding verb-particle verbals, e.g., take out (v.) = ‘to take out something from somewhere’ vs. take-out (n.) “something that is taken out (of something)’. But this analogy is weak in some other examples, e.g., make up (v.) ‘to make up (make peace) with someone vs. make-up (n.) ‘cosmetics, or substance applied to improve or change appearance’, and put in (v.) ‘to put in something, or to put (something) in something’ vs. put-in (n.) ‘one’s affair, an annoyance, inconvenience, or interference.’

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25 Adams (2001) considers verb + particle combinations to be phrases and nominalizations related to them to be untypical complex words—untypical because the right-hand element is not clearly the head. Such is one of the problems that linguists have with verb-particle nominals if they maintain the inviolability of a right-hand head rule applying to compound formations (Williams 1981) and treat verb-particle nominals as strictly lexical and not c onsider their phrasal characteri stics. Miller (2006), agreeing with Baker (2003: 303ff), takes adpositions (inc luding particles) to be a functional as well as lexical category; i.e., a ‘ hybrid,’ thus the hybrid nature of the combination can likely be presumed from the unique character istics of their particle member. Plag (2003: 143) also notices that combin ations involving prepositions (particles), “should not be analyzed as compounds” becau se, again, they do not always follow the reputed right-hand head ru le for compounds (e.g., input ). He agrees with Berg that verbparticle nominal combinations were mo st likely derived by inversion as in … 1. load down download 2. come in income 3. put in input 4. built in inbuilt … or by a process of conversion: 5. to break dwn VERB a brakdown NOUN 6. to push p VERB a psh-up NOUN 7. to rip ff VERB a rp-off NOUN But these observations only reveal different processes; they offer no explanation for why there is no *to off rip, *to income, or *to inbuild. Part of the gap in the data may be a result of obsolescence of prior forms. As I have shown, the verb-particle verbals originate chronologically before the nominals, although occasionally the dire ction is reversed, e.g., roustabout (n.) (1868) ‘a wharf

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26 laborer or deck hand’, which may have emerged from roust (1513) ‘to shout, bellow, roar, or to make a loud noise’, (or roust (1658) ‘to rout out; to rous e or stir up, to raise or arouse’) plus about From the verb-particle nominal roustabout came the denominal unergative roustabout (v.) (1907) ‘to work as a rousta bout.’ But sometimes the verbparticle nominal has no verbal counterpart, e.g., bangup, beer up, set-to, hoedown7, or spin out. Often identical forms have no sema ntic relation, e.g., the verbal get up meaning ‘to rise, raise oneself’, (cf. He got up / He got himself up ) and the nominal get-up (a style of equipment or costume). To add to the equation, sometimes the origin form has become obsolete, thus cloaki ng the analysis; e.g., the noun insight has no corresponding phrasal verb to see in or to in see but to insee (c1315) did exist at one time, and the surviving noun is alive and well. Additionally, some forms may arise due to analogy with no direct morphological or syntactic involvement. For example, th e OED reports an occurrence of the word offprint which gives a clue as to how it originated: 1885 W. W. SKEAT in Academy 22 Aug. 121 Various terms, such as ‘deprint’, ‘exprint’, etc., have been proposed to denote a separately-printed copy of a pamphlet... By comparison with ‘offshoot’ I think we might use ‘ offprint ’ with some hope of expressing what is meant. Offprint could not morphologically or s yntactically be comparable to offshoot (1674), yet it sounded right to its inventor and entered into the language anyway. Offshoot originally meant ‘something that shoots off or emanates; an emanation.’ While this exact meaning is now obsolete, it is seman tically related to the more current sense of ‘a collateral branch of or descendant from a particular family, race, or people; something which originated or developed from something else; side shoot or branch springing from the 7 See Appendix B (or D) which shows hoedown (1849) derives from the act of ‘hoeing”.

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27 trunk or other part of a plant; a lateral shoot; or a lateral branch projecting from the main part of a material thing, as a nerve trunk, road, mountain, etc.’ There are exceptions to every rule, of course, even grammatical one s, and this example of word origin may merely be one of them. 6.2 Syntactic Analysis 6.2.1 Critical Distinctions In order to unravel the complexities of verb and particle nominal formations, linguists have considered syntac tic processes in light of an antisymmetry analysis (Kayne 1994) and minimalist phrase structure constraint s. Some linguists have posited that the origin of right-hand nominal particles must be related to their presence in verbal structures like look up the information (Roeper 1999), whereas others believe that complex words are not formed from phrases (cf. the no-phrase constraint8, (CarstairsMcCarthy 1992: 99f), although that constraint may not be abso lute (cf. Harris 2002). But as Valerie Adams (2001:3) admits, the distin ction between phrase and complex word is not always so clear: With the phrasal verb to change over the criteria for syntact ic head are decisive: ‘ changing over ’ is a kind of ‘changing’, and the left-hand element, the verb, is the head. In the related nominal expression change-over the particle has one claim to headhood in that, being on the right, it nece ssarily carries any inflection…Similar expressions whose first elem ents are suffixed nouns, like runner up and telling off are more obviously intermediate between phrase and word: phrase-like in that plural s can regularly intervene between the tw o elements, attaching to the verbal head, but word-like in that nothing else can. The obscurity might be cleared if we consid er that there is no need to pick only one head! These distinctions are vacuous in a s yntactic analysis which considers everything 8 It is widely suggested in the literature that words are ba sed on words, roots, or stems, but not on phrases. Constraint proposed by Botha (1983) which says that root compounds may not contain syntactic phrases.

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28 to be a head of something. This emphasis will become more prominent when we consider Roeper’s (1999 ) analysis below. Similarities do exist between verb-particle verbals and nominals: usually the verb element is one syllable and both share most of the same particle forms (except the particle at seems to be used only in verbal formations). Both can be transitive or intransitive (in the sense of re quiring a complement or not): 8. nominals: an upbraid of his friends (transitive) …as if I were some runaway (intransitive) 9. verbals: wear out your shoes (transitive) break out in a rash (intransitive) While it appears at first glance that both can be interrupted by another word… 10. nominals: pick-me -up, hand-me -down 11. verbals: start it up, turn it/the book over …in reality, the V-X-P nominals are frozen phrases and unpro ductive, as evidenced by: 12. follow-up/*follow-me-up 13. getup/*get-me-up 14. breakdown/*break-me/it-down 6.2.2 Roeper’s Analysis Roeper (1999) looks at the empirical c ontrasts between particle-verb and verbparticle nominals (referring to them as leftward (e.g., outbreak ) and rightward (e.g., breakout ) respectively) to show th at the antisymmetrical arch itecture of phrase structure assumed in syntax may also operate in the lexicon, despite the appa rent contraindication entailed by the rightward verb-particle nominal s; i.e., all incorporat ion should occur to the left. In his analysis, Roeper makes four primary claims: 1. Leftward recursion ( re-over-reimbursement ) is possible, but not rightward (* follow-up-up /* sleep-over-over ). 2. Leftward-moved particles occupy a speci fier position, which c-commands a PP complement (‘the outbreak of disease ’) (Kayne 1994). Rightward-incorporated

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29 particles are REBRACKETED and fail to c-command a PP (* the handout of good examples ). 3. Head movement, by SUBSTITUTION, into a higher N-node allows feature-checking of an N-feature. Preposi ng turns a Verb into a Noun ( the disease breaks out /* the disease outbreaks/the outbreak ). Therefore, if another Nfeature is present, as in – er the derivation is blocked (* the outbreaker ). 4. Leftward-moved heads, which do not change category, are ADJOINED, and allow recursion, and – er (re-over-reimburse/re-over-reimburser) Based on these claims, Roeper conclude s that only prefixed particles ( outflow of funds ) allow complements, not suffixed ones (* carryout of food ) and that prefixed particles are non-agentive, or unaccusative ( outbreak of disease ), while suffixed ones are agentive ( lookout ‘one who looks out’, workout ‘someone works out/something worked out’). Occurrences like ‘br eakup of the marriage’ and ‘the workup of a solution’ are counter-examples to this hypothesis. Additional empirical evidence as show n in Appendix A, Table A-1, however, suggests that these conclusions may be inco mplete. Verb-particle nominals appeared with complements at least as early as the middle of the sixteenth century. Perhaps in their earlier stages verb-par ticle nominals did not occur with complements, but upon adoption into the language through common usag e, their function expanded due to their posited hybrid versatility. Lieb er (2005: 399f) also challenges the idea that verb-particle nominals do not take complements as a re flex of antisymmetry, claiming to have found on the web phrases like the carr yout of (X), the sleepover of (Y), and concludes, “It remains to be seen, then, if minimalist tr eatments of prefixed words are in any way illuminating.” Aware of occurrences like ‘buyout of CBS’ and ‘the blackout of the city’, Roeper (1999: 44) suggests that these are not true co mplements in these cases, rather “they are

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30 adjuncts like those found with agents.” Fo r example, one of Roeper’s ungrammatical examples, takeout of food upon oft-repeated appearance in my mind, now seems quite possible. I believe I could now easily say, “Let’s get a takeout of barbeque chicken tonight.” Regardless of how grammatical it sounds to me, Roeper’s reasoning would suggest that ‘of barbeque ch icken’ is actually an adjunct, not a complement of takeout In other words, the use of takeout in this sentence would imply that takeout is a ‘takeout (consisting of) barbeque chicken’, and is not a process nominal: Emeril’s cookout of steaks The evidence provided by numerous exam ples, however, suggests that at least some of the verb-particle nominals do take complements: put-offs of single persons (1549, wind-up of the world (1665), pulldowne of Antichrist (1588), turn-about of their own Clositers (1603), etc. (See Appendix A, Table A-1, for more.) Additional empirical evidence also calls into question Roeper’s claim that prefixed particles cannot result in nouns like outeater ‘one who eats out’ or outspeaker ‘one who speaks out’, because these sorts are attested ( indweller [1381] ‘one who dwells in [something/somewhere]’, outspeaker [1858-1967], and overachiever [1939] ‘one who achieves over [beyond] what is expected’). There is also undertaker [1382]; however, the historical meaning is unavailable to asce rtain whether the meani ng was ever ‘to take under [something]’, or ‘to take [something] under [or on]’. Such is th e baffling nature of particles over time—they can metamorphosize fr om their original intent and complicate systematic analysis. Another difficulty with Roeper’s analysis, and crucially one that may lead to more encompassing analyses, is found in his sec ond claim: that leftward-moved particles occupy a specifier position which c-commands a PP complement. If the particle has

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31 moved leftward ( break out outbreak ), where did the particle originate? If it originated in the complement position, then it must have left a trace, which would normally preclude anything else occupying the position. Roeper (1999: 58) allows for “the possibility of repeated insertion into the same position [a s] predicted by Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993)”, but even allowing this, it is only with the commandeering of abstract clitics, invisible affixes, abstract N-features rebracketing, and re-fillable positions that he is able to fit rightward (v erb-particle) nominals into the overall system of antisymmetry and admits that “it is not yet clear what in vites rebracketing (especially as this kind of rebracketing is not found in ot her languages)” (p. 62). The solving of this conundrum may lie in understanding wher e these particles originate. A closer look at the earliest verb-particl e nominals included in Appendix A, Table A-2, reveals that almost all of the early combinations involve intransitive verbs ( run, lean, sit, pass, start ) and particles which ar e arguably adverbial ( about, to, up, over, away ). When the verb-particles nominals begi n to appear with complements in the midsixteenth century, all of the ve rbs involved are transitive ( put, wind, pull, turn, draw, write, show, break, burn etc.). This observation does not in itself explain why the particle begins to appear to th e right of the verb, rather than the left, but is significant in providing investigative data co ntaining clues about their origins and complementation. 6.2.3 Expanded Analysis The above analyses all come short of satis factorily addressing the variable aspects of particles and the verbs with which they combine, including, but not limited to, where they originate in morphosyntactical terms. The most explanatory approach of how particle-verb nominal combinations func tion will need to challenge traditional preposition/particle typology and analyze th e characteristics of the different types of

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32 particles. Deh and Jackendoff, et al (2002) ha ve identified three diffe rent particle types, to which Rousseau (1995) and Miller (2003) have added two more. In this analysis, particles can be spatial, aspectual (trans itivizing, telic, non-trans itivizing), non-spatial, evaluative, or comparative. Miller (to app ear) considers that these differences account for different properties of the particles and gi ves evidence that they originate in different positions. The fact that particles may originate in different, sometimes functional positions, may lead to an ability to make predictions about both their syntactic and morphological behavior. 6.2.4 Other Considerations Not only may the properties of individua l particles play a role in their combinatorial capabilities, but also the prope rties of the verbs them selves. Additionally, some verb-particle nominal combinations may be blocked by synonomy, at least in certain circumstances. For example, why say that someone is a cheer-up if encourager already exists and conveys th e desired message, unless one wants to coin a phrase for novelty. The transition from nonce-word to accepted word is never guaranteed. Also, the viability of the combination may depend upon the attainment of a certain level of significance. For example: lift-off gained acceptability and prominence only in the space age. Without its popular and wide-spread semantic scenario, lift-off may not have become a familiar and accepted term. The ro le of sociolinguist factors in language change and development should not be ignore d. However, the syntactic process already existed by this time in English which ‘authorized ’ the formation of the type of word that lift-off represents. The real question becomes what process, or proce sses, ‘authorized’ the first verb-partical nominal configuration.

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33 CHAPTER 7 CROSS-LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF PARTICLES In a language universal model, analyses must also be able to account for their conclusions cross-linguisticall y, and at a minimum, with closely related languages. For English, a close relation is shared by othe r members of Germanic origin; e.g., Dutch, German, Danish, and Swedish. In all Germanic languages the particle can a ppear to the right of the verb in verbal combinations, but there are syntactic differe nces. While in English the particle can appear on either side of a direct object (unl ess it is a pronominal, then the particle must follow), in Swedish, the particle obligator ily precedes the nominal object. Table 7-1 provides prototypical particle-verb examples from English, Swedish, German, and Dutch. Deh and Jackendoff, et al. (2002) provide a cross-section of current research on the Germanic constructions of the phrasal ve rb type utilizing examples from chiefly Dutch, English, German and Swedish: 15. ring up throw away 16. ringa upp kasta bort (Swedish) 17. op belde, weg gooien (Dutch) 18. an rufen, weg werfen (German) From this superficial sketch of particle be havior in verbal cons tructions, it appears that Swedish bears the closest resemblance to particle arrangements in English. Unlike in English, however, verb-particle nominals in these languages are vi rtually non-existent, even though the particle can appear to the ri ght of the verb in each of them (although in different syntactic environments). It is tempting to predict from the observation that

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34 Swedish more closely resemble s English in the syntactic pos itioning of particles, that Swedish will also have the verb-particle nom inal combination. This prediction, however, is only partially borne out. Swedish, Danis h, and Dutch are found to have a very few of verb-particle nominal words and although Swedish seems to have more than the other two, I have been assured by native speaker linguists9 that the verb-particle nominal pattern is not at all productiv e in any of the languages. The earliest sample found in Swedish, slukkop (1536) ‘swallow up’, is obsolete in the lexicon, but does still appear as a proper name (a designation for Stockohlm’s castle). As the examples in Appendix D indicate, many of the forms are either now obsolete, remain as toponyms, and/or have become frozen. Interestingly, some of the or iginal particle-verb c onfigurations, exist now in a verb-particle configuration (and perhaps coexisted earlier): 19. kijkuit look.out uitkijk out.look DUTCH 20. kikut look.out utkik out.look SWEDISH No examples of a verb-particle nominal forma tion could be found in German at all. In fact, word borrowing of a verb-particle nominal from English into German necessitates a particle-verb reconfiguration: 21. fuck up ENGLISH upgefuckt GERMAN Crucially, there is currently an overwhelming preference for prefixing particles in nominal constructions in cl osely related non-English langu ages—and a historical and apparently absolute restriction in German (w ith some exceptions in Low German). 9 I am indebted to Gary Miller and Jules Gliesche for the acquisition of most of these examples, as well as to personal correspondence from Gunlg Josefsson, who suggested the Hjelmqvist resource, and Jan Terje Faarlund who provided critical insights and led me to Josefsson. Also, I am grateful to Stig Eliasson for information provided to Miller which was shared with me.

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35 Table 7-1. Cross-linguistic particle/verb examples Language Examples English John called up the girl. John called her up John called the girl up *John called up her. Swedish John skrev upp numret. ’ John wrote PART number.the’ John skrev numret upp John wrote number.the PART ’John wrote down the number.’ German In German, a (non-topicalized) part icle appears in a fixed position at the end of the clause, but preceding verbs in final position, if any. Thus, the particle and verb are separated by the V2 phenomenon in main clauses, but are adjacent in embedded clauses. John rief das Mdchen an ’John rang the girl up.’ *John an rief das Mdchen … da John das Mdchen an rief. *… da John rief das Mdchen an Dutch Similar to German, except that Dutch embedded clauses allow the optional interpolation of an auxiliary be tween the particle and the verb. John belde het meisje op *John op belde het meisje. …dat John het meisje wil op belde. …dat John het meisje op wil belde. Deh and Jackendoff, et al. (2002) In English out and up are two of the most productiv e particles in verb-particle nominals and both appear in the earliest Swedish examples slukkopp (1536) (swallow.up) and suput (1640), (drink.out), ‘drunkard’. Even if these verb-particle nominals were calques into Swedish, or simply a contact phenomenon, it seems that the verb-particle order was at least minimally available in earl ier Swedish. Conclusively, only in English did the form prolifer ate productively.

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36 There is no evidence for the verb-particle nominal in English before the loss of inflectional endings, and loss of these endings may account for the ease with which the particle could appear to the right of a verb in English. The availability of the verbparticle nominal innovation may subseque ntly have spread from English into Scandinavian areas, or have been a contact innovation. As evidence, there are placenames of the lookout type ( kikut [1896] ‘look out’) all ove r Scandinavia and the northwest mainland, including Dutch and Low German. Kikut ‘look out’ is the name of a lighthouse in Szczerin, Poland, and can also be a generic term for lighthouse in Polish. Perhaps the degree to which a language is infl ective correlates with the ability to host a verb-particle nominal construc tion productively. Further rese arch in this area will not only provide answers relating to particle constructions, but also will shed light on differences between English and the ot her Germanic languages in general.

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37 CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSION The particle is one of the least understood entities in English and the verb-particle nominal construction even more so. Collecti on and analysis of an expanded corpus of particle formations provide a necessary res ource to the investigation of any language’s grammatical construction. The filtering of past and emerging theories concerning particle function upon a broad array of examples wi ll lead ultimately to a weeding out of exceptions and leave a better understanding of general principles regarding universal grammatical relations. To this end my rese arch provides comprehensive data collection for the earliest appearances of verb-parti cle nominals in English, a chronological cataloguing of non-English examples and an ev er-growing corpus of English examples.. Previously, verb-particle no minals have received scan t coverage in linguistic research, and when they are considered, onl y a few examples have been utilized. The collection and analysis of a dditional examples may either substantiate or invalidate a posited theory, as evidenced by applying the new evidence to posited cases of verbparticle nominal complementation and s yntactic transformati on restrictions. The data that I have assembled also provi des insight into the origins of the verbparticle nominal construction, showing that ve rb-particle nominal co nstructions arise only after verb-particle verbal constructions were productively in the language, showing a high probability of derivation. It does appear that loss of inflections in English facilitated the ability for the particle to appear to the right of the verb; however, it is less certain that this

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38 was a causal factor due to the significant ti me gap between disappear ance of inflections and appearance of the first verb-particle nominals. I also show that verb-particle nominal fo rmations are complex entities and must be analyzed within a morphosyntactic, semantic, and sociolinguistic framework. Work that has begun in this area will be enhanced by cons idering more examples of historical and current usage. For instance, I show that th e earliest examples of verb-particle nominals were almost exclusively intransitive and th eir corresponding particles adverbial. Since large-scale parametric language changes build upon incremental changes reaching levels of semantic and numeric significance in a group of speakers, this is likely one in a series of changes that occurred in the process of th e switch from particle -verb to verb-particle preference and warrants fu rther linguist scrutiny. In looking at non-English examples of ve rb-particle nominals taken from Dutch, German, and Swedish, I have provided evid ence that the verb-particle nominal configuration is not (and probably never wa s) productive in clos ely related Germanic languages. Further research in cross-linguis ic verb-particle nominals constructions will likely result in greater unders tanding of differences and si milarities between Germanic languages and contribute ultimately to expa nding linguistic knowledge as it relates to parameters and universals. Future extension of this work would incl ude searching an expanded literary corpus of historical documents, including personal co rrespondence, to ascerta in more specific contexts of verb-particle nominal usage, to include types, locations and sociolinguistic status of speakers. Such work would comp lement morphosyntactic analysis in a search

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39 for language change rationale and contribute to a knowledge of how English works, both historically and potentially.

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40 APPENDIX A VERB-PARTICAL NOMINALS Table A-1 Verb-particle no minals with complements Date V-P Nom OED entry 1549 put-by 1628 FELTHAM Resolves Ser. II. lvi. (1647) 175 The cast of the eye, and the put-by of the turning hand 1549 put-off 1825 HONE Every-day Bk. I. 603 This delay..is occasioned by ‘laying to’ for ‘ put offs’ of single persons and parties, in Thames wherries. 1573 wind-up 1573 G. HARVEY Letter-bk. (Camden) 47 Whitch was the Epiphonema and as it were the windupal of that meting 1665 BUNYAN Holy Citie (1669) 266 This New Jerusalem shall be the wind-up of the world 1683 Greatn. Soul (1691) 56 So the wind-up of the whole will be this, They shall have like for like. 1588 pull-down 1588 R. BROWNE New Years Guift (1903) 34 Yet all theis were the pulldowne of Antichrist 1603 turn-about a 1603 T. CARTWRIGHT Confut. Rhem. N.T. (1618) 604 The Iesuites ignorant of their owne mystery of iniquity, and strangers as it were in the giddy turn-about of their owne Cloisters [a winding, a maze] 1660 turn-over 1895 G. W. E. RUSSELL in Forum (N.Y.) Oct. 160 No very sweeping change of opinionno very considerable turnover of votes 1697 draw-back 1697 LUTTRELL Brief Rel. IV. 200 For a drawback of the duty on exportation thereof. 1957 write-off 1752 BEAWES Lex Merc. Rediv. 363 No Money will be paid..without such a Draught, or what is called, a Write off 1957 Times Lit. Suppl. 20 Dec. 766/5 It is the point made earlier about the need for resources wherewith to make and replace the automation machines, the need for more rapid write-offs of those machines once installed, and the paralle l need to ‘pay’ the machines more than normal machines have hitherto been ‘paid’. 1776 show off 1776 S. J. PRATT Pupil of Pleas. II. 14 He allots to each of us such a share of fortune in our own hands as is sufficient to the display and shew-off of the natural disposition 1783 Liberal Opin. (ed. 3) Pref. 20 It appears to have been..the..effort of the author..to di splay the..inconsistencies of human opinion respecting Happiness; and, (after this shew off of folly delusion, and absurdity) [etc.]. 1776 show-off 1776 S. J. PRATT Pupil of Pleas. II. 14 He allots to each of us such a share of fortune in our own hands as is sufficient to the display and shew-off of the natural disposition 1795 break-up 1795 LD. AUCKLAND Corr. (1862) III. 292 The sudden break-up of Lord Fitzwilliam's Government in Ireland. 1826 cock-up MISS MITFORD Village Ser. II. (1863) 429 The cock-up of the nose which seems..to be snuffing up intelligence.

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41 Table A-1. Continued Date V-P Nom OED entry 1832 break down 1835 BROWNING Paracelsus III. 70 The break-down of my general aims 1856 smash-up 1890 S. W. BAKER Wild Beasts I. 16 A hollow bullet..is intended..to secure an expansion and smash-up of the lead upon impact with the animal 1879 burst-up 1879 Daily News 22 Sept. 2/1 A speedy burst-up of the whole agricultural system. 1903 burn-out 1903 Daily Chron. 29 June 7/5 It has been a burn-out of three floors and roof destroyed. 1913 blackout 1935 C. DAY LEWIS Time to Dance 55 The arctic winter and black-out of your dreams. 1935 split-off 1964 New Statesman 14 Feb. 248/1 The split-off of science into a separate culture. 1967 fry-up 1967 ‘M. ERSKINE’ Case with Three Husbands vii. 96 The two men decided finally on a mixed grill..and a fry-up of cold potatoes. 1995 botch-up 1995 Daily Mirror 23 Feb. 30/2 Be patient when you see so many people making a botch-up of things that you can do standing on your head.

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42Table A-2 Chronological listing of verb-particle nominals DATE ENTRY PART. USAGE SOURCE 1324 gravup -up 1324 grv-up (n.) [?Cp. grven & up adv.] ?A spade. (1324) Sacrist R.Ely 2 46: Item Granup [?read: Grauup] pro arena fodienda. MED 1336 bind-with -with (1336-7) Sacrist R.Ely 2 79: In j cent. rosc. empt. pro dormitorio..In byndwith empt. (1383) Doc.Manor in MP 34 53: In spetis et byndwitthes emptis. MED 1377 runabout -about 1377 As a proper name: [1377 LANGL. P. Pl. B. VI. 150 Robert renne-aboute shal now te haue of myne.] OED 1453 lean-to -to 1453 ln(e-t (n.) [From lnen v. (2) & t adv. (1).] A lean-to, an annex. [cf. Marchand: ‘shed’, obviousl y originating in an imperative] (1453-54) MSS Penshurst in HMC 1.218: For the hillyng of 1 1/2 rod upon the leyntos [7 s. 6 d.]..[for] tymbyryng of the lytul parlour ageyn the halle dore, called th e leento [7 s.]. (1461) Oriel in Archaeol.23 107: Emend unius Lenet oo juxta parlur annex Magn' Aule [and a wallplate brought] pro j Lenetoo inde emendand inter Aulam et Capellam Castri predicti. MED 1483 sit-up -up 1483 BP. LANGTON in Christ Ch. Lett. (Camden) 46, I trow..thai shal have a sit up or ever th e Kyng departe fro York. OED [Marchand, 1967, p. 40: “…cannot be considered as derived from any vb, as sit up vb with meaning ‘b e surprised’ is first recorded 1889”] OED 1517 startup -up 1517 Test. Ebor. (Surtees) V. 83, j par so tularium qu dicuntur stertuppes. (a kind of boot)

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43Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1530 Passover -over 1530 Bible (Tyndale) : Exod. xii. 11 And ye shall eate it in haste, for it is the Lordes passeouer. 1535 Bible (Coverdale) : Exod. xii. 43 This is the maner of the kepynge of Passeouer. OED 1547 runaway -away 1547 Act 1 Edw. VI c. 3 §2 The same Iustices..shall adiudge the loyterer and run away to be the said masters slaue for euer. 1589 GREENE Menaphon (Arb.) 57 What are you, sir,..that deale thus with me by interrogatories, as if I were some runne away? OED 1549 put-off -off 1549 LATIMER Serm. Ploughers (Arb.) 36 There be so manie put offes, so many *put byes, so many respectes, and considerations of worldly wisedome. 1549 [see PUT-OFF 1]. 1549 LATIMER 3rd Serm. bef. Edw. VI (Arb.) 79 Nowe they haue theyr shyftes, and theyr putofs sainge, we maye not go before a lawe, we maye breake no order. OED 1549 runabout -about 1549 in Tytler Edw. VI (1839) I. 187 Let one of those Runabouts come,..straight they call up their neighbours. 1607 MARSTON What you Will III. i, A runne-about, a skipping French-man. OED 1549 put-by -by 1549 LATIMER Serm. Ploughers (Arb.) 36 There be so manie put offes, so many put byes so many respectes, and considerations of worldly wisedome. 1628 FELTHAM Resolves Ser. II. lvi. (1647) 175 The cast of the eye, and the put-by of the turning hand OED

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44Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1549 put-off -off 1549 E. BECKE Bible (Matthew's) Prol., Then should neyther Goddes cause nor poore mans matters haue so many putoffes so many put byes & delayes. 1549 LATIMER Serm. Ploughers (Arb.) 36 There be so manie put offes, so many *put byes, so many respectes, and considerations of worldly wisedome. 1825 HONE Every-day Bk. I. 603 This delay..is occasioned by ‘laying to’ for ‘put offs’ of single persons and parties, in Thames wherries. OED 1550 pass-by -by 1550 T. CRANMER Def. Sacrament f. 73v, This is the Lordes Passeby, or Passeouer, euen so sayth Christ in the newe Testament. 1661 J. GLANVILL Vanity of Dogmatizing 66 We see the face of Truth, but as we do one anothers, wh en we walk the streets, in a careless Pass-by. OED 1573 wind-up (wind-upall) -up 1573 G. HARVEY Letter-bk. (Camden) 47 Whitch was the Epiphonema and as it were the windupal of that meting 1588 J. HARVEY Disc. Probl. 74 Doth not the diuel, I say, in the windevpall, and in fine, oftner play wilie beguile him selfe? 1665 BUNYAN Holy Citie (1669) 266 This New Jerusalem shall be the wind-up of the world 1683 Greatn. Soul (1691) 56 So the wind-up of the whole will be this, They shall have like for like. OED 1578 start-away -away 1578 TIMME Calvin on Gen. xv. 318 Being degenerate and *startawayes from the faith of their fathers. OED 1579 hang-by -by 1579 GOSSON Sch. Abuse (Arb.) 40, I meane those hange-byes whome they succour with stipend. OED

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45Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1588 pull-down -down 1588 R. BROWNE New Years Guift (1903) 34 Yet all theis were the pulldowne of Antichrist a 1591 H. SMITH Serm. 1 Pet. v. 5–5 Though he have many heart-breaks and pul-downs, and many times no countenance to shew it. OED 1590 standup -ups 1590 GREENE Never too late (1600) O1, His holy day roabes went on, his standvps new blackt his cap faire brusht. OED 1593 hop-about -about 1593 Bacchus Bountie in Harl. Misc. (Malh.) II. 275 The pots danced for joy the old *hop about commonly called Sellengar's Round. OED 1595? Walkup -up LME Walkup. As a proper name (Marchand 1969, p. 384) Marchand 1596 sneakup -up 1596 SHAKES. 1 Hen. IV III. iii. 99 (Q.), Th e prince is a iacke, a sneakeup. OED 1598 go-between -between 1598 SHAKES. Merry W. II. ii. 273 Euen as you came in to me, her assistant or goe-betweene, parted from me. OED 1598 turn-about -about 1598 SYLVESTER Du Bartas II. i. III. Furies 610 The Turn-about and Murrain trouble Cattell. 1611 COTGR., s.v. Tournement Tournement de teste the turne-about sick~n esse; a giddinesse, or dizzinesse. [a disease] OED 1600 start-back -back 1600 HOLLAND Livy XXIII. xviii. 486 These *start-backs had no other place of haunt to lurke in, but Capua. OED 1603 turn-about -about a 1603 T. CARTWRIGHT Confut. Rhem. N.T. (1618) 604 The Iesuites ignorant of their owne myst ery of iniquity, and strangers as it were in the giddy turn-about of their owne Cloisters [a winding, a maze] OED

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46Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1611 go-about -about 1611 COTGR., Entourure a compasse..any thing that compasseth, and incloseth another; a *goe-about. OED 1611 go-by -by 1611 MARKHAM Countr. Content. I. vii. (1615) 105 If a coate shall be more than two turnes a nd a goe by, or the bearing of the Hare equall with two turnes. OED 1618 draw-back -back 1618 BOLTON Florus (1636) 101 Fabius..got the nickname, to be called, The Draw-backe, or Cunctator. OED 1621 set off -off 1621 FLETCHER Wild Goose Chase III. i, This course creature, That has no more set off, but his jugglings, His trav ell'd tricks. 1662 STILLINGFL. Orig. Sacr Ep. Ded. a4b, The plain dress of the Scriptures, without the paint and se t-offs which are added to it by the severall contending parties of the Christian World. 1759 FRANKLIN Hist. Rev. Pennsylv. Wks. 1840 III. 425 What the governor's set-off could not effect was to be re~attempted by this put-off. OED 1625 go-before -before 1625 MASSINGER New Way I. ii, You thinke you haue spoke wisely goodman Amble, My ladie's *go-before. OED 1634 come-off -off 1634 SHIRLEY Opportunity I. ii, This was Indifferently well carried! I was jealous Of a mo re lame come-off. 1690 NORRIS Beatitudes (1694) I. 235 The Hopes of a safe come off at last. OED

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47Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1640 turnover -over 1640 Burgh Rec. Glasgow (1876) I. 422 Thretie dollours and ane halfe of good dollours, and alevine and ane halfe of turnovers, quhilk sall be put in the touns commoune chist to bee applayed ad pios usus 1679 R. CAMERON in Herkless Life (1896) 111 For suffering, that man will confine in the breadth of a turnover that that he will suffer for. OED 1641 go-down -down 1641 Wits Recreat. Epigr. 364 At three go downes Dick doffs me off a pot. Ibid. Fancies Y7b, We have fro lick rounds, we have merry goe downs. [drink] 1687 T. BROWN Saints in Uproar Wks. 1730 I. 73 A pack of drowsy sleepy sots, who..f ancied they slept several scores of years at one go-down. [sleep] OED 1656 lie-by -by a 1656 USSHER Ann. vi. (1658) 132 He obtained this favour..by the means of his Lie-by; which was a wench of Eretria. OED 1660 turn-over -over 1660 F. BROOKE tr. Le Blanc's Trav. 365 Dancers on the rope, standing with their head down, a nd feet up, with a thousand Turnovers, and Gamboles. 1825 J. NEAL Bro. Jonathan II. 62 The turnover proved quite a relief to the company. 1868 A. K. H. BOYD Less. Mid. Age 279 The music was good, after the choir got themselves settled to their work. But if I were Dean of Wells, there should be a thorough turn-over. 1895 G. W. E. RUSSELL in Forum (N.Y.) Oct. 160 No very sweeping change of opinionno very considerable turnover of votes OED 1674 set-back -back 1674 J. FLAVEL Husb. Spirit. i. 20 Even when he is about his work, how many set-backs doth he meet with! OED

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48Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1682 fall-away -away 1682 BUNYAN Barren Fig-tree (1684) 104 It is impossible for those Fall-a-ways to be renewed again unto repentance. OED 1682 stirabout -about 1682 PIERS Descr. West-Meath (1770) 121 They..have to their meal one formal dish,..which some call, stirabout or hasty pudding, that is flour and milk boiled thick. OED 1688 turn-out -out 1688 R. HOLME Armoury III. xix. (Roxb.) 154/2 The seuerall Beates or points of warre ar e these...13. A Turn out. 1815 SCOTT Guy M. xxxix, Is he always fit for duty upon a sudden turn-out? OED 1697 draw-back -back 1697 LUTTRELL Brief Rel. IV. 200 For a drawback of the duty on exportation thereof. 1729 SWIFT Grand Quest. Debated 21 In poundage and drawbacks I lose half my rent. OED 1697 put-back -back a 1697 J. AUBREY Lives, Hobbes (1898) I. 333 For ten yeares together his thoughts were..chiefly intent on his ‘De Cive’, and..his ‘Leviathan’, which was a great *putt-back to his mathematicall improvement 1913 D. H. LAWRENCE Love Poems p. lviii, An' mind... Ye slip not on the slippery ri dge Of the thawin' snow, or it'll be A long put-back to your gran' marridge OED 1698 knockdown -down 1698 As a name: W. KING tr. Sorbire's Jrnl. Lond. 35 He answer'd me that he had a thousand such sort of liquors,..Old Pharaoh, Knockdown, Hugmatee [etc.]. a 1700 B. E. Dict. Cant. Crew Knock-down very strong Ale or Beer. OED 1699 look-out -out 1699 COWLEY Voy. (1729) 12 We took their look-outs who told us the news. OED

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49Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1700 look-out -out 1700 S. Carolina Stat. at Large (1837) II. 161 The Look-out formerly built on Sullivan's Island..is by a late storm overthrown to the ground. 1748 Anson's Voy. III. vi. 346 We..kept a good look-out for the rocks of Vele Rete. OED 1728 boil up -up 1728 E. SMITH Compleat Housewife (ed. 2) 24 Strain out some of the liquor..give it a boil up. OED 1741 cast-off -off 1741 RICHARDSON Pamela I. 49 And how..must they have look'd, like old Cast-offs. OED 1746 rouse-about -about 1746 Exmoor Scolding (E.D.S.) 30 A rubbacrock, rouze~about..swashbucket. 1778 __ Gloss. A Rouzabout a restless Creature never easy at Home, but ro aming from Place to Place. Also, a Sort of large Pease [etc.]. OED 1752 write-off -off 1752 BEAWES Lex Merc. Rediv. 363 No Money will be paid..without such a Draught, or what is called, a Write off. 1957 Times Lit. Suppl. 20 Dec. 766/5 It is the point made earlier about the need for resources wherewith to make and replace the automation machines, the need for more rapid write-offs of those machines once installed, and the parallel need to ‘pay’ the machines more than normal machines have hitherto been ‘paid’. OED

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50Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1774 set-to -to 1743 Broughton's Rules in Egan Boxiana (1830) I. 51 Every fresh set-to after a fall, or being part ed from the rails. 1774 F. BURNEY Early Diary (1889) I. 313, I gave her a good set-too just now. (obs. ‘a talking to, a dressing down’) 1794 MRS. RADCLIFFE Myst. Udolpho xxxiii, Signor Verezzi is al ways losing..and Signor Orsino wins from him,..and they have had several hard set-to's about it. OED 1776 show off -off 1776 S. J. PRATT Pupil of Pleas. II. 14 He allots to each of us such a share of fortune in our own hands as is sufficient to the display and shew-off of the natural disposition 1783 Liberal Opin. (ed. 3) Pref. 20 It appears to have been..the ..effort of the author..to display the..inconsistencies of human opinion respecting Happiness; and, (after this shew off of folly delusion, and absurdity) [etc.]. OED 1776 show-off -off 1776 S. J. PRATT Pupil of Pleas. II. 14 He allots to each of us such a share of fortune in our own hands as is sufficient to the display and shew-off of the natural disposition OED 1777 lay-over -over 1777 Monthly Rev. LV. 108 Two servants appeared with a small table.., and laid a cloth and a layover upon it, in our English fashion, of the finest damask. OED 1782 cut-up -up 1782 F. BURNEY Cecilia IX. i, ‘Why indeed, sir,’ said Hobson, ‘I can't but say it was rather a cut-up.’ OED 1795 cross-over -over 1795 Hull Advertiser 23 May 1/2, 1273 yards of..cotton cross-over. 1860 All Year Round No. 53. 63 The barragons..quiltings, and crossovers..for which Bolton was famous. OED 1795 break-up -up 1795 LD. AUCKLAND Corr. (1862) III. 292 The sudden break-up of Lord Fitzwilliam's Government in Ireland. OED

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51Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1796 stand-by -by 1796 in Nicolas Disp. Nelson (1846) VII. p. xci, Me leager [a ship] is my only stand-by and every week I must send something to Genoa for news. OED 1804 break-off -off 1804 Hull Adv. 21 Jan. 4/1 The left hand then seizes the shaft of the stock and the right hand dislodges th e barrel from the ‘Break-off’. 1844 Regul. & Ord. Army 106 For a new break off filed up, fitted, and hardened. 1858 GREENER Gunnery 250 With the breeches in the percussioned state, break-offs fitted and locks jointed. 1860 FORSTER Gr. Remonstr. 169 The sudden and impetuous break-off from the party with whom he had acted so zealously. OED 1809 blow up -up 1809 W. GELL Let. 22 Jan. in C. K. Sharpe Lett. (1888) I. 355 There won't be any quarrel, so you need not fear. The only chance is Keppel making a blow up when she abuses me. OED 1809 knock-down -down 1809 Sporting Mag. XXXIII. 6 This round produced the first blood, and first knock-down. 1818 LADY MORGAN Autobiog. (1859) 85 It is a knockdown to all Mo rgan's arguments and mine. OED 1811 bang-up -up 1811 Lex. Balatronicum Pref., We trust..tha t the whole tribe of second-rate Bang ups will feel gratef ul [etc.]. (a man of fashion, a dandy. obs). OED 1812 sail-over -over 1812 P. NICHOLSON Mech. Exerc. 267 Sail over, is the overhanging of one or more cour ses [of bricks] beyond the naked of the wall. OED 1814 run-over -over a 1814 Intrigues of Day II. i. in New Brit. Theatre I. 97 The newspapers are probably arrived, an d I'll just give them a run-over. OED 1819 throw over -over 1819 Hermit in London III. 212 They had practised what they technically termed a throw over. OED

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52Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1825 take-up up 1825 JAMIESON, Tak-up, Take-up the name given to a tuck in female dress. OED 1826 take-off -off 1826 MISS MITFORD Village Ser. II. 214 ( French Emigrants ) Notwithstanding these take-offs, our good duchess had still the air of a lady of rank. OED 1826 cock-up -up MISS MITFORD Village Ser. II. (1863) 429 The cock-up of the nose which seems..to be snuffing up intelligence. OED 1832 fixups -up 1832 Polit. Examiner (Shelbyville, Ky.) 8 Dec. 4/1 She says Mr. Bunker sit down, well I thought I w ould whilst she was getting her fixups off. OED 1832 get-off -off 1832 Chambers's Jrnl. I. 121/2 As a get-off, she commences a eulogy on her butter. 1848 J. H. NEWMAN Loss & Gain 80 ‘But it is an illegal declaration or vow’, said Willis, ‘and so not binding’. ‘Where did you find that get-off?’ said Charles; ‘the priest put that into your head.’ 1853 G. JOHNSTON Nat. Hist. E. Bord. I. 256 Pooh! that explanation won't do. A mere get-off! OED 1832 break down -down 1832 MARRYAT N. Forster xxii, These unfortunate break downs 1835 BROWNING Paracelsus III. 70 The breakdown of my general aims 1883 CHALMERS Local Govt. 152 Any break-down or hitch in the working of the sanitary laws. OED

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53Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1833 get up -up 1833 Fraser's Mag. VIII. 30 We attended this hole and corner get up, and can therefore give a correct report of its proceedings. (arranged meeting) 1847 LD. CANNING in Ld. Malmesbury Mem. (1884) I. 200 He is just like Lord Combermere in face, figure, and get-up, but a little bigger. OED 1833 put-out -out 1833 J. NEAL Down-Easters I. vi. 83, I shouldn't think twould be any *put-out to you to take some body else. 1843 A. S. STEPHENS High Life N.Y. ii. 32 Don't be uneasy about the trouble, it won't be no put out to Captain Doolittle. OED 1837 gad-about -about 1837 PALMER Devonsh. Dialogue Gloss., Gad-a-bout a gossiping rambling sort of person. 1849 LYTTON Caxtons 140 Your shrewmice are sad gad-abouts. OED 1837 hold-up -up 1837 Knickerbocker X. 439 The wheels of the coach are shod with the preparation of iron slippers, which are essential to a hold-up. OED 1837 let-up -up 1837 Congress. Globe 25th Congress 2 Sess. App. 47/3 There was no let up in the matter: the people had so ordered it, and the gentleman ought to be satisfied. OED 1838 walk-over -over 1838 Times 29 June 8/3 [Election at Ca shel] I think it not unlikely that Mr. Richard Moore may have a walk over. 1861 Sporting Rev. Oct. 249 Kettledrum's walk-over was quite a little tit-bit for the Yorkshiremen. 1889 Century Mag. July 403/1 That's the bay stallion there,..and he's never been beaten. It's his walk-over. OED 1839 boke-out -out 1839 (v. or n.) meaning swell out [from poke (pocket)] to gain bulk and pre-eminence; probably as a poke or pocket does when full (Norfolk, Suffex) Holloway p. 15. Holloway

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54Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1839 bumble-off -off 1839 (v. or n.) meaning to set off in a hurry. Holloway, p. 22 Holloway 1839 colt-in -in 1839 (v. or n.) to/a fall in as the surface of a pit or quarry Holloway p. 35. see also 1679 PLOT Staffordsh. (1686) 133 If the coal be full of rifts, it is so much the mo re apt to colt in upon the Workmen. Ibid. 306 [The earth]..suddenly coped or colted down upon him. Holloway OED 1841 mix-up -up 1841 S. BAMFORD Passages Life Radical I. xv. 94, I had expected being conducted to London alone, an d certainly was not prepared for a mix-up with these men. OED 1841 send-off -off 1841 Spirit of Times 18 Dec. 499/2 Sleepy John was the favorite against the field; by bad management of the groom John got a miserable send off and lost at least fifty yards. OED 1841 send-off -off 1841 Spirit of Times 18 Dec. 499/2 Sleepy John was the favorite against the field; by bad management of the groom John got a miserable send off and lost at least fifty yards. OED 1841 set-ups -up 1841 Civ. Engin. & Arch. Jrnl. IV. 264/1 The set-ups on the rail with the line fixed. OED 1841 sit-upons -upon 1841 J. T. J. HEWLETT Parish Clerk I. 126 With a pair of the master's sit-upons that wanted reparation. OED 1846 bust-up -up 1846 Knickerbocker XXVIII. 313 The houdaciousest bust-up I ever seed. OED 1847 look in -in 1847 L. HUNT Men, Women & B. I. xv. 293 The Induction to the ‘Mirror of Magistrates’ is a look in at the infernal regions. OED

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55Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1847 shake-up -up 1847 J. S. MILL Lett. (1910) I. 131 To give th at general shake-up to the torpid mind of the nation whic h the French Revolution gave to Continental Europe. OED 1848 pick-up -up 1848 TROLLOPE Kellys & O'Kellys III. xi. 269 The pick-up on the Derby is about four thousand. 1860 [see B]. 1871 L. H. BAGG 4 Years at Yale 46 Pick-up ,..a street-walker, of the less disreputable sort. 1886 Daily News 27 July 3/2 [A cricketer] conspicuous for the quickness of his pick-up and th e accuracy of his return. OED 1848 tilt-up -up 1848 Tilt-up. The American sandpiper [see TEETER n. 2]. OED 1849 hoedown -down [1807 W. IRVING Salmagundi 7 Mar. 98 As to dancing, no LongIsland negro could shuffle you ‘double trouble’, or ‘hoe corn and dig potatoes’ more scientifically.] 1841 Picayune (New Orleans) 14 Jan. 2/1 He looks and walks the characte r to the life, a nd some of his touches are of the genuine ‘hoe down’ ‘corn-field’ order. 1849 T. T. JOHNSON Sights Gold Region iv. 38 One of our party commenced a regular hoe-down, knocking his shins with heavy boots. OED 1850 stow-away -away 1850 Morning Chron. 22 July 6/1 All the passengers were summoned on deck that their names mi ght be read over, their tickets produced, and a search made in the steerage, and in every hole and corner of the ship, for ‘stow-aways’. OED 1853 fill-up -up 1853 E. TWISLETON Let. 6 Feb. (1928) iv. 69 The three first [men] are cousins..and the latter is a fill-up [at a dinner-table]. OED

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56Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1853 put-in -in 1853 ‘MARK TWAIN’ in Hannibal (Missouri) Jrnl. 25 May 3/1 Never speak when it's not your ‘*put-in’. 1903 W. N. HARBEN Abner Daniel xxxv. 301 This ain't no put~in o' mine gracious knows. I hain't got nothin', an' I don't expect to lose or gain by what is done. 1962 Times 11 Jan. 4/3 The Navy cam e out better in the matter of put-ins against the head. OED 1855 look up -up 1855 D. G. ROSSETTI Let. 25 Nov. (1965) I. 278 Hughes..gave them a look up about it. 1888 ‘R. BOLDREWOOD’ Robbery under Arms I. xiv. 191 We foraged up Aileen's mare, and made it up to ride over to George Storefield's, and gave him a look-up. OED 1856 smash-up -up 1856 M. J. HOLMES 'Lena Rivers 36 The old lady, sure of a smashup this time, had attempted to rise. 1858 HOLLAND Titcomb's Lett. viii. 74 Follow it, and see how long it will be before you come to a stump and a smash-up. 1890 S. W. BAKER Wild Beasts I. 16 A hollow bullet..is intended..to secure an expansion and smash-up of the lead upon impact with the animal OED 1857 kick-off -off 1857 HUGHES Tom Brown I. v, Hasn't old Brook won the toss..and got choice of goals a nd kick-off? 1895 WELLDON G. Eversley's Friendsh. 161 The match was hotly contested from the kick-off to the finish. OED

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57Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1857 run-around -around 1857 Knickerbocker XLIX. 97 There comes us a ‘run-round’ on the end of our pen-finger. 1872 TALMAGE Serm. 224 Some hypochondriac with a ‘run-around’ or a ‘hang-nail’. 1913 J. LONDON Valley of Moon III. iv. 352 His finger was hurting too much, he said... ‘It might be a run-around,’ Saxon hazarded. 1968 LEIDER & ROSENBLUM Dict. Dermatol. Words 364 Run () around .., is colloquial for inflammatory conditions of the soft parts about nails and conveys the idea of tendency to extend circularly. OED 1859 drag out -out a 1859 Southern Sketches (Bartlett), He's a rael stormer, ring clipper, snow belcher, and drag out. 1870 Nation 30 June 411/2 The number of encounters,..knock-downs, drag-outs, [etc.]..in which the Representative..has been engaged. OED 1859 flare-up -up 1859 M. NAPIER Life Dundee I. II. 351 The star of Lauderdale..well nigh consumed th e patriot Duke [Hamilton] with the fierceness of its flare-up. OED 1859 pull off -off 1859 Musketry Instr. 17 It is erroneous to suppose that by loosening the sear or any other pin an easie r or lighter pull off is obtained. OED 1860 make-over -over [1860 Vanity Fair 27 Oct. 214/2 There's Miss Angelica Makeover...Her hair is coarse but by miracles of art and patience she has trained it into waves of beauty.] 1925 Woman's World Apr. 52/2 Like the first dress, it is an excelle nt type, either for a new dress or a makeover. OED 1861 burn off -off 1861 W. MORGAN Jrnl. 27 Feb. (1963) iii. 28 Not an over excellent *burn off--there having been of late a good deal of wet. OED 1861 burn-off -off 1861 W. MORGAN Jrnl. 27 Feb. (1963) iii. 28 Not an over excellent *burn off--there having been of late a good deal of wet. OED

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58Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1861 sit-down -down 1861 MRS. STOWE Pearl of Orr's Island I. xii. 104, I am come here for a good sit-down by your kitchen-fire. OED 1861 stand-up -up 1861 MAYHEW Lond. Labour III. 202/1 It was a penny a dance for each of 'em as danced, and each stand-up took a quarter of an hour. OED 1864 break-down -down a 1864 New Eng. Tales (Bartlett), Don't clear out when the quadrilles are over, for we are going to have a break~down to wind up with. 1877 BURNAND ‘Ride to Khiva’ 11 Clog-dancers, or nigger duettists, at a Music Hall with a breakdown. 1881 Gd. Words XXII. 41/2 The men followed with a fiendish ‘breakdown’. OED 1864 fit-up -up 1864 P. PATERSON Glimpses Real Life xxxiv. 333 The theatre was what is called ‘a fit-up’, erected in the large room at..a small hotel of the town. OED 1865 dress-up -up 1865 A. D. T. WHITNEY Gayworthys II. vii. 132 ‘Will you go to meeting, Gershom?’ Joanna asked him... ‘I guess not,..the dress-up takes down the devotion, rather, for me.’ OED 1865 pay-off -off 1865 DICKENS Our Mutual Friend I. I. ii. 32 Twemlow received an invitation to dine at Veneerings, expressly to meet the Member, the Engineer, the Pay-off of the National Debt, the Poem on Shakespeare, the Grievance, and the Public Office. OED 1866 fetch-up -up 1866 A. D. WHITNEY L. Goldthwaite x, It isn't the fall that hurts, it's the fetch-up. OED 1867 fix-ups -up 1867 W. H. DIXON New Amer. I. 191 Claret-cobbler..eye-opener, fix-ups, or any other Yankee deception in the shape of liquor. OED 1867 fly-up -up 1867 SMYTH Sailor's Word-bk. *Fly-up a sudden deviation upwards from a sheer line. OED

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59Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1867 stayaway -away 1867 Ch. & St. Rev. 2 Feb. 99 The intolerable dulness of the sermons, and the want of sympathy evinced by the sermonisers with the political aspirations of the *s tayaways, were the reasons given. OED 1868 roustabout -about 1868 Putnam's Mag. Sept. 342 As the steamer was leaving the leve, about forty black deck-hands or ‘r oustabouts’ gathered at the bows. 1872 SCHELE DE VERE Americanisms 225 The Western rough is frequently a roustabout. OED 1868 roustabouts -about 1868 Putnam's Mag. Sept. 342 As the steamer was leaving the leve, about forty black deck-hands or ‘r oustabouts’ gathered at the bows. OED 1868 row-over -over 1868 W. BROUGH Field of Cloth of Gold v. 41 Here I am you see, Coming to trial, should the plaintiff halt, Defendant claims a judgement by default. So you are mine; and I my rival crow over. It's what they call in boat-racing a row over. OED 1873 dry-up -up 1873 J. H. BEADLE Undevel. West 711 The plowman returns to his work without waiting for a ‘dry-up’. OED 1873 run-off -off 1873 Carthusian June 56 Hanson and Jeaffreson ran a dead heat for second place... The run-off for the second prize was won by Hanson. OED 1874 cut-out -out 1874 in KNIGHT Dict. Mech. 1887 SPONS Househ. Management (1887) 95 Cut-outs or safety valves, ar e essential to the security of a house. OED 1874 poke out -out 1874 RUSKIN Hortus Inclusus (1887) 3 We go into the Sacristy and have a reverent little poke out of relics OED 1875 knock-off -off 1875 KNIGHT Dict. Mech. 1240/1 Knock off ( Knitting-machine ), the piece which, at the proper moment, removes the loops from the tier of needles. OED

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60Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1876 freeze-up -up 1876 Oregon Weekly Tribune (The Dalles) 29 Jan. 3/2 We hope to see the day when..all the inhabitants east of the Cascades will not be detrimentally affected by any freeze-up which may occur. OED 1876 pop-over -over 1876 M. N. F. HENDERSON Pract. Cooking 71 Breakfast Puffs, or Pop-overs... May be baked in roll-pans. 1887 A. A. HAYES Jesuit's Ring 120 Broiled chicken and pop-overs. OED 1877 wraparound -around 1877 (n) BROWNING Agamemnon 120 A wrap-round [Gr.] with no outlet..I fence about him--the rich woe of the garment. OED 1878 hold-up -up 1878 F. M. A. ROE Army Lett. (1909) 206 The driver is their only protector, and the stage route is through miles and miles of wild forest, and in between huge boulders where a ‘hold-up’ could be so easily accomplished. OED 1879 catch-up -up 1879 J. T. FIELDS Verses for a Few Friends 23 What impelled me then to snatch up In my arms this ghostly catch-up, Who can tell? 1918 Q. Jrnl. Econ. 32 645 The assumed catch-up in prices must somehow change precipitately back into a lag. OED 1879 burst-up -up 1879 Daily News 22 Sept. 2/1 A speedy burst-up of the whole agricultural system. OED 1881 turn-off -off 1881 ‘R. BOLDREWOOD’ Robbery under Arms (1888) III. xvii. 255 It's the wrong turn-off that makes a man lose his way. OED 1883 blow back -back 1883 J. D. FULTON Sam Hobart 224 The flames originated from the ‘* blow back ’ on the engine. OED 1883 call-off -off 1883 J. PARKER Apost. Life II. 186 No..*call-off from prolonged and arduous enquiry into pr ofound and useful subjects. OED 1883 call-off -off 1883 J. PARKER Apost. Life II. 186 No..*call-off from prolonged and arduous enquiry into pr ofound and useful subjects. OED

