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Engaging Farmers: Recognizing and Responding to Gender and Social Diversity in Farming Systems in Trinidad

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ENGAGING FARMERS: RECOGNIZI NG AND RESPONDING TO GENDER AND SOCIAL DIVERSITY IN FARM ING SYSTEMS IN TRINIDAD By KELLY PAYSON-ROOPCHAND A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2006

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Copyright 2006 by Kelly Payson-Roopchand

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To the present and future generations of fa rmers in Trinidad, in hopes that you may find the respect and recognition you deserve.

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iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This work would not have been possibl e without the support, encouragement, patience, and love of many people. First and foremost, I owe thanks to the farmers of Chatham, Coromandel, Grande Riviere, Granv ille, L’Anse Noire, Ma telot, Pt. Coco, and Sans Souci who so freely told me their stor ies and so warmly opened their hearts and lives to me. They have been an inspiration to me. I extend special thanks to the Masnan family, in Granville; and to Ingrid, Eric, and family, in Grande Riviere, for giving me a home during that demanding year I could not have done this study without the friendship and assistance of Miss Green, Miss Elaine Matthew and Molly, Len and Charmaine, Leroy, Sam and Bernice, Michelle, Sylvia, Anita, Claudia, Mr. Green and June, Mr. Charles, Kumar and Lyndian, Claudia, Vaughn and Hannah, Rosie Gopaul, the Angard family, the Banga family, the Gopaul family, Tantie Hasra, Annie and Bridge, Celia and family, and Sharon. I also wish to thank the many other farmers who submitted so graciously to my long questionnaire. I am indebted to the faculty and staff at the University of the West Indies in St. Augustine, especially Dr. Ranjit Singh and th e staff in the Department of Agricultural Economics and Extension, for helping me adjust to a new country and get started in the right direction. I also wish to thank Dr. Ga ry Garcia, Jalaludin Khan, and Wilhelmina Kissoonsingh for their insightful comments. I extend a special note of appreciation to Dr. Wayne Ganpat at the Farmer’s Training Center in Centeno, Trinidad. This study reflects his continual guidance and

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v support. I am indebted to many other profe ssionals in the Minist ry of Agriculture, especially Dr. Pauline Dowlath, Ms. Monica Lessey, and the many frontline extension officers who are “doing the work” with honesty and commitment. I wish to thank my committee (Dr. Marta Hartmann, Dr. Peter Hildebrand, Dr. Tracy Irani, and Dr. Nick Place) for a llowing me to believe that I could do the impossible, and for still believing in me when I realized my limitations. Likewise, I am forever indebted to Amy Sullivan and Kristin Davis, for showing me that it can be done, and how to do it. I appreciate the support of th e faculty and staff in the Department of Agricultural Education and Communication at the University of Florida, even when I was miles and hours and worlds away. I thank the University of Florida for giving me the freedom to focus on my academic work, through the fina ncial support of the Pr esidential Fellowship. Likewise, I acknowledge with d eep gratitude the support of th e Institute of International Education for providing the Fulbright Fellows hip that made all of this possible. Finally, I wish to thank all those who supported me at ho me so that I could focus on my work, especially Marta, Laureen, Aunt Paula and Uncle Frazier, and my wonderful parents. Above all, I acknowledge the suppor t of my husband (Anil Roopchand) who has believed in my work from the beginning and ha s sacrificed much to help me see this to completion.

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vi TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.................................................................................................iv LIST OF TABLES............................................................................................................xii LIST OF FIGURES.........................................................................................................xiii ABSTRACT.....................................................................................................................xv i CHAPTER 1 SITUATING THE STUDY..........................................................................................1 Introduction................................................................................................................... 1 Need For the Study.......................................................................................................4 Statement of the Problem..............................................................................................5 Purpose and Objectives.................................................................................................7 Operational Definitions................................................................................................7 Limitations of the Study...............................................................................................9 Significance of the Study............................................................................................10 Summary.....................................................................................................................10 2 LITERATURE REVIEW...........................................................................................12 Farming Systems Research and Extension.................................................................12 Gender and Development...........................................................................................16 Evolution of Development Paradigms.................................................................16 Gender Issues in Agriculture...............................................................................18 Gender in Caribbean agriculture..................................................................19 Gender in Trinidadian agriculture................................................................21 Gender Issues in Extension.................................................................................23 Gender and outreach.....................................................................................24 Gender and extension in Trinidad................................................................25 Gender Analysis..................................................................................................27 Gender analysis of farming systems.............................................................27 Gender analysis of extension systems..........................................................27 Extension Models.......................................................................................................28 Ministry-Based Extension...................................................................................28 Commodity-Based Extension..............................................................................30

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vii Integrated Development Projects........................................................................31 University-Based Extension................................................................................32 Agricultural Context in Trinidad................................................................................33 Agricultural Foundation......................................................................................33 Development of Small-Scale Agriculture...........................................................34 The Marginalization of Agriculture.....................................................................35 Agricultural Outreach..........................................................................................37 Ministry of Agriculture, Land, and Marine Resources................................37 Linking organizations...................................................................................38 Implications.........................................................................................................38 Summary.....................................................................................................................39 3 METHODS.................................................................................................................40 Introduction.................................................................................................................40 Research Design.........................................................................................................42 Population...................................................................................................................43 Study Variables...................................................................................................43 Gender..........................................................................................................43 Ethnicity.......................................................................................................43 Selection of Communities...................................................................................44 Geography...........................................................................................................45 Agricultural Profile..............................................................................................48 The Toco region...........................................................................................48 The Cedros region........................................................................................48 Qualitative Data Collection........................................................................................49 Measures of Validity...........................................................................................50 Engaging Farmers................................................................................................52 Establishing relations...................................................................................54 Expanding the network.................................................................................54 Sondeos / Informal interviews......................................................................55 Participant observation.................................................................................56 Focus groups................................................................................................57 Reflecting Myself: Research er-Community Relations........................................57 Quantitative Data Collection......................................................................................63 Survey Design.....................................................................................................63 Developing the survey..................................................................................64 Farm gender classification...........................................................................64 Ensuring validity..........................................................................................65 The instrument..............................................................................................65 Administering the Survey....................................................................................66 Sampling techniques....................................................................................66 Identifying participants................................................................................67 Gender disaggregation..................................................................................68 Comparison of survey sample to population................................................68 Qualitative Data Analysis...........................................................................................71 Quantitative Data Analysis.........................................................................................72

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viii Telling the Story (or Letting th e Story Speak for Itself)............................................73 Summary.....................................................................................................................76 4 INTRODUCTION TO THE OBJECTIV ES, RESOURCES, CONSTRAINTS AND ACTIVITIES (ORCA) FRAMEWORK...........................................................77 Introduction.................................................................................................................77 The ORCA Framework...............................................................................................78 Origins of the Framework...................................................................................80 Social Recommendation Domains......................................................................81 Life Stage Dynamics...........................................................................................83 Application of the ORCA framework.................................................................84 Summary.....................................................................................................................91 5 INVESTIGATION OF SOCIAL FACTORS.............................................................93 Introduction.................................................................................................................93 Step 1: Observation and Proposal of Social Recommendation Domains...................94 Step 2: Investigation of Social Factors.......................................................................95 Socio-Cultural Factors.........................................................................................96 Ethnicity in Trinidad....................................................................................98 Religion in Trinidad...................................................................................100 Gender in Trinidad.....................................................................................104 Farm gender................................................................................................111 Socio-Economic Factors....................................................................................122 Economic objective level...........................................................................122 Land access................................................................................................125 Education....................................................................................................132 Life-Stage Factors.............................................................................................134 Marital status..............................................................................................135 Age.............................................................................................................145 Household size...........................................................................................148 Summary...................................................................................................................150 6 OBJECTIVES, RESOURCES, CONSTRAINTS, AND ACTIVITIES..................152 Introduction...............................................................................................................152 Step 3: Identification of Objectives, Resources, Constraints, and Activities...........153 Objectives..........................................................................................................153 Ethnicity.....................................................................................................154 Gender........................................................................................................157 Ethnicity and gender...................................................................................160 Religion......................................................................................................162 Socioeconomic...........................................................................................162 Life-stage....................................................................................................165 Life-style....................................................................................................167 Resources...........................................................................................................170

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ix Ethnicity.....................................................................................................172 Capital........................................................................................................173 Land............................................................................................................176 Labor..........................................................................................................178 Knowledge.................................................................................................181 Attitude.......................................................................................................202 Constraints.........................................................................................................204 Ethnicity.....................................................................................................206 Gender........................................................................................................208 Capital........................................................................................................213 Land............................................................................................................216 Labor..........................................................................................................218 Knowledge.................................................................................................222 Activities............................................................................................................230 Objective-based activities..........................................................................233 Resource and constraint based activities..................................................249 Frequency of agricultural activitie s by ethnicity and farm gender.............276 Agricultural cash-income...........................................................................288 Summary...................................................................................................................296 7 IDENTIFICATION OF SOCIAL RECOMMENDATION DOMAINS..................300 Introduction...............................................................................................................300 Step 4: Validation and Modification of Social Recommendation Domains.............301 Initial Observations of Key Factors...................................................................303 Analysis of Primary Contact Farmers...............................................................304 Analysis of Survey Sample...............................................................................306 Step 5: Household Life Cycles in Agriculture..........................................................307 Life Cycle of Afro-Trinidadian Women in Agriculture in Toco.......................309 Life Cycle of Indo-Trinidadian Women in Agriculture in Cedros....................311 Life cycle of Afro-Trinidadian Men in Agriculture in Toco.............................313 Life cycle of Indo-Trinidadian Men in Agriculture in Cedros..........................315 Implications.......................................................................................................318 Step 6: Compile Fact-sheets for each Social Recommendation Domain (SRD)......319 SRD 1: Single Afro-Trinidadian Female Farmer..............................................323 SRD 2: Single Indo-Trinidadian Female Farmer..............................................328 SRD 3: Common-law Afro-Tri nidadian Female Farmer..................................332 SRD 4: Married Afro-Trinidadian Female Farmer...........................................336 SRD 5: Married Indo-Trinidadian Female Farmer............................................340 SRD 6: Widows: Afro and Indo-Trinidadian Female Farmers.........................344 SRD 7: Single Afro-Trini dadian Male Farmers................................................348 SRD 8: Single Indo-Trinidadian Male Farmer..................................................352 SRD 9: Common-law Afro-Tri nidadian Male Farmer......................................356 SRD 10: Married Afro-Trini dadian Male Farmers...........................................360 SRD 11: Married and Widower I ndo-Trinidadian Male Farmers.....................364 SRD 12: Common-law Afro-Tri nidadian Farm Couples..................................368 SRD 13: Married Afro-Trinidadian Farm Couples...........................................372

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x SRD 14: Married Indo-Trinidadian Farm Couples...........................................376 Step 7: Identification of Priority SRDs.....................................................................380 Top Priority Groups...........................................................................................383 Second Priority Groups.....................................................................................385 Third Priority Groups........................................................................................385 Low Priority Groups..........................................................................................386 Summary...................................................................................................................386 8 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS...................................................388 Introduction...............................................................................................................388 Conclusions...............................................................................................................389 Agricultural Participation..................................................................................389 Women in agriculture.................................................................................389 Men in agriculture......................................................................................390 Socially Based Agricultural Strategies..............................................................391 Social variables..........................................................................................391 Objectives...................................................................................................391 Resources...................................................................................................392 Constraints..................................................................................................393 Activities....................................................................................................393 Access to the Agricultural Support System.......................................................394 Priority Target Groups.......................................................................................396 Recommendations for Practice.................................................................................397 Recognize Gender and Social Diversity............................................................397 Respond with Targeted Assistance....................................................................398 Improve communication from or ganizations to farmers............................399 Improve communication from farmers to organizations............................399 Improve communication from farmer to farmer........................................400 Seek to remove major constraints..............................................................400 Recommendations for Further Research..................................................................400 Recommended Research in Trinidad.................................................................400 Recommendations for the ORCA Framework..................................................402 Benefits of the ORCA framework..............................................................402 Summary...................................................................................................................404 APPENDIX A QUESTION GUIDES...............................................................................................405 Individual Farmer Question Guide...........................................................................405 Farmer Focus Group Question Guide.......................................................................407 B INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD....................................................................410 IRB Approval............................................................................................................411 Informed Consent.....................................................................................................412

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xi C FARMER SURVEY.................................................................................................413 D SYSTEMS DIAGRAMS..........................................................................................421 E SAMPLE ORCA PROFILE.....................................................................................424 F FARMER LETTER..................................................................................................426 G GLOSSARY.............................................................................................................428 LIST OF REFERENCES.................................................................................................431 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...........................................................................................440

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xii LIST OF TABLES Table page 3-1. Incidence of agricultu ral holders in Trinidad and in the two regional corporations..............................................................................................................49 3-2. Percentage of farmers reported in the agricultural census ve rsus the percentage of farmers interviewed for my survey......................................................................70 5-1. Land tenure among male Indo-Trinidadia n farmers, analyzed by age group........128 5-2. Land tenure analyzed by et hnicity and farm gender..............................................129 5-3. Land title, analyzed by farm gender and ethnicity.................................................130 5-4. Educational level, analyzed by age, ethnicity, and gender.....................................133 5-5. Marital status of Indo-Trinidadian farmers, analyzed by gender and age..............137 5-6. Marital status of Afro-Trinidadian farmers, analyzed by gender and age..............138 5-7. Household size analyzed by ethnicity and marital status.......................................149 5-8. Household size analyzed by ethnicity and farm gender.........................................149 6-1. Importance of knowledge resources, an alyzed by ethnicity and farm gender (expressed as a percentage of each group’s use of that resource)..........................183 6-2. Access to Ministry resources, analyzed by ethnicity and farm gender (expressed as a percentage of each group)...............................................................................195 6-3. Crops cultivated by Afro-Trinida dians, analyzed by farm gender.........................280 6-4. Crops cultivated by Indo-Trinida dians, analyzed by farm gender.........................280 6-5. Household cash-income derived from ag riculture, analyzed by region and farm gender.....................................................................................................................290 7-1. Key variables and indicators for iden tification of priority target groups...............381

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xiii LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 3-1. Map of Trinidad showing Toco and Cedros study areas..........................................46 4-1. The ORCA Framework............................................................................................79 4-2. Farming systems research and extension methodology using the ORCA framework for development of social recommendation domains............................82 4-3. The dynamic intersection of social factors that determin es an individual’s social recommendation domain (SRD) at a given point in time. .......................................85 4-4. Steps to identify social recommendation domains (SRDs)......................................87 5-1. Social factors investigated as possi ble determinants of farming systems in Trinidad....................................................................................................................97 5-2. Farm gender and marital status of women in agriculture.......................................114 5-3. Farm gender and marital status of men in agriculture............................................117 5-4. Distribution of la nd tenure by ethnicity.................................................................126 5-5. Marital status of farmers by ethnicity....................................................................136 5-6. Distribution of land tenure by marital status..........................................................139 5-7. Age of farmers analyzed by ethnicity....................................................................146 5-8. Age of farmers analyzed by gender........................................................................147 6-1. Objectives code map..............................................................................................155 6-2. Resources code map...............................................................................................171 6-3. Access to agricultural knowledge through other farmers, analyzed by farm gender.....................................................................................................................185 6-4. Access to agricultural knowledge through a spouse, analyzed by farm gender.....189

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xiv 6-5. Access to agricultural information through the Extension Division of the Ministry of Agriculture, analyzed by ethnicity......................................................191 6-6. Constraints code map.............................................................................................205 6-7. Objective-based activities code map......................................................................234 6-8.1. Resourceand constraint–ba sed activities code map.............................................250 6-8.2. Resourceand constraint-b ased activities code map..............................................251 6-9. Household cash-income derived from agriculture, analyzed by region.................291 6-10. Female farmers’ household cash-income derived from agriculture, analyzed by region......................................................................................................................292 7-1. Factors determining the social recommendation domains.....................................302 7-2. Afro-Trinidadian women in Toco: Possible life stages in agriculture...................310 7-3. Indo-Trinidadian women in Cedros: Possible life stages in agriculture................312 7-4. Afro-Trinidadian men in Toco: Possible life stages in agriculture........................314 7-5. Indo-Trinidadian men in Cedros: Po ssible life stages in agriculture.....................317 7-6. Social recommendation domains ..........................................................................320 7-7. Relative frequency of Afroand Indo Trinidadian women in SRDs, defined by marital status and farm gender...............................................................................321 7-8. Relative frequency of Afroand Indo Trinidadian men in SRDs, defined by marital status and farm gender...............................................................................322 7-9. Social map of SRD 1..............................................................................................326 7-10. ORCA map of SRD 1.............................................................................................327 7-11. Social map of SRD 2..............................................................................................330 7-12. ORCA map of SRD 2.............................................................................................331 7-13. Social map of SRD 3..............................................................................................334 7-14. ORCA map of SRD 3.............................................................................................335 7-15. Social map of SRD 4..............................................................................................338 7-16. ORCA map of SRD 4.............................................................................................339

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xv 7-17. Social map of SRD 5..............................................................................................342 7-18. ORCA map of SRD 5.............................................................................................343 7-19. Social map of SRD 6..............................................................................................346 7-20. ORCA map of SRD 6.............................................................................................347 7-21. Social map of SRD 7..............................................................................................350 7-22. ORCA map of SRD 7.............................................................................................351 7-23. Social map of SRD 8..............................................................................................354 7-24. ORCA map of SRD 8.............................................................................................355 7-25. Social map of SRD 9..............................................................................................358 7-26. ORCA map of SRD 9.............................................................................................359 7-27. Social map of SRD 10............................................................................................362 7-28. ORCA map of SRD 10...........................................................................................363 7-29. Social map of SRD 11............................................................................................366 7-30. ORCA map of SRD 11...........................................................................................367 7-31. Social map of SRD 12............................................................................................370 7-32. ORCA map of SRD 12...........................................................................................371 7-33. Social map of SRD 13............................................................................................374 7-34. ORCA map of SRD 13...........................................................................................375 7-35. Social map of SRD 14............................................................................................378 7-36. ORCA map of SRD 14...........................................................................................379 7-37. Priority levels of the social recommendation domains..........................................384 D-1. Systems diagram of Indo-Trinidadian farm couple in Cedros, cocoa farmers ......422 D-2. Systems diagram of Afro-Trinidadian farm couple in Toco, cocoa farmers .........421

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xvi Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy ENGAGING FARMERS: RECOGNIZI NG AND RESPONDING TO GENDER AND SOCIAL DIVERSITY IN TRINIDAD By Kelly Payson-Roopchand August 2006 Chair: Nick Place Major Department: Agricultura l Education and Communication I investigated the gender and social variables that influence agricultural strategies in two ethnically distinct communities in Trinidad. My purpose was to help the agricultural support system eff ectively engage with a greate r percentage of the farming community. I conducted a descriptive study us ing mostly qualitative methods of data collection, analysis, and presentation. I also did a quantitative survey of the broader regional community to validate my initial findin gs and included descriptive statistics to show the incidence of a finding. To show the relationship between social identity and agricult ural activities, I developed the Objectives, Resources, Cons traints, and Activities (ORCA) framework. The framework illustrates how gender and so cial variables affect an individual’s objectives, resources, and constraints, u ltimately influencing their selection of agricultural activities. The framework facilita tes the identification of influential social factors that can be used to group farmers in to social recommendation domains: groups of

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xvii farmers with similar social and agricultural profiles for whom similar agricultural recommendations would be appropriate. My results confirmed the relationship be tween social identity and agricultural activities. The most influential social variable s were 1.) farm gender (the configuration of household responsibility for agriculture, name ly female farmer, male farmer, and farm couple); 2.) ethnicity; an d 3.) marital status. In combina tion, these three variables defined fourteen social recommendation domains (SRDs) with distinctive social and agricultural profiles. The highest priority SRDS were those that had high h ousehold vulnerability, high dependence on agriculture, and lo w access to agricultural services. In conclusion, I recommend that the agri cultural support system 1.) recognizes the gender and social diversity that exists in the farming community and 2.) responds with tailored programs based on the social cat egories identified in my study. The detailed information compiled on each SRD provides an extensive database that will facilitate the development of targeted interventions. By using this approach, the agricultural support system in Trinidad could improve their ability to effectively engage with a more diverse cross-section of the farming community.

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1 CHAPTER 1 SITUATING THE STUDY Introduction Maintaining a healthy agriculture sector requires functiona l linkages between primary producers and the agricultural suppor t system. An effective linkage provides two-way communication between farmers and or ganizations and fost ers a collaborative approach to agricultural development. While most agricultural research focuses on the technical efficiency of production, extensi on seeks to improve productivity and rural well-being by developing human resources Because communication between farmers and researchers is crucial, ex tension was developed to serve as a liaison, an advocate, and a translator between the real ities of farm and research station (McDermott and Andrew, 1999). Successful extension organizations do not prescribe to or speak for farmers; rather they facilitate the expression of farmers’ own voices and engage with farmers in developing innovative solutions to constrai nts (Swanson, Bentz, and Sofranko, 1997). At its best, extension providers ensure that re search organizations respond to the needs and priorities of farmers, and that farmers have access to the latest research and technology developments, providing the greate st possible benefit to all. While national extension systems have been fairly successful in responding to the production needs of medium and large-scale farmers, small-scale farmers have often failed to receive appropriate assistance. Th e top-down technology-transfer approach to extension has not adequately addressed the complex, location-specific needs of small-scale farmers (Chambers, 1997). Most agricultural research ers seek to produce

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2 ever-higher yields per unit of land, but in doi ng so often develop high input technologies that are unfeasible for limited resource farmer s. Farming Systems and other participatory approaches have been important in making re search and extension more responsive to the reality of limited resource farmers (Hildeb rand, 1986). However, worldwide, research agendas are still largely driven by the demands of larger farmers. For many developing nations, which have a hi gh percentage of sm all farmers, this has led to the alienation of a large percentage of the farming community. The small farm is not an impersonal business operation, run so lely to maximize profitability. The small farm is first and foremost a household, and as such is crucially shap ed by the individuals within it. Just as agricultur al possibilities are determined by the ecology of the land, so are farmers’ production decisions shaped by thei r social identity. Social variables are major determinants of farmers’ objectives, resources, and constrai nts. Therefore, the tendency for the agricultural support system to treat farms as faceless entities, without a social identity, has led to the creation of programs that are not feasible for (or beneficial to) a large percentage of farmers. The ne utral prescriptions of production agriculture cannot fit the complex and dive rse realities of small farm households, socially or environmentally. The need to recognize farmers as social beings was first highlighted by the realization that gender is a determining factor of agri cultural production systems. Although women are highly involved in agricu lture, their production systems are often invisible to the agricultural support syst em. Statistics tend to conceal women’s agricultural production, as much of their activity occurs in the informal market or is directed to the household, and so never en ters the cash economy (Visvanathan, Duggan,

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3 Nisonoff, and Wiegersma, 1997). Policy-mak ers and extension agents have focused mainly on women’s reproductive roles and have failed to provide services that further their agricultural activities (Berger, DeLancey, and Mellencamp, 1984; Saito and Spurling, 1992; Swanson et al, 1997). In 1989, on a global basis, only 5% of all extension resources were directed to women (Food and Agriculture Organization [FAO], 1993). Recognition of this oversight led to the in troduction of gender issues in agricultural development, in theory if not commonl y in practice (Buvinic, 1983; Kabeer, 1994; Moser, 1989; Poats, Schmink, and Spring, 1988). Investigation into gender issues eventually led to the rec ognition that gender is only one of several social variab les that shape an individua l’s reality. Gender cannot be considered in isolation from other variables of social identity, as gender is a social construct and is defined by cultu ral norms. Just as the agricultural system must consider gender issues, it must also recognize the othe r social factors that influence farmers’ decision-making. For agricultural organizations to fulfill their role as farmers’ support systems, they must recognize and respond to the realities that farmers face. Trinidad1, like much of the Caribbean, has a high percentage of small farms2 and a tradition of female involvement in agriculture (Kleysen, 1996). In addition, Trinidad has a diverse ethnic population, with distinct gender norms. Therefor e, the agricultural support system in Trinidad needs to recogni ze and respond to gender and social diversity if it is to effectively engage with a broa der cross-section of the farming community. 1 Trinidad is part of the twin island Republic of Trin idad and Tobago. Because the two islands have distinct social and agricultural histories, my study was limited to the island of Trinidad. 2 Preliminary results of the 2004 Agricultural Census show that 53% of farmers had less than 5 acres, and 95% had less than 20 acres (Central Statistcial Office [CSO], 2005)

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4 Need For the Study The effectiveness of the ag ricultural support system is determined by how well it serves the ultimate client of agricultural re search: the farmer. To succeed, the agricultural support system must understand 1) who their clie nts are, 2) what type of assistance they need, and 3) how best to deliver that a ssistance. Their clientele is a diverse body, consisting of large and small, male and female farmers; farmers of different ethnicities, ages, and socioeconomic levels. Their client ele face different chal lenges and engage in distinct activities. Differences in househol d composition create distinct patterns of resources and constraints. If the agricultu ral support system fails to recognize and respond to gender and social diversity, it risks losses in efficiency, sustainability, and equity. Historically, agricultural development has frequently igno red the needs and priorities of small-scale and female farm ers (FAO, 1997) and discounted socio-cultural differences as unimportant. Most extension systems direct the majority of their resources toward large-scale farmers, despite the fact that small-scale farmers (of which women constitute a disproportionate share) cons titute 75–80 % of the world’s farmers (FAO, 1993). The very structure of development has exacerbated gender inequalities, and decreased women’s abilities to improve th eir own lives (Rivera and Corning, 1990). Typically, extension has directed thei r agricultural programs to the farm “household,” which in practice has usually mean t to a resident adult male. In considering the household as a cooperative unit, extension has ignored the vast di fferences that exist between members of the household. Women and men may plant different crops, or have unequal access to inputs such as land and cr edit. Women’s domestic responsibilities often prevent them from attending training sessions during the day. If they do attend meetings,

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5 they may hesitate to voice their concerns in a mixed-sex group (S aito, 1991). All these factors create different needs and priorities for female and male farmers (Dwyer and Bruce, 1988; Saito and Spurling, 1992). Likewise, different cultu ral groups have distinct social patterns that affect farmers’ acce ss to resources and production decisions. All these distinctions must be recognized a nd accounted for, if th e agricultural support system is to provide more equitable and effective support to the farming community. The need to specifically recognize and e ngage with female farmers is becoming more important as the numbers of female-h eaded households are increasing worldwide, due to migration, war, and a number of ot her factors. Female-headed households in lesser-developed countries now comprise one-quarter to one -half of total households (Swanson et al, 1997). With more women assuming sole responsibility for the household’s well-being, it is increasingly imperative that they are recognized and supported in their dual role, in both production and reproduc tion activities. Female farmers, whether wives, labor ers, or independent heads of households, are vital to the agricultural development of a nation. Their efforts contri bute not only to the national economy and overall productivity, but have b een shown to be a cr ucial indicator of family well-being (Carloni, 1983; FAO, 1993) as women are more likely than men to invest in household nutriti on and education (PinstrupAndersen, Panya-Lorch, and Rosegrant, 1999; International Food Po licy Research Institute [IFPRI], 1999). Statement of the Problem Trinidad has a diverse population, composed of two major ethnic groups with very different norms and gender re lations. It has three main re ligious groups, further divided into numerous sects. It has a young cosmopolita n “center” with relative affluence, high standards of education, and a fast developi ng industrial economy. At the same time,

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6 beyond the highway, is an older rural periphery that remains working class, with limited educational opportunities and a marginalized and contracting agri cultural sector. Amid all of this social diversity is an agricultural support sy stem that is itself composed of a variety of institutions, from small community-based organizations to large national ministries, as well as several intern ational organizations. It is vital for these organizations to recognize farmers’ social di versity if they are to respond effectively to farmers’ needs. Currently, most research and extension programs provide information on specific crops, without reference to farm hous ehold differences. “The small farm system in the Caribbean is still regarded as a fairly undifferentiated entity and interventions are defined from this mindset.… (However) On e extension strategy…cannot meet the needs of a diverse farming system” (Ganpat and Bekele, 2001). Regional efforts to revise the extension sy stem in the late 1980s identified the needs of female farmers but failed to implement the recommended changes (Schmink and Goddard, 1985; Schmink, 1989). Since then, regi onal research on wo men in agriculture has increased significantly, and courses on wo men in agriculture are offered at the University of the West Indies in Trinida d. In 1993, at the request of the Extension Division, the Inter-American Institute for Cooperation on Agriculture (IICA) gathered baseline data on five groups of small-scal e female producers in Trinidad. However, in 1995, an FAO study found that women were not mentioned in Trinid ad’s agricultural policy and only 9% of female farmers reporte d using Extension’s se rvices (Dass, 1995). Lack of information on target groups hi nders the design and implementation of effective agricultural development program s. Organizations need to understand how gender and social diversity aff ects production strategies at the household level, in order to

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7 respond appropriately. Ganpat and Bekele’s 2001 study examined differences in overall resource level and concluded that there were at least three dis tinct groups of small farmers in Trinidad, each requiring targeted development interventi ons, especially the lowest resource group. My study aims to exte nd these earlier efforts by trying to link the differences in resources, activities, and organizational access to gender and social variables. Purpose and Objectives My study aims to assist the agricultural s upport system to more effectively engage with a greater percentage of the farmi ng population, through provi sion of a practical framework that will assist development prac titioners to recognize how gender and social diversity impacts farmers and respond appropria tely to their distinct farming systems. The specific objectives of my study are to: 1. Document the diverse social and gender gr oups that are involved in agriculture in two ethnically distinct communities in Trinidad. 2. Identify the social variables that most influence agricultural decision-making, and show how these factors impact the ultimate selection of an agricultural strategy. 3. Assess the current access to and satisfaction with the agricultural support system by diverse groups of farmers in these two communities. 4. Identify priority farmer groups for en hanced engagement with the agricultural support system. Operational Definitions Agricultural support system – The various institutions that provide agricultural services, including research, exte nsion, and policy organizations. Cash-income Income received directly in the form of cash, as opposed to other outputs of production activi ties such as food. Cedros – The case study area in the southweste rn tip of Trindad. Primarily the villages of Granville, Coromandel, and Pt. Coco, with lesser reference to Chatham.

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8 This area is known informally as “Cedros” and comprises the southwestern tip of county St. Patrick West. Extension – When written with a lower-case “e, ” extension refers, in general, to the outreach activities of agricultural development organizations. When written with a capital “E,” Extension refers specifically to the Extension division of the Ministry of Agriculture. Farm couple Household in which both partners, female and male, share responsibility for agricult ural production activities. Farm gender Analytical category that desc ribes the configurati on of responsibility for agricultural activities within a household, independent of marital status. There are three categories: female farmer male farmer, and farm couple. Farming system The farm household and the various livelihood activities pursued, in the context of the social a nd agro-ecological environment. Female farmer – Household in which the female is solely responsible for agricultural produc tion activities. Gender The socially determined, and cu lturally specific, differences between women and men, as opposed to the bi ologically determined differences. Male farmer – Household in which the male is solely responsible for agricultural production activities. MA – Man engaged in agricultural produc tion; used as a pseudonym for any man who participated in the study. ORCA – Farmers’ agricultural objectives, re sources, constraints, and activities. Production activities – Activities that directly cont ribute to household income, including agricultural production as well as wage employment. Recognized farmers – Farmers that have established linkages to external agricultural organizations, so that they are usually the firs t recipient of any organizational resource or communication. Recommendation domain “A group of r oughly homogeneous farmers with similar circumstances for whom we can make more or less the same recommendation” (Byerlee et al, as cited in Norman, 1986. “The underlying assumption is that the farmers of households within the same recommendation domains will have similar responses to proposed technologies”(Shan er et al, as cited in Norman, 1986). Reproduction activities – Activi ties that directly contribut e to the maintenance of the human resource base, including caring for the family, children, and household.

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9 Social recommendation domain (SRD) – Group of farmers defined by similar social factors that will tend to select similar agricultural strategies. Because they will have similar responses to proposed changes, we can make more or less the same recommendation for farmers with in a social recommendation domain. Toco – The study area in the northeastern tip of Trindad. Primarily the villages of Grande Riviere, Matelot, Montevideo, and Sans Souci, with lesser reference to L’Anse Noire, Toco, and Cumana. This area is known informally as “Toco” and comprises the northeastern tip of county St. David. WA – Woman engaged in ag ricultural production; used as a pseudonym for any woman who participated in the study. Limitations of the Study Like all qualitative researc h, this study was mainly limited by the skills of the researcher. Because culture and gender are in tegral parts of my study, I had to analyze these factors, while recognizing that my cultural background influenced my interpretations. I tried to minimize misinter pretation in several ways: 1) I referred to local studies of ethnicity and gender to validate my observation s. 2) Several Trinidadians reviewed my findings, to ensure they were c ongruent with their per ceptions. 3) I included quotes and field observations along with my anal yses, to allow reader s to make their own interpretations. The data were limited to what participants chose to reveal to me. Their responses were based on how they perceived me and the relationship between us. Because I was researching potentially sensitive topics, the st ories I was told were highly influenced by the amount and duration of our interaction a nd the level of trust they felt in me. My understanding of religion and gende r norms among Indo-Trinidadians was limited by the lack of any Muslim farmers am ong my primary contact farmers. I only encountered a Muslim community towards the end of my study, during the survey portion of my research, when interac tions were relatively brief. Perhaps for this reason, I was

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10 never introduced to any Muslim women in agriculture, and thus have an incomplete picture of this community. Finally, as a descriptive study of two communities, the findings have limited generalization to other regions in Trinidad. My study areas were selected because of their geographical and cultural isolation and ma y have limited resemblance to other, more accessible regions in Trinidad. Significance of the Study My study is significant on several different levels. On a theoretical level, my study illustrates the importance of recognizing gende r and social diversity as influential variables in farmers’ selection of agricultural activities. By sensitizing practitioners to the influence of social factors, their ability to effectively engage with farmers is improved. On a practical level, the Objectives, Re sources, Constraints, and Activities (ORCA) framework introduced in Chapter 4 provide s an accessible methodology to identify distinct target groups (soc ial recommendation domains), se lect priority groups, and develop an action plan. This methodology has significance not only in other regions of Trinidad but elsewhere in the world. The findings of my study ar e significant as a referen ce document for agricultural organizations in Trinidad that wish to work in these two regions. My study presents a clear rationale for selection of priority target groups and a detailed description of each group that will facilitate the development of an appropriate plan for engagement. Summary My study illuminates the importance of gende r and social identity as determinants of farming systems in Trinidad. Given Trinidad ’s social diversity, it is crucial for the agricultural support system to recognize and respond to these differences, if they wish to

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11 engage more effectively with a broader profile of the farming community. Qualitative and quantitative data from two ethnically dist inct regions are analyzed using the ORCA framework, in order to define social ta rget groups, known as social recommendation domains. These are then categorized by le vel of priority for engagement by the agricultural support system. A proposed action plan is presented in Chapter 8.

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12 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW This chapter describes the theoretical perspe ctives that influenced my approach to this study, namely: Farming systems research and extension Gender and development Extension models Agricultural context in Trinidad3 My perspectives on the small farming community were most affected by the farming systems approach to development. The need to recognize gender and social diversity as a key component of the farming system was a product of my exposure to the gender and development field. Consideration of the best way to engage with a diverse farming community led me through an examina tion of various extension models. All of these theoretical approaches were contextua lized by my investigation into Trinidad’s agriculture sector. Farming Systems Research and Extension Farming systems research and extension ( FSRE) sprang from the realization that small farmers in developing nations were not benefiting from the top-down, transfer of technology approach to extension. The farmi ng systems paradigm questioned the ability of a distant research institu tion to understand the complex r ealities of small-scale farmers and to generate appropriate, adoptable techno logy under the ideal and highly controlled 3 Trinidad is part of the twin island Republic of Trin idad and Tobago. Because the two islands have distinct social and agricultural histories, this study was limited to the island of Trinidad.

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13 conditions of experiment stations (Hildebr and, 1986). As Whyte wr ote in 1986, “There is reason to be concerned that the very style a nd organization of most current agricultural research and development will not adequately take account of the circumstances of small farmers and improve their productivity.” This continues to be a ma tter of concern today, as the absolute number of small-scale farmer s increases, and poverty remains a persistent feature of rural life (International Fund for Agricultu ral Development [IFAD], 2001). Small-scale family farms operate under c onditions that are fundamentally different from large commercial farms, which can mi mic the conditions of experiment stations. Small farmers in lesser-developed countri es (LDCs) do not benefit from new technologies that require high levels of input s or access to modern infrastructure. Their constraints are complex and require more th an agronomic “solutions.” Research and extension must take into account the whole farming system, including the socioeconomic environment, in developing appropriate respon ses. Therefore, farming systems demands the inclusion of small-scale farmers as neces sary partners in the process of planning, implementing, and evaluating technology. The farming systems approach is innovative in a number of ways. First, it considers the farm as a system, looking beyond purely production constraints and attempting to understand the farm household’s activities as a response to the total environment, socioeconomic as well as agro-ecological. It recognizes that the farm is also a household and exists within a larger web of interr elationships. With its emphasis on analyzing internal and external factors that shape the system, FSRE lends itself to the analysis and integration of gender issues (Poats, Sc hmink, and Spring,1988). FSRE incorporates

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14 gender analysis methodologies in order to understand and account for the division of activities, resources, and cons traints within the househol d (Rivera and Schram, 1987). Second, it respects the small farmer as a knowledgeable decision-maker, who optimizes well-being in a complex and ri sky environment. FSRE understands that adoption decisions are a resu lt of many factors beyond yield maximization (Hildebrand, 1986). Therefore, it promotes the assessment and adaptation of technologies within the existing system, rather than a pre-designed “package” that is supposed to be broadly adaptable (Hildebrand and Russell, 1996). Third, FSRE promotes diagnosis of problems and design of on-farm research in collaboration with farmers. By linking farmer s directly with multi-disciplinary teams of researchers and extension pract itioners, FSRE facilitates iden tification of constraints and development of appropriate technology (Hildebrand, 1986). Finally, FSRE identifies “recommendation dom ains,” groups of farmers who have developed similar cropping systems and liveli hood strategies in response to shared socio-economic and agro-ecological constr aints. This allows development of technologies appropriate to a pa rticular domain (Hildebrand, 1986). Farming systems models continue to e volve as experience leads to greater understanding of the systems approach. Farmer First, Beyond Farmer First, Participatory Technology Development (PTD), Participator y Action Research (PAR), and On-Farm Client Oriented Research (O FCOR) all share the basic farm ing systems understanding of small-scale farmers as rational decision-makers functioning in complex local systems (Chambers, 1997; Colverson, 1996; Havekort, van der Kamp, and Water-Bayers, 1991).