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61Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1883 pull-over -over 1883 Lincoln Chron. 16 Mar., The sea swept over the pull-over at Sutton. OED 1884 blow-down -down 1884 Health Exhib. Catal. 52/1 Chimney Can for curing a *blowdown. OED 1885 lean-over -over a 1885 G. M. HOPKINS Poems (1918) 79 So long to this sweet spot, this leafy lean-over. 1936 E. SITWELL Victoria of Eng. xiii. 163 For others, again, there is the twopenny lean-over. OED 1886 walk-around -around 1886 Official Catal. Colonial & Ind. Exhib. (ed. 2) 462 Their sugar plots are confined to one or two small green pieces in Tortola, worked by a ‘*walk-around’ or cattle-mill. 1888 B. MATTHEWS Pen & Ink OED 1887 knock-about -about 1887 Pall Mall G. 17 Sept. 3/2 Bounding brothers, knock~abouts, step-dancers. 1892 Daily News 7 June 6/3 Singers, dancers, knockabouts, and quick-change artistes. OED 1887 tip-up -up 1887 A. BRASSEY Last Voy. xiii. (1889) 299 Another conveyance, familiarly known as a ‘Tip-up’, its narrow wheels making it liable to upset except on good roads. OED 1888 hold-over -over 1888 Wine, Sp. & Beer 8 Mar. 174/1 The license became void, and being advised not to ask for a hol d-over, the Company now applied to Special Sessions. OED 1888 rake-off -off 1888 Texas Siftings 28 Jan. 16/1 We always give him a rake-off, so he makes a good enough thing of it. OED

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62Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1888 set-off -off 1888 C. T. JACOBI Printers' Vocab. 90 Off-set the set-off of ink from one sheet to another of printed work whilst wet. OED 1888 walk away -away 1888 Daily News 16 July 3/6 The final heat was of course a *walk away for Thames, who won by three lengths. 1926 Amer. Mercury Dec. 465/2 It [ sc. Variety ] has developed..the following new terms for a [Broadway] success: ‘zowied 'em’,..‘walk-away hit’ and ‘clicked heavy’. OED 1889 clean-up -up a 1889 Mod. colloq. Put the machine in order, and give it a little clean-up. OED 1889 lay-off -off 1889 Gallup (New Mexico) Gleaner 27 Mar. 1/3 Fred Diamond is taking a lay-off. OED 1889 put-upon -upon 1889 J. K. JEROME Three Men in Boat iv, The presence of your husband's cheeses in her house she would..regard as a ‘*put upon’. OED 1889 shut-off 1889 Cent. Dict. 5606/1 Shut-off stoppage of anything. 1919 Summary of Operations Calif. Oil Fields (Calif. State Mining Bur.) V. I. 8 Collar shut-off an accidental ‘shut-off’ supposed to be occasioned by the accumulation of ma terial between the walls of a well and the casing at, or just above, a collar. OED 1891 left-over -over 1891 Cassell's Family Mag. May 374/1 They all like change of diet, so I provide all sorts of things, with the result that the ‘left-overs’, as I call them, are appalling OED 1891 put-up -up 1891 Longm. Mag. Oct. 564 We must get a *put-up at Queen's Gate. OED 1892 flash-over -over 1892 S. P. THOMPSON Dyn.-Electr. Mach. (ed. 4) 88 Commutators of the ordinary sort with thin mica insulation between the bars..are easily short-circuite d by the flash-over. OED

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63Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1892 run-off -off 1892-3 14th Rep. U.S. Geol. Surv. 149 The run-off, that is, the quantity of water flowing from the land. OED 1894 hang-over -over 1894 Outing (U.S.) XXIV. 67/2 Then there are a few ‘hang-overs’ who have tried before, and two or three green candidates. 1920 C. SANDBURG Smoke & Steel 153 A hangover of summer song OED 1895 give-up -up 1895 Harper's Mag. Nov. 887/1 There was no give-up to those English. OED 1895 play-off -off 1895 Outing June 50/2 In the play-off for the championship of the city, the Sodality team won a bitterly contested game. OED 1897 booze up -up 1897 Session Paper 26 Oct. 860 We..had a booze up together. OED 1897 brush up -up 1897 E. TERRY Let. 3 July in Ellen Terry & Bernard Shaw (1931) 224 She looked quite nice when she'd had a nice ‘wash and a brush up’. OED 1897 cut-over -over 1897 Encycl. Sport I. 389/1 To elude quarte made with the hand very low, riposte with a cut-over thus. 1969 T. PARKER Twisting Lane 111 Going forward he made the first attack: a fast lunge and cut-over in Quarte. OED 1897 dust-up -up 1897 Daily News 6 Mar. 7/3 They turned at the Lasher, and after a dust-up for about a minute in Iffley, Reach did a nice piece of paddling back to the raft. (a quarrel) OED 1897 raceabout -about 1897 Forest & Stream 6 Mar. 194/2 The next size, the ‘raceabout’, or the fin de sicle perversion of the knoc kabout, promises to be more popular and numerous. OED

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64Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1898 blow-off -off 1898 S. M. FERGUSSON in ‘House’ on Sport I. 174 A blow-off in this wise [ i.e swearing at golf] does one good now and then. OED 1900 backup -up 1900 G. D. HISCOX Horseless Vehicles xii. 262 The single lever..controls the forward speed s and the backup, doing away with the confusion arising from a multiplication of levers. 1960 Times 7 Mar. 8/3 The enormous artifi cial lake..will reach 300 miles southwards, 75 miles farther than the back-up behind the present dam. OED 1900 frame-up -up 1900 ‘FLYNT’ & WALTON Powers that Prey 141 He could arrange a ‘frame-up’, and relieve ‘Soapy’ of the stolen pocketbook, after ‘Soapy’ had lifted it from his victim's pocket. OED 1900 sneakaway -away 1900 Westm. Gaz. 6 June 1/3 Men who know themselves beaten already, but are not the coward s and sneakaways we sometimes make them out to be. OED 1901 call-down -down 1901 ‘H. MCHUGH’ John Henry i. 11 The four-flush *call-down makes you back-pedal. 1917 WODEHOUSE Man with Two Left Feet 121 The feller that tries to get ga y with me is going to get a calldown that'll make him holle r for his winter overcoat. OED 1901 clear-up -up 1901 Westm. Gaz. 24 May 7/1 The clear-up will have to come sooner or later. OED 1901 fly-over -over 1901 Daily News 5 Jan. 6/5 The junction for the Aldershot branch..is being..rearranged on the ‘fly-ove r’ system, that is, the down line..remains as it was, but a ne w one..is being brought over the top of the main line by means of a skew bridge... This ‘fly-over’..will abolish a fruitful source of delay. OED

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65Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1901 tip-off -off 1901 J. F. WILLARD World of Graft 164 ‘So much down now,’ he said, ‘and so much when the show's over. Otherwise it's a tip-off and pinch.’ OED 1903 burn-out -out 1903 Daily Chron. 29 June 7/5 It has been a *burn-out of three floors and roof destroyed. OED 1906 butt-in -in 1906 H. GREEN Actors' Boarding House 97 Gettee 'way... No want flesh butt-ins round! a 1910 ‘O. HENRY’ Rolling Stones (1916) 198 Any of the Flat bush or Hackens ack Meadow kind of butt-iners. OED 1906 paddle-over -over 1906 Westm. Gaz. 4 July 5/1 Little more than a paddle-over for the Cambridge men. OED 1906 pushover -over 1906 Outing Jan. 461/2 To me it look s like a push-over. 1926 Amer. Mercury Dec. 465/2 The combination is a push-over on Loew's or any other time OED 1909 look-over -over 1909 R. A. WASON Happy Hawkins 183 Then I..took a stroll around to see that no one had been givin' us the look-over. OED 1909 stand-off -off 1909 E. G. NICHOLLS Mod. Rugby Game iii. 40 He must be capable of adequately filling the position of stand-off and of scrum half. OED 1911 check-off -off 1911 Daily Colonist (Victoria, B.C.) 27 Apr. 1/4 The management..has refused the local union a continuance of the ‘*check-off’, which has been in force heretofore. OED 1913 turn-around -around 1913 A. BENNETT Regent x. 291 She's going to do the quickest turn-round that any ship ever did... She'll leave at noon to-morrow. OED

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66Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1913 blackout -out 1913 G. B. SHAW Let. 3 Apr. (1956) 188 The more I think of that revolving business the less I see how it can be done... There will have to be a black-out. 1935 C. DAY LEWIS Time to Dance 55 The arctic winter and bl ack-out of your dreams. OED 1917 take over -over 1917 Acts State New Jersey xiv. 33 Take Over the action by the department in assuming the control and maintenance of any part or parts of the State Highway System. OED 1919 beer-up -up 1919 W. H. DOWNING Digger Dialects 10 *Beer-up a drunken orgy. 1941 K. TENNANT Battlers XXVIII. 314 ‘If he's on a real proper beer-up,’ the Stray whispe red, ‘he may go on for days.’ 1945 E. TAYLOR At Mrs. Lippincote's x. 89 Does you good to have a bit of a beer-up now and then. OED 1919 bunk up -up 1919 DOWNING Digger Dialects 14 Bunk-up a lifting up. 1938 F. D. SHARPE S. of Flying Squad v. 51, I was given a bunk up, and..got through the wire. OED 1919 drum up -up 1919 Athenum 8 Aug. 728/1 I've some sugar. If you get some tea and hot water we'll have a drum up. (a making of tea) OED 1921 check-up -up 1921 A. WALL Analytical Credits 23 In any order of considerable size..the credit man should..request the local manager..to secure a check-up by night message. OED 1922 hand-off -off 1922 Daily Mail 8 Dec. 12 A dangerous scoring wing with a powerful hand-off and an elusive swerve. 1928 Observer 19 Feb. 27/1 [He] has a fine kick, with a strong hand-off. 1947 Richmond (Va.) Times-Dispatch 9 Nov. B7/8 Jones th en took a handoff from McCary and tore through a wide hole on the left side of Penn's line to score. OED

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67Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1922 step-in -in 1922 Woman's Home Compan. June 70 ( caption ) The children like to wear step-ins. OED 1923 close-up -up 1923 A. L. BENSON New Henry Ford 323 A ‘Close-up’ of Ford. OED 1923 follow-up -up 1923 J. D. HACKETT in Managem. Engin. May, Follow-up methods used by the personnel department to maintain friendly relations with employees. OED 1923 spread-over -over 1923 Westm. Gaz. 14 Apr. 1/2 A ‘spread-over’ of 44 hours OED 1925 walk-up -up 1925 Scribner's Mag. Oct. 6/2 Vacation heaves into sight over the horizon..the swirling dust turned into clean sand; the only walk-up a dune; and the total night life two movie theatres. OED 1926 crack up -up 1926 MAINES & GRANT Wise-Crack Dict. 7/1 Crack up wreck of an aeroplane. 1927 C. A. LINDBERGH We ii. 53 The propeller came in contact with the gr ound... My first ‘crack-up’! OED 1926 hop-off -off 1926 Daily Colonist (Victoria, B.C.) 13 Jan. 1/7 The expedition planes will be..flown..to Point Barrow, where the *hop-off for the Polar flight will be made. OED 1926 set-ups -up 1926 R. HUGHES in Hearst's Internat. Feb. 44/2 A guy was tellin' me that set-ups are has-beens or never-wases who get paid to stand up just long enough to be knocked out. OED 1927 build-up -up 1927 Collier's 3 Dec. 10/4 That's the old build-up for the Patsys. OED 1927 cover-up -up 1927 M. A. NOBLE Those ‘Ashes’ 192 Hardinge has a good defence and cover-up. OED 1927 gift-over -over 1927 Daily Mail 8 July 7/1 That the giftover, by which the property might pass away from the children on account of the son's marriage, was void. OED

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68Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1928 rub-up -up 1928 G. CAMPBELL My Mystery Ships xiii. 245 We..went out to the Sound for a good ‘rub up’ in our drill and to get everything tested. OED 1928 switch-over -over 1928 Daily Express 12 Nov. 10/2 The opening left by America's switch-over to the ‘talkies’ can be brilliantly exploited. OED 1929 go-around -around 1929 Amer. Speech V. 152 To give the go-around to avoid a person. ‘He gave me the go-around.’ 1942 BERREY & VAN DEN BARK Amer. Thes. Slang §214/1 Evasion ,..go-around. Ibid. §352/1 Slight ; snub ,..the merry go-around. a 1961 D. CARNES in WEBSTER s.v., He's been giving us the go-around. OED 1930 lift-off -off 1930 P. WHITE How to fly Airplane xxii. 303 Two men are about to execute what is known as a ‘lift-off’ from the wings of a bombing plane. OED 1930 lift-off -off 1930 P. WHITE How to fly Airplane xxii. 303 Two men are about to execute what is known as a ‘lift-off’ from the wings of a bombing plane. OED 1931 tick-over -over 1931 Flight 2 Oct. 990/2 All engines were tested on a hangar with a propeller fitted before going aw ay, for opening and for tick-over. OED 1933 blow-by -by 1933 STREETER & LICHTY Internal Combustion Engines (ed. 4) xv. 432 The oil film is blown out by the high-pressure gases, and *blow-by occurs. OED 1934 tick-off -off 1934 P. ALLINGHAM Cheapjack ii. 18 Several show~people were in the bar. ‘You're working the tic k-off, aren't you?’ said one of them. Ibid. I discovered that ‘tick-off’ was the fair-ground slang for fortune-teller. OED

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69Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1935 carve up -up 1935 M. HARRISON Spring in Tartarus I. 27 The de Launes hadn't a tosser between them. Oh my Lord, what a carve up! OED 1935 sleep-over -over 1935 Amer. Speech X. 236/1 A contributor tes tifies that in part of Pennsylvania, in college use, a sleep-over is a permission to stay away from church and remain in bed on Sunday morning. OED 1935 wrapover -over 1935 (n) Times 21 Oct. 11/3 There is a good wrapover on the skirt of the coat. OED 1935 split-off -off 1935 Z. N. HURSTON Mules & Men I. ii. 40 … He come and preached at dis split-off for two whole weeks. 1964 New Statesman 14 Feb. 248/1 The split-off of science into a separate culture. OED 1936 face-up -up 1936 Discovery Oct. 330/1 Here, at last, is a face-up to the relations between science and society. OED 1936 sparkover -over 1936 Nature 19 Sept. 509/1 The crackling sound of more or less prolonged duration finishes with a loud crack coincident with the final sparkover. OED 1937 sell-off -off 1937 Sun (Baltimore) 6 Feb. 19/1 The sell-off was less pronounced than that of the share market and was slower in developing. OED 1937 sit-in -in 1937 N.Y. Times 29 May 1/7 Fifty members of the Workers Alliance who tried to stage a sit-in at C ity Hall yesterday were removed..by a dozen policemen. (strike) OED 1938 wrap-up -up 1938 Amer. Speech XIII. 150/2 Wrap-up an easy sale. Also a customer easily satisfied. OED 1939 beer-off -off 1939 Nottingham Jrnl. 15 Mar. 4/4 Children and *beer-offs. 1958 A. SILLITOE Sat. Night & Sun. Morning vii. 98 Bill..had called at the beer-off by the street-end. OED

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70Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1940 beat-up -up 1940 N. MONKS Squadrons Up! i. 14 Comes back over the 'drome, above the heads..twenty feet off the ground... The boys call this a ‘beat-up’. OED 1940 call-up -up 1940 Economist 10 Aug. 175/2 A continuous system of call-up and training for the Industrial Army. OED 1940 spillover -over 1940 [see KAROK]. 1949 Richmond (Va.) Times-Dispatch 6 Oct. 26/1 A rush to buy got under wa y as soon as the opening bell sounded. This was evidently a spillover from yesterday when the market established a new high for the year. OED 1941 brush-off -off 1941 J. R. PARKER Attorneys at Law i. 10 I'd have given my eye teeth to hear Forbes getting the brush-off. OED 1942 sign-off -off 1942 E. CULBERTSON Official Bk. Contract Bridge xv. 187 Finally, there is the sign-off bid... Th e sign-off may be made even if the responder hold one Ace. OED 1942 stoogearound -around 1942 T. RATTIGAN Flare Path I. 37 It's a raid, I suppose. Teddy It's not exactly a practice stooge-around. OED 1943 change-up -up 1943 J. G. T. SPINK Baseball Guide & Record Bk. Gloss. 99 Change-up change of pace, slow ball. 1945 C. YOUNG in Sporting News 21 June 4/3 Most pitchers chan ge their grip on the ball for a changeup pitch, but not me. OED 1945 roll over -over 1945 Richmond (Va.) Times-Dispatch 19 Mar. 2/4 ( heading ) Yank describes B-29 roll over in Osaka raid. OED

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71Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1947 look-around -around 1947 Ann. Reg. 1946 157 Field-Marshal Smuts found time to fly to Berlin for what he described as a ‘private look around’ with no special..objectives. 1967 M. MCLUHAN Medium is Massage 10 ‘The Medium is The Massage’ is a look-around to see what's happening. OED 1949 back-off -off 1949 Sheboygan (Wisconsin) Press 1 Dec. 3/1 In a grand final bakeoff at the Waldorf-Astoria, Pi llsbury Mills will award $150,000 in prizes. 1965 Sunday Mail (Brisbane) 18 July 22/2 The BakeOff..attracts national attention as the greatest recipe quest in this country. OED 1949 gang-up -up 1949 Time 27 June 29 Congress was ..harassed by a Communist gang-up with Bose. OED 1951 blast-off -off 1951 M. GREENBERG Travelers of Space 20 Blast-off the initial expenditure of energy by a space sh ip leaving a planet, or in emergency takeoffs. OED 1951 spin-off -off 1951 STANLEY & KILCULLEN Federal Income Tax 182 Sec. 112 ( b ) (11), added by the 1951 Act, permits the distribution of stock in a spin-off without recognition of gain to the stock-holders, subject to certain restrictions designed to prevent the use of spin-offs to distribute earnings and profits. OED 1952 knock-over -over 1952 D. F. PALING Warp Knitting Technol. i. 6 A forward movement of the sinker bar comb ined with a further downward movement of the needle bar ensures a gradual knock-over. OED

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72Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1953 foul-up up 1953 ‘S. RANSOME’ Drag Dark (1954) vii. 69, I couldn't judge how far I could rely on you to find the way out of this foul-up. OED 1954 burnup -up 1954 R. STEPHENSON Introd. Nucl. Engineering vii. 276 As a reactor continues to operate, the fissionable material is gradually used up and the reactivity may d ecrease accordingly. This is known as fuel depletion, or *burnup. OED 1956 goof-ups -up 1956 TV Guide 13-19 Oct. 4 Randolph Churchill..has told friends his embarrassment is assuaged by past goof-ups among English men of letters. OED 1957 spin-out -out 1957 Daily Progress (Charlottesville, Va.) 28 Oct. 14/6 A spin-out in the last 10 minutes of the race may have cost Tony Briggs of Charlottesville top honors in the fi rst preliminary race before the President's Cup automobile race. OED 1958 bump-up -up 1958 Economist 13 Sept. 819/1 They are excited because of the bump-up in their support and byelection votes this year. OED 1958 fuck-up -up 1958 J. O'HARA From Terrace (1959) 257 Such a Goddam fuckup. 1968 M. RICHLER Cocksure iv. 29 I'm sorry about this fuck-up, Mr Griffin. OED 1958 put-through -through 1958 Punch 8 Jan. 84/1 He..gave me the ac reage, cost, cubic capacity and passenger *put-through. 1959 [see put through s.v. PUT v.1 52d]. OED 1961 tear-off -off 1961 ‘B. WELLS’ Day Earth caught Fire i. 7 An alert..youngish man..was at his desk busily working on tear-offs with swift, practised strokes of his red pencil. OED 1961 trade-off -off 1961 Hovering Craft & Hydrofoil Oct. 32/2 Propulsion system integration allowing trade-offs be tween the requirements of lift and forward thrust can be achiev ed in a variety of ways. OED

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73Table A-2. Continued Date Entry Part. Usage Source 1964 round-off -off 1964 Trampolining (‘Know the Game’ Ser.) 40/1 It is similar in action to the round-off in ground work tumbling. OED 1967 foldout -out 1967 Time 17 Mar. 7 The prurient appeal of an overripe foldout is no worse than the peekaboo enticem ent of gossip about ‘People’. OED 1967 fry-up -up 1967 ‘M. ERSKINE’ Case with Three Husbands vii. 96 The two men decided finally on a mixed grill..and a fry-up of cold potatoes. OED 1969 put-away -away 1969 New Yorker 14 June 75/1 He intercepts, and sends a light and graceful *putaway past Graebner, down the line. 1977 Ibid. 25 July 70/2 Connors..also carried off the ne xt three games on the strength of some fine, deep approaches and remarkable put-away volleys. OED 1970 rip-off -off 1970 Manch. Guardian Weekly 2 May 16/4 ‘Who do you have on Haight Street today?’ he [ sc a San Francisco drug peddler] said disgustedly... ‘You have burn artist s (fraudulent dope peddlers), ripoffs (thieves), and snitchers (police spies).’ OED 1976 talk-over -over 1976 Conservation News Nov./Dec. 24/2 That evening Scottish Television was screening the launch and an interview with Peter Dickson at exactly the same time as BBC Scotland was screening an interview with a talk-over from our handout. OED 1977 work over -over 1977 Financial Times 1 Apr. 11/5 Some have suggested a well workover every three years; others say once every 15 years will be sufficient. OED 1978 dial-up -up 1978 W. S. DAVIS Information Processing Systems xvi. 351 Dialup can get expensive if the call is long distance. OED 1981 switcharound -around 1981 Daily Tel. 15 Apr. 12/7 Mr Barry Askew, 44, editor of the Lancashire Evening Post for 12 years, was named yesterday as editor of the News of the World in a switch-around by Mr Rupert Murdoch..involving two of hi s Fleet Street titles. OED 1995 botch-up -up 1995 Daily Mirror 23 Feb. 30/2 Be patient when you see so many people making a botch-up of things that you can do standing on your head. OED

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74 APPENDIX B VERB + PARTICLE: OFF Table B-1. Verb + OFF formations V-P FORM NOUN ADJECTIVE PHRASAL VERB Note: Unless otherwise noted, dates are attested in OED. back off 1938 bake off 1949 beat off 1650 blast off 1951 1958 1951 break off 1804 1655 brush off 1941 1631 burn off 1861 1843 buy off (Google, but not OED) 1629 call off 1883 (called off) 1633 cast off 1741 1746 1400 check off 1911 1922 1839 choke off 1818 clean off 1839 clear off 1766 cookoff X come off 1634 1386-Imperative (1912-come off it) cut off 1741 1840 1300 die off 1918 1697 drop off 1958 1925 1709 dry off face off 1896 1887 feed off 1807 (feed X off/fed off by) fight off 1930 1787 (intr.), flick off Urban Dict. 1887? get off 1832 1607 hand off 1922 1897 head off (Google, but not OED) hold off 1893 1420 jump off 1873 (Google, but not OED) kick off 1857 1973 1840 knock off 1875 1611 lay off 1889 1592

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75 Table B-1. Continued leave off 1387 lift off 1930 1907 1959 log off ? ? 1983 mark off 1803 pair off (1722-pairing off) 1722 pay off 1865 1607 piss off (pissed off) 1922 play off 1895 1598 pull off 1859 1902 c1000 put off 1549 1456 rip off 1970 1973 1884 round off 1964 1846 1680 run off1 (water) 1892 1707 run off2 (election, race) 1873 1924 1760 scratch off (Google, but not OED) (Google, but not OED) see off 1915 sell off 1937 1700 send off 1841 1666 set off 1621 1722 1596 show off 1776 1818 1793 shrug off 1949 shut off 1889 1869 1824 sign off 1942 1942 1838 sound off (Google, but not OED) (Google, but not OED) 1909 spin off 1951 (Google, but not OED) 1601 split off 1935 1935 1855 spout off (Google, but not OED) take off 1826 1300 tear off 1961 1889 1941 tick off 1934 (ticked off) 1854 tip off 1901 1700 trade off 1961 1793 turn off 1881 1869 write off 1752 1984 1682

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76Table B-2. Chronological listing of particle OFF combinations Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source OE off-spring P-V N offOE Agreement between Abbot Wulfric & Ealdred (Sawyer 1455) in S. E. Kelly Charters of St. Augustine's Abbey, Canterbury (1995) 118 is sy gedon for Sifer & for his ofsprincg. OED eOE off drive P-V V offeOE Bald's Leechbk. (Royal) III. xxxix. 332 Seo sealf wile.. one wyrm r on deadne gede o e cwicne ofdrif a 1300 in C. Brown Eng. Lyrics 13th Cent. (1932) 68 Pyne & de him wile of-dryue 1555-8 T. PHAER tr. Virgil neid I. Cijb, With the light of torches great the darke ofdriue atones. a 1729 E. TAYLOR Metrical Hist. Christianity (1962) 420 Brave Alice Driver who Did when a girle off drive her fathers plough. OED eOE off hew P-V V off[ eOE tr. Bede Eccl. Hist. (Tanner) III. xviii. 238 He..Mercna eode & ara neahmg a, ofheawnum y getreowleasan heafde Pendan, to gife Cristes geleafan gecerde.] c 1540 (? a 1400) Gest Historiale Destr. Troy 6474 Hondes of hew heturly fast. OED eOE onset P-V V offeOE (Mercian) Vespasian Psalter l. 20 (21) Tunc inponent super altare tuum uitulos : onne onsetta ofer wibed in calfur. OED lOE off fear P-V V offlOE Anglo-Saxon Chron. (Laud) (Peterborough contin.) anno 1131 Ealle e hit sgon wron swa offred swa hi nfre r ne wron. a 1225 (? c 1175) Poema Morale (Lamb.) 157 in R. Morris Old Eng. Homilies (1868) 1st Ser. 169 er we mu en bon e e offerd [ ? a 1250 Digby ofherd] and herde us adreden. c 1225 (? c 1200) St. Katherine 670 Ha wes sumdel offruht and offearet c 1275 (? a 1200) LA AMON Brut (Calig.) 7730 Swa wes al a uerde ladliche of-fred c 1275 (? a 1200) LA AMON Brut (Calig.) 23424 a wes e king Frolle la liche of-fered c 1275 (? a 1216) Owl & Nightingale (Calig.) 978 Hi mi te oferen here brost. a 1333 WILLIAM OF SHOREHAM Poems (1902) 125 Most here no fend offere. OED

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77Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source OE of-fal P-V-V offOE (Northumbrian) Lindisf. Gospels: Mark xiii. 25 Stellae caeli erunt decidentes : steorras heofnes bion offallende. OED 1000 pull off V-P V -off c 1000 [see sense 1]. c 1450 M.E. Med. Bk. (Heinrich) 92 Pul of e croppes, and clippe hem wy a peyre sheris on smale peces. 1508 DUNBAR Flyting 157 Thow plukkis the pultre, and scho pullis off the pennis. 1586 A. DAY Eng. Secretary II. (1625) 83 Pull off my bootes and spurres. OED 1275 off smite P-V V offc 1275 (? a 1200) LA AMON Brut (Calig.) 13012 Ar ur..of-toc ene eotend..and at ih him of-smat [ c 1300 Otho of-smot]. OED 1275 off swip P-V V offc 1275 (? a 1200) LA AMON Brut (Calig.) 4081 ft he him to sweinde & a hond him of-swipte OED 1300 off weave P-V V offc 1300 St. Thomas Becket (Laud) 951 in C. Horstmann Early S.-Eng. Legendary (1887) 133 o seint thomas hadde is masse i-songue, his chesible he gan of weue c 1330 (? a 1300) Arthour & Merlin (Auch.) 6873 er was mani heued of weued OED 1300 cut-off V-P V -off a 1300 E.E. Psalter cxviii. 39 Cute mine up-braidinge [WYCLIF 1382 Kut of my repref, OED 1300 take off V-P V -off a 1300 Cursor M. 14318 He bad..Of e tumb tak of e lidd. OED 1330 off shear P-V V offc 1330 (? c 1300) Bevis of Hampton (Auch.) 816 A spanne of e groin be-forn Wi is swerd he ha of schoren a 1425 Northern Passion (Harl.) 758 And toke e ere at was of-shorn OED 1330 off twitch P-V V offc 1330 (? c 1300) Bevis of Hampton (Auch.) 3882 His sclauin ech palmer of twite OED

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78Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1375 off turn P-V V offa 1375 William of Palerne 2590 William hent hastili e hert & meliors e hinde, & [a]s smartli as ei cou e e skinnes of turned OED 1375 lay off (from) V-P V -off (from) c 1375 Sc. Leg. Saints iii. ( Andrew ) 684 His clathis all fra hym he lad. 1526 TINDALE Eph. iv. 22 Laye from you that olde man, which is corrupte thorowe the deceavable lustes. 1601 SHAKES. Jul. C. I. ii. 243 He was very loath to lay his fingers off it 1611 BIBLE Jonah iii. 6 He laid his robe from him. OED 1386 come off V-P V -off c 1386 CHAUCER Friar's T. 304 Yis quod this Somonour.. Com of and lat me ryden hastily. Yif me xii. pens. 1413 LYDG. Pilgr. Sowle IV. xx. (1483) 66 Come of, come of, and slee me here as blyue. (Imperative only) OED 1387 off-cast P-V N offa 1387 J. TREVISA tr. R. Higden Polychron. (St. John's Cambr.) IV. 439 Men ete skynnes of scheldes and of cast [ v.rr. outcast, of castyng; L. purgamenta ] of herbes at clevede on e walles. 1587 SIR P. SIDNEY & A. GOLDING tr. P. de Mornay Trewnesse Christian Relig. xxxii. 600 How would those greate men haue yeelded to such an ofcast ? OED 1387 leave off V-P V -off a 1387 J. TREVISA tr. R. Higden Polychron. (St. John's Cambr.) VII. 377 Leve of [L Desiste ], Alwyn, wi y good wille. c 1400 Destr. Troy 3587 Lefe of is langore. OED 1393 off shred P-V V offa 1393 GOWER Confessio Amantis (Fairf.) I. 2837 Hew doun this tree, and lett if falle..And let of schreden every braunche. OED 1393 off tear P-V V offa 1393 GOWER Confessio Amantis (Fairf.) III. 2010 He hire Pappes scholde of tere Out of hire brest. a 1500 (? a 1400) Morte Arthur 3745 Hys Ryche Atyre he wold haue of-torne OED 1400 off-casting P-V Ger offc 1400 tr. R. Higden Polychron. (Tiber.) f. 143,Men ete skynnes of scheeldes & of castyng of herbes at cleuede on e walles. OED

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79Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1400 off cast P-V V offc 1400 (? c 1390) Sir Gawain & Green Knight 1147 Couples huntes of kest c 1430 ( c 1380) CHAUCER Parl. Fowls 132 Be glad, thow redere, and thy sorwe of-caste ?1592 A. WILLET Sacrorum Emblematum Centuria Vna II. xlvii, We ought not off cast all hope. OED 1400 off whip P-V V offa 1400 (? c 1300) Bevis of Hampton (Sutherl.) 868 Ofwypt [ c 1330 Auch Sum kni t Beues so ofrau te, e heued of at e ferste drau te]. OED 1400 cast off V-P V -off c 1400 Destr. Troy 12661 Palomydon.. cast of his clothis cantly & wele. c 1400 MANDEVILLE v. 41 A woman myghte wel passe there, withouten castynge of of hire Clothes. 1609 BP. BARLOW Answ. Nameless Cath. 274 Them hee casteth off as the fellow..did his spectacles. 1697 W. DAMPIER Voy. I. vii. 165 In a weeks time the Tree casts off her old Robes. OED 1420 hold off V-P V -off c 1420 Pallad. on Husb. I. 98 An heir hil, that wynd that wold offende Let holde of. 1580 LYLY Euphues (Arb.) 387 Thou holdest me off with many delayes. OED 1423 onset P-V N off1423 in J. M. Thomson Reg. Magni Sigilli Scotorum (1912) I. 11 Twa forestar stedis..with the gamyn onsetis and dwelling places that thai now haff. OED 1425 off race P-V V offa 1425 ( a 1400) Prick of Conscience (Galba & Harl.) 6704 e strenthe of hungre sal am swa chace at air awen flesshe ai sal of-race OED 1425 off rive P-V V offa 1425 ( a 1400) Prick of Conscience (Galba & Harl.) 7379 And air awen flessch of-ryve and race. OED 1450 off glide P-V V offc 1450 (? a 1400) Duke Roland & Sir Otuel 475 The Nasell of his helme ofglade OED

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80Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1456 put off V-P V -off 1456 SIR G. HAYE Law Arms (S.T.S.) 158 It war than spedefull that sik a man war put off for the better. 1526 TINDALE Col. iii. 9 Ye have put off the olde man with his workes, and have putt on the nue. 1535 COVERDALE Song Sol. v. 3, I haue put off my cote, how can I do it on agayne? 1627 CAPT. SMITH Seaman's Gram. xiii. 61 If we be put off charge them with all your great and small shot. 1862 Temple Bar Mag. VI. 331 Don't be put off this by any consideration of weight or expense. OED 1500 off-smite P-V Adj offa 1500 (1422) J. YONGE tr. Secreta Secret. (Rawl.) 136 His hede he makyd of-Smyte OED 1515 off trench P-V V off?1515 A. BARCLAY Egloges II. sig. Mijv, His nose & earys, of trenchyd were also. OED 1533 off-shear P-V Adj off1533 J. GAU tr. C. Pedersen Richt Vay 58 Thay ar heretikis offchorne fra ye kirk of Christ. OED 1540 off hurl P-V Adj offc 1540 (? a 1400) Gest Historiale Destr. Troy 6722 His helme of hurlit & his hed bare. 1634 W. LATHUM Phyala Lachrymarum 19 Thou for preferment in a better world Gav'st us the slip, and our care quite off hurl'd. OED 1542 off-come P-V N off1542 R. RECORD Ground of Artes (1575) 127 The ofcome or product. 1570 J. DEE in H. Billingsley tr. Euclid Elem. Geom. XI. sig. 349, The roote Cubik of that ofcome or product, shall be the second number sought. a 1690 S. JEAKE (1696) 21 Which is called the Multiplee ..and..sometime the Offcome OED

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81Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1549 put-off V-P N -off 1549 LATIMER Serm. Ploughers (Arb.) 36 There be so manie put offes so many *put byes, so many respectes, a nd considerations of worldly wisedome. 1549 [see PUT-OFF 1]. 1549 LATIMER 3rd Serm. bef. Edw. VI (Arb.) 79 Nowe they haue theyr shyftes, and theyr putofs sainge, we maye not go before a lawe, we maye breake no order. OED 1549 put-off V-P N -off 1549 LATIMER 3rd Serm. bef. Edw. VI (Arb.) 79 Nowe they haue theyr shyftes, and theyr putofs sainge, we maye not go before a lawe, we maye breake no order. 1549 E. BECKE Bible (Matthew's) Prol., Then should neyther Goddes cause nor poore ma ns matters haue so many putoffes so many put byes & delayes. 1549 LATIMER Serm. Ploughers (Arb.) 36 There be so manie put offes, so many *put byes, so many respectes, and considerations of worldly wisedome. 1825 HONE Every-day Bk. I. 603 This delay..is occasioned by ‘laying to’ for ‘ put offs’ of single persons and parties, in Thames wherries. OED 1555 off set P-V N offa 1555 H. LATIMER Serm. & Remains (1845) 311 When you thus get out of your way at the first off-set 1628 in A. Macdonald & J. Dennistoun Misc. Maitland Club (1843) III. 373 The Quenis Chalmer the pannallis of it abone the hingingis..to be fair wrocht with armes antikis and thair afsettis. 1629 J. PARKINSON Paradisi in Sole xi. 114 The root is..compassed with a number of small rootes, or of of-sets round about it. (off-shoots) 1888 C. T. JACOBI Printers' Vocab. 90 Off-set the set-off of ink from one sheet to another of printed work whilst wet. 1888 C. T. JACOBI Printers' Vocab. Sheeted this expression is used when heavily printed work has to be placed sheet by sheet between other sheets to prevent off-set of ink. OED 1555 offset P-V N offa 1555 H. LATIMER Serm. & Remains (1845) 311 When you thus get out of your way at the first off-set OED 1570 off shake P-V V off1570-6 W. LAMBARD Perambulation Kent (1826) 219 They not their sinnes..* of shake 1892 I. ZANGWILL Children of Ghetto II. 20 We rest not, but stand, Off-shaken our sloth. OED

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82Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1578 off scour P-V V off1578 H. LYTE tr. R. Dodoens Niewe Herball III. vi. 322 They of scoure and clense al inwarde partes. OED 1578 off-scour P-V V off1578 H. LYTE tr. R. Dodoens Niewe Herball III. vi. 322 They of scoure and clense al inwarde partes. OED 1579 offscum P-V N off1579 T. LODGE Def. Plays 3 A little pamphelet..I fynd it the offscome [ mispr oftscome] of imperfections. OED 1592 lay off V-P V -off c 1592 MARLOWE Massacre Paris (? 1600) B4, Thou traitor Guise, lay of thy bloudy hands! 1628 tr. Tasso's Aminta I. i. B4 Stay for me till I haue in yon fresh fount Layd off the sweat and dust that yesterday I soyld me with. OED 1594 off chop P-V V off1594 R. CAREW tr. Tasso Godfrey of Bulloigne v. 213 Corps whose arme and hand off chopped are OED 1596 set off V-P V -off 1596 SHAKES. 1 Hen. IV V. i. 88 This present enterprize set off his head. 1597 SHAKES. 2 Hen. IV IV. i. 145 Euery thing set off, That might so much as thinke you Enemies. 1632 BP. HALL Hard Texts 1 John iii. 15 If any mans heart bee set upon the world, it is set off from God. 1651 Soliloquies vi, Do Thou set off my heart from all these earthly vanities. OED 1598 play off V-P V -off 1598 SHAKESPEARE Henry IV, Pt. 1 II. v. 16 When you breath in your watering they cry hem, and bid you play it off 1607 T. DEKKER & G. WILKINS Iests to make you Merie sig. H3v, He requested them to play off the sacke and begon. 1645 H. BOLD Adventure in Poems (1664) 136 Play off your Canns (you Rogues) your Case I'le warrant, If Fidle's good. 1721 G. ROUSSILLON tr. R. A. de Vertot Hist. Rev. Portugal 83 There should be fireworks ready to be play'd off OED 1601 spin off V-P V -off 1601 HOLLAND Pliny II. 549 One would imagine he saw every woman making hast to spin off her distaffe, striving avie who shall have done her taske first. OED

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83Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1606 off-cap P-V N off1606 tr. R. Rollock Comm. 2 Thess. 170 in Lect. vpon 1st & 2nd Epist. Paul to Thessalonians They are enemies,..all their doings, becking, and off-cap and good dayes..are fained. OED 1607 get off V-P V -off 1607 SHAKES. Cor. II. i. 141 They fought together, but Auffidius got off 1687 MIEGE Gt. Fr. Dict. 11, To get off from his Horse, descendre de Cheval OED 1607 pay off V-P V -off 1607 T. DEKKER Whore of Babylon sig. I4v, All my sinnes are paid off. 1732 SWIFT ( title ) A proposal to pay off the debt of the nation. OED 1611 knock off V-P V -off 1611 SHAKES. Cymb. V. iv. 199 Knocke off his Manacles. 1666 BOYLE Orig. Formes & Qualities If a parcel of Matter be knockt off from another. 1651 GATAKER in Fuller's Abel Rediv., Ridley (1867) I. 230 He returned..to his study, where he sat, unless suitors or some other affairs knocked him off. 1767 ‘A. BARTON’ Disappointment I. i. 10 As for McSnip, he intends to knock off business, home to England and purchase a title. 1817 PEACOCK Melincourt III. 68 He had..to dispose of..a christening, a marriage, and a funeral; but he would knock them off as fast as he could. 1811 JANE AUSTEN Let. 6 June (1952) 288 As you knock off a week from the end of her visit, & Martha rather more from the beginning, the thing is out of the question. OED 1615 off-shake P-V Adj off1615 J. SYLVESTER tr. G. de S. du Bartas Second Session Parl. Vertues Reall 43 His Fruit, yer ripe, shall be off-shaken all. OED 1616 off cap P-V V offa 1616 SHAKESPEARE Oth. (1623) I. i. 10 Three Great-ones of the Cittie, (In personall suite to make me his Lieutenant) Off-capt [ 1622 Oft capt ] to him. 1941 E. R. EDDISON Fish Dinner x. 168 Coming upon the highway..he was met with a courier on horseback who off-capped to him and handed him a letter OED

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84Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1618 off-chop P-V Adj off. a 1618 J. SYLVESTER Mem. Mortalitie xli, Her head shee felt with whiffing steel off-chopt OED 1621 set off V-P N -off 1621 FLETCHER Wild Goose Chase III. i, This course creature, That has no more set off but his jugglings, His travell'd tricks. 1662 STILLINGFL. Orig. Sacr Ep. Ded. a4b, The plain dress of the Scriptures, without the paint and set-offs which are added to it by the severall contending parties of the Christian World. 1759 FRANKLIN Hist. Rev. Pennsylv. Wks. 1840 III. 425 What the governor's set-off could not effect, was to be re~attempted by this put-off. OED 1623 off strip P-V V off1623 B. JONSON Time Vindicated in Wks. (1640) II. 102 If you doe their gloves off-strip OED 1629 buy off V-P V -off 1629 EARLE Microcosm. lxvii. (Arb.) 91 One whom no rate can buy off from the least piece of his freedom. OED 1631 brush off V-P V -off c 1631 MILTON Arcades xv. 48 From the boughs brush off the evil dew. 1690 B. E. Dict. Cant. Crew Brush to Fly or Run away. 1718 PRIOR Poems 63 Off they brush'd both Foot and Horse. 1728 VANBRUGH & CIB. Prov. Husb. II. i. 48, I believe I had as good brush off OED 1633 off reckoning P-V Ger off1633 T. CROSFIELD Diary 10 Dec. (1935) 67, 12d abated for ye offreckoning wherewith ye captaine is to buy them a suite of apparrell once a yeare. OED 1633 call off V-P V -off 1633 BP. HALL Hard Texts 545 The Lord..will call off those evils wch they groane under. 1799 NELSON in Nicolas Disp. (1845) III. 147 Captain Blackwood..calls at Minorca in his way down. Ibid. 352 Direct the Ships to call off here, but not to anchor. OED 1634 come-off V-P N -off 1634 SHIRLEY Opportunity I. ii, This was Indifferently well carried! I was jealous Of a more lame come-off 1690 NORRIS Beatitudes (1694) I. 235 The Hopes of a safe come off at last. OED

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85Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1634 come-off V-P N -off 1634 SHIRLEY Opportunity I. ii, This was Indifferently well carried! I was jealous Of a more lame come-off 1690 NORRIS Beatitudes (1694) I. 235 The Hopes of a safe come off at last. OED 1640 get off V-P V -off 1640 tr. Verdere's Rom. Rom. I. 81 The Christians got off with the losse of two thousand men. OED 1650 beat off V-P V -off 1650 R. STAPYLTON Strada's Low C. Warres VII. 41 When the Enemye..attacques the Towne, it cannot beat them off 1764 HARMER Observ. XIV. i. 37 No rain fell in the day-time, to beat off the workmen. OED 1655 break off V-P V -off 1655 FULLER Ch. Hist. v. III. 119 On the Scaffold (a place not to break jests, but to break off all jesting) he could not hold. OED 1662 working off Ger-P -off 1662 EVELYN Sculptura iii. 33 They also engrave upon stone, and imprint with it; but with this difference in the working-off ; that the paper being black, the Sculpture remains white. OED 1666 sent off V-P V -off 1666 DRYDEN Ann. Mirab. lxxiv, His wounded men he first sends off to shore. 1782 F. BURNEY Cecilia VII. ix, When she had sent off this letter. 1896 R. S. S. BADEN-POWELL Matabele Campaign vi, We.. sent off some native runners to go and find him. OED 1673 offset P-V V off1673 in A. Perry & C. S. Brigham Early Rec. Portsmouth (Rhode Island) (1901) 179 The towne doe thereupon offsett the Said Sums and doe allow it him. OED

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86Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1673 offset P-V V off1673 in A. Perry & C. S. Brigham Early Rec. Portsmouth (Rhode Island) (1901) 179 The towne doe thereupon offsett the Said Sums and doe allow it him. 1793 N. CHIPMAN Rep. & Diss. II. 171 The demands of both plaintiff and defendant must be mutual..or they will not be allowed to offset one against the other. OED 1674 off-cut P-V N off1674 N. FAIRFAX Treat. Bulk & Selvedge 29 If my soul does not thus featly stick out of my body, then it withdrew at the off-cut 1663-4 in H. J. F. Swayne Churchwardens' Accts. Sarum (1896) 337 C. Horton work abt the leads 16 s with 18lb. of old offcuts 1866 W. T. BRANDE & G. W. COX Dict. Sci., Lit. & Art (new ed.) II. 708/1 Offcut ,..that part of a printed sheet which cuts off, and which when folded is inserted in the middle of the other part. OED 1674 off-shoots P-V N off1674 N. FAIRFAX Treat. Bulk & Selvedge 28 The body is..reeking out whole steams of little unseen off-shoots 1710 J. ADDISON Tatler No. 157 10 [She] finds her self related, by some Off-shoot or other, to almost every great Family in England. OED 1680 round off V-P V -off 1680 MOXON Mech. Exerc. xii. 207 With the Draw-knife round off the Edges, to make it fit for the Lathe. 1683 Printing xi. 22 The two upper corners of these Rails are rounded off that they may not mark the Paper. OED 1682 write off V-P V -off 1682 J. SCARLETT Exchanges 107 To send the..Bill to the House of the Acceptant, and desire him to order that the Value be write of in Bank. 1752 BEAWES Lex Merc. Rediv. 363 Write off from my Bank Book, one hundred and fifty~seven Pounds. fig. 1889 Spectator 21 Sept., China and India being written-off as full of people. OED 1697 die off V-P V -off 1697 W. DAMPIER Voy. I. 113 It is usual with sick men coming from the Sea Air to dye off as soon as ever they come within the view of the Land. OED 1700 sell off V-P V -off a 1700 EVELYN Diary 18 Jan. 1671, He answer'd he [Grinling Gibbons] was yet but a beginner, but would not be sorry to sell off that piece. OED

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87Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1700 tip off V-P V -off a 1700 B. E. Dict. Cant. Crew To Tip off to Dye. 1727 GAY Begg. Op. III. i, If that great man should tip off 'twould be an irreparable loss. 1735 SAVAGE Progr. Divine 294 She, with broken heart, Tips off --poor soul! OED 1702 off break P-V V off1702 C. BEAUMONT J. Beaumont's Psyche (new ed.) VIII. cxciii. 135 But Satan, though his spightful heart did leap For joy to see how in his fallen cheeks Hunger had writ her cruel conquest deep; With fained princely pitty yet off breaks His course. 1872 M. MACLENNAN Peasant Life 2nd Ser. 47 She winna be ony speckillation tae the pairish by offbraikin' the banns. OED 1707 run off V-P V -off 1707 MORTIMER Husb. (1721) II. 322 Let it stand half an Hour undisturbed, that it may run off clear. OED 1709 drop off V-P V -off 1709 STEELE Tatler No. 149 2, I..found the [others].. drop off designedly to leave me alone with the eldest Daughter. 1824 BYRON Juan XVI. viii, The banqueteers had dropp'd off one by one. OED 1721 off reckon P-V V off1721 A. HILL in Buccleuch MSS (Hist. MSS Comm.) (1899) I. 370 Whatever he might make by..Balls, Concerts, or the like, ought to be off-reckoned. OED 1722 set-off V-P Adj -off a 1722 FOUNTAINHALL Decis. I. 454 One may set set-off chambers and parts of a house. OED 1722 pair off V-P V -off 1772 Debates & Proc. Brit. House of Commons 1768-1770 240 At dinner time many made no scruple, though the cause was not determined, of pairing off as it is called; some pair'd off for every question in the election, others for a day, or a few hours only. OED 1730 off-put P-V N off1730 R. WODROW Corr. (1843) III. 458 The delays and off-puts in the matter of Mr. Glass are what I do not understand. 1750 Session Bk. Rothesay (1931) 480 The Kilmichael's elde r and younger, gave them always offputs for their money. OED 1741 cast-off V-P N -off 1741 RICHARDSON Pamela I. 49 And how..must they have look'd, like old Cast-offs OED

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88Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1746 cast-off V-P Adj -off 1746 W. THOMPSON R.N. Advoc. (1757) 40 Cast-off Hunters, turn'd upon the Road for Post Chaise Service. 1755 Connoisseur No. 80 A cast-off suit of my wife's. OED 1752 write-off V-P N -off 1752 BEAWES Lex Merc. Rediv. 363 No Money will be paid..without such a Draught, or what is called, a Write off 1957 Times Lit. Suppl. 20 Dec. 766/5 It is the point made earlier about the need for resources wherewith to make and replace the automation machines, the need for more rapid write-offs of those machines once installed, and the paralle l need to ‘pay’ the machines more than normal machines have hitherto been ‘paid’. OED 1760 run off V-P V -off 1760-72 H. BROOKE Fool of Qual. (1809) II. 93 They cast their arms to the ground, and run off ..as fast as they could. OED 1766 clear off V-P V -off 1766 C. LEADBETTER Royal Gauger II. iv. (ed. 6) 250 [The common Brewer, Inn-keeper, etc.] are obliged to pay and clear off the Duty within the Week or Month after such entries are made. 1816 U. BROWN Jrnl. in Maryland Hist. Mag. XI. 365 [I] called to her [ sc a mare] and flattered her to come back; she would not; clear'd off and left me. OED 1776 show off V-P N -off 1776 S. J. PRATT Pupil of Pleas. II. 14 He allots to each of us such a share of fortune in our own hands as is sufficient to the display and shew-off of the natural disposition 1783 Liberal Opin. (ed. 3) Pref. 20 It appears to have been..the..effort of the author..to di splay the..inconsistencies of human opinion respecting Happiness; and, (after this shew off of folly delusion, and absurdity) [etc.]. OED 1776 show-off V-P N -off 1776 S. J. PRATT Pupil of Pleas. II. 14 He allots to each of us such a share of fortune in our own hands as is sufficient to the display and shew-off of the natural disposition OED 1793 show-off V-P V -off a 1793 G. WHITE Nat. Cal., Observ. Birds (1795) 79 A fern-owl this evening.. showed off in a very unusual..manner. 1 OED

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89Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1793 trade off V-P V -off 1793 in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. (1810) III. 1 Good crops of corn and rye, which they trade off for spirituous liquors. OED 1803 mark off V-P V -off 1803 T. JEFFERSON Address to Brothers of Choctaw Nation 17 Dec. in Writings (1984) 559 You have spoken, br others, of the lands which your fathers formerly sold and marked off to the English. OED 1804 break-off V-P N -off 1804 Hull Adv. 21 Jan. 4/1 The left hand then seizes the shaft of the stock and the right hand dislodges the barrel from the ‘ Break-off’ 1844 Regul. & Ord. Army 106 For a new break off filed up, fitted, and hardened. 1858 GREENER Gunnery 250 With the breeches in the percussioned state, breakoffs fitted and locks jointed. 1860 FORSTER Gr. Remonstr. 169 The sudden and impetuous break-off from the party with whom he had acted so zealously. OED 1806 get off V-P V -off a 1806 K. WHITE Lett. (1837) 329, I never get quite off study. 1835 J. CONSTABLE Let. 12 Sept. (1967) V. 27, I wish I could get off going there to lecture. 1893 SIR R. ROMER in Law Times Rep. LXVIII. 443/1 It appears to me impossible to say that the defendants can get off the contract. OED 1807 feed off V-P V -off 1807 R. PARKINSON Experienced Farmer I. 409 If he cannot feed it [Buckwheat] off with some cattle. 1850 Jrnl. R. Agric. Soc. XI. II. 430 The crop being well grown, it only remains to feed it well off OED 1818 show-off V-P Adj -off 1818 S. E. FERRIER Marriage II. xxii. 298 Colonel Lennox was evidently not a shew-off character. OED 1818 choke off V-P V -off 1818 COBBETT Pol. Reg. XXXIII. 72 The Duke's seven mouths..made the Whig party choak off Sheridan. OED 1823 off saddle P-V V off1823 T. PHILIPPS Lett. (1960) 203, I rode up to the door and began the never-varied question ‘Can I offsaddle ?’ 1850 R. G. CUMMING Five Years Hunter's Life S. Afr. I. vi. 119 Accordingly we off-saddled and in a few minutes I was once more asleep. OED

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90Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1824 shut off V-P V -off 1824 R. STUART Hist. Steam Engine 132 The motion of the piston was equalized by shutting off the steam sooner or later from the cylinder. 1904 H. B. M. WATSON Hurricane Isl. xx. 285, I shut off the lantern. OED 1826 take-off V-P N -off 1826 MISS MITFORD Village Ser. II. 214 ( French Emigrants ) Notwithstanding these take-offs, our good duchess had still the air of a lady of rank. OED 1832 get-off V-P N -off 1832 Chambers's Jrnl. I. 121/2 As a get-off she commences a eulogy on her butter. 1848 J. H. NEWMAN Loss & Gain 80 ‘But it is an illegal declaration or vow’, said Willis, ‘and so not binding’. ‘Where did you find that get-off ?’ said Charles; ‘the priest put that into your head.’ 1853 G. JOHNSTON Nat. Hist. E. Bord. I. 256 Pooh! that explanation won't do. A mere get-off OED 1838 sign off V-P V -off 1838 EMERSON Addr. Cambr. Wks. (Bohn) II. 200 In the country neighbourhoods, half parishes are signing off to use the local term. 1859 BARTLETT Dict. Amer. (ed. 2), To sign off to release a debtor by agreeing to accept whatever he offers to pay. OED 1838 sign off V-P V -off 1838 EMERSON Addr. Cambr. Wks. (Bohn) II. 200 In the country neighbourhoods, half parishes are signing off to use the local term. 1859 BARTLETT Dict. Amer. (ed. 2), To sign off to release a debtor by agreeing to accept whatever he offers to pay. OED 1838 sign off V-P V -off 1838 EMERSON Addr. Cambr. Wks. (Bohn) II. 200 In the country neighbourhoods, half parishes are signing off to use the local term. 1859 BARTLETT Dict. Amer. (ed. 2), To sign off to release a debtor by agreeing to accept whatever he offers to pay. OED 1839 bumble-off V-P N -off 1839 (v. or n.) set off in a hurry. Holloway, p. 22 Holloway 1839 check off V-P V -off 1839 DICKENS Nich. Nick. xvi, Nearly every other member..pulled a written paper from his pocket, to check Mr. Pugstyles off as he read the questions. 1884 Harper's Mag. June 46/2 The signer's name is.. checked off on the..list by a third officer. OED