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15 These new approaches use various methods to increase farmer involvement in the generation, testing, evaluation, and dissemi nation of agricultural innovations. With experience, FSRE practitioners have come to realize that increased farmer participation does not necessar ily equate with equitable gender inclusion. Because participatory models focus on dialogue and act ion with the “community,” there has been an implicit assumption that these methods ar e automatically gender sensitive. However, the equation of “invited” participation with act ual inclusion is mislead ing. This “myth of community” (Guijt and Shah, 1999) is nave in its belief that physical proximity corresponds with shared inte rests. Any group of people, whether at the household, village, or global level, is differentiated by their resources, objectives, and real power to determine their own lives. Participatory a pproaches are therefore explicit in their attention to this, and consciously identify the “silent” community members and act to increase their “voice.” A wide variety of tools have been creat ed to facilitate the inclusion of women and other marginalized members, both in the communication that occurs within a community and in its representati on to the outside worl d (Engelhardt, Oswald, and Bacal, 1995). This research was fundamentally shaped by the farming systems paradigm both in its theoretical framework and its methodology. Theoretically, this research recognizes small-scale farmers as important agricultura l producers and attempts to understand their livelihood decisions by situa ting them in their social economic, and political environment. It recognizes the complex constrai nts and strategies of small-scale farmers, and attempts to understand the impact of out side interventions as they reverberate through this system. Methodologically, it em ploys listening as a primary tool for

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16 understanding farmers’ situations recognizing the need to hear why farmers act as they do, instead of telling them w hat they should be doing Instead of relying primarily on formal surveys to investigate preconceive d notions, the researcher uses informal, unstructured interviewing to uncover farmers’ perspectives. Qualitative data are used to construct visual models of the identified systems to highlight the main components and interactions Gender and Development Evolution of Development Paradigms For many years, agricultural resear ch and developmen t operated under the assumption that its policies and programs were gender-neutral. However, experience showed that the impacts of development we re not only different for men and women, but were often detrimental for women. In 1970, Boserup’s pivotal book Woman’s Role in Economic Development first drew attention to the fact women, as well as men, are highly involved in agricultural producti on. Her criticism of the nega tive effects of development on women helped to spark the United Nation’s Decade for Women (Tinker, 1990). Research began to uncover the importance of women in agriculture, and, across the globe, it was documented that women were active in both the field and the household (Dixon-Mueller and Anker, 1988). It was re peatedly demonstrated that women were important determinants of family well-bei ng, as women were more likely than men to spend their cash-income on food and h ealthcare (Visvanath an et al., 1997; Pinstrup-Andersen et al., 1999; IFPRI, 1999). Yet women were consistently overlooke d by development programs, while men were targeted for training, credit, and m echanization. Despite the importance of women in agriculture, development programs often relegated women to the domestic sphere and

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17 focused exclusively on men as agricultura l producers (Boserup, 1970). Men were the favored recipients of educa tion and technical assistance, and benefited from laws that granted them control over vi tal resources, most importan tly land. As a result, women often lost control over produc tion resources and employment as increasing mechanization replaced their labor (FAO, 1993). The ne t effect was that women’s burden often increased while men moved into the cash economy (Boserup, 1970). Recognition of the unequal impacts of gender-blind development led to the creation of a “women in development” (WID) appr oach (Kabeer, 1994). Women became targeted recipients of development aid in the na me of welfare, efficiency, equity, and empowerment respectively (Buvinic, 1983; Mo ser, 1989). However, over time it became apparent that special women’s projects, dire cted towards traditional “female” activities, had only limited impact on the long-term we ll-being of women (Poats et al., 1988). In addition, these projects tende d to be marginalized with in the overall development scheme, usually being understaffed and under funded. The subsequent “gender and development” (GAD) approach attempted to uncover the deeper societal and institutional disparit ies that created inequity between genders (Young, 1992). GAD recognized that women and men exist in interrelationships of competition and collaboration; therefore equita ble development requires the participation and commitment of both genders. Proponents di stinguished between “practical” gender needs, that is the needs of women within th eir existing roles, and “strategic” gender needs that seek to increase women’s ability to expa nd into new roles and define their own lives (Molyneux, 1985; Moser, 1993).

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18 The detrimental effect of development on women has often been interpreted as a failure to include women in the development process. Thus, the remedy would appear to be greater integration of women into development (Boserup, 1970). However, many women have expressed the belief that inequa lity is built into the very structure of traditional development with its exclusive focus on economic growth. They argue that women’s contributions will never be equa lly valued until women’s priorities are understood and included as objectiv es of development (Kabeer, 1994). Gender Issues in Agriculture The significant contribution of wome n in agriculture has now been well documented (Saito and Spurling, 1992; Berger et al., 1984). Current research estimates that women account for 40 percent of the agri cultural labor force in Latin America and 60-80 percent in Asia and Africa (FAO, 1993). However, despite equal involvement in agriculture, women farmers typi cally have less access to agricultural resources than men, decreasing their ability to be efficient pr oducers. Land is the si ngle most important resource for agricultural production, but acce ss is often limited or tenuous for women, due to both legal and cultural rules that favor men (Saito, 1991). This creates difficulty for women in securing credit or loans, since they lack collateral. Low educational levels, especially illiteracy, also limit women in LDCs, as they typically receive much less schooling than men. Compounding all these co nstraints are the re production duties of women, which limit both their mobility and time to engage in agricultural activities. With increasing male migration in search of wage work, more women are taking full responsibility for the household and agricultural production. Female-headed households now comprise one-quarter to one-h alf of total households in lesser-developed countries (Swanson et al., 1997). A 1993 survey revealed especially high rates in the

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19 Caribbean, with Jamaica t opping the list with 57% of households headed by women (Kleysen and Campillo, 1996). Constrained by labor and cash, female-headed households figure disproportionately among the poorest house holds. Thus, the need to effectively address women’s needs has never been greater. Gender in Caribbean agriculture Both men and women have been involved in agriculture since plantation cultivation first began in the Caribbean. Under slavery, there was little gender division of labor, since there was no economic advantage in under-utilizing productive labor. Women did the same tasks as men, a fact now forgotten in the justification for lower female wages due to their “lower productivit y.” Many scholars believe that th e presence or absence of a gender division of labor in the Caribbean is far more related to economic than cultural factors (Reddock and Huggins, 1988). Although Caribbean women have historically been involved in all agricultural activities, there is pr esently some gender division of la bor typical of the region. Men are more apt to plow and prepare land, spray crops, and manage large livestock, while women tend to do the majority of planti ng, harvesting, and post -harvest activities (Kleysen, 1996). Agricultural labor tends to be more flexible on small-scale farms, where economic necessity may obscure traditional ge nder roles. However, while women may enter the traditionally “male” domains, men have yet to respond by entering the domestic sphere (Kleysen, 1996). Regardless of their le vel of involvement in agriculture, women remain responsible for the well-being of th e household. Shouldering sole responsibility for reproduction activities, female farmers face constant trade-offs in their time use. Given these multiple responsibilities, it is not surprising that female farmers tend to accumulate lower levels of capital resources, in turn further limiting their agricultural

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20 productivity. In part this is due to the lim ited economic opportunities for women, so that the majority of female cash-income is derive d from agriculture. In contrast, men have significantly higher access to o ff-farm employment than wo men. If small-scale female farmers do work off-farm, it is most commonly as an agricultural laborer, at wage rates lower than men’s (Henshall, 1981). Often, women are the primary farm and household manager, while men work off-farm, return ing to farming as a secondary occupation (Kleysen, 1996). Therefore, women are more dependent than men on agriculture for their cash-income, as demonstrated by Henshall’s su rvey of St. Lucia, where 70% of female farmers reported local sales of farm produce as their primary cash-income versus 45% of male farmers (Henshall, 1981). Limited by cash and labor constraints, fema le farmers have strategically selected activities that fit into their farming capabil ities. Female farmers are the least likely to employ farm laborers, due both to financial constraints and society’s perception that working for a woman is low status (Hensh all, 1981). Lacking recognition and support from policymakers and extension, women use groups and family support to fulfill their reproduction duties and maximize their production activities. This situ ation is even more demanding for the third to a half of women who are heads of households. “The overall picture of female-operated farms in the West Indies is that of marginality in terms of capital, land, and labor resour ces” (Henshall, 1981, p 7).

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21 Gender in Trinidadian agriculture Preliminary results of the 2004 agricu ltural census estimated 2,627 female and 15,465 male “agricu ltural holders4” in Trinidad5. Officially, women represented 15% of the recognized farmers (CSO, 2005). However, under-representation of women farmers in official statistics is co mmon knowledge (Beneria, 1982). Id entification of the “farmer” as the person who “owns and controls” the resource base causes many active female farmers to be overlooked, as only a minor ity of women are landholders (IICA, 1993). Persistent bias leads to th e perception of men as the “f armer,” even when women are responsible for agricultural decision-making. Because women are often involved in informal markets or subsistence prod uction, their production may be unrecognized (Dixon, 1985). The extent of such oversig hts is evident in a 1996 IICA study that re-estimated the population of female farmers in the Caribbean. In Jamaica, while only 60,500 women were officially recorded as active in agriculture, the official re-estimation was 167, 000 (Kleysen and Campillo, 1996). Although Trinidad was not included in IICA’ s study, it bears note that the recorded population of 2,627 women farmers may represen t less than half of the active female farmers. Many Trinidadian women mainta in “backyard” gardens for household consumption and commercial sales. A 1980 su rvey by Harry found that women in central and south Trinidad (predominantly Indo-Tr inidadian) were very involved in the cultivation of vegetables for domestic cons umption, tobacco, and rice, and were often the primary decision-maker on dairy farms. Notably, 66.2 percent of all farms had a “home 4 As defined in the Preliminary Report of the 2004 Agricultural Census, an “agricultural holding is an economic unit of agricultural production producing primarily for sale…without regard to title, legal form, size or location.” Thus non-commercial production was not counted, but squatters were. 5 Statistics presented here refer specifically to the island of Trinidad.

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22 garden” for which women were responsible (H arry, 1980). However, the great majority of this production is invisible to the outsid e, as it occurs within the “house-yard.” Although such production is vita l to household maintenance, it is usually discounted as relatively unimportant in comparison to cash crops (IICA, 1993). As a result, the agricultural support system remains unaware of the true magnitude of female involvement in agriculture and the distribution of resources is skewed away from women. Trying to identify small-scale female farmers is confounded by women’s own perception of their work, as many perceive their “backyard” production as part of their “domestic” duties and do not self-identify as a farmer. Thus “while 50% of women reported gardening as their major source of cash-income, only 30% reported gardening as their major activity outside of the home” (IIC A, 1993 p. 22). As Henshall reported in her extensive field studies, “women appear to view the farm as an extension of their household responsibilities” and “defined ev en planting and harvesting as homemaking rather than agricultural work” (Henshall, 1981). This is eviden t across ethnicities, although for different reasons. In patriarcha l East Indian families, women’s primary responsibility is to the household, so “supplemental” agricultural activities are seen simply as part of their duties as wives and mothers. In Afro-Caribbean families, mothers are held in high regard, wher eas agricultural labor is l ooked down upon; therefore a woman gains most status in her role as pr ovider for the household. “Consequently, social pressures on both ethnic groups will tend to encourage under-recording of women’s role in agriculture” (Momsen, 1984). The marginalization of women in agricultu re is even more problematic given the persistently high percentage of female-headed households in Trinidad. In 1987, women

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23 headed 37% of households in Trinidad, with 67% of those outside of the labor force, resulting in 39% of female -headed households below th e poverty line (IICA, 1993). In 2000, the situation was much the same, with 38% of households being female-headed (CSO, 2001). Lacking both internal support fr om a partner and ex ternal support from agricultural institutions, these hous eholds are highly vulnerable. Gender Issues in Extension Top-down extension can be a constraint to equitable distri bution of resources within a diverse farming population (Berge r et al., 1984; Saito and Spurling, 1992). Traditionally, agricultural deve lopment services have been directed to the “household,” which was viewed as a cooperative unit, re presented by a male head. However, this approach ignores the vast differences that exist between members of the household (Dwyer and Bruce, 1988). In actuality, the ge nder division of rights and responsibilities within households varies greatly, depending on socio-cultural and ec onomic factors such as religion, culture, household composition, and class. By not recognizing the different realities of male and female farmers, development practitioners have tended to respond to all fa rmers with just one approach, which is only appropriate for a small percentage of farmer s (typically higher resource male farmers). Therefore, only a certain segment of th e farming population has benefited from the resources of the agricultural support syst em. In Honduras, Colverson (1996) found that training did not cover the issues of highest priority to women farmers. Programs directed at women usually focus on domestic activ ities (Berger et al., 1984; Spring, 1986). However, for most women, reproduction activ ities were only a portion of their total responsibilities. A 1993 study in Central Am erica revealed that of the 14-18 hours

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24 worked daily by rural women, only half were in domestic activities, while the other half were in agricultural activities (Kleysen and Campillo, 1996). Gender and outreach In order to reach both male and female farmers, extension providers must take gender dynamics into account when selec ting an outreach met hod. Group trainings are usually the most accessible venue for women; however time, location, and topic are all crucial considerations. Women’s multiple respons ibilities often leave lit tle time for travel to distant meetings. The combination of pr oduction and reproduction ac tivities leads to long hours for female farmers, making them “p robably the busiest people in the world,” (FAO, 1993, p 37). Cultural traditions may also limit female attendance and participation (Bastidas, 1999). If women do attend meetings, they may be hesitant to voice their concerns in a mixed sex group (Colvers on, 1996). In the words of one Ecuadorian woman, “Even if I go to the mee tings, it’s only to hear what the men have to say. Men are the ones who talk and discuss. They know what to say and how to say it” (Bastidas, 1999, p. 16). In approaching women, it is advisable to contact existing groups that have already established cohesion and leadership, and interest them in extension activities. However, it is important to recognize those who may be excluded from groups, such as the poorest women, and approach them indivi dually (Swanson et al., 1997). Individual meetings with extension gene rally lead to the least contact with small-scale female farmers, as they are often invisible or considered less desirable clients. Extension services may be preferentially offe red to higher resource farmers with higher levels of resources, so that female farmers with little or no land or credit may be bypassed as unlikely to “succeed” (FAO, 1993). The now discredited training and visit (T &V) system promoted by the World Bank often ex cluded women as “contact” farmers due to

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25 selection criteria such as literacy, land tit le, and size of land-holding (Swanson et al., 1997). Extension agents often do not receive appropriate tr aining on gender sensitivity, and in many cases are expected to work onl y with their same sex clientele, women in home economics, and men in agriculture (Colverson, 1996). Although mass communication channels such as radio and TV appear to be gender neutral, the actual audience is determined by time of presentation, literacy, and access to media (FAO, 1993). Each of these factors tends to restrict female access to agricultural resources. In Latin America and the Ca ribbean in 1993, the percentage of women receiving technical assistance from extension was less than 10%, and in most countries less than 2% (Kleysen and Campillo, 1996). Extension organizations must explicitly recognize and respond to gender issu es if they wish to be rele vant and accessible to both male and female farmers. Gender and extension in Trinidad In 1991, the Ministry of Agriculture, Land and Marine Resources (MALMR), recognizing that few women were attending Exte nsion training course s, requested IICA’s assistance in identifying the production activ ities, constraints, and potentials of small-scale female farmers. A baseline su rvey of “capacities and vulnerabilities” was conducted of five women’s groups. The focus of the survey was on women’s subsistence activities, defined as the “ domestic area of agricultural production, which like housework, fails to be recognized” (IICA, 1993). Most of the women reported subsistence, non-commercial agriculture as part of th eir livelihood strategy, supplemented by other activities (food proces sing, handicrafts, etc). Only 13% of the women used government extension for agricultural information, while 6% received assistan ce from the Caribbean

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26 Network for Integrated Rural Developmen t (CNIRD), and 71% had no awareness of either source (IICA, 1993). Similarly, a 1990 research study showed that whereas 15% of female farmers in Trinidad accessed agricultural informati on through their husbands, only 0.4% used Extension (Rajak, 1990). The report conclude d that Extension need ed 1) clear policy directives regarding the importance of subsis tence farmers and 2) targeted assistance to female farmers. As recently as 1995, neith er women nor small-scale farmers were mentioned in Trinidad’s agricu ltural policy (Dass, 1995). This lack of a clear mandate at the policy level can translate to exclusion of small-scale farmers at the operational level (IICA, 1993). IICA reported that discussions w ith Extension revealed ambiguity over the need to provide services to “backyard” farmers. In a further FAO study in 1995, 43% of fema le farmers in Trinidad reported no interaction with Extension (D ass, 1995). Most women (40%) relied on their husbands for agricultural information, while 25% sought advi ce from the farm shop, 12% from friends and only 9% used Extension as a primary s ource. The study highlighted the gap between female farmers’ realities and Extension’s pe rception of them as cl ientele. Women were not identified as a target a udience in agricultural policy, no r were there gender guidelines for implementation (Dass, 1995). Most women indicated that they were aware of the training, but the training was either not re levant or not accessi ble to them. Women identified their greatest obstacles to particip ation as lack of incentives and lack of time and suitable location. Extension perceive d their difficulties in reaching women as primarily a lack of appropriate technology a nd demonstration materials, combined with a generally poor understanding of wome n’s problem and needs (Dass, 1995).

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27 Gender Analysis In order to move beyond a general awarene ss of gender issues to a practical and appropriate response, development practitione rs must have a thor ough understanding of the ramifications of gender in a specific locale, institution and/or cultural group. The process of identifying distin ctions by gender is called a gender analysis, and may incorporate numerous methods. For devel opment practitioners, a gender-equitable response requires consideration of gender on tw o levels: 1) within th e target group and 2) within the institutional setting. Gender analysis of farming systems Gender analysis can be used to lear n about men’s and women’s objectives, resources, constraints, and ac tivities within a sp ecific household and/or farming system. This is crucial for understanding the intr a-household dynamics (Saito and Spurling, 1992). Resource analysis is used to determin e, by gender, who has access to and control of critical resources, such as land, capital, and knowledge. Constr aints analysis is used to explore how socioeconomic and institutional factors are differentially experienced by men and women. Activity analys is identifies all tasks, production and reproduction, by gender, using methods such as seasonal cale ndars to determine the critical periods of labor shortage, and who will be affected by changes in labor demands. Such analyses help in understanding household dynamics a nd predicting the differential responses of male and female farmers to changes in agricu ltural policies, technol ogies, and extension (Feldstein and Poats, 1989). Gender analysis of extension systems In addition to uncovering differences in farming systems, gender analysis can be used to evaluate institutional biases and overs ights. To improve their services to a diverse

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28 clientele, the agricultural s upport system must evaluate its own structure and services. Relevant considerations include the level of gender equity in current laws and government policies, the level of female pa rticipation in annual extension program planning, distribution of extension staff by gende r, output of extension media targeted for women, and contacts between extension agents and female farmers (Saito and Spurling, 1992). Common organizational c onstraints identified by FAO include 1) inadequate information on the activities of female farmers 2) lack of incentives to focus on women’s activities and 3) dismissi ve attitudes towards female farmers (FAO, 1993). By combining the findings of the farm/ household and instituti onal gender analysis, extension policies and implementation strategies can be revised to match the reality of male and female farmers’ needs and prioriti es. To address existing oversights, extension requires action on two fronts: 1) at the policy level, there must be a clear mandate to target farmers across the social and gender sp ectrum and 2) at the field level, officers must have training and guidelines in how to implement these mandates (FAO, 1993). Extension Models In assessing the ability of extension orga nizations to effectively serve a diverse farming community, it is helpful to analyze different extension models and determine potential weaknesses and possibl e areas of improvement. Formal extension systems have been organized in a variety of ways, dependi ng on their objectives and their perceptions of the roles of farmer, re searcher, and extension. Ministry-Based Extension In Trinidad, as in much of the world, ex tension is a part of the Ministry of Agriculture. Ministry-based extension is the predominant form of extension in the world, providing more than 90 percent of all extens ion services in 1993 (FAO, 1993). Organized

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29 as a service of the national government, these extension systems aim to improve agricultural productivity for the benefit of both producers and consumers (Nagel, 1997). Ideally, such public extension is developed to serve the needs of all types of farmers in a country (FAO, 1993). However, in most countries, extension a nd research exist as separate divisions under the Ministry of Agriculture and often have weak linkages with each other. The information that gets transferred is often outdated or not pertinent to the farmer’s situation (Nagel, 1997). Therefore, extension of ten has to rely on its own initiative and resources in addressing the needs of the farm er. Frontline officers are often responsible for a large area, with only limited resources at their disposal. In addition, they may have regulatory duties, which can diminish farmer trust and limit their time for educational activities. Agents often enter the field with only a few years of tec hnical training and little or no understanding of participatory techni ques. Researchers typically have limited understanding of farmers’ problems and ther efore do not prioritize those issues for research. Large-scale commercial farmers often have more interaction and influence with government research bodies, but smal l-scale farmers are virtually unseen. There are several sources of potential bias in this model. Extension providers tend to focus on “successful” farmers, especia lly those producing export crops, which may obscure the perspectives and n eeds of small scale and female farmers. Researchers tend to evaluate new crops and methodologies in la boratories and field stations, with minimal reference to farmers’ selection criteria. By fa iling to consider the objectives or constraints of diverse farmers, research often generates “improvements” that are only feasible for a small segment of the farming community, usuall y the higher resource farmers. To revise

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30 such a system with a gender perspec tive requires top-level commitment and a comprehensive evaluation of policies. Training in gender sensitivity and gender analysis would be necessary for all levels of staff in order to successfully address the pervasive biases. Data would need to be disaggrega ted, and probably new data would need to be gathered in order to evaluate progra m efficacy (Rivera and Schram, 1987). Commodity-Based Extension Commodity-based extension is based on the provision of services to farmers who cultivate a particular crop, and may be offe red by governments or private firms. In the case of government commodity boards, the cr op is usually a highvalue export crop and so is favored for research and subsidies. A private firm is obviously profit oriented, and so promotes the optimal production of the crop in order to maximize its revenue (Nagel, 1997). In Trinidad, the Cocoa and Coffee Industry Board provides commodity-based extension to cocoa and coffee growers as a service of the government. Caroni, Ltd., although recently defunct, provided outreach to sugarcane farmers in Trinidad for many years. Services are provided to growers who part icipate in the program. Growers benefit from research, subsidized inputs, and guarant eed markets. Because the organization seeks control of the process, their ex tension approach is prescripti ve, with farmers directed to use certain methods and inputs. For larg e farmers, this may ease the burden of management. However, small farmers are often forced to make sub-optimal decisions from a production standpoint, in order to ba lance their constraints and minimize risks (Nagel, 1997). Commodity oriented systems are focused exclusively on the production activities of a particular crop, and ignore the placemen t of production within a farming system.

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31 Such systems achieve high production level at a high cost, by disregarding all the associated activities and needs of farmers, and are notorious for disadvantaging women. However, an FAO study of a commodity ex tension program in Cameroon showed women to have moderate participation in de monstrations, field da ys, and planning (FAO, 1993). Improvements could be made if prior gender analysis identified high value commodities produced by women. Inputs and cred it availability could be tailored to the needs and abilities of local female farmers (Rivera and Schram, 1987). Integrated Development Projects Integrated development programs are us ually the product of international or non-governmental organizations. In Trinida d, the Caribbean Network for Integrated Rural Development (CNIRD) and the Caribbean Agricultural Research and Development Institute (CARDI) are two such organizations. Drawing on external funding and mandates, integrated development projects address a specific population and problem w ithin the larger system. Although this structure allows a broader definition of problems, incl uding social, economic, and agricultural issues, they may be hindered by their need to demonstrate succe ss to donors. Their impact is usually limited to a specific location and may lack sustainability due to limited ties with exis ting national networks or alternat e sources of funding. Agents may prefer to work with those farmers who appear to have the greatest chance of success, usually higher resource male farmers. In a ddition, projects may come with pre-designed methods and not recognize the di fferent needs of men and women. Alternatively, if projects were to start w ith investigation instead of agenda, there would be a greater likelihood of successfu lly identifying and integrating women’s concerns into the project. F AO found that women tended to have moderate participation

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32 in project approaches. Although fairly high le vels of women were involved in project implementation, their overall inclusion wa s limited by low participation in planning activities, perhaps due to the external nature of these projects (FAO, 1993). University-Based Extension The United States was the first country to organize its extension system through the university. Through US influence globally, this system has spread to other countries, including the Netherlands, India, and the Philippines. The US Cooperative Extension System is a collaborative effort of federal, state, and county govern ments. Each state has a designated Land-Grant University that is responsible for conduc ting teaching, research, and extension within that state (Seevers, Graham, Gamon, and Conklin, 1997). The location of both research and extensi on within the university is intended to facilitate communication between these bodies, ultimately improving the flow of information from farmers to researchers. Howe ver, the flow of information is still often top-down, with limited feedback to researcher s on the needs of farmers. Interviews done in May 2001 at the University of Florida re vealed that the communi cation that did occur between research and extensi on was largely informal, with both sides indicating a desire for more formal interaction. The net result of this was that while researchers directly interacted with large-scale farmers, the sm all-scale farmers were not heard unless they “banged the loudest on extension’s door ” and became the “squeakiest wheel” (Quesenberry, personal communication, 2001). As a public organization, the university-bas ed system has the potential and indeed the mandate to engage with a broad cross section of the farming community. However, the physical and often psychological separation of the university from the rural areas may limit awareness of the actual diversity in th e farming communities. To ensure equitable

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33 interaction, the university must in clude gender and social issues as an explicit part of its mission and specifically designate funding for this purpose. The inclusion of social scientists from the university may help to address this (Saito and Spurling, 1992). In Trinidad, the Faculty of Agriculture and Natural Sciences at the University of the West Indies (UWI) focuses primarily on teaching. Agricultural research is published through the university’s Jour nal of Tropical Agriculture. Although departments occasionally host conferences for agricultu ral producers (offered by the Ministry or commodity boards), there is no staff sp ecifically designated for extension. Agricultural Context in Trinidad To situate the findings of my study and to critically evaluate any response, it is helpful to be aware of the overall context of agriculture in Trinidad. Historically, agriculture was the backbone of the economy, leading Trinidad to establish the first college of tropical agriculture in the world. An extensive Ministry of Agriculture was institutionalized to guide the developmen t of the agrarian eco nomy. However, the national focus shifted with the subsequent disc overy of oil, which re placed agriculture as the driving force of the economy (Brereton, 1981). Despite the continued neglect of agriculture, many agricultural in stitutions still exist, albe it under funded, struggling to serve a marginalized rural community. Agricultural Foundation Trinidad’s agriculture is a product of several colonial enterprises. During Spanish control from 1492–1797, agriculture was organized around the encomienda system, which established tobacco and cacao as impor tant industries (Harry, 1980). French planters began settling in Trinidad in the la te 1700s, introducing Afri can slaves to work sugar, coffee, and cotton estates. However, it was not until 1797, when Trinidad became

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34 a British colony, that large-scale slavery wa s instituted to run the massive sugarcane plantations. Emancipation in 1834 threatened to disrupt the labor supply that supported the sugar industry, prompting the immigration of indentured laborers from India between 1845 and1917 (Harry, 1980). This historic division of th e agricultural labor force is still evident today, as many Afro-Trinidadians have avoided returning to agricultural activities, so that the majority of farmers are Indo-Trinidadians (Clarke, 1984). This dichotom y is evident geographically, as the central and southern rural regions te nd to be primarily IndoTrinidadian, while the urban and northern rural ar eas are predominantly Afro-Trinidadian (Clarke, 1984). Development of Small-Scale Agriculture “Peasant” or “backyard” agriculture aros e during slavery with the granting of provision grounds for household consumption and the opportunity to sell the surplus in informal markets (Reddock and Huggins, 1988). However, small-scale farming only began on a significant scale with emancipation and the absorption of former slaves, and later indentured laborers into “own-a ccount” production. The initial focus was on subsistence production, both for the 21,000 freed slaves and the Indians laborers who were granted small plots of land at the co mpletion of their contract (Brereton, 1981; Harry, 1980). From the mid-1800s until about 1900, sma ll-scale farmers became increasingly involved in the cultivation of cash crops, contributing to national harvests of sugar and cacao. While Indians introduced the cultivati ons of rice, many Africans spread into marketing activities (Harry, 1980).

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35 The Marginalization of Agriculture The direction of Trinidad’s economy was forever changed in 1857 when the world’s first oil well was drilled in so uth Trinidad by the Merrimac Oil Company, leading to the establishmen t in 1910 of Trinidad Oilf ields Ltd (Saft, 1998). The development of the oil industry enabled th e transition from an agricultural-based economy to an industrial economy. As oil re venues expanded the government’s coffers, manufacturing and service sectors emerged a nd the relative importance of agriculture began to decline (Brereton, 1981). Industrialization became official gove rnment policy in 1950, when Trinidad initiated “industrialization by invitation” w ith measures designed to encourage foreign investment and restrict union activity (Saf t, 1998). However, agriculture retained its economic importance, as development proved a difficult process. With oil prices slumping, the manufacturing sector languished, and unemployment rose. A major change in Trinidad’s fortunes came in the 1970s, when OPEC took control of the world’s oil supply, causing oil pri ces to skyrocket. Between 1970 and 1977, GDP increased at a rate of 23% annually (Boodhoo, 2000). The government of Trinidad reaped enormous profits through taxation, leading to massive investments in state projects while the agricultural sector wa s neglected. Wages for government jobs were increased, drawing many rural people away from agricultural labor. Between 1970 and 1980, the agricultural labor fo rce decreased by 25%, from 60,000 to 45,000. While oil enabled Trinidad’s strong ec onomic performance through the 1970s, the collapse of international oil pr ices in the 1980s exposed its over reliance on the energy sector. The resulting decline in foreign excha nge earnings and the subs equent debt crisis led the government to accept a loan from th e International Monetary Fund, under the

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36 conditions of structural adjustment. The terms of the loan included cutbacks on government expenditures, causing unemployme nt to peak at 22% in the late 1980s (Tourism and Industrial Development Compa ny of Trinidad and Tobago, Ltd. [TIDCO], 2002). To improve the balance of trade and increase foreign exchange, the government refocused on its traditional export crops. Under Prime Minister Robinson, multiple agricultural projects were initiated throughout the country and government wages were decreased. These measures eventually revived th e economy, however th e revaluation of agriculture was short-lived. As oil prices began to climb, the government once again refocused on the development of the en ergy sector. Between 1982 and 2004, the number of agricultural holders in Trinidad fe ll 50.5% (CSO, 2005). Although the institutional structures remain, there is little faith in th e future of agriculture. The Ministry of Agriculture continues to employ knowledgeable researchers and extension workers, and the University of the West Indies retains a multi-departmental College of Agriculture. Resources still flow to large-scale export farmer s. However, most farmers in Trinidad are constrained by the low status of agriculture (See Farmer Letter in Appendix E), as reflected in deteriorating agricultural access roads, a stagnant land distribution system and limited response to crop loss through fire drought, flood or larceny. In many rural areas, only the decaying remains of the once vibrant agricultural industry are visible. Cocoa and coffee drop their fruit in abandoned estates, cocoa houses tilt and collapse into the forest, and overgrown access roads lead only to the bush. Although farmers persist out of an unquenchable love of agriculture, mo st Trinidadians view agriculture as an

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37 activity of last resort. To th is day, agriculture remains a ma rginalized industry, viewed by the government mainly as a welfare activity. Agricultural Outreach Ministry of Agriculture, Land, and Marine Resources In Trinidad, agricultu ral outreach is primarily the re sponsibility of the Extension Division of the Ministry of Agriculture, Land, and Marine Resources (MALMR). The Extension system is organized into Nort h and South Regional Divisions, and an Extension Core Division. The Core Division is composed of profe ssional Extension staff that determines Extension policy and (theoretically) consults with each region. The Core Division also houses the Farmers’ Training Center, which c onducts free short courses on a variety of agricultural topics both on site and at several outreach locations. Recently, Core professionals have been evaluating more part icipatory models of extension such as the Farmers’ Field School. Initially used to deve lop farmer awareness of Integrated Pest Management, the Field School facilitates hands-on learning on farmers’ own plots (Ganpat, 2002). This method has proven popular with farmers and is being tested and adapted in other regions. In each administrative region there is a des cending hierarchy of Extension officers, assistants, and aides who interact more or less directly with farmers at the county and district level (Dass, 1995). There are over 100 frontline Extension officers resulting in a farmer: officer ratio of 500:1 (Dass, 1995). Th is is a somewhat daunt ing figure given that Extension officers rely primarily on individual contact (as opposed to group or mass) to reach farmers. Frontline officers are res ponsible for 1) providing educational and

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38 advisory programs, 2) administer ing agricultural incentive programs6, and 3) monitoring pests and diseases. Linking organizations The recognition of persistent rural poverty and unemploy ment has lead to various national, regional, and inte rnational agricultural assist ance programs. The Caribbean Network for Integrated Rural Development (CNIRD), the Caribbean Agricultural Research and Development Institute (CARD I), and the Inter-American Institute for Cooperation in Agriculture (IICA) have all been involved in various programs targeted at small-scale and female farmers. While thes e programs may provide temporary solutions to immediate problems, the long-term effectiven ess and sustainability of such programs is limited by their lack of coordi nation with each other or the Extension Division and to permanent sources of funding. The Extensi on Division also has historically weak linkages with the Research Division of the Mini stry, limiting officers’ (and thus farmers’) ability to influence the national research agenda. Implications The general neglect of the agricultural sector since th e focus on industrialization has constrained the development of agricultu re on many levels, down to the individual farm. Any recommendations for change mu st be understood within that framework. Without the lifting of certain systemic constrai nts, and the consideration of agriculture as an important and viable economic activity, ag riculture will remain a marginal activity, despite the best efforts of farmers and organizations alike. 6 Subsidies are available to registered farmers on certain farm inputs, such as brush cutters.

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39 Summary A large body of research has documented th e existing gaps between the agricultural support system and small-scale farmers. In order to equitably serve a diverse farming population, organizations must recognize and respond to gender and social diversity. Gender analysis can assist in identifying di stinctions in farming systems and evaluating institutional practices. Outreach organizations need to be aware of potential biases in different extension models. In Trinidad, any recommendation for organizational change must also take account of the systemic constraints on the agricultural sector.

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40 CHAPTER 3 METHODS Introduction This chapter describes the overall research design as well as the methods used in the collection, analysis, and pr esentation of data. This was a descriptive study, integrating both qualitative and quantitative research met hods. As such, it does not fit neatly into any one methodological box, but crosses severa l disciplinary boundaries. Thus it deserves an introductory explanation, to avoid misunde rstanding by readers familiar with different research conventions. I employed predominan tly qualitative research methods, using ethnographic techniques developed in anthr opology, in researchi ng a field that is traditionally quantitative. According to Bamberger (2000) much of agricultural, extension, and development research is ba sed on statistics and economic modeling. Because of this, I have provided detailed description of the techniques I used for qualitative data collection and analysis. Integrated qualitati ve and quantitative studies are becoming increasingly mainstream in agricult ural research and development (Bamberger, 2000), but their acceptance demands a thorough presentation of methods and results. My study is also non-traditional in presenta tion. I have merged the narrative format of ethnography onto the standard framework of a scientific di ssertation (problem statement, methods, results, conclusions). Throughout the following chapters, I have interspersed my analysis with relevant sec tions of my field notes both observations and quotes, which allow the reader to “see into” the field and glimpse farmers’ realities as they were revealed to me. By having direct c ontact with my data, th e reader can evaluate

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41 for themselves the appropriateness of my inte rpretation and analysis. Field notes selected for inclusion in the text are identified by the location (Toco, Cedros), ethnicity (Afro-Trinidadian, Indo-Trinidadian) and ge nder of the farmers (female farmer, male farmer, farm couple). To prot ect the anonymity of participants, gene ral pseudonyms are used, such that WA refers to any woman i nvolved in agriculture a nd MA refers to any man involved in agriculture. General or se lf-referential observati ons are described by location only. Although not identif ied by a specific date, all field notes were collected between March 2003 and March 2004. In this chapter, detailed descriptions of methods are interspersed with those field notes specifically pertaining to my relations with the communities in which I worked. These “reflexive” sections follow the conventio ns of qualitative resear ch that require the explicit recognition of the resear cher as an influential compon ent of the research process (Glesne, 1999). This practice is important in establishing the va lidity of qualitative research, as it situates the data as the pr oduct of specific interactions between a unique “instrument” (the researcher) and the study participants (Ary, Jacobs, and Razavieh, 1996). The interweaving of texts may be initially uncomfortable for the reader accustomed primarily to one research trad ition. However, I would argue th at such presentation is well suited to a study of this nature In fact, some initial discomfort on the part of the reader may prove to be beneficial, if it leads to a d eeper understanding not onl y of this particular situation but also of our own concepti on of knowledge creation and representation. Further discussion of the ethnographic format as it was used in this my study can be found in the final section of this chapter entitled “Telling the Story.”

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42 Research Design This was a descriptive study of two ethni cally distinct farming communities in Trinidad7. I primarily employed qualitative resear ch techniques with individual farmers and small groups, but also incorporated so me quantitative methods to broaden the findings to the regional level. To understand the social and gender id entity of small-scale farmers, I used ethnographic techniques, deve loping long-term relationships to create trust and increase disclosure of sensitive issu es. I intertwined this with field observations of agricultural activities and informal inquiri es into the factors affecting decision-making. I employed participatory research techniques to generate community discussion of their interaction with agricultural support organizations. Once the main trends were identified, I administered a quantitative survey to the br oader farming community in both regions to increase the validity of the findings. Qualitative research was appropriate for this my study because I was entering a foreign culture and attempting to understand the issues through the eyes of the local people (Ary et al, 1996; Denzin and Linc oln, 1998). As a foreigner discussing the potentially sensitive (and often invisible) dynamics of gender, culture, and social identity it was important to spend an extended period of time in the field, developing trust and learning the community’s “language” thr ough participant observation (Denzin and Lincoln, 1998). 7 Trinidad is part of the twin island Republic of Trin idad and Tobago. Because the two islands have distinct social and agricultural histories, this study was limited to the island of Trinidad.

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43 Population Study Variables Gender I selected gender as the primary variable of analysis for a variety of reasons. My academic training had exposed me to global inequities in gender and development, and I postulated a similar situation in Trinida d. This was confirmed by both national and international studies that re ported low numbers of women participating in agricultural extension programs in Trinidad (Dass, 1995; IICA, 1993). One of the primary constraints identified by agricultural officers was their lack of information on women’s agricultural activities. Therefore, I deci ded to focus on female farming systems, in the hopes of adding some useful information. However, during my year in the field, there was a gradual deepening of my understanding of gender as a study variable. I began to realize th at this needed to be truly a “gender-based” study and examine the differe ntial situations of men and women. While women often operated with more constraints and fewer resources than men, men in these communities also faced many constraints, es pecially limited access to organizational resources. I realized that I needed to document the differences between women’s and men’s farming systems, to allow a more targeted response to the entire farming population. For this reason, I interviewed bot h women (n=72) and men (n=104) during the course of my data collection. Ethnicity After consultation with faculty at the Univer sity of the West Indies in Trinidad, I decided to also consider ethnicity as a variable, for the following reasons:

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44 There are two main ethnic populations in Trinidad, of East Indian (40%) and African (40%) descent (CSO 2005), and they have in many cases maintained distinct communities due to historical patterns of settlement (Reddock and Huggins, 1997; Clarke, 1993; Harry, 1980). Gender roles are known to be in large part shaped by culture and ethnicity (Boserup, 1970; Young, 1992). Farming systems are partly a product of ethnic traditions and knowledge (Salamon, 1985; Norman, 1986; Gutierr ez and Eckert, 1991). Farmers’ interaction with the predominan tly Indo-Trinidadian Extension staff may be affected by ethnicity (Lewis, 1990). Selection of Communities I decided to select two communities that we re ethnically distinct but otherwise as similar as possible in regard to 1) farmi ng system, 2) economic alternatives and 3) accessibility (roads, markets, distance from urban areas, services). The decision as to which two communities would be most comparab le on these factors was not an easy task, and I relied heavily on my discussions with university faculty and Extension personnel. As one of the few distinct Afro-Trinidadian farming communities, the Toco region was an obvious choice and was supported by all my advisors. However, the selection of a representative Indo-Tr inidadian community was more problematic. Much of the debate centered around the definition of “traditional” Indian culture, which some linked with the Hindu religion. The Cedros region was initially proposed as a predominantly Indo-Trinidadian community that was similar in access and ec onomics to Toco. However, because Cedros has a relatively high proportion of Christian Indians, some people felt that it was not a good representative of Indo-Trinidadian cultur e. Other regions were suggested as more “traditional,” such as Debe, a predominantly Hindu and Muslim area. However, Extension personnel felt that these areas were significantly more commercialized,

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45 accessible, and affluent than Toco, and, as a result, would not be comparable. Further consultation with Extension staff led to the realization that, although Cedros had a significant Christian presence, there was still a large Hindu community. In addition, some of my advisors were not convinced that relig ion was a significant fact or affecting cultural norms. They did not feel that “traditional” Indian family st ructure and gender roles had been much impacted by changes fr om Hinduism to Christianity. Thus, with the recognition that no two co mmunities would be exactly comparable, it was felt that Cedros and Toco remained the best communities to study based on the following similarities: Farming system: In both communities, farming systems were characterized by small scale agriculture around the edges of large plantations (cocoa, coffee, and nutmeg in the northeast, cocoa a nd coconuts in the southwest). Economic alternatives: The economic importa nce of the agricultural plantations as a source of employment had waned, creati ng varying degrees of economic hardship as they scaled back or closed down co mpletely. Fishing remained an important livelihood activity in both regions, although it was declining with the advent of other economic alternatives. Both regions also had a small but viable tourism sector. Accessibility: Both communities were lite rally “at the end of the road,” and probably represent the extremes of cultura l and physical isolation in Trinidad. Trinidad is a small island and relatively well developed. However, limited transportation (both public and private) in rural areas has led to a high degree of separation between urban and rural areas. Th is is especially true for Toco, which has limited contact with the rest of Trinid ad. In the words of the locals, they are “living behind God’s back,” epitomized by th eir almost total lack of radio reception and limited phone service. Geography The communities selected for my study are both ethnically and geographically distinct (Figure 3-1). The Toco study region, in northeastern Trinida d, is characterized by a predominantly (93%) African -descent population (CSO, 2001) engaged in small-scale

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46 Figure 3-1. Map of Trinidad showin g Toco and Cedros study areas. Copyright permission from Edward Barrow. Map obtained from www.tradewinds-co.com.

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47 hillside agriculture and fishing. Toco is contained within two overlapping political divisions, County St. David and the Regional Corporation of Sangre Grande. The Cedros study region, in the southwest corner of Trinidad, has a predominantly (91.5%) East Indian-descent population (C SO, 2001), engaged in a si milar mix of fishing and small-scale agriculture. Cedros is administered as part of County St Patrick West and the Regional Corporation of Siparia. For the purposes of my study, “Toco” includes the four villages at the end of the Paria Main Road, namely Ma telot (population 523), Grande Riviere (population 334), Montevideo (population 153), and Sans S ouci (population 535) (CSO, 2001). Limited surveys (n=4) were done in L’Anse Noire a nd the village of Toco, which are typically considered part of the Toco region. However, since the bulk of research was done in the four preceding villages, they constitute the Toco area for the purposes of my study. Altogether, this encompasses a total populat ion of 1,545 people. These four villages are similar in ethnic composition and agricultural pr actice to the other villages in this area; therefore they serve as a good representative of the region. Probably the most significant difference is the increased access to services and information in towns closer to the nearest market town of Sangre Grande. The region defined as “Cedros” in my study incorporates the vill ages at the extreme end of the Southern Main Road, namely Coromandel, including the settlement of Pt. Coco, (population 1151), Granville (populat ion 366) and Chatham (population 1,466) (CSO, 2001). Coromandel and Granville are sign ificantly more agricultural (and more ethnically homogeneous) than Chatham, ther efore all the qualitative research and the majority of the quantitative research were done in these two villages. Consequently, they

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48 are considered the primary study area comprising a total population of 1,517, comparable to that of Toco. I also did survey s (n=14) in Chatham to add to the regional perspective of my study. This allowed better comparison with th e district as a whole, as Chatham reflects the region’s trend away from agriculture towards a more industrial or service oriented economy. A lthough the villages of Icacos and Bonasse are generally considered part of the “Cedros” region, they were not included in my study as they had very little small-scale agriculture, as most of the land was held in large private estates. Agricultural Profile The Toco region Toco is contained within the larger admi nistrative area of the Regional Corporation of Sangre Grande of which 3.7% of the popul ation was classified as “agricultural holders8” in 2004 (Table 3-1) more than double Tr inidad’s overall percentage of 1.5% (CSO, 2005). The same study reported a mark ed gender difference in agricultural holdings in the region, with 6.0% of the male population of classified as holders, versus only 1.2% of women. For both sexe s, this was higher than average for Trinidad, which categorized 2.5% of men and 0.4% of women as holders (C SO, 2005). Thus, by Trinidad standards, the region of Sangr e Grande has a relatively high participation in agriculture. The Cedros region Cedros is administered as part of the Regional Corporation of Siparia, which has 1.6% of its population classified as agricultural holders, similar to the Trinidad average of 8 As defined in the Preliminary Report of the 2004 Agricultural Census an “agricultural holding is an economic unit of agricultural production producing primarily for sale…without regard to title, legal form, size or location” (CSO, 2005). Thus non-commercial production was not counted, but squatters were.

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49 Table 3-1. Incidence of agri cultural holders in Trinidad and in the two regional corporations. Location Gender Trinidad Sangre Grande Siparia Female 2,627 400 216 Agricultural holdersa Male 15,465 2,054 1,119 Female 614,800 32,492 41,129 Populationb Male 616,300 34,221 42,080 Female 0.4 1.2 0.5 Male 2.5 6.0 2.7 Percentage of agricultural holders in the population Total 1.5 3.7 1.6 Statistics refer only to the island of Trinidad and do not include the island of Tobago. aSource: CSO, 2005. b Source: CSO, 2004. The figures for Trinidad were calculated as 96% of the national population, based on 1990 and 2000 data. The regional figures were derived by calculating the per cent increase for each gender islandwide and extrapolating to each region. 1.5%. Regional gender differences are also comparable to island-wide trends. In 2004, 0.5% of women in Siparia were identified as agricultura l holders (as compared to 0.4%island-wide), while male pa rticipation in agriculture ( 1.6%) was slightly lower than Trinidad averages (2.5%) (CSO, 2005). Thus, by Trinidad standards, Cedros has low to average involvement in agriculture. Qualitative Data Collection This section describes the qua litative methods of data collection I used during the first ten months of field research, from March through December 2003. I did not arrive in the field with a predetermined set of que stions, but rather w ith open-ended question

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50 guides (Appendix A) describing the areas of in terest that I would be investigating and from which I would later develop a questi onnaire. This approach was approved by the University of Florida’s Institutional Re view Board (Protocol #2003-U-0031) with the understanding that every resear ch participant would sign a doc ument of informed consent (Appendix B). Measures of Validity To ensure the validity of the research I used several techniques especially developed for qualitative inquiry. One of th e most important aspects of validity in qualitative research is a reflexive section (G lesne, 1999) that descri bes the data collection instrument—in this case the researcher, myse lf—and how the data co llection and analysis were affected by who I am. This is desc ribed at length in “Reflecting myself: Researcher—community relations” especially the section entitled “situating myself.” Transferability is another important concep t in qualitative validity and equates with the quantitative concept of ge neralizability (Trochim, 2000). Because qualitative research recognizes that all research is contextual generalizability is typically not a goal. However, by describing the res earch setting in great detail the qualitative researcher leaves it up to the best judgment of the r eader whether the specific results can be appropriately “transferred” to another setti ng. To help the reader understand the setting of this research, I have described the two commun ities in great detail. In the section entitled “Selection of Communities,” I describe the char acteristics that led to the selection of these two regions, and how they compared to other areas in Trinidad. This is followed by sections on the geography and agricultural pr ofile of the two study regions, which include comparisons with the island in general. Th is is further elaborated in the section “Comparison of survey sample to population” which shows how my sample compared to

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51 the recent agricultural census. A ll of these sections should allow the reader to make an informed decision as to whether the findings of my study should be generalized to other regions. Dependability is related to the quantitativ e concept of reliability, which measures whether the same results would be obtaine d if the research was repeated. Since qualitative research starts with the basic prem ise that no research is replicable, as no two investigators are the same, the concept of depe ndability is used to show how the changing research context affected the study (Trochim 2000). This is covered in the section on researcher-community relations, in which I de scribe how research relationships changed over time in the two communities, and the st ages I went through, from “establishing a home” to “making transitions” to “maintai ning relationships” and finally “recognizing my place.” This allows the reader to gauge how changes in the research context affected my relations with the community and thus my data collection. Confirmability relates to how well the results can be confirmed by others (Trochim, 2000). I followed a number of accepted strategi es to ensure the confirmability of my results. I employed negative case analysis (G lesne, 1999) in a number of ways. At the most general level, I had begun my study fo cused on women, however field observations led me to realize that I could not examine the situation of women in isolation, without recognizing and comparing men in agricu lture (see the sectio n on “gender” under “research variables.” I also searched for cas es that were at odds with my specific findings. For instance, although the vast ma jority of childcare was done by women, I made a point of highlighting the one father I met who had assumed sole responsibility of his son (see “gender and dependents” in Chapte r 5). To increase conf irmability, I sought

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52 out literature on social identity in Trinidad during the course of my data collection to ensure that my interpretations were correct and prevent misdirection in my continuing analysis (see the introduction to Chapter 5). I also used me mber checks (Glesne, 1999) to ensure confirmability. I had Trinidadians with varying levels of participation check my interpretations at different points in the da ta collection and analys is, including farmers who had participated in my study, Extensi on professionals, and graduate faculty and students at the University of the West Indies. Engaging Farmers To earn farmers’ candid responses, I had to establish my personal “validity” as a trusted confidant. Towards this end, I conducted numerous interviews with each participant over the ten months and made a point of taking time for purely social interaction and discussion as well. While I always made clear that I was conducting research, I tried to minimize the feeling of a researcher/s ubject relationship. This was primarily achieved through informal interview techniques and non-obtrusive data collection. In both individual and group work w ith farmers, I relied primarily on mental reference to my question guides and only recorded data when I returned to my desk and computer. Contacting farmers Following qualitative convention, purposive sampling was done in order to ensure that the sample represented the broadest ra nge of factors of inte rest (Ary et al., 1996, Bamberger, 2000). My first goal was to locate about five female farmers in my “home” villages, and then to select a smaller repr esentative cross-section of male farmers. Farmers were identified based on their invo lvement in agricultur al production, whether commercial, subsistence, or some comb ination of both, including off-farm and

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53 non-agricultural work. Farmers were categori zed depending on agricu ltural par ticipation, not on marital status. Therefore, a “female fa rmer” or a “male farmer” might be single, married, or widowed, however they were th e only person in the household (excluding children) with significant agri cultural involvement. “Couple fa rmers” were in some sort of conjugal relationship, whether married or common-law, and both partners were active in agriculture. A pointed effort was made to include farmers who might not be visited by extension because of difficulty of access or size of landholding. These tended to be lower resource farmers, often women or the elderl y, who farmed marginal pieces of land on the geographic periphery of the villages. After a first round of interviews with fa rmers in my “home” village, I identified several more farmers in surrounding vill ages. The time involved in making and maintaining those relationships became its own limitation, an d in the end I maintained relationships with thirteen primary contact farmers in each region. In Toco, these were comprised of five female farmers, five male farmers, and three couples farming together. In Cedros, I worked with six female farmers, one male farmer, and six couples farming together. Identifying female farmers In both communities, the first responses to my inquiries were uniformly disheartening, even though somewhat expecte d. I was informed that there weren’t many female farmers in that village, although if I went to another village, I might find more…However, I was persistent in my efforts to identify female farmers, and slowly the network expanded. The initial invisibility of these farmers appeared to be a combination of the community’s social perceptions and biases as well as a disbelief that I, as a foreign

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54 researcher, would actually want to intervie w these farmers. The biggest breakthrough usually occurred when I meet an active female farmer, who would then direct me to the other women in her network. It has been fascinating watching the gra dual “discovery” by the community of the women farmers, in response to my open a nd stated interest in working with women. At first, they could only think of one or two. But every day, one or two more have “appeared” as people introduce me around, and realize that “oh yes, she also is a farmer.” Plus some of the older and poor er people who live on the fringes have been “forgotten” until something remi nds my contacts of them (Toco). Establishing relations As an outsider, I felt that it was important to make contact with “new” farmers through the introduction of local community members, in orde r to establish an initial level of trust. I drive round with WA to m eet area farmers, guaranteed of an in-depth introduction by her chatty nature…It is a great way to meet the broader community as well, as she knows everyone, and cannot pass anyone on the road without winding down the glass for a lime (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). This method of establishing “who I was” turned out to be crucial, as later I was told that once I had been identified by some skeptic s as a “fraud.” They t hought I was actually from the CIA, with all my nosy questions! Lu ckily, by that point I ha d earned a high level of respect in the community, and the shortlived rumor did not a ffect the openness with which most farmers entertained me and my questions. Expanding the network Initially I relied heavily on a few fa rmers for introductions. However, I soon realized that this was keeping me within pr escribed “networks,” as there was a definite tendency to introduce me primarily to those pe ople who shared an “identity” with them, be it church or family. In Cedros, ther e was a tendency for people to introduce me

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55 preferentially to their family members, which created a highly selective network of relations. Once I realized this, I began to consciously search out other venues for meeting farmers. This required some effort and ne gotiation on my part, as I had to obtain entry into new circles and re-validation. In bot h regions, religious affiliation was very important. Therefore, I made a conscious effort to identify individuals of different faiths and create linkages from there. MA took me to a Hindu Ramayana, which tu rned out to be a great way to meet people. I was introduced by the pundit on the first night I attended, and to my surprise he knew who I was and what I was doing. He called my presence here a “blessing” and exhorted me to “absorb all that I see and hear” (Cedros). Sondeos / Informal interviews My interviews with farmers during this portion of my research were entirely informal and were conducted either in the fi eld or “liming” with farmers afterwards. I relied on sondeo techniques (Hildebrand, 1986), going (literally) into the field without pen or paper and with only mental referen ce to a “question guide” (Appendix A: Farmer Question Guide). This allowed conversation to flow naturally, and enabled me to gather information on both my preconceived questions and, perhaps more importantly, issues of importance to farmers. I quickly developed an ability to focus and was able to recall, in impressive detail, the cont ent of our conversations. I typically spent the entire morning with one farmer, returning home in early to mid afternoon. My first task was to jot down on paper all the main topics that had been discussed. That was usually followed by a na p, as I found that such intense focus was extremely wearying. My mind clear, I was able to collapse into sleep, and wake refreshed to begin my evening’s activity: entering my field notes in full ethnographic detail. This

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56 was an extremely time-consuming task, and started to become something I dreaded. I often could not finish in one day and would quickly develop a backlog that I tried to clear up before switching regions. During the survey portion of the research, when I did have pen and paper in hand, I was able to record direct quotations from fa rmers, which I added to my wealth of qualitative data. Participant observation I used participant observation technique s (Denzin and Lincoln, 1998) for data collection, going with farmers to their fields a nd helping them to the best of my abilities. Along the way I learned to break cocoa, tote pl antain, and even weed with a cutlass. This proved to be invaluable in developing rappor t and getting access to some of the more hesitant farmers. As luck would have it, while I am work ing, cutlass and dasheen plant in hand, I finally see the elusive WA, a thin, str ong looking woman in her 40s, passing by on the road. The senior woman introduces us, te lling WA that I “can work.” WA looks rather bemused and tells us she is on her way out, but some other time… Just before she turns the bend, she looks b ack and calls “does she have tall boots9?” These are demonstrated to her (and my ) satisfaction (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Going into farmers’ fields was also vital to my understanding of the local farming systems, as the whole conception and arrangement of cultivation was dramatically different than what I was accustomed to. Wh en I first went on farmers’ lands, it all looked like bush to me. Between the abunda nt foliage and an apparently haphazard planting scheme (no straight li nes of crops), it was often di fficult for me to distinguish farm from forest. However, with time and e xperience I learned to recognize the patterns 9 Tall boots” are knee high black rubber boots and are almost a stamp of identity for a farmer. They are a requisite part of a farmer’s apparel, especially in Toco, due to the high population of poisonous snakes.

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57 and strategy of local cultivation systems. This was a necessary and crucial complement to the interviews that I conducted at “home.” While living in a particular community, I attended any Extension activities that were offered in the area and tried to gauge farm er awareness of and interest in the events. These sessions were recorded in extensive field notes, a nd any handouts were collected. Focus groups A focus group (Krueger, 1998; Krueger & Casey, 2000; Morgan 1997) was done in each region, to generate community discussion on the following topics: 1) farmers’ relationship with Extension and 2) farmers’ access to organizational resources. I had invaluable assistance from a colleague in the Extension Division of the Ministry of Agriculture. He identified himself as a Mi nistry official; however we felt that his affiliation did not bias farmers’ responses, as he freely acknowledged the Ministry’s limitations and his desire to im prove its services. We used Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) techniques (Chambers, 1997), such as Venn Diagrams, drawing and story-telling (Appendix A: Farmer Focus Group Question Guide) to facilitate farmer participation and feedback. In several cases we divided men a nd women into separate groups in order to observe differences in their responses. The se ssions were recorded and transcribed, with permission of the participants. Reflecting Myself: Researcher-Community Relations This section describes the relationship be tween the researcher and the communities and how that impacted upon the research fi ndings. The qualitative paradigm maintains that all research is subjective, beginning with the selection of the questions asked. No methodology is objective or perfectly repli cable, as every interaction between the community and the researcher is influenced by the researcher’s “subject location,” that is

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58 all the internal factors that have shaped the researcher’ s perspective, and all the external factors that participants obs erve and respond to (Glesne, 1999). However, qualitative researchers maintain that their work is still valid, or, in quantitative terms, within “one standard deviation” of reality. To achieve this validity, it is necessary to explicitly document the researcher’s “positionality,” so that readers can evaluate the researcher’s influence on the data collected. “A reflec tive section on who you are as a researcher and the lenses through which you view your work is now an expected part of qualitative research studies” (Glesne, 1999, p. 109). Situating myself The stories I was told, and how they evol ved, were affected by the communities’ own perception of me. What did they see? At first, the obvious: I am a white woman, in my 30s, and, once I open my mouth, an America n. However, over time, I defied some of their expectations. As a “foreign” white woma n, I was also able to avoid the racial tensions that may have influenced responses if I was black, Indian, or local white. Being white in Trinidad is associated with the maintenance of social (racial and class) boundaries, which I did not subscribe to. Ma ny people remarked on this with surprise and appreciation. WA introduces me to a woman and her daughter… and says we should all “lime10” together. The woman is hesitant and says something about them not having utilities. WA reassures her quickly, telling her that I am “simple.” (She) “wants to do everything just like us…She won’ t make you feel any way” (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). 10 The “lime” is a uniquely Caribbean occupation, enta iling any occasion in which the primary purpose is social interaction. Trinidadians have developed this to a very high art, which makes the job of a researcher immeasurably easier.

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59 My interest in agriculture, and my willingne ss to go into the bush and work with the “smallest” of farmers, was also regarded with surprise. This revealed not only a perception of Americans, but more importantly an assessment of agriculture as a “low status” profession. I indicate that I would be in terested in meeting local farmers… WA replies that they would really like that as not many people are interested in farming. “Not many people come from away to learn a bout agriculture” (Toc o, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Several Trinidadians expressed the belief th at I was better received than a fellow Trinidadian would have been. They felt that I was taken more seriously in my work because I was a foreigner. A similar s ituation was reported in rural Jamaican communities, where it was noted that there was a “general lack of confidence in anyone from the area…(and) an entrenched belief that…new ideas of any value had to come from outside… The feeling was that a pers on from the same locality and background as everyone else had no authority” (Thomas-Hope and Spence, 2006, p. 23) My interpretation of locals ’ lives and stories was infl uenced by my own cultural and academic background. I was born a New England Yankee and was raised in an academically oriented family which fostered my own intellectual development. I am trained in international agricultural devel opment and am especially influenced by the farming systems perspective. My keen inte rest in the gender and development field shaped the main slant of my research. Of specific relevance to my study, I studied and lived in Jamaica over a period of several years and developed an understanding of Afro-Caribbean society. Therefore, there wa s a distinct difference in my knowledge of the two Trinidadian cultures, which affected my research relations. As I was less familiar with Indo-Trinidadian culture, I was extra caref ul to be polite and made no assumptions

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60 as to what was acceptable behavior. In Toco, I was more relaxed, confident that I knew the appropriate way to act. Establishing a “home” As a foreigner, I felt that it was important to live as much “within” the community as possible. To that end, I chose to rent from families, instead of securing my own separate accommodations. In Toco, I roomed at the small guesthouse of a farm family. Although my room was nominally private, I pu rposefully cultivated a relationship with the family, who lived at the “far end” of the house, two doors down. Suddenly they all make expressions incl uding me in their family. The father, introducing me, tells people that although I am a guest, I am more like family. The daughter tells me “there is always food in th is house,” so I should come in and help myself. And the son says now that I am family, he can pick on me…(Toco, Afro-Trinidadian family). To find housing in Cedros, I relied on the recommendations of the county Extension officers. The office telephoned one of the recognized female farmers in the region, who located a family that was willing to rent me a room in their house. In this case I actually did live “within” the famil y, sharing all spaces except my bedroom. Mother and daughter are cooking in the kitc hen, and the conversation starts to flow again…We all gravitate to the porch, w ith the mother bouncing back and forth between the kitchen and the lime (C edros, Indo-Trinidadian family). Community relations Upon entering each community, my initial task was to esta blish a place for myself. I recognized that the way I wa s perceived in the village woul d influence all my research relations, and I wanted to develop a positiv e image from the beginning. I consciously tried to do public activities with one of “my” family members, as I felt that it increased my validity in the eyes of the community. I also realized the importance of being

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61 identified with no one “group” – socioeconomic cultural, religious, or family. To this end, I made a pointed effort to asso ciate with many different people. It is fascinating how my reception is aff ected by whom I am associating with. MA (a relatively larger, wealthier farmer) onl y introduced me to the people in “power” (such as shopkeepers), and the other local s just watched me silently. But today sitting on the bench with a small farmer eating soup…the girls who serve lunch smile and joke with me, and the men he introduces me to are simply friendly, without the reserve or deference I felt with MA (Toco). Making transitions It was necessary to observe an entire y ear in each community in order to avoid a seasonal bias that might affect both farmer and Extension activity (Chambers, 1997). Therefore, I maintained my room in both fa milies for the entire twelve months, switching approximately every month between the two site s. While ensuring that an equivalent time was spent in each community, I was flexib le in the actual scheduling, allowing the communities’ rhythms to determine my own. Although there was some concern that the intermittent nature of my presence might lim it the development of rapport, periodic brief absences were not deemed as important as the cumulative effect of being present throughout an entire year. While in reality I could not maintain the 2-3 week schedule I had initially hoped for, spending a month away did not seem to limit rapport too drastically. I was always r oundly scolded, as a prodigal daughter, and then warmly welcomed back in. I finally get back to the farmers in sout h, after too long an absence...I have been away longer than I intended, and I get th e expected scolding when I arrive. The difficulty of calling from GR (no cell se rvice, no phone card for the call box) had kept me from calling...I make my apologi es, which are accepted, but I am reminded NOT to be so long out of contact again… (Cedros).

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62 Maintaining relationships The primary challenge in working in two communities was investing adequate time to maintain the myriad of relationships th at I developed. This was a pleasurable, but extremely time-consuming, task. I often felt to rn between the desire to focus on my work and the social obligation of my newly formed “friendships.” I am having difficulty managing the sheer number of relationships I am forming. Many people have opened up to me, exte nding a welcome that is absolutely overwhelming…I am invited to weddings and church services and dances... I feel a responsibility to make time fo r their needs, as they make time for my questions. So I find myself attending social events in the evening, when I should be writing my field notes (Cedros). Recognizing my place After a few months, I was pl eased to realize that I had become a recognized and welcome figure in the two communities. I had been observed and assessed and was now an accepted “member” of the community, even if a transient and somewhat unorthodox one. This encouraged me greatly, as I often wondered how I was perceived. Driving back to the village in the mid-afte rnoon, I am struck by the realization that I am becoming part of this community…I keep recognizing people I know, and passing with a shout and a wave. Driving around corners, I hear my name shouted from the hills above, and honk, not knowing to whom I reply. Twice I meet farmers walking along the road, a nd stop to chat… (Toco). Personal challenges The process of qualitative research can be extremely demanding, as one immerses oneself in a different setting, while at the sa me time trying to remain both an observer and highly focused. This was compounded by th e fact that I not only stayed in the communities, but also lived with families. While this added richness to my study, it also was at times very challenging. I am struggling with the feeling of always being “on stage” in the sense that in my research communities I am always trying to maintain a research persona. I am

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63 careful to stay positive and open and una ligned, but sometimes I feel grumpy and antisocial, or like breaking out and being stupid and silly and young…. I find myself extremely fatigued, even when I have stayed home and worked at my computer and books all day (Cedros). I often had ethical dilemmas about the contri butions of my work in the face of the immediate and pressing needs that many fam ilies faced. As the community invested its time and trust increasingly in me, I felt a grow ing sense of inadequacy. I frequently felt guilty asking busy farmers to take time from their work to answer my questions. As the sole provider for 3 grandchildren, WA is always very busy. Every time I have interviewed her, she has made use of my time and my hands, to help her with some project. Today, although I come in hope s of doing a brief interview, I realize that she is overwhelmed with work… Two of her grandchildren are at home, sick, and she is tending to them, washing clothe s and cleaning house, as well as cooking for a large church dinner. I help her fold clothes and squeeze a huge bag of lemons… Finally, after 5 hours, I manage to get my questions asked, while she takes over squeezing limes (Toco, AT female farmer). My only small satisfaction came when I real ized that I could print and share the digital photos I had been taking of the farmer s. After that, I made it a point to photograph every farmer I interviewed and gi ve them several color photos. The photos are well received, evoking pride in how nice their gardens look… They laugh to see themselves in their old work clothes. One of the women remarks, “I really look like a bush lady!” (Toco, Af ro-Trinidadian female farmer). Quantitative Data Collection Survey Design After ten months of qualitative research, I had gained an in-depth knowledge of the main issues in each community and wished to compare the local situation to the broader farming community in each region. Because fu rther qualitative research would have been prohibitively time-consuming, I developed a que stionnaire (Appendix C) that allowed me to rapidly gather data from a larger sample This also had the advantage of generating

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64 quantitative data that would provide descriptive statistics to complement my textual qualitative data. Developing the survey I was primarily interested in assessing how social variables interacted with three main areas: agricultural activities, access to agricultural organizati ons, and participation in community networks. I first examined several recent agricultural surveys (Dass, 1995; IICA, 1993) to check content and format. I then referred to my initial question guides (Appendix A) and reviewed those in light of my findings. This helped to ensure the validity of the survey, as the questions were based on empirical observation (Chung, 2000). Farm gender classification One of the main insights that arose from my preliminary data review was the need to categorize whether farmers were solely re sponsible for agricultura l activities or were sharing responsibility with a partner. I ha d observed that men and women who farmed together (farm couples) had a distinct prof ile from men and women who farmed alone (male farmers and female farmers). Farm c ouples could not merely be understood as the sum of two individual farmers, but constitute d a different form of household. The “social relations” of these couples crea ted a distinctive resource base, separate from the effect of marital status. Marital status did affect the ov erall availability of resources, as married couples in general had access to a larger and more diverse p ool of resources than single individuals did. However, farm couples appeared to have a different level of access to agricultural resour ces and networks. I became increasingly convinced that these categories represented an important distinction in farming systems, as represen ted by objectives, resour ces, constraints and

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65 activities. To account for th is dynamic, I created a categ ory named “farm gender” to record whether each farmer was working in the garden alone or with a partner (married or common law). Thus I had distinct categories for female farmer, ma le farmer, and farm couples, separate from marital stat us (which I also recorded). Ensuring validity When I was satisfied that the questionnaire adequately represented my major lines of inquiry, I reviewed the cont ent with a Trinidadian Extensi on official. He had extensive experience in developing and administering surv eys in Trinidad and was able to help me ensure content validity—that my questions we re actually a good me asure of the areas I was interested in—and face validity—that part icipants would perceive my questions as appropriate to the topic at hand. When this had been addressed, I pilot-tested the questionnaire with two local farmers, a male and a female, to assess their interpretation of the questions. This also allowed me to estima te the time necessary to administer it. Based on their feedback and my observations, I removed some questions as unnecessary and reworded others for clarification. The instrument The final instrument covered four topic areas: Demographic profile: 21 questions on i ndividual social va riables and household composition and resources Agricultural profile: 14 questions on prim ary and secondary agricultural activities Organizational profile: 22 questions on organizational access and satisfaction Community networks: 12 questions on pa rticipation in formal and informal community groups. Survey questions included checklists from which respondents selected among possible answers, scaled items designed to assess level of satisf action, ranking questions

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66 to determine relative importance, and openended questions to elicit farmers’ own responses. Administering the Survey Interviews were arranged a day or two in advance and generally lasted from one to two hours. I conducted every in terview myself, orally, and thus was able to ensure comprehension. This was aided by my previous field experience, as I had learned the local terms and measures that otherwise might have been confusing (for example, “fig,” one of the primary crops, is actually banana). This was crucial for both my comprehension and that of farmers. Terms th at I could not clarify adequately I checked with university and Mi nistry colleagues. Sampling techniques This was not a true random sample, as no list exists of all farmers in these villages. Given that limitation, every effort was made to interview as “random” or at least as diverse a sample as possible. The following techniques were employe d: use of different informants for introductions, use of different networks (churches, temples, families), interviewing at different times of day, a nd consciously identifying farmers on both main roads and relatively “invisible” side roads and tracks. The sample was stratified by both ethnicity and gender. For statistical significance, I deemed it necessary to inte rview at least 35 farmers in each of four interest groups, defined by gender and ethnicity: female Indo-Trinidadian farmers, female Afro-Trinidadian farmers, male Indo-Trinid adian farmers, and male Afro-Trinidadian farmers. With each region being 95% or more ethnically homogeneous, ethnic stratification was simple.

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67 As far as gender, this was a disproportional stratified sample, as the sample percentage of male and female farmers doe sn’t reflect their actual proportion in the population. Disproportional sampli ng is recognized to be an appropriate technique when the population size of at least one stratum (in th is case female farmers) is relatively small (Agresti & Finlay, 1997). While my sample does not represent the true proportion of male and female farmers in the population, I am able to make comparisons between the percentage of women who know, access, or do something versus the percentage of men. Identifying participants Locating women farmers required persiste nce, especially as I expanded into villages where I was less known. Women farm ers were generally less recognized in the community, so that I was usually directed first to male farmers, despite my stated interest in meeting women. I have asked MA to help me meet other farmers, male and female, for my survey, as he says that he knows “everybody”… (T hree days later) I have interviewed 10 farmers in the village, and not met a si ngle woman…Finally, I show MA a list of women farmers (made by a woman in anothe r village), but he only recognizes the names of 2 of them. To meet those, we fi nd ourselves walking to the very edges of the settlements, down tracks and at the back of hills, where MF says he has never been before… (Toco). Many of the women lived on the periphery of the village, physically as well as socially, invisible to and unrecognized by even the local people. I interviewed all the female farmers I could identify, including wome n who farmed with their spouse. In the end, I believe that I did almost a complete census of female farmers, especially in the Toco region, from Matelot to Sans Souci (t his was later supported by census figures). I then ensured that I interviewed an e qual number of men, an easy task as there were always more male than female farmers. In neither region did I exhaust the pool of active male farmers, especially in the Toco region, where I believe that I interviewed less

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68 than half of the male farmers. In Cedros I estimate that I interviewed at least half and possibly three quarter of male farmers. Becau se I was unable to do a true random sample of men, there may be some skew in the sa mple. As proportional to the population, I may have selectively over-sampled men in farm c ouples, in my effort to identify all the women in agriculture (if I interviewed the fema le half of the couple, there was usually a social obligation to interview the man as well). Gender disaggregation In households in which both partners were active in agriculture (farm couples), I attempted, when possible, to interview each partner separately. Several times this revealed different perceptions regardi ng agricultural roles and responsibility. Today I was able to interview the male ha lf of the (common law) couple that I met last week. While the woman had told me th at their decisions were fully shared, the man maintained that he was the primary d ecision-maker. He said they “discuss” the garden, but he “makes the decisions” (T oco, Afro-Trinidadian farm couple). In Cedros, it was often not socially appropr iate to request sepa rate interviews, as husband and wife usually were present togeth er. Therefore, on pertinent questions, I directly sought and recorded a response from each individual, while recognizing that the answers may have been colored by the presence of the other. WA sits in a chair a little way bac k, occasionally commenting, but letting her husband do most of the talking, although I make a point of looking at her and including her in the que stions (Cedros, Indo-Tr inidadian Farm Couple). Comparison of survey sample to population Between January and March 2004, I interv iewed 142 households, of which 38 were female farmers, 70 were male farmers, and 34 were farm couples, making a total of 72 female participants and 104 male participan ts (counting a farm couple as one male and one female). This represented 4.3% of the popul ation (n=70) in the Toco study region and

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69 2.4% (n=72) in the Cedros study region. In Toc o, this constituted 6% of men and 2.2% of women, while in Cedros, this represented 3.2% of men and 1.9% of women. In both regions, the percentage of the population a nd of each gender that I interviewed was slightly higher than that re ported by the census as the total number of agri cultural holders (Table 3-2). Given this discrepancy, I did a careful revi ew of the census data classification to determine whether my sample was actually comparable to the census. There were two possible discrepancies between the census and my survey data: 1) the definition of male and female agricultural holder and 2) the exclusion of non-commercial farmers from the census. These are addressed below. Gender categories. At the completion of my survey, I had a total of 176 participants: 72 women and 104 men. These we re drawn from 142 households, of which 38 were female farmers, 70 were male farm ers, and 34 were farm couples. I counted a farm couple as one male and one female, as both were responsi ble for agricultural decision-making. However, the census reco rded only one “agricu ltural holder” per household. They defined the holder as “t he civil person…with the economic and technical initiative, who makes major deci sions regarding resource use and exercises management control over the agricultural holding” – a role that most people assume the

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70 Table 3-2. Percentage of farmers reported in the agricultural census versus the percentage of farmers interviewed for my survey. Location Toco / Sangre Grande Cedros / Siparia Gender Female Male Total Female Male Total Survey samplea 2.2 (4.7)c 6.0 4.3 1.9 (3.2) [5.1] d 3.2 [5.1] 2.4 [3.6] Source of data Agricultural censusb 1.2 6.0 3.7 0.5 2.7 1.6 aThe survey figures refer to farmers actually interviewed, not the total number in the population. Percentages refer to the two regions as defined for the purposes of my study. bSource: CSO, 2005. Percentages refer to the entire regional corporation. c Figures in parentheses refer to the total percentage of women in agriculture, including women in farm couples. d Figures in brackets refer to the percentage of farmers in Coromandel and Granville, excluding Chatham. man holds in a farm couple. Therefore, in orde r to compare my sample to the agricultural census, I equated my categories of “male farmers” and “farm couples” to the census category of “male agricultural holders.” Fo r comparison to the census category of “female agricultural holders,” I used only the households I classified as “female farmers.” In this way, I ensured that my gender categorie s were comparable to census definitions. Commercial farmers. The agricultural census did not count people who produced solely for household consumption. Therefore, I analyzed my data to check for the incidence of such farmers in my sample. On ly 4% of my sample reported receiving no cash-income from their crop. This was matche d by the 3% of farmers who reported home gardening as their primary agricultural activity. Therefore, given that less than 5% of the farmers I interviewed were producing solely for home consumption, my sample group was comparable to the census population.