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91Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1839 clean off V-P V -off a 1839 PRAED Poems (1864) II. 3 A thousand hands.. Clean off each ancient stain or soil. OED 1840 looking-off Ger-P -off 1840 BROWNING Sordello III. 632 Some slight weariness, some looking-off Or start-away. OED 1840 kick off V-P V -off 1840 DICKENS Old C. Shop xlix, He.. kicked off his shoes, and groped his way up-stairs. 1890 G. GISSING The Emancipated III. II. xvii. 289 He kicked off his boots, kicked on his slippers. OED 1841 send-off V-P N -off 1841 Spirit of Times 18 Dec. 499/2 Sleepy John was the favorite against the field; by bad management of the groom John got a miserable send off and lost at least fifty yards. OED 1841 send-off V-P N -off 1841 Spirit of Times 18 Dec. 499/2 Sleepy John was the favorite against the field; by bad management of the groom John got a miserable send off and lost at least fifty yards. OED 1843 burn off V-P V -off 1843 C. A. DILLON Let. 16 Jan. (1954) 17 The fern was all burnt off by the surveyors. OED 1845 off-saddle P-V N off1845 W. N. IRWIN Echoes of Past (1927) 235, I..take the opportunity of the first off saddle to stretch myself in the Shade, and..read your welcome epistle. OED 1846 round-off V-P Adj -off 1846 HOLTZAPFFEL Turning II. 826 Nicking and piercing files..are called round-off files, and are used for rounding or pointing the teeth of wheels. 1 946 GOLDSTINE & VON NEUMANN in J. von Neumann Coll. Wks. (1963) V. 17 A very complicated calculation in which the accumulation and amplification of the round-off errors threatens to prevent the obtaining of results of the desired precision. OED 1850 off load P-V V off1850 R. G. CUMMING Five Years Hunter's Life S. Afr. I. i. 5 No, no, mynheer, you must not off-load OED

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92Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1850 off load P-V V off1850 R. G. CUMMING Five Years Hunter's Life S. Afr. I. i. 5 No, no, mynheer, you must not off-load. 1863 W. C. BALDWIN Afr. Hunting 222 The wagon stuck fast and we had to off-load. 1850 R. G. CUMMING Five Years Hunter's Life S. Afr. II. xx. 82 Having off-loaded my waggon, I handed it over to Mr. Arnott, the resident blacksmith, to undergo repairs. OED 1854 tick off V-P V -off 1854 DICKENS Hard T. I. xiv. 108 He was not sure that if he had been required..to tick her off into columns in a parliamentary return, he would have quite known how to divide her. 1861 Gt. Expect. xxxiv, I compared each with the bill, and ticked it off 1871 L. STEPHEN Playgr. Eur. (1894) xiii. 323 One more task ticked off from their memorandum book. OED 1855 split off V-P V -off 1855 Orr's Circ. Sci., Inorg. Nat. 39 These, which are often of vast dimensions, are split off from the peaks of the higher mountains. OED 1856 off-bearer P-V Agt off1856 K. E. R. PICKARD Kidnapped & Ransomed ii. 35 When Peter was about nine years old, he too was employed in the brick-yard, as off-bearer OED 1856 off bear P-V V off1856 K. E. R. PICKARD Kidnapped & Ransomed ii. 35 Three thousand brick a day was the task for two boys; and if one of them chanced to be by any means disabled, his companion must ‘ off-bear’ the whole. OED 1856 off-bear P-V V off1856 K. E. R. PICKARD Kidnapped & Ransomed ii. 35 Three thousand brick a day was the task for two boys; and if one of them chanced to be by any means disabled, his companion must ‘ off-bear’ the whole. OED 1857 kick-off V-P N -off 1857 HUGHES Tom Brown I. v, Hasn't old Brook won the toss..and got choice of goals and kick-off ? 1895 WELLDON G. Eversley's Friendsh. 161 The match was hotly contested from the kick-off to the finish. OED 1859 pull off V-P N -off 1859 Musketry Instr. 17 It is erroneous to suppose that by loosening the sear or any other pin an easier or lighter pull off is obtained. OED 1861 burn off V-P N -off 1861 W. MORGAN Jrnl. 27 Feb. (1963) iii. 28 Not an over excellent burn off --there having been of late a good deal of wet. OED

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93Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1861 burn-off V-P N -off 1861 W. MORGAN Jrnl. 27 Feb. (1963) iii. 28 Not an over excellent burn off --there having been of late a good deal of wet. OED 1863 off-bearing P-V Adj off1863 Sci. Amer. 24 Oct. 269/3 Driving the off-bearing apron..at a greater speed than that of the bar of clay, fo r the purpose of separating the brick by a sufficient interval. OED 1865 pay-off V-P N -off 1865 DICKENS Our Mutual Friend I. I. ii. 32 Twemlow received an invitation to dine at Veneerings, expressly to meet the Member, the Engineer, the Pay-off of the National Debt, the Poem on Shakespeare, the Grievance, and the Public Office. OED 1866 off-break P-V N off1866 W. GREGOR Dial. Banffshire in Trans. Philol. Soc. 18 124 The Freekirk's an aff-brack fae the Aul' Kirk. 1892 G. M. RAE Syrian Church in India 195 Her ranks had been greatly thinned by the off-break of Protestantism. OED 1867 off-drive P-V N off1867 Australasian 2 Feb. 140/2 He made a very good off drive for four. 1881 Daily News 9 July 2 Making an off drive for four. OED 1869 shut-off V-P Adj -off 1869 RANKINE Machine & Hand-tools Pl. G1, The shut-off valve. OED 1869 turn off V-P V -off 1869 L. M. ALCOTT Little Women II. xx. 309 He turned off the gas, and kissed the picture in the dark. OED 1873 run-off V-P N -off 1873 Carthusian June 56 Hanson and Jeaffreson ran a dead heat for second place... The run-off for the second prize was won by Hanson. OED 1875 knock-off V-P N -off 1875 KNIGHT Dict. Mech. 1240/1 Knock off ( Knitting-machine ), the piece which, at the proper moment, removes the loops from the tier of needles. OED 1876 off-center P-V Adj off1876 Rep. Comm. U.S. Internat. Exhib. Vienna 213 If the spindle is irregular in shape, or ground ‘ off center ,’ it will produce a fatal loss of symmetry in the work. 1883 C. READE Love & Money IV. 51 Hope looks over his shoulder at certificate, then goes off centre OED 1881 turn-off V-P N -off 1881 ‘R. BOLDREWOOD’ Robbery under Arms (1888) III. xvii. 255 It's the wrong turn-off that makes a man lose his way. OED 1883 call-off V-P N -off 1883 J. PARKER Apost. Life II. 186 No..* call-off from prolonged and arduous enquiry into profound and useful subjects. OED

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94Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1883 call-off V-P N -off 1883 J. PARKER Apost. Life II. 186 No..* call-off from prolonged and arduous enquiry into profound and useful subjects. OED 1884 rip off V-P V -off 1884 Manch. Exam. 28 Nov. 5/1 He also declared that he incited no one to rip off Gladstone badges at the meeting. 1974 Guidelines to Volunteer Services (N.Y. State Dept. Correctional Services) 42 Rip off rape, pull a job. 1976 Observer 22 Feb. 6/3 Many women think all garages consider they can ‘ rip off’ women drivers. OED 1885 off-print P-V N off1885 W. W. SKEAT in Academy 22 Aug. 121 Various terms, such as ‘deprint’, ‘exprint’, etc., have been proposed to denote a separately-printed copy of a pamphlet... By comparison with ‘offshoot’ I think we might use ‘ offprint ’ with some hope of expressing what is meant. 1888 F. H. WOODS in Academy 21 Apr. 276 Having now obtained, through Canon Taylor's courtesy, an off-print of his paper. OED 1887 face off V-P V -off 1887 RUSKIN Prterita II. 384 A little logwork to face off the stream at its angles. OED 1887 flick off V-P V ? -off 1887 M. E. BRADDON Like & Unlike ii, Miss Deverill was flicking the chalk-marks off the cloth with her handkerchief. 1918 C. SANDBURG Cornhuskers 50 He lived flecking lint off coat lapels. 1882 W. J. CUMMINS Catalogue Fishing Tackle 10 Don't attempt to throw against the wind, as you would be sure to ‘ flick ’ the fly off OED 1888 off drive P-V V off1888 Pall Mall Gaz. 22 Sept. 9/1 Then he off-drove his next ball to the ropes. 1893 R. DAFT Kings of Cricket vi. 103 C. G. Lane..could, I think, ‘ off drive’ Jackson better than any other player of the day. OED 1888 rake-off V-P N -off 1888 Texas Siftings 28 Jan. 16/1 We always give him a rake-off so he makes a good enough thing of it. OED 1888 set-off V-P N -off 1888 C. T. JACOBI Printers' Vocab. 90 Off-set the set-off of ink from one sheet to another of printed work whilst wet. OED 1889 tear-off V-P Adj -off 1889 Pall Mall G. 21 Dec. 3/1 Blotting pads, with a tear-off engagementsheet at the side. OED

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95Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1889 lay-off V-P N -off 1889 Gallup (New Mexico) Gleaner 27 Mar. 1/3 Fred Diamond is taking a lay-off OED 1891 tip off V-P V -off 1891 in Cent. Dict. 1893 L. W. MOORE His Own Story xxi. 292 This was ‘ tipped off’ to me on Thursday, and also that the arrest of the whole party was to be made. Ibid. xxxiv. 445 When I saw he had ‘ tipped me off ’ to her, I said, ‘Look at me, for I am the man he told you to identify.’ OED 1892 run-off V-P N -off 1892-3 14th Rep. U.S. Geol. Surv. 149 The run-off, that is, the quantity of water flowing from the land. OED 1893 hold-off V-P Adj -off 1893 STEVENSON Catriona 286, I saw I must be extremely hold-off in my relations. OED 1895 off print P-V V off1895 I. K. FUNK et al. Standard Dict. Eng. Lang. s.v., The article is offprinted from a magazine. 1951 Catal. MS Coll. Brit. Mus. (verso rear cover) Offprinted from the Journal of Documentation Volume 7. 1952 M. MCCARTHY Groves of Academe (1953) i. 8 Maynard Hoar, author of a pamphlet, ‘The Witch Hunt in Our Universities’ ( off-printed from the American Scholar and mailed out gratis by the bushel to a legion of ‘prominent educators’). 1997 Amer. Lit. 69 356 See Merton M. Sealts Jr., Melville's Reading: A Check-List of Books Owned and Borrowed offprinted from Harvard Library Bulletin. OED 1895 play-off V-P N -off 1895 Outing June 50/2 In the play-off for the championship of the city, the Sodality team won a bitterly contested game. OED 1897 hand off V-P V -off 1897 Encycl. Sport I. 429 Handing-off pushing off an opponent who endeavours to impede a player running with the ball. 1920 Times 8 Nov. 6/2 The wings ran well and were not afraid to ‘ hand-off’ 1923 W. J. A. DAVIES Rugby Football 135 Coates..ran with his head half turned to the right..which gave one the impression that he was waiting and was anxious to hand-off some one. 1988 First Down 19 Nov. 4/1 On the next play, the 5foot-10 quarterback handed off to rookie rusher John Stephens who rolled in for the score with 6:48 left. OED

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96Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1898 blow-off V-P N -off 1898 S. M. FERGUSSON in ‘House’ on Sport I. 174 A blow-off in this wise [ i.e swearing at golf] does one good now and then. OED 1901 off-beat P-V N off1901 W. MASON Mem. Musical Life 120 In a passage where the trombone enters on an off beat the player made a mistake and came in on the even beat. OED 1901 tip-off V-P N -off 1901 J. F. WILLARD World of Graft 164 ‘So much down now,’ he said, ‘and so much when the show's over. Otherwise it's a tip-off and pinch.’ OED 1902 pull-off V-P Adj -off 1902 Daily Chron. 23 Dec. 3/5 A fine copy of Charles Lamb's ‘Beauty and the Beast’;..enclosed in a specially-printed paper pull-off case, on which is printed the title-page. OED 1904 off breaking P-V Adj off1904 Westm. Gaz. 10 Aug. 3/1 Mr. Bosanquet..dismissed three batsmen lbw with his ‘ off-breaking leg-break’. 1907 Westm. Gaz. 18 July 4/2 The offbreaking leg-break of the Bosanquet school has exercised a great influence over South African cricket. 1998 Chambers's Dict. s.v. googly An offbreaking ball with an apparent leg-break action. OED 1907 lift off V-P Adj -off 1907 Yesterday's Shopping (1969) 385/3 Art cloth box, with lift off lid. OED 1907 lift-off V-P Adj -off 1907 Yesterday's Shopping (1969) 385/3 Art cloth box, with lift off lid. 1956 Sun (Baltimore) 16 Oct. 18/3 The relative merits of ‘roll-on, roll-off’ shipping, where trailers would be rolled aboard, and of ‘lift-on, lift-off’ service involving only a truck van. OED 1908 off-saddle P-V Adj off1908 Daily Chron. 10 Nov. 3/5, I had him by the hip at ‘ off-saddle’ time. OED 1909 stand-off V-P N -off 1909 E. G. NICHOLLS Mod. Rugby Game iii. 40 He must be capable of adequately filling the position of stand-off and of scrum half. OED 1909 sound off V-P V -off 1909 WEBSTER s.v. sound, to sound off Mil. at a certain point in the ceremony of parade or guard mounting in the United States army, to play, usually marching in quick time from right to left of the line and back:said of the band or field music. OED

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97Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1911 check-off V-P N -off 1911 Daily Colonist (Victoria, B.C.) 27 Apr. 1/4 The management..has refused the local union a continuance of the ‘* check-off’ which has been in force heretofore. OED 1912 off-loading P-V Ger off1912 Rep. Comm. Condition Trade & Industries (S. Afr.) 23 Dumping may be defined as the off-loading of the surplus products of manufacture of one country into the markets of another country. OED 1915 see off V-P V -off 1915 H. BRUCKSHAW Diary Aug. in Times (1976) 7 Feb. 12/6 We had at last cleared the place except for sundry stragglers who would no doubt be seen off later. OED 1922 off-beat P-V Adj off1922 John o' London's Weekly 4 Jan. 18/2 The first three-quarters of the play were so good anyway, simply on the level of off-beat thrillerdom. OED 1922 check-off V-P Adj -off 1922 Tom Mooney's Monthly (S.F.) Nov. 4/4 The miners were on strike against a cut in wages [and] abolition of the ‘ check-off’ system. OED 1922 hand-off V-P N -off 1922 Daily Mail 8 Dec. 12 A dangerous scoring wing with a powerful handoff and an elusive swerve. 1928 Observer 19 Feb. 27/1 [He] has a fine kick, with a strong hand-off 1947 Richmond (Va.) Times-Dispatch 9 Nov. B7/8 Jones then took a handoff from McCary and tore through a wide hole on the left side of Penn's line to score. OED 1922 piss off V-P V -off 1922 T. E. LAWRENCE Mint (1957) II. xx. 186 You piss off Pissquick. 1944 in G. Rock Hist. Amer. Field Service (1956) 510 Nobody seemed to know anything much, and we all figured bearers had pissed off OED 1924 run-off V-P Adj -off 1924 Lit. Digest 6 Sept. 8/2 Texas..has a double primary. If no one has a majority in the first primary election, a later ‘ run-off’ primary is held, in which the voters choose between the two candidates receiving the highest number of votes at the first balloting. OED 1926 offset P-V Adj off1926 Jrnl. Soc. Automotive Engin. June 575/1 Hypoid-gears are tapered gears having offset axes. OED

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98Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1926 hop-off V-P N -off 1926 Daily Colonist (Victoria, B.C.) 13 Jan. 1/7 The expedition planes will be..flown..to Point Barrow, where the hop-off for the Polar flight will be made. OED 1930 lift-off V-P N -off 1930 P. WHITE How to fly Airplane xxii. 303 Two men are about to execute what is known as a ‘lift-off’ from the wings of a bombing plane. OED 1930 lift-off V-P N -off 1930 P. WHITE How to fly Airplane xxii. 303 Two men are about to execute what is known as a ‘ lift-off ’ from the wings of a bombing plane. OED 1930 sign off on V-P V -off 1930 N.Y. Times 29 Nov. 15/3 Princeton has signed off on graduate coaching for baseball. OED 1934 tick-off V-P N -off 1934 P. ALLINGHAM Cheapjack ii. 18 Several show~people were in the bar. ‘You're working the tick-off aren't you?’ said one of them. Ibid. I discovered that ‘ tick-off’ was the fair-ground slang for fortune-teller. OED 1935 split-off V-P Adj -off 1935 Z. N. HURSTON Mules & Men I. ii. 40 Ah knowed one preacher dat was called to preach at one of dese split-off churches. De members had done split off from a big church... He come and preached at dis split-off for two whole weeks. OED 1935 split-off V-P N -off 1935 Z. N. HURSTON Mules & Men I. ii. 40 … He come and preached at dis split-off for two whole weeks. 1964 New Statesman 14 Feb. 248/1 The splitoff of science into a separate culture. OED 1937 sell-off V-P N -off 1937 Sun (Baltimore) 6 Feb. 19/1 The sell-off was less pronounced than that of the share market and was slower in developing. OED 1938 back off V-P V -off 1938 M. K. RAWLINGS Yearling iv. 37 He [ sc the bear] seemed to stand baffled... The dogs backed off an instant. OED 1939 beer-off V-P N -off 1939 Nottingham Jrnl. 15 Mar. 4/4 Children and beer-offs 1958 A. SILLITOE Sat. Night & Sun. Morning vii. 98 Bill..had called at the beer-off by the street-end. OED 1941 brush-off V-P N -off 1941 J. R. PARKER Attorneys at Law i. 10 I'd have given my eye teeth to hear Forbes getting the brush-off OED

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99Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1941 tear off V-P V -off 1941 BAKER Dict. Austral. Slang 76 Tear off a piece to coit with a woman. OED 1942 sign-off V-P Adj -off 1942 E. CULBERTSON Official Bk. Contract Bridge xv. 187 Finally, there is the sign-off bid... The sign-off may be made even if the responder hold one Ace. OED 1942 sign-off V-P N -off 1942 E. CULBERTSON Official Bk. Contract Bridge xv. 187 Finally, there is the sign-off bid... The sign-off may be made even if the responder hold one Ace. OED 1942 sign-off V-P N -off 1942 E. CULBERTSON Official Bk. Contract Bridge xv. 187 Finally, there is the sign-off bid... The sign-off may be made even if the responder hold one Ace. OED 1943 off-board P-V Adj off1943 N.Y. Times 29 Mar. 23/6 Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Beane have published a booklet titled ‘ Off-board Securities Business’. 1968 Economist 6 Jan. 56/2 It is suspected in Wall Street th at the agency's wily staff goes out of its way to prop up those offboard markets mainly to keep ‘sassy’ Wall Streeters off balance. OED 1949 back-off V-P N -off 1949 Sheboygan (Wisconsin) Press 1 Dec. 3/1 In a grand final bake-off at the Waldorf-Astoria, Pillsbury Mills will award $150,000 in prizes. 1965 Sunday Mail (Brisbane) 18 July 22/2 The Bake-Off ..attracts national attention as the greatest recipe quest in this country. OED 1949 shrug off V-P V -off 1949 Catholic Times 4 Mar. 5/1 The disgrace of Yalta can never be shrugged off. OED 1951 blast-off V-P N -off 1951 M. GREENBERG Travelers of Space 20 Blast-off the initial expenditure of energy by a space ship leaving a planet, or in emergency takeoffs. OED

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100Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1951 spin-off V-P N -off 1951 STANLEY & KILCULLEN Federal Income Tax 182 Sec. 112 ( b ) (11), added by the 1951 Act, permits the distribution of stock in a spin-off without recognition of gain to the stock-holders, subject to certain restrictions designed to prevent the use of spin-offs to distribute earnings and profits. OED 1958 off center P-V V off1958 Proc. Inst. Electr. Engin. 105 B. Suppl. No. 8. 355/1 Few radars are capable of off-centring the display by any appreciable amount. 1973 N. FREEDMAN Joshua 71 He off-centered the next shot, but that didn't phase Steve either. 1990 Salt Water Sportsman Dec. 58/3 It provides full eight-level quantization, off-centering to anywhere on the screen, zoom [etc.]. 2000 Toronto Sun (Nexis) 30 Nov. T6 The rear has a large handle off-centered to the right. OED 1958 blast-off V-P Adj -off 1958 Observer 2 Feb. 1/3 This stage developed a blast-off thrust of 78,000 lb. OED 1959 lift off V-P V -off 1959 W. A. HEFLIN Aerospace Gloss. 57/2 To lift off to take off in a vertical ascent. 1961 BURCHETT & PURDY Cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin ii. 27 The giant ship lifts off ..in a hurricane of white-hot flames. 1971 Sci. Amer. Oct. 49/2 On July 21, 1969, Eagle lifted off from the moon with its 22-kilogram cargo of lunar rocks and soil. OED 1961 tear-off V-P N -off 1961 ‘B. WELLS’ Day Earth caught Fire i. 7 An alert..youngish man..was at his desk busily working on tear-offs with swift, practised strokes of his red pencil. OED 1961 trade-off V-P N -off 1961 Hovering Craft & Hydrofoil Oct. 32/2 Propulsion system integration allowing trade-offs between the requirements of lift and forward thrust can be achieved in a variety of ways. OED

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101Table B-2. Continued Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source 1964 round-off V-P N -off 1964 Trampolining (‘Know the Game’ Ser.) 40/1 It is similar in action to the round-off in ground work tumbling. OED 1970 off put P-V V off1970 Guardian Weekly 7 Nov. 15 The peculiarity of a faith that can..be so offput by the female of any species that not even a cow is allowed to pasteurise here. 1984 M. H. BORNSTEIN Psychology & its Allied Disciplines I. p. xli, Many professionals are manifestly offput by its [ sc. psychodynamic analysis's] transparency. 1997 Communication World (Electronic ed.) 14 Few here in the Lower 48 would be offput by an occasional programme or perhaps honour. OED 1970 rip-off V-P N -off 1970 Manch. Guardian Weekly 2 May 16/4 ‘Who do you have on Haight Street today?’ he [ sc a San Francisco drug peddler ] said disgustedly... ‘You have burn artists (fraudulent dope peddlers), rip-offs (thieves), and snitchers (police spies).’ OED 1973 kick-off V-P Adj -off 1973 M. TRUMAN Harry S. Truman i. 20 The first major crisis came on Labor Day, when we went to Detroit to make the traditional kickoff speech in Cadillac Square. OED 1973 ripoff V-P Adj -off 1973 Nation Rev. (Melbourne) 31 Aug. 1436/6 The knife edged ripoff tag on the top of some cans. OED 1977 off-loading P-V Adj off1977 J. MCCLURE Sunday Hangman ii. 17 [He] side-stepped into the shadow of an off-loading Coke truck. OED 1983 log off V-P V -off 1983 Pop. Computing Oct. 71 Big savings come only by minimizing the time you spend actually connected to the service or database. Anything you can do off line should be done before you log on. If you get stuck on something, don't be reluctant to log off,.. and log back on. OED 1984 write-off V-P Adj -off 1984 Times 23 May 20/8 In competitor countries the comparison varies between one sort of asset and a nother but, in general, our write-off periods will be comparable with those overseas. OED

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APPENDIX C COMBINED CORPUS OF VERB/PARTICLE CONSTRUCTIONS

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103Table C-1. Combined Corpus of Ve rb and Particle constructions DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE eOE off drive P-V V offeOE Bald's Leechbk. (Royal) III. xxxix. 332 Seo sealf wile.. one wyrm r on deadne gede oe cwicne *ofdrif a 1300 in C. Brown Eng. Lyrics 13th Cent. (1932) 68 Pyne & de him wile of-dryue. 1555-8 T. PHAER tr. Virgil neid I. Cijb, With the light of torches great the darke ofdriue atones. a 1729 E. TAYLOR Metrical Hist. Christianity (1962) 420 Brave Alice Driver who Did when a girle off drive her fathers plough. OED eOE off hew P-V V off[eOE tr. Bede Eccl. Hist. (Tanner) III. xviii. 238 He ..Mercna eode & ara neahmga, ofheawnum y getreowleasan heaf de Pendan, to gife Cristes geleafan gecerde.] c 1540 (? a 1400) Gest Historiale Destr. Troy 6474 Hondes *of hew heturly fast. OED eOE onset P-V V oneOE (Mercian) Vespasian Psalter l. 20 (21) Tunc inponent super altare tuum uitulos : onne onsetta ofer wibed in calfur. [T hen they shall eat calves on your altars.] OED eOE onslay P-V V oneOE Cleopatra Gloss. in J. J. Quinn Minor Lat.-Old Eng. Gl ossaries in MS Cotton Cleopatra A.III (Ph.D. diss., Stanford Univ.) (1956) 245 Incursere [read incussere ], onslogan. [‘to attack’] OED lOE off fear P-V V offlOE Anglo-Saxon Chron. (Laud) (Peterborough contin.) anno 1131 Ealle e hit sgon wron swa offred swa hi nfre r ne wron. [all who say it were so ‘feared off’ as they never were previously] a 1225 (? c 1175) Poema Morale (Lamb.) 157 in R. Morris Old Eng. Homilies (1868) 1st Ser. 169 er we mu en bon ee offerd [? a 1250 Digby ofherd] and herde us adreden. c 1225 (? c 1200) St. Katherine 670 Ha wes sumdel offruht and offearet. c 1275 (? a 1200) LA AMON Brut (Calig.) 7730 Swa wes al a uerde ladliche of-fred. [So was all the army dreadfully feared off] c 1275 (? a 1200) LA AMON Brut (Calig.) 23424 a wes e king Frolle laliche of-fered. c 1275 (? a 1216) Owl & Nightingale (Calig.) 978 Hi mi te oferen here brost. a 1333 WILLIAM OF SHOREHAM Poems (1902) 125 Most here no fend offere. OED

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104Table C-1. Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE OE of-fal P-V-V offOE (Northumbrian) Lindisf. Gospels: Mark xiii. 25 Stellae caeli erunt decidentes : steorras heofnes bion offallende. [the stars of heaven will be falling down] OED OE off-spring P-V N offOE Agreement between Abbot Wulfric & Ealdred (Sawyer 1455) in S. E. Kelly Charters of St. Augustine's Abbey, Canterbury (1995) 118 is sy gedon for Sifer, & for his ofsprincg. [let this be done for Sifer and his offspring] OED OE onstell P-V V onOE Beowulf 2407 Se s orleges or onstealde. OE Blickling Homilies 33 Mid his geylde he us bysene onstealde. OED 900 forthgang P-Ger forthc 900 tr. Bda's Hist. V. xxii. (1891) 476 s cyninges rice e foreweard e forgong..mone um..styrenessum wierweardra inga.. emengde syndon. OED 900 upsty P-V V upa 900 CYNEWULF Crist 464 eron upsti e ancenned sunu. c 1000 Ags. Gosp. John i. 51 de eseo..Godes englas up~sti ende & nyer-sti ende ofer mannes sunu. a 1300 E.E. Psalter ciii. 9 Vpsteghes hilles, and feldes doun gas. (obs. ‘to rise up, to mount, or to ascend’ OED 1000 pull off V-P V -off c 1000 [see sense 1]. c 1450 M.E. Med. Bk. (Heinrich) 92 Pul of e croppes, and clippe hem wy a peyre sheris on smale peces. 1508 DUNBAR Flyting 157 Thow plukkis the pultre, and scho pullis off the pennis. 1586 A. DAY Eng. Secretary II. (1625) 83 Pull off my bootes and spurres. OED 1000 upspring P-V N upc 1000 Rule of Chrodegang xviii, Fram s d es up-springe to halsungtiman. c 1000 Sax. Leechd. III. 274 Easterne wind..bl wfram re sunnan upspringe. 1471 RIPLEY Comp. Alch. VII. vi. (MS. Ashm. 1486), Thus ye vii gate..In ye vpspryng is of ye soone requyrede. 1562 TURNER Herbal II. 50 The..parte of the worlde toward the vp~spryng of the son (obs. ‘rising of the sun’, ‘dawn of day’ OED

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105Table C-1. Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1066 uphold P-V N upa 1066 in Kemble Cod. Dipl. (1846) IV. 232 Ic eom s mynstres mund and upheald. c 1200 ORMIN 9217 Crist, Godess Sune,..Hlennde, & hellpe, & god upphald Till a att he shall chesenn. 1559 KNOX First Blast App. (Arb.) 58 So is the testimonye of a clean conscience to me a stay and vphold. 1596 DALRYMPLE tr. Leslie's Hist. Scot. (S.T.S.) II. 45 O cruel creatures, quha dang doune sa strong a stay, piller, and vphald of the Realme OED 1154 get up V-P V -up 1154 O.E. Chron. an. 1132 [He] sende efter him & dide him yuen up e abbotrice of Burch. c 1340 Cursor M. 3721 (Fairf.) ‘Fader’, he saide, ‘gete vp in bedde; wi is mete ou sal be fedde’. ? a 1550 Freiris Berwik 561 in Dunbar's Poems (1893) 303 In ane myr he fell.. eit gat he vp. 1583 HOLLYBAND Campo di Fior 5 Get up, get up, out of the idle fethers. 1175 forth-for OE for-f r (adv-pt) Adv-P N -for (a) Departure, exodus; (b) passing away, death: (a) a1325(c1250) Gen.& Ex. (Corp-C 444) 3158: at nigt sal ben fest pasche-for-for on engle tunge it be. (b) c1175(?OE) Bod.Hom. (Bod 343) 22/12: His sune a l3 seoc to forfore. MED 1200 look up V-P V -up c 1200 Trin. Coll. Hom. 173 anne..o wreches..loke up and dun and al abuten. c 1220 Bestiary 187 Ne deme e no t wurdi at tu dure loken up to e heueneward. a 1300 Cursor M. 21393 Constantin..lok up..He sagh ar cristis cros ful bright. c 1386 CHAUCER Sir Thopas Prol. 8 Approche neer, and looke vp murily. OED 1200 off quell P-V V off? c 1200 Ormulum 6897 Herode wollde blieli att unge king *offcwellenn. OED 1200 upbraid P-V N upa 1200 Vices & Virtues 41 [Job was assailed] mid manie euele upbreides..of his auene frienden a 1300 Cursor M. 5673 Moyses for is vp-braid Was stonand in his hert. 1338 R. BRUNNE Chron. (1810) 219 In ow a faute men fynde, & is an ille vpbraid, at e ere nere blynde. OED

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106Table C-1. Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1200 upbrixle P-V N upc 1200 ORMIN 4871 Icc amm an wurrm, & nohht nan mann, Uppbrixle menn bitwenenn. (obs.‘reproach or scorn’) OED 1205 upleap P-V V upc 1205 LAY. 1882 Ofte heo up lupan [ c 1275 vp leopen], alse heo fleon wolden. a 1300 Cursor M. 5193 Israel wit is vp~lepp at moght noght forwit strid a step. c 1350 Will. Palerne 3283 e stede..vp-leped, & faire wi his fore fet kneled doun to grounde. OED 1205 upstand P-V V upc 1205 LAY. 1650 a e castel vp-stod he wes strong & swie god. c 1250 Gen. & Ex. 3247 e water up-stod..On twinne half, also a wal up-ri t. OED 1250 upgo P-V V upc 1250 Gen. & Ex. 1608 Iacob..sa .., Fro e ere up.., A leddre stonden, and or-on Angeles dun-cumen and up-gon. c 1440 Pallad. on Husb. XI. 139 The tendir plaunte is take anoon & blyue Vpgoth. c 1475 Golagros & Gaw. 1151 He gart schir Gawyne vpga. OED 1250 upnim P-V V upc 1250 Gen. & Ex. 3024 It so bi-cam, at moyses askes up~nam. c 1290 St. Brandan 11 in S. Eng. Leg. I. 220 Bi-twene his armes seint brendan is holie man op nam. c 1320 Cast. Love 1488 He at from heuene com, From louh an hei he vs up-nom. 1340 Ayenb. 143 Hi de ase de e ilke mayde strongliche opnome of loue OED 1250 uprising P-Ger upc 1250 Creed in Maskell Mon. Rit. (1882) III. 251 Hy troue..for ifnes of sinnes, uprisinge of fleyes c 1290 S. Eng. Leg. I. 416/453 A-sonenday,..e day of mine oprisingue. 1297 R. GLOUC. (Rolls) 8530 Bi e vprisinge of god Robelin me ssal ise..stalwarde knit be. OED 1250 uprist P-V N upc 1250 Song Passion 79 in O.E. Misc. 199 Grante ous, crist, wit in uprist to gone. a 1290 St. Eustace 173 in Horstm. Altengl. Leg. (1881) 215 Euere he ouhte on Jhesu Crist On his de, on his ouprist. (rising from the dead, resurrection) OED 1250 uptake P-V V upc 1250 Gen. & Ex. 277 Min fli t..ic wile up-taken, Min sete nor on heuene maken. a 1711 KEN Hymnotheo Poet. Wks. 1721 III. 226 Saints Self-jealous will their Flights uptake, We'll follow of the first the radiant Wake. (obs. ‘to perform or pursue a flight upwards’) OED

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107Table C-1. Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1275 off smite P-V V offc 1275 (? a 1200) LA AMON Brut (Calig.) 13012 Arur..of-toc ene eotend..and at ih him *of-smat [ c 1300 Otho of-smot]. OED 1275 off swip P-V V offc 1275 (? a 1200) LA AMON Brut (Calig.) 4081 ft he him to sweinde & a hond him *of-swipte. OED 1295 uptie P-V N up1295 Acc. Exch. K.R. 5/7 In vj. cables et in uno uptey emptis ix.li.xij.s. Ibid. 5/12 Pro aliis diversis cordis..que dicunt ur listinges upteys et steyes. 1336 Ibid. 19/31 m. 4 In xl petris cordis de canabo..pro du obus upteyes inde faciendis. (obs. nautical) OED 1300 cut-off V-P V -off a 1300 E.E. Psalter cxviii. 39 Cute mine up-braidinge [WYCLIF 1382 Kut of my repref, OED 1300 off weave P-V V offc 1300 St. Thomas Becket (Laud) 951 in C. Horstmann Early S.-Eng. Legendary (1887) 133 o seint thomas hadde is ma sse i-songue, his chesible he gan *of weue. c 1330 (? a 1300) Arthour & Merlin (Auch.) 6873 er was mani heued of weued. OED 1300 put-in V-P V -in a 1300 Cursor M. 5823 (Cott.) He put his hand in, fair in hele, And vte he drogh it als mesel. c 1400 Lanfranc's Cirurgie 151 To fulfille e wounde wi hoote oile of rosis & to putte in a tente. c 1450 Merlin xv. 236 Thei putt in fier, and brent hem ther-ynne. OED 1300 take off V-P V -off a 1300 Cursor M. 14318 He bad..Of e tumb tak of e lidd. OED 1300 upcovering P-Ger upa 1300 Cursor M. 25821 Suagat for air wanhopping ai fall wit-vten vp-couering. OED 1300 uprise P-V N upa 1300 Cursor M. 1479 Wit air vpris fra ded to lijf. Ibid. 18571 an bigan ai to bede am hightes For to lei of his vp-rise. OED 1300 upsty P-V N upc 1300 Cursor M. 20831 (Edin.), Aftir e upsteich [ Cott vpstei, Gtt vpsti] of at dritine. (obs. ‘ascension of Christ’ OED 1303 upstart P-V V up1303 R. BRUNNE Handl. Synne 5601 ys man vp sterte, and toke e gate. c 1386 CHAUCER Wife's T. 190 (Lansd. MS.), Wi at worde vpstert [ v.rr vp sterte, vp stirte] is olde wif. OED

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108Table C-1. Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1315 insee P-V V inc 1315 SHOREHAM 155 The merr[i]er hyt hys ine batayle, Thet insykth al the vomen [= foemen] faylle, And fa lle a-doun. 1598 R. GRENEWEY Tacitus' Ann. I. iii. (1622) 6 Deeply in~seeing into his lo fty and bloudy disp osition. 1602 WARNER Alb. Eng. XIII. lxxvi. (1612) 316 But none The Vniforme diuersitie of heauens insees but One. OED 1324 gravup V-P N -up 1324 gr v-up (n.) [?Cp. gr ven & up adv.] ?A spade. (1324) Sacrist R.Ely 2 46: Item Granup [?read: Grauup] pro arena fodienda. MED 1330 off shear P-V V offc 1330 (? c 1300) Bevis of Hampton (Auch.) 816 A spanne of e groin be-forn Wi is swerd he ha *of schoren. a 1425 Northern Passion (Harl.) 758 And toke e ere at was of-shorn. OED 1330 off twitch P-V V offc 1330 (? c 1300) Bevis of Hampton (Auch.) 3882 His sclauin ech palmer *of twi te. OED 1336 bind-with V-P N -with (1336-7) Sacrist R.Ely 2 79: In j cent. rosc. empt. pro dormitorio..In byndwith empt. (1383) Doc.Manor in MP 34 53: In spetis et byndwitthes emptis. MED 1340 about standing P-Ger about1340 Ayenb. 174 Vor he ssel zigge alle his ze nnes..and e aboutestondinges of e zennes. Ibid. 175 Ac e aboutestondinges alle et more e zennes. OED 1340 about-go V-P V about1340 HAMPOLE Pr. Consc. 7583 ir twa hevens ay obout-rynnes, Both day and nyght, and never blynnes; e erth, at a hevens obout-gase, Es bot als a poynt Imyddes a compase. OED 1340 about-run V-P V about1340 HAMPOLE Pr. Consc. 7583 ir twa hevens ay obout-rynnes, Both day and nyght, and never blynnes; e erth, at a hevens obout-gase, Es bot als a poynt Imyddes a compase. OED 1340 downgoing P-Ger down1340 HAMPOLE Pr. Consc. 4779 Til e tyme of e son *doun-gangyng. OED 1340 upbearing P-Ger upa 1340 HAMPOLE Psalter cxxx. 1 Vpberyng of een withouten is signe of pryde. a 1400 Prymer (1891) 23 Wonderful been the upberynges of the se OED 1340 upcoming P-Ger up13.. Guy Warw. (A.) 7240 e best him neyed, & smot him Wi his vp-coming so fel & grim [etc.]. a 1340 HAMPOLE Psalter lxxii. 19 ai fal downe at lang tyme had in vp~comminge. 1387 TREVISA Higden (Rolls) V. 229 Me dradde e arryvynge and upcomynge of straunge men OED

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109Table C-1. Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1340 upniming P-Ger up1340 Ayenb. 22 e ridde kuead..ys fole opniminge of uals strif Ibid. 83 Fole opnymynge is huer lite profit li, and moche cost. (from verb: up-nim – ‘to take up’) OED 1340 upturn P-V V upa 1340 HAMPOLE Psalter cxvii. 13, I am put and vpturnyd [L. eversus sum ], at i had fallyn: and e lord resayued me. a 1400 Wycliffite Bible Titus i. 11 Ther ben manye..the whiche subuerten [ v.r vpturnen; L. subvertunt ] alle housis. OED 1374 upheaping P-Ger upc 1374 CHAUCER Boeth. II. pr. iii. (1868) 37 It delite me to comen now to e singuler vphepyng of i welefulnesse OED 1375 lay off (from) V-P V -off (from) c 1375 Sc. Leg. Saints iii. ( Andrew ) 684 His clathis all fra hym he lad. 1526 TINDALE Eph. iv. 22 Laye from you that olde man, which is corrupte thorowe the deceavable lustes. 1601 SHAKES. Jul. C. I. ii. 243 He was very loath to lay his fingers off it. 1611 BIBLE Jonah iii. 6 He laid his robe from him. OED 1375 off turn P-V V offa 1375 William of Palerne 2590 William hent hastili e hert & meliors e hinde, & [a]s smartli as ei coue e skinnes *of turned. OED 1375 upcome P-V N up1375 BARBOUR Bruce VI. 167 The vpcom wes then Dittit with slayn hors and men. 1866 GREGOR Banffshire Gloss. 204. OED 1377 runabout V-P N -about 1377 As a proper name: [1377 LANGL. P. Pl. B. VI. 150 Robert renne-aboute shal now te haue of myne.] OED 1381 indweller P-V N in1382 WYCLIF Ps. xxxii[i]. 8 Of hym forsothe firs t ben togidere moued alle the indwelleris the world [Vulg. omnes inhabitantes orbem ]. Zeph. ii. 5 Y shal distruye thee, so that an yndweller be not [Vulg. ut non sit inhabitator ]. OED 1382 about stand P-V N about1382 WYCLIF Ecclus. xlvi. 16 He inwardly clepide the almity Lord, in a enfi ting the enemys aboute stondende. OED 1382 forthgoing P-Ger forth1382 WYCLIF Ps. Prol. 737 The forth going of profitende men. OED 1382 looker about V-P Agt -about 1382 WYCLIF Ecclus. vii. 12 God forsothe the loker about is. OED 1382 undertaker P-V N under1382 WYCLIF Ps. iii. 4 Thou forsothe, Lord, art myn vndir~takere. Ibid. liii. 6 The Lord is vndertakere of my soule. c 1450 tr. De Imitatione III. xviii. 85 In God, e consolacion of poure & e undertaker of meke men. OED

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110Table C-1. Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1386 bringer out V-P Agt -out c 1386 CHAUCER Wife's T. 340 Povert is..A ful gret brynger out of busynesse. OED 1386 come off V-P V -off c 1386 CHAUCER Friar's T. 304 Yis quod this Somonour..Com of, and lat me ryden hastily. Yif me xii. pens. 1413 LYDG. Pilgr. Sowle IV. xx. (1483) 66 Come of, come of, and slee me here as blyue. (Imperative only) OED 1387 leave off V-P V -off a 1387 J. TREVISA tr. R. Higden Polychron. (St. John's Cambr.) VII. 377 Leve of [L Desiste ], Alwyn, wi y good wille. c 1400 Destr. Troy 3587 Lefe of is langore. OED 1387 off-cast P-V N offa 1387 J. TREVISA tr. R. Higden Polychron. (St. John's Cambr.) IV. 439 Men ete skynnes of scheldes and of cast [ v.rr. outcast, of castyng; L. purgamenta ] of herbes at clevede on e walles. 1587 SIR P. SI DNEY & A. GOLDING tr. P. de Mornay Trewnesse Christian Relig. xxxii. 600 How would those greate men haue yeelded to such an ofcast? OED 1387 passing forth Ger-P -forth a 1387 J. TREVISA tr. R. Higden Polychron. (St. John's Cambr.) VII. 193 Of whos ende and *passing for [L. exitu ] it is expressid in inges at goo bifore. 1827 R. EMMONS Fredoniad II. xii. 50 The earth was shaken in his passing forth. 1914 G. GALLOWAY Philos. Relig. xii. 473 Creation denotes the passing forth of these ‘potencies’ into existence by an act of the Divine Will. OED 1393 off shred P-V V offa 1393 GOWER Confessio Amantis (Fairf.) I. 2837 Hew doun this tree, and lett if falle..And let *of schreden every braunche. OED 1393 off tear P-V V offa 1393 GOWER Confessio Amantis (Fairf.) III. 2010 He hire Pappes scholde *of tere Out of hire brest. a 1500 (? a 1400) Morte Arthur 3745 Hys Ryche A-tyre he wold haue of-torne. OED 1398 downgoing P-Ger down1398 TREVISA Barth. de P.R. VIII. xxviii. (Tollem. MS.) He [the sun] seme more in his arisinge and *doungoynge. 1846 LANDOR Exam. Shaks. Wks. II. 266 His down-goings and uprisings. OED 1400 cast off V-P V -off c 1400 Destr. Troy 12661 Palomydon..cast of his clothis cantly & wele. c 1400 MANDEVILLE v. 41 A woman myghte wel passe there, withouten castynge of of hire Clothes. 1609 BP. BARLOW Answ. Nameless Cath. 274 Them hee casteth off as the fellow..did his spectacles. 1697 W. DAMPIER Voy. I. vii. 165 In a weeks time the Tree casts off her old Robes. OED

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111Table C-1. Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1400 lookers up V-P Agt -up 1400 Apol. Loll. 2 If we wil, we mai calle bischoppis, locars up on. OED 1400 off cast P-V V offc 1400 (? c 1390) Sir Gawain & Green Knight 1147 Couples huntes of kest. c 1430 ( c 1380) CHAUCER Parl. Fowls 132 Be glad, thow redere, and thy sorwe of-caste. ?1592 A. WILLET Sacrorum Emblematum Centuria Vna II. xlvii, We ought not off cast all hope. OED 1400 off whip P-V V offa 1400 (? c 1300) Bevis of Hampton (Sutherl.) 868 *Ofwypt [ c 1330 Auch Sum knit Beues so ofrau te, e heued of at e ferste drau te]. OED 1400 off-casting P-V Ger offc 1400 tr. R. Higden Polychron. (Tiber.) f. 143,Men ete skynnes of scheeldes & of castyng of herbes at cleuede on e walles. OED 1400 onstead P-V N on1400 in Cal. Inquisitions (1968) VII. 55 We knowe no man that ede out of the this lordschep, out of thownstede ne of the sc hir goyng ne ridyng, that weren atte this viag with the Erl of Kent. OED 1400 upraising P-Ger upc 1400 LOVE Bonavent. Mirr. (1908) 179 Thou art..Resurreccioun or vpreysynge and lyf. c 1454 PECOCK Folewer 15 His witt schal erbi take in maner now seid a greet vpreisyng. 1611 COTGR., Resource ,..a recouerie, vpraising, rising againe. OED 1400 upspringing P-Ger upc 1400 tr. Secreta Secret., Gov. Lordsh. 92 If ou take seuen graynes..and breke hem yn e vpspryngynge of lucyfer and venus 1851 MRS. BROWNING Casa Guidi Wind. I. 5 The upspringing Of such a nimble bird 1868 MORRIS Earthly Par. I. II. 633 The white upspringing of the spurts of spray. OED 1420 hold off V-P V -off c 1420 Pallad. on Husb. I. 98 An heir hil, that wynd that wold offende Let holde of. 1580 LYLY Euphues (Arb.) 387 Thou holdest me off with many delayes. OED 1423 onset P-V N off1423 in J. M. Thomson Reg. Magni Sigilli Scotorum (1912) I. 11 Twa forestar stedis..with the gamyn onsetis and dwelling places that thai now haff. OED 1423 upgiving P-Ger upc 1423 Reg. Mag. Sig. Scot. (1882) 45/1 For the upgiffin of hys tak of the landdis of Kyrktoun. 1492 Acta Dom. Conc. (1839) 246/1 For e vpgiffing of e charteris evidentis and all ver richt at he haid. 1678 J. BROWN Life of Faith v. (1726) 121 What could be expected next, but utter upgiving? OED

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112Table C-1. Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1425 off race P-V V offa 1425 ( a 1400) Prick of Conscience (Galba & Harl.) 6704 e strenthe of hungre sal am swa chace at air awen flesshe ai sal *of-race. OED 1425 off rive P-V V offa 1425 ( a 1400) Prick of Conscience (Galba & Harl.) 7379 And air awen flessch *of-ryve and race. OED 1425 passing away Ger-P -away ? c 1425 tr. G. de Chauliac Grande Chirurgie (Paris) 88 Flegmon ha foure tymes: e bygynnynge, e encresynge, e standynge, and e declynacioun, i. *passyng away. 1607 T. CAMPION Discription of Maske ( note ) Either by the simplicity, negligence, or conspiracy of the pain ter, the passing away of the trees was somewhat hazarded the patterne of them the same day hauing bene showne. OED 1425 passing-over Ger-P -over a 1425 ( a 1382) Bible (Wycliffite, E.V.) : Ezek. xii. 3 Mak to thee vessels of transmygracioun, or *passyng ouer. 1542 HENRY VIII Declar. Sc. Diijb, The passing ouer of tyme not commodious for the purpose. OED 1425 upset P-V N upc 1425 WYNTOUN Cron. V. xii. 3634 (Cott. MS.), His lufftennandis ai slew ar..In to at vpset richt fellon. Ibid. VIII. iv. 699 at vpset.. at Chore agayne Moyses wroucht. OED 1430 finder up V-P Agt -up c 1430 LYDG. Bochas I. ii (1544) 5b, He [Nimrod]..was fynder up of false religion.. OED 1430 upfinder P-V Agt up1430-40 LYDG. Bochas IX. 482 Double of hir tunge, vpfyndere of tresoun (obs., a deviser) OED 1440 downputting P-Ger downc 1440 HYLTON Scala Perf. (W. de W. 1494) II. xxvi, *Downe puttyng and alowenge of his euencristen. c 1565 LINDESAY (Pitscottie) Chron. Scot. (1728) 94 To them who were the occasion of his down-putting. OED 1440 upset P-V V upc 1440 Pallad. on Husb. I. 395 Bordis of cipresse Playn & direct, vpsette hem in their kynde A foote atwyn. 1513 DOUGLAS neid XI. i. 15 Ane akin tre..Apone a motys hycht vpset hes he. 1608 TOPSELL Serpents 26 The serpent fierce..rough scales vpsetteth that were deiected. (obs. ‘to set up, raise up, erect’) OED 1449 about-writing P-Ger aboutc 1449 PECOCK Repr. II. ii. 140 And thei seiden, It is the ymage and the Aboutewriting of Csar, the Emperour. OED

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113Table C-1. Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1450 off glide P-V V offc 1450 (? a 1400) Duke Roland & Sir Otuel 475 The Nasell of his helme *of-glade. OED 1453 lean-to V-P N -to 1453 l n(e-t (n.) [From l nen v. (2) & t adv. (1).] A lean-to, an annex. [cf. Marchand: ‘shed’, obviously origin ating in an imperative] (1453-54) MSS Penshurst in HMC 1.218: For the hillyng of 1 1/2 rod upon the leyntos [7 s. 6 d.]..[for] tymbyryng of the lytul parlour ageyn the halle dore, called the leento [7 s.]. (1461) Oriel in Archaeol.23 107: Emend unius Lenetoo juxta parlur annex Magn' Aule [and a wallplate brought] pro j Lenetoo i nde emendand inter Aulam et Capellam Castri predicti. MED 1456 put off V-P V -off 1456 SIR G. HAYE Law Arms (S.T.S.) 158 It war than spedefull that sik a man war put off for the better. 1526 TINDALE Col. iii. 9 Ye have put off the olde man with his workes, and have putt on the nue. 1535 COVERDALE Song Sol. v. 3, I haue put off my cote, how can I do it on agayne? 1627 CAPT. SMITH Seaman's Gram. xiii. 61 If we be put off, charge them with all your great and small shot. 1862 Temple Bar Mag. VI. 331 Don't be put off this by any consideration of weight or expense. OED 1483 sit-up V-P N -up 1483 BP. LANGTON in Christ Ch. Lett. (Camden) 46, I trow..thai shal have a sit up or ever the Kyng departe fro York. OED [Marchand, 1967, p. 40: “…cannot be considered as derived from any vb, as sit up vb with meaning ‘be surprised’ is first recorded 1889”] OED 1484 upbringing P-Ger up1484 Extr. Aberd. Reg. (1844) I. 41 Johne Gray, mason,..has takin upon him to be..diligent for the vpbringing of the said [St. Nicholas'] wark. OED 1496 onward P-V Adv on1496 in T. Dickson Accts. Treasurer Scotl. (1877) I. 301 Item..to Dande Achinsone, in onwart of theking of the chapel of the Castel in Edinburgh, xv s vj d OED 1500 off-smite P-V Adj offa 1500 (1422) J. YONGE tr. Secreta Secret. (Rawl.) 136 His hede he makyd ofSmyte. OED 1513 about-speec h P-V V about1513 DOUGLAS Virgil's neis I. 12 (1710) Rycht so by about-speich often tymes And semblabill wordis we compyle our rymes. OED

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114Table C-1. Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1513 looking to Ger-P -to c 1513 MORE Rich. III (ed. Lumby) 33 The yonger, which besides his infancie that also nedeth good loking to, hath a while ben so sore diseased [etc.]. OED 1513 upmaking P-Ger up1513 Extr. Aberd. Reg. (1844) I. 84 The biggin and vpmakin of thar blokhouse for thair artailzerie. 1681 R. FLEMING Fulfilling Script. (ed. 3) 64 When they..compared their gain with their losse, their upmaking with these dayes of trial. Ibid. 71 They have therein found a very sensible upmaking. OED 1515 off trench P-V V off?1515 A. BARCLAY Egloges II. sig. Mijv, His nose & earys, *of trenchyd were also. OED 1515 upsight P-V N up1515 St. Papers Hen. VIII II. 14 Nowe, after the upsyght hereof, he maye pretende no manner ignoraunce. 1648 HEXHAM II, Opsichtigh which hath Regard or Vpsight. OED 1517 startup V-P N -up 1517 Test. Ebor. (Surtees) V. 83, j par sotularium qu dicuntur stertuppes. (a kind of boot) 1523 aftermath P-V N after1523 FITZHERBERT Surveying 2 Yet hath the lorde the Edysshe and the aftermathe hym selfe for his owne catell. [math = mowing] OED 1525 making up Ger-P -up a 1525 Regul. Houshold Earl of Northumb. (1770) 346 For the makyng up the booke of the Deficiens of the Officers..lxvj s viij d 1593 R. BANCROFT Daungerous Positions IV. x. 168 Of purpose to haue drawen Lancaster vnto them, for the making vp of a quaternion. OED 1526 uproar P-V N up1526 TINDALE Acts xxi. 38 That gipcian whych..made an vproure, and ledde out into the wildernes about iiij. thousande men. 1535 COVERDALE 2 Kings xi. 14 Athalia rente hir clothes, & sayde vproure, vproure. OED 1527 upblowing P-Ger up1527 ANDREW Brunswyke's Distyll. Waters Fii, In lyke wyse synketh the great..upblowynge of the tongue OED 1529 bringer up V-P Agt -up 1529 WOLSEY in Four C. Eng. Lett. 11 Your olde brynger up and lovying frende. OED