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71 Implications. Although my sample percentages a ppear only slightly greater than the census figures, it is important to note that I did not attempt to (and did not) interview every farmer in the region. Therefore, I believ e that the actual percen tage of farmers in both regions is even higher than the figur e I reported and definitely above census estimations. The greatest discrepancy betw een the census and my sample is the percentage of women classified as agricu ltural holders (this holds true even though I removed women in farm couples from my cal culations, and classified them as male households, as the census would have). In both regions, I found one percent or more women than the census. Given that I had a year to establish relations with farmers, while the census had a very limited time frame, th is is not surprising. However, it does highlight the need for more official recogni tion of “invisible” farmers – in this case specifically female farmers. Qualitative Data Analysis I analyzed my field notes using both traditional hand-coding and ATLAS.ti (Scientific Software Development, 1997), a qualitative software package for “Visual Qualitative Data Analysis, Management, & Model Building.” I followed normal qualitative conventions (Glesne, 1999), described here in grea ter detail for the benefit of those readers unfamiliar with th is methodology. As a first st ep, I entered all my field notes into the primary database of ATLAS.ti I then assigned important pieces of text an identifying name or “code.” Subsequent text references to similar ideas were assigned to the same code. Thus all my field notes were categorized and so rted by content. Codes were then analyzed visually. E ach research objective was assigned a particular page on a flip ch art (later, each objective expa nded onto several pages, as analysis allowed further subdi vision of findings). Each code name was written on a

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72 sticky note and pasted onto a ny and all pertinent flip char ts. Codes were then moved around on the flip chart, as relationships between them were analyzed. Eventually all the codes were clumped into related groups and given “family” names. These families represent my interpretation of the major findi ngs. In this way the data related to each objective were analyzed and ordered into major themes. The final visual analysis was entered into the computer and in cluded in the results text as a “code map.” These “code maps” (F igures 6-1, 6-2, 6-6, 67, and 6-8) visually summarize the results of the data analysis, in a similar fashion to tables used in statistical analysis. Each map presents a specific part of the analysis. Code families are listed across the top of the map, with each associated code placed below. Detailed description of each code is presented in the appendix and illustra ted with a selected field note. Since every code referred to multiple pieces of data, the selection of the most representative field note to include in the text was in itself a proce ss of analysis and inte rpretation. The analysis was validated by checking the maps with onsite experts as to their soundness and representation of reality. Quantitative Data Analysis Farmer responses to the questionnaire were entered into a database in the Statistical Package for Social Scientists (SPSS SPSS, Inc., 2002). The data were treated as a random sample, recognizing the limitations described above. Because this was a descriptive study, the primary focus was on descriptive statistics. Descriptive statistics were used to ob tain profiles of the two communities, and comparisons were made by gender and ethni city. For comparisons by ethnicity, only Afro-Trinidadian and Indo-Trinidadian farm ers were compared. Farmers of “other”

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73 ethnicities (n=4) were incl uded in analyses by region. Fu rther disaggregating was done by marital status and “farm ge nder” (female farmer, male farmer, farm couples) to analyze hypothesized recommendations domains Due to the extremely small incidence of divorced or separated participants (n=7), these categories were analyzed as “single.” This division of the total sample into 4 groups by ethnicity and gender lead to a relatively small number of respondents in a ny one group. Therefore, I rounded the results to the nearest 5th percentile to emphasize the trends rath er than to claim specific percentages. This provides a more useful a nd valid representation of the findings. The use of statistical analysis and the presentation of specific num bers often imply a misleading precision and authority (Chambers, 1997). The mo re accurate story is the representation of trends and relative size (which is the la rgest/smallest group, most/least important, etc). Any response to these data would then be ba sed on an understanding of the relative needs of different groups. Due to the relative isolation of these communities, inferences regarding external factors such as extension and organizational services are only meaningful to the farming population in those regions, although there may be some similarities to other “peripheral” communities. On the other hand, these communiti es are similar to many in rural Trinidad in their retention of distinct cultural norm s. Therefore, some of the findings regarding socio-cultural, socio-economic, and life stag e variables may be r easonably inferred to other farming communities. Telling the Story (or Letting the Story Speak for Itself) While adhering to the standard disserta tion format, I have followed ethnographic conventions in the writing of my chapters on methods and results. Although ethnographers continually employ new writing st yles in their quest for more accurate

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74 modes of representation, ther e are several common ways of organizing ethnographic texts (Glesne, 1999). I chose to arra nge my text thematically, as it facilitated the most natural integration of the qualitative and quantitative portions of my work. “The most frequently used technique is organization by themes or t opics. By analyzing the data, the researcher generates a typology of concepts, gives them names (codes names) and then discusses them one by one, illustrating w ith descriptive detail” from fi eld notes and quotes (Glesne, 1999, p 166). This format allowed me to system atically analyze each objective while still directly incorporating field notes throughout the text. Wolcott refers to this as a “conceptually oriented” study11 – the text is “constructe d upon a conceptual framework, with case data (field notes) playing an illustrative role” (Wolcott, 1990. p 29). In using an analytical style of organiza tion in the presentation of my findings, I tried to keep my study accessible to readers more familiar with quantitative approaches. At the same time, I endeavored to still honor the “emic” approach of anthropology – “a commitment to letting informants provide th eir own interpretations of meanings and events” (Wolcott, 1990, p 18) by incorporati ng field notes throughout my analysis. In keeping with the ethnographic tradition, which seeks to “represent the experiences and perspectives of research pa rticipants” (Glesne, 1999, p 12), I included both observations and quotations in the final text. This inclus ion of field notes places the reader, to the greatest extent possible, in the closest cont act with the “voice” and experience of the research participant. Field notes and quotes are blocked, indented, and single-spaced to visually separate them in time and place from the analytical text Field notes are identified by the location 11 As distinct from descriptively oriented studies, in which the main text is the narrative “story” and interpretive analysis is only infrequently interjected.

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75 (Toco, Cedros), ethnicity (Afro-Trindadian, Indo-Trinidadian) and gender of the farmers (female farmer, male farmer, farm couple). This interwoven narrative follows the tenets of critical ethnography, which explicitly acknowledges “knowledge ” as a source of power. In offering a “representation” of a community or culture, an ethnographe r “creates knowledge” about that particular society. An ethnographer thus has an ethical responsibility to ensure that her / his “representation” is understood as her/his inte rpretation of that pa rticular interaction between researcher and participants. While my selection of field notes represents a “subtle” analysis (as contrasted with Wo lcott’s “intrusive analysis” of direct interpretation), their inclusion in the final text allows the reader to see, if not reality, then at least the reality that I perceived. My presence and influence is acknowledged by writing in the first person, as recommended by qualitative conven tion (Wolcott, 1990; Glesne, 1999). The juxtaposition of interp retive analysis and na rrative “story” may be unfamiliar to those grounded in quantitative research, which endeavors towards the collection of “facts” without bias or in fluence. Critical ethnography, in contrast, purposefully highlights “knowledge” as a creation of the researcher. In accordance with this, I have interwoven field notes and direct quotations throughout my analysis. I believe these are a vital part of my study for the following reasons: In providing highly detailed and emic descriptions of farmers’ lives and livelihoods, I represente d their realities and voices with as little interpretation as possible. Previous studies have presented researcher s’ views of what farmers need and want. However, most agricultural organizations admitted to weak links with farmers. One of the major contributions of this work is to present a forum for farmers’ voices.

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76 The inclusion of primary data allows readers to interact with this rich information and make their own interpretations, which may or may not be in accordance with my own. Summary I conducted a descriptive study integrati ng both qualitativ e and quantitative methods. To identify how social variables influence farming systems in two ethnically distinct communities, I used ethnographic techni ques. I followed this with a quantitative survey, to test the initial findings among the broader regional farming communities. To explore the existing relationship between th e agricultural support system and these farming communities, I conducted informal interviews with farmers and observed outreach activities. I used ATLAS-ti for qualitative analysis and SPSS was used for quantitative analysis.

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77 CHAPTER 4 INTRODUCTION TO THE OBJECTIVES RESOURCES, CONSTRAINTS AND ACTIVITIES (ORCA) FRAMEWORK Introduction In trying to understand agricultural system s in Trinidad, one must take into consideration how social factors shape farmers’ realities. To assume there is one typical “cocoa farmer” with one set of practices is to ignore all the diversity that exists. The choices that an individual fa rmer makes are the result of both internal and external factors. The internal, socio-cultural, socio-ec onomic, and life stage factors determine, in large part, the objectives, resources and constr aints of an individual farmer. These, in combination with external resources and constraints12, result in a farmer’s choice of activity and method of unde rtaking that activity. During the course of my study, it became evident that a framework was needed to help describe this observed relationship be tween farmers’ social variables and their selection of agricultural activities. Unaware of any such existing framework, I developed the ORCA (Objectives, Resources, Constraints, and Activities) framework to illustrate this relationship. This chapter describes th e framework, its origins, and its specific application in my study. 12 External factors interact with inte rnal social factors. Most farmers in Trinidad are constrained by the low status of agriculture, as reflected in deteriorating agricultural access roads, lack of information services, etc. However, the ability to cope with such external fact ors depends in large part on the individual farmer’s internal resources and constraints. External constraints and resources are described further in Chapter 2 in the section entitled “Agricultural Context in Trinidad.”

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78 The following three chapters are organized around the findings from each step of the ORCA framework. In Chapter 5, I discuss influential soci al variables in my two study areas; in Chapter 6 I describe farmers’ objectives, resources, constraints, and activities; and in Chapter 7 I identify social recomme ndation domains and priority groups. Chapter 8 includes the beginnings of an action plan as well as a more general discussion of the ORCA framework and its potential us es and benefits in other studies. The ORCA Framework The ORCA framework (Figure 4-1) shows th e relationships between social factors (socio-economic, socio-cultural, and life-stag e variables) and agricultural activities. Social factors such as gender, educati on, age and household composition affect an individual’s objectives, resour ces, and constraints. Objec tives directly influence the selection of agricultural activities. Resources expand the ability to meet objectives, as illustrated by the upright triangle. Constraint s, as represented by the inverted triangle, constrict the ability to meet objectives. C onsidered together, object ives, resources, and constraints determine, in large part, what a fa rmer selects to do, and how they decide to do it. Farmers select crops that will help them achieve their personal objectives. The particular techniques they use reflect th eir available resources and constraints The ORCA framework can be used to syst ematically differentiate between groups of farmers based on social characteristics. It can aid in identification of social recommendation domains (SRDs), defined as groups of farmers that share influential social characteristics and similar agricultural strategies. Each SRD has distinct objectives, resources and constraints that affect 1) select ion of livelihood activities and 2) ability to

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79 Figure 4-1. The ORCA Framework O B J E C T I V E S R E S O U R C E S AGRICULTURAL ACTIVITIES SOCIAL FACTORS C O N S T R A I N T

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80 access and benefit from a partic ular agricultural technology. Th erefore, it is crucial for extension, research, and policy-makers to recognize and respond to these differences. Origins of the Framework The ORCA framework was developed in re sponse to the obser ved socio-cultural and socio-economic diversity in Trinidad farming communities. The initial intention was to collect data on cropping ac tivities in order to create an ethnographic linear program (ELP). The ELP is a mathematical model that illustrates how household objectives, resources, and constraints determine selec tion of livelihood activities. The model assumes that production practices (input and output coefficients) for each activity are fairly standard within an area (Hildebrand, 2001). Ho wever, field observations in Trinidad revealed that this basic assumption was not valid in these communities. Not only was there a tremendous diversity of agricultural activities, but pro duction practices also varied widely. Individual farmers cultivating the same crop used different types and levels of inputs, substituting one for the other depending on their resources and constraints. For instance, a farmer with limited cash-income might substitute more hand weeding for herbicides. Another farmer, constrained in cash-income and labor, might purposefully select a low labor crop and add no inputs. Cocoa, one of the most common crops, was cultivated more or less intensively dependi ng on a farmer’s resource profile. Likewise, although the Ministry of Agri culture recommends one sta ndard method for post-harvest processing of cocoa, farmers’ actual tec hniques ranged from minimally to highly managed. These varying production practices in turn led to huge differences in yield quantity and quality. Therefore, it was felt that modeling “standard ” activities would not, in this case, be representative of the reality of a diverse farming populati on. To accurately incorporate

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81 this diversity into the ELP, each of the diffe rent means of producing a particular crop would have to be considered a separate activ ity. However, to model all these variations would lead to a much larger matrix, beyond what was practically useful in this situation. Therefore, the ORCA framework was developed in its stead, to retain the main concepts of the ELP and also incorporat e the diversity of Trinidad’s farming systems. As it was observed that many of the differences in objectives, resources, and constraints were linked to socio-cultural, socio-economic, a nd life-stage variables, the ORCA framework aimed to show how these social factors infl uence selection of agricultural and livelihood activities. Use of the ORCA framework and development of social recommendation domains provides a useful alternative to the ELP in socially divers e situations, creating a variant of the methodology for farming system s research and extension (Figure 4-2). Social Recommendation Domains The ORCA framework uses the concept of recommendation domains introduced in farming systems methodology. Byerlee et al defined a recommendation domain as “a group of roughly homogeneous farmers with similar circumstances for whom we can make more or less the same recommendation” (as cited in Norman, 1986). Shaner et al clarify the utility of the recommendation dom ain: “the underlying assumption is that the farmers of households within the same recommendation domains will have similar responses to proposed technologi es” (as cited in Norman, 1986).

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82 Figure 4-2. Farming systems research and extension methodol ogy using the ORCA framework for development of social recommendation domains.. Modified from Hildebrand’s model of farming systems re search and extension methodol ogy using linear programming Sociocultural Lifestage Farmers’ social identity Socially diverse systems ORCA framework Testing alternatives Social recommendation domains Validation Participatory methods Socioeconomic

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83 The ORCA is distinct from earlier concep tions of recommendation domains in that it focuses primarily on internal socio-economic socio-cultural, and life-stage factors versus external economic and agro-ecological systems. The need to consider social criteria has been debated since the first con ceptualization of the recommendation domain. It was recognized that differences in wo men’s agricultural activity…“are largely the result of cultural variatio ns whose dominant mode of e xpression may be religious or ethnic or some combination of the two. What is important is that when a certain portion or sub-portion of the population of an area shares a particular cultural orientation, it is possible to make certain assumptions about th e kinds of roles women are likely to assume within an agricultural setti ng…In culturally complex settings it is important to specify the cultural group or groups to which a recommendation domain applies. This should help clarify and explain what otherwise might be unanticipated responses to a recommended technology” (Alberti, 1988, p. 65). In a specific situation there will usua lly be many influential social factors, including socio-cultural, socio-economic, and life stage vari ables. “Real life situations rarely fall into compartments that vary so neatly along a single dimension. Rather, multiple variables combine and fuse, whether systematically or erratically, resulting in ever more complex relationships” (Alber ti, 1988, p. 68). A recommendation domain is never an exact science, as it is a combinat ion of many factors. However, it aims to identify the most influential factors. Life Stage Dynamics The addition of social fa ctors to recommendation domain s requires that the ORCA framework account for the dynamic nature of these variables. One household, indeed one individual, will pass through diffe rent social stages over the course of a lifetime. The

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84 ORCA framework attempts to distinguish be tween the distinct realities that tend to belong to certain groups at certain points of time13. This is illustrated in Figure 4-3, which depicts SRDs as the dynamic intersection of socio-cultural, socio-economic, and life-stage factors. A specific SRD is one point of intersection of all the possible socio-cultural, socio-economic, and life-sta ge variables. Because socio-economic and life-stage factors change periodically during an individual’ s lifetime (whereas socio-cultural factors are typi cally constant from birth), one individual will pass through several distinct SRDs. Therefor e, an individual’s SRD must be defined at a certain point in time. This dynamism does not imply lack of predictability, however. Because most societies have more or less culturally defined life cycles, there is of ten a predictable flow to the stages through which individuals and households pass. Given a thorough understanding of cultural norms, it becomes possi ble to construct a flow chart depicting the typical passage of distinct households through social recommendation domains over a lifetime (Figures 7-2 to 7-5). Application of the ORCA framework My elaboration of the ORCA framework was prompted by my field observations, therefore focused investigation into these f actors and relationships began quite naturally. This was an iterative process, as later i nvestigations were continually informed and shaped by earlier findings. I have pres ented a schematic of the methodology below 13 This is in accordance with ELP methodology, which accounts for the effect that changes in household composition have on agricultural activity over a pe riod of time (Cabrera, 1999; Peralta, 2004).

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85 Figure 4-3. The dynamic intersection of social factors that determines an indivi dual’s social recommendation domain (SRD) at a given point in time. SOCIO-CULTURAL FACTORS SOCIO-ECONOMIC FACTORS LIFE-STAGE FACTORS SRD

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86 logically organized into Steps 1-8 (Figure 4-4), to highlight each important aspect of the investigation. Steps 1–3 occurred simultane ously throughout the course of my data collection in Trinidad. The subsequent deve lopment of social recommendation domains was the result of my effort to analyze and or ganize my findings after leaving Trinidad, as described in Steps 4 through7. Step 8 helped me to identify the bulk of the recommendations that are presented in Chapter 8. While the following section describes the methods used in my study, there are many other potential uses of this fr amework. A proposed general methodology is presented in Chapter 8 as a tool for future research. Step1: Observe natural groups and pr opose social recommendation domains I initially observed cert ain “natural groups” of people who shared social characteristics that appeared to affect their selection of agricultural activities. While every individual was the unique produc t of intersecting vari ables, several factors appeared to be most influential. This led me to propose tentative social recommendation domains. Step 2: Describe social factors that distinguish between groups The second step was to identify which soci al factors were characteristic of the observed groups of farmers. I divided so cial factors into three main groups: Socio-cultural Socio-economic Life-stage Socio-cultural factors. Socio-cultural factor s are factors such as ethnicity, religion, and gender that influence social practices a nd roles, cultural norms family organization, and socially acceptable levels of consumption. These factors are normally inherent to the individual and do not change over a lifetime.

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87 Figure 4-4. Steps to identify social recommendation domains (SRDs) STEP 1: OBSERVE & PROPOSE SRDS STEP 2: INVESTIGATE SOCIAL FACTORS STEP 3: IDENTIFY ORCA STEP 4: MODIFY & VALIDATE SRDS STEP 5: MODEL HH LIFE CYCLES THROUGH SRDS STEP 7: SELECT TARGET SRDS STEP 8: DEVELOP ACTION PLAN STEP 6: COMPILE FACTSHEETS FOR SRDS

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88 Socio-economic factors. Socio-economic factors are resource variables that influence livelihood opportunities, such as cashincome level, education level, and access to factors of production (land, labor and capital). These variables may change as an individual accumulates or loses resources. Life-stage factors. Life-stage factors are those variab les that define an individual at a certain point in time, as they move from childhood to seniority, such as age, marital status, and household composition (numbe r, age and gender of dependents; total household size). These variables appear to chan ge in a fairly predictable manner, as the individual matures. This information was gathered during bot h the qualitative and quantitative portions of my research. Participan t observation and the development of extended informal relationships with research participants provided important insi ghts into the subtle influences of social factors in an individual’ s life. I checked these findings against recent research done by other social scientists (Clarke, 1993; Haniff, 1999; Harry 1980; Mohammed and Shepherd, 1988; Mo msen, 1993; Ramjohn, 1975; Safa, 1995; Yelvington, 1993). I then used the surveys to determine the actual incidence of these factors within each region. Step 3: Identify objectives, resou rces, constraints, and activities The third step was to identify the objectiv es, resources, constrai nts, and activities that tended to be associated with the part icular groups. Resources and constraints were often the same factors – opposite sides of the same coinbut were distinguished by their relative abundance (resource) or scarcity (constraint). For instance, the presence of

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89 factors such as cash, labor, mobility, educat ion, information access, etc, represented a resource while their absence or sc arcity constituted a constraint. I relied primarily on qualitative techniques fo r this portion of the research. Informal interviews were more conducive than surveys to capturing farmers’ candid expressions of their objectives, resources, and constraint s. Participant observation gave me the opportunity to directly observe farmers’ range of activities and conf irm what I had been told. Step 4: Validate and / or modify social recommendation domains Using the information gathered in step 2 and 3, the fourth step provided confirmation and refinement of the social recommendation domains proposed in Step 1. Each proposed domain was analyzed for simila rities in social factors and ORCA. Valid domains had important similarities within the domain, as well as significant differences between domains. To analyze similarities, I used both qualitative and quantitative techniques, depending on the type of data ga thered. Descriptive sta tistical analysis of survey data revealed similarities in social and demographic factor s, indicating logical groups. Content analysis of qualitative data was used to confirm apparent groups by checking for similarities in farmers’ ORCA. Discrepancies were investigated, to check for other influential factors. Modification to major SRD categories was made as necessary, to best reflect the observed similariti es. Similarities in factors besides the main categories supported the identi fication of a valid domain. Because this analysis was not based primarily on statistics, there was no set level of similarity, to which proposed groups were compared for “significance.” Validity was

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90 instead ensured by analyzing seve ral different types of data (social, agricultural, etc), which revealed convergences. Step 5: Model HH life cycles through SRDs At this point, it became possible to model the typical passage of distinct households through SRDs, as the relationship between SRDs and life stages became apparent. The development of clear life cycle models fu rther confirmed the validity the SRDs. Step 6: Compile factsheets for ea ch social recommendation domain The sixth step was to compile all the info rmation gathered in previous steps and create a comprehensive factsheet for each SRD, as well as a textual summary with implications for the agricultural support system. Step 7: Identify priority target groups Given limitations of time and resources, I was aware that th e agricultural support system could not pay equal attention to ever y group of farmer. Nor indeed was there a need to, as some groups were fairly well se rved. Therefore, I analyzed the groups to determine which were the most “vulnera ble” (economically in secure), the most dependent on agriculture, and had the least current access to agricultural services. Step 8: Develop an action plan Careful analysis of the findings can help individuals, organizations, and governments target their initiatives, thus cr eating more positive impa ct and making better use of limited resources. Projects and polic ies should enable targeted farmers to meet their priority objectives by enhancing the particular re sources whose scarcity was constraining their livelihoods. Development and extension of technologies should match identified resources and constraints.

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91 Organization of the Findings Beyond providing general academic information, it is hoped that my study can be used as a practical tool by the agricultural s upport system to improve their services to targeted groups of farmers. While the fullest understanding will be obtained by reading the entire document, specific sections may be of interest to different audiences. Therefore, the results have been organized into chapters for ease of reference. The reader interested in learning more about farmers’ so cial characteristics can refer to Chapter 4, which describes ORCA Step 1 and 2. Detail ed descriptions of farmers’ objectives, resources, constraints and activ ities may be found in Chapte r 6, which covers ORCA Step 3. Chapter 7 describes the identification of the social recommendation domains (ORCA Step 4) and their relation to household life cy cles (ORCA Step 5). For readers primarily interested in developing practical programs of research and extension, this chapter also provides an in-depth discussion of each so cial recommendation domain (ORCA Step 6), and highlights groups recomme nded for priority action (ORC A Step 7). The beginnings of an action plan (ORCA Step 8) are in Chapter 8. Summary In order to fully engage with a divers e spectrum of the farming community, the agricultural support system must recognize how a farmer’s social identity influences agricultural decision-making. Th e ORCA framework provides one way to conceptualize this relationship. The ORCA framework vi sually illustrates how social variables influence a farmer’s objectives, resources, a nd constraints, ultima tely affecting their selection of agricultural activities. So cial recommendation domains are a way of categorizing farmers based on their socio-cultural, socio-economic, and life-stage variables, and their predicte d impact on decision-making. The identification of social

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92 recommendations in a farming population requir es a number of steps, but ultimately can enhance the ability of the ag ricultural support system to recognize high priority groups and respond appropriately to targeted farmers. In the following three chapters, the ORCA framework is used to identify social variables in two Trinidadian farming comm unities (Chapter 5), describe farmers’ objectives, resources, constraints, and activ ities (Chapter 6) and identify social recommendation domains (Chapter 7). The ba sis for an action plan are presented in Chapter 8.

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93 CHAPTER 5 INVESTIGATION OF SOCIAL FACTORS Introduction This chapter describes the socio-cultural, socio-economic, and life-stage variables that define social identity in the Toco and Cedros farming communities. It also incorporates descriptive statistics to demonstr ate the incidence of each variable in the two regions. Following the ORCA framework discus sed in Chapter 4, I briefly present the results from Step 1 and then describe in detail the results from Step 2. It is important to emphasize that the importa nce of this material is not in the overall findings and main themes, but in the details. The objective of this work was not to make a summary statement about the “typical” farmer but to uncover and highlight the vast differences in individual realitie s. The fact is that diversity ex ists, and each aspect of that needs to be recognized and unde rstood. Therefore, it is hoped that readers who seek to work with these different groups will use this as a reference document and identify the specific realities of each group. In accordance with ethnographic convention (Glesne, 1999), I have interspersed my analysis and interpretations with selected fi eld notes (observations and quotations) that serve to represent the data upon which the fi ndings are based. This approach presents farmers’ realities from their own persp ective, based on participant observation and informal interviews over the course of one year. Readers unfamiliar with ethnographic tradition are referred to the section “Telling the Story” in Chapter 3 for an explanation of this presentation of results.

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94 In this chapter, I have also included re ferences to previous research on social identity in Trinidad. Although such material is typically presen ted as part of the literature review, in my study it is appropr iate for inclusion with results as its collection occurred as part of the research process and informed the subsequent investig ation. Therefore, this material actually represents secondary data collected during my fi eldwork. Following my initial field observations of social variables, I actively sought pertinent literature to confirm my interpretations. I felt an ethi cal responsibility to be careful in my representation of another culture, especially given my unfamiliarity with Trinidadian society. Toward this end, I sought literature on social identity in Trinidad, purposefully including works written by Trinidadian, and mo re generally Caribbean, authors. I relied especially on the works of Barrow (1988, 1997), Clarke (1993), Harry (1980), Haniff (1999), Kanhai (1999,) Mohammed (1993, 1999) Momsen (1993), Ramjohn (1975), Safa (1995), Sampath (1993), and Ye lvington (1999. Their validati on of my interpretations prevented misdirection in my continuing investigation and wa s crucial during the verification of my proposed social recommendation domains (see Chapter 7, Step 4). Step 1: Observation and Proposal of Social Recommendation Domains During my first nine months in the field, I sp ent the majority of my time in farmers’ fields and homes, trying to understand their farming systems and develop a tentative map of their different activities. Instead of gaining an understanding of a “typical” cocoa farmer, what I observed instead was a social diversity among farmers that appeared to have a counterpart in their agricultural prac tices. Instead of mapping activities, I began to map farmers. My initial observations led me to propose the following distinct groups of farmers, characterized by distinct object ives, resources, constr aints, and activities (ORCA).

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95 Widows Seniors, especially women Single women (mostly Afro-Trinidadi an but some Indo-Trinidadian) Married Indo-Trinidadian women Sub-groups: middle cash-income versus low cash-income Indo-Trinidadian couples (the se were mostly seniors) Afro-Trinidadian church couples Young Indo-Trinidadian men (mostly single) Married men who farmed alone What I realized from first analysis of my observed groups was that several social factors appeared to distinguish most of th ese groups: age, marital status, ethnicity, gender, and farm gender14. A few groups were also defi ned by socio-economic level and religion. These would become the basis of my social recommendation domains, which I investigated and modified after more extens ive exploration of these groups and their diverse realities. Step 2: Investigation of Social Factors In seeking to understand what made thes e observed groups distin ct, I analyzed the social factors that most influenced each individual’s (and group’s) ORCA. For ease of analysis, social factors are divided into th e following three categor ies: socio-cultural, socio-economic, and life-stage. Each of th ese categories is then subdivided into the specific variable. The most influential sociocultural factors are ethnicity, religion, and gender. Important socio-economic factors ar e economic objective, class, education, and land. The primary life-stage f actors are marital status, age, and household size. These are summarized in Figure 5-1. Each of these is di scussed in detail below, based on personal observation as well as previous scholarship. 14 Farm gender refers to the household configura tion of agricultural labor and responsibility: a female farmer, a male farmer, or a farm couple.

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96 Although these are examined individually, it is important to remember that all of these factors interact, so that the ORCA of any individual is specific to that particular combination of factors at that point in time (Figure 4-3). Most soci o-cultural factors are relatively stable, although some factors, such as religion, may change over time. Socio-economic and life-stage factors change th roughout the life of the individual, so that a particular farmer will belong to diff erent recommendation domains during their lifetime. Socio-Cultural Factors Socio-cultural factors influence social prac tices and roles, cultural norms, family organization, and socially acceptable levels of consumption. These factors are normally inherent to the individual and do not change during their lifetim e. In these two regions of Trinidad, the most influential socio-cultural factors were id entified as ethni city, religion, and gender. These three factors, separately and in combina tion, have a great influence on an individual’s objectives, resources, and cons traints. While gender, on its own, does not constitute a “culture,” it exists as a dis tinct factor when de fined by ethnic group and religion. A fourth category, farm gender was developed to reflect household configuration with regards to ag ricultural labor and responsibility15. 15 Farm gender is not purely a socio-cultural factor as it also reflects socio-economic and life stage influences and thus may be dynamic over an individual life span.

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97 Figure 5-1. Social factors investig ated as possible determinants of farming systems in Trinidad Socio-Cultural Factors Socio-Economic Factors Life-Stage Factors Ethnicity Religion Gender Economic Objective Land Education Marital Status Age Household Size Afro-Trinidadian Indo-Trinidadian Hindu Muslim Christian Rastafarian Female Male Survival Security Profit Maximization Single Married Common Law Widowed Squatting Leasing Privately Owned Primary Secondary 20-35 36-50 51-65 65 Plus 2 or less 3-4 5 or more Farm Gender Female Farmer Male Farmer Farm Couple

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98 Ethnicity in Trinidad Trinidad is unique among the Caribbean is lands in that its population is divided almost exactly between two ethnic groups16 (37.5% Afro-Trinidadian, 40.0% Indo-Trinidadian; CSO, 2001), with two distin ct histories, settlement patterns, and cultures (Clarke, 1993). When African slav es were emancipated in 1834, they faced government policies intended to restrict thei r purchase of land and thus resorted to squatting on the abundant and largely unculti vated Crown land in th e interior (Brereton, 1981). Although squatting was ill egal, lack of roads hindered enforcement, and African villages developed in the less accessible ar eas of the north and south (Harry, 1980). It was not until 1869, under Governor Robinson, th at small parcels of land were made available for purchase at affordable prices, providing small farmers legal access to Crown lands (Brereton, 1981). After 1869, many indentured Indian men17 accepted parcels of former estate land in lieu of a return passage to India, and settled in the flatter lands of central and southern Trinidad (Harry, 1980). Between 1880 and 1900, many more Indian men purchased Crown land under Governor R obinson’s land policies (Brereton, 1981). Many rural villages maintain this historic division today, with almost complete ethnic separation (Yelvington, 1993). This ge ographic separation of ethnic groups is reflected in the composition of the two regi ons studied, as the sample population (n=70) in Toco is 96% Afro-Trinidadian and in Cedr os (n=72) is 94% IndoTrinidadian. This has led to the maintenance of distinct cultural norms, which is especially apparent in rural areas (Yelvington, 1993). 16 Minority ethnic groups not considered in this study are of Chinese, Middle-Eastern, and European descent. 17 Indentured Indian women were not allowed to get land but could accept money in lieu of their return passage (Philips-Lewis, 1994).

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99 While culture encompasses many variables, my study is most concerned with the impact that ethnic norms have on the organization of families and gender roles. Even while describing them, it is important to re member that these are not absolutes, but intersect with all other social variables to create “distinctions in meaning and attitudes towards specific family practices across cl ass, race, age, gender, even religious affiliation” (Barrow, 1988, p. 155). Afro-Trinidadian family structures Afro-Trinidadian family structures bear many similarities to that of other Afro-Cari bbean societies, which have been variously interpreted by foreign anthropologists and more recently local ethnographers. While the understanding of these pattern s continues to evolve, the basic structures are well documented. “The fundamental principles of the Afri-Caribbean family system include matrifocality and extensive, enduring ki nship networks. The closeness of the mother-child bond contrasts with relatively l oose and segregated c onjugal relationships. Caribbean visiting and common law unions and high percentage s of children born out of wedlock (60-70%) have persisted” (Barrow, 1988, p. 156). The family may be flexible in space and time, with partners and households changing over the years. For individuals not bound by marriage, the most secure bond is that between mothers and children. In 2000, women headed 38% of Afro-Tri nidadian households (CSO, 2001). Easter sports are a time for children to pa rticipate in games and competitions, with prizes for all. Parents, primarily mother s and grandmothers, se ttle under a tent to watch their children in the “march pa st”, frog races, gossip races, and other inventive versions of the classic footrace …. The day goes by, and the children pile their grandmothers high with prizes, mos tly plastic dishes and school supplies that are all examined and treasured (Toco). One notable exception to this is the fundamental importance of marriage to Afro-Trinidadians of the more active church sects (Barrow, 1988) These households are

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100 likely to be stable over time and centere d around a nuclear family. Some churches endorse fairly strict gender roles, and women may be more likely to remain primarily in household activities. Indo-Trinidadian family structures. For Indo-Trinidadians, the family is the bedrock of culture and tradition and is pr eserved, sometimes fiercely, against outside influences. “The family (is) …the central cons truct in the East Indi an identity” (Haniff, 1999, p. 24). Marriage is an essential instit ution, embarked on early in life (Ramjohn, 1975), and divorce or childbirth out of wedlock is severely sanctioned (Barrow, 1988). Here, they tell me, divorce is still very ra re, even if the husband and wife fight all the time, or if “she gets beaten.” I ask whether they see this strict adherence to marriage as a good thing; they reply empha tically yes (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Traditionally, the family is patriarchal, with each member having different and honored roles within the family (Barro w, 1988, Mohammed, 1993). In 2000, 81% of Indo-Trinidadians households were male-heade d, whereas only 19% were female headed (CSO, 2001). “In most households there are dist inct masculine and feminine tasks, and these have been perpetuated from generation to generation, with few deviations” (Harry, 1980, p 129). WA rises at 4, to cook food before the ch ildren leave for scho ol. She cooks three meals a day, in between the rest of her wor k. I ask her daughter if she likes to cook; she says not really, but WA says, “She has to learn” (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Religion in Trinidad On the whole, Trinidadians are a very devout people. Only 4% of surveyed farmers did not follow any re ligion. Although the practice of religion is not always strictly observed, the fundamental moral and religious tenants appear to permeate much of life. In both communities, only slightly more women than men reported a religious

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101 affiliation (97% versus 95%). However, women were observed to be generally more active in the religious community, as evidenced by church attendance and participation in religious activities. Religion among Afro-Trinidadians. The apparent religious homogeneity of the predominantly Christian Afro-Trinidadian population is belied by their division into numerous denominations. In my study samp le (n=81), 80% of participants were Christian, 12.3% followed Rastafarianism, and 7.4% didn’t practice any religion. The Christians belonged to six di fferent churches: 1% Jehovah’ s Witness, 2.5% Pentecostal, 6% Baptist, 9% Anglican, 13.6% Roman Ca tholic, and 38% Seventh Day Adventist (SDA). The high percentage of SDA farmers in my study sample contrasts with the county census, which records only 15% of the total population as being SDA (CSO, 2001). While this may be an artifact of the netw orks that I was introdu ced to, it could also reflect a link between that particular denomina tion and agriculture. I believe it is due to a combination of these factors, because even non-SDA farmers often led me to SDA in their introductions. The SDA is one of the mo st active and dynamic churches in the area, with strong linkages between members. Memb ers often express a religious affiliation with agriculture. Before they start to pick, MA reminds the other farmer to say prayers. He replies, “You didn’t pray before you left home?” Bu t nonetheless he removes his cap and asks God’s blessing in their harvest. The two men stand w ith bent heads before this distant tree, having traveled so far to reap the fruit, and still recognizing it as a blessing (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian male farmers). Most of the churches also hold “Harvest” celebrations at least once a year, to which farmers donate crops to raise money. These are popular events, with music and cooked food, and draw people from all parts of the island.

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102 The church also has an influence on ge nder roles, as observed in the national statistics on head of household in differen t denominations. Anglicans, Baptists, and Methodists have the highest percentage of female-headed households (40%), Roman Catholic and SDA are intermediate (35%), and Pentecostal is the lowest (30%) (CSO, 2001). The other distinct group of Afro-Trini dadians is the Rastafarians. Although considered a legitimate religion for legal pur poses, Rastafarianism is also a cultural, political, and ideological movement (M urrell, Spencer, and McFarlane, 1998). Rastafarians are an amorphous group, as there is no one text or canon that dictates norms and behaviors. Individuals interpret their be liefs according to their own experiences and predispositions; some are decidedly secular wh ile others approach a mystical attitude (Erskine, 2005). Some Rastas even bel ong to Christian churches and endorse a Rastafarian “lifestyle” instead of religious doctrines. Ho wever, as a group, it usually distinguishes itself from the Ch ristian church, and has an as sociated lifestyle and moral “reasoning.” Most signif icant to my study is the focus of the Rastafarian on nature – and thus agricultural pursuits – as a fundamental part of their life style (Erskine, 2005). “Agriculture is life itself…our work from creation. From that we leave and do other (work), but supposed to respect it as th at”(Toco, Afro-Trindadian male farmer). Religion among Indo-Trinidadians East Indians were predominantly Hindu at the time of immigration, with a small minor ity of Muslims. Howeve r, the proselytizing effect of successive waves of Christian mi ssionaries has greatly influenced religious affiliation among Indo-Trinidadians. The 2000 census records Indo-Trinidadians as 60% Hindu, 25% Christian, and 15% Muslim (CSO, 20 01). This is comparable to my study

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103 sample (n=81), which was 53% Hindu, 40% Chri stians, and 7% Muslims. Only 1.3% of participants didn’t pr actice any religion. Several older villagers felt that the Chri stian influence in the area had created divisions between Christians and non-Christia ns within the community. However, most people express no difficulty in accepting or even worshipping across religions. WA has more than agriculture on her mind t oday. She tells us that her son, a Hindu, is getting married to a Muslim woman. He r friend, a Christian, reassures her “that is nothing” as long as they have good work and are able to support themselves (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Many families have members in differen t religions, and some change religions periodically. Although the older generation is more likely to be Hindu, there is an acceptance of the exigencies that had made a conversion to Christiani ty beneficial, such as church-based education. Nor is the trend only towards Christia nity; during my stay several young people converted back to Hinduism. This ease of transition between Christia n and Hindu, perhaps stemming from the intermingling of family, reveals an essential cultural unity that over-rode, for the most part, any differences in social and gender norms. “To be I ndian (in Trinidad), whether one was Hindu, Muslim, or Christian, was stil l to identify with symbolic aspects of Indian culture” (Mohammed, 1999, p. 68). To me, as a foreigner, there are very few observable distinctions between Hindu and Christian households within the Indo-Trinidadian community. Both maintain th e essential focus on th e family that so distinguishes Indo-Trinidadian society and the close association of the female with the household. “The overarching influence of Hi nduism and Islam on the qualities expected of them (women) was not considerably tamp ered with (by Christianity)” (Mohammed, 1999b, p. 90). This is reflected in similar fa mily structures across religions. Both Hindu

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104 and Muslim families are predominantly male-headed (80-85%). This is comparable to Presbyterian households18, which have the highest per centage (80%) of male-headed households of any Christia n denomination (CSO, 2001). Within the region studied, Muslims tended to live in distinct areas, which may or may not reflect an ideological as well as a geographic separation from the other religious groups. While Christian and Hindu lived intermi ngled in the villages in which I did my initial work, I met no Muslim farmers during th e nine months of my qualitative research. It was only during the final months of my su rvey, when I extended my research to the adjacent villages, that I encountered a Muslim community in the village of Chatham. Therefore, I did not have the time to de velop ongoing relationsh ips with any Muslim families, and so cannot reflect their viewpoint s. I also did not interview any female Muslim farmers. Although this may indicate lo wer female participation in agriculture in Muslim households, it could equa lly reflect the fact that I simply wasn’t introduced to any women. In other communities, identifying female farmers required persistence and time, a resource I did not have at that point in the research. Gender in Trinidad While Trinidad is a very cosmopolitan society, saturated with exposure to both Western and Eastern media, many rural communities maintain traditional social norms and gender roles. Young men and women strive to negotiate among various pressures to create an acceptable social identity (Sampath, 1993). In recent times, Trinidad has focuse d substantial resources on improving the opportunities available to women. As a re sult, young women ofte n surpass men in 18 The Presbyterian church in Tr inidad is predominantly Indian.

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105 academic achievement and increasingly hold positions of strategic importance. However, women face contradictory messages fr om a nation that expects much of them, yet maintains patriarchal norms that conflict with the attainment of those goals. While men have traditionally held positio ns of power in both the household and the nation, recent research has focused on the increasing vulnerability of young men. Faced with women’s increasing achievements, young men are increasingly uncertain of their role in the family, in the workplace, and in a globally-defined masculinity (Barrow, 1988; Safa, 1995; Yelvington, 1993). Afro-Trinidadian gender roles. While the matrifocal structure of Afro-Trinidadian families has long been rec ognized, the understanding of gender roles within that system has continued to e volve. Although households are often centered around a stable female figure, the society itself is patriarchal, with men having relatively more status and opportunities. “Caribbean gender relations are a double paradox: of patriarchy within a system of matrifocal and matrilocal families; and of domestic ideology coexisting within the economic independence of women” (Momsen, 1993, p 1). The instability of conjugal relations in many households le d to initial depictions of Afro-Caribbean women as economically in secure and dependent. This was soon challenged by Caribbean femini st writers and “replaced by images that emphasized black women’s familial authority, economic and pe rsonal autonomy, (and) gender equality” (Barrow, 1988, p. 158). She asked me if I was married. I told he r I was not, and she nodded knowingly, yes, you can’t be free like that when you are married. She made a strong statement about “not needing men.” She told me both from her experience and that of another woman, who has kept planti ng and replanting as she ch anges men, “Men are not profitable” (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer).

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106 However, later studies revealed that female headed households tended to be associated with “vulnerability, poverty, and on occasions, the absence of kinship network support” (Barrow, 1988, p. 158). Massiah, in her 1983 study, described these households as “the poorest of the poor…firmly placed among the disadvantaged sections of the Caribbean population” (p. 34). Th is is significant in Trinidad, as the 2000 census listed 38% of Afro-Trinidadian house holds as female headed. Even more significantly, 19% of all households were single parent female head ed, versus only 5% that were single parent male headed (CSO, 2001). She lives in a little house set back from th e main track ... She is very old and very poor. Though she cannot farm as she once did, sh e still actively cult ivates a plot of land. Her husband is blind, so she works th e land alone to suppor t the family – her husband, herself, one son, and three grandc hildren (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Working class Afro-Trinidadian men have commonly been depicted as irresponsible or absent, spending their cas h-income on public re creation and personal gain, and contributing little to the household. Other studies portrayed men as a marginalized population, “unable to fulfill th eir functions as ‘husbands’ and fathers” (Barrow, 1988, p.159). Continued concern has b een expressed over the social status of men, particularly the declini ng educational achievement of boys who are now perceived as an “at risk” population. However, more recent work has offered an alternative perspective through its examination of the cont ributions men make to the broader kinship network, in their roles as “c onjugal partner, son, grandfat her, brother and the like” (Barrow, 1988, p. 159). There is also a n eed to recognize the many men who have accepted the strictures of the church, and fulf ill, with great commitment, their role as husband and father.

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107 Indo-Trinidadian gender roles. Traditionally, East Indian woman had certain clearly defined gender roles: “the responsibility of a girl child to parents, the obligations to both parents and husband, the duties expect ed of a woman and a wife, the role of mother” (Mohammed, 1993, p. 230). For women this has meant a distinctive place in the household, which has been both a constraint and a resource. The vestiges of the caste system, although largely dormant, remain evident in the definition of social status and appropriate behavior for women (Mohammed, 1993). It is considered socially desirable for women to work solely within the household (Haniff, 1999). At times, this creates a struggle be tween economic necessity and desired social status. For lower resource families, there ma y be no choice, and women will work, either in the garden or off-farm. However, as wealth is acquired, there is a desire and a tendency for women to return to the domestic realm. “It was a mark of success for a wife not to work. These women were not really working th en, they were just helping their husbands” (Haniff, 1999, P. 23). They “started small,” without much, and worked hard to build up the family. At that time, she used to work in the ga rden every day. A neighbor lady used to ridicule her for “how her husband kept her.” Her neighbor di d not work at all outside of the house and regarded her garden work as low class (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). While women may aspire to “stay home,” they can also be restricted to that domain, and become almost completely invi sible outside of it. “The family is the paramount arena for women’s identity. It is in this arena that women came to dominate and it is here that all their work, both econom ic and social, was subsumed. They became housewives, they became mothers, they became invisible, they became silent…It was her husband that was seen as the head of the fa mily, and even if she worked equally with him, her work had now become invisible” (Haniff, 1999, p. 22).

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108 She says that women, especially Indo-Tri nidadian women… are expected to stay home and take care of the family, and yet th eir work is not apprec iated. It is simply assumed as their natural ro le and duties. …Although she says there is a need for women to be more independent and asser tive, she also recognizes how deeply ingrained those attitudes are in herself. She still “takes out” (serves) food for her husband and son…and finds it strange that her daughter does not serve her husband more (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Although East Indian women may have struggle d within their prescribed roles, they have equally found fulfillment in doing th at work. As Mohammed wrote in her ethnographies of two East Indian women, they “have forged a happiness out of a given set of social circumstances. They maintain that they have no regrets of unfulfilled ambitions for themselves but they have f ound satisfaction in loving their husbands and families, the gender role assigned them with in their ethnic group. They took pride in carrying out what they saw as th eir responsibility” (1993, p. 233). Today I have a delightful meeting with a woman who exemplifies the ingenuity and industriousness of many of the East Indian women farmers I have met. As she tells me about her life, I hear, encapsulated in one story, many of the traits and circumstances that I have observed in the women here, including their often deferential attitude towards their mate, bala nced by a real appreciation of them as a companion and support (Cedros, In do-Trinidadian farm couple). It is important not to equate this fulfillm ent of expectations with passivity, as the East Indian woman remains very much a di stinct individual. The challenge is to understand how individuality is expressed in a communal-ba sed society. “If the woman shows traits of individualism in public, her beha vior is seen as corrosive to the family unit. In fact, women are quietly, and of n ecessity, entering the public domain everyday in Trinidad…without the family falling apart”(Haniff, 1999, p. 29). She volunteers more about (her) relationshi p (with her husband) than ever before. She expresses mixed emotions … She says that no man bosses her around, and that she quarrels with him when he tells her to fetch him things. However, she later calls him “the boss”…and says that she prefers when he is not around, because then she can work how she likes (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple).

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109 Indo-Trinidadian men have faced rather ha rsh scrutiny as the dominant and often domineering figure in the household. However, the reality is more complex. Men, as well as women, inherit a societal expectation of patriarchal norms (Par sad, 1999), which they translate into their own family relations (Sam path, 1993). At its best, men are socialized to be stable and secure partners, making a li felong commitment of time and resources to their family (Mohammed, 1999). This is ex emplified by the many strong couples who describe themselves as “teams,” each fulfilli ng a vital role in the maintenance of the family. She enjoys gardening as a companionable ac tivity with her husband. She stresses to me that they work as a team, and says, with pride and gratitude, that her husband will support her in everything. He will buy what she wants and bring it (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). At its worst, male alcoholism may fuel th e expression of male dominance in acts of domestic violence (Haniff, 1999; Mohammed,1 999). Social pressure often limits the public exposure of these even ts, so that problems may be endured and passed on from one generation to the next (Parsad, 1999). Ho wever, many Indo-Trinidadians abhor this violence and understand that such actions cons titute a threat to the well-being of the entire family. I ask about the perception that women in Trinidad get beaten. She replies, “yes, yes, yes,” she knows this from her own e xperience. From what she hears in the village, it is still very co mmon. She says that women do not like to admit it. If they complain to their parents, most parents w ill tell them to return to their husbands and not intervene (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Whether Indo-Trinidadian gender roles will remain as distinct in the future is unclear. Young people have increasing exposure to other social norm s, however there is also a resurgence of religious fundamental ism that may ensure the continuity of traditional gender norms (Haniff, 1999).

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110 Gender and dependents Regardless of ethnic group, the most important factor affecting women’s lives is their responsibil ity for dependents, both children and adults. Having children determines the timing a nd nature of women’s participation in agriculture. For many wome n, responsibility for dependents makes agriculture an economic necessity. This is reflected in the ag e range of female farmers. For most women surveyed (n=72), agricultural participation was low before age 35, peaked between 35-50 and declined sharply after 65, in contrast to men’s more st able involvement through their lifetime. She acquired livestock and started working th is piece of land seve ral years after the birth of her last child. When her children started school, she started working in the market to make some extra money. The cattle “really helped” as she would sell one as needed to provide cash-income… In th e last few years, with all her children grown, the need has been less and she has started cutting back the herd (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian female farmer). Responsibility for dependents also aff ects women’s daily schedules. Women with young children are closely bound to the house and mu st either cultivate backyard gardens or else work in the garden in the early morning and late eveni ng. Women with school age children often schedule their garden wo rk to coincide with the school day. Some women make use of female relatives as caret akers to allow them to work outside the house. She rises at 2 in the morning to cook and clean and take care of her grandchildren. If she gets all that done before the su n comes up, she may iron clothes until she can start working on the farm. … She is glad to have the children’s mother home again, because now she is free to work more on the farm (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Caring for dependents can subsume even gender norms, as exemplified by the lifestyle of the only single fath er I met. He had assumed sole responsibility for the rearing and education of his son.

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111 The mother left when the child was 9 months old. He says that, since then, “I have to be everything, Mom and Dad, cooking a nd washing.” Like most mothers, he schedules his hours in the garden to matc h the school day, working from 9 – 2. He supplies about half of their household food needs from the garden. When he needs to travel to the market, he will “pack a bag” and carry the boy with him. (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian male farmer). This male farmer mimicked, in almost exact detail, the lifestyle and priorities of a woman farmer, due to his assumption of prim ary responsibility for his child. However, this was an exceptional case, as in the vast majority of households interviewed, women held primary responsibility for dependents. Therefore, for the purposes of my study, women are assumed to be the primary caregivers. Farm gender During the course of my study, it became ev ident that there were several different household configurations in regards to agri cultural labor and responsibility, each with distinctive ORCA profile s. In some cases an individual woman or individual man farmed alone, even if they were in a conjugal relations hip. In other cases, both partners worked in the garden. The main distin ction appeared to be whet her the farmer was solely responsible for agricultu ral activities or shared those dutie s and decisions with a partner. These variations were recorded as farm gender and comprise the following categories: Female farmer – woman who is solely re sponsible for agricultural activities, regardless of marital status19. Male farmer man who is solely responsible for agricultural activities, regardless of marital status. Farm couple – man and woman who share resp onsibility for agri cultural activities, regardless of marital status. 19 It is important to note that the farm gender category is independent of marital status. Later analysis revealed that SRDs were in fact defined by the intersection of both farm gender and marital status. This is presented in greater detail in Chapter 7, step 5.

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112 These configurations arose for different reasons, some cultural and some economic. However, regardless of origin, farm coupl es had a different profile of agricultural resources, constraints, and ac tivities than individual farmers. Previous research has established that the farm household is not an undifferentiated cooperative unit, since the individuals within a househol d have different resources and constraints (Dwyer and Bruce, 1988). However, farm couples cannot be understood merely as the sum of two individual farmers, as they also share a cooperative agricultura l resource base, founded on social relations. Farm couples thus comp rise a distinct form of household, with a distinguishing ORCA and farming system and s hould not be disaggregated to an artificial level of individuality. Female farmers. The female farmer category in cludes all women who are solely responsible for agricultu ral activities, regardle ss of marital status. In both ethnic groups, approximately half of all the women interviewe d (n=72) fall into this category. While this finding is expected of Afro-Trinidadian women, it is somewhat surprising for Indo-Trinidadian women, as the common per ception is that Indo-Tr inidadian women do not farm by themselves. Ethnic differences are reflected in the marita l status of female farmers (Figure 5-2). Approximately half of Afro-Trinidadian fema le farmers are single, while only a third are in some sort of conjugal relationship (10% married and 20% common law). This situation is reversed for Indo-Trinidadian female farm ers. The majority (60%) is married, while only 15% are single. Interestingly, in both et hnic groups, one quarter of female farmers are widows. This may indicate that, under those circumstances, economic necessity outweighed cultural differences.

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113 Regardless of ethnicity and marital status female farmers share some important similarities. In most cases, women’s involveme nt as the sole agricultural actor is an indication of high levels of economic necessity combined with low levels of resources. Whether single, common law, married or widow ed, female farmers tend to function at the lowest socio-economic level and are concerned primarily with survival20. Single women bear sole responsibility fo r providing for their household and thus rely heavily on agriculture for their liv elihood. Women in common law relationships, faced with an insecure relationship, often ha ve similar levels of household responsibility as single women. In many cases they may have a higher re source demand, as they tend to have more dependents. The involvement of married women as the sole ag ricultural actor also indicates economic necessity, as it is considered socially desirable for women to remain within the household. However, if the husband’s off-farm cash-income does not provide sufficient support, women will work in the garden. Th e high incidence of 20 In a few cases, female farmers were involved in agri culture primarily out of a love for agriculture, not out of economic necessity. However, these were the minority of cases.

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114 Figure 5-2. Farm gender and marital status of women in agriculture 45% Farm Couple Afro-Trinidadian Women Indo-Trinidadian Women 55% Female Farmer 55% Female Farmer 45% Farm Couple 45% Single 100% Married 55 % Common Law 45% Married 60% Married 25% Widows 25% Widows 20% Common Law 10% Married 15% Single

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115 widows as female farmers also supports the id ea of agriculture as a livelihood of survival. In all of these cases, involvem ent in agriculture is a necessity, as one of the few economic alternatives available to women. Female farmers exhibit important similar ities in their ORCA profile. They tend to have a relatively high number of dependents as compared to male farmers (1-2 more dependents per household, across a ll marital states) thus they have a higher consumption requirement. Female farmers tend to be constrai ned by labor, as they have to divide their time between the household and the garden. Their agricultural production is limited to what they can cultivate themselves, as they usually cannot afford hired labor. Any outside labor networks tend to be primarily composed of other female farmers. Their isolation is compounded by their limited mobility, from childcar e responsibilities as well as cultural norms. Even within the community, female farmers are often unrecognized by other farmers. She tells me that we can start visiting fa rmers next week and begins naming people, so-and-so with the watermelon, so-and-so with pigs, etc. I mention again my specific interest in women farmers, and she says, rather doubtfully, “Most ladies farm with their husbands” (Cedro s, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Because the man is typically the public figure, especially in Indo-Trinidadian families, female farmers are often invisible outside of the household. Thus their sources of new information are severely limited. Female farmers not only contend with relatively low household resources and limited community networks, but also repor t the lowest level of access to outside agricultural resources. Female farmers, whether single, married, or widowed, are the least aware of, and the least recognized by, the formal agricu ltural support system. While

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116 most of the female farmers are aware of the farm registration program, none are registered, despite the fact that many of the Indo-Trinidadian women are working private land. Therefore, no female farmers have benefited from the agricultural incentive program that provides subsidies to registered farmers for agricultural inputs. Female farmers reported virtually no interaction with the head agricultural office at Centeno, while male farmers and farm couples tended to rate their relations hip quite favorably. Male farmers. The male farmer category includes all men who are solely responsible for agricultu ral production, regardless of marital status. In both ethnic groups, approximately two-thirds21 of all men interviewed (n=99) are farming on their own. The fact that more men than women (65% versus 50%) are sole farmer s may indicate that men have access to a greater resource base th an women do, which allows them to engage in agricultural production. As with female farmers, the major difference among ethnic groups is in the prevalence of marriage, (Figure 5-3) with Afro-Trinidadian male farmers being more likely to be single (40%) than Indo-Trinidadian men (20%). Single Indo-Trinidadian men are predominantly young men who have not yet entered into marriage, while single Afro-Trinidadian men are of all ages and may have moved in and out of conjugal relationships. Indo-Trinidadian male farmers have a much higher incidence of marriage (70%) than Afro-Trinidadians (40%). Howeve r, if married and common law relationships are grouped together, it is inst ructive to note that male farmer s have a similar incidence of conjugal relationships, regardless of ethnicity (70% I ndo-Trinidadian, 60% Afro-Trinidadian). 21 The actual percentage in the population may be slightly higher than this, due to a sampling bias that over-selected men in farm couples. See “Identifying participants” in Chapter 3.

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117 Figure 5-3. Farm gender and marital status of men in agriculture 35% Farm Couple Afro-Trinidadian Men Indo-Trinidadian Men 65% Male Farmer 65% Male Farmer 35% Farm Couple 40% Single 100% Married 55 % Common Law 45% Married 70% Married 40% Married 20% Single 20% Common Law <10% Widowers

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118 Interestingly, the percentage of male farmers who report being widowers (0-10%) is much lower than that for women (25%). Fewer than 10% of Indo-Trinidadian male farmers are widowers. No Afro-Trinidadian ma le farmers report being widowers, either because of the lower incidence of marriage or because widowers identified themselves as single. This gender difference may reflect th e fact that men are not as economically vulnerable as women are when their spouse dies and thus do not need to turn to agriculture for survival. Male farmers, regardless of ethnicity or marital status are typically characterized by a higher level of resources than female farmers are. While a woman farming alone often signifies a lower resource household, a man who farms alone usually has somewhat more economic security. Within the male farmer category, single men are potentially the most economically insecure, as they only have access to one cash-income. However, while single women have to divide their time between household and garden, single men often rely on female relatives (mothers, sisters etc.) to provide th eir domestic needs, enabling them to focus solely on agricultural activities. Married a nd common law men who farm alone likewise benefit from their partner’s domestic labor. If their female partner works exclusively within the household, this i ndicates an economically secure household, since the women is not required to engage in any cash-income generating activity. If their female partner works off-farm, this indicates the existen ce of a better economic opportunity off-farm, providing a cash-income diversity th at enhances household security. Male farmers have important similarities in their ORCA profile. They typically have lower consumption requirements than female farmers and farm couples, due to a

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119 smaller household size. Whether single or in a relationship, male farmers consistently report fewer dependents than female farmers or farm couples. Male farmers tend to be less limited by labor availab ility than women, as few me n bear responsibility for household chores. Men are also much more lik ely to share agricultu ral work with each other or to hire labor and ar e less constrained by cultural definitions of appropriate work. Being more mobile and visibl e in the community, men benef it from public resources and information more than women. Most male farmers have a high level of acce ss to agricultural resources, equivalent to that of farm couples. With the exception of male farmers in common law relationships (none of whom are registered), a quarter to a half of male farmers are registered. Almost all male farmers are aware of the agricultural incentive program, and a third or more of Indo-Trinidadian men have received some form of farm subsidy22. Male farmers also report a moderate amount of interaction with Centeno and a high rate of satisfaction with their services. Farm couples. Farm couples include all male and female partners who share responsibility for agricultural activities, regardless of marita l status. One third23 of all men interviewed and one half of all women in terviewed are part of a farm couple. The higher percentage of women who farm as part of a couple may indicate that women are less able to pursue an agricu ltural livelihood independently, due to greater constraints 22 Because there was no active distri ct officer in Toco, no Afro-Trini dadian farmers reported receiving subsidies. 23 The actual percentage in the population may be slightly lower, due to a sampling bias that over-selected men in farm couples. See “Identifying participants” in Chapter 3.

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120 and/or fewer resources, and thus require the addition of male resources to make agriculture a feasible activity. Farm couples should not be interpreted as totally cooperative units, with perfect sharing of agricultural resources and responsib ilities between partne rs. However, neither can they be understood merely as the sum of two separate farmers. The farm couple configuration changes the ORCA profile of each individual, and th erefore the household, by creating the opportunity for resource sharing between partners. The actual level of cooperation and interdependence results fr om a continual negotiation of roles and responsibilities and lies somewhere on the continuum between pe rfect cooperation and total independence. Ethnic differences are visible in the prevalen ce of marriage, the age of the farmers, and the relative independence of the partners While Afro-Trinidadian farm couples are equally as likely to be in common law relations hips as to be married, all Indo-Trinidadian farm couples are married (Figures 5-2 and 5-3). Afro-Trinidadians farm couples are fair ly young, with 75% of surveyed couples (n=14 couples) younger than 50. This may reflec t economic necessity, as couples at that age have a high number of dependents at home. Some couples work the same land and same crop, while others maintain separa te gardens, reflecting a high level of independence between partners. She said it was rare for both partners in a couple to farm together. Usually women or men, even those in married couples, worked on their own (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). This is quite distinct from Indo-Trinidadian farm couples, who traditionally have worked together in the fields. As reported by Harry in her 1980 survey, “Indian families appear to favor close kinship ties and family members often work together. Differences in

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121 time of day worked by male and female farm ers are few, and spouses usually ‘garden’ together” (P 117). Today this configuration is especially observable among older couples. Of the sample group (n=16 couples) 75% are older than 50. As soon as she was married, she moved to her husband’s land and farmed alongside him. She worked with him in the fiel d, doing “everything” until 3 years ago, when her heart started giving he r trouble (Cedros, Indo-T rinidadian farm couple). Regardless of ethnic differences, farm coupl es generally report a higher level of food security than individual farmers. The household benefits from greater access to agricultural labor, which may be utilized in a variety of ways. Agricu ltural activities are often more diversified, which provides greater ability to cope with market fluctuations and increased food security. Farm couples al so benefit from a re latively high level of access to organizational resources, similar to, and occasionally greater than, male farmers. With the exception of common-law coup les, one half or more of farm couples are registered. One half of Indo-Trinidadian couples have benefited from the agricultural incentive program. In most cases, farm couples report more frequent and more satisfactory relationships w ith the Extension system than female farmers do. Being part of a farm couple appears to be especially beneficial to women, as it may increase their access to resources that are t ypically constraining for females. Women in farm couples exhibit increased mobility. Many women, in the company of a male partner, will cultivate distant fields th at are inaccessible to them as single female farmers. MA has offered to take me to see his land…I ask whether his wife will come as well. He replies, “She is a farmer from long time; if I go she will be there” (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian farm couple). Women in farm couples may also have improved access to public agricultural resources. While an Indo-Trinidadian female farmer may be unlikely to attend a public meeting on her own, she may attend with a partner, or she may later access the

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122 information through her partner. Women in fa rm couples are more likely to have access to hired labor and / or to be nefit from male labor exchanges. While a woman potentially has more to gain from partnership than a ma n does, the reality is that women typically do not share equitably in house hold resources. However, they do exhibit fewer constraints than female farmers, indicating so me gain from the association. Socio-Economic Factors Socio-economic factors are resource variables, such as cash-income level, education level, and access to factors of production (land, labor and capital) that influence livelihood opportunities. These va riables may change as an individual accumulates or loses resources. In my study, th e most influential socio-economic factors were identified as economic objective, land access, and e ducational level. Economic objective level It was not possible to obta in exact information on farm cash-income for several reasons. Many farmers do not keep records a nd reported having “no idea” of their annual cash-income24. Even when an attempt was made to average cash-income per crop on a weekly basis, many farmers expressed doubts as to the validity of their estimates. This doubt was confirmed during subsequent anal ysis, as there was an extremely wide variance in reported cash-incomes, even be tween farmers with similar cultivation practices. In addition to the dubious va lidity of reported cash-inco mes, there was a social restraint that prohibited inqui ry into income in many cases. This was especially true 24 Farmers in Trinidad are not required to pay an annual income tax, therefore many do not keep records of farm income and expenditures.

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123 during the survey portion of the research, wh en interactions with farmers were very limited, and it seemed inappropriate to follow such lines of inquiry. Nonetheless, it was important to differentia te farmers on the basis of their resource level. Thus, categories were developed to reflect the “economic objective” levels that were expressed by farmers, namely survival security, or profit. The economic objective level of an individual or household is not a constant, but changes as resources are accumulated or lost. Economic objectives ar e in large part determined by household composition, which incorporates not only the co nstraint of consumption requirements but also the possibility of labor resources, diffe rentiated by gender and age. "One may find that the ‘poor’ household one encounters is not an unchanging member of a lower class than its rich neighbor, but only an image of that neighbor's futu re; the spatial array of rich and poor families may represent not so much different strata of society as different temporal phases in the developmental cycle of the labor reserve household." (Ferguson,1990, P.133). Survival. For individuals and households who ope rate at the “survi val” level, the primary objective is provision of daily needs. Their immediate con cern is food security. Other basic needs such as housing and cl othing may be at substandard levels. She works incredibly long days. Her daught er tells her she has “too many projects” but she says that her daughter doesn’t rea lize that her many (agricultural) “projects” are needed simply to buy soap, shampoo, etc so they can “take a bath” (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). At this level, resources are very low, a nd there is no security for difficult times. Hardships must be simply endured and there is little ability to plan for the future. Often, these farmers have few economic alternatives, due to limited education or employment opportunities. In these situations farmers must rely heavily on social capital to survive,

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124 and yet, ironically, often have the least access to social networks. Farmers in this position are often forced to engage in activities that wealthier farmers would not find worthwhile. Her stall is on the outside row of the mark et and consists of a small table that she covers with a tablecloth. She places about 20 pineapples on one side, then unwraps about 20 avocadoes, each carefully wrapped in newspaper, and a bout 6 large pieces of yam. It looks like hardly enough produce to justify a trip to the market… Most sales are for a single piece, and I estimate her cash-income that day could not be more than TT $150 or $200 (US $25–35). It seems like a very small profit after 5 hours in the market (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian female farmer). Security. Farmers at the security level do not need to focus exclusively on provision of basic necessities. There is the beginning of material accumulation and “progress.” Social networks are broade r, and opportunities for socioeconomic advancement are more available. Individuals and households at this level often seek to ensure their “security” by dive rsifying their livel ihood activities, both within agriculture and off-farm. When she and her husband first started out they were living in a house “made of zinc25.” They planted bananas and had a rea lly good crop, and from there have been “progressing.”They now have a lovely pain ted concrete house and yard filled with flowers. They have continued to farm, but her husband now also works a part-time government job. She recently started working three days a week in the hotels (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian farm couple). Profitability. For farmers whose main objective is profitability, there is no longer a direct dependence on agriculture for immediat e sustenance. These farmers have enough resources to selectively engage in activiti es that generate maximum profit. This may entail larger-scale or more input-intensive production, or may include working part-time off-farm. These farmers often have access to their own transporta tion and are able to 25 Galvanized sheets of zinc are commonly used for roofing. Many poor people will recycle old sheets for use in building walls.

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125 market wholesale. Such farmers do not so much need agriculture as choose agriculture for its profitability. He is consciously trying to diversif y his cash-income. He got a temporary government job a few months ago and is supposed to soon get a permanent position. He drives to work in the morn ing, before returning to work in his garden…I ask which is the most important to his livelihood; he says the garden is, because it is profitable year round (Toc o, Afro-Trinidadian male farmer). Land access Land is an important indicator of socio-ec onomic status in agricultural households, as it is the most basic resource required fo r production. Many variables determine the quality of a farmer’s land resource, includi ng tenure, title, number of parcels, total acreage, land quality (soil type, slope, etc.), and accessibility. For my study, the main factors considered were la nd tenure and land title. The type of land tenure a ffects the security of the agricultural ope ration, and is often hypothesized to influence choice of crop (long-term versus short-term) and investment in land improvement. In my study, three main types of tenure were reported: private, state lease, and squatting26. Leased land was further subdivided into those who had a secure lease and those who were still “in process” of obtaining a lease. This distinction was important because the appli cation process entailed a long series of bureaucratic decisions, so that, in reality, farmers who were “in process” had no more security of land access than squatters. Analysis of surveyed farmers (n=123) revealed an important difference in land tenure by ethnicity, as would be expect ed given Trinidad’s history. Most 26 Land tenure is a sensitive issue with farmers, especially squatters, who may be afraid of being removed from the land. Therefore, these statistics probably re present an under-reporting of the actual incidence of squatting.

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126 Indo-Trinidadians (about 70%) farm pr ivate land while less than 20% of Afro-Trinidadians report having private land (Figure 5-4). A lthough arising from historical factors, this remains a major inequ ity in the basic agricultural resources of these two groups. Figure 5-4. Distribution of land tenure by ethnicity Leased land. The government’s attempt to redre ss the situation is indicated by the 40% of Afro-Trinidadians who are in some stage of securing a state lease. However, attempts at land redistribution have met with limited success. Only 15% of farmers report having a secure lease; the othe r 30% are still “in pr ocess” of securing a lease. In the specific case of Grande Rivier e, this process has been drag ging on for almost 20 years. According to MA, when local people be gan to agitate for land access, the government decided to lease parcels of its former estates. However, despite grand promises and high hopes, little has changed. One hundred and ten people applied for the 38 available plots, which were a ssigned by lottery. Successful applicants were told to pay a fee to have the surv eyor mark out their boundaries. They would then receive a “lette r of intent” to lease from the state and, eventually, a lease. Many people wished to see which plot they were assigned before paying the fee,

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127 and some refused to pay… However, twenty-two farmers did pay the survey fee but have not received a lease, now almost 10 years later. …Some people have cultivated their land without the lease, but there remains the possibility that it may be taken away from them (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian male farmer). This has resulted in severa l negative consequences. Because farmers are not legally allowed to work their land without a lease, ma ny of the plots have never been cultivated; others have been subsequently abandoned out of frustration. It gene ral, it has created a negative perception in the mi nd of the farming community. Farmers believe that the government is not serious in its commitment to agriculture in general and to the region in particular. As the years passed with no lease, MA a nd others had gone to the county Extension office several times to try to discover the status of their application. However, each time they came, they had to start at the beginning again, explaining the situation…As far as he could tell no ac tion was ever taken to investigate the situation (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian male farmer). The Ministry, for its part, provided scan t and sometimes conflicting information regarding the case. In general, it appears that this case has suffered from poor management, perhaps reflective of bureaucr atic miscommunication. A “State Lands Officer27” told me that the farmers were at fault, as they had not followed proper procedures, and that the land would soon be made available to other people. The State Lands Officer told me that most of that land would have to be resurveyed and redistributed, because very few of the farmers had ever collected their letter of offer or paid the necessary fees (Sangre Grande County Office). Squatting. The lack of private land, combined with the difficulty of obtaining a lease, has forced many (45%) Afro-Trinidadi an farmers to squat illegally on state or private land. However, this does not appear to be as much of a de terrent to agricultural 27 State Lands Officers are the official s in charge of the distribution and oversight of public lands. They are employed through the Ministry of Agriculture.

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128 production as the absent leases In fact, the village with the highest percentage of squatters also has the most dynamic and prof itable agricultural sect or. The irony is that the farmers in Grande Riviere have been tryi ng to get land titles for more than 10 years, but government bureaucracy has prevented the realization of this, severely depressing production. Meanwhile, squatters are farming illegally but profitably. Many people are farming illegally on the st ate forest reserve. MA says that the government has “no idea” of the amount of cultivation…. Although this volume of production should justify increased governme nt assistance, the farmers in that village do not want recognition, as that w ould bring attention to their illegal land use. To assist the farmers, the first is sue would have to be the provision of land rights (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian male farmer). Although the majority of Indo-Trinidadians have access to private land, there is still a significant percentage (25%) who squat. This is a growing trend, especially among younger male farmers (Table 5-1). Only 20% of male farmers over 50 years of age are squatters, while 50–60% of men under 50 are squatters. This is noteworthy because many people believe that young Indo-Trinida dian men are no longe r interested in agriculture. However, the young men in my st udy are engaged in subs tantial agricultural production, even though they have an insecure resource base and mu st function with no formal recognition or assistance. Table 5-1. Land tenure among male Indo-Trinid adian farmers, analyzed by age group Type of land tenure Age group Private State lease Lease in process Squatter 20-35 40 0 0 60 36-50 35 15 0 50 51-65 75 0 5 20 Over 65 75 5 0 20 Type of land tenure is expressed as a percentage of each age group

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129 Gender Implications. While ethnicity is the most significant determinant of land tenure, there is also a noticeable differen ce by gender (Table 5-2). Afro-Trinidadian female farmers have the least access (5%) to private land, noticeably lower than Afro-Trinidadian male farmers or farm couples (25%)28. This gender distinction is not apparent among Indo-Trinidadians, who report similar high levels of access to private land (around 70%) regardless of farm gender. Afro-Trinidadian female farmers are thus doubly disenfranchised in terms of land access. They have ne ither the historical land resource of Indo-Trinidadians, nor the gender-based access of men. Table 5-2. Land tenure analyzed by ethnicity and farm gender Farmer group Type of land tenure Ethnicity Farm gender Private State lease State lease in process Squatter Female farmer 5 15 45 35 Male farmer 25 15 25 35 Afro-Trinidadian Farm couple 25 5 15 55 Female farmer 70 5 5 20 Male farmer 65 0 5 30 Indo-Trinidadian Farm couple 75 5 0 20 Type of land tenure is expressed as a percentage of each farmer group Land title. Land title (Table 5-3) was primarily related to gender and showed little differentiation by ethnic group. Most (50%) t itles (n=73) were held by men, while women held only 10%. Another 10% of titles were registered in both partners name. Thirty percent of farmers worked la nd that was titled to a relative. 28 Although this may appear to be compensated by th e greater number of female farmers who reported having a “state lease in process,” this is deceptive, as that category has no more security of tenure than squatters, as described earlier.