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115Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1530 Passover V-P N -over 1530 Bible (Tyndale) : Exod. xii. 11 And ye shall eate it in haste, for it is the Lordes passeouer. 1535 Bible (Coverdale) : Exod. xii. 43 This is the maner of the kepynge of Passeouer. OED 1531 upshot P-V N up1531 Privy Purse Exp. Hen. VIII (1827) 143 Item [paid] to the same Coton for one up shotte that he wanne of the kinges grace, vjs. viijd. 1575 LANEHAM Let. (1871) 54 Wel, to this number of biniteez, take ye one mo for an vpshot, & heer an eend. OED 1533 forthcoming P-Ger forth1533 MORE Apol. xxxvii. Wks. 903/1 He woulde..rat her..suffer them [his harmes] paciently, then to..proue them with his forth comming againe. 1591 Child Marriages (1897) 149 Richard Wilson vndertaketh for the furth-coming of Robert Kirks OED 1533 off-shear P-V Adj off1533 J. GAU tr. C. Pedersen Richt Vay 58 Thay ar heretikis offchorne fra ye kirk of Christ. OED 1534 upcreeper P-V Agt upc 1534 Image Hypocr. I. 531 in Skelton's Wks. (1843) II. 429 Thou arte a cursed crekar, a crafty vppcrepar. OED 1539 lookers on V-P Agt -on 1539 TAVERNER Erasm. Prov. (1552) 22 Tearynge a sunder theyr visours..not without great laughynge of the lokers on. OED OED 1540 off hurl P-V Adj offc 1540 (? a 1400) Gest Historiale Destr. Troy 6722 His helme *of hurlit & his hed bare. 1634 W. LATHUM Phyala Lachrymarum 19 Thou for preferment in a better world Gav'st us the slip, and our care quite off hurl'd. OED 1542 off-come P-V N off1542 R. RECORD Ground of Artes (1575) 127 The ofcome or product. 1570 J. DEE in H. Billingsley tr. Euclid Elem. Geom. XI. sig. 349, The roote Cubik of that ofcome or product, shall be the second number sought. a 1690 S. JEAKE (1696) 21 Which is called the Multiplee ..and..sometime the Offcome OED 1547 runaway V-P N -away 1547 Act 1 Edw. VI c. 3 §2 The same Iustices..shall adiudge the loyterer and run away to be the said masters slaue for euer. 1589 GREENE Menaphon (Arb.) 57 What are you, sir,..that deale thus with me by interrogatories, as if I were some runne away? OED

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116Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1549 put-by V-P N -by 1549 LATIMER Serm. Ploughers (Arb.) 36 There be so manie put offes, so many *put byes, so many respectes, and considerations of worldly wisedome. 1628 FELTHAM Resolves Ser. II. lvi. (1647) 175 The cast of the eye, and the put-by of the turning hand OED 1549 put-off V-P N -off 1549 LATIMER Serm. Ploughers (Arb.) 36 There be so manie put offes, so many *put byes, so many respectes, and considerations of worldly wisedome. 1549 [see PUT-OFF 1]. 1549 LATIMER 3rd Serm. bef. Edw. VI (Arb.) 79 Nowe they haue theyr shyftes, and theyr putofs sainge, we maye not go before a lawe, we maye breake no order. OED 1549 put-off V-P N -off 1549 LATIMER 3rd Serm. bef. Edw. VI (Arb.) 79 Nowe they haue theyr shyftes, and theyr putofs sainge, we maye not go be fore a lawe, we maye breake no order. 1549 E. BECKE Bible (Matthew's) Prol., Then should neyther Goddes cause nor poore mans matters haue so many putoffes, so many put byes & delayes. 1549 LATIMER Serm. Ploughers (Arb.) 36 There be so manie put offes, so many *put byes, so many respectes, and considerations of worldly wisedome. 1825 HONE Every-day Bk. I. 603 This delay..is occasioned by ‘laying to’ for ‘put offs’ of single persons and parties, in Thames wherries. OED 1549 runabout V-P N -about 1549 in Tytler Edw. VI (1839) I. 187 Let one of those Runabouts come,..straight they call up their neighbours. 1607 MARSTON What you Will III. i, A runne-about, a skipping French-man. OED 1549 upskip P-V N up1549 LATIMER 2nd Serm. bef. Edw. VI Ej, Heare menes suetes your selfe..& put it not to the hearing of these ve luette cotes, these vp skippes. OED 1549 upstir P-V N up1549 CHEEKE Hurt Sedit. (1569) Djb, Better redresse was entended, then your vpstirres and vnquietnesse coulde obtaine. 1550 HARINGTON tr. Cicero's Bk. Friendship (1562) 26 Tiberius Graccus..made an vp sturre in the common wealth. OED 1550 pass-by V-P N -by 1550 T. CRANMER Def. Sacrament f. 73v, This is the Lordes Passeby, or Passeouer, euen so sayth Christ in the newe Testament. 1661 J. GLANVILL Vanity of Dogmatizing 66 We see the face of Truth, but as we do one anothers, when we walk the streets, in a careless Pass-by. OED

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117Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1551 uprearing P-Ger up1551 BALE Eng. Votaries II. 54b, About the ouerthrowe of pryncely autoryte, and vprearynge of Antichristes tyranny OED 1553 finder out V-P Agt -out 1553 UDALL Flowers Latin Speaking (1560) 103/2 The deuiser and fynder out..of all my pleasures. OED 1555 off set P-V N offa 1555 H. LATIMER Serm. & Remains (1845) 311 When you thus get out of your way at the first off-set. 1628 in A. Macdonald & J. Dennistoun Misc. Maitland Club (1843) III. 373 The Quenis Chalmer the pannallis of it abone the hingingis..to be fair wrocht with armes antikis and thair afsettis. 1629 J. PARKINSON Paradisi in Sole xi. 114 The root is..compassed with a numbe r of small rootes, or of of-sets round about it. (off-shoots) 1888 C. T. JACOBI Printers' Vocab. 90 Off-set the set-off of ink from one sheet to another of printed work whilst wet. 1888 C. T. JACOBI Printers' Vocab. Sheeted this expression is used when heavily printed work has to be placed sheet by sheet between othe r sheets to prevent off-set of ink. OED 1555 offset P-V N offa 1555 H. LATIMER Serm. & Remains (1845) 311 When you thus get out of your way at the first off-set. OED 1555 upgoing P-Ger up1555 W. WATREMAN Fardle Facions App. 315 A faire vp goyng, by a slope bancque of Turfes. 1658 J. NICOLL Diary (Bann. Cl.) 211 Upone this accompt..the Scottis Commissioneris, quho wer reddy to pas to Lundoun.., wer stayed from thair upgoing. OED 1555 upstart P-V N up1555 Instit. Gentl. Ciiijb, These gentlemen are nowe called vpstartes, a terme lately inuented by such as pondered not ye groundes of honest meanes of rising or commyng to promocion. OED 1560 looking on Ger-P -on 1560 J. DAUS tr. Sleidane's Comm. 11b, Or if the Frenche kinge warre upon Charles.., shall he geve them the lokyng on? [L. num ociosus erit spectator ?] Ibid. 64b, His advise and counsell, whiche unlesse they woulde folowe, he would gyve them the lokyng on. OED

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118Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1570 off shake P-V V off1570-6 W. LAMBARD Perambulation Kent (1826) 219 They not their sinnes..*of shake. 1892 I. ZANGWILL Children of Ghetto II. 20 We rest not, but stand, Offshaken our sloth. OED 1570 upwark (upwork) P-V N up15.. Aberdeen Reg. XXI. (Jam.), Upwark, quhen the fysching wes done. 1570 Rec. Inverness (New Spalding Club) I. 197 [He] alse protestis for ane sufficient oxe of sex yeiris auld at vpwark. (obs. ‘cessation of work’ OED 1572 upsittings P-Ger up1572 J. JONES Bathes of Buckstone 9b, Some in forme of Cakes, as at weddings; some Rondes of Hogs, as at vp~sittings. OED 1573 wind-up (wind-up-all) V-P N -up 1573 G. HARVEY Letter-bk. (Camden) 47 Whitch was the Epiphonema and as it were the windupal of that meting 1588 J. HARVEY Disc. Probl. 74 Doth not the diuel, I say, in the winde-vpall, and in fi ne, oftner play wilie beguile him selfe? 1665 BUNYAN Holy Citie (1669) 266 This New Jerusalem shall be the wind-up of the world 1683 Greatn. Soul (1691) 56 So the wind-up of the whole will be this, They shall have like for like. OED 1576 upgiver P-V Agt up1576 in Balfour Oppr. Orkney & Shetl. (1859) 45 Harie Bruce and Thomas Boyne, quha was bayth the upgiffaris of the faltis OED 1578 off scour P-V V off1578 H. LYTE tr. R. Dodoens Niewe Herball III. vi. 322 They of scoure and clense al inwarde partes. OED 1578 off-scour P-V V off1578 H. LYTE tr. R. Dodoens Niewe Herball III. vi. 322 They of scoure and clense al inwarde partes. OED 1578 start-away V-P N -away 1578 TIMME Calvin on Gen. xv. 318 Being degenerate and *start-awayes from the faith of their fathers. OED 1579 hang-by V-P N -by 1579 GOSSON Sch. Abuse (Arb.) 40, I meane those hange-byes whome they succour with stipend. OED 1579 offscum P-V N off1579 T. LODGE Def. Plays 3 A little pamphelet..I fynd it the offscome [ mispr oftscome] of imperfections. OED 1581 bringers in V-P Agt -in 1581 SIDNEY Apol. Poetrie (Arb.) 71 They were first bringers in of all ciuilitie. OED

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119Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1582 passing in Ger-P -in 1582 S. BATEMAN Vppon Bartholome, De Proprietatibus Rerum XVII. cxl. f. 317/2, Rubus..letteth the *passing in of the Sun beame by the thicknesse thereof. OED 1583 afterspring P-V N after1583 GOLDING Calvin on Deut. viii. 43 If he should destroy the whole world and leaue no afterspring to call vpon him. 1587 -De Mornay xxvii. 437 The afterspring of his children that are long hence to come. OED 1587 afterbeing P-Ger after1587 GOLDING De Mornay vii. 92 A beginninglesse forbeing..inferreth an endlesse *afterbeing. OED 1588 pull-down V-P N -down 1588 R. BROWNE New Years Guift (1903) 34 Yet all theis were the pulldowne of Antichrist. a 1591 H. SMITH Serm. 1 Pet. v. 5 5 Though he have many heartbreaks and pul-downs, and many times no countenance to shew it. OED 1588 upshoot P-V N up1588 SHAKES. L.L.L. IV. i. 138 Then will shee get the vp-shoot by cleauing the pin. 1603 HOLLAND Plutarch's Mor. 258 That the chife point of cunning and perfection was in the up-shoot and end of all. OED 1590 standup V-P N -ups 1590 GREENE Never too late (1600) O1, His holy day roabes went on, his standvps new blackt, his cap faire brusht. OED 1590 upbray P-V N up1590 SPENSER F.Q. III. vi. 50 Faire Psyche to him lately reconcyld, After long troubles and vnmeet vpbrayes. (=upbraid) OED 1590 uptie P-V V up1590 SPENSER F.Q. I. iv. 31 An hatefull Snake, the which his taile vptyes In many folds. Ibid. II. ii. 15, VI. iv. 24. 1714 [CROXALL] Orig. Canto Spenser xx, The Chain, Which did her tender Limbs to th' Rock upty. OED 1592 lay off V-P V -off c 1592 MARLOWE Massacre Paris (? 1600) B4, Thou traitor Guise, lay of thy bloudy hands! 1628 tr. Tasso's Aminta I. i. B4 Stay for me till I haue in yon fresh fount Layd off the sweat and dust that yesterday I soyld me with. OED 1593 hop-about V-P N -about 1593 Bacchus Bountie in Harl. Misc. (Malh.) II. 275 The pots danced for joy the old *hop about commonly called Sellengar's Round. OED 1594 off chop P-V V off1594 R. CAREW tr. Tasso Godfrey of Bulloigne v. 213 Corps whose arme and hand *off chopped are OED 1594 upseeking P-Ger up1594 LYLY Mother Bombie V. iii, Accius We shall haue good chere these foure dayes. Lucio And be fooles for euer. Sil Thats none of our vpseekings. OED

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120Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1595? Treadaway P-V N -away LME Treadaway. As a proper name (Marchand 1969, p. 384) Marchand 1595? Walkup V-P N -up LME Walkup. As a proper name (Marchand 1969, p. 384) Marchand 1596 set off V-P V -off 1596 SHAKES. 1 Hen. IV V. i. 88 This present ente rprize set off his head. 1597 SHAKES. 2 Hen. IV IV. i. 145 Euery thing set off, That might so much as thinke you Enemies. 1632 BP. HALL Hard Texts 1 John iii. 15 If any mans heart bee set upon the world, it is set off from God. 1651 Soliloquies vi, Do Thou set off my heart from all these earthly vanities. OED 1596 sneakup V-P N -up 1596 SHAKES. 1 Hen. IV III. iii. 99 (Q.), The prince is a iacke, a sneakeup. OED 1598 go-between V-P N -between 1598 SHAKES. Merry W. II. ii. 273 Euen as you came in to me, her assistant or goe-betweene, parted from me. OED 1598 play off V-P V -off 1598 SHAKESPEARE Henry IV, Pt. 1 II. v. 16 When you breath in your watering they cry hem, and bid you play it off. 1607 T. DEKKER & G. WILKINS Iests to make you Merie sig. H3v, He requested them to play off the sacke and begon. 1645 H. BOLD Adventure in Poems (1664) 136 Play off your Canns (you Rogues) your Case I'le warrant, If Fidle's good. 1721 G. ROUSSILLON tr. R. A. de Vertot Hist. Rev. Portugal 83 There should be firework s ready to be play'd off. OED 1598 turn-about V-P N -about 1598 SYLVESTER Du Bartas II. i. III. Furies 610 The Turn-about and Murrain trouble Cattell. 1611 COTGR., s.v. Tournement Tournement de teste the turneabout sick~nesse; a giddinesse, or dizzinesse. [a disease] OED 1600 start-back V-P N -back 1600 HOLLAND Livy XXIII. xviii. 486 These *start-backs had no other place of haunt to lurke in, but Capua. OED 1601 spin off V-P V -off 1601 HOLLAND Pliny II. 549 One would imagine he saw every woman making hast to spin off her distaffe, striving avie who shall have done her taske first. OED 1602 passer-by V-P Agt -by 1602 W. WATSON Decacordon 135 There is alwaies some dogge in the dorter of Gods Church waking, readie to barke at euerie passe-by out of the way. OED 1603 turn-about V-P N -about a 1603 T. CARTWRIGHT Confut. Rhem. N.T. (1618) 604 The Iesuites ignorant of their owne mystery of iniquity, and strangers as it were in the giddy turn-about of their owne Cloisters [a winding, a maze] OED

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121Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1604 bringers-up V-P Agt -up 1604 EDMONDS Observ. Csar's Comm. 130 The bringers-up or last rancke called Tergiductores. OED 1605 uproar P-V V up1605 SHAKES. Macb. IV. iii. 99 Nay, had I powre, I should..Vprore the vniuersall peace, confound All vnity on earth. 1811 W. R. SPENCER Poems 48 The demon rage which uproared Europe's peace. OED 1606 off-cap P-V N off1606 tr. R. Rollock Comm. 2 Thess. 170 in Lect. vpon 1st & 2nd Epist. Paul to Thessalonians They are enemies,..all their doings, becking, and off-cap, and good dayes..are fained. OED 1607 get off V-P V -off 1607 SHAKES. Cor. II. i. 141 They fought together, but Auffidius got off. 1687 MIEGE Gt. Fr. Dict. 11, To get off from his Horse, descendre de Cheval OED 1607 pay off V-P V -off 1607 T. DEKKER Whore of Babylon sig. I4v, All my sinnes are paid off. 1732 SWIFT ( title ) A proposal to pay off the debt of the nation. OED 1611 finder-out V-P Agt -out 1611 SHAKES. Wint. T. V. ii. 131 Had I beene the finder-out of this Secret. OED 1611 go-about V-P N -about 1611 COTGR., Entourure a compasse..any thing that compasseth, and incloseth another; a *goe-about. OED 1611 go-by V-P N -by 1611 MARKHAM Countr. Content. I. vii. (1615) 105 If a coate shall be more than two turnes and a goe by, or the bearing of the Hare equall with two turnes. OED 1611 knock off V-P V -off 1611 SHAKES. Cymb. V. iv. 199 Knocke off his Manacles. 1666 BOYLE Orig. Formes & Qualities If a parcel of Matter be knoc kt off from another. 1651 GATAKER in Fuller's Abel Rediv., Ridley (1867) I. 230 He returned..to his study, where he sat, unless suitors or some other affairs knocked him off. 1767 ‘A. BARTON’ Disappointment I. i. 10 As for McSnip, he intends to knock off business, home to England and purchase a title. 1817 PEACOCK Melincourt III. 68 He had..to dispose of..a christening, a marriag e, and a funeral; but he would knock them off as fast as he could. 1811 JANE AUSTEN Let. 6 June (1952) 288 As you knock off a week from the end of her visit, & Martha rather more from the beginning, the thing is out of the question. OED 1611 looking for Ger-P -for 1611 BIBLE Heb. x. 27 A certaine fearefull looking for of iudgement. OED

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122Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1611 upcast P-V N up1611 SHAKES. Cymb. II. i. 2 Was there euer man ha d such lucke? When I kist the Iacke vpon an vp-cast, to be hit away? OED 1612 finders out V-P Agt -out 1612 WOODALL Surg. Mate Pref. Wks. (1653) 1 The..first finders out of the Science. OED 1615 off-shake P-V Adj off1615 J. SYLVESTER tr. G. de S. du Bartas Second Session Parl. Vertues Reall 43 His Fruit, yer ripe, shall be off-shaken all. OED 1616 off cap P-V V offa 1616 SHAKESPEARE Oth. (1623) I. i. 10 Three Great-ones of the Cittie, (In personall suite to make me his Lieutenant) Off-capt [1622 Oft capt] to him. 1941 E. R. EDDISON Fish Dinner x. 168 Coming upon the highway..he was met with a courier on horseback who off-capped to him and handed him a letter OED 1618 draw-back V-P N -back 1618 BOLTON Florus (1636) 101 Fabius..got the nickname, to be called, The Draw-backe, or Cunctator. OED 1618 off-chop P-V Adj off. a 1618 J. SYLVESTER Mem. Mortalitie xli, Her head shee felt with whiffing steel off-chopt. OED 1621 set off V-P N -off 1621 FLETCHER Wild Goose Chase III. i, This course creature, That has no more set off, but his jugglings, His travell'd tricks. 1662 STILLINGFL. Orig. Sacr Ep. Ded. a4b, The plain dress of the Scriptures, without the paint and set-offs which are added to it by the severall contending parties of the Christian World. 1759 FRANKLIN Hist. Rev. Pennsylv. Wks. 1840 III. 425 What the governor's set-off could not effect, was to be re~attempted by this put-off. OED 1623 off strip P-V V off1623 B. JONSON Time Vindicated in Wks. (1640) II. 102 If you doe their gloves *off-strip. OED 1625 go-before V-P N -before 1625 MASSINGER New Way I. ii, You thinke you haue spoke wisely goodman Amble, My ladie's *go-before. OED 1625 onslaught P-V N ona 1625 J. FLETCHER Monsieur Thomas (1639) II. ii. sig. D3, I doe remember yet that anslaight, thou wast beaten, And fledst. 1 OED

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123Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1629 buy off V-P V -off 1629 EARLE Microcosm. lxvii. (Arb.) 91 One whom no rate can buy off from the least piece of his freedom. OED 1631 brush off V-P V -off c 1631 MILTON Arcades xv. 48 From the boughs brush off the evil dew. 1690 B. E. Dict. Cant. Crew Brush to Fly or Run away. 1718 PRIOR Poems 63 Off they brush'd, both Foot and Horse. 1728 VANBRUGH & CIB. Prov. Husb. II. i. 48, I believe I had as good brush off. OED 1632 call up V-P V -up 1632 MILTON Penseroso 109 That thy power Might..call up him who left untold The story of Cambuscan bold. OED 1633 call off V-P V -off 1633 BP. HALL Hard Texts 545 The Lord..will call off those evils wch they groane under. 1799 NELSON in Nicolas Disp. (1845) III. 147 Captain Blackwood..calls at Minorca in his way down. Ibid. 352 Direct the Ships to call off here, but not to anchor. OED 1633 off reckoning P-V Ger off1633 T. CROSFIELD Diary 10 Dec. (1935) 67, 12d abated for ye off-reckoning wherewith ye captaine is to buy them a suite of apparrell once a yeare. OED 1634 come-off V-P N -off 1634 SHIRLEY Opportunity I. ii, This was Indifferently well carried! I was jealous Of a more lame come-off. 1690 NORRIS Beatitudes (1694) I. 235 The Hopes of a safe come off at last. OED 1634 come-off V-P N -off 1634 SHIRLEY Opportunity I. ii, This was Indifferently well carried! I was jealous Of a more lame come-off. 1690 NORRIS Beatitudes (1694) I. 235 The Hopes of a safe come off at last. OED 1640 get off V-P V -off 1640 tr. Verdere's Rom. Rom. I. 81 The Christians got off with the losse of two thousand men. OED

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124Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1640 turnover V-P N -over 1640 Burgh Rec. Glasgow (1876) I. 422 Thretie dollours and ane halfe of good dollours, and alevine and ane halfe of turnovers, quhilk sall be put in the touns commoune chist to bee applayed ad pios usus 1679 R. CAMERON in Herkless Life (1896) 111 For suffering, that man will confine in the breadth of a turnover that that he will suffer for. OED 1641 go-down V-P N -down 1641 Wits Recreat. Epigr. 364 At three go downes Dick doffs me off a pot. Ibid. Fancies Y7b, We have frolick rounds, we have merry goe downs. [drink] 1687 T. BROWN Saints in Uproar Wks. 1730 I. 73 A pack of drowsy sleepy sots, who..fancied they slept several score s of years at one go-down. [sleep] OED 1650 beat off V-P V -off 1650 R. STAPYLTON Strada's Low C. Warres VII. 41 When the Enemye..attacques the Towne, it cannot beat them off. 1764 HARMER Observ. XIV. i. 37 No rain fell in the day-time, to beat off the workmen. OED 1655 break off V-P V -off 1655 FULLER Ch. Hist. v. III. 119 On the Scaffold (a place not to break jests, but to break off all jesting) he could not hold. OED 1656 lie-by V-P N -by a 1656 USSHER Ann. vi. (1658) 132 He obtained this favour..by the means of his Lie-by; which was a wench of Eretria. OED 1660 looking after Ger-P -after 1660 H. MORE Myst. Godl. To Rdr. 21 To make the People believe..that Religion is worth the looking after. OED 1660 turn-over V-P N -over 1660 F. BROOKE tr. Le Blanc's Trav. 365 Dancers on the rope, standing with their head down, and feet up, with a thousand Turn-overs, and Gamboles. 1825 J. NEAL Bro. Jonathan II. 62 The turn-over proved quite a relief to the company. 1868 A. K. H. BOYD Less. Mid. Age 279 The music was good, after the choir got themselves settled to their work. But if I were Dean of Wells, there should be a thorough turnover. 1895 G. W. E. RUSSELL in Forum (N.Y.) Oct. 160 No very sweeping change of opinionno very considerable turnover of votes OED

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125Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1662 working off Ger-P -off 1662 EVELYN Sculptura iii. 33 They also engrave upon stone, and imprint with it; but with this difference in the *working-off; that the paper being black, the Sculpture remains white. OED 1663 afterblow P-V N after1663 BUTLER Hudibr. I. iii. 740 And they perire and yet enough Be left to strike an *after-blow. 1881 Encycl. Brit. XIII. 346/1 The elimination of phosphorus..could be very largely effected..this action chie fly taking place during the ‘after blow’. OED 1666 sent off V-P V -off 1666 DRYDEN Ann. Mirab. lxxiv, His wounded men he first sends off to shore. 1782 F. BURNEY Cecilia VII. ix, When she had sent o ff this letter. 1896 R. S. S. BADEN-POWELL Matabele Campaign vi, We..sent off some native runners to go and find him. OED 1668 pull-back V-P-N -back 1668 DRYDEN Evening's Love Epil. 14 In the French stoop, and the pull-back o' the arm. 1900 G. SWIFT Somerley 146 An occasional wrench and pull-back of the arms gave him considerable pain. OED 1671 stopping-up Ger-P -up 1671 PHILLIPS (ed. 3), Suffocation a choaking, stifling, or stopping up of the breath. OED 1673 offset P-V V off1673 in A. Perry & C. S. Brigham Early Rec. Portsmouth (Rhode Island) (1901) 179 The towne doe thereupon offsett the Said Sums and doe allow it him. OED 1673 offset P-V V off1673 in A. Perry & C. S. Brigham Early Rec. Portsmouth (Rhode Island) (1901) 179 The towne doe thereupon offsett the Said Sums and doe allow it him. 1793 N. CHIPMAN Rep. & Diss. II. 171 The demands of both plaintiff and defendant must be mutual..or they will not be allowed to offset one against the other. OED

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126Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1674 off-cut P-V N off1674 N. FAIRFAX Treat. Bulk & Selvedge 29 If my soul does not thus featly stick out of my body, then it withdrew at the off-cut. 1663-4 in H. J. F. Swayne Churchwardens' Accts. Sarum (1896) 337 C. Horton work abt the leads 16 s with 18lb. of old offcuts. 1866 W. T. BRANDE & G. W. COX Dict. Sci., Lit. & Art (new ed.) II. 708/1 Offcut ,..that part of a printed sheet which cuts off, and which when folded is inserted in the middle of the other part. OED 1674 off-shoots P-V N off1674 N. FAIRFAX Treat. Bulk & Selvedge 28 The body is..reeking out whole steams of little unseen off-shoots. 1710 J. ADDISON Tatler No. 157 10 [She] finds her self related, by some Off-shoot or other, to almost every great Family in England. OED 1674 off-shoots P-V N off1674 N. FAIRFAX Treat. Bulk & Selvedge 28 The body is..reeking out whole steams of little unseen off-shoots. OED 1674 set-back V-P N -back 1674 J. FLAVEL Husb. Spirit. i. 20 Even when he is about his work, how many setbacks doth he meet with! OED 1678 working up Ger-P -up 1678 RYMER Trag. Last Age 76 If the Poet observe not these measures, the *working up of a Scene is plainly the tormenting of nature, and holding our ears to the Grindstone. OED 1680 round off V-P V -off 1680 MOXON Mech. Exerc. xii. 207 With the Draw-knife round off the Edges, to make it fit for the Lathe. 1683 Printing xi. 22 The two upper corners of these Rails are rounded off that they may not mark the Paper. OED 1681 overdoer P-V N over1681 R. BAXTER Answer to Mr. Dodwell 150 It is an easie Matter for Overdoers to add but a clause or two more to their Oaths and Subscriptions. OED 1682 fall-away V-P N -away 1682 BUNYAN Barren Fig-tree (1684) 104 It is impossible for those Fall-a-ways to be renewed again unto repentance. OED

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127Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1682 stirabout V-P N -about 1682 PIERS Descr. West-Meath (1770) 121 They..have to their meal one formal dish,..which some call, stirabout or hast y pudding, that is flour and milk boiled thick. OED 1682 write off V-P V -off 1682 J. SCARLETT Exchanges 107 To send the..Bill to the House of the Acceptant, and desire him to order that the Value be write of in Bank. 1752 BEAWES Lex Merc. Rediv. 363 Write off from my Bank Book, one hundred and fifty~seven Pounds. fig. 1889 Spectator 21 Sept., China and India being written-off as full of people. OED 1683 upgo P-V N up1683 G. SINCLAIR Misc. Obs. Hydrost. 278 Some [strata] again making their rise much more than their course, which they call Up-gaes. 1855 Whitby Gloss. 185 Upgo a track up a hill. OED 1688 turn-out V-P N -out 1688 R. HOLME Armoury III. xix. (Roxb.) 154/2 The seuerall Beates or points of warre are these...13. A Turn out. 1815 SCOTT Guy M. xxxix, Is he always fit for duty upon a sudden turn-out? OED 1689 upput P-V N upa 1689 CLELAND Poems (1697) 101 Tho he can swear..And lye, I think he cannot hide... They are not fitt For Stealth, that want a good up-put. (the power of secreting) OED 1697 die off V-P V -off 1697 W. DAMPIER Voy. I. 113 It is usual with sick men coming from the Sea Air to dye off as soon as ever they come within the view of the Land. OED 1697 draw-back V-P N -back 1697 LUTTRELL Brief Rel. IV. 200 For a drawback of the duty on exportation thereof. 1729 SWIFT Grand Quest. Debated 21 In poundage and drawbacks I lose half my rent. OED 1697 put-back V-P N -back a 1697 J. AUBREY Lives, Hobbes (1898) I. 333 For ten yeares together his thoughts were..chiefly intent on his ‘De Cive’, an d..his ‘Leviathan’, which was a great *puttback to his mathematicall improvement. 1913 D. H. LAWRENCE Love Poems p. lviii, An' mind... Ye slip not on the slippery ridge Of the thawin' snow, or it'll be A long put-back to your gran' marridge. OED

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128Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1698 knockdown V-P N -down 1698 As a name: W. KING tr. Sorbire's Jrnl. Lond. 35 He answer'd me that he had a thousand such sort of liquors,..Old Pharaoh, Knockdown, Hugmatee [etc.]. a 1700 B. E. Dict. Cant. Crew Knock-down very strong Ale or Beer. OED 1699 look-out V-P N -out 1699 COWLEY Voy. (1729) 12 We took their look-outs who told us the news. OED 1700 layer-over V-P N -over a 1700 B. E. Dict. Cant. Crew Lare-over said when the true Name of the thing must (in decency) be concealed. 1725 in New Cant. Dict. 1785 GROSE Dict. Vulg. Tongue Lareovers for Medlers an answer frequently given to children, or young people, as a rebuke for their impertinent curiosity, in enquiring what is contained in a box, bundle, or any other closed conveyance. a 1825 FORBY Voc. E. Anglia Layer-over a gentle term for some instrument of chastisement. OED 1700 look-out V-P N -out 1700 S. Carolina Stat. at Large (1837) II. 161 The Look-out formerly built on Sullivan's Island..is by a late storm overthrown to the ground. 1748 Anson's Voy. III. vi. 346 We..kept a good look-out for the rocks of Vele Rete. OED 1700 sell off V-P V -off a 1700 EVELYN Diary 18 Jan. 1671, He answer'd he [Grinling Gibbons] was yet but a beginner, but would not be sorry to sell off that piece. OED 1700 tip off V-P V -off a 1700 B. E. Dict. Cant. Crew To Tip off to Dye. 1727 GAY Begg. Op. III. i, If that great man should tip off, 'twould be an irreparable loss. 1735 SAVAGE Progr. Divine 294 She, with broken heart, Tips off--poor soul! OED 1702 off break P-V V off1702 C. BEAUMONT J. Beaumont's Psyche (new ed.) VIII. cxciii. 135 But Satan, though his spightful heart did leap For joy to see how in his fallen cheeks Hunger had writ her cruel conquest deep; With fained princely pitty yet off breaks His course. 1872 M. MACLENNAN Peasant Life 2nd Ser. 47 She winna be ony speckillation tae the pairish by offbraikin' the banns. OED 1707 run off V-P V -off 1707 MORTIMER Husb. (1721) II. 322 Let it stand half an Hour undisturbed, that it may run off clear. OED 1709 drop off V-P V -off 1709 STEELE Tatler No. 149 2, I..found the [others]..drop off designedly to leave me alone with the eldest Daughter. 1824 BYRON Juan XVI. viii, The banqueteers had dropp'd off one by one. OED

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129Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1721 off reckon P-V V off1721 A. HILL in Buccleuch MSS (Hist. MSS Comm.) (1899) I. 370 Whatever he might make by..Balls, Concerts, or the like, ought to be off-reckoned. OED 1722 looking unto Ger-P -unto 1722 DE FOE Plague (1840) 44 If any person visited do fortune by negligent looking unto..to come..from a place infected. OED 1722 pair off V-P V -off 1772 Debates & Proc. Brit. House of Commons 1768-1770 240 At dinner time many made no scruple, though the cause was not determined, of pairing off as it is called; some pair'd off for every question in the election, others for a day, or a few hours only. OED 1722 set-off V-P Adj -off a 1722 FOUNTAINHALL Decis. I. 454 One may set *set-off chambers and parts of a house. OED 1728 boil up V-P N -up 1728 E. SMITH Compleat Housewife (ed. 2) 24 Strain out some of the liquor..give it a boil up. OED 1730 off-put P-V N off1730 R. WODROW Corr. (1843) III. 458 The delays and off-puts in the matter of Mr. Glass are what I do not understand. 1750 Session Bk. Rothesay (1931) 480 The Kilmichael's elder and younger, gave them always offputs for their money. OED 1741 cast-off V-P N -off 1741 RICHARDSON Pamela I. 49 And how..must they have look'd, like old Castoffs. OED 1742 bringers-in V-P Agt -in 1742 C. WESLEY in Southey Life Wesley (1820) II. 26 Bringers-in of the Pretender. OED 1746 cast-off V-P Adj -off 1746 W. THOMPSON R.N. Advoc. (1757) 40 Cast-off Hunters, turn'd upon the Road for Post Chaise Service. 1755 Connoisseur No. 80 A cast-off suit of my wife's. OED 1746 rouse-about V-P N -about 1746 Exmoor Scolding (E.D.S.) 30 A rubbacrock, rouze~about..swashbucket. 1778 __ Gloss. A Rouzabout a restless Creature never easy at Home, but roaming from Place to Place. Also, a Sort of large Pease [etc.]. OED

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130Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1752 break up V-P Adj -up 1752 BEAWES Lex Mercat. 52 If a ship be broken up or taken to pieces..and afterwards..be rebuilt..she is now another, and not the same ship. OED 1752 write-off V-P N -off 1752 BEAWES Lex Merc. Rediv. 363 No Money will be paid..without such a Draught, or what is called, a Write off. 1957 Times Lit. Suppl. 20 Dec. 766/5 It is the point made earlier about the need for resources wherewith to make and replace the automation machines, the need for mo re rapid write-offs of those machines once installed, and the parallel need to ‘pay’ the machines more than normal machines have hitherto been ‘paid’. OED 1760 run off V-P V -off 1760-72 H. BROOKE Fool of Qual. (1809) II. 93 They cast their arms to the ground, and run off..as fast as they could. OED 1766 clear off V-P V -off 1766 C. LEADBETTER Royal Gauger II. iv. (ed. 6) 250 [The common Brewer, Inn-keeper, etc.] are obliged to pay and clear off the Duty within the Week or Month after such entries are made. 1816 U. BROWN Jrnl. in Maryland Hist. Mag. XI. 365 [I] called to her [ sc a mare] and flattered her to come back; she would not; clear'd off and left me. OED 1767 lookers-out V-P Agt -out 1767 Pol. Reg. I. 363 The lookers-out have not been able to prevail on any man of consequence to accept [an office]. OED 1774 set-to V-P N -to 1743 Broughton's Rules in Egan Boxiana (1830) I. 51 Every fresh set-to after a fall, or being parted from the rails. 1774 F. BURNEY Early Diary (1889) I. 313, I gave her a good set-too just now. (obs. ‘a talking to, a dressing down’) 1794 MRS. RADCLIFFE Myst. Udolpho xxxiii, Signor Verezzi is always losing..and Signor Orsino wins from him,..and they have had several hard set-to's about it. OED 1776 show off V-P N -off 1776 S. J. PRATT Pupil of Pleas. II. 14 He allots to each of us such a share of fortune in our own hands as is sufficient to the display and shew-off of the natural disposition 1783 Liberal Opin. (ed. 3) Pref. 20 It appears to have been..the..effort of the author..to display the..inconsistencies of human opinion respecting Happiness; and, (after this shew off of folly delusion, and absurdity) [etc.]. OED

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131Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1776 show-off V-P N -off 1776 S. J. PRATT Pupil of Pleas. II. 14 He allots to each of us such a share of fortune in our own hands as is sufficient to the display and shew-off of the natural disposition OED 1777 lay-over V-P N -over 1777 Monthly Rev. LV. 108 Two servants appeared wi th a small table.., and laid a cloth and a lay-over upon it, in our English fashion, of the finest damask. OED 1782 cut-up V-P N -up 1782 F. BURNEY Cecilia IX. i, ‘Why indeed, sir,’ said Hobson, ‘I can't but say it was rather a cut-up.’ OED 1792 looker-on V-P Agt -on 1792 W. ROBERTS Looker-on No. 30 After having castled himself up, as it were, in his own exclusive spirit. OED 1793 show-off V-P V -off a 1793 G. WHITE Nat. Cal., Observ. Birds (1795) 79 A fern-owl this evening..showed off in a very unusual..manner. 1 OED 1793 trade off V-P V -off 1793 in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. (1810) III. 1 Good crops of corn and rye, which they trade off for spirituous liquors. OED 1795 break-up V-P N -up 1795 LD. AUCKLAND Corr. (1862) III. 292 The sudden break-up of Lord Fitzwilliam's Government in Ireland. OED 1795 cross-over V-P N -over 1795 Hull Advertiser 23 May 1/2, 1273 yards of..cotton cross-over. 1860 All Year Round No. 53. 63 The barragons..quiltings, and cross-overs..for which Bolton was famous. OED 1796 stand-by V-P N -by 1796 in Nicolas Disp. Nelson (1846) VII. p. xci, Meleager [a ship] is my only stand-by and every week I must send something to Genoa for news. OED 1803 mark off V-P V -off 1803 T. JEFFERSON Address to Brothers of Choctaw Nation 17 Dec. in Writings (1984) 559 You have spoken, brothers, of the lands which your fathers formerly sold and marked off to the English. OED

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132Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1804 break-off V-P N -off 1804 Hull Adv. 21 Jan. 4/1 The left hand then seizes the shaft of the stock and the right hand dislodges the barrel from the ‘Break-off’. 1844 Regul. & Ord. Army 106 For a new break off filed up, fitted, and hardened. 1858 GREENER Gunnery 250 With the breeches in the percussioned state, break-offs fitted and locks jointed. 1860 FORSTER Gr. Remonstr. 169 The sudden and impetuous break-off from the party with whom he had acted so zealously. OED 1806 get off V-P V -off a 1806 K. WHITE Lett. (1837) 329, I never get quite off study. 1835 J. CONSTABLE Let. 12 Sept. (1967) V. 27, I wish I could get off going there to lecture. 1893 SIR R. ROMER in Law Times Rep. LXVIII. 443/1 It appears to me impossible to say that the defendants can get off the contract. OED 1807 feed off V-P V -off 1807 R. PARKINSON Experienced Farmer I. 409 If he cannot feed it [Buck-wheat] off with some cattle. 1850 Jrnl. R. Agric. Soc. XI. II. 430 The crop being well grown, it only remains to feed it well off. OED 1807 stoppings-out Ger-P -out 1807 J. LANDSEER Lect. Engraving 232 Either by partial stoppings out, or the increased pressure of his Etching-needle. OED 1809 blow up V-P N -up 1809 W. GELL Let. 22 Jan. in C. K. Sharpe Lett. (1888) I. 355 There won't be any quarrel, so you need not fear. The only chance is Keppel making a blow up when she abuses me. OED 1809 knock-down V-P N -down 1809 Sporting Mag. XXXIII. 6 This round produced the first blood, and first knock-down. 1818 LADY MORGAN Autobiog. (1859) 85 It is a knockdown to all Morgan's arguments and mine. OED 1811 bang-up V-P N -up 1811 Lex. Balatronicum Pref., We trust..that the whole tribe of second-rate Bang ups will feel grateful [etc.]. (a man of fashion, a dandy. obs). OED 1812 sail-over V-P N -over 1812 P. NICHOLSON Mech. Exerc. 267 Sail over, is the overhanging of one or more courses [of bricks] beyond the naked of the wall. OED 1814 run-over V-P N -over a 1814 Intrigues of Day II. i. in New Brit. Theatre I. 97 The newspapers are probably arrived, and I'll just give them a run-over. OED

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133Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1816 uptake P-V N up1816 SCOTT Old Mort. vii, Everybody's no sae gleg at the uptake as ye are yoursell. OED 1817 fitting up Ger-P -up 1817 JANE AUSTEN Persuasion (1818) III. xi. 233 The varieties in the fitting-up of the rooms. OED 1818 choke off V-P V -off 1818 COBBETT Pol. Reg. XXXIII. 72 The Duke's seven mouths..made the Whig party choak off Sheridan. OED 1818 show-off V-P Adj -off 1818 S. E. FERRIER Marriage II. xxii. 298 Colonel Lennox was evidently not a shew-off character. OED 1819 throw over V-P N -over 1819 Hermit in London III. 212 They had practised what they technically termed a throw over. OED 1823 off saddle P-V V off1823 T. PHILIPPS Lett. (1960) 203, I rode up to the door and began the nevervaried question ‘Can I offsaddle?’ 1850 R. G. CUMMING Five Years Hunter's Life S. Afr. I. vi. 119 Accordingly we off-saddled, and in a few minutes I was once more asleep. OED 1824 shut off V-P V -off 1824 R. STUART Hist. Steam Engine 132 The motion of the piston was equalized by shutting off the steam sooner or later from the cylinder. 1904 H. B. M. WATSON Hurricane Isl. xx. 285, I shut off the lantern. OED 1825 take-up V-P N up 1825 JAMIESON, Tak-up, Take-up the name given to a tuck in female dress. OED 1826 cock-up V-P N -up MISS MITFORD Village Ser. II. (1863) 429 The cock-up of the nose, which seems..to be snuffing up intelligence. OED 1826 lookers in V-P Agt -in 1826 New Monthly Mag. XVII. 241, I have always casual lookers-in, and it is my cue..to keep..an open house. OED 1826 take-off V-P N -off 1826 MISS MITFORD Village Ser. II. 214 ( French Emigrants ) Notwithstanding these take-offs, our good duchess had still the air of a lady of rank. OED 1832 break down V-P N -down 1832 MARRYAT N. Forster xxii, These unfortunate break downs 1835 BROWNING Paracelsus III. 70 The break-down of my general aims 1883 CHALMERS Local Govt. 152 Any break-down or hitch in the working of the sanitary laws. OED

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134Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1832 fixups V-P N -up 1832 Polit. Examiner (Shelbyville, Ky.) 8 Dec. 4/1 She says Mr. Bunker sit down, well I thought I would whilst she was getting her fixups off. OED 1832 get-off V-P N -off 1832 Chambers's Jrnl. I. 121/2 As a get-off, she commences a eulogy on her butter. 1848 J. H. NEWMAN Loss & Gain 80 ‘But it is an illegal declaration or vow’, said Willis, ‘and so not binding’. ‘Where did y ou find that get-off?’ said Charles; ‘the priest put that into your head.’ 1853 G. JOHNSTON Nat. Hist. E. Bord. I. 256 Pooh! that explanation won't do. A mere get-off! OED 1833 get up V-P N -up 1833 Fraser's Mag. VIII. 30 We attended this hole and corner get up, and can therefore give a correct report of its proceedings. (arranged meeting) 1847 LD. CANNING in Ld. Malmesbury Mem. (1884) I. 200 He is just like Lord Combermere in face, figure, and get-up, but a little bigger. OED 1833 put-out V-P N -out 1833 J. NEAL Down-Easters I. vi. 83, I shouldn't think twould be any *put-out to you to take somebody else. 1843 A. S. STEPHENS High Life N.Y. ii. 32 Don't be uneasy about the trouble, it won't be no put out to Captain Doolittle. OED 1837 gad-about V-P N -about 1837 PALMER Devonsh. Dialogue Gloss., Gad-a-bout a gossiping rambling sort of person. 1849 LYTTON Caxtons 140 Your shrew-mice are sad gad-abouts. OED 1837 hold-up V-P N -up 1837 Knickerbocker X. 439 The wheels of the coach are shod with the preparation of iron slippers, which are essential to a hold-up. OED 1837 let-up V-P N -up 1837 Congress. Globe 25th Congress 2 Sess. App. 47/3 There was no let up in the matter: the people had so ordered it, a nd the gentleman ought to be satisfied. OED 1838 sign off V-P V -off 1838 EMERSON Addr. Cambr. Wks. (Bohn) II. 200 In the country neighbourhoods, half parishes are signing off, to use the local term. 1859 BARTLETT Dict. Amer. (ed. 2), To sign off to release a debtor by agreeing to accept whatever he offers to pay. OED

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135Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1838 sign off V-P V -off 1838 EMERSON Addr. Cambr. Wks. (Bohn) II. 200 In the country neighbourhoods, half parishes are signing off, to use the local term. 1859 BARTLETT Dict. Amer. (ed. 2), To sign off to release a debtor by agreeing to accept whatever he offers to pay. OED 1838 sign off V-P V -off 1838 EMERSON Addr. Cambr. Wks. (Bohn) II. 200 In the country neighbourhoods, half parishes are signing off, to use the local term. 1859 BARTLETT Dict. Amer. (ed. 2), To sign off to release a debtor by agreeing to accept whatever he offers to pay. OED 1838 walk-over V-P N -over 1838 Times 29 June 8/3 [Election at Cashel] I think it not unlikely that Mr. Richard Moore may have a walk over. 1861 Sporting Rev. Oct. 249 Kettledrum's walk-over was quite a little tit-bit for the Yorkshiremen. 1889 Century Mag. July 403/1 That's the bay stallion there,..and he's neve r been beaten. It's his walk-over. OED 1839 boke-out V-P N -out 1839 (v. or n.) swell out [from poke (pocket)] to gain bulk and pre-eminence; probably as a poke or pocket does when full (Norfolk, Suffex) Holloway p. 15. Holloway 1839 bumble-off V-P N -off 1839 (v. or n.) set off in a hurry. Holloway, p. 22 Holloway 1839 check off V-P V -off 1839 DICKENS Nich. Nick. xvi, Nearly every other member..pulled a written paper from his pocket, to check Mr. Pugstyles off, as he read the questions. 1884 Harper's Mag. June 46/2 The signer's name is..check ed off on the..list by a third officer. OED 1839 clean off V-P V -off a 1839 PRAED Poems (1864) II. 3 A thousand hands..Clean off each ancient stain or soil. OED 1839 colt-in V-P N -in 1839 (v. or n.) to/a fall in as the surface of a pit or quarry Holloway p. 35. see also 1679 PLOT Staffordsh. (1686) 133 If the coal be full of rifts, it is so much the more apt to colt in upon the Workmen. Ibid. 306 [The earth]..suddenly coped or colted down upon him. Holloway OED 1840 bringer back V-P Agt -back 1840 CARLYLE Heroes iv. 210 A bringer back of men to reality. OED 1840 kick off V-P V -off 1840 DICKENS Old C. Shop xlix, He..kicked off his shoes, and groped his way upstairs. 1890 G. GISSING The Emancipated III. II. xvii. 289 He kicked off his boots, kicked on his slippers. OED

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136Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1840 looking-off Ger-P -off 1840 BROWNING Sordello III. 632 Some slight weariness, some looking-off Or start-away. OED 1841 mix-up V-P N -up 1841 S. BAMFORD Passages Life Radical I. xv. 94, I had expected being conducted to London alone, and certainly w as not prepared for a mix-up with these men. OED 1841 send-off V-P N -off 1841 Spirit of Times 18 Dec. 499/2 Sleepy John was the favorite against the field; by bad management of the groom John got a miserable send off and lost at least fifty yards. OED 1841 send-off V-P N -off 1841 Spirit of Times 18 Dec. 499/2 Sleepy John was the favorite against the field; by bad management of the groom John got a miserable send off and lost at least fifty yards. OED 1841 set-ups V-P N -up 1841 Civ. Engin. & Arch. Jrnl. IV. 264/1 The set-ups on the rail with the line fixed. OED 1841 sit-upons V-P N -upon 1841 J. T. J. HEWLETT Parish Clerk I. 126 With a pair of the master's sit-upons that wanted reparation. OED 1842 working out Ger-P -out 1842 MANNING Serm. i. (1848) 17 All the face of the world bespeaks the *working-out of the prophecy OED 1843 burn off V-P V -off 1843 C. A. DILLON Let. 16 Jan. (1954) 17 The fern was all burnt off by the surveyors. OED 1845 off-saddle P-V N off1845 W. N. IRWIN Echoes of Past (1927) 235, I..take the opportunity of the first off saddle to stretch myself in the Shade, and..read your welcome epistle. OED 1846 bust-up V-P N -up 1846 Knickerbocker XXVIII. 313 The houdaciousest bust-up I ever seed. OED 1846 passed-over Prt-P N -over 1846 Times 13 Nov. 6/4 Your obedient humble servant; and, in your own phrase, a subaltern of Picton's Division, and one of the passed over. OED

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137Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1846 round-off V-P Adj -off 1846 HOLTZAPFFEL Turning II. 826 Nicking and piercing files..are called roundoff files, and are used for rounding or pointing the teeth of wheels. 1946 GOLDSTINE & VON NEUMANN in J. von Neumann Coll. Wks. (1963) V. 17 A very complicated calculation in which the accumulation and amplification of the round-off errors threatens to prevent the obtaining of results of the desired precision. OED 1847 follow up V-P V -up 1847 TENNYSON Princ. I. 203 We follow'd up the river as we rode. Ibid. IV. 446 It becomes no man to nurse despair, But..To follow up the worthiest till he die. 1888 Times 16 Oct. 10/5 The Forest bylaws..make no provision for wounded deer being followed up. OED 1847 look in V-P N -in 1847 L. HUNT Men, Women & B. I. xv. 293 The Induction to the ‘Mirror of Magistrates’ is a look in at the infernal regions. OED 1847 shake-up V-P N -up 1847 J. S. MILL Lett. (1910) I. 131 To give that general shake-up to the torpid mind of the nation which the French Revolution gave to Continental Europe. OED 1847 upstand P-V N up1847 HALLIWELL, Upstands marks for boundaries of parishes, estates, &c., being live trees cut off about breast high. Kent OED 1848 pick-up V-P N -up 1848 TROLLOPE Kellys & O'Kellys III. xi. 269 The pick-up on the Derby is about four thousand. 1860 [see B]. 1871 L. H. BAGG 4 Years at Yale 46 Pick-up ,..a street-walker, of the less disreputable sort. 1886 Daily News 27 July 3/2 [A cricketer] conspicuous for the quickness of his pick-up and the accuracy of his return. OED 1848 tilt-up V-P N -up 1848 Tilt-up. The American sandpiper [see TEETER n. 2]. OED 1849 hoedown V-P N -down [1807 W. IRVING Salmagundi 7 Mar. 98 As to dancing, no Long-Island negro could shuffle you ‘double trouble’, or ‘hoe corn and dig potatoes’ more scientifically.] 1841 Picayune (New Orleans) 14 Jan. 2/1 He looks and walks the character to the life, and some of his touches are of the genuine ‘hoe down’, ‘cornfield’ order. 1849 T. T. JOHNSON Sights Gold Region iv. 38 One of our party commenced a regular hoe-down, knocking his shins with heavy boots. OED

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138Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1850 off load P-V V off1850 R. G. CUMMING Five Years Hunter's Life S. Afr. I. i. 5 No, no, mynheer, you must not off-load. OED 1850 off load P-V V off1850 R. G. CUMMING Five Years Hunter's Life S. Afr. I. i. 5 No, no, mynheer, you must not off-load. 1863 W. C. BALDWIN Afr. Hunting 222 The wagon stuck fast and we had to off-load. 1850 R. G. CUMMING Five Years Hunter's Life S. Afr. II. xx. 82 Having off-loaded my waggon, I hande d it over to Mr. Arnott, the resident blacksmith, to undergo repairs. OED 1850 stow-away V-P N -away 1850 Morning Chron. 22 July 6/1 All the passengers were summoned on deck that their names might be read over, their tickets produced, and a search made in the steerage, and in every hole and corn er of the ship, for ‘stow-aways’. OED 1853 fill-up V-P N -up 1853 E. TWISLETON Let. 6 Feb. (1928) iv. 69 The three first [men] are cousins..and the latter is a fill-up [at a dinner-table]. OED 1853 put-in V-P N -in 1853 ‘MARK TWAIN’ in Hannibal (Missouri) Jrnl. 25 May 3/1 Never speak when it's not your ‘*put-in’. 1903 W. N. HARBEN Abner Daniel xxxv. 301 This ain't no put~in o' mine, gracious knows. I hain't got nothin', an' I don't expect to lose or gain by what is done. 1962 Times 11 Jan. 4/3 The Navy came out better in the matter of put-ins against the head. OED 1854 tick off V-P V -off 1854 DICKENS Hard T. I. xiv. 108 He was not sure that if he had been required..to tick her off into columns in a parliamentar y return, he would have quite known how to divide her. 1861 Gt. Expect. xxxiv, I compared each with the bill, and ticked it off. 1871 L. STEPHEN Playgr. Eur. (1894) xiii. 323 One more task ticked off from their memorandum book. OED 1855 look up V-P N -up 1855 D. G. ROSSETTI Let. 25 Nov. (1965) I. 278 Hughes..gave them a look up about it. 1888 ‘R. BOLDREWOOD’ Robbery under Arms I. xiv. 191 We foraged up Aileen's mare, and made it up to ride over to George Storefield's, and gave him a look-up. OED

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139Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1855 split off V-P V -off 1855 Orr's Circ. Sci., Inorg. Nat. 39 These, which are often of vast dimensions, are split off from the peaks of the higher mountains. OED 1856 off bear P-V V off1856 K. E. R. PICKARD Kidnapped & Ransomed ii. 35 Three thousand brick a day was the task for two boys; and if one of th em chanced to be by any means disabled, his companion must ‘off-bear’ the whole. OED 1856 off-bear P-V V off1856 K. E. R. PICKARD Kidnapped & Ransomed ii. 35 Three thousand brick a day was the task for two boys; and if one of th em chanced to be by any means disabled, his companion must ‘off-bear’ the whole. OED 1856 off-bearer P-V Agt off1856 K. E. R. PICKARD Kidnapped & Ransomed ii. 35 When Peter was about nine years old, he too was employed in the brick-yard, as off-bearer OED 1856 smash-up V-P N -up 1856 M. J. HOLMES 'Lena Rivers 36 The old lady, sure of a smash-up this time, had attempted to rise. 1858 HOLLAND Titcomb's Lett. viii. 74 Follow it, and see how long it will be before you come to a stump and a smash-up. 1890 S. W. BAKER Wild Beasts I. 16 A hollow bullet..is intende d..to secure an expansion and smash-up of the lead upon impact with the animal OED 1857 kick-off V-P N -off 1857 HUGHES Tom Brown I. v, Hasn't old Brook won the toss..and got choice of goals and kick-off? 1895 WELLDON G. Eversley's Friendsh. 161 The match was hotly contested from the kick-off to the finish. OED 1857 run-around V-P N -around 1857 Knickerbocker XLIX. 97 There comes us a ‘run-round’ on the end of our penfinger. 1872 TALMAGE Serm. 224 Some hypochondriac with a ‘run-around’ or a ‘hang-nail’. 1913 J. LONDON Valley of Moon III. iv. 352 His finger was hurting too much, he said... ‘It might be a r un-around,’ Saxon hazarded. 1968 LEIDER & ROSENBLUM Dict. Dermatol. Words 364 Run (-) around .., is colloquial for inflammatory conditions of the soft pa rts about nails and conveys the idea of tendency to extend circularly. OED 1858 outspeaker P-V N out1858 R. C. TRENCH Synonyms New Test. (1876) vi. 20 The is the outspeaker. 1860 W. THACKERAY in Cornhill Mag. Apr. 486 That intrepid outspeaker and champion of truth. 1967 R. LEHMANN Swan in Evening 68 A frank outspeaker upon unpleasant subjects, a stripper of the veils of reticence. OED