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130 There was also a noticeable difference in land title by farm gender. Only one third of female farmers reported having land in their own name; most accessed land through their relatives. Intere stingly, a fair number of Indo-Tr inidadian female farmers reported land titles in both partners’ names (20%)29. In contrast, two thirds of male farmers had titles in their own name. The majority of fa rm couples had their la nd title in the man’s name, while a minority had a title in both partners name. No farm couples reported having their land in the wo man’s name exclusively. Table 5-3. Land title, analyzed by farm gender and ethnicity. Person holding land title is expressed as a percentage of each farmer group 29 These tend to be married women whose husbands work off-farm (SRD 5). Farmer group Person holding land title Farm gender Ethnicity Male Female Couple Relative Afro-Trinidadian 10 35 0 55 Female farmers Indo-Trinidadian 10 35 20 35 Afro-Trinidadian 65 5 0 30 Male farmers Indo-Trinidadian 65 0 0 35 Afro-Trinidadian 40 0 15 45 Farm couple Indo-Trinidadian 80 0 20 0 Total 50 10 10 30

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131 Abandoned land context. All of this land insecurity exists within a national context of “abandoned30” land, which is immediately ev ident in both regions studied. Large tracts of arable land, much of it former agricultural estates, are no longer cultivated. In 2003, a state lands officer told me that 60% of the state lands in county St. Andrew / St. David is “abandoned.” In part, th is reflects the collaps e of the agricultural support system, so that many people no longer consider agriculture a viable industry. MA tells me that most people in the ar ea own a 5 or 10 acre plot of land, although many have gotten “discouraged” due to th e fires and have “abandoned” their land, in the sense of no longer cultivating it… We follow the agricu ltural access road back into land that is now mostly unculti vated “bush.” He points all about, building in my mind a whole neighborhood where family and friends used to work the land (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). The high incidence of abandoned land hi ghlights the paradox of so many landless farmers. One third of all farmers interviewe d were squatting, and a nother third were in the indefinite process of appl ying for a state lease. Thus, there would appear to be a natural solution to the twin i ssues of farmers without land and land without farmers. Yet the problem persists, hampered by bureaucratic inefficiency in the distribution of state land, and the lack of an effective system for th e rental of private la nd. The fact that this has not been addressed reflects the overal l marginalization of agriculture, and will continue to prevent farmers, especially sma ll and limited resource farmers, from realizing their potential. The insecurity of land access is shaping not only their present livelihood, but also their future plans, as they fear th at new laws will further limit their ability to access land. MA is concerned about a recent change in national land policy. Previously, community members were given priority to purchase land in the area. Now, under 30 Abandoned land was once productive farmland but is no longer cultivated by the person with legal access rights, either lease or private title.

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132 the new law, anybody can buy land in the ar ea. MA is afraid that this will eventually force most farmers off the land (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian male farmer). Education Education is an important socio-economic factor, as it increases skill levels and improves employment opportunities, thus crea ting the possibility of movement to a higher resource level. For children, school can directly provide some agricultural training, as agriculture is still a co mmon component of the primary and secondary curriculum. In addition, by improving literacy and analytical skills, education incr eases the ability of adult farmers to benefit from new technologies. In rural Trinidad, educati onal opportunities are determin ed by the availability of government run schools as well as cultural norms. Many older farmers never had the opportunity to advance beyond primary educatio n, as the establishment of secondary schools in rural areas has been relatively recent. Traditional so cial norms that once limited the education of girls are now rapi dly changing. However, some inequities still persist, especially for Indo-Tr inidadian women. The education of girls was not a part of traditional Indian culture and was first fost ered by Christian churches in Trinidad (Mohamed, 1999). Analysis of survey data (n=171) confirms th at education is related primarily to age, with younger groups having successively higher levels of secondary education (Table 5-4). Despite these advances, it is noticea ble that Indo-Trinidadian women of all age groups consistently report the lowest levels of education.

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133 Table 5-4. Educational level, analyzed by age, ethnicity, and gender Highest educational level attended Farmer group Primary education only Secondary education Ethnicity Indo-TrinidadianAfro-Trinid adianIndo-Trinidadian Afro-Trinidadia n Gender Women Men WomenMen Women Men Women Men 20–35 50 20 20 20 50 80 80 80 36–50 75 60 55 70 25 40 45 30 51–65 95 80 100 80 5 20 0 20 A G E Over 65 100 95 100 100 0 5 0 0 Education is expressed as a pe rcentage of each farmer group. Primary education includes any amount of primary education, re gardless of completion. Virtually no farmers over 65 have a seconda ry education, due to the unavailability of secondary schools in their youth. The subs equent establishment of these schools in rural areas is evident in the 20% of me n in the 50–65 age range who report secondary education. However, the gender biases of that time are indicated by the fact that only 5% of women in that age group were ab le to attend secondary school. She herself had never been to “college” (high school). She tells me people back then didn’t find it necessary to educate their girl children once they knew how to care for a household. She says, “Boys had all the advantages” (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). In addition, 10% of women had been unabl e to complete primary school, versus only 2% of men. Many girls were removed fr om school in order to help at home. She said it was not common for girls to be in school back then. Her mother told her, “Once you can sign your name, you are OK, (so)…once I could do that, I was taken out of school” (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer).

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134 Marked improvements for men and greater equality for women are noticeable in the 36–50 age group, as secondary education is report ed by a third to a half of respondents. However, although Afro-Trinidadian women re port equal or higher educational levels than men, fewer Indo-Trinidadian women have been able to reach that level. This trend is repeated, and even more evident, in the youngest group, the 20–35 year olds. Afro-Trinidadian women have an identical e ducational profile as men; a full 80% have completed secondary education. In comparis on, only half of Indo-Trinidadian women in this age group have completed secondary schoo ling, with the other ha lf remaining at the primary level. Overall, educational access is improving, as reflected in the steady growth in the number of secondary school graduates in the la st 40 years. The increasing participation of women reflects recent national trends, which report less than a 1% difference between male and female educational levels (CSO 2001). However, it is troubling that young Indo-Trinidadian women in rura l areas still lag behind their counterparts. As recently as 1980, Harry found that female farmers in Trin idad had significantly fewer years of schooling than men. To find this trend continuing in the youn ger generation today reveals the need for continued action to increase the opportunities availa ble to this group. Life-Stage Factors Life-stage factors are those variables that define an individual as they pass from childhood to seniority, such as age, marita l status, and household composition (number, age, and gender of dependents, total househol d size). These variables change in a fairly predictable manner as an indivi dual matures. In my study, the most influential life stage factors were identified as age, marital status, and household size.

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135 Before considering individua l variables, it is importa nt to recognize a basic difference in Afroand Indo-Trinidadian life cycles. There is an important cultural distinction in the conceptualization of th e natural and desirable flow of life. In Indo-Trinidadian culture, ther e is a definite progression of expected stages in life, inherited from “traditional Hindu ideals of fittin g specific behaviors to specific periods of life” (Sampath, 1993). Marriage is supposed to occur at a relatively young age and precede the birth of children. The raising of children and material progression of the family unit then becomes the primary objective (Ramjohn, 1975). In rural, working class Afro-Trinidadian society, life stages tend to be less defined31. Marriage is not a pr erequisite for a relationship or even the birth of children. Couples do not necessarily share a common home or objective. If marriage occurs, it is often at a later age, as the culminatio n of a successful rela tionship (Ramjohn, 1975). Regardless of conjugal status, the responsibil ity for dependents defi nes many life choices. This leads to some similarities in life stag es, especially for women, regardless of ethnic and cultural differences. Marital status An individual’s marital st atus greatly influences th eir objectives, resources, constraints, and activities. An unmarried individual is cente red on their own, or their birth family’s, needs and wants. The transition to husband or wife brings new responsibilities, which change not only the individual’s objectiv es but also their ab ility to meet those objectives. Whether marriage occurs, and at wh at stage in the life cycle (at what age, whether preceding children or not ), is reflective of cultural norms. Social expectations 31 Notable exceptions are the devout church-goers, wh o firmly adhere to the institution of marriage and exhibit similarities to Indo-Trinidadian life stages.

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136 likewise influence the form that marriage takes: the specific roles and responsibilities of each partner, as well as the overall level of interdependence versus autonomy. Differences in cultural norms are reflect ed by the fact that almost 80% of the surveyed Indo-Trinidadian farmers (n= 88) are married, versus only 35% of Afro-Trinidadian farmers (n=77) (Fi gure 5-5). However, another 35% of Afro-Trinidadians report common law relations hips, thus 70% of Af ro-Trinidadians are in some form of conjugal relationship. In ge neral, however, Afro-Tri nidadian farmers are more likely than Indo-Trinidadians to be single32. Figure 5-5. Marital status of farmers by ethnicity There are also cultural differences in the timing of marriage. For Indo-Trinidadians, marriage is embarked on at a fairly young age with the expectation 32 The “single” category includes divorced and separa ted farmers. The number of divorcees was so small (n=7, 5% of respondents) as to be statistically insignificant.

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137 that it will last a lifetime. This is especially true for women, as evident in the fact that 100% of Indo-Trinidadian women in their 20s are married (Table 55). In contrast, it appears more acceptable for young men to remain single: only 20% of Indo-Trinidadian men in this age group are married. However, men’s natural progression to marriage is visible in each subsequent age group: 70% of the 35-50 year olds are married; 90% of the 51-65 year olds, and 100% of men over 65. Although the percentage of married women appears to decrease with age, this change reflects an increase in the percentage of widows. The 10% of women who report being single had been previously married and had left their husbands due to extreme abuse. However, divorce is not socially acceptable, so that most relationships, even unhappy ones, will persist. The unfor tunate corollary is that women who do leave their husbands are of ten socially isolate d. The importance of marriage as the socially sanctioned vehicle for relationships is reflected in the complete absence of common law relationships. Table 5-5. Marital status of Indo-Trinidadian farmers, analyzed by gender and age Marital status Farmer group Single Married Common law Widowed Gender Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male 20–35 0 80 100 20 0 0 0 0 36–50 10 30 70 70 0 0 20 0 51–65 10 5 80 90 0 0 10 5 A G E Over 65 0 0 50 90 0 0 50 10 Marital status is expressed as a percentage of each farmer group Life stages are not as defined for Afro-Tri nidadians. For most rural, working class Afro-Trinidadians, marriage is not a necessa ry precursor to a relationship and may not

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138 occur at all. In all age groups, a quarter to a half of Afro-Trinidadi ans reports being single (Table 5-6). The largest observable tr end by age is a decrease in common law relationships with increasi ng age. Common law relationships are most common in the 20–35 age group, perhaps indicating the initial stage of a relationship. The gradual decrease in common law relationships in each subsequent age group may be the result of separation or, conversely, the formalizi ng of the relationship in marriage. Table 5-6. Marital status of Afro-Trinida dian farmers, analyzed by gender and age Marital status Farmer group Single Married Common law Widowed Gender Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male 20–35 0 20 25 10 75 70 0 0 36–50 30 25 25 30 40 35 5 0 51–65 20 55 25 40 20 20 35 0 A G E Over 65 30 30 65 100 0 0 0 0 Marital status is expressed as a percentage of each farmer group. Despite ethnic differences in the timing a nd definition of marital roles, there are certain commonalities in the resources, constr aints, and objectives associated with the different marital states. In my study, this is perhaps most dramatically illustrated by the difference in land access (Figure 5-6). This and other trends associated with each marital state are discussed in greater detail below. Single. Single farmers function as a discrete unit, with few formal responsibilities to other adults but also with limited adu lt support. Without a partner to provide an alternative source of cas h-income or household support, they function with little security.

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139 Figure 5-6. Distribution of la nd tenure by marital status Their own cash-income is their sole liv elihood, and they are responsible for both production and reproduction activi ties. If there ar e children in the household, the single adult bears sole responsibili ty for care of dependents. To survive, a single individual requires ac cess to some form of capital, either individual physical assets such as land a nd money or social capital. Many farmers in these regions have limited financial assets, so they are highly dependent on social capital, comprised of their unique network of friends and family. Networks assist directly in survival, through provision of food and support in times of hardship. They are also an important agricultural resource, through the provision of la bor and information. However, being single may reduce the networks that are available to farmers. Being single carries some unique constraints. On an agricultural level, there is an obvious labor constraint, which makes access to network labor crucial. Household

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140 responsibilities also limit the labor available for agricultural activities. This is typically more constraining for single women, who bear the entire burden for production and reproduction activities, than for single me n, who often get assistance from female relatives for domestic chores and childcare. This is visible in the survey: single women have responsibility for 1-2 children, while single men report having no dependents in their household. Single farmers also have the le ast legal access to land. The vast majority (75%) has no security of tenure: 40% are squa tters and another 35% ar e seeking to obtain a state lease. Many single farmers thus have a limited ability to plan for and invest in a future in agriculture. For women, being single carries some addi tional constraints re lated to autonomy, mobility and visibility. While men function freely in the public domain regardless of marital status, single women may be relatively in visible. Cultural norms define the social status of the single woman. Si ngle Indo-Trinidadian women are often doubly invisible, as women in general are less active in public, and single women do not have husbands to represent them. Conversely, the single Afro-Trinidadian wo man is highly recognized (at least as a social phenomenon) and enjoys a high level of autonomy and mobility outside the household. However, in practice, few of these women are recognized by formal agricultural institutions or ha ve accessed their services. Overall, single women have the least access to agricultural s upport services of any group. In addition, all women tend to be constrained in their mobility when they have young and school-aged children. While being single is often an indicator of poverty in women, in men it may be associated with adequate resources to functi on as an independent unit. Single men often hold off-farm jobs, which provides some secu rity of cash-income. Accessing an outside

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141 job is more difficult for women. Not only are women more bound to the household but they also have fewer job opportunities. This is evident in the survey: most single women report being entirely dependent on agriculture, while at least half of single men hold an off-farm job and derive half or less of thei r cash-income from agriculture. As a result, single women have fewer resources to invest in agriculture, even though agriculture is more critical to their household well-being. Common law. Common law relationships bear similarities to both single and married relationships and may function as an intermediate type of arrangement. While individuals in common law re lationships potentially have more support than single farmers, they do not have the security of a ma rital relationship. In its place, they retain greater autonomy and may maintain more individual resources. Common law unions are predominantly found among Afro-Trinidadians. While most Indo-Trinidadians consider marriage an essential part of a relationship, many Afro-Trinidadians regard common law relations hips as equally valid. Regardless of the associated social status, ther e are definite distinctions between common law and married households, particularly in re sources and stability. In ge neral, common law households (and the individuals within those households) have fewer resources than married households. Common law couples f unction not only outside of legal marital arrangements but also outside of most formal organizationa l structures, limiting their access to external resources. Analysis of survey data shows common law households to have a distinct profile in comparison to married households. Common la w households are typically larger, with more dependents (4-6 versus 2-3), some times from different parents. Common law

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142 relationships are also more frequent among younger farmers. Almost all are younger than 50, while more than half of married farmers are older than 50. These households have markedly fewer agricultural resources than married households. In this way, they are similar to single female farmers. About two thirds of common law households have no legal access to land and thus resort to squatting, as compared to one quarter of married house holds (Figure 4-6). This probably accounts for the fact that no common law farmer is register ed, while one half of married farmers are. Common law farmers also report the lowest level of interaction and the least satisfaction with the services of the Ministry of Agricult ure, either at the c ounty or national level. Common law relationships tend to be less beneficial for women than men. Women usually assume childcare and hous ehold responsibilities for them selves and their partner, thus limiting their time for agricultural activ ities. However, despite bearing primary responsibility for the household, they do not have secure access to their partner’s cash-income for household maintenance. Men, on the other hand, gain from their partner’s domestic labor without having to commit to household financial support. Marriage. Marriage is the most formal t ype of relationship and provides the greatest resource security for both partners. At the same time, as a formally binding institution, it is accompanied by strong social expectations, which may limit individual autonomy. Husbands and wives have different roles and responsibilities, which are determined, in large part, by cultural norms. These, in turn, determine, individual and household resources, constr aints, and objectives. For both Afroand Indo-Trinidadian women (perhaps women in most societies), marriage is at once a security and a constrai nt. On the one hand, a conjugal relationship

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143 provides access to a much greater pool of resources (emotional and financial support, labor, information, economic alternatives). On the other hand, the expectations that accompany the role of “wife” often involve a lo ss of autonomy in all matters, social as well as financial. Kanhai illustrated this para dox in her description of Indo-Trinidadian society as a place where “fam ily and community … protect and empower even as they inhibit, censor, and commit violence agai nst women” (Kanhai, 1999, p. xiii). Women may find themselves disappearing from the public eye as they assume their role as wives within the household. Conversely, for women who have never vent ured “outside” the household, marriage may indirectly increase th eir access to public resources through their husband. On the whole, marriage is a beneficial institution for men. Although it increases their burden of support, this is compensated by their wife’s assump tion of responsibility for household duties. Married men do not face the same loss of autonomy as women; in fact, their public standing and author ity often increases as a result. Survey analysis reveals that married coupl es have the highest level of access to both internal and external resources. Marrie d couples have the highest access (60% of households) to private land. Although both pa rtners may not have equal access to household labor and cash-income, the household as a whole enjoys increased security. Married households are frequently tied in to both community and external organizations. Married farmers are the most likely to be re gistered and report the highest level of interaction with the formal ag ricultural support service. Widows. Widows and widowers (hereafter re ferred to simply as widows, regardless of gender) are distinct from singl e farmers in several ways. Widows are in

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144 transition. They are newly single, often unexp ectedly so, and thus must establish or re-establish their independent functioning. For this reason, they are typically more vulnerable than farmers who have never marri ed. In addition, the majority of widows are in their senior years, which has its own profile of resources and constraints. Widows must successfully make the tran sition from a cooperative entity to an independent, self-reliant unit. In many ways, this evolution is more difficult for women than men. Many married women have never worked outside the house and have relied heavily, if not entirely, on their partner’s cash-income. Upon their husbands’ death, these inexperienced women must, sometimes sudde nly, find a way to earn a cash-income. Women who have previously worked outside the hous e usually did so out of strict economic necessity, and thus can ill afford th e loss of their husband’s cash-income. For men, the shock is not normally as severe, as most already have an established livelihood. In addition, if their wives die, men often tu rn to female relatives to provide their household needs. Overall, women are more vul nerable than men at the death of their partner. Thus many appear to turn to ag riculture as a liveli hood of last resort. The importance of agriculture as a su rvival strategy for widowed women is supported by survey results, which show that more than 10% of wome n in agriculture in both ethnic groups (25% of sole female farm ers) are widows, while fewer than 5% of men report being widowed. This may reflect th e fact that agriculture is one of the few available and acceptable livelihood activities for women. Some of these women may be engaging in agricultural producti on for the first time. These wo men have relatively little experience in agriculture, except what they may have learned from their husbands, and they are largely unrecognized by the formal agricultural support system.

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145 Although loss of a partner can be devastating at any age, it may be particularly so for farmers who are widowed at a young age. In these situations there are often young children at home, who are highly dependent on the remaining parent. This tends to be more problematic for widow women, as men w ill often place their children in the care of relatives. When farmers are widowed in their senior years, they must contend with the natural constraints of age. Dec lining strength and health limits their ability to cultivate the land. Networks of friends are decreasing in num bers and vitality, limiting their assistance. Seniors without a cash-income from private retirement are limited to state pension funds, making it infeasible to hire labor. The primar y remaining resource is the extended family, which may provide a crucial safety net. In these cases, widows may be absorbed into their children’s household and may not need to cultivate a garden. However, for the individual unwilling or unable to give up their independence, the garden provides a means of self-support. Age Farmers’ age is primarily important as an indicator of other factors. Analysis of farmers’ ages may reveal whether there are cer tain age groups with a higher participation in agriculture. An examination of the social variables associated with those age groups can then indicate why agriculture is more feasible and / or desirable at those life stages. Analysis of survey data (n= 176) revealed that farmers’ age is related to ethnicity and gender. Most Indo-Trinidadian farmers (n = 89) are over 50 (67%) while the majority of Afro-Trinidadian farmers (n= 87 ) are under 50 (61%) (Figure 5-7).

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146 Figure 5-7. Age of farmer s analyzed by ethnicity While this appears to be an ethnic differe nce, it is probably a factor of region, which is visible as ethnicity because the tw o regions are so distinct ethnically. The Cedros region has more economic alternatives than the Toco region, especially in recent years, so that many young Indo-Tr indadian men have left agri culture to pursue off-farm work. This is definitely not the case in Toco, where many people told me that “agriculture is all there is.” “Up in this countryside, agri culture is the only thing to bring in money… that is what we live by, that is the only way out here” (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian farm couple). Gender differences are similar in both ethnic groups. Both Afroand Indo-Trinidadian women follow the same pattern of participation in agriculture, distinct from male participation (Figure 5-8). Below the age of 35, men have slightly higher rates of participation than women. Female participation peaks be tween the ages of 36 and 65,

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147 after which participation drops off dramatica lly. This contrasts with the more even distribution of male farmers across all ages. Figure 5-8. Age of farmers analyzed by gender Women’s participation in agriculture is affected by their responsibility for dependents. Mothers with very young childre n, corresponding to the 20-35 age range, are constrained in their ability to work outs ide the home. However, once children enter school, women have both the time and the motivation to garden, as they often assume responsibility for paying school fees and supplie s. This period corresponds with the ages of 36-65. The sudden decrease in agricultural pa rticipation after the age of 65 is probably due to the movement of dependents outside of the house, so that there is no longer the necessity to support as many people. When I arrive, I am told that the man is the sole farmer. However, during the course of the interview, his common law wife becomes interested and recounts her own past involvement with agriculture, “ I used to grow plenty garden, that’s how I

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148 put 5 children through school. But now (w ith) only one child in school…(it’s) too much pressure for me (to garden) alon e” (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian farm couple). Household size The size of a household, specifi cally as it relates to the number of dependents, is a significant factor directly affecting resources and constraints, such as labor, cash, and consumption requirements. Household size is a dynamic variable, changing with age and marital status, as families are formed a nd expanded and, ultimately, move apart. Analysis of survey data revealed litt le difference in household size by ethnicity, with Cedros having a mean of 3.63 and Toco a mean of 3.78. This is in accord with the regional statistics of the 2000 Population and Housing Census, which found an average household size of 3.65 people in the Regional Co rporation of Siparia, the municipality that includes Cedros, and 3.86 in the Regi onal Corporation of Sangre Grande, which includes Toco. As would be expected, household size is related to marital status. Single farmers have the smallest mean household size (2.4 people), followed closely by widows (2.6) (Table 5-7). Married farmers have signifi cantly larger households, averaging 3.9. The largest group is common law households (all Afro-Trinidadian) with an average household size of 5.2. Interestingly, Indo-Tr inidadian widows report being part of significantly larger households than Afro-Trinidadian widows This may reflect a cultural difference, such that Indo-Trinidadi an widows may be more likely than Afro-Trinidadians to move in with fam ily members at the lo ss of a partner.

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149 Table 5-7. Household size analyzed by ethnicity and marital status Marital status Ethnicity Single Married Common law Widowed Afro-Trinidadian 2.2 3.9 5.2 1.8 Indo-Trinidadian 2.6 3.8 NA 3.6 Total 2.3 3.9 5.2 2.9 Household size is also related to farm ge nder (Table 5-8). Male farmers have the smallest household size (3.1), while female farmers average 3.8 people per household. Couples farming together have the larg est households, an av erage of 4.6 people. However, there was an important differ ence by ethnicity in this category, as Indo-Trinidadian couples tended to have smaller households, 3.6 people, versus 5.7 people for Afro-Trinidadians. This probabl y relates to the large common law household, which may include children from different parents. Table 5-8. Household size analyzed by ethnicity and farm gender Farm gender Ethnicity Female farmer Male farmer Farm couple Afro-Trinidadian 3.3 3.1 5.7 Indo-Trinidadian 4.4 3.1 3.6 Total 3.8 3.1 4.7

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150 Summary This chapter described the social factor s that differentiate farmers in my study regions. These variables of social identity crea te vastly different realities for individual farmers. Important socio-cultural variables in these two communities include ethnicity, religion, gender, and farm gender. Ethnicity has a strong influence on household structure and gender roles, creating vastly different expectations and oppor tunities for Afroand Indo-Trinidadian women. While religion has a more subtle influence on individual roles, it is important in defining shared identity and social networks. Women’s lives are most shaped by their role as the primary care taker of dependents. Farm gender creates important distinctions in resource levels, w ith female farmers typically at the lowest level. While male farmers are often from a higher resource household, farm couples enjoy the greatest access to agricultural resources. The most influential socio-economic vari ables consist of economic objective, land and education. Most farmers function at the su rvival or security level, and focus on the provision of immediate needs, w ith limited ability to invest in agricultural improvements. Land access is highly linked to ethnicity; most Afro-Trinidadians are forced to squat or seek a government lease, while Indo-Trinidadia n men historically have a higher incidence of private land ownership. Although women of ten access land through family, land titles remain primarily in men’s name. While access to education has dramatically improved in rural areas, erasing most ethnic and gender differences, Indo-Trinidadian women still report the lowest level of secondary education. Life-stage, as indicated by marital st atus, age, and household size, are also important factors of social identity. While Indo-Trinidadia ns tend to follow a fairly

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151 predictable path from ma rriage through childbirth with a stable family unit, Afro-Trinidadians have a le ss defined progression of lif e stages and may change relationships or households. Married farmers tend to have the gr eatest stability and resource access, while common law and si ngle farmers have notably less security. Widows are especially vulnerable and engage in agriculture as a su rvival strategy. While the majority of Indo-Trinidadian farmers ar e older than 50, most Afro-Trinidadians are less then 50, probably due to greater economic alternatives in Cedros. Women’s participation in agriculture tends to follo w their childbearing years. Common law and farm couples tend to have the largest house holds, which may create a high resource drain. It is crucial to recognize fa rmers’ social identities in order to understand their different realities. At a given point in tim e, an individual farmer possesses a unique combination of social variables, which affects her/his objectives, resources, and constraints, and thus the ultimate selection of agricultural activities. However, the agricultural support system often does not consider social identity but responds instead to the composite “average” farmer, who bears little resemblance to any particular individual. In so doing, programs and policies are designed that may have little relevance to the majority of the farming population. It is hoped that the material presented above will increase awareness of social identity variables in these two communities. The next chapter describes the wide range of farmers’ objectives, resources, and constraints, and relates these to their selection of activities.

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152 CHAPTER 6 OBJECTIVES, RESOURCES, CO NSTRAINTS, AND ACTIVITIES Introduction This chapter provides an in-depth descrip tion and analysis of farmers’ objectives, resources, constraints and activities. Although a sequentia l reading will provide the fullest appreciation for the range of farmers’ ORCA, this material can also be used as a reference tool by practitioners who wish to identify characteristics of specific target groups. In the next chapter, in Step 7, groups of farmers (social recommendation domains) are identified, along w ith the ORCA that tend to be associated with them (that are most characteristic of them). Therefore, a practitioner might first wish to identify their priority target groups as desc ribed in Chapter 7 and then re fer back to this chapter for more information on specific ORCA. To facilitate this use as a reference docume nt, this material has been organized for ease of reference. The chapter is divided into four sections, to represent the main areas of investigation: Objectives Resources Constraints Activities Each section is introduced by a code map33, which shows the general families and their associated codes. Indivi dual items of interest can be quickly located by referring to 33 Code maps visually summarize the results of the data analysis. Code families are listed across the top of the map, with each associated code linked to it below.

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153 these maps and then cross-referencing the appr opriate text. Each code is explained in the text and illustrated with the field note or quotation that best represents that particular concept. This approach presents farmers’ re alities from their own perspective, allowing readers to directly interact with the data and make their own interpretations. Readers unfamiliar with ethnographic tradition are referr ed to the section “T elling the Story” in Chapter 3 for an explanation of this presenta tion of results. Several sections also include descriptive statistics summarizing relevant findings among the broader regional farming community. Step 3: Identification of Objectives, Resources, Constraints, and Activities This material comprises the findings fr om Step 3 of the ORCA framework, as described in Chapter 4. From interviews and participant observation, I compiled an extensive database of farmers’ objectives, res ources, constraints, a nd activities, recorded as much as possible in farmers’ own words. While this chapter presents all of th e objectives, resources, constraints and activities that were mentioned by farmers, a particular farmer will possess only some of these. Social diversity leads each farmer to ha ve different objectives and a distinct profile of resources and constraints, which influences their selection of an agricultural strategy. As their socio-economic and life-stage variable s shift, their ORCA w ill also change, with each assuming varying levels of importance. Objectives Socio-economic, socio-cultural, and life-sta ge factors have a strong influence on an individual’s reason for part icipating in agriculture. Th ese reasons, or agricultural objectives, are dynamic, shifting over time as an individual moves thr ough life stages or changes socioeconomic level. These objectives offer a key insight into the decisions a

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154 farmer makes as to type and level of activ ity, as well as their particular choice of technologies and inputs. Theref ore, identifying farmers’ objectives is crucial to matching outside assistance with a farme r’s own priorities. “The goals and motivations of farmers, which will affect the degree and type of effort they will be willing to devote to improving the productivity of their farmi ng systems, are essential inputs to the process of identifying or designing potentially a ppropriate improved technologies ” (Norman et al., 1982: 25). Informal interviews with farmers in the two regions of Trinidad revealed a wide array of objectives for participating in agricu ltural activities. These are presented in the Objectives code map (Figure 6-1). Specific objectives are grouped into code “families,” based on the type of social factor, namely: Ethnicity Gender Religion Socioeconomic Life stage Lifestyle All of these factors exist in a particul ar combination in an individual farmer. However, at a given point in time, one or more of the objectives will be considered the most important. The dominant influences ofte n shift over time, as circumstances change. Ethnicity Social norms affect the perc eived desirability of agricu lture as a livelihood activity. Agriculture has played a vari ety of roles for different ethnic groups and has assumed varying degrees of importance. For some people, their desire to be involved in agriculture stems from this va lue (conscious or unconscious) of agriculture as part of their ethnic heritage. Agriculture is not used to fulfill some other objective; participation in agriculture is the objective.

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155 Figure 6-1. Objectives code map Education of children Care of dependents Household food Culture of agriculture Family focus “Good wife” Female home activity Female cash-income God’s work Work ethic National value Love of agriculture Share Recreation Health Own boss Survival Local employment Security Maximum profit Starting out Female head of household Recovery Future easier Senior cash-income Life Stage Gender Ethnicity Religion Life Style Socioeconomic Household cash-income OBJECTIVES Progress

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156 Culture of agriculture. Trinidadians today predominantly associate Indo-Trinidadians with agriculture, often view ing it as a cultural birthright (Sampath, 1993). However, this affiliati on arose from historical patter ns of settlement. At the end of their indenture, many male Indians accepted la nd in lieu of a return passage to India. Many more purchased land in the years that followed, leading to the development of vibrant rural communities (Brereton,1981). The majority of this land has been passed down through the generations, ensuring the con tinued cultural importance of agriculture to many rural Indo-Trinidadians. “To my family and Indian people, agri culture is very, very important…from grassroots coming up, always have somethi ng to put on the tabl e. Agriculture is something we grew up in, we believe it is the mainstay of the family” (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Africans, on the other hand, were prevente d from purchasing land at the cessation of slavery; so many migrated in to the interior regions of Trinidad, where they squatted on undeveloped land. Although land was later made available for purchase, access to private land has remained problematic for many Afro-T rinidadians. However, the continuation of squatting as well as employment on large ag ricultural estates di d provide a continued agricultural lifestyle in these areas. “From small my mother used to work on the estate, and when she come home, she’d go in her garden. That lady used to like to make garden. I used to go alone and plant, and all my girl children know how to make garden, even if they only plant two peas by the hous e” (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). There is also a distinct cu ltural connection to agricultu re among Afro-Trinidadians whose families came from St. Vincent and the other “small islands” of the Caribbean. Agriculture was the backbone of those c ountries’ economies, and immigrants brought with them a positive perception of agriculture’s potential, noticeably different than that of the average Trinidadian. This is especially evident in Sans Souci, which has the highest

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157 percentage of Vincentians and a vibrant agricu ltural community, in marked contrast with other villages of the north coast. She tells me that children in Sans Souc i still perceive ag riculture as a good livelihood, and many will start to work for farmers before eventually going into their own production. They do not perceive agriculture as a low status occupation, as has been the impression I have received elsewhere in Trinidad (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Family focus. Participation in agriculture is of ten viewed as a way to help support the immediate and extended family. While much attention has been paid to the Indo-Trinidadian focus on the family, this sentiment was also echoed by Afro-Trinidadians, especially women, who seemed to constantly be sending small bunches of produce to extended family. MA has planted numerous small patches of short crops for them to eat and “give away” to family. “Agriculture is food, and as long as I have food, I can take care of my family – and know the food they eat is healthy.” With 24 children and grandchildren, he has quite an apprecia tive audience (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian male farmer). Gender Gender-related objectives are shaped by the distinct realities within which men and women function. They often are fulfilling diffe rent objectives through their participation in agriculture. For women, who assume prim ary responsibility for the well-being of the household, much of their involvement in agricult ure is directly related to meeting family needs. In fact, the care of dependents, whether ch ildren or adults, is of such priority that it often obscures other cultural differences among women of different ethnic groups. In contrast, men may be more like ly to pursue individual goals. Education of children. In both ethnic groups, the support and especially the education of children is a primary concer n for women. Many women become involved in

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158 agriculture specifically to pay for educatio nal needs, from school fees to books and uniforms to transportation. Agriculture is …“very important, because I grew all my children on agriculture. That was my life. I used to go to th e garden every day…t hat put the children through school” (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Education is such a priority that sacrif ices of other basic necessities are made without question. Even the tightest budget seem ed able to stretch to accommodate school costs, without complaint. Her son’s transportation to school requi res more than $100TT (US$16) a week. However, she sees that as money well spen t… despite the fact that she has had to turn her telephone off to afford it (Cedro s, Indo-Trinidadian female farmer). Children’s education is so important that women’s participation in agriculture tends to parallel the age of their family. Women w ith infants are necessarily limited in their mobility and often exhibit a temporary decrease in gardening. However, their involvement begins to climb as soon as their children enter school. E qually evident is the sharp decline in women’s involvement in agricu lture in the later years, after their family is grown, while men’s participati on stays much more constant. She gives away a lot of what she produces. She tells me that her farming is more of a hobby now than before, when she had the children to support (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Care of dependents. Many women continue or resu me agricultural activity in order to provide for dependents other than their own children. It is fairly common for older women to assume responsibility, as de f acto or de jure heads of household, for their grandchildren. This appears to be especia lly prevalent among Afro-Trinidadian women, perhaps due to the greater in stability of parental relati onships. These households often contain several dependent adults as well, who may draw partia l or entire support from the senior woman.

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159 She is raising her son’s tw o children, who she “took away” because of family problems. She is also at least partiall y supporting three adult men. Her husband is too infirm to help, and she tells me her ol der son is only trouble, he is “on drugs.” Therefore, she alone goes in her gard en several mornings a week (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Household cash-income. Regardless of other activ ities, women of both ethnic groups remain predominantly responsible fo r household upkeep and maintenance, both financially and emotionally. Thus, many wome n perceive agriculture primarily as a means of meeting their house hold objectives. Agriculture can provide a much needed source of cash for women, who often have fewer opportunities for off-farm employment. However, they do not enter into agriculture for personal gain. Any cash-income generated is funneled back into the house hold. Produce from the garden se rves to stretch or replace limited household cash by reducing the need to purchase food. “Agriculture is good…when I plant, I don’t hardly buy any vegetables, saves me an expense… helps ease up things. Then wh en I go to market, I make a very good income” (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian female farmer). Household food. Although women are predominan tly involved in commercial agriculture, many also rely on th e garden as a direct source of food for the family (Harry, 1980). “Caribbean women farm first and foremost to feed their families. Therein lies the unique potential of women’s agri culture” (Barrow, 1997, p. 303). Her land provides a lot of food directly to the household. She tells me that once the rain comes, she only needs to buy flour and sugar and baking powder and such; the rest comes from her land (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). This basic objective, to feed one’s fam ily, is equally evident in both ethnic groups. “That is the most important thing. Without food…(we) can’t survive. Plantain is food, cassava is food...I get about half (o f household food) from the gardens; it helps ease up things” (Toco, Afro -Trinidadian farm couple).