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140Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1859 comeuppance V-P-Suf N -up 1859 Harper's Mag. Jan. 277/1 Dennis once got his ‘come-up-ance’. OED 1859 drag out V-P N -out a 1859 Southern Sketches (Bartlett), He's a rael stormer, ring clipper, snow belcher, and drag out. 1870 Nation 30 June 411/2 The number of encounters,..knock-downs, drag-outs, [etc.]..in which the Representative..has been engaged. OED 1859 fitters-up V-P Agt -up 1859 SALA Tw. round Clock (1861) 224 Nothing more can be done for a palace than the fitters-up of a modern club have done for it. OED 1859 flare-up V-P N -up 1859 M. NAPIER Life Dundee I. II. 351 The star of Lauderdale..well nigh consumed the patriot Duke [Hamilton] w ith the fierceness of its flare-up. OED 1859 pull off V-P N -off 1859 Musketry Instr. 17 It is erroneous to suppose that by loosening the sear or any other pin an easier or lighter pull off is obtained. OED 1860 make-over V-P N -over [1860 Vanity Fair 27 Oct. 214/2 There's Miss Ange lica Makeover...Her hair is coarse but by miracles of art and patience sh e has trained it into waves of beauty.] 1925 Woman's World Apr. 52/2 Like the first dress, it is an excellent type, either for a new dress or a makeover. OED 1861 burn off V-P N -off 1861 W. MORGAN Jrnl. 27 Feb. (1963) iii. 28 Not an over excellent *burn off-there having been of late a good deal of wet. OED 1861 burn-off V-P N -off 1861 W. MORGAN Jrnl. 27 Feb. (1963) iii. 28 Not an over excellent *burn off-there having been of late a good deal of wet. OED 1861 sit-down V-P N -down 1861 MRS. STOWE Pearl of Orr's Island I. xii. 104, I am come here for a good sitdown by your kitchen-fire. OED 1861 stand-up V-P N -up 1861 MAYHEW Lond. Labour III. 202/1 It was a penny a dance for each of 'em as danced, and each stand-up took a quarter of an hour. OED 1863 off-bearing P-V Adj off1863 Sci. Amer. 24 Oct. 269/3 Driving the off-bearing apron..at a greater speed than that of the bar of clay, for the purpose of separating the brick by a sufficient interval. OED 1864 break-down V-P N -down a 1864 New Eng. Tales (Bartlett), Don't clear out when the quadrilles are over, for we are going to have a break~down to wind up with. 1877 BURNAND ‘Ride to Khiva’ 11 Clog-dancers, or nigger duettists, at a Music Hall with a breakdown. 1881 Gd. Words XXII. 41/2 The men followed with a fiendish ‘breakdown’. OED

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141Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1864 fit-up V-P N -up 1864 P. PATERSON Glimpses Real Life xxxiv. 333 The theatre was what is called ‘a fit-up’, erected in the large room at..a small hotel of the town. OED 1865 bringer on V-P Agt -on 1865 BUSHNELL Vicar. Sacr. II. ii. (1868) 156 He is the Captain, or bringer on, of salvation. OED 1865 dress-up V-P N -up 1865 A. D. T. WHITNEY Gayworthys II. vii. 132 ‘Will you go to meeting, Gershom?’ Joanna asked him... ‘I guess not ,..the dress-up takes down the devotion, rather, for me.’ OED 1865 pay-off V-P N -off 1865 DICKENS Our Mutual Friend I. I. ii. 32 Twemlow received an invitation to dine at Veneerings, expressly to meet the Member, the Engineer, the Pay-off of the National Debt, the Poem on Shakespeare, th e Grievance, and the Public Office. OED 1866 fetch-up V-P N -up 1866 A. D. WHITNEY L. Goldthwaite x, It isn't the fall that hurts, it's the fetch-up. OED 1866 off-break P-V N off1866 W. GREGOR Dial. Banffshire in Trans. Philol. Soc. 18 124 The Free-kirk's an aff-brack fae the Aul' Kirk. 1892 G. M. RAE Syrian Church in India 195 Her ranks had been greatly thinned by th e off-break of Protestantism. OED 1867 fix-ups V-P N -up 1867 W. H. DIXON New Amer. I. 191 Claret-cobbler..eye-opener, fix-ups, or any other Yankee deception in the shape of liquor. OED 1867 fly-up V-P N -up 1867 SMYTH Sailor's Word-bk. *Fly-up a sudden deviation upwards from a sheer line. OED 1867 off-drive P-V N off1867 Australasian 2 Feb. 140/2 He made a very good off drive for four. 1881 Daily News 9 July 2 Making an off drive for four. OED 1867 pick-me-up V-X-P -up 1867 LATHAM Black & White 80 Who could induce the American loafer to drink home-brewed ale..instead of pick-me-ups. OED 1867 stayaway V-P N -away 1867 Ch. & St. Rev. 2 Feb. 99 The intolerable dulness of the sermons, and the want of sympathy evinced by the sermonisers with the political aspirations of the *stayaways, were the reasons given. OED

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142Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1867 upleaping P-Ger up1867 ‘OUIDA’ Idalia xxxiii, A sudden upleaping of the vivid life within him. 188594 R. BRIDGES Eros & Psyche Dec. xxvi, Its little rill is an upleaping jet Of cold Cocytus. OED 1868 roustabout V-P N -about 1868 Putnam's Mag. Sept. 342 As the steamer was leaving the leve, about forty black deck-hands or ‘roustabouts’ gather ed at the bows. 1872 SCHELE DE VERE Americanisms 225 The Western rough is frequently a roustabout. OED 1868 roustabouts V-P N -about 1868 Putnam's Mag. Sept. 342 As the steamer was leaving the leve, about forty black deck-hands or ‘roustabouts’ gathered at the bows. OED 1868 row-over V-P N -over 1868 W. BROUGH Field of Cloth of Gold v. 41 Here I am you see, Coming to trial, should the plaintiff halt, Defendant claims a judgement by default. So you are mine; and I my rival crow over. It's what they call in boat-racing a row over. OED 1868 upturn P-V N up1868 KINGLAKE Crimea IV. v. 90 A little upturn of the soil with a few Turks standing behind it. OED 1869 shut-off V-P Adj -off 1869 RANKINE Machine & Hand-tools Pl. G1, The shut-off valve. OED 1869 turn off V-P V -off 1869 L. M. ALCOTT Little Women II. xx. 309 He turned off the gas, and kissed the picture in the dark. OED 1872 cover up V-P V -up 1872 E. PEACOCK Mabel Heron I. viii. 131 The idea of covering up any portion of the rich garden loam with buildings. OED 1873 dry-up V-P N -up 1873 J. H. BEADLE Undevel. West 711 The plowman returns to his work without waiting for a ‘dry-up’. OED 1873 run-off V-P N -off 1873 Carthusian June 56 Hanson and Jeaffreson ran a dead heat for second place... The run-off for the second prize was won by Hanson. OED 1874 cut-out V-P N -out 1874 in KNIGHT Dict. Mech. 1887 SPONS Househ. Management (1887) 95 Cutouts or safety valves, are essential to the security of a house. OED 1874 hand-me-down V-X-P N -down 1874 HOTTEN Dict. Slang 187 Hand-me-downs second~hand clothes. OED 1874 poke out V-P N -out 1874 RUSKIN Hortus Inclusus (1887) 3 We go into the Sacristy and have a reverent little poke out of relics OED

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143Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1875 knock-off V-P N -off 1875 KNIGHT Dict. Mech. 1240/1 Knock off ( Knitting-machine ), the piece which, at the proper moment, removes the loops from the tier of needles. OED 1876 freeze-up V-P N -up 1876 Oregon Weekly Tribune (The Dalles) 29 Jan. 3/2 We hope to see the day when..all the inhabitants east of the Cascad es will not be detrimentally affected by any freeze-up which may occur. OED 1876 off-center P-V Adj off1876 Rep. Comm. U.S. Internat. Exhib. Vienna 213 If the spindle is irregular in shape, or ground ‘off center,’ it will produ ce a fatal loss of symmetry in the work. 1883 C. READE Love & Money IV. 51 Hope looks over his shoulder at certificate, then goes off centre. OED 1876 pop-over V-P N -over 1876 M. N. F. HENDERSON Pract. Cooking 71 Breakfast Puffs, or Pop-overs... May be baked in roll-pans. 1887 A. A. HAYES Jesuit's Ring 120 Broiled chicken and pop-overs. OED 1876 upleap P-V N up1876 R. BROUGHTON Joan I. xxxiii, The fire giving one sudden upleap,..plays upon his face. 1885 E. F. BYRRNE Entangled III. II. xviii. 140 This upleap of wild regret ..was not dependent upon reason. OED 1877 wrap-around V-P N -around 1877 (n) BROWNING Agamemnon 120 A wrap-round [Gr.] with no outlet..I fence about him--the rich woe of the garment. OED 1878 hold-up V-P N -up 1878 F. M. A. ROE Army Lett. (1909) 206 The driver is their only protector, and the stage route is through miles and miles of wild forest, and in between huge boulders where a ‘hold-up’ could be so easily accomplished. OED 1879 burst-up V-P N -up 1879 Daily News 22 Sept. 2/1 A speedy burst-up of the whole agricultural system. OED 1879 catch-up V-P N -up 1879 J. T. FIELDS Verses for a Few Friends 23 What impelled me then to snatch up In my arms this ghostly catch-up, Who can tell? 1918 Q. Jrnl. Econ. 32 645 The assumed catch-up in prices must somehow change precipitately back into a lag. OED 1880 Come-upping P-Ger -up 1880 M. A. COURTNEY W. Cornwall Gloss. Come-upping a flogging. ‘I'll gi' 'ee a sound come-upping.’ OED

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144Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1881 turn-off V-P N -off 1881 ‘R. BOLDREWOOD’ Robbery under Arms (1888) III. xvii. 255 It's the wrong turn-off that makes a man lose his way. OED 1882 beat up V-P V -up 1882 Daily Tel. 24 June, At the commencement of play the wicket was moderately good, but it was beaten up considerably during the latter half of the Australian innings. Mod. ‘We had an egg beaten up and biscuits.’ OED 1883 blow back V-P N -back 1883 J. D. FULTON Sam Hobart 224 The flames originated from the ‘* blow back ’ on the engine. OED 1883 call-off V-P N -off 1883 J. PARKER Apost. Life II. 186 No..*call-off from prolonged and arduous enquiry into profound and useful subjects. OED 1883 call-off V-P N -off 1883 J. PARKER Apost. Life II. 186 No..*call-off from prolonged and arduous enquiry into profound and useful subjects. OED 1883 cleaning up Ger-P -up 1883 STEVENSON Silverado Sq. (1886) 16 The pasture would bear a little further cleaning up. OED 1883 pull-over V-P N -over 1883 Lincoln Chron. 16 Mar., The sea swept over the pull-over at Sutton. OED 1884 blow-down V-P N -down 1884 Health Exhib. Catal. 52/1 Chimney Can for curing a *blow-down. OED 1884 rip off V-P V -off 1884 Manch. Exam. 28 Nov. 5/1 He also declared that he incited no one to rip off Gladstone badges at the meeting. 1974 Guidelines to Volunteer Services (N.Y. State Dept. Correctional Services) 42 Rip off rape, pull a job. 1976 Observer 22 Feb. 6/3 Many women think all garages consider they can ‘rip off’ women drivers. OED 1885 lean-over V-P N -over a 1885 G. M. HOPKINS Poems (1918) 79 So long to this sweet spot, this leafy leanover. 1936 E. SITWELL Victoria of Eng. xiii. 163 For others, again, there is the twopenny lean-over. OED 1885 off-print P-V N off1885 W. W. SKEAT in Academy 22 Aug. 121 Various terms, such as ‘deprint’, ‘exprint’, etc., have been proposed to denote a separately-printed copy of a pamphlet... By comparison with ‘offshoot’ I think we might use ‘offprint’ with some hope of expressing what is meant. 1888 F. H. WOODS in Academy 21 Apr. 276 Having now obtained, through Canon Taylor's courtesy, an off-print of his paper. OED

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145Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1886 sitinems V-P-X N -in1886 in H. BAUMANN Londinismen 179/2. 1922 JOYCE Ulysses 418 Don't stain my brandnew sitinems. (trousers) OED 1886 walk-around V-P N -around 1886 Official Catal. Colonial & Ind. Exhib. (ed. 2) 462 Their sugar plots are confined to one or two small green pieces in Tortola, worked by a ‘*walk-around’ or cattle-mill. 1888 B. MATTHEWS Pen & Ink OED 1887 face off V-P V -off 1887 RUSKIN Prterita II. 384 A little logwork to face off the stream at its angles. OED 1887 flick off V-P V ? -off 1887 M. E. BRADDON Like & Unlike ii, Miss Deverill was flicking the chalkmarks off the cloth with her handkerchief. 1918 C. SANDBURG Cornhuskers 50 He lived flecking lint off coat lapels. 1882 W. J. CUMMINS Catalogue Fishing Tackle 10 Don't attempt to throw against the wind, as you would be sure to ‘flick’ the fly off. OED 1887 knock-about V-P N -about 1887 Pall Mall G. 17 Sept. 3/2 Bounding brothers, knock~abouts, step-dancers. 1892 Daily News 7 June 6/3 Singers, dancers, knockabouts, and quick-change artistes. OED 1887 tip-up V-P N -up 1887 A. BRASSEY Last Voy. xiii. (1889) 299 Another conveyance, familiarly known as a ‘Tip-up’, its narrow wheels making it liable to upset except on good roads. OED 1888 hold-over V-P N -over 1888 Wine, Sp. & Beer 8 Mar. 174/1 The license became void, and being advised not to ask for a hold-over, the Company now applied to Special Sessions. OED 1888 off drive P-V V off1888 Pall Mall Gaz. 22 Sept. 9/1 Then he off-drove his next ball to the ropes. 1893 R. DAFT Kings of Cricket vi. 103 C. G. Lane..could, I think, ‘off drive’ Jackson better than any other player of the day. OED 1888 rake-off V-P N -off 1888 Texas Siftings 28 Jan. 16/1 We always give him a rake-off, so he makes a good enough thing of it. OED 1888 set-off V-P N -off 1888 C. T. JACOBI Printers' Vocab. 90 Off-set the set-off of ink from one sheet to another of printed work whilst wet. OED

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146Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1888 walk away V-P N -away 1888 Daily News 16 July 3/6 The final heat was of course a *walk away for Thames, who won by three lengths. 1926 Amer. Mercury Dec. 465/2 It [ sc. Variety ] has developed..the following new term s for a [Broadway] success: ‘zowied 'em’,..‘walk-away hit’ and ‘clicked heavy’. OED 1889 clean-up V-P N -up a 1889 Mod. colloq. Put the machine in order, and give it a little clean-up. OED 1889 lay-off V-P N -off 1889 Gallup (New Mexico) Gleaner 27 Mar. 1/3 Fred Diamond is taking a lay-off. OED 1889 put-upon V-P N -upon 1889 J. K. JEROME Three Men in Boat iv, The presence of your husband's cheeses in her house she would..regard as a ‘*put upon’. OED 1889 shut-off V-P N -off 1889 Cent. Dict. 5606/1 Shut-off stoppage of anything. 1919 Summary of Operations Calif. Oil Fields (Calif. State Mining Bur.) V. I. 8 Collar shut-off an accidental ‘shut-off’ supposed to be occasioned by the accumulation of material between the walls of a well and the casing at, or just above, a collar. OED 1889 tear-off V-P Adj -off 1889 Pall Mall G. 21 Dec. 3/1 Blotting pads, with a *tear-off engagement-sheet at the side. OED 1891 left-over V-P N -over 1891 Cassell's Family Mag. May 374/1 They all like change of diet, so I provide all sorts of things, with the result that th e ‘left-overs’, as I call them, are appalling OED 1891 put-up V-P N -up 1891 Longm. Mag. Oct. 564 We must get a *put-up at Queen's Gate. OED 1891 tip off V-P V -off 1891 in Cent. Dict. 1893 L. W. MOORE His Own Story xxi. 292 This was ‘tipped off’ to me on Thursday, and also that the arrest of the whole party was to be made. Ibid. xxxiv. 445 When I saw he had ‘tipped me off’ to her, I said, ‘Look at me, for I am the man he told you to identify.’ OED 1892 flash-over V-P N -over 1892 S. P. THOMPSON Dyn.-Electr. Mach. (ed. 4) 88 Commutators of the ordinary sort with thin mica insulation between the bars..are easily short-circuited by the flash-over. OED 1892 run-off V-P N -off 1892-3 14th Rep. U.S. Geol. Surv. 149 The run-off, that is, the quantity of water flowing from the land. OED

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147Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1893 hold-off V-P Adj -off 1893 STEVENSON Catriona 286, I saw I must be extremely hold-off in my relations. OED 1894 hang-over V-P N -over 1894 Outing (U.S.) XXIV. 67/2 Then there are a few ‘hang-overs’ who have tried before, and two or three green candidates. 1920 C. SANDBURG Smoke & Steel 153 A hangover of summer song. OED 1895 give-up V-P N -up 1895 Harper's Mag. Nov. 887/1 There was no give-up to those English. OED 1895 looking over Ger-P -over 1895 R. KIPLING in Pall Mall G. 29 July 2/1 Mowgli always attended a Lookingover. OED 1895 off print P-V V off1895 I. K. FUNK et al. Standard Dict. Eng. Lang. s.v., The article is offprinted from a magazine. 1951 Catal. MS Coll. Brit. Mus. (verso rear cover) Offprinted from the Journal of Documentation Volume 7. 1952 M. MCCARTHY Groves of Academe (1953) i. 8 Maynard Hoar, author of a pamphlet, ‘The Witch Hunt in Our Universities’ (off-printed from the American Scholar and mailed out gratis by the bushel to a legion of ‘prominent educators’). 1997 Amer. Lit. 69 356 See Merton M. Sealts Jr., Melville's Reading: A Check-List of Books Owned and Borrowed offprinted from Harvard Library Bulletin. OED 1895 play-off V-P N -off 1895 Outing June 50/2 In the play-off for the championship of the city, the Sodality team won a bitterly contested game. OED 1897 booze up V-P N -up 1897 Session Paper 26 Oct. 860 We..had a booze up together. OED 1897 brush up V-P N -up 1897 E. TERRY Let. 3 July in Ellen Terry & Bernard Shaw (1931) 224 She looked quite nice when she'd had a nice ‘wash and a brush up’. OED 1897 cut-over V-P N -over 1897 Encycl. Sport I. 389/1 To elude quarte made with the hand very low, riposte with a cut-over thus. 1969 T. PARKER Twisting Lane 111 Going forward he made the first attack: a fast lunge and cut-over in Quarte. OED

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148Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1897 dust-up V-P N -up 1897 Daily News 6 Mar. 7/3 They turned at the Lasher, and after a dust-up for about a minute in Iffley, Reach did a nice piece of paddling back to the raft. (a quarrel) OED 1897 hand off V-P V -off 1897 Encycl. Sport I. 429 Handing-off pushing off an opponent who endeavours to impede a player running with the ball. 1920 Times 8 Nov. 6/2 The wings ran well and were not afraid to ‘hand-off’. 1923 W. J. A. DAVIES Rugby Football 135 Coates..ran with his head half turned to the right..which gave one the impression that he was waiting and was anxi ous to hand-off some one. 1988 First Down 19 Nov. 4/1 On the next play, the 5-foot-10 quarterback handed off to rookie rusher John Stephens who rolled in for the score with 6:48 left. OED 1897 raceabout V-P N -about 1897 Forest & Stream 6 Mar. 194/2 The next size, the ‘raceabout’, or the fin de sicle perversion of the knockabout, promises to be more popular and numerous. OED 1898 blow-off V-P N -off 1898 S. M. FERGUSSON in ‘House’ on Sport I. 174 A blow-off in this wise [ i.e swearing at golf] does one good now and then. OED 1898 caller-up V-P Agt -up 1898 Daily News 6 June 6/2 The caller-up knowing wh ether he is through or not by the ringing or not ringing of his bell. OED 1900 backup V-P N -up 1900 G. D. HISCOX Horseless Vehicles xii. 262 The single lever..controls the forward speeds and the backup, doing away with the confusion arising from a multiplication of levers. 1960 Times 7 Mar. 8/3 The enormous artificial lake..will reach 300 miles southwards, 75 miles farther than the back-up behind the present dam. OED 1900 frame-up V-P N -up 1900 ‘FLYNT’ & WALTON Powers that Prey 141 He could arrange a ‘frame-up’, and relieve ‘Soapy’ of the stolen pocke tbook, after ‘Soapy’ had lifted it from his victim's pocket. OED 1900 sneakaway V-P N -away 1900 Westm. Gaz. 6 June 1/3 Men who know themselves beaten already, but are not the cowards and sneakaways we sometimes make them out to be. OED

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149Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1901 call-down V-P N -down 1901 ‘H. MCHUGH’ John Henry i. 11 The four-flush *call-down makes you backpedal. 1917 WODEHOUSE Man with Two Left Feet 121 The feller that tries to get gay with me is going to get a call-down that'll make him holler for his winter overcoat. OED 1901 clear-up V-P N -up 1901 Westm. Gaz. 24 May 7/1 The clear-up will have to come sooner or later. OED 1901 fly-over V-P N -over 1901 Daily News 5 Jan. 6/5 The junction for the Aldershot branch..is being..rearranged on the ‘fly-over’ system, that is, the down line..remains as it was, but a new one..is being brought over the top of the main line by means of a skew bridge... This ‘fly-over’..will abolis h a fruitful source of delay. OED 1901 off-beat P-V N off1901 W. MASON Mem. Musical Life 120 In a passage where the trombone enters on an off beat the player made a mistake and came in on the even beat. OED 1901 tip-off V-P N -off 1901 J. F. WILLARD World of Graft 164 ‘So much down now,’ he said, ‘and so much when the show's over. Otherwise it's a tip-off and pinch.’ OED 1902 pull-off V-P Adj -off 1902 Daily Chron. 23 Dec. 3/5 A fine copy of Charles Lamb's ‘Beauty and the Beast’;..enclosed in a specially-printed pa per pull-off case, on which is printed the title-page. OED 1903 burn-out V-P N -out 1903 Daily Chron. 29 June 7/5 It has been a *burn-out of three floors and roof destroyed. OED 1904 off breaking P-V Adj off1904 Westm. Gaz. 10 Aug. 3/1 Mr. Bosanquet..dismissed three batsmen lbw with his ‘off-breaking leg-break’. 1907 Westm. Gaz. 18 July 4/2 The off-breaking legbreak of the Bosanquet school has exercised a great influence over South African cricket. 1998 Chambers's Dict. s.v. googly An off-breaking ball with an apparent leg-break action. OED 1906 butt-in V-P N -in 1906 H. GREEN Actors' Boarding House 97 Gettee 'way... No want flesh butt-ins round! a 1910 ‘O. HENRY’ Rolling Stones (1916) 198 Any of the Flat bush or Hackensack Meadow kind of butt-iners. OED 1906 paddle-over V-P N -over 1906 Westm. Gaz. 4 July 5/1 Little more than a paddle-over for the Cambridge men. OED 1906 pushover V-P N -over 1906 Outing Jan. 461/2 To me it looks like a push-over. 1926 Amer. Mercury Dec. 465/2 The combination is a push-over on Loew's or any other time OED

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150Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1907 lift off V-P Adj -off 1907 Yesterday's Shopping (1969) 385/3 Art cloth box, with lift off lid. OED 1907 lift-off V-P Adj -off 1907 Yesterday's Shopping (1969) 385/3 Art cloth box, with lift off lid. 1956 Sun (Baltimore) 16 Oct. 18/3 The relative merits of ‘roll-on, roll-off’ shipping, where trailers would be rolled aboard, and of ‘lift-on, lift-off’ service involving only a truck van. OED 1907 roustabout V-P V -about 1907 ‘O. HENRY’ in Everybody's Mag. Nov. 593/1, I hurried the rest of the way up the river, roustabouting on a lower coast packet that made a landing for every fisherman that wanted a plug of tobacco. 1934 in Amer. Ballads & Folk Songs 494 When Jack is old and weather~beat, Too old to roustabout. OED 1908 off-saddle P-V Adj off1908 Daily Chron. 10 Nov. 3/5, I had him by the hip at ‘off-saddle’ time. OED 1909 look-over V-P N -over 1909 R. A. WASON Happy Hawkins 183 Then I..took a stroll around to see that no one had been givin' us the look-over. OED 1909 sound off V-P V -off 1909 WEBSTER s.v. sound, to sound off Mil. at a certain point in the ceremony of parade or guard mounting in the United St ates army, to play, usually marching in quick time from right to left of the line a nd back:said of the band or field music. OED 1909 stand-off V-P N -off 1909 E. G. NICHOLLS Mod. Rugby Game iii. 40 He must be capable of adequately filling the position of stand-off and of scrum half. OED 1911 check-off V-P N -off 1911 Daily Colonist (Victoria, B.C.) 27 Apr. 1/4 The management..has refused the local union a continuance of the ‘*check-off’ which has been in force heretofore. OED 1912 off-loading P-V Ger off1912 Rep. Comm. Condition Trade & Industries (S. Afr.) 23 Dumping may be defined as the off-loading of the surplus products of manufacture of one country into the markets of another country. OED 1913 blackout V-P N -out 1913 G. B. SHAW Let. 3 Apr. (1956) 188 The more I think of that revolving business the less I see how it can be done... Ther e will have to be a black-out. 1935 C. DAY LEWIS Time to Dance 55 The arctic winter and black-out of your dreams. OED 1913 turn-around V-P N -around 1913 A. BENNETT Regent x. 291 She's going to do the quickest turn-round that any ship ever did... She'll leave at noon to-morrow. OED

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151Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1915 see off V-P V -off 1915 H. BRUCKSHAW Diary Aug. in Times (1976) 7 Feb. 12/6 We had at last cleared the place except for sundry stragglers who would no doubt be seen off later. OED 1917 take over V-P N -over 1917 Acts State New Jersey xiv. 33 Take Over the action by the department in assuming the control and maintenance of any part or parts of the State Highway System. OED 1919 beer-up V-P N -up 1919 W. H. DOWNING Digger Dialects 10 *Beer-up a drunken orgy. 1941 K. TENNANT Battlers XXVIII. 314 ‘If he's on a real proper beer-up,’ the Stray whispered, ‘he may go on for days.’ 1945 E. TAYLOR At Mrs. Lippincote's x. 89 Does you good to have a bit of a beer-up now and then. OED 1919 bunk up V-P N -up 1919 DOWNING Digger Dialects 14 Bunk-up a lifting up. 1938 F. D. SHARPE S. of Flying Squad v. 51, I was given a bunk up, and..got through the wire. OED 1919 drum up V-P N -up 1919 Athenum 8 Aug. 728/1 I've some sugar. If you get some tea and hot water we'll have a drum up. (a making of tea) OED 1921 check-up V-P N -up 1921 A. WALL Analytical Credits 23 In any order of considerable size..the credit man should..request the local manager..t o secure a check-up by night message. OED 1922 check-off V-P Adj -off 1922 Tom Mooney's Monthly (S.F.) Nov. 4/4 The miners were on strike against a cut in wages [and] abolition of the ‘check-off’ system. OED 1922 hand-off V-P N -off 1922 Daily Mail 8 Dec. 12 A dangerous scoring wi ng with a powerful hand-off and an elusive swerve. 1928 Observer 19 Feb. 27/1 [He] has a fine kick, with a strong hand-off. 1947 Richmond (Va.) Times-Dispatch 9 Nov. B7/8 Jones then took a handoff from McCary and tore through a wide hole on the left side of Penn's line to score. OED 1922 off-beat P-V Adj off1922 John o' London's Weekly 4 Jan. 18/2 The first three-quarters of the play were so good anyway, simply on the level of off-beat thrillerdom. OED 1922 piss off V-P V -off 1922 T. E. LAWRENCE Mint (1957) II. xx. 186 You piss off, Pissquick. 1944 in G. Rock Hist. Amer. Field Service (1956) 510 Nobody seemed to know anything much, and we all figured bearers had pissed off. OED 1922 step-in V-P N -in 1922 Woman's Home Compan. June 70 ( caption ) The children like to wear step-ins. OED

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152Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1923 close-up V-P N -up 1923 A. L. BENSON New Henry Ford 323 A ‘Close-up’ of Ford. OED 1923 follow-up V-P N -up 1923 J. D. HACKETT in Managem. Engin. May, Follow-up methods used by the personnel department to maintain fri endly relations with employees. OED 1923 spread-over V-P N -over 1923 Westm. Gaz. 14 Apr. 1/2 A ‘spread-over’ of 44 hours. OED 1924 run-off V-P Adj -off 1924 Lit. Digest 6 Sept. 8/2 Texas..has a double primary. If no one has a majority in the first primary election, a later ‘run-off’ primary is held, in which the voters choose between the two candidates receiving the highest number of votes at the first balloting. OED 1925 walk-up V-P N -up 1925 Scribner's Mag. Oct. 6/2 Vacation heaves into sight over the horizon..the swirling dust turned into clean sand; the only walk-up a dune; and the total night life two movie theatres. OED 1926 crack up V-P N -up 1926 MAINES & GRANT Wise-Crack Dict. 7/1 Crack up wreck of an aeroplane. 1927 C. A. LINDBERGH We ii. 53 The propeller came in contact with the ground... My first ‘crack-up’! OED 1926 hop-off V-P N -off 1926 Daily Colonist (Victoria, B.C.) 13 Jan. 1/7 The expedition planes will be..flown..to Point Barrow, where the *hop-off for the Polar flight will be made. OED 1926 offset P-V Adj off1926 Jrnl. Soc. Automotive Engin. June 575/1 Hypoid-gears are tapered gears having offset axes. OED 1926 set-ups V-P N -up 1926 R. HUGHES in Hearst's Internat. Feb. 44/2 A guy was tellin' me that set-ups are has-beens or never-wases who get paid to stand up just long enough to be knocked out. OED 1927 build-up V-P N -up 1927 Collier's 3 Dec. 10/4 That's the old build-up for the Patsys. OED 1927 cover-up V-P N -up 1927 M. A. NOBLE Those ‘Ashes’ 192 Hardinge has a good defence and cover-up. OED 1927 gift-over V-P N -over 1927 Daily Mail 8 July 7/1 That the gift-over, by which the property might pass away from the children on account of the son's marriage, was void. OED 1928 rub-up V-P N -up 1928 G. CAMPBELL My Mystery Ships xiii. 245 We..went out to the Sound for a good ‘rub up’ in our drill and to get everything tested. OED

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153Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1928 switch-over V-P N -over 1928 Daily Express 12 Nov. 10/2 The opening left by America's switch-over to the ‘talkies’ can be brilliantly exploited. OED 1929 go-around V-P N -around 1929 Amer. Speech V. 152 To give the go-around to avoid a person. ‘He gave me the go-around.’ 1942 BERREY & VAN DEN BARK Amer. Thes. Slang §214/1 Evasion ,..go-around. Ibid. §352/1 Slight ; snub ,..the merry go-around. a 1961 D. CARNES in WEBSTER s.v., He's been giving us the go-around. OED 1930 lift-off V-P N -off 1930 P. WHITE How to fly Airplane xxii. 303 Two men are about to execute what is known as a ‘lift-off’ from the wings of a bombing plane. OED 1930 lift-off V-P N -off 1930 P. WHITE How to fly Airplane xxii. 303 Two men are about to execute what is known as a ‘lift-off’ from the wings of a bombing plane. OED 1930 sign off on V-P V -off 1930 N.Y. Times 29 Nov. 15/3 Princeton has signed off on graduate coaching for baseball. OED 1931 tick-over V-P N -over 1931 Flight 2 Oct. 990/2 All engines were tested on a hangar with a propeller fitted before going away, for opening and for tick-over. OED 1932 stopping-over Ger-P -over 1932 New Yorker 4 June 38 You leave Seattle July 9, and do a bit of stopping-over at Yokohama, Tokio, and other Japanese ports. OED 1933 blow-by V-P N -by 1933 STREETER & LICHTY Internal Combustion Engines (ed. 4) xv. 432 The oil film is blown out by the high-pr essure gases, and *blow-by occurs. OED 1934 end-around V-P Adj -around 1934 Birmingham (Ala.) News 4 Nov. 15/1 The famous *end-around play accounted for Alabama's initial touchdown. OED 1934 tick-off V-P N -off 1934 P. ALLINGHAM Cheapjack ii. 18 Several show~people were in the bar. ‘You're working the tick-off, aren't you?’ said one of them. Ibid. I discovered that ‘tick-off’ was the fair-ground slang for fortune-teller. OED 1935 carve up V-P N -up 1935 M. HARRISON Spring in Tartarus I. 27 The de Launes hadn't a tosser between them. Oh my Lord, what a carve up! OED

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154Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1935 sleep-over V-P N -over 1935 Amer. Speech X. 236/1 A contributor testifies that in part of Pennsylvania, in college use, a sleep-over is a permission to stay away from church and remain in bed on Sunday morning. 1 OED 1935 split-off V-P Adj -off 1935 Z. N. HURSTON Mules & Men I. ii. 40 Ah knowed one preacher dat was called to preach at one of dese *split-off churches. De members had done split off from a big church... He come and preached at dis split-off for two whole weeks. OED 1935 split-off V-P N -off 1935 Z. N. HURSTON Mules & Men I. ii. 40 … He come and preached at dis splitoff for two whole weeks. 1964 New Statesman 14 Feb. 248/1 The split-off of science into a separate culture. OED 1935 wrapover V-P N -over 1935 (n) Times 21 Oct. 11/3 There is a good wrapover on the skirt of the coat. OED 1936 face-up V-P N -up 1936 Discovery Oct. 330/1 Here, at last, is a face-up to the relations between science and society. OED 1936 sparkover V-P N -over 1936 Nature 19 Sept. 509/1 The crackling sound of more or less prolonged duration finishes with a loud crack coincident with the final sparkover. OED 1937 passed-on Prt-P N -on 1937 E. GARNETT Family from One End Street (1951) ix. 143 For once in her life, Kate was not wearing one of her sister's ‘passed ons’her frock was indeed her own. OED 1937 sell-off V-P N -off 1937 Sun (Baltimore) 6 Feb. 19/1 The sell-off was less pronounced than that of the share market and was slower in developing. OED 1937 sit-in V-P N -in 1937 N.Y. Times 29 May 1/7 Fifty members of the Workers Alliance who tried to stage a sit-in at City Hall yesterday were removed..by a dozen policemen. (strike) OED 1938 back off V-P V -off 1938 M. K. RAWLINGS Yearling iv. 37 He [ sc the bear] seemed to stand baffled... The dogs backed off an instant. OED 1938 wrap-up V-P N -up 1938 Amer. Speech XIII. 150/2 Wrap-up an easy sale. Also a customer easily satisfied. OED 1939 beer-off V-P N -off 1939 Nottingham Jrnl. 15 Mar. 4/4 Children and *beer-offs. 1958 A. SILLITOE Sat. Night & Sun. Morning vii. 98 Bill..had called at the beer-off by the street-end. OED

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155Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1939 overachiever P-V N over1939 E. G. WILLIAMSON How to counsel Students xvii. 368 In many cases the counselor must conclude that the overach iever has developed unusually efficient work habits in order to achieve an intensely desired goal. OED 1940 beat-up V-P N -up 1940 N. MONKS Squadrons Up! i. 14 Comes back over the 'drome, above the heads..twenty feet off the ground... The boys call this a ‘beat-up’. OED 1940 call-up V-P N -up 1940 Economist 10 Aug. 175/2 A continuous system of call-up and training for the Industrial Army. OED 1940 spillover V-P N -over 1940 [see KAROK]. 1949 Richmond (Va.) Times-Dispatch 6 Oct. 26/1 A rush to buy got under way as soon as the opening bell sounded. This was evidently a spillover from yesterday when the market established a new high for the year. OED 1941 brush-off V-P N -off 1941 J. R. PARKER Attorneys at Law i. 10 I'd have given my eye teeth to hear Forbes getting the brush-off. OED 1941 tear off V-P V -off 1941 BAKER Dict. Austral. Slang 76 Tear off a piece to coit with a woman. OED 1942 catching up Ger-P -up 1942 19th Cent. Feb. 90 This rapid catching-up on Western ideas. OED 1942 sign-off V-P Adj -off 1942 E. CULBERTSON Official Bk. Contract Bridge xv. 187 Finally, there is the sign-off bid... The sign-off may be made even if the responder hold one Ace. OED 1942 sign-off V-P N -off 1942 E. CULBERTSON Official Bk. Contract Bridge xv. 187 Finally, there is the sign-off bid... The sign-off may be made even if the responder hold one Ace. OED 1942 stooge-around V-P N -around 1942 T. RATTIGAN Flare Path I. 37 It's a raid, I suppose. Teddy It's not exactly a practice stooge-around. OED 1943 change-up V-P N -up 1943 J. G. T. SPINK Baseball Guide & Record Bk. Gloss. 99 Change-up change of pace, slow ball. 1945 C. YOUNG in Sporting News 21 June 4/3 Most pitchers change their grip on the ball for a changeup pitch, but not me. OED 1943 off-board P-V Adj off1943 N.Y. Times 29 Mar. 23/6 Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Beane have published a booklet titled ‘Off-board Securities Business’. 1968 Economist 6 Jan. 56/2 It is suspected in Wall Street that the agency's wily staff goes out of its way to prop up those offboard markets mainly to keep ‘sassy’ Wall Streeters off balance. OED

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156Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1945 roll over V-P N -over 1945 Richmond (Va.) Times-Dispatch 19 Mar. 2/4 ( heading ) Yank describes B-29 roll over in Osaka raid. OED 1947 look-around V-P N -around 1947 Ann. Reg. 1946 157 Field-Marshal Smuts found time to fly to Berlin for what he described as a ‘private look around ’ with no special..objectives. 1967 M. MCLUHAN Medium is Massage 10 ‘The Medium is The Massage’ is a look-around to see what's happening. OED 1949 back-off V-P N -off 1949 Sheboygan (Wisconsin) Press 1 Dec. 3/1 In a grand final bake-off at the Waldorf-Astoria, Pillsbury Mills w ill award $150,000 in prizes. 1965 Sunday Mail (Brisbane) 18 July 22/2 The Bake-Off..a ttracts national attention as the greatest recipe quest in this country. OED 1949 gang-up V-P N -up 1949 Time 27 June 29 Congress was..harassed by a Communist gang-up with Bose. OED 1949 shrug off V-P V -off 1949 Catholic Times 4 Mar. 5/1 The disgrace of Yalta can never be shrugged off. OED 1951 blast-off V-P N -off 1951 M. GREENBERG Travelers of Space 20 Blast-off the initial expenditure of energy by a space ship leaving a planet, or in emergency takeoffs. OED 1951 spin-off V-P N -off 1951 STANLEY & KILCULLEN Federal Income Tax 182 Sec. 112 ( b ) (11), added by the 1951 Act, permits the distribution of stock in a spin-off without recognition of gain to the stock-holders, subject to cer tain restrictions designed to prevent the use of spin-offs to distribute earnings and profits. OED 1952 knock-over V-P N -over 1952 D. F. PALING Warp Knitting Technol. i. 6 A forward movement of the sinker bar combined with a further downward movement of the needle bar ensures a gradual knock-over. OED 1953 foul-up V-P N up 1953 ‘S. RANSOME’ Drag Dark (1954) vii. 69, I couldn't judge how far I could rely on you to find the way out of this foul-up. OED 1954 burnup V-P N -up 1954 R. STEPHENSON Introd. Nucl. Engineering vii. 276 As a reactor continues to operate, the fissionable material is gradually used up and the reactivity may decrease accordingly. This is known as fuel depletion, or *burnup. OED

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157Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1956 goof-ups V-P N -up 1956 TV Guide 13-19 Oct. 4 Randolph Churchill..has told friends his embarrassment is assuaged by past g oof-ups among English men of letters. OED 1957 spin-out V-P N -out 1957 Daily Progress (Charlottesville, Va.) 28 Oct. 14/6 A spin-out in the last 10 minutes of the race may have cost Tony Briggs of Charlottesville top honors in the first preliminary race before the President's Cup automobile race. OED 1958 blast-off V-P Adj -off 1958 Observer 2 Feb. 1/3 This stage developed a blast-off thrust of 78,000 lb. OED 1958 bump-up V-P N -up 1958 Economist 13 Sept. 819/1 They are excited because of the bump-up in their support and by-election votes this year. OED 1958 fuck-up V-P N -up 1958 J. O'HARA From Terrace (1959) 257 Such a Goddam fuck-up. 1968 M. RICHLER Cocksure iv. 29 I'm sorry about this fuck-up, Mr Griffin. OED 1958 off center P-V V off1958 Proc. Inst. Electr. Engin. 105 B. Suppl. No. 8. 355/1 Few radars are capable of off-centring the display by any appreciable amount. 1973 N. FREEDMAN Joshua 71 He off-centered the next shot, but that didn't phase Steve either. 1990 Salt Water Sportsman Dec. 58/3 It provides full eight-level quantization, off-centering to anywhere on the screen, zoom [etc.]. 2000 Toronto Sun (Nexis) 30 Nov. T6 The rear has a large handle off-centered to the right. OED 1958 put-through V-P N -through 1958 Punch 8 Jan. 84/1 He..gave me the acreage, cost, cubic capacity and passenger *put-through. 1959 [see put through s.v. PUT v.1 52d]. OED 1959 lift off V-P V -off 1959 W. A. HEFLIN Aerospace Gloss. 57/2 To lift off to take off in a vertical ascent. 1961 BURCHETT & PURDY Cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin ii. 27 The giant ship lifts off..in a hurricane of white-hot flames. 1971 Sci. Amer. Oct. 49/2 On July 21, 1969, Eagle lifted off from the moon with its 22-kilogram cargo of lunar rocks and soil. OED 1960 working-over Ger-P -over 1960 C. HAMBLETT in J. Pudney Pick of Today's Short Stories XI. 143 The cops frisked him..hoping he would put up a fight, so they could give him a *working-over first. OED

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158Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1961 tear-off V-P N -off 1961 ‘B. WELLS’ Day Earth caught Fire i. 7 An alert..youngish man..was at his desk busily working on tear-offs with swif t, practised strokes of his red pencil. OED 1961 trade-off V-P N -off 1961 Hovering Craft & Hydrofoil Oct. 32/2 Propulsion system integration allowing trade-offs between the requirements of lif t and forward thrust can be achieved in a variety of ways. OED 1964 knocking-over Ger-P -over a 1877 KNIGHT Dict. Mech. II. 1237/1 The stripping or knocking-over wheel..then throws the old loops entirely over the tops of the needles. 1964 H. WIGNALL Knitting ii. 28 The needle now moves to its lowest position drawing the new loop through the fabric loop which is now cast off. On the original Lee knitting frame this called for physical effort and this action was called knocking over. OED 1964 round-off V-P N -off 1964 Trampolining (‘Know the Game’ Ser.) 40/1 It is similar in action to the roundoff in ground work tumbling. OED 1967 foldout V-P N -out 1967 Time 17 Mar. 7 The prurient appeal of an overripe foldout is no worse than the peekaboo enticement of gossip about ‘People’. OED 1967 fry-up V-P N -up 1967 ‘M. ERSKINE’ Case with Three Husbands vii. 96 The two men decided finally on a mixed grill..and a fry-up of cold potatoes. OED 1969 put-away V-P N -away 1969 New Yorker 14 June 75/1 He intercepts, and sends a light and graceful *putaway past Graebner, down the line. 1977 Ibid. 25 July 70/2 Connors..also carried off the next three games on the strength of some fine, deep approaches and remarkable put-away volleys. OED 1970 off put P-V V off1970 Guardian Weekly 7 Nov. 15 The peculiarity of a faith that can..be so offput by the female of any species that not even a cow is allowed to pasteurise here. 1984 M. H. BORNSTEIN Psychology & its Allied Disciplines I. p. xli, Many professionals are manifestly offput by its [ sc. psychodynamic analysis's] transparency. 1997 Communication World (Electronic ed.) 14, Few here in the Lower 48 would be offput by an occasional programme or perhaps honour. OED

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159Table C-.1 Continued DATE ENTRY CAT. PART. USAGE SOURCE 1970 rip-off V-P N -off 1970 Manch. Guardian Weekly 2 May 16/4 ‘Who do you have on Haight Street today?’ he [ sc a San Francisco drug peddler] sai d disgustedly... ‘You have burn artists (fraudulent dope peddlers), rip-offs (thieves), and snitchers (police spies).’ OED 1973 kick-off V-P Adj -off 1973 M. TRUMAN Harry S. Truman i. 20 The first major crisis came on Labor Day, when we went to Detroit to make the traditional kickoff speech in Cadillac Square. OED 1973 ripoff V-P Adj -off 1973 Nation Rev. (Melbourne) 31 Aug. 1436/6 The knife edged ripoff tag on the top of some cans. OED 1976 talk-over V-P N -over 1976 Conservation News Nov./Dec. 24/2 That evening Scottish Television was screening the launch and an interview with Peter Dickson at exactly the same time as BBC Scotland was screening an interview with a talk-over from our handout. OED 1977 off-loading P-V Adj off1977 J. MCCLURE Sunday Hangman ii. 17 [He] side-stepped into the shadow of an off-loading Coke truck. OED 1977 work over V-P N -over 1977 Financial Times 1 Apr. 11/5 Some have suggested a well work-over every three years; others say once every 15 years will be sufficient. OED 1978 dial-up V-P N -up 1978 W. S. DAVIS Information Processing Systems xvi. 351 Dial-up can get expensive if the call is long distance. OED 1981 switch-around V-P N -around 1981 Daily Tel. 15 Apr. 12/7 Mr Barry Askew, 44, editor of the Lancashire Evening Post for 12 years, was named yesterday as editor of the News of the World in a switch-around by Mr Rupert Murdoch..involving two of his Fleet Street titles. OED 1983 log off V-P V -off 1983 Pop. Computing Oct. 71 Big savings come only by minimizing the time you spend actually connected to the service or database. Anything you can do off line should be done before you log on. If you ge t stuck on something, don't be reluctant to log off,..and log back on. OED 1984 write-off V-P Adj -off 1984 Times 23 May 20/8 In competitor countries the comparison varies between one sort of asset and another but, in general, our write-off periods will be comparable with those overseas. OED 1995 botch-up V-P N -up 1995 Daily Mirror 23 Feb. 30/2 Be patient when you see so many people making a botch-up of things that you can do standing on your head. OED

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160 APPENDIX D NON-ENGLISH EXAMPLES OF VERB-PARTICLE NOMINALS Table D-1. Non-English exampl es of verb-particle nominals Language Date Comments Dutch kijkuit look.out ‘dormer window’ (obsolete according to Geert Booij (p.c.), except as proper name [towns in Belgium and the Netherlands]) Note 1 ? 1896 or earlier uitkijk (current form) out.look ‘lookout, lookout-post’ See kikut (Swedish) Also Hjelmqvist (pp.80, 149) compares Old Dutch kijcuut modern Kijkuit (also Low German Kiekut East Frisian kk-t ) and kijkuit ) flapuit flap.out ‘a person who makes a spontaneous and unplanned remark’ Note 2 1793 Frisian equivalent flapt hangop hang.up A Dutch dish made of buttermilk, cream, and brown sugar. Note 2 kruipdoor-sluipdoor creep.through-steal.through An adverb meaning something like ‘via a succession of narrow and winding passages’ Note 2 Other toponyms: Kijkover (look.over) Pasop (pass.up) Thanks to Jules Gliesche for these examples and their reference: Schnfeld 2003: 190 klimop climb.up? ‘ivy’ a Dutch children’s game/fairy tale ‘zwaan kleefaan’ NOTE 1 : den Dicken (2006 pc) advises that kijkuit exists as a proper name in Dutch and is not a productive form; rather uitkijk would be used instead for the common noun for ‘look out’, e.g., hij staat op de uitkujk ‘he is on the lookout (i.e., he is looking out (for something/someone); de uitkijkpost ‘the lookout-post’, de uitkijktoren ‘the look-out tower’. NOTE 2 : den Dicken (2006 pc) notes that these forms are compounds with compositional cores, but do not contribute the total meanings.

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161 Language Date Comments Dutch Sources : “…Behalve 't reeds genoemde Schuddebeurs komen nog andere als plaatsnamen voor, b.v. Kijkduin, Kijkover, K ijkuit, Pasop, Valom: alle echte, oorspronkelijk meest schertsende of spottende volksbenamingen.” http://dbnl.org/tekst/sc ho074hist01/scho074hist01_0010.htm Booij, Geert E. Leidin University. Netherlands. p.c. den Dicken, Marcel. p.c. Morfologisch Handboek van het Nederlands Schnfeld, M. (2003). Historische grammatica van het Nederlands. In Digitale bibliotheek voor de Nederlandse letteren http://www.dbnl.org/t ekst/scho074hist01/ Scandinavian—Danish svingom [from imp. sving om ] swing.around (cf. Swedish svngom ) c1840 compare also springom jump.around, ‘a dance’ hugaf cast.off ‘[old, stern] military person, soldier’ tummelom (dialectal) tumble.about ‘unrest, noise’ [rel. to tumle om ] cf. Low German: tummelum Also, Danish derivation: tummelumsk ‘dizzy, giddy, confused’ krom carry.about rykind rush.in ‘invasion, influx’ skrabud scrape.out ‘a bow and a scrape’ stbi stop.by Scandinavian—Swedish Slukopp (obs.) sluk.opp ‘swallow, bolt, devour + up’? 1536 Hjelmqvist (1913) also gives: slugop swallow.up, a designation for Stockohlm’s castle and toponym (cf. slukopp ‘wastefulness; extravagence’ (obs.) and Low German sluckup ‘a paucity’) suput drink.out ‘drunkard’ 1640

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162 Language Date Comments passopp pass-a.opp ‘attendent who performs (usually) menial tasks’’ 1737 [also exists a colloquial feminine form: passoppa ] gp (obs.) g.p go.for ‘one who goes, walks on’ 1743 today only [ grare go.for.er, ‘hustler, gogetter’, pl. gpara in some dialects] sittopp sitt.opp sit.up ‘a box on the ear(s)’ 1769 [1843, in the modern sense] tittut glance.out ‘peekaboo’ 1791 village name Tittut farut (obs.) far.ut travel.out ‘an attack’ 1817 replaced by utfall (current form) krypin crawl.in ‘a cosy room, nook’ 1841 Also a Norwegian toponym Krypind : Hjelmqvist, p. 82) svngom svng.om swing.around ‘a swing dance, a dance with swinging movements’ 1847 e.g., ta sig en svngom ‘dance, shake a leg’ blsut (obs.) blow.out ‘a windy place/weather’ 1862 [currently is name of a district in the town of Vnersborgon on Swedish Lake Vnern] kikut (prob. obs.) ki + ut peep, peek.out ‘a look out’ 1896 utkik (current form) [1896 look.out, ‘look-out place’] Kikut also a town name, cf. Norwegian Kikut [Kigud], and a lighthouse in Szczecin, Poland. komut (obs.) komm.ut come.out ‘an exit, door’ 1902 [note: no utkom today either] faropp (obs.) far.opp (variant of upp ) unk. lggut (obs.) lgg.ut unk. pissut (obs.?) piss.ut unk.

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163 Language Date Comments snappopp (unk.) snapp.opp unk. snappa upp v. ‘snatch up, overhear, catch, intercept’ spellopp (unk.) spel.opp? unk. spela upp v. ‘strike up’ [e.g., for dancing] drasut pull.passive.out ‘a very tall person’ unk. Note 3: Eliasson (2006 pc) considers that not all the ve rbal elements in these wo rds are imperatives. The verbs kika, passa, pissa, sluka, snappa, spela, svnga keep their stem-forming – a in the imperative. Note 4 : Josefsson (2006 pc) states “traditionally thes e compounds (svangom, drasut, krypin, suput) are called ‘imperativic’, since the verb part has been thought of as the imperative form of the verb. However, the imperative form is the minimal form of a verb. In cases like svng ‘turn’, dras ‘pull-passive’, kryp ‘crawl’, and sup ‘drink alcohol’, there is no overt inflection on the verb…it’s more likely to analyse this verb part as the stem or the root, not an imperative form.” Note 5 : Some Swedish P-V nominals: uttak (out.take, ‘withdrawal’), plegg (on.lay, ‘addition, pay raise’), overgang (over.going, ‘transfer, change, pedestrian crossing’) (Faarlund 2006 pc) Scandinavian Sources : ‘kikut’. Illustrerad svensk ordbok 3rd ed. 1982. p. 698. ‘passopp’. Olof Ostergren, Nusvensk ordbok. vol. 3. p. 67. ‘utkik’ Stora svensk engelska ordboken Esselte Studium. 1988. p. 1007. Eliasson, Stig. University of Mainz. p.c. (eliasson@mail.uni-mainz.de ) Faarlund, Jan Terje. Institutt for lin gvistiske og nordiske stadium. p.c. Hjelmqvist, Theodor. (1913). Imperativiska substantivbildningar I svenskan. Lund: Gleerups. Josefsson, Gunlg. Institutionen fr nordisk a sprak, Lunds universitet. Sweden. p.c. Nationalencyklopedins ordbok (NEO). 1996. Nielsen, Niels ge. 1989. Dansk etymologisk ordbog. Ordenes historie 4th ed. Gyldendal. p. 188. Svensak Akademiens ordlista ver svenska sprket (SAOL). 12th ed. 1998. German According to Miller (2006 p.c.), except fo r a few examples in Low German, a northern dialect close to Dutch (cf. sluckup, Kiekut, tummelum ) mentioned above, German never had any of these V-P nominal forms at all.

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164 LIST OF REFERENCES Adams, V. (2001). Complex Words In English London: Pearson Education. Allen, C. L. (1995). Case Marking And Reanalysis: Grammatical Relations From Old To Early Modern English Oxford: Clarendon Press. American Heritage Dictionary Of Phrasal Verbs (2005). Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company Amplified Bible, Expanded Version, The (1987). Grand Rapids, MI: The Zondervan Corporation. Baker, M. (1997). On particles in universa l grammar: a review of den Dikken (1995). Natural Language And Linguistic Theory 15 : 641–666. Baker, M. C. (2003). Lexical Categories: Verbs, Nouns, And Adjectives Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Berg, T. (1998). The (in)compatibility of mor pheme orders and lexical categories and its historical implications. English Language and Linguistics 2 (2): 245–262. Cambridge International Dictionary Of Phrasal Verbs (1998). New York: Cambridge University Press. Carstairs-McCarthy, A. (1992). Current Morphology London and New York: Routledge. Chomsky, N. (1970). Remarks on nominalizations. Readings In English Transformational Grammar Eds. R. Jacobs and P. Rosenbaum. Boston: Ginn Blaisdell. Chomsky, N. and M. Halle. (1968). The Sound Pattern Of English New York: Harper and Row. Courtney, R. (2000). Longman Dictionary Of Phrasal Verbs Harlow: Longman. Cowie, A. P. and R. Mackin. (1993). Oxford Dictionary Of Current Idiomataic English Vol. I: Oxford Dictionary Of Phrasal Verbs. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Curme, G. O. (1914). The development of verbal compounds in Germanic”. Beitr. z. Gesch. d. deutschen Sprache u. Lit. 39 : 320–361.

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165 Deh, N, R. Jackendoff, A. McIntyre, S. Urban, eds. (2002). Verb-Particle Explorations Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Dikken, M. den. (1995). Particles: On the synt ax of verb-particle, triadic, and causative constructions. Oxford Studies in Generative Syntax Oxford: Oxford Univesity Press. Dunkel, G. E. (2006). Lexicon of the IndoEuropean particles. Impressum 15 March 2006 Universitt Zrich. 28 June 2006 http://www.forschungsportal.ch/unizh/p2023.htm Emonds, J. (1972). Evidence that indirect objec t movement is a structure-preserving rule. Foundations Of Language 8 : 546–61. Emonds, J. (1976). A Transformational Approach To English Syntax New York: Academic Press. Fraser, B. (1976). The Verb-Particle Combination In English Boston University. New York and London: Academic Press. Gentner, D. (1982). Why nouns are learned befo re verbs: linguistic relativity versus natural partitioning. In S. Kuczaj II (ed.) Language Development Vol 2: Language, Thought And Culture Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. 301–334. Gries, S. T. (1999). Particle movemen t: a cognitive and functional approach. Cognitive Linguistics 10 :105–145. Gries, S. T. (2003). Multifactorial Analysis In Corpus Linguistics: A Study Of Particle Placement London and New York: Continuum. Halle, M. and A. Marantz. (1993). Distribute d morphology and the pieces of inflection. In K. Hale and S. J. Keyser (eds.). The View from Building 20: Essays in Linguistics in Honor of Sylvain Bromberger Cambridge: MIT Press. 53–109. Harris, A. C. (2002). Origins of apparent vi olations of the “no phr ase” constraint in Modern Georgian. Linguistic Discovery 1 (2) 11 Feb 2002. Dartmouth College. 30 July 2006. http://journals.dartmouth.edu/webobjbin/We bObjects/Journals.woa/2/xmlpage/1/art icle/141?htmlOnce=yes Hart, C. W. (1999) The Ultimate Phrasal Verb Book Barron’s Educational Series. Holy Bible, New King James Version, The (1985). Nashville: Thomas Nelson Publishers. Holy Bible, Revised Standar d Version Of The Bible, The (1962, 1973). New York: Oxford University Press. Hunter, E. R. (1947). Verb + adverb = noun. American Speech 22 :115–19.

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166 Jackendoff, R. (2002). English particle cons tructions, the lexicon, and the autonomy of syntax. In Deh, N., R. Jackendoff, A. McIntyre, S. Urban (eds). V erb-Particle Explorations 67-94. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Kayne, R. S. (1985). Principles of particle constructions., In Guron, J., H.G. Obenauer, and J. Y. Pollock (eds.) Grammatical Representations. 101-140. Dordrecht: Foris. Kayne, R. W. (1994) The Antisymmetry Of Syntax Cambridge: MIT Press. Kennedy, A. G. (1967). The Modern English Verb-Adverb Combination New York: AMS Press. Lees, R. B. (1968). The Grammar Of English Nominalizations Indiana University. The Hague, The Netherlands: Mouton & Co. Lindelf, U. (1938). English Verb-Adverb Groups Converted Into Nouns Helsingfors: Societas Scientiarum Fennica. Longman Phrasal Word Dictionary (2000). 2nd Ed. Pearson ESL. Marchand, H. (1967). The Categories And Types Of Present-Day English WordFormation: A Synchronic-Diachronic Approach Alabama Linguistic and Philological Series #13. University of Alabama Press Marchand, H. (1969). The Categories And Types Of Present-Day English WordFormation 2nd Edition. Mchen: Oscar Beck. Marchard, Hans. (1951). The syntactical change from inflectional to word-order system and some effects of this change on th e relation verb/object in English: A Diachronic-Synchronic Interpreta tion. In D. Kastovsky (ed.). (1974). Studies In Syntax And Word-Formation: Selected Articles By Hans Marchand On The Occasion Of His 65th Birthday On October 1, 1972 Munchen: Wilhelm Fink Verlag. McCarthy, M. and F. O’Dell. (2004). English Phrasal Verbs In Use Boston: Cambridge University Press. McIntyre, A. (2001). The particle verb list. Andrew McIntyre homepage 14 June 2006. http://www.uni-leipzig.d e/~angling/mcintyre/ Miller, D. G. (2006). Particles and p-st randing in Middle English. Class Handout. Morris, R. (1886). Historical Outlines Of English Accidence, Comprising Chapters On The History And Development Of The Language, And On Word Formation London: MacMillan and Co. “Particle.” Concise Oxford Di ctionary of Linguistics. (1997)

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167 Roeper, T. (1999). Leftward movement in morphology. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics. 34 :35–66. MIT Press. Rousseau, A. (ed.). (1995). Les Prverbs Dans Les Langues d’Europe: Introduction L’etude De La Prverbation Lille: Universite Charles-De-Gaulle, Presses Universitaires du Septentrion. Schofield Reference Bible (1917). public domain. Schnfeld, M. (2003). Historische grammatica van het Nederlands. In Digitale Bibliotheek Voor De Nederlandse Letteren 2 July 2006. http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/scho074hist01/ Spears, R. A. (ed.). (2005). Mcgraw-Hill’s Dictionary Of American Idioms And Phrasal Verbs New York: McGraw-Hill Whitney, W. D. (1867). Language, And The Study Of Language London. Williams, E. O. (1981). On the notions ‘lex ically related’ and ‘head of a word.’ Linquistic Inquiry 12 :2: 245–74.

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168 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Janice Bragdon, was born in 1946 in Montgomer y, Alabama, as a child in the first wave of the generation known as the ‘baby boomers.’ Graduating from Robert E. Lee High School in 1965, she completed secretar ial training at Massey-Draughn Business School in 1966. College was not an option at that time due to family issues, and secretarial work was not an unus ual alternative for many women of that era. She worked as a secretary in several different ty pes of businesses—insurance, non-profit, government, and real estate—while attending co llege classes at night sporadically. She worked for the U. S. Postal Service for 28 years—the last ten years of which she was an Account Manager, responsible for sales and service for the USPS’s largest accounts in the Gainesville/Ocala area. Her account portfolio included business customers that generate over a million dollars in annual re venue, with an annual sales goal based upon that revenue. As part of her job in account manageme nt and sales, Janice conducted sales and training seminars and organized expositions for internal and external customers. She also served as interim Postmaster of Micanopy, Flor ida, for several months, and while there, organized a homecoming cel ebration for customers in the Micanopy community. It was always her goal to continue her e ducation, therefore she was privileged to complete an AA Degree at Santa Fe Commun ity College as a Santa Fe Scholar with Honors in 2001 and to be accepted as an undergraduate at the University of Florida. While at the University of Florida she was on the President’s Honor Role, a member of

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169 Golden Key International Honor Society, Ph i Kappa Phi, and Phi Sigma Theta National Honor Society, and graduated cum laude in 2004 with a major in linguistics and a minor in Jewish studies. As a graduate student, Janice held several teaching assistant positions—an instructor of English Composition (ENC-1101) for two semesters (three sections) and Introduction to Linguistics (LIN-2000) for th ree semesters (three sections). This experience reconfirmed her love of teaching. She strongly believes that proficiency in written and spoken language empowers students to succeed in any field of life, and therefore, looks forward to holding teaching positions in the future while continuing linguistic research.


Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0015841/00001

Material Information

Title: Verb-particle nominals in English
Physical Description: ix, 169 p.
Language: English
Creator: Bragdon, Janice F. ( Dissertant )
Miller, D. Gary. ( Thesis advisor )
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2006
Copyright Date: 2006

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: Linguistics thesis, M.A
Dissertations, Academic -- UF -- Linguistics

Notes

Abstract: Particles in English can appear to the right or left of a stem verb, noun, or adjective to produce a verbal, nominal, or adjectival construction. All of these patterns are productive in English (albeit with diachronic variableness), but none occur without directional constraint in certain cases. For example, there is income (n.), come in (phrasal verb), but no *to income (v.) or *a come in (nominal). Since early Modern English one of the most productive patterns in English has been the verb-particle construction. The verb-particle verbal combination (e.g., run down, bring about, cast off, play on, bowl over, blend in, come by, bounce back, dish up, etc.), commonly called phrasal verbs, is extremely productive with thousands of examples catalogued in stand-alone dictionaries, receiving extensive scrutiny in the literature, seeking the explanation for their combinatorial constraints. The verb-particle nominal construction, on the other hand, although less common than the verbal counterpart, is still a fixture in both spoken and written English today. But, while the verb-particle nominal is prevalent in English, it is almost non-existent in other Germanic languages such as Dutch, Swedish, and German. Two central issues of concern to linguists are (1) why particles can appear to the right of the verb so productively in English, but not in other Germanic languages, and (2) what factors constrain which particle and verb combinations are possible. This paper focuses on the verb-particle nominal construction through a study of its historical development, a review of literature, a topography of the subject, and an assemblage of a more comprehensive corpus in order to facilitate indepth and explanatory research in the future.
Subject: English, linguistics, morphology, nominalization, nominals, particle, syntax, verb
General Note: Title from title page of source document.
General Note: Document formatted into pages; contains 178 pages.
General Note: Includes vita.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2006.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Original Version: Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format.

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Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
System ID: UFE0015841:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0015841/00001

Material Information

Title: Verb-particle nominals in English
Physical Description: ix, 169 p.
Language: English
Creator: Bragdon, Janice F. ( Dissertant )
Miller, D. Gary. ( Thesis advisor )
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2006
Copyright Date: 2006

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: Linguistics thesis, M.A
Dissertations, Academic -- UF -- Linguistics

Notes

Abstract: Particles in English can appear to the right or left of a stem verb, noun, or adjective to produce a verbal, nominal, or adjectival construction. All of these patterns are productive in English (albeit with diachronic variableness), but none occur without directional constraint in certain cases. For example, there is income (n.), come in (phrasal verb), but no *to income (v.) or *a come in (nominal). Since early Modern English one of the most productive patterns in English has been the verb-particle construction. The verb-particle verbal combination (e.g., run down, bring about, cast off, play on, bowl over, blend in, come by, bounce back, dish up, etc.), commonly called phrasal verbs, is extremely productive with thousands of examples catalogued in stand-alone dictionaries, receiving extensive scrutiny in the literature, seeking the explanation for their combinatorial constraints. The verb-particle nominal construction, on the other hand, although less common than the verbal counterpart, is still a fixture in both spoken and written English today. But, while the verb-particle nominal is prevalent in English, it is almost non-existent in other Germanic languages such as Dutch, Swedish, and German. Two central issues of concern to linguists are (1) why particles can appear to the right of the verb so productively in English, but not in other Germanic languages, and (2) what factors constrain which particle and verb combinations are possible. This paper focuses on the verb-particle nominal construction through a study of its historical development, a review of literature, a topography of the subject, and an assemblage of a more comprehensive corpus in order to facilitate indepth and explanatory research in the future.
Subject: English, linguistics, morphology, nominalization, nominals, particle, syntax, verb
General Note: Title from title page of source document.
General Note: Document formatted into pages; contains 178 pages.
General Note: Includes vita.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2006.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Original Version: Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format.

Record Information

Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
System ID: UFE0015841:00001


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Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page ii
    Dedication
        Page iii
    Acknowledgement
        Page iv
    Table of Contents
        Page v
        Page vi
    List of Tables
        Page vii
    Abstract
        Page viii
        Page ix
    Introduction
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
    Review of literature
        Page 5
        Page 6
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    Discussion of terms
        Page 8
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    Historical perspective
        Page 11
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    Verb/particle constructions
        Page 16
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    Analysis
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    Cross-linguistic analysis of particles
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    Conclusion
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    Appendix A: Verb-partical nominals
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    Appendix B: Verb + particle: Off
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    Appendix C: Combined corpus of verb/particle constructions
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Full Text













VERB-PARTICLE NOMINALS IN ENGLISH


By

JANICE F. BRAGDON
















A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2006

































Copyright 2006

by

Janice F. Bragdon



























To Molly, whose main desire in life was to be at my side (and lick the ice cream from my
spoon)-As this work draws to a close, so does her sweet life. She deserves far more
than these few short words in her honor for the fourteen-plus years of eternally wagging
tail and bright eyes that she unfailingly gave, despite the fact that I often kept her up way
past her bedtime as I typed away on one assignment or paper after another. She always
lay contentedly at my feet wherever they happened to be.















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This work would never have come into existence, nor would I have undertaken the

challenge of returning to college to finish my undergraduate degree, and now my

master's degree, had not my manager and friend, Lucious Sumlar, encouraged me and

held me accountable to set goals and work incrementally and purposefully toward them.

I would not have been able to accomplish any of these goals had not my family, in

particular my husband, encouraged me and been willing to make whatever sacrifices

necessary to enable me to attend classes and devote many hours to study.

I am also indebted to the graduate program of the University of Florida for

accepting me as a graduate student and for Dr. Caroline Wiltshire, in particular, for her

assistance and encouragement in helping me make the transition from working-woman to

student after a long hiatus from academia. Dr. Diana Boxer's invaluable counsel and the

material presented in her class on graduate research also contributed immensely to an

understanding of scholarly research and prepared the way for this work.

Without the encouragement, faith in my abilities, and tireless assistance of Dr. Gary

Miller, however, the idea for this work would have remained ungerminated. Dr. Miller

sparked my interest in the subject and challenged me, without pretension, to pursue

beyond my level of expertise and assured me that I had a contribution to make.

And, it is by God's grace that I am sustained and enabled.
















TABLE OF CONTENTS



A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S ................................................................................................. iv

LIST OF TABLES ................................................... vii

ABSTRACT ................................................... ................. viii

CHAPTER

1 IN TR O D U C T IO N ........ .. ......................................... ..........................................1.

1.1 D description of T opic ................................................................... . .................
1.2 M methodology .................................................... ........................................... . 2
1.3 G general A ssum options ...................................................................... ...............3...

2 R E V IEW O F L ITER A TU R E ........................................... ....................... ............... 5

3 DISCUSSION OF TERMS ..............................................................................8......

3 .1 D ev erb al n o m in als .................................................................................................. 8
3 .2 P article s......................................................... .............................................. . 8

4 HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE............................................................................. 11

4 .1 P a rtic le s .................................................................................................................1 1
4.2 History of Verb/Particle Forms ................................................................... 12

5 VERB/PARTICLE CONSTRUCTIONS ..................................................16

5.1 Verb/Particle Combinations and Phrasal Verbs .............................................16
5.2 V erb-Particle N om inals ................. ........................................................... 18
5 .2 .1 C h ro n o lo g y ............................................................................ ............... 19
5 .2 .2 S p ecu latio n ............................................................................ ...............2 0
5.2.3 O bservation................................................................................ ........... 20

6 A N A L Y S IS ................................................................................................................ 2 2

6.1 Review of Morphological Analysis....................................................22
6.2 Syntactic A analysis .............. .................. ................................................ 27
6.2.1 C critical D istinctions................................... ...................... ................ 27


v









6.2.2 R oeper's A analysis ...................................... .. ........ .......... .. .............. ... 28
6.2 .3 E expanded A naly sis ...................................... ...................... ................ 3 1
6.2.4 O their C considerations ..................................... ..................... ................ 32

7 CROSS-LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF PARTICLES.........................................33

8 C O N C L U S IO N ........................................................... ............................................... 3 7

APPENDIX

A VERB-PARTICAL NOMINALS ......................................................................40

B VERB + PARTICLE: OFF ................. ............................................................ 74

C COMBINED CORPUS OF VERB/PARTICLE CONSTRUCTIONS ................. 102

D NON-ENGLISH EXAMPLES OF VERB-PARTICLE NOMINALS.................. 160

L IST O F R E F E R E N C E S ................................................................................................. 164

BIOGRAPH ICAL SKETCH .................. .............................................................. 168















LIST OF TABLES


Table page

1-1 Chronology of significant changes from Old to Middle English ............................. 4

4-1 M orris's 'separable' Teutonic particles.............................................. ................ 15

5-1 Representative chronology of verb/particle combinations .................................21

7-1 Cross-linguistic particle/verb exam ples.............................................. ................ 35

A-i Verb-particle nominals with complements ................ ....................................40

A-2 Chronological listing of verb-particle nominals................................................42

B -i V erb + O F F form ations........................................... ......................... ................ 74

B-2 Chronological listing of particle OFF combinations ..........................................76

C-i Combined Corpus of Verb and Particle constructions........................................03

D-i Non-English examples of verb-particle nominals .............................................60















Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

VERB-PARTICLE NOMINALS IN ENGLISH

By

Janice F. Bragdon

August 2006

Chair: D. Gary Miller
Major Department: Linguistics

Particles in English can appear to the right or left of a stem-verb, noun, or

adjective-to produce a verbal, nominal, or adjectival construction. All of these patterns

are productive in English (albeit with diachronic variableness), but none occur without

directional constraint in certain cases. For example, there is income (n.), come in phrasall

verb), but no *to income (v.) or *a come in (nominal).

Since early Modem English one of the most productive patterns in English has

been the verb-particle construction. The verb-particle verbal combination (e.g., run

down, bring about, cast off play on, bowl over, blend in, come by, bounce back, dish up,

etc.), commonly called phrasal verbs, is extremely productive with thousands of

examples catalogued in stand-alone dictionaries, receiving extensive scrutiny in the

literature, seeking the explanation for their combinatorial constraints. The verb-particle

nominal construction, on the other hand, although less common than the verbal

counterpart, is still a fixture in both spoken and written English today. But, while the









verb-particle nominal is prevalent in English, it is almost non-existent in other Germanic

languages such as Dutch, Swedish, and German.

Two central issues of concern to linguists are (1) why particles can appear to the

right of the verb so productively in English, but not in other Germanic languages, and (2)

what factors constrain which particle and verb combinations are possible. This paper

focuses on the verb-particle nominal construction through a study of its historical

development, a review of literature, a topography of the subject, and an assemblage of a

more comprehensive corpus in order to facilitate indepth and explanatory research in the

future.














CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

1.1 Description of Topic

Word formation processes in English are topics of ongoing scholarly investigation

and debate, transversing and intertwining both morphological and syntactical disciplines.

One of these processes, nominalization, occurs when nouns, or syntactic units functioning

as noun phrases, are derived from some other kind of unit. This paper focuses on the

particular process of nominalization involved in a verb/particle1 combination where the

particle appears to the right of the verb (hereafter called verb-particle nominals).

Particles themselves are so familiar to English speakers that they are taken quite for

granted and their complexity often overlooked, but research has shown them to be

intricate entities in scope and function. Why do both overpass and Passover exist? Why

can we say income but not *to income? Are the differences syntactic, morphological,

historical, or semantic, or some combination of factors? No study of particles in

combination with other forms can succeed without taking into account each of these areas

as well as their unique individual characteristics.

The function of the particle in English grammatical relations is one of the least

understood entities in linguistics. Although much research is focused on particle verbal

combinations, a paucity of research exists concerning particle nominal formations. One

of the difficulties encountered when examining particle nominal formations lies in the

1 Since verb and particle constructs can occur with the particle either preceding or following the base, I will
use verb particle combination to indicate either direction, and will use verb-particle or particle-verb to
specify which direction.









lack of a comprehensive corpus of examples. Because the particle appears to the right of

the stem, alphabetical searches are virtually useless, or extremely time-consuming. The

findings and observations of many studies have taken far too few representative cases

into account due to the difficulty in accessing a greater range of both synchronic and

diachronic data.

Even less focus has been devoted to the particle in a cross-linguistic context.

Roeper (1999:41) throws down the gauntlet for us to question why English alone among

other Indo-European languages allows the particle to productively incorporate to the right

in a verb-particle nominal construction and suggests there is a "historical story [that]

should be told."

To these ends this research aims to create a historical base and enlarge a relevant

corpus so that current and future theories seeking a more complete explanation of the role

of particles in human language can be more accurately facilitated. By expanding the

corpus of verb/particle nominals as a linguistic laboratory, theories can be more

extensively tested against diachronic and synchronic usage patterns, moving the science

of linguistics closer to a unified theory of verb/particle relations.

1.2 Methodology

The core of this research is aimed at the development of a more complete history

and corpus of verb-particle nominal constructions in English and other Germanic

languages as well as to make this corpus available to linguists exploring particle

constructions. My primary resources were the OED and the MED (Middle English

Dictionary). Additionally, I reviewed prior literature in order to find more examples as

well as to begin application of current theories to expanded data.









Obtaining undocumented examples of verb-particle nominals is challenging

because search strings must truncate to the end of a word rather than its beginning. An

alphabetical search is not possible in these cases. Using current lists or dictionaries of

phrasal verbs is only minimally helpful because they often do not identify nominal

constructions. A search of entire corpus works is essential, but a lengthy process.

Therefore, utilizing the search functions of the OED and the Middle English Dictionary

(MED) online proved an optimum choice to both allow truncated searches and provide

enough text to identify and provide contextual analysis.

1.3 General Assumptions

The limited scope of this paper precludes delving into the existing analyses,

sometimes conflicting, concerning the motivations for certain historical changes, such as

VP movement in Old English, changes in primary word order from OV to VO, changes

in case assignments, and loss of case markings. Theories abound and theories change as

more data is accessed, analyzed, and shared. Linguists generally agree that the loss of

case-marking distinctions in English and the change in primary word order from OV to

VO signaled profound changes in the language. In many instances loss of lexical case

shifted the semantic workload to syntactic mechanisms. These changes came not all at

once, but cascaded as one innovation motivated another. Such innovations undoubtedly

affected word forms working variously in roles of prepositions and particles. Agreeing

with Miller (2006), I orient my research within his chronology (cf. Allen 1995) as shown

in Table 1-1.

Additionally, any comprehensive historical study of language change will consider

all factors which contribute to the origin and change of formations over time, including,

but not limited to, reanalysis, metathesis, rebracketing, conversion, merging, and other









processes fitting within generative frameworks of language. Sociolinguistic factors for

language change also cannot be ignored in cases where community members may imitate

prestigious speakers using a form with high frequency in sufficient quantities so as to tip

the scales toward adoption of new forms. However, no study of these processes can result

in accurate analysis, especially as it applies to language change, without all of the

relevant data, commensurate with a crime scene investigation in which all of the evidence

must be considered. This paper provides the investigator more of the necessary evidence

than has been assembled in the past.

Table 1-1. Chronology of significant changes from Old to Middle English
Date Changes
c12 Parameter setting switch to non-V-final.
1138 End of clitic movement in prose (Peterborough Chronicle). Fixing of the verb
in post-subject position doomed clitic movement to that position.
1150 Obsolescence of locative pronoun movement with P-stranding: the
productively generated type in there entailed lexical freezing of the
Germanic type therein.
a1200 Generalization of P-stranding to WH operations.
1200 Consistent (regional) VO patterns in finite and non-finite clauses... .a major
innovation compared to the rest of Germanic where nonfinite clauses
remain verb-final.
Change of overt to covert P-incorporation (V-P reanalysis)
P-stranded passives with nominative subject (replacing P-incorporated
passives)
Final loss of clitic pronoun movement.
Loss of V2 in topicalization structures begins (as part of the fixing of SVO)
1230 Loss of dative/accusative case contrast
Miller (2006 to appear)














CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Copious research has been devoted to the verbal combinations, especially the verb-

particle verbal forms, informally called phrasal verbs (see Chapter 5.1). Much less

research has focused on nominalization of the verb/particle combinations, despite the fact

that the particle-verb nominal form has a long history. Particle-verb nominals were

evident in Old English (upspring cl000, uphold 1066), and Middle English (upbraid

a1200, upbrixle c1200, uprist c1250, uprise a1300, upsty c1300, upcome 1375,

aboutstand 1382, offcast 1387, instead 1400). Only in Late Middle English to Early

Modem English did the verb-particle nominal form become evident (gravup 1324,

runabout 1377, lean-to 1453, sit-up 1483, startup 1517, passover 1530, runaway 1547,

put by 1549, put off 1549, pass-by 1550, wind-up 1573, start-away 1578, hang-by 1579,

pull-down 1588, stand-up 1590, hop-about 1593, Walkup 1595, sneakup 1596). Over

time the particle-verb nominal construction has lessened in productivity, giving sway to

the verb-particle nominal, which has become a prolific nominal-generating phenomenon

since Early Modem English. (See Appendix B, Tables B-I and B-2, for a chronology of

verbs combined with the particle off). Adams (2001: 77) reports that the OED records

nearly one hundred nouns ending in up, over seventy ending in out, and around fifty in off

since 1800.

Despite the history and apparent productivity of the verb-particle nominal

construction, most linguists devote only a few paragraphs or pages (if any) to discussion

of the verb-particle nominal construction, with few exceptions (cf. Lindelof 1938, Berg









1998, Roeper 1999). Fraser (1976:27), in fact, in his mere two-page coverage of verb-

particle nominalizations, declines outright to even discuss the phenomenon, deferring to

derivational approaches done by Chomsky (1968) and (1968). Instead, he raises

questions that indicate the dearth of knowledge about them, e.g., he asks, "Given some

verb/particle combination, how can we predict that it may occur as a

nominalization.. .given a verb, does it combine with any particle? And, if the

combination does occur as a nominalization, can we predict its interpretation?" He notes,

"relatively few of the verb/particle combinations occur as nominalizations and those

which do provide little basis on which to generalize." The questions he raises are not yet

satisfactorily unanswered.

Perhaps the absence in the literature devoted to verb-particle nominals results from

the more prolific occurrence of the verb/particle verbal constructs, or perhaps the verbal

constructs in general are considered more diverse or complex-therefore more intriguing

or warranting of research. Perhaps, since some linguists consider that verb/particle

nominals derive in some fashion from the verbal structures (cf. Marchand 1969), they

assume an understanding of verb/particle nominal forms will automatically follow from

knowledge of the verbal (which may be at least partially valid). This theory would also

need, however, to account for the fact that some verb-particle nominals have obscure, if

any, relationship to a corresponding verb-particle verb (e.g., cookoff bakeoff makeup,

faceup ('fight'), ton-up ('speed of 100 miles per hour ', frame up, cut up).

Most verb-particle nominals, however, do share the same lexical form and order as

the verb-particle verbal correlate and many do have a semantic relationship. No doubt, a






7


careful consideration of verb/particle nominals would not be complete without

understanding their possible relationships with the seemingly related other forms.














CHAPTER 3
DISCUSSION OF TERMS

3.1 Deverbal nominals

Derived nominals, from adjectives or verbs, are particularly common in English,

called deadjectivals or deverbals respectively:

1. sad "- sadness
2. act "- action and actor

Nominalization may also occur by incorporation of a particle to the left or right of a

base (noun, verb, or adjective), although the rightward configuration currently produces

more verbals than nominals or adjectivals.

3. hold up your hands/there was a hold-up at the bank
4. run away from the problem/he is a runaway
5. take out the trash/let's order takeout tonight
6. update your calendar/an update of the situation

3.2 Particles

The grammatical term particle has stood for many entities over the years. From the

OED we find that in 1924 Jespersen (Philos. Gram. 87) states, "I therefore propose to

revert to the old terminology by which these four classes [sc. adverbs, prepositions,

conjunctions, and interjections] are treated as one called 'particles'. A 1965 entry

indicates that particle could mean, not only prepositions, articles, indefinite pronouns,

etc., but also prefixes, suffixes and inflectional endings. As late as 1991 there was the

idea that in certain cases, the particle is a sentence final marker serving to specify the

speaker's assertion of the content of the entire sentence.









The entry for particle in the Concise Oxford Dictionary ofLinquistics reveals how

multipurpose a term it is:

Used of divers classes of uninflected words in divers languages. Usually of words
that are short, sometimes, though not always, clitic, and generally not falling easily
under any of the traditional parts of speech. ... Used by e.g., C. F. Hockett in the
1950s of all forms that do not take inflections. Also by Jesperson of all the
elements, e.g., in English traditionally called adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions,
and interjections. Thence, specifically in English, of the second element of a
phrasal verb: e.g., up in Ipicked it up. (Particle)

Therefore, when discussing particles, linguists recognize that qualification must be

given so that their readers find congruence.

Emonds (1972, 1976) calls the English particles shown in (3), below, intransitive

prepositions.

7. John looked (up) the information (up).

Jackendoff (1977) includes particles within the same category of prepositions and

postpositions, the former intransitive and the others transitive, den Dikken (1995:29)

agrees that particles are prepositional in nature and "obviously intransitive in the sense

that they take no more than a single argument", but that particles can also differ from

intransitive prepositions because (in some languages like Dutch) particles can freely

incorporate into a verb cluster, while intransitive prepositions often do not, as he

illustrates in the Dutch examples (4-5), below:

8. dat Jan (boven) wil (*boven) wonen.
9. that Jan (upstairs) wants (*upstairs) live.
10. dat Jan (boven) wil (boven) komen.
11. that Jan (upstairs) wants (upstairs) come.

den Dikken suggests that an aspectual difference may trigger the incompatibility in these

cases. Essentially he considers that possibly all particles are heads of complement small

clauses (SC) and of the "class of non-Case-assigning, argument-taking prepositional









elements." Adams (2001:71) consider particles, when initial elements of a compound, to

have much in common with prefixes, in that while semanticallyy distinct from their

independent homonyms, occur productively in a series of items.. .out in verbs, and over

and under in verbs, adjectives, and deverbal and deadjectival nouns." Miller (2006 to

appear) accepts that prepositions are the case-assigning counterparts of particles and

"preverbs (verbal prefixes) encompass both prepositions and particles." What becomes

clear is that particles function in varied and complex ways and wield significant influence

on word-formation processes, the depths of which have yet to be fully plumbed. This

paper limits its scope to the role of the particle to the right of a verb base in nominal

formations, but cannot ignore the broader scope of the particle/preposition (or P-word)

field in general.

Particle forms commonly involved in the verb-particle nominal configurations are

about, around, back, by, down, for, in, off on, out, over, through (thru), to, up, and i ,h

Such forms can be prepositional or adverbial in the verb-particle verbal construction, but

since the distinction is variable and sometimes obscure in verb-particle nominals, the

term most often favored is particle. Before making definitive claims about origins of

right-hand particle nominals, it will be useful to both define and diachronically trace their

history, and then continue the work of analyzing their structure and origins both

diachronically and synchronically. (A corpus of verb/particle combinations and other

related forms can be reviewed in Appendix C, which, due to their volume and

productivity, is necessarily a work in progress.)














CHAPTER 4
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

4.1 Particles

Particles have perhaps one of the longest histories of any word form. In light of

this, Dunkel (2003) feels strongly that:

aside from its own inherent interest, the study of the particles can have [far
reaching] implications... Particles are a known repository of archaic features,
preserved due to their extraparadigmatic nature. That is: a priori one can expect to
learn more about historical morphology from the study of the so-called
'indeclinables' (actually frozen forms) than from that of living paradigms (actually
hotbeds of analogy and innovation). The study of the particles has already enabled
breakthroughs in problematic areas for which the indeclinabilia had never been
considered in the slightest degree relevant; more of the same is to be expected on
the basis of the Gesamtmaterial.

In the beginning was the particle? Actually, that might not be far from the truth.

According to a 1982 study by Dedre Gentner, in many languages nouns are learned

before verbs, and in some cases the first relational predicate spoken by the children was

down (at 13 or 14 months of age), followed by the first true verbs (at 16 and 20 months).

In other words, particles like down and up are verb-like predicates. Indeed their

closeness to verbal function becoming evident as some linguists (Miller, to appear)

explore the condition that at least some of the particles originate in functional phrases

(vP).

Morris (1886), under his chapter on derivation and formation gives us a list of the

forms he refers to as inseparable and separable Teutonic particles:

* Inseparable: A or of(OE: d, on, cet, at, ge, y, -and,-anda), be or by (OE: be, bi, big),
for (OE: for; Goth. faur, fair, fra; Lat. per), fore, gain, I or Y, mis-, nether (OE:
neither sand (OE: sam 'half), to (Lat. dis), un, wan (OE: wan), and i ith









* Separable: after (c885, OE: ceft, cefter eft 'again'), all (c800), forth (clOOO),fro or
from (874, OE: fram; ON: fra), in (c700, OE: in, inn), of or off (658) on, out or ut
(OE: iut), over (OE: ofer), thorough or through (OE: thurh, thuruh), under, and up
(888).

The ones Morris refers to as 'separable' are the ones we find most often occurring in the

verb/particle combinations, and which are so named, quite obviously, because they can

also exist independently. Some examples of separable particles that Morris provides

from these particles are seen in Table 4-1. It should be noted that the origin dates shown

in Table 4-1 are merely recorded instances provided in the OED, not necessarily the

actual date of their origin.

4.2 History of Verb/Particle Forms

When and how did verb/particle combinations occur? Early opinion held (Whitney

1867) that "prepositions were once adverbial prefixes to the verb, serving to point out

more clearly the direction of the verbal action: by degrees they detached themselves from

the verb and came to belong to the noun, furthering the disappearance of its case-endings,

and assuming their office. The oldest prepositions can be traced to pronominal roots;

others are from verbal roots." Curme (1914:320) discusses the "gradual shifting of usage

in the early English from the verb with inseparable prefix to the combination where the

particle or so-called separable prefix follows the verb in the sentence." Marchand

(1951:101-02), in a study of syntactic change involving loss of inflections in English,

notes (referring to verb-particle verbals) there is a "tendency to turn prepositions which

belong to substantives into a constituent part of the verb (referring to phrasal

verbs)... bow to, look after, send for, etc... which leads to the passive constructions he was

bowed to, he was looked after, he was sent for." Based upon this, Marchand dates the

origins of the phrasal verb process to Early Middle English because he notes, "the passive









type he was sent for occurs as early as 1300." The OED lists an entry for verbal pull off

as early as cl000, as well as get up (1154) and look up (c1200), so it would seem that the

phrasal verb process may have had an earlier origin than Marchand supposes.

Additionally, since off and up in these combinations do not seem to function as

prepositions, it appears that deriving phrasal verbs from passive constructions falls short

of a comprehensive explanation.

Oddly enough, Morris (1886), in his comprehensive work on the history and

development of the English language and word formation, does not even discuss the

verb/particle construction per se, even though examples of both verb-particle verbals and

verb-particle nominals by that time were numerous. As illustrated by Morris's examples

(and dictionaries are replete with other nineteenth century examples) particles, even in his

day, entered into relationships with other forms rather freely, resulting in verbs, nouns,

and adjectives.

Kennedy (1967) in his study of verb-adverb combinations2 traces the transition

from inseparable prefixes (which were more prevalent in Old English (e.g., ofteah,

forgeaf onsendon, forscrifen, become, onleac, etc.) than verbs with separable modifiers

(e.g., up ahafen, forb gewat, ut scufon, up ... stigon, gewitap forb) to the increasing

appearance of the separable varieties. It is Kennedy's opinion that had it not been for the

influx into English of a multitude of Romance verbs with inseparable prefixes, the

development of the English verb-particle combinations would have been even more

rapid. He reasons this based on the idea that during the Middle English period, the



2 Kennedy calls about, across, around, at, by, down, for, in, off on, out, over, thru, to, up, and with
adverbial particles.









native, or Teutonic, forms, which compose the verb-particle combinations, were viewed

more as the language of the street and were not as esteemed in formal literature, but were,

rather, relegated for dialog. If this view is correct, it is not surprising that the verb-

particle combinations appear more frequently in Elizabethan comedies. Such

combinations did, however, appear in the more dignified Biblical version of 1611 (known

as the Authorized King James Version), but were usually those that were to be taken more

literally; e.g., enter in, fill up, pluck out, root up, foam out, build up lay by, etc.

Evidence of the conservatism of the authors of the 1611 Bible edition, as regards

the inclusion of particle forms, can be found in a margin note in a early twentieth century

King James Version edition (Schofield 1917).3. I Corinthians 14:36 in the 1917 edition

reads, "What? came the word of God out from you? or came it unto you only?" The

margin note in this edition states that in the original there was no out, only fom. The

editors of this edition apparently felt the meaning would be rendered clearer to their

current audience by the additional of the particle, indicating the use of the particle in

semantic rendering and also the acceptance of the verb-particle form into the.grammar of

the English language. 4 Some of the more recent editions and revisions, however, that

seek to render the Bible in even more modem vernacular, either omit the particle out in

this passage, or substitute another word. The New King James Bible (1979, 1985)

translate that same passage "Or did the word of God come originally from you?...",

replacing out with a different word entirely. The Revised Standard Version (1977) reads

"What! Did the word of God originate with you,..." The Amplified Bible (1958, 1987)

' This is not a revision in the sense of using different source documents, but what purports to be essentially
the same King James Version of 1611 with only minor lexical or grammatical updates similar to this type.

4 It would be interesting to learn exactly when the out was added. A Scofield KJV edition of 1917 also
includes the word out in I Corinthians 14:36.









reads similarly "What! Did the word of the Lord originate with you ..." It seems that out

has fallen from grace in the eyes of many editors, but possibly due to the greater semantic

specificity of the non-particle choice to narrow the scope of their interpretation.

Table 4-1. Morris's 'separable' Teutonic particles
Particle Word formations
after eft-soons (c1000), after-gi ,i\\ ti/, aftermath (1523), after-dinner,
afterspring (1583). This formation remains very productive; the OED
lists 200+ of them.
all all-mighty (c890, OE: ealmihti5es), all-wise. This formation likewise
remains productive, but rarely forming deverbal nominatives.
[NOTE: Morris considers all a particle, but modem linguists do not.]
forth forth-coming (1533), forthgoing (1382), cf. forthgang (c900)
fro, from fromward (c888), forward (a13 00)
in income (a 1300), inwit (a 1225), 'conscience', inland (904), insight
(cl200), inborn (1000), inbred (al592), instep (1530), inward(adj.
c888, n. cl000), inlay v. (1596, n. 1656), infold (1578)
of, off offal (v. OE, n. 1398), offset (n. 1555, v. 1673), offscum (1579), offspring
(OE), athirst (al000, OE: of-thyrst)
on onset (v. eOE, n. 1423), onslay (v. eOE) onslaught (1625), onward (1496)
out, ut outbud, outpour, outroot, outbreathe, outbreak, outcast, outside, outpost,
outlaw, utter, and utmost.
over (forming substantives and adjectives): overcoat, overflow, overjoy,
overpoise, overbig, overcold, over-curious, (OE: overhand)
over (forming verbs): overflow, overfly, overgild, overhang, overspread,
o0ve dui in i', overburden, overbuild, overdry, overdrunk, overcarry,
overfatigued, overhear, overlook, overuse.
through, thorough-fare, thoroughbred, through-train
thorough
under: (verbal) undergo, understand, undertake, underlet, undersell, underprize
under: (forming substantives): unde igi ,i\ i/h, underwood
up: (forming substantives): upland, upstart, upshot
up: (forming adjectives): upright, upward.
up: (forming verbs): upbear, upbraid (OE: obraide), uphold, upset














CHAPTER 5
VERB/PARTICLE CONSTRUCTIONS

5.1 Verb/Particle Combinations and Phrasal Verbs

Even though the focus of this paper is verb-particle nominal constructions, verb and

particle verbal constructions must be taken into account as well because of their

precedence historically, chronologically, and constructively (in many cases). Verb-

particle verbal constructions (e.g., the river overflowed its banks, they outlawed the

event, they put out the fire, she sang along i ilh me) are known variously as particle

verbs, verb/particle combinations. These constructions are of interest to syntacticians

and morphologists due to their abundance in English and also their intriguing chameleon-

like resemblance to phrases, small clauses, and/or complex words (compounds). The

verb-particle verbals, often informally referred to as phrasal verbs or separable verbs,

have received particular attention in the literature (Hiltunen 1983, Kayne 1985, den

Dikken 1995, Baker 1997, Jackendoff 2002, Gries 1999, 2003, Dehe and Jackendoff, et

al. 2002, to name only a few).

In fact, verb-particle combinations are so prevalent in present-day English that it

has become useful to devote separate dictionaries and web sites to them. The Oxford

Dictionary of Phrasal Verbs (Cowie and Mackin 1993) boasts of over 11,000 entries.

(Interestingly, of its 517 pages, only four pages (514 to 517) are devoted to an index of

'nominalized' forms.) The Longman Phrasal Verb Dictionary, 2nd Ed. (Longman 2000)

lists over 5,000 entries. Some others are:









* The Ultimate Phrasal Verb Book (Hart 1999), for ESL and EFL students, offers
over "400 phrasal verbs, dozens of nouns, and dozens of adjectives"

* The American Heritage Dictionary of Phrasal Verbs. (2005) "lists and defines
thousands of phrasal verbs"

* Cambridge International Dictionary of Phrasal Verbs (1998) reports to provide
"clear and simple explanations of 6,000 phrasal verbs current in British, American
and Australian English today, along with thousands of example sentences showing
phrasal verbs used in typical contexts."

* McGraw-Hill's Dictionary ofAmerican Idioms and Phrasal Verbs (2005) touts
over 24,000 entries, but not all are phrasal verbs per se.

* English Phrasal Verbs in Use (2004) references over 1000 "useful and frequent"
phrasal verbs

This is not an exhaustive list, but does serve to show the ubiquity of the phrasal

verb construction in English. Additionally, a quick Google search using the search term

'dictionary of phrasal verbs' results in web access to numerous interactive web sites for

instructional and informational purposes (some with games) authored by both private and

educational concerns, many of which are designed for ESL or EFL students.

Verb-particle verbal forms do indeed predate verb-particle nominals. According to

my research, the first verb-particle nominals appear quite a bit later than the verbal

constructions: lean-to (1453), sit-up (1483), runaway (1547). Were verb-particle

verbals, therefore, a possible influencing factor in the formation of verb-particle nominals

as some suggest? Or are there other triggering influences?

The agentive participial-particle nominal, e.g., looker about (1382), bringer out

(1386), lookers up (1400),finder up (1430), bringer up (1529), etc. might also be

considered. Chronologically, these forms appear alongside the early verb-particle

nominals and bear a similar agentive feature, however, they appear to replace each other.

There is never a *look about (although there is a look-out), and no *bring-out, *look-up,









*find-up, or *bring-up. Forms of the type looker up are not productive today. There

may be value in examining these formations and their diachronic transformation in

parallel fashion so as to reveal the mechanisms of change.

5.2 Verb-Particle Nominals

Scholarly literature on the verb-particle nominal construct is comparatively non-

existent. To date there appears to be no published comprehensive corpus of verb-particle

nominals, only a few short lists mentioned in other work (cf. Kennedy 1967, Fraser

1976). Berg (1998) mentions a self-compiled count from a search of four dictionaries,

which yielded 313 verb-particle nominals and 118 verb-particle adjectives. He found

only 65 particle-verb nominals and 19 particle-verb adjectives, but does not explain the

imbalance nor provide dates of origin for any of his examples, nor does he provide his

sources. In my search for examples of verb-particle nominals using the OED and MED

as primary sources, I realize the difficulty in cataloging a corpus of this form since

alphabetical searches are relatively useless. Backward and rhyming dictionaries can be

useful in identifying verb + particle forms, but most do not provide sufficient contextual

information to ascertain grammatical function.

Kennedy (1967) in Modern English Verb-Adverb Combination devotes a mere 2.5

out of 51 pages to the verb-particle nominal. He considers the verb-particle nominals

little more than an ongoing tendency "on the part of speakers of English today to utilize

the ... verb as a noun" (47). He notes that both verb-particle verbals and nominals

develop differences in accent, form, and meaning and show "marked divergences from

the verbs originating them." He tends to lump both formations together as a strong and

"growing tendency in English" with "merits and weaknesses" (40)-the merits being

creative expression, but the weaknesses being an over reliance on simple, one-syllable









words of primarily Teutonic origin, principally the practice of the "common, relatively

uneducated, mind" (40)-in other words pure slang in his opinion. Obviously Kennedy's

is a prescriptivist viewpoint, but evidence does seem to indicate that the verb-particle

nominal construction's utilization occurs more often in informal settings. Analysis of

verb-particle verbal combinations has been extensively performed by less prescriptivistic

minds (Kayne 1985, den Dikken 1995, Baker 1997, Gries 1999, Jackendoff 2002, Dehe

and Jackendoff, et al. 2002, and many more), but the overwhelming bulk of the focus

remains on the verb-particle verbal construction rather than the nominal. Verb-particle

nominal combinations warrant a similar focus.

5.2.1 Chronology

Upon chronological examination, it is evident that English initially exhibited only a

left-hand nominal particle parameter, e.g., in nominals upspring (1000), uphold (1066),

upbraid (1200), upbrixle obs. (1200), uprist (1250), uptie (1295), uprise (1300), upcome

(1375), and in gerundials such as uprising (1250), downsitting (1340), upcovering (1300),

about-standing, (1340), about-writing (1349), and upspringing (1400). This condition is

not surprising given that the inflectional system of Old English would have largely

prohibited rightward incorporation of particles, although in Old English sentences, a

particle could appear before or following the verb to which it was related. Adams

(2001:72) notes that in Old English particles often occurred before the verb, "especially

in subordinate clauses and when the verb had a non-finite form...,

1. sippan ic up aweox, 'after I grew up' ('The Wife's Lament', 3)

2. wxes se cyng inngongende to him, 'the king went (lit. was going) in to him' (Bede
438.5).

...But sometimes, especially in main and independent clauses [they] followed the verb:









3. wurpaf hit ut on P]et water, 'throw it out on the water' (Exodus 1:22);

4. ceorfof Pet lim, 'cut off that limb' (/Elfric Homilies, 1.516.4)."

5.2.2 Speculation

It may be tempting to speculate, as does Adams, that change in word order from

non-verb final that took place between the Old English and late Middle English periods

(cl200) precipitated the tendency for the particle to incorporate to the right of the verb.

In truth, as Miller (2006:31-30) suggests, language change is almost always motivated by

multiple innovations: "The fixing of VO order per se would be insufficient to motivate

verb-particle reanalysis ... or every SVO language should have it. Given den Dikken's

account of verb-particle reanalysis, what the word order shift could motivate was the

change from overt P-incorporation to covert (abstract) P-incorporation; i.e. verb-particle

reanalysis." Verb-particle reanalysis, in this instance, refers to the P (preposition) losing

its licensing and becoming reanalyzedd' as part of the verb. The chronology5 given in

Table 5-1, based on examples of earliest recorded forms, supports the timeframe of this

assumption.

5.2.3 Observation

Whatever the cause, we do notice that right-handed verb-particle nominal forms

begin to appear in English somewhat later than left-handed forms. The earliest example I

have been able to discover, albeit a debatable example, is graup, meaning 'a spade'

(cl300.?cp., from graven, [v.] 'to bury, dig, engrave' plus 'up', [adv.], MED). Another

early example is renne-aboute, 'run-about' (1377) used as a proper name, bind-i-1 ith


Note that this list of first occurrences is representative of my current findings (see Appendix D for
complete list), although continued searching may find earlier occurrences.









(1336), lean-to (1453), sit-up (1483), meaning 'a surprise', startup (1517), a kind of a

boot, runaway (1547), and runabout (1549). (See Appendix A, Table A-2, for sources

and contexts of verb-particle nominals).

We see a slight increase in the verb-particle nominal constructions in the sixteenth

century, but an exponential increase thereafter. As the verb-particle nominal forms

increase, the particle-verb nominal forms noticeably decrease (see Table 5-1), although

particle-verb nominalization remains a productive process, e.g., overkill (1957) and

update (1967), into modern times. Particles to the right of bases forming verbal

combinations (verb-particle verbals) do appear to occur considerably earlier than do verb-

particle nominal combinations (1154 vs. 1377), although, since the first recorded

occurrence of the verb-particle nominal is a proper name, perhaps the more genuine first-

occurrence should be considered lean-to (1453).

Table 5-1. Representative chronology of verb/particle combinations
Date Combination Type
eOE onslay P-V verb
OE of-fall P-V verb
OE offspring P-V nominal
900 forthgang (f i tih.-,i, Iii) P-Gerund
1000 upspring P-V nominal
1154 get up V-P verb
1377 Renne-about (runabout) V-P nominal (proper name)
1382 looker about V-P agentive
1387 passing forth Gerund-P
1430 upfinder P-V agentive
1453 lean-to V-P nominal
1485 sit-up 'a surprise' V-P nominal
1752 break up P-V adjectival passive














CHAPTER 6
ANALYSIS

6.1 Review of Morphological Analysis

Marchand (1969), considers verb/particle combinations to be a type of compound,

but he makes a distinction between impersonal substantives (e.g., blackout 1913) and

personal substantives (e.g., runabout 1549) and considers them to have different origins.6

He agrees with Lindelhof s (1937:35) suggestion that "the origin of this type (runabout)

is perhaps to be found in imperative phrases" based on the fact that since the late Middle

English period imperative words have appeared in proper names, e.g., Lovegold,

Makejoy, Mendmarket, Drinkwater, Breakspear, .\h, ikeA, pei /e, Shakestaff Hackblock,

Hurlbut, .Vh/iAi7ke/nI e, Scaredevil, Lackland, Trustgod, Doolittle, Cutright, Golightly,

Playfair, Treadaway, Walkup, Drinklow (Marston 1969:383-384). These imperative-type

forms appear morphologically the same as runabout, but differ from the type blackout;

however, may have played a role in popularizing the verb-particle nominal form, making

it more likely to be available and replicated in other locutions.

However, even if this scenario is plausible, the question remains why the verb-

particle nominal constructions were available at all in English, since they are not (or at

least very rare) in other Indo-European languages (see Chapter 7 for further discussion of

verb/particle constructions in Dutch, Danish, Swedish, and German).





6 Today they are usually called event vs. entity nominals.









Marchand (1969:39-42) mentions verb-particle nominals briefly by attempting a

rough typology, assigning them as either personal or impersonal agent denotations or

imperative formatives. Berg (1998) tends to agree, along with Lindelof (1938),

Marchand (1969:382ff), and Hunter (1947), that verb-particle nouns and adjectives are

generally derived from verb-particle verbs, but notes that unexplained gaps exist in

parallel derivation.

Cowie & Mackin (1993) note, in their dictionary of phrasal verbs, that certain

pertinent nouns have no obvious relationship to phrasal verbs. However, the example

they use is mock-up. Their claim is that the noun mockup does not come from the verb to

mock up. The earliest date of the verb to mock is c1439 (OED) with a sense of 'to

deceive or impose upon; to delude, befool; to tantalize, disappoint.' Even as early as

1595 to mock could have the sense of 'to simulate, make a pretence of '. In 1914 the

phrasal verb to mock up was being used to give the sense of 'to produce a mock-up of; to

make as a replica or imitation, esp. for temporary show; to contrive, improvise.'

According to the OED, the first recorded use of the noun mockup was 1920. Based on

these dates, a verbal origin is highly probable, giving further evidence that a

comprehensive corpus may alleviate premature conclusions in theory.

If the verb-particle nouns (and adjectives) are deverbal in nature, the verbal forms

would be expected to have appeared earlier, and for the most part this is borne out by

searching chronologies of word origins in the OED (see Appendices A-E for examples).

Other examples exist, however, that are not so clear, especially when the order of the

verb and particle is maintained. For example, the noun income has no corresponding

verb to income, and the verb to go on has no counterpart nominal go-on; and reverse









orders produce the verb to come in, but do not yield a verb to on go. Berg (1998:259)

concludes that there were "varying degrees of compatibility between lexical classes and

morphological orders in English. While the stem-particle order fits more naturally the

class of verbs, the particle stem order associates more easily with nouns and adjectives."

He bases his conclusion in part upon the diachronic empirical observation that life spans

of the particular word order types "bore out the prediction that the stable patterns persist

while the unstable ones tend to disappear", thereby explaining what he deemed

"systematic lexical gaps." While his observations may be valid, they offer no

explanation of how and what kinds of orders for nouns, verbs, and adjective particle

combinations can grammatically occur and why.

So what are the systems at work that produce or constrain these combinations?

Berg (1998) maintains that sometimes inversion seems to play a role (the upsurge/*to

upsurge), sometimes conversion (zero derivation) (the overhaul/*to haul over),

sometimes neither. Zero derivation, or conversion, i.e. verb-to-noun functional shift, is

very common in Modem English, e.g., stone (v.) = 'throw stones (n.) at.' Many,

perhaps most, verb-particle nominals seem to have been "zero" derived from

corresponding verb-particle verbals, e.g., take out (v.) = 'to take out something from

somewhere' vs. take-out (n.) "something that is taken out (of something)'. But this

analogy is weak in some other examples, e.g., make up (v.) 'to make up (make peace)

with someone vs. make-up (n.) 'cosmetics, or substance applied to improve or change

appearance', and put in (v.) 'to put in something, or to put (something) in something' vs.

put-in (n.) 'one's affair, an annoyance, inconvenience, or interference.'









Adams (2001) considers verb + particle combinations to be phrases and

nominalizations related to them to be untypical complex words-untypical because the

right-hand element is not clearly the head. Such is one of the problems that linguists

have with verb-particle nominals if they maintain the inviolability of a right-hand head

rule applying to compound formations (Williams 1981) and treat verb-particle nominals

as strictly lexical and not consider their phrasal characteristics. Miller (2006), agreeing

with Baker (2003: 303ff), takes adpositions (including particles) to be a functional as well

as lexical category; i.e., a 'hybrid,' thus the hybrid nature of the combination can likely

be presumed from the unique characteristics of their particle member.

Plag (2003: 143) also notices that combinations involving prepositions (particles),

"should not be analyzed as compounds" because, again, they do not always follow the

reputed right-hand head rule for compounds (e.g., input). He agrees with Berg that verb-

particle nominal combinations were most likely derived by inversion as in ...

1. load down -- download
2. come in -- income
3. put in -- input
4. built in -- inbuilt

... or by a process of conversion:

5. to break d6wn VERB a breakdown NON
6. to push up VERB a push-up NOUN
7. to rip 6ff VERB a rip-off NOUN

But these observations only reveal different processes; they offer no explanation for why

there is no *to off rip, *to income, or *to inbuild.

Part of the gap in the data may be a result of obsolescence of prior forms. As I

have shown, the verb-particle verbals originate chronologically before the nominals,

although occasionally the direction is reversed, e.g., roustabout (n.) (1868) 'a wharf









laborer or deck hand', which may have emerged from roust (1513) 'to shout, bellow,

roar, or to make a loud noise', (or roust (1658) 'to rout out; to rouse or stir up, to raise or

arouse') plus about. From the verb-particle nominal roustabout came the denominal

unergative roustabout (v.) (1907) 'to work as a roustabout.' But sometimes the verb-

particle nominal has no verbal counterpart, e.g., bangup, beer up, set-to, hoedown7, or

spin out. Often identical forms have no semantic relation, e.g., the verbal get up,

meaning 'to rise, raise oneself, (cf. He got up/He got himself up) and the nominal get-up

(a style of equipment or costume). To add to the equation, sometimes the origin form has

become obsolete, thus cloaking the analysis; e.g., the noun insight has no corresponding

phrasal verb to see in or to in see, but to insee (c1315) did exist at one time, and the

surviving noun is alive and well.

Additionally, some forms may arise due to analogy with no direct morphological or

syntactic involvement. For example, the OED reports an occurrence of the word offprint,

which gives a clue as to how it originated:

1885 W. W. SKEAT in Academy 22 Aug. 121 Various terms, such as 'deprint',
'exprint', etc., have been proposed to denote a separately-printed copy of a
pamphlet... By comparison with 'offshoot' I think we might use offprintt' with
some hope of expressing what is meant.