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160 Ethnicity and gender Because of the distinct gender roles in Afroand Indo-Trinidadian societies, agriculture fulfills different objectives for women of different ethnicities. These cultural distinctions are more evident in rural areas where traditional values have not been challenged by exposure to other social norms. Good wife. In traditional Indo-Trinidadian hom es, women are expected to fulfill certain duties as the “keeper of the home.” “These women… remain steadfast…in their determination to feed their families and maintain their households” (Harry, 1980, p. 142). Part of being a “good wife” is providing the nutritional needs of the household. This includes not only the demanding daily task of cooking three full meals, but also the maintenance of a backyard garden, complete with small livestock. Women work hard to accomplish this and express pride in meeting their objective. She rises at 4 am every day to cook breakfast for her children before they leave for work and school. She remarks that her chil dren work hard, and need real food to sustain them… Proudly she shows me the ducks and chickens that are in back of the house and the assorted vegetables that dot her yard. The chickens are “common fowl” which are, she feels, healthier than the store bought “white fowl” (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Female home activity. Indo-Trinidadian women in traditional middle-class families may be physically secluded, as some husbands do not find it appropriate for their wives to participate in activities outside of the home. However, these women often have access to family land surrounding the house, so that gardening can be done within culturally appropriate boundari es. For these women, particip ation in agriculture gives them a sense of purpose and accomplishment, beyond their care of the household. She is primarily involved in the maintenan ce, harvest, and sale of citrus and “fig34,” which grow on lands behind the house. She started working on the land once her 34 Fig is the local name for banana.

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161 three children were old enough to attend sc hool. She says that she had to find a way “to keep busy” so that she “didn’t stay home and look at the 4 walls.” Her husband doesn’t like her to “go out” without hi m, so the majority of her life is spent within the house (Ced ros, Indo-Trinidadian female farmer). This seclusion is most evident in middle class families, in which there is enough cash-income that the woman is not require d to work. Women on the lower end of the socioeconomic scale often have to “go out ” to work to ensure household survival, regardless of cultural norms. Female cash-income. Because many rural Indo-Trinidadian women do not work outside the household after marriage, they do not have an independent cash-income stream. Although their husbands usually provide them with a budget for household expenses, this does not allow for much discretionary spendi ng. Numerous women mentioned becoming involved in agriculture as a way of generating a separate cash-income, remarking that this was “m ine” and could not be questioned by their husband. Both of their mothers told them as young women to always save some money for themselves and not tell their husband. Othe rwise, their only cash-income was what their husbands give them, which they ha d to budget to cover all the household needs. Agriculture is “important because I have a little income for myself and the children” (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian female farmer). Despite being the “woman’s” income, howe ver, this money was generally not used to finance personal luxuries, but wa s funneled back into the family. Her son is currently attending a tertiary school several hours away, a project which she alone had funded and supported through her poultry operation. Now that he is doing well, she has convinced her husba nd to help with his books (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Afro-Trinidadian women frequently work outside the household and thus have direct access to an independent cash-income. However, they are less likely to receive a secure cash-income from their male partner. Therefore, women may cultivate a separate

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162 garden in order to maintain an independent cash-income stream. This was mentioned most frequently among women in common law relationships. She tells me that “before, I only worked in the household” and had no cash-income. Then, when she broke up with her partner, she began working as an agricultural laborer, and learned about the garden. She presently has an extensive mixed garden that she cultivates separately from he r current partner (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Religion Many farmers referenced religious objectiv es as reasons for their involvement in agriculture. In general, Trinidadians are a fair ly religious people, and this extends to their perception of agriculture. Hindus, Christians (especially SeventhDay Adventists) and Rastafarians all expressed a belief that they were “doing God’s work” and found a high level of personal satisfaction in this. “I am proud to be a farmer. It’s the firs t thing God gave man to do. We are made from the dust of the earth. We are part and parcel of agriculture. A farmer is the most important person on the face of th e earth” (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian male farmer). Socioeconomic A farmer’s socioeconomic level determines, in large part, what they hope to achieve through agriculture. For farmers w ith the least resources their objective is primarily day-to-day survival, and they rely on agriculture for their most basic needs. As farmers gain economic resources their objectives shift to providing security for their families, and agriculture usually becomes one of a diversity of strategies. The most affluent people are able to selectively inve st in agricultural systems that ensure the greatest returns. Survival. For a large percentage of the rural poo r, agriculture is simply a means of survival. With limited education and few ec onomic alternatives, many people turn to

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163 agriculture as the only way to provide for their families. While few may own land, there are large tracts of abandoned land in Trin idad, and many people squat. However, these farmers start with limited resources, and, as squatters, do not benefit from formal recognition or assistance. Thei r production is therefore belo w potential, as they cannot invest in land improvement. This reinforces their insecurity and tends to keep them at a survival level. He “grew up poor” and worked in the garden since he was small. All during school, he earned his book money from his garden. “I n my education, don’t have big skill, so chose to do agriculture as a way to make a living…have no other choice” (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian male farmer). For farmers at the survival level, one of their primary objectiv es is production of food for their own daily consumption. They re ported feeling more secure producing their own food, rather than relying on a cash-income to purchase food. “I am a woodcutter by trade, but I can’ t eat wood. If I work government, depend on them, still have to take money and buy f ood. As a farmer, even if I don’t make money, I can still eat” (Toco, Af ro-Trinidadian male farmer). Although many people aspire to move out of agriculture, there is a perception that agriculture is a safety net. Some connection to agriculture is often maintained to ensure the ability to survive if all else fails. None of her children or grandchildren was ev er really interested in farming, but she says she wants to teach her granddaught er more about farming, because you never know when you will have to rely on the land. “If I die, she needs to know how to take care of herself” (Toco, Afro -Trinidadian female farmer). Local employment. In these remote rural areas, there are limited job opportunities. For someone with minimal education, employme nt “outside” the village, such as a government job in town, is even less attainable Therefore agriculture is one of the few sources of employment for many rural pe ople. For those without transportation,

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164 marketing can also be done locally, by selling door to door or setting up a small roadside stall. “Agriculture is the main thing…if it wasn’t for that, (I’d) be 6 feet under already…Jobs outside are rea lly hard (to get) ” (Toc o, Afro-Trinidadian farm couple). Security. For farmers seeking security at a slightly higher economic level, agriculture is often undertaken as one of several activities, in a c onscious attempt to diversify their livelihood. These farmers are tryi ng to ensure that they do not fall back to the survival level. He got a government job a few months ago, so now he works there in the morning, before returning to work on his land. …H e has been pleased to get the work, and says that he feels more secure now… (T oco, Afro-Trinidadian male farmer). However, after obtaining off-farm work, so me find the work to be unreliable. Several farmers felt that they had more securi ty of cash-income in farming, and returned full-time to their gardens. Previously he worked part-time for Pe trotin, but he tells me the work was unreliable. He might go in for 3 days and only get one day’s work. Finally he decided to switch to full-time farming (C edros, Indo-Trinidadian male farmer). Maximum profitability. While the majority of farmers are limited to a basic or substandard level of production, a few people have adequate re sources to invest in their agricultural systems and realize a good return. For these farmers, agriculture is not the last and only option, but rath er a desirable economic activ ity, consciously chosen for maximum profitability. He stressed that farming can be a very profitable activity, cert ainly more profitable than the alternative of government work. He took me through a simple calculation to show that even in the worse case scen ario a field of watermelon could generate three times as much cash-income. He is a hard-working entrepreneur and has learned how to make money in farming (T oco, Afro-Trinidadian male farmer).

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165 Life-stage In considering how life-stage affects an i ndividual’s objectives, it is important to acknowledge how culture affects the perceived goals of life. Afro-Trinidadian society tends to be individualistic (Ramjohn, 1975) so that objectives are often based on personal goals. In Indo-Trinidadian society, “ach ievement is that of the family and for the family, especially as it adds to their mate rial security” (Green cited in Ramjohn, 1975, p. 15). Starting out. Agriculture is an important op tion for many young people who are looking to establish themselves without many resources. These farmers invest primarily labor in their gardens, as they cannot afford other inputs. When they were first married they lived in a little house and both worked all day in the cocoa. They tell me they “had to” as they had a mortgage to pay (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Progress. Many farmers directly link their mate rial progress in house and yard to their garden. Over the years, they invest their profits in their homes and express pride at this tangible evidence of their hard work. “If it wasn’t for agriculture, I wouldn’t be where I am now. I built my house from my garden. Agriculture gave me everythi ng I own. If I die and born again, I have to start with agricultu re” (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Female head of household. Agriculture is often of critical importance to women who are the sole supporters of a household. Women, especially Afro-Trinidadian women, may pass in and out of this st age several times in their life, when they change or lose partners. These women are the enduring security for their families, and they, in turn, rely heavily on agriculture to provide food and cash-income. Although less common, single Indo-Trinidadian women also use agriculture as a means of supporting their household.

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166 She tells me that agricultur e is everything, before it was her interest and now it is her survival, as she is raising three grandc hildren by herself. She uses her crops for everything. She eats some, sells some, and gives some away…She works through sun and rain… she works the land all day every day except Saturday, which is her Sabbath day (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Recovery. Agriculture provides a means of su rvival for individuals, especially women, who have gone through dramatic life changes and suddenly have to support themselves. Because agriculture does not re quire intensive inputs, people can start gardening immediately. Agricult ure is especially important in these instances, because it provides a means of survival for individuals at their most vulnerable point, such as after a death, immigration, or catastrophic loss of property. She returned to Trinidad a few years a go and has been rebuilding her farm since then. Her transition back to Trinidad has b een difficult, as she has had to start over from scratch. Immediately she cleared so me land and planted peppers and tomatoes to try to generate some quick cash. As she tells me, farming is about “survival” at this point; she relies on her sales to bring in money every month (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). For a woman, the loss of a spouse can be de vastating, especially if there are still dependent children in the household. Divorce may be doubly difficult, as it bears social stigmas, especially in Indo-Trinidadian societ y. In these instances, agriculture is the sole security. As she shows me around, she tells me, “If it wasn’t for the garden, I couldn’t have made it.” Twenty years ago, she was “s eeing trouble” when she and her husband had a “falling out.” She had “four children to take care of” so she started planting a few dasheen bushes around the house. From th at, she got the idea to grow and sell. She expanded into sweet pepper, cabbage, a nd string beans, which she sold retail in the market. “I was a single parent; my husband never gave me anything. Without the garden I don’t know what I would have done” (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian female farmer). Future easier. As individuals establish themselves in their homes and gardens, they begin to look towards an easier lifestyle and their objectives fo r agriculture change.

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167 They no longer want to work as hard as th ey did initially and begin to envision farming systems that will maintain their lifesty le without requiring as much effort. When I ask her about the future, she says she “doesn’t love to work hard” so she eventually hopes to get more into tree crops that are less labor intensive (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Senior cash-income. For seniors who leave the workforce, agriculture once again provides an important source of cash-income, especially if they are not receiving a private retirement. Instead of retiring to rest and easy living, these farmers actually increase their agricultural production to compensate for th eir decreased cash-income. He used to work off-farm… Since he reti red a few years ago, he has begun working on the land full time, and they have greatly expanded their production. He did not receive a retirement package, so they have to work the land to keep a cash-income coming in (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Although seniors receive a monthly pension, this cannot provide for all necessities. Especially for individuals with a low cash-in come, agriculture rema ins a crucial way of ensuring their food security. This is of par ticular importance for older women, who often take in dependents and try to provide for a household on a single pension. For these individuals, agriculture remains as much a ma tter of survival as it did when they first started out. She collects a monthly pension of $1000 TT (US $166) / month, that is available to anyone over 65. However, she tells me it is “not enough” to support her household, so she must also “do (her) own thing,” by selling produce from her garden (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Life-style For many farmers, agriculture satisfies personal objectives related to moral and ethical values. While some of th ese objectives relate to larger social factors, many reflect the experiences and life style of the individual farmer. This personal satisfaction is an integral part of their ove rall perception of agriculture as a desirable activity.

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168 National value. Many farmers value agriculture as a way to make a contribution to the nation. While they realize that many peopl e hold agriculture in low regard, they nonetheless express great pride in their role as producers of food. (We are) “Very proud to have our own produce, help the economy and other people. Agriculture is very important fo r the country…if agriculture goes down, the country goes down ” (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian farm couple). Work ethic. In rural areas with limited econom ic alternatives, participation in agriculture is one of the few avenues ope n for survival and economic advancement. Farmers are proud people, and many speak of ag riculture as the only alternative to going on public assistance35. “That is how we live. We don’t wait for ha nd-out, (we’d) rather go and plant, cook and eat” (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Love of agriculture. Despite all the obstacles that farmers in Trinidad face, they often express a real love and appreciation for their work. More than financial necessity, their deep-rooted love of agriculture has kept them dedicated to th eir gardens and their livestock. This spirit and commitment offers the potential for tremendous expansion in agriculture, should some of th e constraints be removed. “Apart from financial benefits, (agric ulture is) good for peace of mind and good exercise. We don’t do it just for money, we could do something else, (but) we just love agriculture. When you go in the fi eld and start working, you feel good. When you see the crop bearing nice, you feel enco uraged” (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian farm couple). This love of agriculture probably accounts for the trem endous number of elderly people that remain active in their gardens. While businessmen and professional women gladly relinquish their desks at retirement, senior farmers seem loath to turn in their cutlass and tall boots. 35 Public assistance includes a variety of welfare programs for low-income families.

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169 We spy her father-in-law in the garden, cu tlass in hand. She tells me he is 81, but still insists on coming to the field. When hi s family tells him not to work so hard, he asks them “Do you want to kill me?” He tells me he prefers to be in the garden, it keeps him alive…(Cedros, I ndo-Trinidadian farm couple). Share. Many farmers routinely share their harv est with family and neighbors. This is not a special event but rather a normal part of daily life. I almost always left a farmer’s house with a gift of produce. Although small exchanges, they are a significant part of community relations and give pleasure to both parties. Agriculture is “very good, because, besides selling, all my children inherit (receive food) from what I grow, even neighbors a nd friends. (I am) not always looking to sell, sell; (I) may give away more than (I) sell (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Recreation. For some farmers, agriculture is primarily a recreational activity. Limited by any of a number of constraints (age, health, land, time), they cannot pursue agriculture as a serious cont ributor to their liv elihood. However, they derive enjoyment from their gardens and cultivate whatever small plot they can. She tells me that she gardens “for fun” a nd “to keep busy and active.” She says that even if she wanted to go into agricu lture in a big way, she does not have the resources or the help to do so (Toc o, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Health. The physical activity involved in tend ing crops and livestock provides the incentive for a number of farmers, who partic ipate in agriculture for health reasons. Elderly farmers feel that gardening keeps th em limber and strong, instead of remaining indoors and slowly losing mobility. For a number of young women, agriculture provides an important outlet for exercise. Bound to the household, many wives and mothers get only minimal aerobic exercise and contend with a variety of associated health problems. Gardening has become one way to increase their activity level. She works alongside her husband in the co coa patch. She says that she “didn’t love” the work at first, but she now a ppreciates it for the exercise (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple).

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170 Own boss. Farmers tend to be highly independe nt and value the freedom to work for themselves. Farmers who have previously worked off-farm frequently express a heightened appreciation for this independence. She values being her own boss, on her own schedule. At one point she worked as a domestic and later at a roti36 shop, but, even though she had “good bosses,” she felt that she could never relax. Now, if she feel s to rest or to just “go and watch the plants,” she can (Cedros, IndoTrinidadian female farmer). Resources Farmers’ production decisions are in larg e part determined by their available resources. Resources enable farmers to bette r achieve their production objectives. Social variables such as ethnicity, socioeconomic level, gender and even age determine the “internal resources” available to a specific in dividual at a certain point in time. These variables interact with the “external re sources” (markets, infrastructure, etc.) by determining an individual’s ability to benef it from those resources or compensate for missing resources. Farmers in Trinidad have access to a wide range of internal resources, summarized in the resources code map (Figure 6-2). Resources are grouped into the following categories: Ethnicity Capital37 Land Labor Knowledge Attitude 36 Roti is one of the most common Indian dishes, similar to a flatbread sandwich, and is widely available for sale at lunch and dinner. 37 Capital refers here specifically to physical capital, primarily money and the services it can purchase. It does not include land and social capital, which are discussed separately.

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171 171 Figure 6-2. Resources code map RESOURCES Capital Land Labor Knowledge Attitude Transportation Hired labor Spouse’s cash-income Ethnicity Retirement cash-income Private land Leased land Accessible land Couple labor Network labor Housewife labor Family network Autonomy Network knowledge Experience Markets Formal education Positive attitude Leadership Mass media Inventive Spouse’s knowledge Remittances Marital security Maternal support Off-farm cash-income Pension Agriculture orgs Farm shops

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172 Ethnicity While there are no absolutes when disc ussing culture, there are observable differences between the two ethnic groups in their orientations towards family and the individual. In each case, these social norms can be both a resource and a constraint. Family network. Indo-Trinidadian society is marked by a strong family orientation, which provides a cons tant support network as well as a safety net in times of hardship. If an individual is constrained by insufficient resources, other family members will often contribute their own resources to overcome those constraints. In this way, the individual has access to a much greater poo l of resources, and the family advances together. The daughter works part-time in the gard en, but she is constrained by caring for one of her own children, who has a health problem. However, she still lives at home, and is helped by the rest of the family. The mother says, as a “poor” family, they have always had to pull together (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Marital security. Marriage, as an integral pa rt of Indo-Trinidadian society, provides couples with secure access to a wider range of resources. This allows partners to invest in a higher level of agricultural activity or try new ventures with less risk. She says, with pride and gratitude, that her husband will support her in everything; he will buy what she wants and bring it to her at home. When she decided to buy 100 chicks, her husband bought lumber for a pen, and various family members helped her construct it (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple). Maternal support. Although Afro-Trinidadian soci ety is often noted for the instability of its conjugal re lations, there are strong s upport networks that run along maternal lines. The primary allegiances tend to be those between mothers and children. In times of need, mothers provide the final, unw avering bastion of suppor t for their children

PAGE 190

173 and grandchildren. Senior women will often use their own resources, however small, to provide for a child in need. She is expecting a social worker to co me to the house to examine their living conditions for suitability for the children. It is hard to imagine her being so scrutinized and perhaps penalized for he r poverty, as she is the primary supporter for herself and her three grandchildren (Toc o, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Adult children, in turn, w ill tend to funnel resources to their mothers (sometimes more than to partners), helping them “build up” their dwelling place and material welfare. Autonomy. Afro-Trinidadian society has an in dividualistic orientation, which has benefited women by giving them relativel y high levels of autonomy in their decision-making. While they may be less secure of their partner’s support, they express confidence in their ability to help themselv es. Although their overall production may be limited to their individual resources, they ultimately do not depend on anyone else. This independence is reflected in their freedom to move about with few restrictions. Her ex-boyfriend wants to move back i n, but she told him “NO!” She tells me, “Why would I want to give up my own space, my own freedom?” She says that she couldn’t come and go as she liked if he lived with her. She expresses her contentment at her present situation… she can “provide for myself” with the cash-income from her market and garden (T oco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer). Capital Capital resources allow farmers to increas e agricultural inputs and thus improve productivity and profit. However, most farmer s in these regions function at a relatively low socioeconomic level and have lim ited access to the following resources. Off-farm cash-income. Acquiring employme nt off farm increases a farmer’s overall financial welfare, as well as their abil ity to invest in their agricultural operation. Wage labor may not be highly lucrative in these areas, but it improves economic security by diversifying cash-income streams. However, there are limited employment

PAGE 191

174 opportunities in these areas, especi ally Toco, due to their isolation. The situation is even more difficult for women, as many employers pr eferentially hire men. The one exception is the growing tourist industry in Grande Ri viere, which has recently provided jobs for many local women. The first hotel was established less than 10 years ago and now employs about 20 people, primarily women. A second hotel has also opened and hires 7 or 8 more. Quite a few young men have found work as “t urtle guides.” The major drawback is the off-season, when there are no turtles to draw tourists. This is a period of hardship, and people must stretch an d skimp to cover expenses (Toco). Spouse cash-income. For married couples, a spous e’s earnings can provide a significant source of cash-income. This is es pecially beneficial for women, who are less likely to hold outside jobs. These earnings may be made available for provision of household necessities or investment in agricu lture. However, such financial transfers are the product of ongoing negotiati ons between partners and may not be constant or equitable. A few months ago she asked her husband to give her $600TT (US$100) so she could “invest in the land.” With that she has bought several kinds of seed and agricultural chemicals. She says that he makes $150TT (US$25) per day (at his off-farm job), whereas she might only make $300TT (US$50) per week from the garden (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian female farmer). Transportation. One of the most important capita l resources is access to personal transportation for movement of agricultural goods. Both of these regions, especially Toco, are at a significant dist ance from retail or wholesale markets. Therefore, farmers must limit their production to what they can sell locally, or else pay the high cost of transportation, often expressed in the redu ced price they receive from middlemen. He says there is money in farming, but only if you sell your own produce. He gives me an example of the price they receive for bananas at the farm gate versus the price they receive when they carry thei r bananas to the retail market (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian male farmer).

PAGE 192

175 This is such a significant resource that it is one of the firs t investments farmers make if they acquire a little cash-income. She is hoping to buy a truck in the future. She finds it a burden to always struggle to find transport for her crops, and to time her harvesting around someone else’s schedule. If she had her own vehicle, she could also drive around and sell (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian female farmer). Hired labor. For those with sufficient capital, the ability to hire agricultural laborers allows for expanded production. Howe ver, in many regions of Trinidad it is difficult to get help, as agricultural labor is relatively low paying and therefore unattractive to most laborers. As a result, farmers must identify villages with few alternative employment opportunities in order to recruit willing workers. He occasionally hires people to help clear the land and do other simple tasks. He mostly hires men from Matelot, as “nobody” in Grande Riviere wants to work in agriculture, they prefer to “do other things” (Toco,
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0015460/00001

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Title: Engaging Farmers: Recognizing and Responding to Gender and Social Diversity in Farming Systems in Trinidad
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Copyright Date: 2008

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Holding Location: University of Florida
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0015460/00001

Material Information

Title: Engaging Farmers: Recognizing and Responding to Gender and Social Diversity in Farming Systems in Trinidad
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Copyright Date: 2008

Record Information

Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
System ID: UFE0015460:00001


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ENGAGING FARMERS: RECOGNIZING AND RESPONDING TO GENDER AND
SOCIAL DIVERSITY IN FARMING SYSTEMS IN TRINIDAD















By

KELLY PAYSON-ROOPCHAND


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2006

































Copyright 2006

by

Kelly Payson-Roopchand




















To the present and future generations of farmers in Trinidad, in hopes that you may find
the respect and recognition you deserve.















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This work would not have been possible without the support, encouragement,

patience, and love of many people. First and foremost, I owe thanks to the farmers of

Chatham, Coromandel, Grande Riviere, Granville, L'Anse Noire, Matelot, Pt. Coco, and

Sans Souci who so freely told me their stories and so warmly opened their hearts and

lives to me. They have been an inspiration to me. I extend special thanks to the Masnan

family, in Granville; and to Ingrid, Eric, and family, in Grande Riviere, for giving me a

home during that demanding year. I could not have done this study without the friendship

and assistance of Miss Green, Miss Elaine, Matthew and Molly, Len and Charmaine,

Leroy, Sam and Bernice, Michelle, Sylvia, Anita, Claudia, Mr. Green and June, Mr.

Charles, Kumar and Lyndian, Claudia, Vaughn and Hannah, Rosie Gopaul, the Angard

family, the Banga family, the Gopaul family, Tantie Hasra, Annie and Bridge, Celia and

family, and Sharon. I also wish to thank the many other farmers who submitted so

graciously to my long questionnaire.

I am indebted to the faculty and staff at the University of the West Indies in

St. Augustine, especially Dr. Ranjit Singh and the staff in the Department of Agricultural

Economics and Extension, for helping me adjust to a new country and get started in the

right direction. I also wish to thank Dr. Gary Garcia, Jalaludin Khan, and Wilhelmina

Kissoonsingh for their insightful comments.

I extend a special note of appreciation to Dr. Wayne Ganpat at the Farmer's

Training Center in Centeno, Trinidad. This study reflects his continual guidance and









support. I am indebted to many other professionals in the Ministry of Agriculture,

especially Dr. Pauline Dowlath, Ms. Monica Lessey, and the many frontline extension

officers who are "doing the work" with honesty and commitment.

I wish to thank my committee (Dr. Marta Hartmann, Dr. Peter Hildebrand,

Dr. Tracy Irani, and Dr. Nick Place) for allowing me to believe that I could do the

impossible, and for still believing in me when I realized my limitations. Likewise, I am

forever indebted to Amy Sullivan and Kristin Davis, for showing me that it can be done,

and how to do it.

I appreciate the support of the faculty and staff in the Department of Agricultural

Education and Communication at the University of Florida, even when I was miles and

hours and worlds away. I thank the University of Florida for giving me the freedom to

focus on my academic work, through the financial support of the Presidential Fellowship.

Likewise, I acknowledge with deep gratitude the support of the Institute of International

Education for providing the Fulbright Fellowship that made all of this possible.

Finally, I wish to thank all those who supported me at home so that I could focus

on my work, especially Marta, Laureen, Aunt Paula and Uncle Frazier, and my wonderful

parents. Above all, I acknowledge the support of my husband (Anil Roopchand) who has

believed in my work from the beginning and has sacrificed much to help me see this to

completion.
















TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

ACKNOW LEDGM ENTS ........................................ iv

LIST OF TABLES ............... .......................... ........ .. ...... ....... ............. xii

LIST OF FIGURES .............. ............................ ................... ..............xiii

ABSTRACT................................. .............. xvi

CHAPTER

1 SITUATING THE STUDY ..................................... .. ....................

Introduction........................... ......... ................ ...............
Need For the Study ................................................ ........... .4
Statement of the Problem................... ......... ........ ........5
Purpose and Objectives.................... ............ ... ............... 7
O operational D definitions ............................................................ 7
Lim stations of the Study ............................................................ 9
Significance of the Study.................. ............ ... ............... 10
Summary................................ .................. ............... .........10

2 LITERA TURE REVIEW ................. .......................................................... .......12

Farming Systems Research and Extension................. ..................12
Gender and Development .................................. .......................... ........ 16
Evolution of D evelopm ent Paradigm s......................................... .................16
Gender Issues in Agriculture ................................. ...................... ... ... 18
G ender in Caribbean agriculture ...................................... ........... ....19
Gender in Trinidadian agriculture .......................... ..........................21
G ender Issues in Extension ........................................ ................. 23
G ender and outreach............................................... 24
Gender and extension in Trinidad .............. ......... ...... .................25
Gender Analysis ........................................ ...... .. 27
Gender analysis of farming systems..................................27
Gender analysis of extension systems.................. ...............27
Extension M models .......... ....... ............................ 28
M inistry-B ased Extension ............................................ ............... 28
Commodity-Based Extension............................ ........... ..........30










Integrated D evelopm ent Projects .................................................................. 31
U niversity-B ased Extension ........................................ ................. 32
A agricultural Context in Trinidad ........................................ ................. 33
A agricultural Foundation .............................................. ............... 33
Development of Small-Scale Agriculture ................. ................. ............34
The Marginalization of Agriculture............................................35
Agricultural Outreach ........................ ............................... .. 37
Ministry of Agriculture, Land, and Marine Resources ...........................37
Linking organizations................................. ......... 38
Implications ........................... ..........................38
Summary ............... ................. ....................... 39

3 METHODS ........................... .............................40

Introduction........................... ............. ........40
Research Design ........................................ ........42
Population ...................................... ...........43
Study Variables ................ ........ ........ ...........43
Gender ............. ............. .......... ..........43
Ethnicity ........................................ ........43
Selection of Com m unities ............................................ ............... 44
Geography .....................................................45
Agricultural Profile............. ... ..............48
The Toco region .............................. ..... ...... .............. 48
The C edros region ................................................ ........ 48
Qualitative D ata Collection ............................................... ............... 49
Measures of Validity ...... ............................................ ......... ....50
Engaging Farmers..... ......... ............ .. .... ................. 52
E establishing relations .......................................................... 54
Expanding the network................. .......................... 54
Sondeos / Informal interviews.............................. ..... ......... 55
Participant observation ................. ........................... 56
F ocus groups .......................... .... ...............57
Reflecting Myself: Researcher-Community Relations.................57
Quantitative D ata Collection .............................................. ............... 63
Survey Design .....................................................63
D developing the survey................................................................. ........... 64
Farm gender classification ............................... ............... 64
Ensuring validity ............................. ............................. 65
The instrument...................................... ........ 65
Administering the Survey ......................................... ...............66
Sampling techniques ................. ...............................66
Identifying participants ........................................ ................. 67
G ender disaggregation........................................... 68
Comparison of survey sample to population............................ ... ....68
Qualitative D ata A analysis ................................................................ ....... 71
Quantitative D ata Analysis ............................................................... .. ...... 72










Telling the Story (or Letting the Story Speak for Itself) ........................................ 73
Summary ................ ......... .................. ..76

4 INTRODUCTION TO THE OBJECTIVES, RESOURCES, CONSTRAINTS
AND ACTIVITIES (ORCA) FRAMEWORK.....................................................77

Introduction .................. ................... ....... ........... .77
The ORCA Fram ework.................................... ............... 78
O rigins of the Fram ew ork ......................................................... ... ............80
Social Recommendation Domains ..........................................81
Life Stage Dynamics .............. .................................... 83
Application of the ORCA framework ............... ........................................84
Summary ................... ..................................................... ........ 9 1

5 INVESTIGATION OF SOCIAL FACTORS.............. ........................................93

Introduction ................. .. ........ ........... ........ ... ...... ..... .. ............... 93
Step 1: Observation and Proposal of Social Recommendation Domains.................94
Step 2: Investigation of Social Factors ........................................... 95
Socio-Cultural Factors ............. .... .. ..............................96
Ethnicity in Trinidad ................. ................................98
Religion in Trinidad .............. .. ............ ........... ...............100
G ender in Trinidad ............................ .... .......................... 104
Farm gender. ................ ................ ..................
Socio-Economic Factors.................... .............................. 122
E conom ic objective level .................................................................... 122
Land access .......................................... .........125
Education...................................... ........132
Life-Stage Factors ................... .......... .......... ........ 134
M arital status .................................................................................. 135
Age ................................................145
Household size ........................ ................ ..... ...148
Summary ...................................... .................................. ........ 150

6 OBJECTIVES, RESOURCES, CONSTRAINTS, AND ACTIVITIES ................152

Introduction ............................................. . .. .. .. ...........152
Step 3: Identification of Objectives, Resources, Constraints, and Activities .......153
Obj ectives ...................................... ......... ................. 153
Ethnicity ........................... .............. ......... 154
Gender ............... .. ................ ...... ........157
Ethnicity and gender............. .................................... 160
Religion ................................... ..................162
Socioeconom ic .............................. .............................. 162
Life-stage......... ...... ...... ....... ........................... ... ........ 165
Life-style .................................................... 167
Resources............................... ..... ......... 170



viii










Ethnicity ..................................................... 172
Capital ..................................................... 173
Land ................... ................... ................... ........... ................ 176
Labor ........................................ .........178
Knowledge ................................................... ........181
Attitude................... ............................ ........ 202
Constraints......................................................... .... ........ ........204
Ethnicity ........................................ .........206
Gender ......................................................... ...............208
Capital ................................................213
Land ......................................................... ................ 216
Labor ........................................ .........218
Knowledge ................................................222
Activities............................................. ........230
Objective-based activities ................................ .........233
Resource and constraint based activities................................ .....249
Frequency of agricultural activities by ethnicity and farm gender.............276
Agricultural cash-income. ............................ ........288
Summary ......................................................... ............... 296

7 IDENTIFICATION OF SOCIAL RECOMMENDATION DOMAINS..................300

Introduction ...................................................................... ... ............... 300
Step 4: Validation and Modification of Social Recommendation Domains.............301
Initial Observations of Key Factors................................................................303
Analysis of Primary Contact Farmers .............................................................304
Analysis of Survey Sample ................................ ........306
Step 5: Household Life Cycles in Agriculture.................. ............... ... ................... 307
Life Cycle of Afro-Trinidadian Women in Agriculture in Toco.......................309
Life Cycle of Indo-Trinidadian Women in Agriculture in Cedros....................311
Life cycle of Afro-Trinidadian Men in Agriculture in Toco.............................313
Life cycle of Indo-Trinidadian Men in Agriculture in Cedros..........................315
Implications ............................................................ ......... 318
Step 6: Compile Fact-sheets for each Social Recommendation Domain (SRD)......319
SRD 1: Single Afro-Trinidadian Female Farmer ......................................323
SRD 2: Single Indo-Trinidadian Female Farmer ........................................328
SRD 3: Common-law Afro-Trinidadian Female Farmer ..................................332
SRD 4: Married Afro-Trinidadian Female Farmer ........................................336
SRD 5: Married Indo-Trinidadian Female Farmer................ ...........340
SRD 6: Widows: Afro and Indo-Trinidadian Female Farmers .........................344
SRD 7: Single Afro-Trinidadian Male Farmers .........................................348
SRD 8: Single Indo-Trinidadian Male Farmer............... .....................352
SRD 9: Common-law Afro-Trinidadian Male Farmer ......................356
SRD 10: Married Afro-Trinidadian Male Farmers ........................................360
SRD 11: Married and Widower Indo-Trinidadian Male Farmers .............364
SRD 12: Common-law Afro-Trinidadian Farm Couples ..................................368
SRD 13: Married Afro-Trinidadian Farm Couples ........................................372










SRD 14: Married Indo-Trinidadian Farm Couples ........................................376
Step 7: Identification of Priority SRDs.............................. ............... 380
T op Priority G roups..................................................383
Second Priority G roups ............................................ ............... 385
Third Priority G roups ............................................... ............... 385
L ow Priority G roups...................................................386
Summary ................................................... .............. .........386

8 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ..............................................388

In tro du ctio n ............... .................................. ......................... 3 8 8
Conclusions................. ................................. 389
Agricultural Participation ................. ................................389
Women in agriculture.................................................389
M en in agriculture ...................................................390
Socially Based Agricultural Strategies............. ............... ......................391
Social variables .................... ......... .... .... ........ 391
Objectives............................. ...........391
Resources ................................................392
Constraints ................................ ....................393
Activities ................................................................393
Access to the Agricultural Support System.......................................................394
Priority Target Groups.............................................396
Recommendations for Practice ............... .... ................... .... ........ .397
Recognize Gender and Social Diversitys...................................... .................397
Respond with Targeted Assistance..................... ...............398
Improve communication from organizations to farmers............................3 99
Improve communication from farmers to organizations............................399
Improve communication from farmer to farmer ......................................400
Seek to rem ove m ajor constraints ..............................................................400
Recommendations for Further Research ............................................. .....400
Recommended Research in Trinidad......................... ...............400
Recommendations for the ORCA Framework ..................................... 402
Benefits of the ORCA framework.........................................................402
Sum m ary ..................................................................................... 404

APPENDIX

A QUESTION GUIDES .......................................... ............... 405

Individual Farm er Q question Guide .................................................................... 405
Farmer Focus Group Question Guide............................... ...............407

B INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD .......................................410

IRB Approval............................. ............ ........411
Informed Consent ........................................................ 412



x









C F A R M E R SU R V E Y ............................................................................................ 4 13

D SYSTEM S DIAGRAM S .......................................................... .. ....... 421

E SAM PLE ORCA PROFILE ............................................. ...............424

F FARMER LETTER................ ......... ......... ......... 426

G GLO SSARY .................. .......................................... ...... .. ..............428

LIST OF REFEREN CES ..................................... .......................431

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ............................................... 440
















LIST OF TABLES


Table page

3-1. Incidence of agricultural holders in Trinidadand in the two regional
corporations ............................ .....................49

3-2. Percentage of farmers reported in the agricultural census versus the percentage
of farmers interviewed for my survey. .... .............................70

5-1. Land tenure among male Indo-Trinidadian farmers, analyzed by age group ........128

5-2. Land tenure analyzed by ethnicity and farm gender ................. ....... .........129

5-3. Land title, analyzed by farm gender and ethnicity. ......................................130

5-4. Educational level, analyzed by age, ethnicity, and gender................................133

5-5. Marital status of Indo-Trinidadian farmers, analyzed by gender and age..............37

5-6. Marital status of Afro-Trinidadian farmers, analyzed by gender and age..............138

5-7. Household size analyzed by ethnicity and marital status.............. ...............149

5-8. Household size analyzed by ethnicity and farm gender...................................149

6-1. Importance of knowledge resources, analyzed by ethnicity and farm gender
(expressed as a percentage of each group's use of that resource)......................... 183

6-2. Access to Ministry resources, analyzed by ethnicity and farm gender (expressed
as a percentage of each group). ...................................195

6-3. Crops cultivated by Afro-Trinidadians, analyzed by farm gender.........................280

6-4. Crops cultivated by Indo-Trinidadians, analyzed by farm gender....................280

6-5. Household cash-income derived from agriculture, analyzed by region and farm
gender. ............................ ......................290

7-1. Key variables and indicators for identification of priority target groups.............381
















LIST OF FIGURES


Figure page

3-1. Map of Trinidad showing Toco and Cedros study areas.......................................46

4-1. The ORCA Framework ................. ................ ........79

4-2. Farming systems research and extension methodology using the ORCA
framework for development of social recommendation domains.........................82

4-3. The dynamic intersection of social factors that determines an individual's social
recommendation domain (SRD) at a given point in time. ....................................85

4-4. Steps to identify social recommendation domains (SRDs)...............................87

5-1. Social factors investigated as possible determinants of farming systems in
Trinidad .......................................................97

5-2. Farm gender and marital status of women in agriculture.............................. .114

5-3. Farm gender and marital status of men in agriculture................ .......... .....117

5-4. Distribution of land tenure by ethnicity .................................... ......126

5-5. M arital status of farm ers by ethnicity ............................................................... ..136

5-6. Distribution of land tenure by m arital status.........................................................139

5-7. Age of farmers analyzed by ethnicity ..........................................................146

5-8. Age of farmers analyzed by gender........................... ............... 147

6-1. Objectives code map ............. ... ........ .... .................... .... 155

6-2. R sources code m ap ................................171...........................