Offprint could not morphologically or syntactically be comparable to offshoot (1674), yet

it sounded right to its inventor and entered into the language anyway. Offshoot originally

meant 'something that shoots off or emanates; an emanation.' While this exact meaning

is now obsolete, it is semantically related to the more current sense of 'a collateral

branch of or descendant from a particular family, race, or people; something which

originated or developed from something else; side shoot or branch springing from the

7 See Appendix B (or D) which shows hoedown (1849) derives from the act of 'hoeing".









trunk or other part of a plant; a lateral shoot; or a lateral branch projecting from the main

part of a material thing, as a nerve trunk, road, mountain, etc.' There are exceptions to

every rule, of course, even grammatical ones, and this example of word origin may

merely be one of them.

6.2 Syntactic Analysis

6.2.1 Critical Distinctions

In order to unravel the complexities of verb and particle nominal formations,

linguists have considered syntactic processes in light of an antisymmetry analysis (Kayne

1994) and minimalist phrase structure constraints. Some linguists have posited that the

origin of right-hand nominal particles must be related to their presence in verbal

structures like look up the information (Roeper 1999), whereas others believe that

complex words are not formed from phrases (cf. the no-phrase constraint8, (Carstairs-

McCarthy 1992: 99f), although that constraint may not be absolute (cf. Harris 2002). But

as Valerie Adams (2001:3) admits, the distinction between phrase and complex word is

not always so clear:

With the phrasal verb to change over, the criteria for syntactic head are decisive:
'changing over' is a kind of 'changing', and the left-hand element, the verb, is the
head. In the related nominal expression change-over, the particle has one claim to
headhood in that, being on the right, it necessarily carries any inflection... Similar
expressions whose first elements are suffixed nouns, like runner up and telling off
are more obviously intermediate between phrase and word: phrase-like in that
plural s can regularly intervene between the two elements, attaching to the verbal
head, but word-like in that nothing else can.

The obscurity might be cleared if we consider that there is no need to pick only one

head! These distinctions are vacuous in a syntactic analysis which considers everything



8 It is widely suggested in the literature that words are based on words, roots, or stems, but not on phrases.
Constraint proposed by Botha (1983) which says that root compounds may not contain syntactic phrases.









to be a head of something. This emphasis will become more prominent when we

consider Roeper's (1999) analysis below.

Similarities do exist between verb-particle verbals and nominals: usually the verb

element is one syllable and both share most of the same particle forms (except the

particle at seems to be used only in verbal formations). Both can be transitive or

intransitive (in the sense of requiring a complement or not):

8. nominals: an upbraid of his friends (transitive)
... as if I were some runaway (intransitive)
9. verbals: wear out your shoes (transitive)
break out in a rash (intransitive)

While it appears at first glance that both can be interrupted by another word...

10. nominals: pick-me-up, hand-me-down
11. verbals: start it up, turn it/the book over

... in reality, the V-X-P nominals are frozen phrases and unproductive, as evidenced by:

12. follow-up/*follow-me-up
13. getup/*get-me-up
14. breakdown/*break-me/it-down

6.2.2 Roeper's Analysis

Roeper (1999) looks at the empirical contrasts between particle-verb and verb-

particle nominals (referring to them as leftward (e.g., outbreak) and rightward (e.g.,

breakout) respectively) to show that the antisymmetrical architecture of phrase structure

assumed in syntax may also operate in the lexicon, despite the apparent contraindication

entailed by the rightward verb-particle nominals; i.e., all incorporation should occur to

the left. In his analysis, Roeper makes four primary claims:

1. Leftward recursion (re-over-h cinbin cLinuemi) is possible, but not rightward
( "fi dh -u ip-up/*sleep-over-over).

2. Leftward-moved particles occupy a specifier position, which c-commands a PP
complement ('the outbreak of disease') (Kayne 1994). Rightward-incorporated









particles are REBRACKETED and fail to c-command a PP (*the handout of good
examples).

3. Head movement, by SUBSTITUTION, into a higher N-node allows feature-checking
of an N-feature. Preposing turns a Verb into a Noun (the disease breaks out/*the
disease outbreaks/the outbreak). Therefore, if another N-feature is present, as in
-er, the derivation is blocked (*the outbreaker).

4. Leftward-moved heads, which do not change category, are ADJOINED, and allow
recursion, and -er (re-over-reimburse/re-over-reimburser)

Based on these claims, Roeper concludes that only prefixed particles (outflow of

funds) allow complements, not suffixed ones (*carryout of food) and that prefixed

particles are non-agentive, or unaccusative (outbreak of disease), while suffixed ones are

agentive (lookout 'one who looks out', workout 'someone works out/something worked

out'). Occurrences like 'breakup of the marriage' and 'the workup of a solution' are

counter-examples to this hypothesis.

Additional empirical evidence as shown in Appendix A, Table A-1, however,

suggests that these conclusions may be incomplete. Verb-particle nominals appeared

with complements at least as early as the middle of the sixteenth century. Perhaps in

their earlier stages verb-particle nominals did not occur with complements, but upon

adoption into the language through common usage, their function expanded due to their

posited hybrid versatility. Lieber (2005: 399f) also challenges the idea that verb-particle

nominals do not take complements as a reflex of antisymmetry, claiming to have found

on the web phrases like the carryout of (X), the sleepover of (Y), and concludes, "It

remains to be seen, then, if minimalist treatments of prefixed words are in any way

illuminating."

Aware of occurrences like 'buyout of CBS' and 'the blackout of the city', Roeper

(1999: 44) suggests that these are not true complements in these cases, rather "they are









adjuncts like those found with agents." For example, one of Roeper's ungrammatical

examples, *takeout offood, upon oft-repeated appearance in my mind, now seems quite

possible. I believe I could now easily say, "Let's get a takeout of barbeque chicken

tonight." Regardless of how grammatical it sounds to me, Roeper's reasoning would

suggest that 'of barbeque chicken' is actually an adjunct, not a complement of takeout.

In other words, the use of takeout in this sentence would imply that takeout is a 'takeout

(consisting of) barbeque chicken', and is not a process nominal: *Emeril's cookout of

steaks. The evidence provided by numerous examples, however, suggests that at least

some of the verb-particle nominals do take complements: put-offs of single persons

(1549, wind-up of the world (1665), pulldowne of Antichrist (1588), turn-about of their

own Clositers (1603), etc. (See Appendix A, Table A-1, for more.)

Additional empirical evidence also calls into question Roeper's claim that

prefixed particles cannot result in nouns like *outeater 'one who eats out' or *outspeaker

'one who speaks out', because these sorts are attested (indweller [1381] 'one who dwells

in [something/somewhere]', outspeaker [1858-1967], and overachiever [1939] 'one who

achieves over [beyond] what is expected'). There is also undertaker [1382]; however,

the historical meaning is unavailable to ascertain whether the meaning was ever 'to take

under [something]', or 'to take [something] under [or on]'. Such is the baffling nature of

particles over time-they can metamorphosize from their original intent and complicate

systematic analysis.

Another difficulty with Roeper's analysis, and crucially one that may lead to more

encompassing analyses, is found in his second claim: that leftward-moved particles

occupy a specifier position which c-commands a PP complement. If the particle has









moved leftward (break out -- outbreak), where did the particle originate? If it originated

in the complement position, then it must have left a trace, which would normally preclude

anything else occupying the position. Roeper (1999: 58) allows for "the possibility of

repeated insertion into the same position [as] predicted by Distributed Morphology (Halle

and Marantz 1993)", but even allowing this, it is only with the commandeering of

abstract clitics, invisible affixes, abstract N-features, rebracketing, and re-fillable

positions that he is able to fit rightward (verb-particle) nominals into the overall system

of antisymmetry and admits that "it is not yet clear what invites rebracketing (especially

as this kind of rebracketing is not found in other languages)" (p. 62). The solving of this

conundrum may lie in understanding where these particles originate.

A closer look at the earliest verb-particle nominals included in Appendix A, Table

A-2, reveals that almost all of the early combinations involve intransitive verbs (run,

lean, sit, pass, /iai i) and particles which are arguably adverbial (about, to, up, over,

away). When the verb-particles nominals begin to appear with complements in the mid-

sixteenth century, all of the verbs involved are transitive (put, wind, pull, turn, draw,

write, show, break, burn, etc.). This observation does not in itself explain why the

particle begins to appear to the right of the verb, rather than the left, but is significant in

providing investigative data containing clues about their origins and complementation.

6.2.3 Expanded Analysis

The above analyses all come short of satisfactorily addressing the variable aspects

of particles and the verbs with which they combine, including, but not limited to, where

they originate in morphosyntactical terms. The most explanatory approach of how

particle-verb nominal combinations function will need to challenge traditional

preposition/particle typology and analyze the characteristics of the different types of









particles. Dehe and Jackendoff, et al (2002) have identified three different particle types,

to which Rousseau (1995) and Miller (2003) have added two more. In this analysis,

particles can be spatial, aspectual (transitivizing, telic, non-transitivizing), non-spatial,

evaluative, or comparative. Miller (to appear) considers that these differences account

for different properties of the particles and gives evidence that they originate in different

positions. The fact that particles may originate in different, sometimes functional

positions, may lead to an ability to make predictions about both their syntactic and

morphological behavior.

6.2.4 Other Considerations

Not only may the properties of individual particles play a role in their

combinatorial capabilities, but also the properties of the verbs themselves. Additionally,

some verb-particle nominal combinations may be blocked by synonomy, at least in

certain circumstances. For example, why say that someone is a cheer-up, if encourager

already exists and conveys the desired message, unless one wants to coin a phrase for

novelty. The transition from nonce-word to accepted word is never guaranteed. Also,

the viability of the combination may depend upon the attainment of a certain level of

significance. For example: lift-off gained acceptability and prominence only in the space

age. Without its popular and wide-spread semantic scenario, lift-off may not have

become a familiar and accepted term. The role of sociolinguist factors in language

change and development should not be ignored. However, the syntactic process already

existed by this time in English which 'authorized' the formation of the type of word that

lift-off represents. The real question becomes what process, or processes, 'authorized' the

first verb-partical nominal configuration.














CHAPTER 7
CROSS-LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF PARTICLES

In a language universal model, analyses must also be able to account for their

conclusions cross-linguistically, and at a minimum, with closely related languages. For

English, a close relation is shared by other members of Germanic origin; e.g., Dutch,

German, Danish, and Swedish.

In all Germanic languages the particle can appear to the right of the verb in verbal

combinations, but there are syntactic differences. While in English the particle can

appear on either side of a direct object (unless it is a pronominal, then the particle must

follow), in Swedish, the particle obligatorily precedes the nominal object. Table 7-1

provides prototypical particle-verb examples from English, Swedish, German, and Dutch.

Dehe and Jackendoff, et al. (2002) provide a cross-section of current research on

the Germanic constructions of the phrasal verb type utilizing examples from chiefly

Dutch, English, German and Swedish:

15. ring up, throw away
16. ringa upp, kasta bort (Swedish)
17. opbelde, weggooien (Dutch)
18. anrufen, wegwerfen (German)

From this superficial sketch of particle behavior in verbal constructions, it appears

that Swedish bears the closest resemblance to particle arrangements in English. Unlike in

English, however, verb-particle nominals in these languages are virtually non-existent,

even though the particle can appear to the right of the verb in each of them (although in

different syntactic environments). It is tempting to predict from the observation that









Swedish more closely resembles English in the syntactic positioning of particles, that

Swedish will also have the verb-particle nominal combination. This prediction, however,

is only partially borne out. Swedish, Danish, and Dutch are found to have a very few of

verb-particle nominal words and although Swedish seems to have more than the other

two, I have been assured by native speaker linguists9 that the verb-particle nominal

pattern is not at all productive in any of the languages. The earliest sample found in

Swedish, slukkop (1536) 'swallow up', is obsolete in the lexicon, but does still appear as

a proper name (a designation for Stockohlm's castle). As the examples in Appendix D

indicate, many of the forms are either now obsolete, remain as toponyms, and/or have

become frozen. Interestingly, some of the original particle-verb configurations, exist now

in a verb-particle configuration (and perhaps coexisted earlier):

19. kijkuit lookout -- uitkijk outlook DUTCH
20. kikut lookout -- utkik outlook SWEDISH

No examples of a verb-particle nominal formation could be found in German at all. In

fact, word borrowing of a verb-particle nominal from English into German necessitates a

particle-verb reconfiguration:

21. fuck up ENGLISH "- upgefuckt GERMAN

Crucially, there is currently an overwhelming preference for prefixing particles in

nominal constructions in closely related non-English languages-and a historical and

apparently absolute restriction in German (with some exceptions in Low German).




I am indebted to Gary Miller and Jules Gliesche for the acquisition of most of these examples, as well as
to personal correspondence from Gunlog Josefsson, who suggested the Hjelmqvist resource, and Jan Terje
Faarlund who provided critical insights and led me to Josefsson. Also, I am grateful to Stig Eliasson for
information provided to Miller which was shared with me.









Table 7-1. Cross-linguistic particle/verb examples
Language Examples
English John called up the girl. John called her up.
John called the girl up. *John called up her.

Swedish John skrev upp numret.
'John wrote PART number.the'
John skrev numret upp.
John wrote number.the PART
'John wrote down the number.'

German In German, a (non-topicalized) particle appears in a fixed position at the
end of the clause, but preceding verbs in final position, if any. Thus, the
particle and verb are separated by the V2 phenomenon in main clauses,
but are adjacent in embedded clauses.

John rief das Mddchen an.
'John rang the girl up.'
*John anrief das Mddchen
... daft John das Mddchen anrief
*... daft John rief das Mddchen an.

Dutch Similar to German, except that Dutch embedded clauses allow the optional
interpolation of an auxiliary between the particle and the verb.

John belde het meisje op.
*John opbelde het meisje.
... dat John het meisje wil opbelde.
... dat John het meisje op wil belde.

Dehe and Jackendoff, et al. (2002)

In English out and up are two of the most productive particles in verb-particle

nominals and both appear in the earliest Swedish examples slukkopp (1536) (swallow.up)

and suput (1640), (drink.out), 'drunkard'. Even if these verb-particle nominals were

calques into Swedish, or simply a contact phenomenon, it seems that the verb-particle

order was at least minimally available in earlier Swedish. Conclusively, only in English


did the form proliferate productively.









There is no evidence for the verb-particle nominal in English before the loss of

inflectional endings, and loss of these endings may account for the ease with which the

particle could appear to the right of a verb in English. The availability of the verb-

particle nominal innovation may subsequently have spread from English into

Scandinavian areas, or have been a contact innovation. As evidence, there are place-

names of the lookout type (kikut [1896] 'look out') all over Scandinavia and the

northwest mainland, including Dutch and Low German. Kikut 'look out' is the name of a

lighthouse in Szczerin, Poland, and can also be a generic term for lighthouse in Polish.

Perhaps the degree to which a language is inflective correlates with the ability to host a

verb-particle nominal construction productively. Further research in this area will not

only provide answers relating to particle constructions, but also will shed light on

differences between English and the other Germanic languages in general.














CHAPTER 8
CONCLUSION

The particle is one of the least understood entities in English and the verb-particle

nominal construction even more so. Collection and analysis of an expanded corpus of

particle formations provide a necessary resource to the investigation of any language's

grammatical construction. The filtering of past and emerging theories concerning particle

function upon a broad array of examples will lead ultimately to a weeding out of

exceptions and leave a better understanding of general principles regarding universal

grammatical relations. To this end my research provides comprehensive data collection

for the earliest appearances of verb-particle nominals in English, a chronological

cataloguing of non-English examples and an ever-growing corpus of English examples..

Previously, verb-particle nominals have received scant coverage in linguistic

research, and when they are considered, only a few examples have been utilized. The

collection and analysis of additional examples may either substantiate or invalidate a

posited theory, as evidenced by applying the new evidence to posited cases of verb-

particle nominal complementation and syntactic transformation restrictions.

The data that I have assembled also provides insight into the origins of the verb-

particle nominal construction, showing that verb-particle nominal constructions arise only

after verb-particle verbal constructions were productively in the language, showing a high

probability of derivation. It does appear that loss of inflections in English facilitated the

ability for the particle to appear to the right of the verb; however, it is less certain that this









was a causal factor due to the significant time gap between disappearance of inflections

and appearance of the first verb-particle nominals.

I also show that verb-particle nominal formations are complex entities and must be

analyzed within a morphosyntactic, semantic, and sociolinguistic framework. Work that

has begun in this area will be enhanced by considering more examples of historical and

current usage. For instance, I show that the earliest examples of verb-particle nominals

were almost exclusively intransitive and their corresponding particles adverbial. Since

large-scale parametric language changes build upon incremental changes reaching levels

of semantic and numeric significance in a group of speakers, this is likely one in a series

of changes that occurred in the process of the switch from particle-verb to verb-particle

preference and warrants further linguist scrutiny.

In looking at non-English examples of verb-particle nominals taken from Dutch,

German, and Swedish, I have provided evidence that the verb-particle nominal

configuration is not (and probably never was) productive in closely related Germanic

languages. Further research in cross-linguisic verb-particle nominals constructions will

likely result in greater understanding of differences and similarities between Germanic

languages and contribute ultimately to expanding linguistic knowledge as it relates to

parameters and universals.

Future extension of this work would include searching an expanded literary corpus

of historical documents, including personal correspondence, to ascertain more specific

contexts of verb-particle nominal usage, to include types, locations, and sociolinguistic

status of speakers. Such work would complement morphosyntactic analysis in a search






39


for language change rationale and contribute to a knowledge of how English works, both

historically and potentially.















APPENDIX A
VERB-PARTICAL NOMINAL


Table A-i Verb-particle nominals with complements
Date V-P Nom OED entry
1549 put-by 1628 FELTHAM Resolves Ser. II. Ivi. (1647) 175 The cast of the eye, and the
put-by of the turning hand.
1549 put-off 1825 HONE Every-day Bk. I. 603 This delay..is occasioned by 'laying to' for
'put offs' of single persons and parties, in Thames wherries.
1573 wind-up 1573 G. HARVEY Letter-bk. (Camden) 47 Whitch was the Epiphonema and
as it were the windupal of that meting. 1665 BUNYAN Holy Citie (1669)
266 This New Jerusalem shall be the wind-up of the world. 1683
Greatn. Soul (1691) 56 So the wind-up of the whole will be this, They shall
have like for like.
1588 pull-down 1588 R. BROWNE New Years Guift (1903) 34 Yet all this were the
pulldowne of Antichrist.
1603 turn-about a1603 T. CARTWRIGHT Confut. Rhem. N.T. (1618) 604 The lesuites
ignorant of their owne mystery of iniquity, and strangers as it were in the
giddy turn-about of their owne Cloisters. [a winding, a maze]
1660 turn-over 1895 G. W. E. RUSSELL in Forum (N.Y.) Oct. 160 No very sweeping
change of opinion no very considerable turnover of votes.
1697 draw-back 1697 LUTTRELL BriefRel. IV. 200 For a drawback of the duty on
exportation thereof.
1957 write-off 1752 BEAWES Lex Merc. Rediv. 363 No Money will be paid..without such a
Draught, or what is called, a Write off. 1957 Times Lit. Suppl. 20 Dec. 766/5
It is the point made earlier about the need for resources wherewith to make
and replace the automation machines, the need for more rapid write-offs of
those machines once installed, and the parallel need to 'pay' the machines
more than normal machines have hitherto been 'paid'.
1776 show off 1776 S. J. PRATT Pupil ofPleas. II. 14 He allots to each of us such a share
of fortune in our own hands as is sufficient to the display and shew-off of the
natural disposition. 1783 Liberal Opin. (ed. 3) Pref. 20 It appears to have
been..the..effort of the author..to display the..inconsistencies of human
opinion respecting Happiness; and, (after this shew off of folly, delusion, and
absurdity) [etc.].
1776 show-off 1776 S. J. PRATT Pupil of Pleas. II. 14 He allots to each of us such a share
of fortune in our own hands as is sufficient to the display and shew-off of the
natural disposition.
1795 break-up 1795 LD. AUCKLAND Corr. (1862) III. 292 The sudden break-up of Lord
Fitzwilliam's Government in Ireland.
1826 cock-up MISS MITFORD Village Ser. II. (1863) 429 The cock-up of the nose, which
seems..to be snuffing up intelligence.










Table A-1. Continued
Date V-P Nom OED entry
1832 break 1835 BROWNING Paracelsus III. 70 The break-down of my general aims.
down
1856 smash-up 1890 S. W. BAKER Wild Beasts I. 16 A hollow bullet.is intended..to secure
an expansion and smash-up of the lead upon impact with the animal
1879 burst-up 1879 Daily News 22 Sept. 2/1 A speedy burst-up of the whole agricultural
system.
1903 burn-out 1903 Daily Chron. 29 June 7/5 It has been a *burn-out of three floors and
roof destroyed.
1913 blackout 1935 C. DAY LEWIS Time to Dance 55 The arctic winter and black-out of
your dreams.
1935 split-off 1964 New Statesman 14 Feb. 248/1 The split-off of science into a separate
culture.
1967 fry-up 1967 'M. ERSKINE' Case with Three Husbands vii. 96 The two men
decided finally on a mixed grill..and a fry-up of cold potatoes.
1995 botch-up 1995 Daily Mirror 23 Feb. 30/2 Be patient when you see so many people
making a botch-up of things that you can do standing on your head.









Table A-2 Chronological listing of verb-particle nominals
DATE ENTRY PART. USAGE SOURCE
1324 gravup -up 1324 grav-up (n.) [?Cp. graven & up adv.] ?A spade. (1324) Sacrist MED
R.Ely 2 46: Item Granup [?read: Grauup] pro arena fodienda.
1336 bind-with -with (1336-7) Sacrist R.Ely 2 79: In j cent. rosc. empt. pro MED
dormitorio..In byndwith empt. (1383) Doc.Manor inMP 34 53: In
spetis et byndwitthes emptis.
1377 runabout -about 1377 As a proper name: [1377 LANGL. P. P1. B. VI. 150 Robert OED
renne-aboute shal now 3te haue of myne.]
1453 lean-to -to 1453 len(e-to (n.) [From lenen v. (2) & to adv. (1).] A lean-to, an MED
annex. [cf. Marchand: 'shed', obviously originating in an imperative]
(1453-54)MSSPenshurst in HMC 1.218: For the hillyng of 1 1/2
rod upon the leyntos [7 s. 6 d.]..[for] tymbyryng of the lytul parlour
ageyn the halle dore, called the leento [7 s.]. (1461) Oriel in
Archaeol.23 107: Emend unius Lenetoojuxta parlur annex Magn'
Aule [and a wallplate brought] pro j Lenetoo inde emendand inter
Aulam et Capellam Castri predict.
1483 sit-up -up 1483 BP. LANGTON in Christ Ch. Lett. (Camden) 46, I trow..thai OED
shal have a sit up or ever the Kyng departed fro York. OED
[Marchand, 1967, p. 40: "...cannot be considered as derived from
any vb, as sit up vb with meaning 'be surprised' is first recorded
1889"]
1517 startup -up 1517 Test. Ebor. (Surtees) V. 83, j par sotularium que dicuntur
stertuppes. (a kind of boot)









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1530 Passover -over 1530 Bible (Tyndale): Exod. xii. 11 And ye shall eate it in haste, for OED
it is the Lordes passeouer. 1535 Bible (Coverdale): Exod. xii. 43 This
is the maner of the kepynge of Passeouer.
1547 runaway -away 1547 Act 1 Edw. VI, c. 3 2 The same lustices..shall adiudge the OED
loyterer and run away to be the said masters slaue for euer. 1589
GREENE Menaphon (Arb.) 57 What are you, sir,..that deale thus
with me by interrogatories, as if I were some runne away?
1549 put-off -off 1549 LATIMER Serm. Ploughers (Arb.) 36 There be so manie put OED
offes, so many *put byes, so many respects, and considerations of
worldly wisedome. 1549 [see PUT-OFF 1]. 1549 LATIMER 3rd
Serm. bef Edw. VI (Arb.) 79 Nowe they haue theyr shyftes, and
theyr putofs sainge, we maye not go before a lawe, we maye break
no order.
1549 runabout -about 1549 in Tytler Edw. VI (1839) I. 187 Let one of those Runabouts OED
come,..straight they call up their neighbours. 1607 MARSTON
What you Will III. i, A runne-about, a skipping French-man.
1549 put-by -by 1549 LATIMER Serm. Ploughers (Arb.) 36 There be so manie put OED
offes, so many *put byes, so many respects, and considerations of
worldly wisedome. 1628 FELTHAM Resolves Ser. II. Ivi. (1647)
175 The cast of the eye, and the put-by of the turning hand.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1549 put-off -off 1549 E. BECKE Bible (Matthew's) Prol., Then should neyther OED
Goddes cause nor poore mans matters haue so many putoffes, so
many put byes & delays. 1549 LATIMER Serm. Ploughers (Arb.)
36 There be so manie put offes, so many *put byes, so many
respects, and considerations of worldly wisedome. 1825 HONE
Every-day Bk. I. 603 This delay..is occasioned by 'laying to' for 'put
offs' of single persons and parties, in Thames wherries.
1550 pass-by -by 1550 T. CRANMER Def Sacrament f. 73', This is the Lordes OED
Passeby, or Passeouer, euen so sayth Christ in the newe Testament.
1661 J. GLANVILL Vanity of Dogmatizing 66 We see the face of
Truth, but as we do one another, when we walk the streets, in a
careless Pass-by.
1573 wind-up -up 1573 G. HARVEY Letter-bk. (Camden) 47 Whitch was the OED
(wind-up- Epiphonema and as it were the windupal of that meting. 1588 J.
all) HARVEY Disc. Probl. 74 Doth not the diuel, I say, in the winde-
vpall, and in fine, oftner play wilie beguile him selfe? 1665
BUNYAN Holy Citie (1669) 266 This New Jerusalem shall be the
wind-up of the world. 1683 Greatn. Soul (1691) 56 So the wind-up
of the whole will be this, They shall have like for like.
1578 start-away -away 1578 TIMME Calvin on Gen. xv. 318 Being degenerate and *start- OED
awayes from the faith of their fathers.
1579 hang-by -by 1579 GOSSON Sch. Abuse (Arb.) 40, I meane those hange-byes OED
home they succour with stipend.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1588 pull-down -down 1588 R. BROWNE New Years Guift (1903) 34 Yet all this were the OED
pulldowne of Antichrist. a1591 H. SMITH Serm. 1 Pet. v. 5-5
Though he have many heart-breaks and pul-downs, and many times
no countenance to shew it.
1590 standup -ups 1590 GREENE Never too late (1600) 01, His holy day roabes went OED
on, his standvps new black, his cap faire brusht.
1593 hop-about -about 1593 Bacchus Bountie in Harl. Misc. (Malh.) II. 275 The pots OED
danced for joy the old *hop about commonly called Sellengar's
Round.
1595? Walkup -up LME Walkup. As a proper name (Marchand 1969, p. 384) Marchand
1596 sneakup -up 1596 SHAKES. 1 Hen. IV, III. iii. 99 (Q.), The prince is a iacke, a OED
sneakeup.
1598 go-between -between 1598 SHAKES. Merry W. II. ii. 273 Euen as you came in to me, her OED
assistant or goe-betweene, parted from me.
1598 turn-about -about 1598 SYLVESTER Du Bartas II. i. III. Furies 610 The Turn-about OED
and Murrain trouble Cattell. 1611 COTGR., s.v. Tournament,
Tournament de teste, the turne-about sick-nesse; a giddinesse, or
dizzinesse. [a disease]
1600 start-back -back 1600 HOLLAND Livy XXIII. xviii. 486 These *start-backs had no OED
other place of haunt to lurke in, but Capua.
1603 turn-about -about a1603 T. CARTWRIGHT Confut. Rhem. N.T. (1618) 604 The OED
lesuites ignorant of their owne mystery of iniquity, and strangers as it
were in the giddy turn-about of their owne Cloisters. [a winding, a
maze] ___









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1611 go-about -about 1611 COTGR., Entourure, a compasse..any thing that compasseth, OED
and incloseth another; a *goe-about.
1611 go-by -by 1611 MARKHAM Countr. Content. I. vii. (1615) 105 Ifa coate OED
shall be more than two turnes and a goe by, or the bearing of the
Hare equally with two turnes.
1618 draw-back -back 1618 BOLTON Florus (1636) 101 Fabius..got the nickname, to be OED
called, The Draw-backe, or Cunctator.
1621 set off -off 1621 FLETCHER Wild Goose Chase III. i, This course creature, OED
That has no more set off, but his jugglings, His travell'd tricks. 1662
STILLINGFL. Orig. Sacrce Ep. Ded. a4b, The plain dress of the
Scriptures, without the paint and set-offs which are added to it by the
several contending parties of the Christian World. 1759
FRANKLIN Hist. Rev. Pennsylv. Wks. 1840 III. 425 What the
governor's set-off could not effect, was to be re-attempted by this
put-off.
1625 go-before -before 1625 MASSINGER New Way I. ii, You think you haue spoke OED
wisely goodman Amble, My ladie's *go-before.
1634 come-off -off 1634 SHIRLEY Opportunity I. ii, This was Indifferently well OED
carried! I was jealous Of a more lame come-off. 1690 NORRIS
Beatitudes (1694) I. 235 The Hopes of a safe come off at last.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1640 turnover -over 1640 Burgh Rec. Glasgow (1876) I. 422 Thretie dollours and ane OED
halfe of good dollours, and alevine and ane halfe of turnovers, quhilk
sall be put in the touns commoune chist to bee applayed adpios usus.
1679 R. CAMERON in Herkless Life (1896) 111 For suffering, that
man will confine in the breadth of a turnover that that he will suffer
for.
1641 go-down -down 1641 Wits Recreat. Epigr. 364 At three go downes Dick doffs me off OED
a pot. Ibid. Fancies Y7b, We have frolick rounds, we have merry goe
downs. [drink] 1687 T. BROWN Saints in Uproar Wks. 1730 I. 73
A pack of drowsy sleepy sots, who..fancied they slept several scores
of years at one go-down. [sleep]
1656 lie-by -by a1656 USSHERAnn. vi. (1658) 132 He obtained this favour..by the OED
means of his Lie-by; which was a wench of Eretria.
1660 turn-over -over 1660 F. BROOKE tr. Le Blanc's Trav. 365 Dancers on the rope, OED
standing with their head down, and feet up, with a thousand Turn-
overs, and Gamboles. 1825 J. NEAL Bro. Jonathan II. 62 The turn-
over proved quite a relief to the company. 1868 A. K. H. BOYD
Less. Mid. Age 279 The music was good, after the choir got
themselves settled to their work. But if I were Dean of Wells, there
should be a thorough turn-over. 1895 G. W. E. RUSSELL in Forum
(N.Y.) Oct. 160 No very sweeping change of opinion no very
considerable turnover of votes.
1674 set-back -back 1674 J. FLAVEL Husb. Spirit. i. 20 Even when he is about his work, OED
how many set-backs doth he meet with!









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1682 fall-away -away 1682 BUNYAN Barren Fig-tree (1684) 104 It is impossible for OED
those Fall-a-ways to be renewed again unto repentance.
1682 stirabout -about 1682 PIERS Descr. West-Meath (1770) 121 They..have to their OED
meal one formal dish,..which some call, stirabout or hasty pudding,
that is flour and milk boiled thick.
1688 turn-out -out 1688 R. HOLME Armoury III. xix. (Roxb.) 154/2 The seuerall OED
Beates or points of warre are these... 13. A Turn out. 1815 SCOTT
Guy M. xxxix, Is he always fit for duty upon a sudden turn-out?
1697 draw-back -back 1697 LUTTRELL BriefRel. IV. 200 For a drawback of the duty on OED
exportation thereof. 1729 SWIFT Grand Quest. Debated 21 In
poundage and drawbacks I lose half my rent.
1697 put-back -back al697 J. AUBREY Lives, Hobbes (1898) I. 333 For ten years OED
together his thoughts were..chiefly intent on his 'De Cive', and..his
'Leviathan', which was a great *putt-back to his mathematical
improvement. 1913 D. H. LAWRENCE Love Poems p. Iviii, An'
mind... Ye slip not on the slippery ridge Of the thawin' snow, or it'll
be A long put-back to your gran' marriage.
1698 knockdown -down 1698 As a name: W. KING tr. Sorbikre's Jrnl. Lond. 35 He OED
answered me that he had a thousand such sort of liquors,..Old
Pharaoh, Knockdown, Hugmatee [etc.]. a1700 B. E. Dict. Cant.
Crew, Knock-down, very strong Ale or Beer.
1699 look-out -out 1699 COWLEY Voy. (1729) 12 We took their look-outs who told us OED
the news.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1700 look-out -out 1700 S. Carolina Stat. at Large (1837) II. 161 The Look-out OED
formerly built on Sullivan's Island..is by a late storm overthrown to
the ground. 1748 Anson's Voy. III. vi. 346 We..kept a good look-out
for the rocks of Vele Rete.
1728 boil up -up 1728 E. SMITH Compleat Housewife (ed. 2) 24 Strain out some of OED
the liquor..give it a boil up.
1741 cast-off -off 1741 RICHARDSON Pamela I. 49 And how..must they have look'd, OED
like old Cast-offs.
1746 rouse-about -about 1746 Exmoor Scolding (E.D.S.) 30 A rubbacrock, OED
rouze-about..swashbucket. 1778 Gloss., A Rouzabout, a restless
Creature never easy at Home, but roaming from Place to Place. Also,
a Sort of large Pease [etc.].
1752 write-off -off 1752 BEAWES Lex Merc. Rediv. 363 No Money will be OED
paid..without such a Draught, or what is called, a Write off. 1957
Times Lit. Suppl. 20 Dec. 766/5 It is the point made earlier about the
need for resources wherewith to make and replace the automation
machines, the need for more rapid write-offs of those machines once
installed, and the parallel need to 'pay' the machines more than
normal machines have hitherto been 'paid'.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1774 set-to -to 1743 Broughton's Rules in Egan Boxiana (1830) I. 51 Every fresh OED
set-to after a fall, or being parted from the rails. 1774 F. BURNEY
Early Diary (1889) I. 313, I1 gave her a good set-too just now. (obs.
'a talking to, a dressing down') 1794 MRS. RADCLIFFE Myst.
Udolpho xxxiii, Signor Verezzi is always losing..and Signor Orsino
wins from him,..and they have had several hard set-to's about it.
1776 show off -off 1776 S. J. PRATT Pupil of Pleas. II. 14 He allots to each of us such OED
a share of fortune in our own hands as is sufficient to the display and
shew-off of the natural disposition. 1783 Liberal Opin. (ed. 3)
Pref. 20 It appears to have been..the..effort of the author..to display
the..inconsistencies of human opinion respecting Happiness; and,
(after this shew off of folly, delusion, and absurdity) [etc.].
1776 show-off -off 1776 S. J. PRATT Pupil of Pleas. II. 14 He allots to each of us such OED
a share of fortune in our own hands as is sufficient to the display and
shew-off of the natural disposition.
1777 lay-over -over 1777 Monthly Rev. LV. 108 Two servants appeared with a small OED
table.., and laid a cloth and a lay-over upon it, in our English fashion,
of the finest damask.
1782 cut-up -up 1782 F. BURNEY Cecilia IX. i, 'Why indeed, sir,' said Hobson, 'I OED
can't but say it was rather a cut-up.'
1795 cross-over -over 1795 HullAdvertiser 23 May 1/2, 1273 yards of..cotton cross-over. OED
1860 All Year RoundNo. 53. 63 The barragons..quiltings, and cross-
overs..for which Bolton was famous.
1795 break-up -up 1795 LD. AUCKLAND Corr. (1862) III. 292 The sudden break-up OED
of Lord Fitzwilliam's Government in Ireland.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1796 stand-by -by 1796 in Nicolas Disp. Nelson (1846) VII. p. xci, Meleager [a ship] is OED
my only stand-by and every week I must send something to Genoa
for news.
1804 break-off -off 1804 HullAdv. 21 Jan. 4/1 The left hand then seizes the shaft of the OED
stock and the right hand dislodges the barrel from the 'Break-off.
1844 Regul. & Ord. Army 106 For a new break off filed up, fitted,
and hardened. 1858 GREENER Gunnery 250 With the breeches in
the percussioned state, break-offs fitted and locks jointed. 1860
FORSTER Gr. Remonstr. 169 The sudden and impetuous break-off
from the party with whom he had acted so zealously.
1809 blow up -up 1809 W. GELL Let. 22 Jan. in C. K. Sharpe Lett. (1888)I. 355 There OED
won't be any quarrel, so you need not fear. The only chance is
Keppel making a blow up when she abuses me.
1809 knock-down -down 1809 Sporting Mag. XXXIII. 6 This round produced the first blood, OED
and first knock-down. 1818 LADY MORGAN Autobiog. (1859) 85
It is a knockdown to all Morgan's arguments and mine.
1811 bang-up -up 1811 Lex. Balatronicum Pref., We trust..that the whole tribe of OED
second-rate Bang ups will feel grateful [etc.]. (a man of fashion, a
dandy. obs).
1812 sail-over -over 1812 P. NICHOLSON Mech. Exerc. 267 Sail over, is the OED
overhanging of one or more courses [of bricks] beyond the naked of
the wall.
1814 run-over -over a1814 Intrigues of Day II. i. in New Brit. Theatre I. 97 The OED
newspapers are probably arrived, and I'll just give them a run-over.
1819 throw over -over 1819 Hermit in London III. 212 They had practised what they OED
technically termed a throw over.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1825 take-up up 1825 JAMIESON, Tak-up, Take-up, the name given to a tuck in OED
female dress.
1826 take-off -off 1826 MISS MITFORD Village Ser. II. 214 (French Emigrants) OED
Notwithstanding these take-offs, our good duchess had still the air of
a lady of rank.
1826 cock-up -up MISS MITFORD Village Ser. II. (1863) 429 The cock-up of the OED
nose, which seems..to be snuffing up intelligence.
1832 fixups -up 1832 Polit. Examiner (Shelbyville, Ky.) 8 Dec. 4/1 She says Mr. OED
Bunker sit down, well I thought I would whilst she was getting her
fixups off.
1832 get-off -off 1832 Chambers's Jrnl. I. 121/2 As a get-off, she commences a OED
eulogy on her butter. 1848 J. H. NEWMAN Loss & Gain 80 'But it
is an illegal declaration or vow', said Willis, 'and so not binding'.
'Where did you find that get-off?' said Charles; 'the priest put that
into your head.' 1853 G. JOHNSTON Nat. Hist. E. Bord. I. 256
Pooh! that explanation won't do. A mere get-off!
1832 break down -down 1832 MARRYAT N. Forster xxii, These unfortunate break downs. OED
1835 BROWNING Paracelsus III. 70 The break-down of my general
aims. 1883 CHALMERS Local Govt. 152 Any break-down or hitch
in the working of the sanitary laws.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1833 get up -up 1833 Fraser's Mag. VIII. 30 We attended this hole and corner get OED
up, and can therefore give a correct report of its proceedings.
(arranged meeting) 1847 LD. CANNING in Ld. Malmesbury Mem.
(1884) I. 200 He is just like Lord Combermere in face, figure, and
get-up, but a little bigger.
1833 put-out -out 1833 J. NEAL Down-Easters I. vi. 83, I shouldn't think would be OED
any *put-out to you to take somebody else. 1843 A. S. STEPHENS
High Life N. Y. ii. 32 Don't be uneasy about the trouble, it won't be no
put out to Captain Doolittle.
1837 gad-about -about 1837 PALMER Devonsh. Dialogue Gloss., Gad-a-bout, a gossiping OED
rambling sort of person. 1849 LYTTON Caxtons 140 Your shrew-
mice are sad gad-abouts.
1837 hold-up -up 1837 Knickerbocker X. 439 The wheels of the coach are shod with OED
the preparation of iron slippers, which are essential to a hold-up.
1837 let-up -up 1837 Congress. Globe 25th Congress 2 Sess. App. 47/3 There was OED
no let up in the matter: the people had so ordered it, and the
gentleman ought to be satisfied.
1838 walk-over -over 1838 Times 29 June 8/3 [Election at Cashel] I think it not unlikely OED
that Mr. Richard Moore may have a walk over. 1861 Sporting Rev.
Oct. 249 Kettledrum's walk-over was quite a little tit-bit for the
Yorkshiremen. 1889 Century Mag. July 403/1 That's the bay stallion
there,..and he's never been beaten. It's his walk-over.
1839 boke-out -out 1839 (v. or n.) meaning swell out [from poke (pocket)] to gain bulk Holloway
and pre-eminence; probably as a poke or pocket does when full
(Norfolk, Suffex) Holloway p. 15.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1839 bumble-off -off 1839 (v. or n.) meaning to set off in a hurry. Holloway, p. 22 Holloway
1839 colt-in -in 1839 (v. or n.) to/a fall in as the surface of a pit or quarry Holloway Holloway
p. 35. see also 1679 PLOT Staffordsh. (1686) 133 If the coal be full OED
of rifts, it is so much the more apt to colt in upon the Workmen. Ibid.
306 [The earth].. suddenly coped or colted down upon him.
1841 mix-up -up 1841 S. BAMFORD Passages Life Radical I. xv. 94, I had expected OED
being conducted to London alone, and certainly was not prepared for
a mix-up with these men.
1841 send-off -off 1841 Spirit of Times 18 Dec. 499/2 Sleepy John was the favorite OED
against the field; by bad management of the groom John got a
miserable send off and lost at least fifty yards.
1841 send-off -off 1841 Spirit of Times 18 Dec. 499/2 Sleepy John was the favorite OED
against the field; by bad management of the groom John got a
miserable send off and lost at least fifty yards.
1841 set-ups -up 1841 Civ. Engin. & Arch. Jrnl. IV. 264/1 The set-ups on the rail OED
with the line fixed.
1841 sit-upons -upon 1841 J. T. J. HEWLETT Parish Clerk I. 126 With a pair of the OED
master's sit-upons that wanted reparation.
1846 bust-up -up 1846 Knickerbocker XXVIII. 313 The houdaciousest bust-up I ever OED
seed.
1847 look in -in 1847 L. HUNT Men, Women & B. I. xv. 293 The Induction to the OED
__'Mirror of Magistrates' is a look in at the infernal regions.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1847 shake-up -up 1847 J. S. MILL Lett. (1910) I. 131 To give that general shake-up to OED
the torpid mind of the nation which the French Revolution gave to
Continental Europe.
1848 pick-up -up 1848 TROLLOPE Kellys & O'Kellys III. xi. 269 The pick-up on the OED
Derby is about four thousand. 1860 [see B]. 1871 L. H. BAGG 4
Years at Yale 46 Pick-up,..a street-walker, of the less disreputable
sort. 1886 Daily News 27 July 3/2 [A cricketer] conspicuous for the
quickness of his pick-up and the accuracy of his return.
1848 tilt-up -up 1848 Tilt-up. The American sandpiper [see TEETER n. 2]. OED
1849 hoedown -down [ 1807 W. IRVING Salmagundi 7 Mar. 98 As to dancing, no Long- OED
Island negro could shuffle you 'double trouble', or 'hoe corn and dig
potatoes' more scientifically.] 1841 Picayune (New Orleans) 14 Jan.
2/1 He looks and walks the character to the life, and some of his
touches are of the genuine 'hoe down', 'corn-field' order. 1849 T. T.
JOHNSON Sights GoldRegion iv. 38 One of our party commenced a
regular hoe-down, knocking his shins with heavy boots.
1850 stow-away -away 1850 Morning Chron. 22 July 6/1 All the passengers were OED
summoned on deck that their names might be read over, their tickets
produced, and a search made in the steerage, and in every hole and
corner of the ship, for 'stow-aways'.
1853 fill-up -up 1853 E. TWISLETON Let. 6 Feb. (1928) iv. 69 The three first OED
[men] are cousins..and the latter is a fill-up [at a dinner-table].









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1853 put-in -in 1853 'MARK TWAIN' in Hannibal (Missouri) Jrnl. 25 May 3/1 OED
Never speak when it's not your '*put-in'. 1903 W. N. HARBEN
Abner Daniel xxxv. 301 This ain't no put-in o' mine, gracious
knows. I hain't got nothing an' I don't expect to lose or gain by what
is done. 1962 Times 11 Jan. 4/3 The Navy came out better in the
matter of put-ins against the head.
1855 look up -up 1855 D. G. ROSSETTI Let. 25 Nov. (1965) I. 278 Hughes..gave OED
them a look up about it. 1888 'R. BOLDREWOOD' Robbery under
Arms I. xiv. 191 We foraged up Aileen's mare, and made it up to ride
over to George Storefield's, and gave him a look-up.
1856 smash-up -up 1856 M. J. HOLMES 'Lena Rivers 36 The old lady, sure of a smash- OED
up this time, had attempted to rise. 1858 HOLLAND Titcomb's Lett.
viii. 74 Follow it, and see how long it will be before you come to a
stump and a smash-up. 1890 S. W. BAKER Wild Beasts I. 16 A
hollow bullet..is intended..to secure an expansion and smash-up of
the lead upon impact with the animal
1857 kick-off -off 1857 HUGHES Tom Brown I. v, Hasn't old Brook won the toss..and OED
got choice of goals and kick-off? 1895 WELLDON G. Eversley's
Friends. 161 The match was hotly contested from the kick-off to
the finish.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1857 run-around -around 1857 Knickerbocker XLIX. 97 There comes us a 'run-round' on the OED
end of our pen-finger. 1872 TALMAGE Serm. 224 Some
hypochondriac with a 'run-around' or a 'hang-nail'. 1913 J.
LONDON Valley of Moon III. iv. 352 His finger was hurting too
much, he said... 'It might be a run-around,' Saxon hazarded. 1968
LEIDER & ROSENBLUM Dict. Dermatol. Words 364 Run(-
)around.., is colloquial for inflammatory conditions of the soft parts
about nails and conveys the idea of tendency to extend circularly.
1859 drag out -out al 859 SNithe iin Sketches (Bartlett), He's a rael stormer, ring clipper, OED
snow belcher, and drag out. 1870 Nation 30 June 411/2 The number
of encounters,..knock-downs, drag-outs, [etc.]..in which the
Representative..has been engaged.
1859 flare-up -up 1859 M. NAPIER Life Dundee I. II. 351 The star of OED
Lauderdale..well nigh consumed the patriot Duke [Hamilton] with
the fierceness of its flare-up.
1859 pull off -off 1859 Musketry Instr. 17 It is erroneous to suppose that by loosening OED
the sear or any other pin an easier or lighter pull off is obtained.
1860 make-over -over [1860 Vanity Fair 27 Oct. 214/2 There's Miss Angelica OED
Makeover...Her hair is coarse but by miracles of art and patience she
has trained it into waves of beauty.] 1925 Woman's World Apr. 52/2
Like the first dress, it is an excellent type, either for a new dress or a
makeover.
1861 burn off -off 1861 W. MORGAN Jrnl. 27 Feb. (1963) iii. 28 Not an over OED
excellent *burn off--there having been of late a good deal of wet.
1861 burn-off -off 1861 W. MORGAN Jrnl. 27 Feb. (1963) iii. 28 Not an over excellent OED
*burn off--there having been of late a good deal of wet.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1861 sit-down -down 1861 MRS. STOWE Pearl of Orr's Island I. xii. 104, I am come OED
here for a good sit-down by your kitchen-fire.
1861 stand-up -up 1861 MAYHEW Lond. Labour III. 202/1 It was a penny a dance for OED
each of 'em as danced, and each stand-up took a quarter of an hour.
1864 break-down -down al864 New Eng. Tales (Bartlett), Don't clear out when the quadrilles OED
are over, for we are going to have a break-down to wind up with.
1877 BURNAND 'Ride to Khiva' 11 Clog-dancers, or nigger
duettists, at a Music Hall with a breakdown. 1881 Gd. Words XXII.
41/2 The men followed with a fiendish 'breakdown'.
1864 fit-up -up 1864 P. PATERSON Glimpses Real Life xxxiv. 333 The theatre was OED
what is called 'a fit-up', erected in the large room at..a small hotel of
the town.
1865 dress-up -up 1865 A. D. T. WHITNEY Gyii-n ,i/ il/ II. vii. 132 'Will you go to OED
meeting, Gershom?' Joanna asked him... 'I guess not,..the dress-up
takes down the devotion, rather, for me.'
1865 pay-off -off 1865 DICKENS Our Mutual Friend I. I. ii. 32 Twemlow received an OED
invitation to dine at Veneerings, expressly to meet the Member, the
Engineer, the Pay-off of the National Debt, the Poem on
Shakespeare, the Grievance, and the Public Office.
1866 fetch-up -up 1866 A. D. WHITNEY L. Goldthwaite x, It isn't the fall that hurts, OED
it's the fetch-up.
1867 fix-ups -up 1867 W. H. DIXON New Amer. I. 191 Claret-cobbler.. eye-opener, OED
fix-ups, or any other Yankee deception in the shape of liquor.
1867 fly-up -up 1867 SMYTH Sailor's Word-bk., *Fly-up, a sudden deviation OED
upwards from a sheer line.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1867 stayaway -away 1867 Ch. & St. Rev. 2 Feb. 99 The intolerable dulness of the OED
sermons, and the want of sympathy evinced by the sermonisers with
the political aspirations of the *stayaways, were the reasons given.
1868 roustabout -about 1868 Putnam's Mag. Sept. 342 As the steamer was leaving the levee, OED
about forty black deck-hands or 'roustabouts' gathered at the bows.
1872 SCHELE DE VERE Americanisms 225 The Western rough is
frequently a roustabout.
1868 roustabouts -about 1868 Putnam's Mag. Sept. 342 As the steamer was leaving the levee, OED
about forty black deck-hands or 'roustabouts' gathered at the bows.
1868 row-over -over 1868 W. BROUGH Field of Cloth of Gold v. 41 Here I am you see, OED
Coming to trial, should the plaintiff halt, Defendant claims a
judgement by default. So you are mine; and I my rival crow over. It's
what they call in boat-racing a row over.
1873 dry-up -up 1873 J. H. BEADLE Undevel. West 711 The plowman returns to his OED
work without waiting for a 'dry-up'.
1873 run-off -off 1873 Carthusian June 56 Hanson and Jeaffreson ran a dead heat for OED
second place... The run-off for the second prize was won by Hanson.
1874 cut-out -out 1874 in KNIGHT Dict. Mech. 1887 SPONS Househ. Management OED
(1887) 95 Cut-outs or safety valves, are essential to the security of a
house.
1874 poke out -out 1874 RUSKIN Hortus Inclusus (1887) 3 We go into the Sacristy and OED
have a reverent little poke out of relics.
1875 knock-off -off 1875 KNIGHT Dict. Mech. 1240/1 Knock off (Knitting-machine), the OED
piece which, at the proper moment, removes the loops from the tier
of needles.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1876 freeze-up -up 1876 Oregon Weekly Tribune (The Dalles) 29 Jan. 3/2 We hope to OED
see the day when..all the inhabitants east of the Cascades will not be
detrimentally affected by any freeze-up which may occur.
1876 pop-over -over 1876 M. N. F. HENDERSON Pract. Cooking 71 Breakfast Puffs, or OED
Pop-overs... May be baked in roll-pans. 1887 A. A. HAYES Jeuin's
Ring 120 Broiled chicken and pop-overs.
1877 wrap- -around 1877 (n) BROWNING Agamemnon 120 A wrap-round [Gr.] with no OED
around outlet..I fence about him--the rich woe of the garment.
1878 hold-up -up 1878 F. M. A. ROE Army Lett. (1909) 206 The driver is their only OED
protector, and the stage route is through miles and miles of wild
forest, and in between huge boulders where a 'hold-up' could be so
easily accomplished.
1879 catch-up -up 1879 J. T. FIELDS Verses for a Few Friends 23 What impelled me OED
then to snatch up In my arms this ghostly catch-up, Who can tell?
1918 Q. Jrnl. Econ. 32 645 The assumed catch-up in prices must
somehow change precipitately back into a lag.
1879 burst-up -up 1879 Daily News 22 Sept. 2/1 A speedy burst-up of the whole OED
agricultural system.
1881 turn-off -off 1881 'R. BOLDREWOOD' Robbery under Arms (1888) III. xvii. OED
255 It's the wrong turn-off that makes a man lose his way.
1883 blow back -back 1883 J. D. FULTON Sam Hobart 224 The flames originated from OED
the '*blow back' on the engine.
1883 call-off -off 1883 J. PARKER Apost. Life II. 186 No..*call-off from prolonged OED
and arduous enquiry into profound and useful subjects.
1883 call-off -off 1883 J. PARKER Apost. Life II. 186 No..*call-off from prolonged OED
and arduous enquiry into profound and useful subjects.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1883 pull-over -over 1883 Lincoln Chron. 16 Mar., The sea swept over the pull-over at OED
Sutton.
1884 blow-down -down 1884 Health Exhib. Catal. 52/1 Chimney Can for curing a *blow- OED
down.
1885 lean-over -over al885 G. M. HOPKINS Poems (1918) 79 So long to this sweet spot, OED
this leafy lean-over. 1936 E. SITWELL Victoria ofEng. xiii. 163 For
others, again, there is the twopenny lean-over.
1886 walk-around -around 1886 Official Catal. Colonial & Ind. Exhib. (ed. 2) 462 Their sugar OED
plots are confined to one or two small green pieces in Tortola,
worked by a '*walk-around' or cattle-mill. 1888 B. MATTHEWS
Pen & Ink
1887 knock-about -about 1887 PallMall G. 17 Sept. 3/2 Bounding brothers, knock-abouts, OED
step-dancers. 1892 Daily News 7 June 6/3 Singers, dancers,
knockabouts, and quick-change artistes.
1887 tip-up -up 1887 A. BRASSEY Last Voy. xiii. (1889) 299 Another conveyance, OED
familiarly known as a 'Tip-up', its narrow wheels making it liable to
upset except on good roads.
1888 hold-over -over 1888 Wine, Sp. & Beer 8 Mar. 174/1 The license became void, and OED
being advised not to ask for a hold-over, the Company now applied
to Special Sessions.
1888 rake-off -off 1888 Texas Siftings 28 Jan. 16/1 We always give him a rake-off, so OED
he makes a good enough thing of it.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1888 set-off -off 1888 C. T. JACOBI Printers' Vocab. 90 Off-set, the set-off of ink OED
from one sheet to another of printed work whilst wet.
1888 walk away -away 1888 Daily News 16 July 3/6 The final heat was of course a *walk OED
away for Thames, who won by three lengths. 1926 Amer. Mercury
Dec. 465/2 It [sc. Variety] has developed..the following new terms
for a [Broadway] success: 'zowied 'em',..'walk-away hit' and
'clicked heavy'.
1889 clean-up -up al889 Mod. colloq. Put the machine in order, and give it a little OED
clean-up.
1889 lay-off -off 1889 Gallup (New Mexico) Gleaner 27 Mar. 1/3 Fred Diamond is OED
taking a lay-off.
1889 put-upon -upon 1889 J. K. JEROME Three Men in Boat iv, The presence of your OED
husband's cheeses in her house she would..regard as a '*put upon'.
1889 shut-off 1889 Cent. Dict. 5606/1 Mhin-off stoppage of anything. 1919 OED
Summary of Operations Calif. Oil Fields (Calif. State Mining Bur.)
V. I. 8 Collar shut-off an accidental 'shut-off supposed to be
occasioned by the accumulation of material between the walls of a
well and the casing at, or just above, a collar.
1891 left-over -over 1891 Cassell's Family Mag. May 374/1 They all like change of diet, OED
so I provide all sorts of things, with the result that the 'left-overs', as
I call them, are appalling
1891 put-up -up 1891 Longm. Mag. Oct. 564 We must get a *put-up at Queen's Gate. OED
1892 flash-over -over 1892 S. P. THOMPSON Dyn.-Electr. Mach. (ed. 4) 88 Commutators OED
of the ordinary sort with thin mica insulation between the bars..are
easily short-circuited by the flash-over.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1892 run-off -off 1892-3 14th Rep. U.S. Geol. Surv. 149 The run-off, that is, the OED
quantity of water flowing from the land.
1894 hang-over -over 1894 Outing (U.S.) XXIV. 67/2 Then there are a few 'hang-overs' OED
who have tried before, and two or three green candidates. 1920 C.
SANDBURG Smoke & Steel 153 A hangover of summer song.
1895 give-up -up 1895 Harper's Mag. Nov. 887/1 There was no give-up to those OED
English.
1895 play-off -off 1895 Outing June 50/2 In the play-off for the championship of the OED
city, the Sodality team won a bitterly contested game.
1897 booze up -up 1897 Session Paper 26 Oct. 860 We..had a booze up together. OED
1897 brush up -up 1897 E. TERRY Let. 3 July in Ellen Terry & Bernard .h,/ii (1931) OED
224 She looked quite nice when she'd had a nice 'wash and a brush
up'.
1897 cut-over -over 1897 Encycl. Sport I. 389/1 To elude quarter made with the hand very OED
low, riposte with a cut-over thus. 1969 T. PARKER Twisting Lane
111 Going forward he made the first attack: a fast lunge and cut-over
in Quarte.
1897 dust-up -up 1897 Daily News 6 Mar. 7/3 They turned at the Lasher, and after a OED
dust-up for about a minute in Iffley, Reach did a nice piece of
paddling back to the raft. (a quarrel)
1897 raceabout -about 1897 Forest & Stream 6 Mar. 194/2 The next size, the raceaboutt', OED
or thefin de sikcle perversion of the knockabout, promises to be
more popular and numerous.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1898 blow-off -off 1898 S. M. FERGUSSON in 'House' on Sport I. 174 A blow-off in OED
this wise [i.e. swearing at golf] does one good now and then.
1900 backup -up 1900 G. D. HISCOX Horseless Vehicles xii. 262 The single OED
lever..controls the forward speeds and the backup, doing away with
the confusion arising from a multiplication of levers. 1960 Times 7
Mar. 8/3 The enormous artificial lake..will reach 300 miles
southwards, 75 miles farther than the back-up behind the present
dam.
1900 frame-up -up 1900 'FLYNT' & WALTON Powers that Prey 141 He could OED
arrange a 'frame-up', and relieve 'Soapy' of the stolen pocketbook,
after 'Soapy' had lifted it from his victim's pocket.
1900 sneakaway -away 1900 Westm. Gaz. 6 June 1/3 Men who know themselves beaten OED
already, but are not the cowards and sneakaways we sometimes
make them out to be.
1901 call-down -down 1901 'H. MCHUGH' John Henry i. 11 The four-flush *call-down OED
makes you back-pedal. 1917 WODEHOUSE Man /,i h Two Left
Feet 121 The feller that tries to get gay with me is going to get a call-
down that'll make him holler for his winter overcoat.
1901 clear-up -up 1901 Westm. Gaz. 24 May 7/1 The clear-up will have to come OED
sooner or later.
1901 fly-over -over 1901 Daily News 5 Jan. 6/5 The junction for the Aldershot branch..is OED
being..rearranged on the 'fly-over' system, that is, the down
line..remains as it was, but a new one..is being brought over the top
of the main line by means of a skew bridge... This 'fly-over'..will
abolish a fruitful source of delay.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1901 tip-off -off 1901 J. F. WILLARD World of Graft 164 'So much down now,' he OED
said, 'and so much when the show's over. Otherwise it's a tip-off and
pinch.'
1903 bum-out -out 1903 Daily Chron. 29 June 7/5 It has been a *burn-out of three OED
floors and roof destroyed.
1906 butt-in -in 1906 H. GREEN Actors'Boarding House 97 Gettee 'way... No want OED
flesh butt-ins round! al910 '0. HENRY' Rolling Stones (1916) 198
Any of the Flat bush or Hackensack Meadow kind of butt-iners.
1906 paddle-over -over 1906 Westm. Gaz. 4 July 5/1 Little more than a paddle-over for the OED
Cambridge men.
1906 pushover -over 1906 Outing Jan. 461/2 To me it looks like a push-over. 1926 Amer. OED
Mercury Dec. 465/2 The combination is a push-over on Loew's or
any other time
1909 look-over -over 1909 R. A. WASON Happy Hawkins 183 Then I..took a stroll OED
around to see that no one had been givin' us the look-over.
1909 stand-off -off 1909 E. G. NICHOLLS Mod. Rugby Game iii. 40 He must be OED
capable of adequately filling the position of stand-off and of scrum
half.
1911 check-off -off 1911 Daily Colonist (Victoria, B.C.) 27 Apr. 1/4 The OED
management..has refused the local union a continuance of the
'*check-off', which has been in force heretofore.
1913 turn-around -around 1913 A. BENNETT Regent x. 291 She's going to do the quickest OED
turn-round that any ship ever did... She'll leave at noon to-morrow.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1913 blackout -out 1913 G. B. SHAW Let. 3 Apr. (1956) 188 The more I think of that OED
revolving business the less I see how it can be done... There will
have to be a black-out. 1935 C. DAY LEWIS Time to Dance 55 The
arctic winter and black-out of your dreams.
1917 take over -over 1917 Acts State New Jersey xiv. 33 Take Over, the action by the OED
department in assuming the control and maintenance of any part or
parts of the State Highway System.
1919 beer-up -up 1919 W. H. DOWNING Digger Dialects 10 *Beer-up, a drunken OED
orgy. 1941 K. TENNANT Battlers XXVIII. 314 'If he's on a real
proper beer-up,' the Stray whispered, 'he may go on for days.' 1945
E. TAYLOR AtMrs. Lippincote's x. 89 Does you good to have a bit
of a beer-up now and then.
1919 bunk up -up 1919 DOWNING Digger Dialects 14 Bunk-up, a lifting up. 1938 F. OED
D. SHARPE S. of Flying Squad v. 51, I was given a bunk up,
and..got through the wire.
1919 drum up -up 1919 Athenceum 8 Aug. 728/1 I've some sugar. If you get some tea OED
and hot water we'll have a drum up. (a making of tea)
1921 check-up -up 1921 A. WALL Analytical Credits 23 In any order of considerable OED
size..the credit man should..request the local manager..to secure a
check-up by night message.
1922 hand-off -off 1922 Daily Mail 8 Dec. 12 A dangerous scoring wing with a OED
powerful hand-off and an elusive swerve. 1928 Observer 19 Feb.
27/1 [He] has a fine kick, with a strong hand-off. 1947 Richmond
(Va.) Times-Dispatch 9 Nov. B7/8 Jones then took a handoff from
McCary and tore through a wide hole on the left side of Penn's line to
score.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1922 step-in -in 1922 Woman's Home Compan. June 70 (caption) The children like OED
to wear step-ins.
1923 close-up -up 1923 A. L. BENSON New Henry Ford 323 A 'Close-up' of Ford. OED
1923 follow-up -up 1923 J. D. HACKETT in Managem. Engin. May, Follow-up, OED
methods used by the personnel department to maintain friendly
relations with employees.
1923 spread-over -over 1923 Westm. Gaz. 14 Apr. 1/2 A 'spread-over' of 44 hours. OED
1925 walk-up -up 1925 Scribner's Mag. Oct. 6/2 Vacation heaves into sight over the OED
horizon..the swirling dust turned into clean sand; the only walk-up a
dune; and the total night life two movie theatres.
1926 crack up -up 1926 MAINES & GRANT Wise-Crack Dict. 7/1 Crack up, wreck of OED
an aeroplane. 1927 C. A. LINDBERGH We ii. 53 The propeller
came in contact with the ground... My first 'crack-up'!
1926 hop-off -off 1926 Daily Colonist (Victoria, B.C.) 13 Jan. 1/7 The expedition OED
planes will be..flown..to Point Barrow, where the *hop-off for the
Polar flight will be made.
1926 set-ups -up 1926 R. HUGHES in Hearst's Internat. Feb. 44/2 A guy was tellin' OED
me that set-ups are has-beens or never-wases who get paid to stand
up just long enough to be knocked out.
1927 build-up -up 1927 Collier's 3 Dec. 10/4 That's the old build-up for the Patsys. OED
1927 cover-up -up 1927 M. A. NOBLE Those 'Ashes' 192 Hardinge has a good OED
defence and cover-up.
1927 gift-over -over 1927 Daily Mail 8 July 7/1 That the gift-over, by which the property OED
might pass away from the children on account of the son's marriage,
was void.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1928 rub-up -up 1928 G. CAMPBELL My Mystery Ships xiii. 245 We..went out to OED
the Sound for a good 'rub up' in our drill and to get everything
tested.
1928 switch-over -over 1928 Daily Express 12 Nov. 10/2 The opening left by America's OED
switch-over to the 'talkies' can be brilliantly exploited.
1929 go-around -around 1929 Amer. Speech V. 152 To give the go-around, to avoid a person. OED
'He gave me the go-around.' 1942 BERREY & VAN DEN BARK
Amer. Thes. Slang 214/1 Evasion,..go-around. Ibid. 352/1 ./ighu,
snub,..the merry go-around. a1961 D. CARNES in WEBSTER s.v.,
He's been giving us the go-around.
1930 lift-off -off 1930 P. WHITE How to fly Airplane xxii. 303 Two men are about to OED
execute what is known as a 'lift-off from the wings of a bombing
plane.
1930 lift-off -off 1930 P. WHITE How to fly Airplane xxii. 303 Two men are about to OED
execute what is known as a 'lift-off from the wings of a bombing
plane.
1931 tick-over -over 1931 Flight 2 Oct. 990/2 All engines were tested on a hangar with a OED
propeller fitted before going away, for opening and for tick-over.
1933 blow-by -by 1933 STREETER & LICHTY Internal Combustion Engines (ed. 4) OED
xv. 432 The oil film is blown out by the high-pressure gases, and
*blow-by occurs.
1934 tick-off -off 1934 P. ALLINGHAM Cheapjack ii. 18 Several show-people were OED
in the bar. 'You're working the tick-off, aren't you?' said one of
them. Ibid., I discovered that 'tick-off was the fair-ground slang for
fortune-teller.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1935 carve up -up 1935 M. HARRISON Spring in Tartarus I. 27 The de Launes hadn't OED
a tosser between them. Oh my Lord, what a carve up!
1935 sleep-over -over 1935 Amer. Speech X. 236/1 A contributor testifies that in part of OED
Pennsylvania, in college use, a sleep-over is a permission to stay
away from church and remain in bed on Sunday morning.
1935 wrapover -over 1935 (n)Times 21 Oct. 11/3 There is a good wrapover on the skirt of OED
the coat.
1935 split-off -off 1935 Z. N. HURSTON Mules & Men I. ii. 40 ... He come and OED
preached at dis split-off for two whole weeks. 1964 New Statesman
14 Feb. 248/1 The split-off of science into a separate culture.
1936 face-up -up 1936 Discovery Oct. 330/1 Here, at last, is a face-up to the relations OED
between science and society.
1936 sparkover -over 1936 Nature 19 Sept. 509/1 The crackling sound of more or less OED
prolonged duration finishes with a loud crack coincident with the
final sparkover.
1937 sell-off -off 1937 Sun (Baltimore) 6 Feb. 19/1 The sell-off was less pronounced OED
than that of the share market and was slower in developing.
1937 sit-in -in 1937 N.Y. Times 29 May 1/7 Fifty members of the Workers Alliance OED
who tried to stage a sit-in at City Hall yesterday were removed..by a
dozen policemen. (strike)
1938 wrap-up -up 1938 Amer. Speech XIII. 150/2 Wrap-up, an easy sale. Also a OED
customer easily satisfied.
1939 beer-off -off 1939 Nottingham Jrnl. 15 Mar. 4/4 Children and *beer-offs. 1958 A. OED
SILLITOE Sat. Night & Sun. Morning vii. 98 Bill..had called at the
beer-off by the street-end.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1940 beat-up -up 1940 N. MONKS Squadrons Up! i. 14 Comes back over the 'drome, OED
above the heads..twenty feet off the ground... The boys call this a
'beat-up'.
1940 call-up -up 1940 Economist 10 Aug. 175/2 A continuous system of call-up and OED
training for the Industrial Army.
1940 spillover -over 1940 [see KAROK]. 1949 Richmond (Va.) Times-Dispatch 6 Oct. OED
26/1 A rush to buy got under way as soon as the opening bell
sounded. This was evidently a spillover from yesterday when the
market established a new high for the year.
1941 brush-off -off 1941 J. R. PARKER Attorneys at Law i. 10 I'd have given my eye OED
teeth to hear Forbes getting the brush-off
1942 sign-off -off 1942 E. CULBERTSON Official Bk. Contract Bridge xv. 187 OED
Finally, there is the sign-off bid... The sign-off may be made even if
the responder hold one Ace.
1942 stooge- -around 1942 T. RATTIGAN Flare Path I. 37 It's a raid, I suppose. Teddy. OED
around It's not exactly a practice stooge-around.
1943 change-up -up 1943 J. G. T. SPINK Baseball Guide & RecordBk. Gloss. 99 OED
Change-up, change of pace, slow ball. 1945 C. YOUNG in Sporting
News 21 June 4/3 Most pitchers change their grip on the ball for a
changeup pitch, but not me.
1945 roll over -over 1945 Richmond (Va.) Times-Dispatch 19 Mar. 2/4 (heading) Yank OED
describes B-29 roll over in Osaka raid.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1947 look-around -around 1947 Ann. Reg. 1946 157 Field-Marshal Smuts found time to fly to OED
Berlin for what he described as a 'private look around' with no
special..objectives. 1967 M. MCLUHAN Medium is Massage 10
'The Medium is The Massage' is a look-around to see what's
happening.
1949 back-off -off 1949 ./he,, gaIn (Wisconsin) Press 1 Dec. 3/1 In a grand final bake- OED
off at the Waldorf-Astoria, Pillsbury Mills will award $150,000 in
prizes. 1965 Sunday Mail (Brisbane) 18 July 22/2 The Bake-
Off..attracts national attention as the greatest recipe quest in this
country.
1949 gang-up -up 1949 Time 27 June 29 Congress was..harassed by a Communist OED
gang-up with Bose.
1951 blast-off -off 1951 M. GREENBERG Travelers of Space 20 Blast-off the initial OED
expenditure of energy by a space ship leaving a planet, or in
emergency takeoffs.
1951 spin-off -off 1951 STANLEY & KILCULLEN Federal Income Tax 182 Sec. 112 OED
(b) (11), added by the 1951 Act, permits the distribution of stock in a
spin-off without recognition of gain to the stock-holders, subject to
certain restrictions designed to prevent the use of spin-offs to
distribute earnings and profits.
1952 knock-over -over 1952 D. F. PALING Warp Knitting Technol. i. 6 A forward OED
movement of the sinker bar combined with a further downward
movement of the needle bar ensures a gradual knock-over.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1953 foul-up up 1953 'S. RANSOME' Drag Dark (1954) vii. 69, I1 couldn't judge OED
how far I could rely on you to find the way out of this foul-up.
1954 burnup -up 1954 R. STEPHENSONIntrod. Nucl. Engineering vii. 276 As a OED
reactor continues to operate, the fissionable material is gradually
used up and the reactivity may decrease accordingly. This is known
as fuel depletion, or burnupp.
1956 goof-ups -up 1956 TV Guide 13-19 Oct. 4 Randolph Churchill..has told friends OED
his embarrassment is assuaged by past goof-ups among English men
of letters.
1957 spin-out -out 1957 Daily Progress (Charlottesville, Va.) 28 Oct. 14/6 A spin-out in OED
the last 10 minutes of the race may have cost Tony Briggs of
Charlottesville top honors in the first preliminary race before the
President's Cup automobile race.
1958 bump-up -up 1958 Economist 13 Sept. 819/1 They are excited because of the OED
bump-up in their support and by-election votes this year.
1958 fuck-up -up 1958 J. O'HARA From Terrace (1959) 257 Such a Goddam fuck- OED
up. 1968 M. RICHLER Cocksure iv. 29 I'm sorry about this fuck-up,
Mr Griffin.
1958 put-through -through 1958 Punch 8 Jan. 84/1 He..gave me the acreage, cost, cubic capacity OED
and passenger *put-through. 1959 [see put through s.v. PUT v.1 52d].
1961 tear-off -off 1961 'B. WELLS' Day Earth caught Fire i. 7 An alert..youngish OED
man..was at his desk busily working on tear-offs with swift, practised
strokes of his red pencil.
1961 trade-off -off 1961 Hovering Craft & Hydrofoil Oct. 32/2 Propulsion system OED
integration allowing trade-offs between the requirements of lift and
forward thrust can be achieved in a variety of ways.









Table A-2. Continued
Date Entry Part. Usage Source
1964 round-off -off 1964 Trampolining ('Know the Game' Ser.) 40/1 It is similar in OED
action to the round-off in ground work tumbling.
1967 foldout -out 1967 Time 17 Mar. 7 The prurient appeal of an overripe foldout is OED
no worse than the peekaboo enticement of gossip about 'People'.
1967 fry-up -up 1967 'M. ERSKINE' Case i/ ih Three Husbands vii. 96 The two OED
men decided finally on a mixed grill..and a fry-up of cold potatoes.
1969 put-away -away 1969 New Yorker 14 June 75/1 He intercepts, and sends a light and OED
graceful *putaway past Graebner, down the line. 1977 Ibid. 25 July
70/2 Connors..also carried off the next three games on the strength of
some fine, deep approaches and remarkable put-away volleys.
1970 rip-off -off 1970 Manch. Guardian Weekly 2 May 16/4 'Who do you have on OED
Haight Street today?' he [sc. a San Francisco drug peddler] said
disgustedly... 'You have bum artists (fraudulent dope peddlers), rip-
offs (thieves), and snitchers (police spies).'
1976 talk-over -over 1976 Conservation News Nov./Dec. 24/2 That evening Scottish OED
Television was screening the launch and an interview with Peter
Dickson at exactly the same time as BBC Scotland was screening an
interview with a talk-over from our handout.
1977 work over -over 1977 Financial Times 1 Apr. 11/5 Some have suggested a well work- OED
over every three years; others say once every 15 years will be
sufficient.
1978 dial-up -up 1978 W. S. DAVIS Information Processing Systems xvi. 351 Dial- OED
up can get expensive if the call is long distance.
1981 switch- -around 1981 Daily Tel. 15 Apr. 12/7 Mr Barry Askew, 44, editor of the OED
around Lancashire Evening Post for 12 years, was named yesterday as editor
of the News of the World in a switch-around by Mr Rupert
Murdoch..involving two of his Fleet Street titles.
1995 botch-up -up 1995 Daily Mirror 23 Feb. 30/2 Be patient when you see so many OED
people making a botch-up of things that you can do standing on your
head.














APPENDIX B
VERB + PARTICLE: OFF


Table B-1. Verb + OFF formations
V-P FORM NOUN ADJECTIVE PHRASAL VERB
Note: Unless oilhi i'e noted, dates are attested in OED.
back off 1938
bake off 1949
beat off 1650
blast off 1951 1958 1951
break off 1804 1655
brush off 1941 1631
burn off 1861 1843
buy off (Google, but not OED) 1629
call off 1883 (called off) 1633
cast off 1741 1746 1400
check off 1911 1922 1839
choke off 1818
clean off 1839
clear off 1766
cookoff X
come off 1634 1386-Imperative
(1912-come off it)
cut off 1741 1840 1300
die off 1918 1697
drop off 1958 1925 1709
dry off
face off 1896 1887
feed off 1807
(feed X off/fed off by)
fight off 1930 1787 (intr.),
flick off Urban Dict. 1887?
get off 1832 1607
hand off 1922 1897
head off (Google, but not OED)
hold off 1893 1420
jump off 1873 (Google, but not OED)
kick off 1857 1973 1840
knock off 1875 1611
lay off 1889 1592









Table B-1. Continued
leave off 1387
lift off 1930 1907 1959
log off ? ? 1983
mark off 1803
pair off (1722-pairing off) 1722
pay off 1865 1607
piss off (pissed off) 1922
play off 1895 1598
pull off 1859 1902 cl000
put off 1549 1456
rip off 1970 1973 1884
round off 1964 1846 1680
run off1 (water) 1892 1707
run off2 (election, race) 1873 1924 1760
scratch off (Google, but not OED) (Google, but not OED)
see off 1915
sell off 1937 1700
send off 1841 1666
set off 1621 1722 1596
show off 1776 1818 1793
shrug off 1949
shut off 1889 1869 1824
sign off 1942 1942 1838
sound off (Google, but not OED) (Google, but not OED) 1909
spin off 1951 (Google, but not OED) 1601
split off 1935 1935 1855
spout off (Google, but not OED)
take off 1826 1300
tear off 1961 1889 1941
tick off 1934 (ticked off) 1854
tip off 1901 1700
trade off 1961 1793
turn off 1881 1869
write off 1752 1984 1682









Table B-2. Chronological listing of particle OFF combinations
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
OE off-spring P-V N off- OE Agreement between Abbot Wulfric & Ealdred (Sawyer 1455) in S. E. OED
Kelly Charters of St. Aiigii',in ', Abbey, Canterbury (1995) 118 )is sy gedon
for Sifer6, & for his ofsprincg.
eOE off drive P-V V off- eOE Bald's Leechbk. (Royal) III. xxxix. 332 Seo sealf wile.. )one wyrm ber OED
on deadne gede) o))e cwicne *ofdrif3. a1300 in C. Brown Eng. Lyrics 13th
Cent. (1932) 68 Pyne & de) him wile of-dryue. 1555-8 T. PHAER tr. Virgil
JEneid I. Cijb, With the light of torches great the darke ofdriue atones. a1729
E. TAYLORMetrical Hist. ( i %n"niwy (1962) 420 Brave Alice Driver who
Did when a girle off drive her fathers plough.
eOE off hew P-V V off- [eOE tr. Bede Eccl. Hist. (Tanner) III. xviii. 238 He..Mercna beode & bara OED
neahmxg6a, ofheawnum iy getreowleasan heafde Pendan, to gife Cristes
geleafan gecerde.] cl1540 (?a 1400) GestHistoriale Destr. Troy 6474 Hondes
*of hew heturly fast.
eOE onset P-V V off- eOE (Mercian) Vespasian Psalter 1. 20 (21) Tunc inponent super altare tuum OED
uitulos : 5onne onsetta6 ofer wibed Sin calfur.
lOE off fear P-V V off- IOE Anglo-Saxon Chron. (Laud) (Peterborough contain ) anno 1131 Ealle be OED
hit sxgon weron swa offered swa hi nxfre er ne weron. al225 (?cl 175)
Poema Morale (Lamb.) 157 in R. Morris Old Eng. Homilies (1868) 1st Ser.
169 ber we mu3en bon ebe offered [?a1250 Digby ofherd] and herde us
adreden. cl225 (?c 1200) St. Katherine 670 Ha wes sumdel offruht and
offearet. cl275 (?a1200) LA3AMON Brut (Calig.) 7730 Swa wes al ba uerde
ladliche of-foered. cl275 (?a 1200) LA3AMON Brut (Calig.) 23424 ba wes be
king Frolle labliche of-fered. c1275 (?al216) Owl & Nightinglec (Calig.) 978
Hi mi3te oferen here brost. a1333 WILLIAM OF SHOREHAM Poems (1902)
125 Most here no fend offered.









Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
OE of-fal P-V-V off- OE (Northumbrian) Lindisf Gospels: Mark xiii. 25 Stellae caeli erunt OED
decidentes : steorras heofhes bi&on offallende.
1000 pull off V-P V -off cl000 [see sense 1]. cl1450M.E. Med. Bk. (Heinrich) 92 Pul of be croppes, OED
and clippe hem wy) a peyre sheris on smale peces. 1508 DUNBAR Flrting
157 Thow plukkis the pultre, and scho pullis off the pennis. 1586 A. DAY
Eng. Secretary II. (1625) 83 Pull off my bootes and spurres.
1275 off smite P-V V off- cl1275 (?al200) LA3AMON Brut (Calig.) 13012 Ar5ur..of-toc bene OED
eotend..and bat bih him *of-smat [c1300 Otho of-smot].
1275 off swip P-V V off- cl1275 (?al200) LA3AMON Brut (Calig.) 4081 AEft he him to sweinde & ba OED
hond him *of-swipte.
1300 off weave P-V V off- cl300 St. Thomas Becket (Laud) 951 in C. Horstmann Early S.-Eng. OED
Legendary (1887) 133 bo seint thomas hadde is masse i-songue, his chesible
he gan *of weue. c1330 (?a1l300) Arthour & Merlin (Auch.) 6873 ber was
mani heued of weued.
1300 cut-off V-P V -off a1300 E.E. Psalter cxviii. 39 Cute mine up-braidinge [WYCLIF 1382 Kut of OED
my repref,
1300 take off V-P V -off a1300 CursorM 14318 He bad..Of be tumb tak of be lidd. OED
1330 off shear P-V V off- cl330 (?c1300) Bevis ofHampton (Auch.) 816 A spanne of be groin be-forn OED
Wi) is swerd he ha) *of schoren. a1425 Northern Passion (Harl.) 758 And
toke be ere bat was of-shorn.
1330 off twitch P-V V off- cl1330 (?cl300) Bevis ofHampton (Auch.) 3882 His sclauin ech palmer *of OED
twilte.









Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
1375 off turn P-V V off- a1375 William ofPalerne 2590 William hent hastili be hert & meliors be OED
hinde, & [a]s smartli as bei coube be skinnes *of turned.
1375 lay off V-P V -off c1375 Sc. Leg. Saints iii. (Andrew) 684 His clathis all fra hym he lad. 1526 OED
(from) (from) TINDALE Eph. iv. 22 Laye from you that olde man, which is corrupt
thorowe the deceavable lustes. 1601 SHAKES. Jul. C. I. ii. 243 He was very
loath to lay his fingers off it. 1611 BIBLE Jonah iii. 6 He laid his robe from
him.
1386 come off V-P V -off c1386 CHAUCER Friar's T. 304 Yis quod this Somonour..Com of, and lat OED
me ryden hastily. Yif me xii. pens. 1413 LYDG. Pilgr. Sowle IV. xx. (1483)
66 Come of, come of, and slee me here as blyue. (Imperative only)
1387 off-cast P-V N off- a1387 J. TREVISA tr. R. Higden Polychron. (St. John's Cambr.) IV. 439 Men OED
ete skynnes of scheldes and of cast [v.rr. outcast, of castyng; L. purgamenta]
of herbes bat clevede on be walles. 1587 SIR P. SIDNEY & A. GOLDING tr.
P. de Momay Trewnesse ( hb, / 1,I Relig. xxxii. 600 How would those great
men haue yeelded to such an ofcast?
1387 leave off V-P V -off a1387 J. TREVISA tr. R. Higden Polychron. (St. John's Cambr.) VII. 377 OED
Leve of [L Desiste], Alwyn, wib by good will. cl400 Destr. Troy 3587 Lefe
of bis langore.
1393 off shred P-V V off- a1393 GOWER Confessio Amantis (Fairf.) I. 2837 Hew doun this tree, and OED
lett if falle.And let *of schreden every braunche.
1393 off tear P-V V off- a1l393 GOWER Confessio Amantis (Fairf.) III. 2010 He hire Pappes scholde OED
*of there Out of hire brest. al500 (?a1400) Morte Arthur 3745 Hys Ryche A-
tyre he wold haue of-torne.
1400 off-casting P-V Ger off- cl400 tr. R. Higden Polychron. (Tiber.) f 143,Men ete skynnes of scheeldes OED
& of castyng of herbes )at cleuede on be walles.










Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
1400 off cast P-V V off- c1400 (?cl390) Sir Gawain & Green Knight 1147 Couples huntes of kest. OED
c1430 (c1380) CHAUCERParl. Fowls 132 Be glad, thow redere, and thy
sorwe of-caste. ?1592 A. WILLET Sacrorum Emblematum Centuria Vna II.
xlvii, We ought not off cast all hope.
1400 off whip P-V V off- a1400 (?c1300) Bevis ofHampton (Sutherl.) 868 *Ofwypt [cl330Auch Sum OED
kni3t Beues so ofrau3te, be heued of at be ferste drau3te].
1400 cast off V-P V -off c1400 Destr. Troy 12661 Palomydon..cast of his clothis cantly & wele. c1400 OED
MANDEVILLE v. 41 A woman myghte wel passe there, withouten castynge
of of hire Clothes. 1609 BP. BARLOW Answ. Nameless Cath. 274 Them hee
casteth off as the fellow..did his spectacles. 1697 W. DAMPIER Voy. I. vii.
165 In a weeks time the Tree casts off her old Robes.
1420 hold off V-P V -off cl420 Pallad. on Husb. I. 98 An heir hil, that wynd that wold offended Let OED
holde of. 1580 LYLY Euphues (Arb.) 387 Thou oldest me off with many
delays.
1423 onset P-V N off- 1423 in J. M. Thomson Reg. Magni Sigilli Scotorum (1912) I. 11 Twa forestar OED
stedis..with the gamyn onsetis and dwelling places that thai now haff.
1425 off race P-V V off- al425 (a 1400) Prick of Conscience (Galba & Harl.) 6704 be strenthe of OED
hungre sal )am swa chace bat bair awen flesshe )ai sal *of-race.
1425 off rive P-V V off- a1425 (a 1400) Prick of Conscience (Galba & Harl.) 7379 And bair awen OED
flessch *of-ryve and race.
1450 off glide P-V V off- cl1450 (?a1400) Duke Roland & Sir Otuel 475 The Nasell of his helme *of- OED
glade.










Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
1456 put off V-P V -off 1456 SIR G. HAYE Law Arms (S.T.S.) 158 It war than spedefull that sik a OED
man war put off for the better. 1526 TINDALE Col. iii. 9 Ye have put off the
olde man with his workers, and have putt on the nue. 1535 COVERDALE
Song Sol. v. 3, I haue put off my cote, how can I do it on agayne? 1627
CAPT. SMITH Seaman's Gram. xiii. 61 If we be put off, charge them with all
your great and small shot. 1862 Temple Bar Mag. VI. 331 Don't be put off
this by any consideration of weight or expense.
1500 off-smite P-V Adj off- a1500 (1422) J. YONGE tr. Secreta Secret. (Rawl.) 136 His hede he makyd OED
of-Smyte.
1515 off trench P-V V off- ?1515 A. BARCLAY Egloges II. sig. Mijv, His nose & earys, *of trenchyd OED
were also.
1533 off-shear P-V Adj off- 1533 J. GAU tr. C. Pedersen Richt Vay 58 Thay ar heretikis offchorne fra ye OED
kirk of Christ.
1540 off hurl P-V Adj off- cl540 (?a1400) GestHistoriale Destr. Troy 6722 His helme *of hurlit & his OED
hed bare. 1634 W. LATHUM Phyala Lachrymarum 19 Thou for preferment
in a better world Gav'st us the slip, and our care quite off hurl'd.
1542 off-come P-V N off- 1542 R. RECORD Ground ofArtes (1575) 127 The ofcome or product. 1570 OED
J. DEE in H. Billingsley tr. Euclid Elem. Geom. XI. sig. 349, The roote Cubik
of that ofcome or product, shall be the second number sought. a1690 S.
JEAKE (1696) 21 Which is called the
Multiplee..and.. sometime the Offcome.










Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
1549 put-off V-P N -off 1549 LATIMER Serm. Ploughers (Arb.) 36 There be so manie put offes, so OED
many *put byes, so many respects, and considerations of worldly wisedome.
1549 [see PUT-OFF 1]. 1549 LATIMER 3rd Serm. bef Edw. VI (Arb.) 79
Nowe they haue theyr shyftes, and theyr putofs sainge, we maye not go
before a lawe, we maye break no order.
1549 put-off V-P N -off 1549 LATIMER 3rd Serm. bef Edw. VI (Arb.) 79 Nowe they haue theyr OED
shyftes, and theyr putofs sainge, we maye not go before a lawe, we maye
break no order. 1549 E. BECKE Bible (Matthew's) Prol., Then should
neyther Goddes cause nor poore mans matters haue so many putoffes, so
many put byes & delays. 1549 LATIMER Serm. Ploughers (Arb.) 36 There
be so manie put offes, so many *put byes, so many respects, and
considerations of worldly wisedome. 1825 HONE Every-day Bk. I. 603 This
delay..is occasioned by 'laying to' for 'put offs' of single persons and parties,
in Thames wherries.
1555 off set P-V N off- al555 H. LATIMER Serm. & Remains (1845) 311 When you thus get out of OED
your way at the first off-set. 1628 in A. Macdonald & J. Dennistoun Misc.
Maitland Club (1843) III. 373 The Quenis Chalmer the pannallis of it abone
the hingingis..to be fair wrocht with armes antikis and thair afsettis. 1629 J.
PARKINSON Paradisi in Sole xi. 114 The root is..compassed with a number
of small rootes, or of of-sets round about it. (off-shoots) 1888 C. T. JACOBI
Printers' Vocab. 90 Off-set, the set-off of ink from one sheet to another of
printed work whilst wet. 1888 C. T. JACOBI Printers' Vocab., Sheeted, this
expression is used when heavily printed work has to be placed sheet by sheet
between other sheets to prevent off-set of ink.
1555 offset P-V N off- al555 H. LATIMER Serm. & Remains (1845) 311 When you thus get out of OED
your way at the first off-set.
1570 off shake P-V V off- 1570-6 W. LAMBARD Perambulation Kent (1826) 219 They not their OED
sinnes..*of shake. 1892 I. ZANGWILL Children of Ghetto II. 20 We rest not,
but stand, Off-shaken our sloth.










Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
1578 off scour P-V V off- 1578 H. LYTE tr. R. Dodoens Niewe Herball III. vi. 322 They of score and OED
clense al inwarde parties.
1578 off-scour P-V V off- 1578 H. LYTE tr. R. Dodoens Niewe Herball III. vi. 322 They of score and OED
clense al inwarde parties.
1579 offscum P-V N off- 1579 T. LODGE Def Plays 3 A little pamphelet..I fynd it the offscome OED
[mispr. oftscome] of imperfections.
1592 lay off V-P V -off cl1592 MARLOWE Massacre Paris (? 1600) B4, Thou traitor Guise, lay of OED
thy bloudy hands! 1628 tr. Tasso's Aminta I. i. B4 Stay for me till I haue in
yon fresh fount Layd off the sweat and dust that yesterday I soyld me with.
1594 off chop P-V V off- 1594 R. CAREW tr. Tasso Godfrey ofBulloigne v. 213 Corps whose arme OED
and hand *off chopped are
1596 set off V-P V -off 1596 SHAKES. 1 Hen. IV, V. i. 88 This present enterprise set off his head. OED
1597 SHAKES. 2 Hen. IV, IV. i. 145 Euery thing set off, That might so much
as think you Enemies. 1632 BP. HALL Hard Texts 1 John iii. 15 If any
mans heart bee set upon the world, it is set off from God. 1651
Soliloquies vi, Do Thou set off my heart from all these earthly vanities.
1598 play off V-P V -off 1598 SHAKESPEARE Henry IV, Pt. 1 II. v. 16 When you breath in your OED
watering they cry hem, and bid you play it off. 1607 T. DEKKER & G.
WILKINS Jests to make you Merie sig. H3v, He requested them to play off
the sacke and begon. 1645 H. BOLD Adventure in Poems (1664) 136 Play off
your Canns (you Rogues) your Case I'le warrant, If Fidle's good. 1721 G.
ROUSSILLON tr. R. A. de Vertot Hist. Rev. Portugal 83 There should be
fireworks ready to be played off.
1601 spin off V-P V -off 1601 HOLLAND Pliny II. 549 One would imagine he saw every woman OED
making hast to spin off her distaffe, striving avie who shall have done her
taske first.










Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
1606 off-cap P-V N off- 1606 tr. R. Rollock Comm. 2 Thess. 170 in Lect. vpon 1st & 2nd Epist. Paul to OED
Thessalonians, They are enemies,..all their doings, becking, and off-cap, and
good dayes..are failed.
1607 get off V-P V -off 1607 SHAKES. Cor. II. i. 141 They fought together, but Auffidius got off. OED
1687 MIEGE Gt. Fr. Dict. 11, To get off from his Horse, descendre de
Cheval.
1607 pay off V-P V -off 1607 T. DEKKER Whore of Babylon sig. 14v, All my sinnes are paid off. 1732 OED
SWIFT (title) A proposal to pay off the debt of the nation.
1611 knock off V-P V -off 1611 SHAKES. Cymb. V. iv. 199 Knocke off his Manacles. 1666 BOYLE OED
Orig. Formes & Qualities, If a parcel of Matter be knockt off from another.
1651 GATAKER in Fuller's Abel Rediv., Ridley (1867) I. 230 He retumed..to
his study, where he sat, unless suitors or some other affairs knocked him off.
1767 'A. BARTON' Disappointment I. i. 10 As for McSnip, he intends to
knock off business, home to England and purchase a title. 1817 PEACOCK
Melincourt III. 68 He had..to dispose of..a christening, a marriage, and a
funeral; but he would knock them off as fast as he could. 1811 JANE
AUSTEN Let. 6 June (1952) 288 As you knock off a week from the end of
her visit, & Martha rather more from the beginning, the thing is out of the
question.
1615 off-shake P-V Adj off- 1615 J. SYLVESTER tr. G. de S. du Bartas Second Session Parl. Vertues OED
Reall 43 His Fruit, yer ripe, shall be off-shaken all.
1616 off cap P-V V off- a1616 SHAKESPEARE Oth. (1623) I. i. 10 Three Great-ones of the Cittie, OED
(In personal suite to make me his Lieutenant) Off-capt [1622 Oft capt] to
him. 1941 E. R. EDDISON Fish Dinner x. 168 Coming upon the highway..he
was met with a courier on horseback who off-capped to him and handed him
a letter










Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
1618 off-chop P-V Adj off- a1618 J. SYLVESTERMem. Mortalitie xli, Her head shee felt with whiffing OED
steel off-chopt.
1621 set off V-P N -off 1621 FLETCHER Wild Goose Chase III. i, This course creature, That has no OED
more set off, but his jugglings, His travell'd tricks. 1662 STILLINGFL. Orig.
Sacrce Ep. Ded. a4b, The plain dress of the Scriptures, without the paint and
set-offs which are added to it by the several contending parties of the
Christian World. 1759 FRANKLIN Hist. Rev. Pennsylv. Wks. 1840 III. 425
What the governor's set-off could not effect, was to be re-attempted by this
put-off
1623 off strip P-V V off- 1623 B. JONSON Time Vindicated in Wks. (1640) II. 102 If you doe their OED
gloves *off-strip.
1629 buy off V-P V -off 1629 EARLE Microcosm. lxvii. (Arb.) 91 One whom no rate can buy off OED
from the least piece of his freedom.
1631 brush off V-P V -off cl631 MILTON Arcades xv. 48 From the boughs brush off the evil dew. OED
1690 B. E. Dict. Cant. Crew, Brush, to Fly or Run away. 1718 PRIOR Poems
63 Off they brush'd, both Foot and Horse. 1728 VANBRUGH & CIB. Prov.
Husb. II. i. 48, I believe I had as good brush off.
1633 off P-V Ger off- 1633 T. CROSFIELD Diary 10 Dec. (1935) 67, 12d abated for ye off- OED
reckoning reckoning wherewith ye captain is to buy them a suite of apparrell once a
year.
1633 call off V-P V -off 1633 BP. HALL Hard Texts 545 The Lord..will call off those evils Wch they OED
groane under. 1799 NELSON in Nicolas Disp. (1845) III. 147 Captain
Blackwood..calls at Minorca in his way down. Ibid. 352 Direct the Ships to
call off here, but not to anchor.
1634 come-off V-P N -off 1634 SHIRLEY Opportunity I. ii, This was Indifferently well carried! I was OED
jealous Of a more lame come-off. 1690 NORRIS Beatitudes (1694) I. 235
The Hopes of a safe come off at last.










Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
1634 come-off V-P N -off 1634 SHIRLEY Opportunity I. ii, This was Indifferently well carried! I was OED
jealous Of a more lame come-off. 1690 NORRIS Beatitudes (1694) I. 235
The Hopes of a safe come off at last.
1640 get off V-P V -off 1640 tr. Verdere's Rom. Rom. I. 81 The Christians got off with the losse of OED
two thousand men.
1650 beat off V-P V -off 1650 R. STAPYLTON Strada's Low C. Warres VII. 41 When the OED
Enemye..attacques the Towne, it cannot beat them off. 1764 HARMER
Observ. XIV. i. 37 No rain fell in the day-time, to beat off the workmen.
1655 break off V-P V -off 1655 FULLER Ch. Hist. v. III. 119 On the Scaffold (a place not to break jests, OED
but to break off all jesting) he could not hold.
1662 working off Ger-P -off 1662 EVELYN Sculptura iii. 33 They also engrave upon stone, and imprint OED
with it; but with this difference in the *working-off; that the paper being
black, the Sculpture remains white.
1666 sent off V-P V -off 1666 DRYDEN Ann. Mirab. lxxiv, His wounded men he first sends off to OED
shore. 1782 F. BURNEY Cecilia VII. ix, When she had sent off this letter.
1896 R. S. S. BADEN-POWELLMatabele Campaign vi, We..sent off some
native runners to go and find him.
1673 offset P-V V off- 1673 in A. Perry & C. S. Brigham Early Rec. Portsmouth (Rhode Island) OED
(1901) 179 The towne doe thereupon offset the Said Sums and doe allow it
him.










Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
1673 offset P-V V off- 1673 in A. Perry & C. S. Brigham Early Rec. Portsmouth (Rhode Island) OED
(1901) 179 The towne doe thereupon offset the Said Sums and doe allow it
him. 1793 N. CHIPMAN Rep. & Diss. II. 171 The demands of both plaintiff
and defendant must be mutual..or they will not be allowed to offset one
against the other.
1674 off-cut P-V N off- 1674 N. FAIRFAX Treat. Bulk & Selvedge 29 If my soul does not thus featly OED
stick out of my body, then it withdrew at the off-cut. 1663-4 in H. J. F.
Swayne ( h,, hii. lni tLi ,'Accts. Sarum (1896) 337 C. Horton work abt the
leads 16s. with 181b. of old offcuts. 1866 W. T. BRANDE & G. W. COX
Dict. Sci., Lit. & Art (new ed.) II. 708/1 Offcut,..that part of a printed sheet
which cuts off, and which when folded is inserted in the middle of the other
part.
1674 off-shoots P-V N off- 1674 N. FAIRFAX Treat. Bulk & Selvedge 28 The body is..reeking out whole OED
steams of little unseen off-shoots. 1710 J. ADDISON Tatler No. 157 10
[She] finds her self related, by some Off-shoot or other, to almost every great
Family in England.
1680 round off V-P V -off 1680 MOXON Mech. Exerc. xii. 207 With the Draw-knife round off the OED
Edges, to make it fit for the Lathe. 1683 Printing xi. 22 The two upper
comers of these Rails are rounded off that they may not mark the Paper.
1682 write off V-P V -off 1682 J. SCARLETT Exchanges 107 To send the..Bill to the House of the OED
Acceptant, and desire him to order that the Value be write of in Bank. 1752
BEAWES Lex Merc. Rediv. 363 Write off from my Bank Book, one hundred
and fifty-seven Pounds. Jig. 1889 Spectator 21 Sept., China and India being
written-off as full of people.
1697 die off V-P V -off 1697 W. DAMPIER Voy. I. 113 It is usual with sick men coming from the Sea OED
Air to dye off as soon as ever they come within the view of the Land.
1700 sell off V-P V -off a1l700 EVELYN Diary 18 Jan. 1671, He answered he [Grinling Gibbons] was OED
yet but a beginner, but would not be sorry to sell off that piece.










Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
1700 tip off V-P V -off a1700 B. E. Dict. Cant. Crew, To Tip off to Dye. 1727 GAY Begg. Op. III. i, OED
If that great man should tip off, wouldd be an irreparable loss. 1735 SAVAGE
Progr. Divine 294 She, with broken heart, Tips off--poor soul!
1702 off break P-V V off- 1702 C. BEAUMONT J. Beaumont's Psyche (new ed.) VIII. cxciii. 135 But OED
Satan, though his spightful heart did leap For joy to see how in his fallen
cheeks Hunger had writ her cruel conquest deep; With failed princely pitty
yet off breaks His course. 1872 M. MACLENNAN Peasant Life 2nd Ser. 47
She winna be ony speckillation tae the pairish by offbraikin' the banns.
1707 run off V-P V -off 1707 MORTIMER Husb. (1721) II. 322 Let it stand half an Hour undisturbed, OED
that it may run off clear.
1709 drop off V-P V -off 1709 STEELE Tatler No. 149 2, I..found the [others]..drop off designedly OED
to leave me alone with the eldest Daughter. 1824 BYRON Juan XVI. viii, The
banqueteers had dropped off one by one.
1721 off reckon P-V V off- 1721 A. HILL in Buccleuch MSS (Hist. MSS Comm.) (1899) I. 370 Whatever OED
he might make by..Balls, Concerts, or the like, ought to be off-reckoned.
1722 set-off V-P Adj -off a1722 FOUNTAINHALL Decis. I. 454 One may set *set-off chambers and OED
parts of a house.
1722 pair off V-P V -off 1772 Debates & Proc. Brit. House of Commons 1768-1770 240 At dinner OED
time many made no scruple, though the cause was not determined, of pairing
off, as it is called; some pair'd off for every question in the election, others
for a day, or a few hours only.
1730 off-put P-V N off- 1730 R. WODROW Corr. (1843) III. 458 The delays and off-puts in the OED
matter of Mr. Glass are what I do not understand. 1750 Session Bk. Rothesay
(1931) 480 The Kilmichael's elder and younger, gave them always offputs for
their money.
1741 cast-off V-P N -off 1741 RICHARDSON Pamela I. 49 And how..must they have look'd, like old OED
Cast-offs.










Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
1746 cast-off V-P Adj -off 1746 W. THOMPSON R.N. Advoc. (1757) 40 Cast-off Hunters, turn'd upon OED
the Road for Post Chaise Service. 1755 Connoisseur No. 80 A cast-off suit of
my wife's.
1752 write-off V-P N -off 1752 BEAWES Lex Merc. Rediv. 363 No Money will be paid..without such a OED
Draught, or what is called, a Write off. 1957 Times Lit. Suppl. 20 Dec. 766/5
It is the point made earlier about the need for resources wherewith to make
and replace the automation machines, the need for more rapid write-offs of
those machines once installed, and the parallel need to 'pay' the machines
more than normal machines have hitherto been 'paid'.
1760 run off V-P V -off 1760-72 H. BROOKE Fool of Qual. (1809) II. 93 They cast their arms to the OED
ground, and run off..as fast as they could.
1766 clear off V-P V -off 1766 C. LEADBETTER Royal Gauger II. iv. (ed. 6) 250 [The common OED
Brewer, Inn-keeper, etc.] are obliged to pay and clear off the Duty within the
Week or Month after such entries are made. 1816 U. BROWN Jrnl. in
Maryland Hist. Mag. XI. 365 [I] called to her [sc. a mare] and flattered her to
come back; she would not; clear'd off and left me.
1776 show off V-P N -off 1776 S. J. PRATT Pupil ofPleas. II. 14 He allots to each of us such a share of OED
fortune in our own hands as is sufficient to the display and shew-off of the
natural disposition. 1783 Liberal Opin. (ed. 3) Pref. 20 It appears to have
been..the..effort of the author..to display the..inconsistencies of human
opinion respecting Happiness; and, (after this shew off of folly, delusion, and
absurdity) [etc.].
1776 show-off V-P N -off 1776 S. J. PRATT Pupil ofPleas. II. 14 He allots to each of us such a share OED
of fortune in our own hands as is sufficient to the display and shew-off of the
natural disposition.
1793 show-off V-P V -off a1l793 G. WHITE Nat. Cal., Observ. Birds (1795) 79 A fern-owl this OED
evening..showed off in a very unusual..manner. 1










Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
1793 trade off V-P V -off 1793 in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. (1810) III. 1 Good crops of corn and rye, which OED
they trade off for spirituous liquors.
1803 mark off V-P V -off 1803 T. JEFFERSON Address to Brothers of( h,, ,.i Nation 17 Dec. in OED
Writings (1984) 559 You have spoken, brothers, of the lands which your
fathers formerly sold and marked off to the English.
1804 break-off V-P N -off 1804 Hull Adv. 21 Jan. 4/1 The left hand then seizes the shaft of the stock and OED
the right hand dislodges the barrel from the 'Break-off'. 1844 Regul. & Ord.
Army 106 For a new break off filed up, fitted, and hardened. 1858
GREENER Gunnery 250 With the breeches in the percussioned state, break-
offs fitted and locks jointed. 1860 FORSTER Gr. Remonstr. 169 The sudden
and impetuous break-off from the party with whom he had acted so
zealously.
1806 get off V-P V -off a1806 K. WHITE Lett. (1837) 329, I never get quite off study. 1835 J. OED
CONSTABLE Let. 12 Sept. (1967) V. 27, I1 wish I could get off going there to
lecture. 1893 SIR R. ROMER in Law Times Rep. LXVIII. 443/1 It appears to
me impossible to say that the defendants can get off the contract.
1807 feed off V-P V -off 1807 R. PARKINSON Experienced Farmer I. 409 If he cannot feed it [Buck- OED
wheat] off with some cattle. 1850 Jrnl. R. Agric. Soc. XI. II. 430 The crop
being well grown, it only remains to feed it well off.
1818 show-off V-P Adj -off 1818 S. E. FERRIERMarriage II. xxii. 298 Colonel Lennox was evidently OED
not a shew-off character.
1818 choke off V-P V -off 1818 COBBETT Pol. Reg. XXXIII. 72 The Duke's seven mouths..made the OED
Whig party choak off Sheridan.
1823 off saddle P-V V off- 1823 T. PHILIPPS Lett. (1960) 203, I rode up to the door and began the OED
never-varied question 'Can I offsaddle?' 1850 R. G. CUMMING Five Years
Hunter's Life S. Afr. I. vi. 119 Accordingly we off-saddled, and in a few
__minutes I was once more asleep.










Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
1824 shut off V-P V -off 1824 R. STUART Hist. Steam Engine 132 The motion of the piston was OED
equalized by shutting off the steam sooner or later from the cylinder. 1904 H.
B. M. WATSON Hurricane Isl. xx. 285, I shut off the lantern.
1826 take-off V-P N -off 1826 MISS MITFORD Village Ser. II. 214 (French Emigrants) OED
Notwithstanding these take-offs, our good duchess had still the air of a lady of
rank.
1832 get-off V-P N -off 1832 Chambers's Jrnl. I. 121/2 As a get-off, she commences a eulogy on her OED
butter. 1848 J. H. NEWMAN Loss & Gain 80 'But it is an illegal declaration
or vow', said Willis, 'and so not binding'. 'Where did you find that get-off?'
said Charles; 'the priest put that into your head.' 1853 G. JOHNSTON Nat.
Hist. E. Bord. I. 256 Pooh! that explanation won't do. A mere get-off!
1838 sign off V-P V -off 1838 EMERSON Addr. Cambr. Wks. (Bohn) II. 200 In the country OED
neighborhoods, half parishes are signing off, to use the local term. 1859
BARTLETT Dict. Amer. (ed. 2), To sign off, to release a debtor by agreeing
to accept whatever he offers to pay.
1838 sign off V-P V -off 1838 EMERSON Addr. Cambr. Wks. (Bohn) II. 200 In the country OED
neighborhoods, half parishes are signing off, to use the local term. 1859
BARTLETT Dict. Amer. (ed. 2), To sign off, to release a debtor by agreeing
to accept whatever he offers to pay.
1838 sign off V-P V -off 1838 EMERSON Addr. Cambr. Wks. (Bohn) II. 200 In the country OED
neighborhoods, half parishes are signing off, to use the local term. 1859
BARTLETT Dict. Amer. (ed. 2), To sign off, to release a debtor by agreeing
to accept whatever he offers to pay.
1839 bumble-off V-P N -off 1839 (v. or n.) set off in a hurry. Holloway, p. 22 Holloway
1839 check off V-P V -off 1839 DICKENS Nich. Nick. xvi, Nearly every other member..pulled a written OED
paper from his pocket, to check Mr. Pugstyles off, as he read the questions.
1884 Harper's Mag. June 46/2 The signer's name is..checked off on the..list
by a third officer.










Table B-2. Continued
Date Entry Category Particle EARLIEST ENTRIES Source
1839 clean off V-P V -off a1839 PRAED Poems (1864) II. 3 A thousand hands..Clean off each ancient OED
stain or soil.
1840 looking-off Ger-P -off 1840 BROWNING Sordello III. 632 Some slight weariness, some looking-off OED
Or start-away.
1840 kick off V-P V -off 1840 DICKENS Old C. Shop xlix, He..kicked off his shoes, and groped his OED
way up-stairs. 1890 G. GISSING The Emancipated III. II. xvii. 289 He
kicked off his boots, kicked on his slippers.
1841 send-off V-P N -off 1841 Spirit of Times 18 Dec. 499/2 Sleepy John was the favorite against the OED
field; by bad management of the groom John got a miserable send off and lost
at least fifty yards.
1841 send-off V-P N -off 1841 Spirit of Times 18 Dec. 499/2 Sleepy John was the favorite against the OED
field; by bad management of the groom John got a miserable send off and lost
at least fifty yards.
1843 burn off V-P V -off 1843 C. A. DILLON Let. 16 Jan. (1954) 17 The fern was all burnt off by the OED
surveyors.
1845 off-saddle P-V N off- 1845 W. N. IRWIN Echoes of Past (1927) 235, I..take the opportunity of the OED
first off saddle to stretch myself in the Shade, and..read your welcome epistle.
1846 round-off V-P Adj -off 1846 HOLTZAPFFEL Turning II. 826 Nicking and piercing files..are called OED
round-off files, and are used for rounding or pointing the teeth of wheels.
1946 GOLDSTINE & VON NEUMANN in J. von Neumann Coll. Wks.
(1963) V. 17 A very complicated calculation in which the accumulation and
amplification of the round-off errors threatens to prevent the obtaining of
results of the desired precision.
1850 off load P-V V off- 1850 R. G. CUMMING Five Years Hunter's Life S. Afr. I. i. 5 No, no, OED
mynheer, you must not off-load.