6-3. Access to agricultural knowledge through other farmers, analyzed by farm
gender. ............................................................ 185

6-4. Access to agricultural knowledge through a spouse, analyzed by farm gender.....189









6-5. Access to agricultural information through the Extension Division of the
Ministry of Agriculture, analyzed by ethnicity. ..............................................191

6-6. Constraints code m ap ................................................. ............... 205

6-7. Objective-based activities code map ....................... ................................... 234

6-8.1.Resource- and constraint-based activities code map ............................................250

6-8.2.Resource- and constraint-based activities code map.............................................251

6-9. Household cash-income derived from agriculture, analyzed by region...............291

6-10. Female farmers' household cash-income derived from agriculture, analyzed by
region .......... ................... .............................292

7-1. Factors determining the social recommendation domains ...................................302

7-2. Afro-Trinidadian women in Toco: Possible life stages in agriculture ...................310

7-3. Indo-Trinidadian women in Cedros: Possible life stages in agriculture .............312

7-4. Afro-Trinidadian men in Toco: Possible life stages in agriculture...................314

7-5. Indo-Trinidadian men in Cedros: Possible life stages in agriculture .....................317

7-6. Social recommendation domains ................................ ............... 320

7-7. Relative frequency of Afro- and Indo Trinidadian women in SRDs, defined by
m arital status and farm gender ................................... ..................... 321

7-8. Relative frequency of Afro- and Indo Trinidadian men in SRDs, defined by
m arital status and farm gender ................................... ..................... 322

7-9. Social m ap of SR D 1 ................................................. ............... 326

7-10. OR CA m ap of SRD 1 ................................................. ............... 327

7-11. Social m ap of SR D 2 ................................................................ 330

7-12. ORCA m ap of SRD 2.......................................................... 331

7-13. Social m ap of SR D 3 ................................................. ............... 334

7-14. OR CA m ap of SRD 3 ................................................. ............... 335

7-15. Social m ap of SR D 4 ................................................................ 338

7-16. ORCA m ap of SRD 4............................................................... 339










7-17. Social m ap of SRD 5 ................................................. ............... 342

7-18. OR CA m ap of SRD 5 ................................................. ............... 343

7-19. Social m ap of SRD 6................................................. ............... 346

7-20. OR CA m ap of SRD 6................................................ ............... 347

7-21. Social m ap of SR D 7................................................. ............... 350

7-22. ORCA m ap of SRD 7................................................... ........ 351

7-23. Social m ap of SR D 8 ................................................................... .................... ..354

7-24. OR CA m ap of SRD 8................................................ ............... 355

7-25. Social m ap of SRD 9................................................ ............... 358

7-26. OR CA m ap of SRD 9................................................ ............... 359

7-27. Social m ap of SRD 10............................................... ............... 362

7-28. ORCA m ap of SRD 10............................................... ............... 363

7-29. Social m ap of SRD 11 ................................................ ............... 366

7-30. ORCA m ap of SRD 11 ................................................ ............... 367

7-31. Social m ap of SRD 12 ................................................ ............... 370

7-32. OR CA m ap of SRD 12............................................... ............... 371

7-33. Social m ap of SRD 13 ................................................ ............... 374

7-34. ORCA m ap of SRD 13 ................................................ ............... 375

7-35. Social m ap of SRD 14............................................... ............... 378

7-36. ORCA m ap of SRD 14............................................... ............... 379

7-37. Priority levels of the social recommendation domains ............ .. .............384

D-1. Systems diagram of Indo-Trinidadian farm couple in Cedros, cocoa farmers ......422

D-2. Systems diagram of Afro-Trinidadian farm couple in Toco, cocoa farmers .........421








xv
















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

ENGAGING FARMERS: RECOGNIZING AND RESPONDING TO GENDER AND
SOCIAL DIVERSITY IN TRINIDAD

By

Kelly Payson-Roopchand

August 2006

Chair: Nick Place
Major Department: Agricultural Education and Communication

I investigated the gender and social variables that influence agricultural strategies

in two ethnically distinct communities in Trinidad. My purpose was to help the

agricultural support system effectively engage with a greater percentage of the farming

community. I conducted a descriptive study using mostly qualitative methods of data

collection, analysis, and presentation. I also did a quantitative survey of the broader

regional community to validate my initial findings and included descriptive statistics to

show the incidence of a finding.

To show the relationship between social identity and agricultural activities, I

developed the Objectives, Resources, Constraints, and Activities (ORCA) framework.

The framework illustrates how gender and social variables affect an individual's

objectives, resources, and constraints, ultimately influencing their selection of

agricultural activities. The framework facilitates the identification of influential social

factors that can be used to group farmers into social recommendation domains: groups of









farmers with similar social and agricultural profiles for whom similar agricultural

recommendations would be appropriate.

My results confirmed the relationship between social identity and agricultural

activities. The most influential social variables were 1.) farm gender (the configuration of

household responsibility for agriculture, namely female farmer, male farmer, and farm

couple); 2.) ethnicity; and 3.) marital status. In combination, these three variables defined

fourteen social recommendation domains (SRDs), with distinctive social and agricultural

profiles. The highest priority SRDS were those that had high household vulnerability,

high dependence on agriculture, and low access to agricultural services.

In conclusion, I recommend that the agricultural support system 1.) recognizes the

gender and social diversity that exists in the farming community and 2.) responds with

tailored programs based on the social categories identified in my study. The detailed

information compiled on each SRD provides an extensive database that will facilitate the

development of targeted interventions. By using this approach, the agricultural support

system in Trinidad could improve their ability to effectively engage with a more diverse

cross-section of the farming community.














CHAPTER 1
SITUATING THE STUDY

Introduction

Maintaining a healthy agriculture sector requires functional linkages between

primary producers and the agricultural support system. An effective linkage provides

two-way communication between farmers and organizations and fosters a collaborative

approach to agricultural development. While most agricultural research focuses on the

technical efficiency of production, extension seeks to improve productivity and rural

well-being by developing human resources. Because communication between farmers

and researchers is crucial, extension was developed to serve as a liaison, an advocate, and

a translator between the realities of farm and research station (McDermott and Andrew,

1999). Successful extension organizations do not prescribe to or speak for farmers; rather

they facilitate the expression of farmers' own voices and engage with farmers in

developing innovative solutions to constraints (Swanson, Bentz, and Sofranko, 1997). At

its best, extension providers ensure that research organizations respond to the needs and

priorities of farmers, and that farmers have access to the latest research and technology

developments, providing the greatest possible benefit to all.

While national extension systems have been fairly successful in responding to the

production needs of medium and large-scale farmers, small-scale farmers have often

failed to receive appropriate assistance. The top-down technology-transfer approach to

extension has not adequately addressed the complex, location-specific needs of

small-scale farmers (Chambers, 1997). Most agricultural researchers seek to produce









ever-higher yields per unit of land, but in doing so often develop high input technologies

that are unfeasible for limited resource farmers. Farming Systems and other participatory

approaches have been important in making research and extension more responsive to the

reality of limited resource farmers (Hildebrand, 1986). However, worldwide, research

agendas are still largely driven by the demands of larger farmers.

For many developing nations, which have a high percentage of small farmers, this

has led to the alienation of a large percentage of the farming community. The small farm

is not an impersonal business operation, run solely to maximize profitability. The small

farm is first and foremost a household, and as such is crucially shaped by the individuals

within it. Just as agricultural possibilities are determined by the ecology of the land, so

are farmers' production decisions shaped by their social identity. Social variables are

major determinants of farmers' objectives, resources, and constraints. Therefore, the

tendency for the agricultural support system to treat farms as faceless entities, without a

social identity, has led to the creation of programs that are not feasible for (or beneficial

to) a large percentage of farmers. The neutral prescriptions of production agriculture

cannot fit the complex and diverse realities of small farm households, socially or

environmentally.

The need to recognize farmers as social beings was first highlighted by the

realization that gender is a determining factor of agricultural production systems.

Although women are highly involved in agriculture, their production systems are often

invisible to the agricultural support system. Statistics tend to conceal women's

agricultural production, as much of their activity occurs in the informal market or is

directed to the household, and so never enters the cash economy (Visvanathan, Duggan,









Nisonoff, and Wiegersma, 1997). Policy-makers and extension agents have focused

mainly on women's reproductive roles and have failed to provide services that further

their agricultural activities (Berger, DeLancey, and Mellencamp, 1984; Saito and

Spurling, 1992; Swanson et al, 1997). In 1989, on a global basis, only 5% of all extension

resources were directed to women (Food and Agriculture Organization [FAO], 1993).

Recognition of this oversight led to the introduction of gender issues in agricultural

development, in theory if not commonly in practice (Buvinic, 1983; Kabeer, 1994;

Moser, 1989; Poats, Schmink, and Spring, 1988).

Investigation into gender issues eventually led to the recognition that gender is only

one of several social variables that shape an individual's reality. Gender cannot be

considered in isolation from other variables of social identity, as gender is a social

construct and is defined by cultural norms. Just as the agricultural system must consider

gender issues, it must also recognize the other social factors that influence farmers'

decision-making. For agricultural organizations to fulfill their role as farmers' support

systems, they must recognize and respond to the realities that farmers face.

Trinidad1, like much of the Caribbean, has a high percentage of small farms2 and a

tradition of female involvement in agriculture (Kleysen, 1996). In addition, Trinidad has

a diverse ethnic population, with distinct gender norms. Therefore, the agricultural

support system in Trinidad needs to recognize and respond to gender and social diversity

if it is to effectively engage with a broader cross-section of the farming community.



1 Trinidad is part of the twin island Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. Because the two islands have distinct
social and agricultural histories, my study was limited to the island of Trinidad.

2 Preliminary results of the 2004 Agricultural Census show that 53% of farmers had less than 5 acres, and
95% had less than 20 acres (Central Statistcial Office [CSO], 2005)









Need For the Study

The effectiveness of the agricultural support system is determined by how well it

serves the ultimate client of agricultural research: the farmer. To succeed, the agricultural

support system must understand 1) who their clients are, 2) what type of assistance they

need, and 3) how best to deliver that assistance. Their clientele is a diverse body,

consisting of large and small, male and female farmers; farmers of different ethnicities,

ages, and socioeconomic levels. Their clientele face different challenges and engage in

distinct activities. Differences in household composition create distinct patterns of

resources and constraints. If the agricultural support system fails to recognize and

respond to gender and social diversity, it risks losses in efficiency, sustainability, and

equity.

Historically, agricultural development has frequently ignored the needs and

priorities of small-scale and female farmers (FAO, 1997) and discounted socio-cultural

differences as unimportant. Most extension systems direct the majority of their resources

toward large-scale farmers, despite the fact that small-scale farmers (of which women

constitute a disproportionate share) constitute 75-80 % of the world's farmers (FAO,

1993). The very structure of development has exacerbated gender inequalities, and

decreased women's abilities to improve their own lives (Rivera and Corning, 1990).

Typically, extension has directed their agricultural programs to the farm

"household," which in practice has usually meant to a resident adult male. In considering

the household as a cooperative unit, extension has ignored the vast differences that exist

between members of the household. Women and men may plant different crops, or have

unequal access to inputs such as land and credit. Women's domestic responsibilities often

prevent them from attending training sessions during the day. If they do attend meetings,









they may hesitate to voice their concerns in a mixed-sex group (Saito, 1991). All these

factors create different needs and priorities for female and male farmers (Dwyer and

Bruce, 1988; Saito and Spurling, 1992). Likewise, different cultural groups have distinct

social patterns that affect farmers' access to resources and production decisions. All

these distinctions must be recognized and accounted for, if the agricultural support

system is to provide more equitable and effective support to the farming community.

The need to specifically recognize and engage with female farmers is becoming

more important as the numbers of female-headed households are increasing worldwide,

due to migration, war, and a number of other factors. Female-headed households in

lesser-developed countries now comprise one-quarter to one-half of total households

(Swanson et al, 1997). With more women assuming sole responsibility for the

household's well-being, it is increasingly imperative that they are recognized and

supported in their dual role, in both production and reproduction activities. Female

farmers, whether wives, laborers, or independent heads of households, are vital to the

agricultural development of a nation. Their efforts contribute not only to the national

economy and overall productivity, but have been shown to be a crucial indicator of

family well-being (Carloni, 1983; FAO, 1993) as women are more likely than men to

invest in household nutrition and education (Pinstrup-Andersen, Panya-Lorch, and

Rosegrant, 1999; International Food Policy Research Institute [IFPRI], 1999).

Statement of the Problem

Trinidad has a diverse population, composed of two major ethnic groups with very

different norms and gender relations. It has three main religious groups, further divided

into numerous sects. It has a young cosmopolitan "center" with relative affluence, high

standards of education, and a fast developing industrial economy. At the same time,









beyond the highway, is an older rural periphery that remains working class, with limited

educational opportunities and a marginalized and contracting agricultural sector.

Amid all of this social diversity is an agricultural support system that is itself

composed of a variety of institutions, from small community-based organizations to large

national ministries, as well as several international organizations. It is vital for these

organizations to recognize farmers' social diversity if they are to respond effectively to

farmers' needs. Currently, most research and extension programs provide information on

specific crops, without reference to farm household differences. "The small farm system

in the Caribbean is still regarded as a fairly undifferentiated entity and interventions are

defined from this mindset.... (However) One extension strategy... cannot meet the needs

of a diverse farming system" (Ganpat and Bekele, 2001).

Regional efforts to revise the extension system in the late 1980s identified the

needs of female farmers but failed to implement the recommended changes (Schmink and

Goddard, 1985; Schmink, 1989). Since then, regional research on women in agriculture

has increased significantly, and courses on women in agriculture are offered at the

University of the West Indies in Trinidad. In 1993, at the request of the Extension

Division, the Inter-American Institute for Cooperation on Agriculture (IICA) gathered

baseline data on five groups of small-scale female producers in Trinidad. However, in

1995, an FAO study found that women were not mentioned in Trinidad's agricultural

policy and only 9% of female farmers reported using Extension's services (Dass, 1995).

Lack of information on target groups hinders the design and implementation of

effective agricultural development programs. Organizations need to understand how

gender and social diversity affects production strategies at the household level, in order to









respond appropriately. Ganpat and Bekele's 2001 study examined differences in overall

resource level and concluded that there were at least three distinct groups of small

farmers in Trinidad, each requiring targeted development interventions, especially the

lowest resource group. My study aims to extend these earlier efforts by trying to link the

differences in resources, activities, and organizational access to gender and social

variables.

Purpose and Objectives

My study aims to assist the agricultural support system to more effectively engage

with a greater percentage of the farming population, through provision of a practical

framework that will assist development practitioners to recognize how gender and social

diversity impacts farmers and respond appropriately to their distinct farming systems.

The specific objectives of my study are to:

1. Document the diverse social and gender groups that are involved in agriculture in
two ethnically distinct communities in Trinidad.

2. Identify the social variables that most influence agricultural decision-making, and
show how these factors impact the ultimate selection of an agricultural strategy.

3. Assess the current access to and satisfaction with the agricultural support system by
diverse groups of farmers in these two communities.

4. Identify priority farmer groups for enhanced engagement with the agricultural
support system.

Operational Definitions

* Agricultural support system The various institutions that provide agricultural
services, including research, extension, and policy organizations.

* Cash-income Income received directly in the form of cash, as opposed to other
outputs of production activities such as food.

* Cedros The case study area in the southwestern tip of Trindad. Primarily the
villages of Granville, Coromandel, and Pt. Coco, with lesser reference to Chatham.









This area is known informally as "Cedros" and comprises the southwestern tip of
county St. Patrick West.

* Extension When written with a lower-case "e," extension refers, in general, to the
outreach activities of agricultural development organizations. When written with a
capital "E," Extension refers specifically to the Extension division of the Ministry
of Agriculture.

* Farm couple Household in which both partners, female and male, share
responsibility for agricultural production activities.

* Farm gender Analytical category that describes the configuration of responsibility
for agricultural activities within a household, independent of marital status. There
are three categories: female farmer, male farmer, and farm couple.

* Farming system The farm household and the various livelihood activities pursued,
in the context of the social and agro-ecological environment.

* Female farmer Household in which the female is solely responsible for
agricultural production activities.

* Gender The socially determined, and culturally specific, differences between
women and men, as opposed to the biologically determined differences.

* Male farmer Household in which the male is solely responsible for agricultural
production activities.

* MA Man engaged in agricultural production; used as a pseudonym for any man
who participated in the study.

* ORCA Farmers' agricultural objectives, resources, constraints, and activities.

* Production activities Activities that directly contribute to household income,
including agricultural production as well as wage employment.

* Recognized farmers Farmers that have established linkages to external
agricultural organizations, so that they are usually the first recipient of any
organizational resource or communication.

* Recommendation domain "A group of roughly homogeneous farmers with similar
circumstances for whom we can make more or less the same recommendation"
(Byerlee et al, as cited in Norman, 1986. "The underlying assumption is that the
farmers of households within the same recommendation domains will have similar
responses to proposed technologies"(Shaner et al, as cited in Norman, 1986).

* Reproduction activities Activities that directly contribute to the maintenance of
the human resource base, including caring for the family, children, and household.









* Social recommendation domain (SRD) Group of farmers defined by similar
social factors that will tend to select similar agricultural strategies. Because they
will have similar responses to proposed changes, we can make more or less the
same recommendation for farmers within a social recommendation domain.

* Toco The study area in the northeastern tip of Trindad. Primarily the villages of
Grande Riviere, Matelot, Montevideo, and Sans Souci, with lesser reference to
L'Anse Noire, Toco, and Cumana. This area is known informally as "Toco" and
comprises the northeastern tip of county St. David.

* WA Woman engaged in agricultural production; used as a pseudonym for any
woman who participated in the study.

Limitations of the Study

Like all qualitative research, this study was mainly limited by the skills of the

researcher. Because culture and gender are integral parts of my study, I had to analyze

these factors, while recognizing that my cultural background influenced my

interpretations. I tried to minimize misinterpretation in several ways: 1) I referred to

local studies of ethnicity and gender to validate my observations. 2) Several Trinidadians

reviewed my findings, to ensure they were congruent with their perceptions. 3) I included

quotes and field observations along with my analyses, to allow readers to make their own

interpretations.

The data were limited to what participants chose to reveal to me. Their responses

were based on how they perceived me and the relationship between us. Because I was

researching potentially sensitive topics, the stories I was told were highly influenced by

the amount and duration of our interaction and the level of trust they felt in me.

My understanding of religion and gender norms among Indo-Trinidadians was

limited by the lack of any Muslim farmers among my primary contact farmers. I only

encountered a Muslim community towards the end of my study, during the survey portion

of my research, when interactions were relatively brief. Perhaps for this reason, I was









never introduced to any Muslim women in agriculture, and thus have an incomplete

picture of this community.

Finally, as a descriptive study of two communities, the findings have limited

generalization to other regions in Trinidad. My study areas were selected because of

their geographical and cultural isolation and may have limited resemblance to other, more

accessible regions in Trinidad.

Significance of the Study

My study is significant on several different levels. On a theoretical level, my study

illustrates the importance of recognizing gender and social diversity as influential

variables in farmers' selection of agricultural activities. By sensitizing practitioners to the

influence of social factors, their ability to effectively engage with farmers is improved.

On a practical level, the Objectives, Resources, Constraints, and Activities (ORCA)

framework introduced in Chapter 4 provides an accessible methodology to identify

distinct target groups (social recommendation domains), select priority groups, and

develop an action plan. This methodology has significance not only in other regions of

Trinidad but elsewhere in the world.

The findings of my study are significant as a reference document for agricultural

organizations in Trinidad that wish to work in these two regions. My study presents a

clear rationale for selection of priority target groups and a detailed description of each

group that will facilitate the development of an appropriate plan for engagement.

Summary

My study illuminates the importance of gender and social identity as determinants

of farming systems in Trinidad. Given Trinidad's social diversity, it is crucial for the

agricultural support system to recognize and respond to these differences, if they wish to






11


engage more effectively with a broader profile of the farming community. Qualitative

and quantitative data from two ethnically distinct regions are analyzed using the ORCA

framework, in order to define social target groups, known as social recommendation

domains. These are then categorized by level of priority for engagement by the

agricultural support system. A proposed action plan is presented in Chapter 8.















CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter describes the theoretical perspectives that influenced my approach to

this study, namely:

* Farming systems research and extension
* Gender and development
* Extension models
* Agricultural context in Trinidad3

My perspectives on the small farming community were most affected by the

farming systems approach to development. The need to recognize gender and social

diversity as a key component of the farming system was a product of my exposure to the

gender and development field. Consideration of the best way to engage with a diverse

farming community led me through an examination of various extension models. All of

these theoretical approaches were contextualized by my investigation into Trinidad's

agriculture sector.

Farming Systems Research and Extension

Farming systems research and extension (FSRE) sprang from the realization that

small farmers in developing nations were not benefiting from the top-down, transfer of

technology approach to extension. The farming systems paradigm questioned the ability

of a distant research institution to understand the complex realities of small-scale farmers

and to generate appropriate, adoptable technology under the ideal and highly controlled



3 Trinidad is part of the twin island Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. Because the two islands have distinct
social and agricultural histories, this study was limited to the island of Trinidad.









conditions of experiment stations (Hildebrand, 1986). As Whyte wrote in 1986, "There is

reason to be concerned that the very style and organization of most current agricultural

research and development will not adequately take account of the circumstances of small

farmers and improve their productivity." This continues to be a matter of concern today,

as the absolute number of small-scale farmers increases, and poverty remains a persistent

feature of rural life (International Fund for Agricultural Development [IFAD], 2001).

Small-scale family farms operate under conditions that are fundamentally different

from large commercial farms, which can mimic the conditions of experiment stations.

Small farmers in lesser-developed countries (LDCs) do not benefit from new

technologies that require high levels of inputs or access to modern infrastructure. Their

constraints are complex and require more than agronomic "solutions." Research and

extension must take into account the whole farming system, including the socioeconomic

environment, in developing appropriate responses. Therefore, farming systems demands

the inclusion of small-scale farmers as necessary partners in the process of planning,

implementing, and evaluating technology.

The farming systems approach is innovative in a number of ways. First, it considers

the farm as a system, looking beyond purely production constraints and attempting to

understand the farm household's activities as a response to the total environment,

socioeconomic as well as agro-ecological. It recognizes that the farm is also a household

and exists within a larger web of interrelationships. With its emphasis on analyzing

internal and external factors that shape the system, FSRE lends itself to the analysis and

integration of gender issues (Poats, Schmink, and Spring,1988). FSRE incorporates









gender analysis methodologies in order to understand and account for the division of

activities, resources, and constraints within the household (Rivera and Schram, 1987).

Second, it respects the small farmer as a knowledgeable decision-maker, who

optimizes well-being in a complex and risky environment. FSRE understands that

adoption decisions are a result of many factors beyond yield maximization (Hildebrand,

1986). Therefore, it promotes the assessment and adaptation of technologies within the

existing system, rather than a pre-designed "package" that is supposed to be broadly

adaptable (Hildebrand and Russell, 1996).

Third, FSRE promotes diagnosis of problems and design of on-farm research in

collaboration with farmers. By linking farmers directly with multi-disciplinary teams of

researchers and extension practitioners, FSRE facilitates identification of constraints and

development of appropriate technology (Hildebrand, 1986).

Finally, FSRE identifies "recommendation domains," groups of farmers who have

developed similar cropping systems and livelihood strategies in response to shared

socio-economic and agro-ecological constraints. This allows development of

technologies appropriate to a particular domain (Hildebrand, 1986).

Farming systems models continue to evolve as experience leads to greater

understanding of the systems approach. Farmer First, Beyond Farmer First, Participatory

Technology Development (PTD), Participatory Action Research (PAR), and On-Farm

Client Oriented Research (OFCOR) all share the basic farming systems understanding of

small-scale farmers as rational decision-makers functioning in complex local systems

(Chambers, 1997; Colverson, 1996; Havekort, van der Kamp, and Water-Bayers, 1991).









These new approaches use various methods to increase farmer involvement in the

generation, testing, evaluation, and dissemination of agricultural innovations.

With experience, FSRE practitioners have come to realize that increased farmer

participation does not necessarily equate with equitable gender inclusion. Because

participatory models focus on dialogue and action with the "community," there has been

an implicit assumption that these methods are automatically gender sensitive. However,

the equation of "invited" participation with actual inclusion is misleading. This "myth of

community" (Guijt and Shah, 1999) is naive in its belief that physical proximity

corresponds with shared interests. Any group of people, whether at the household,

village, or global level, is differentiated by their resources, objectives, and real power to

determine their own lives. Participatory approaches are therefore explicit in their

attention to this, and consciously identify the "silent" community members and act to

increase their "voice." A wide variety of tools have been created to facilitate the inclusion

of women and other marginalized members, both in the communication that occurs

within a community and in its representation to the outside world (Engelhardt, Oswald,

and Bacal, 1995).

This research was fundamentally shaped by the farming systems paradigm both in

its theoretical framework and its methodology. Theoretically, this research recognizes

small-scale farmers as important agricultural producers and attempts to understand their

livelihood decisions by situating them in their social, economic, and political

environment. It recognizes the complex constraints and strategies of small-scale farmers,

and attempts to understand the impact of outside interventions as they reverberate

through this system. Methodologically, it employs listening as a primary tool for









understanding farmers' situations, recognizing the need to hear why farmers act as they

do, instead of telling them what they should be doing. Instead of relying primarily on

formal surveys to investigate preconceived notions, the researcher uses informal,

unstructured interviewing to uncover farmers' perspectives. Qualitative data are used to

construct visual models of the identified systems to highlight the main components and

interactions

Gender and Development

Evolution of Development Paradigms

For many years, agricultural research and development operated under the

assumption that its policies and programs were gender-neutral. However, experience

showed that the impacts of development were not only different for men and women, but

were often detrimental for women. In 1970, Boserup's pivotal book Woman's Role in

Economic Development first drew attention to the fact women, as well as men, are highly

involved in agricultural production. Her criticism of the negative effects of development

on women helped to spark the United Nation's Decade for Women (Tinker, 1990).

Research began to uncover the importance of women in agriculture, and, across the

globe, it was documented that women were active in both the field and the household

(Dixon-Mueller and Anker, 1988). It was repeatedly demonstrated that women were

important determinants of family well-being, as women were more likely than men to

spend their cash-income on food and healthcare (Visvanathan et al., 1997;

Pinstrup-Andersen et al., 1999; IFPRI, 1999).

Yet women were consistently overlooked by development programs, while men

were targeted for training, credit, and mechanization. Despite the importance of women

in agriculture, development programs often relegated women to the domestic sphere and









focused exclusively on men as agricultural producers (Boserup, 1970). Men were the

favored recipients of education and technical assistance, and benefited from laws that

granted them control over vital resources, most importantly land. As a result, women

often lost control over production resources and employment as increasing mechanization

replaced their labor (FAO, 1993). The net effect was that women's burden often

increased while men moved into the cash economy (Boserup, 1970).

Recognition of the unequal impacts of gender-blind development led to the creation

of a "women in development" (WID) approach (Kabeer, 1994). Women became targeted

recipients of development aid in the name of welfare, efficiency, equity, and

empowerment respectively (Buvinic, 1983; Moser, 1989). However, over time it became

apparent that special women's projects, directed towards traditional "female" activities,

had only limited impact on the long-term well-being of women (Poats et al., 1988). In

addition, these projects tended to be marginalized within the overall development

scheme, usually being understaffed and under funded.

The subsequent "gender and development" (GAD) approach attempted to uncover

the deeper societal and institutional disparities that created inequity between genders

(Young, 1992). GAD recognized that women and men exist in interrelationships of

competition and collaboration; therefore equitable development requires the participation

and commitment of both genders. Proponents distinguished between "practical" gender

needs, that is the needs of women within their existing roles, and "strategic" gender needs

that seek to increase women's ability to expand into new roles and define their own lives

(Molyneux, 1985; Moser, 1993).









The detrimental effect of development on women has often been interpreted as a

failure to include women in the development process. Thus, the remedy would appear to

be greater integration of women into development (Boserup, 1970). However, many

women have expressed the belief that inequality is built into the very structure of

traditional development with its exclusive focus on economic growth. They argue that

women's contributions will never be equally valued until women's priorities are

understood and included as objectives of development (Kabeer, 1994).

Gender Issues in Agriculture

The significant contribution of women in agriculture has now been well

documented (Saito and Spurling, 1992; Berger et al., 1984). Current research estimates

that women account for 40 percent of the agricultural labor force in Latin America and

60-80 percent in Asia and Africa (FAO, 1993). However, despite equal involvement in

agriculture, women farmers typically have less access to agricultural resources than men,

decreasing their ability to be efficient producers. Land is the single most important

resource for agricultural production, but access is often limited or tenuous for women,

due to both legal and cultural rules that favor men (Saito, 1991). This creates difficulty

for women in securing credit or loans, since they lack collateral. Low educational levels,

especially illiteracy, also limit women in LDCs, as they typically receive much less

schooling than men. Compounding all these constraints are the reproduction duties of

women, which limit both their mobility and time to engage in agricultural activities.

With increasing male migration in search of wage work, more women are taking

full responsibility for the household and agricultural production. Female-headed

households now comprise one-quarter to one-half of total households in lesser-developed

countries (Swanson et al., 1997). A 1993 survey revealed especially high rates in the









Caribbean, with Jamaica topping the list with 57% of households headed by women

(Kleysen and Campillo, 1996). Constrained by labor and cash, female-headed households

figure disproportionately among the poorest households. Thus, the need to effectively

address women's needs has never been greater.

Gender in Caribbean agriculture

Both men and women have been involved in agriculture since plantation cultivation

first began in the Caribbean. Under slavery, there was little gender division of labor,

since there was no economic advantage in under-utilizing productive labor. Women did

the same tasks as men, a fact now forgotten in the justification for lower female wages

due to their "lower productivity." Many scholars believe that the presence or absence of a

gender division of labor in the Caribbean is far more related to economic than cultural

factors (Reddock and Huggins, 1988).

Although Caribbean women have historically been involved in all agricultural

activities, there is presently some gender division of labor typical of the region. Men are

more apt to plow and prepare land, spray crops, and manage large livestock, while

women tend to do the majority of planting, harvesting, and post-harvest activities

(Kleysen, 1996). Agricultural labor tends to be more flexible on small-scale farms, where

economic necessity may obscure traditional gender roles. However, while women may

enter the traditionally "male" domains, men have yet to respond by entering the domestic

sphere (Kleysen, 1996). Regardless of their level of involvement in agriculture, women

remain responsible for the well-being of the household. Shouldering sole responsibility

for reproduction activities, female farmers face constant trade-offs in their time use.

Given these multiple responsibilities, it is not surprising that female farmers tend to

accumulate lower levels of capital resources, in turn further limiting their agricultural









productivity. In part this is due to the limited economic opportunities for women, so that

the majority of female cash-income is derived from agriculture. In contrast, men have

significantly higher access to off-farm employment than women. If small-scale female

farmers do work off-farm, it is most commonly as an agricultural laborer, at wage rates

lower than men's (Henshall, 1981). Often, women are the primary farm and household

manager, while men work off-farm, returning to farming as a secondary occupation

(Kleysen, 1996). Therefore, women are more dependent than men on agriculture for their

cash-income, as demonstrated by Henshall's survey of St. Lucia, where 70% of female

farmers reported local sales of farm produce as their primary cash-income versus 45% of

male farmers (Henshall, 1981).

Limited by cash and labor constraints, female farmers have strategically selected

activities that fit into their farming capabilities. Female farmers are the least likely to

employ farm laborers, due both to financial constraints and society's perception that

working for a woman is low status (Henshall, 1981). Lacking recognition and support

from policymakers and extension, women use groups and family support to fulfill their

reproduction duties and maximize their production activities. This situation is even more

demanding for the third to a half of women who are heads of households. "The overall

picture of female-operated farms in the West Indies is that of marginality in terms of

capital, land, and labor resources" (Henshall, 1981, p 7).









Gender in Trinidadian agriculture

Preliminary results of the 2004 agricultural census estimated 2,627 female and

15,465 male "agricultural holders4" in Trinidad5. Officially, women represented 15% of

the recognized farmers (CSO, 2005). However, under-representation of women farmers

in official statistics is common knowledge (Beneria, 1982). Identification of the "farmer"

as the person who "owns and controls" the resource base causes many active female

farmers to be overlooked, as only a minority of women are landholders (IICA, 1993).

Persistent bias leads to the perception of men as the "farmer," even when women are

responsible for agricultural decision-making. Because women are often involved in

informal markets or subsistence production, their production may be unrecognized

(Dixon, 1985). The extent of such oversights is evident in a 1996 IICA study that

re-estimated the population of female farmers in the Caribbean. In Jamaica, while only

60,500 women were officially recorded as active in agriculture, the official re-estimation

was 167, 000 (Kleysen and Campillo, 1996).

Although Trinidad was not included in IICA's study, it bears note that the recorded

population of 2,627 women farmers may represent less than half of the active female

farmers. Many Trinidadian women maintain "backyard" gardens for household

consumption and commercial sales. A 1980 survey by Harry found that women in central

and south Trinidad (predominantly Indo-Trinidadian) were very involved in the

cultivation of vegetables for domestic consumption, tobacco, and rice, and were often the

primary decision-maker on dairy farms. Notably, 66.2 percent of all farms had a "home

4 As defined in the Preliminary Report of the 2004 Agricultural Census, an "agricultural holding is an
economic unit of agricultural production producing primarily for sale.. .without regard to title, legal form,
size or location." Thus non-commercial production was not counted, but squatters were.

5 Statistics presented here refer specifically to the island of Trinidad.









garden" for which women were responsible (Harry, 1980). However, the great majority

of this production is invisible to the outside, as it occurs within the "house-yard."

Although such production is vital to household maintenance, it is usually discounted as

relatively unimportant in comparison to cash crops (IICA, 1993). As a result, the

agricultural support system remains unaware of the true magnitude of female

involvement in agriculture and the distribution of resources is skewed away from women.

Trying to identify small-scale female farmers is confounded by women's own

perception of their work, as many perceive their "backyard" production as part of their

"domestic" duties and do not self-identify as a farmer. Thus "while 50% of women

reported gardening as their major source of cash-income, only 30% reported gardening as

their major activity outside of the home" (IICA, 1993 p. 22). As Henshall reported in her

extensive field studies, "women appear to view the farm as an extension of their

household responsibilities" and "defined even planting and harvesting as homemaking

rather than agricultural work" (Henshall, 1981). This is evident across ethnicities,

although for different reasons. In patriarchal East Indian families, women's primary

responsibility is to the household, so "supplemental" agricultural activities are seen

simply as part of their duties as wives and mothers. In Afro-Caribbean families, mothers

are held in high regard, whereas agricultural labor is looked down upon; therefore a

woman gains most status in her role as provider for the household. "Consequently, social

pressures on both ethnic groups will tend to encourage under-recording of women's role

in agriculture" (Momsen, 1984).

The marginalization of women in agriculture is even more problematic given the

persistently high percentage of female-headed households in Trinidad. In 1987, women









headed 37% of households in Trinidad, with 67% of those outside of the labor force,

resulting in 39% of female-headed households below the poverty line (IICA, 1993). In

2000, the situation was much the same, with 38% of households being female-headed

(CSO, 2001). Lacking both internal support from a partner and external support from

agricultural institutions, these households are highly vulnerable.

Gender Issues in Extension

Top-down extension can be a constraint to equitable distribution of resources

within a diverse farming population (Berger et al., 1984; Saito and Spurling, 1992).

Traditionally, agricultural development services have been directed to the "household,"

which was viewed as a cooperative unit, represented by a male head. However, this

approach ignores the vast differences that exist between members of the household

(Dwyer and Bruce, 1988). In actuality, the gender division of rights and responsibilities

within households varies greatly, depending on socio-cultural and economic factors such

as religion, culture, household composition, and class.

By not recognizing the different realities of male and female farmers, development

practitioners have tended to respond to all farmers with just one approach, which is only

appropriate for a small percentage of farmers (typically higher resource male farmers).

Therefore, only a certain segment of the farming population has benefited from the

resources of the agricultural support system. In Honduras, Colverson (1996) found that

training did not cover the issues of highest priority to women farmers. Programs directed

at women usually focus on domestic activities (Berger et al., 1984; Spring, 1986).

However, for most women, reproduction activities were only a portion of their total

responsibilities. A 1993 study in Central America revealed that of the 14-18 hours









worked daily by rural women, only half were in domestic activities, while the other half

were in agricultural activities (Kleysen and Campillo, 1996).

Gender and outreach

In order to reach both male and female farmers, extension providers must take

gender dynamics into account when selecting an outreach method. Group training are

usually the most accessible venue for women; however time, location, and topic are all

crucial considerations. Women's multiple responsibilities often leave little time for travel

to distant meetings. The combination of production and reproduction activities leads to

long hours for female farmers, making them "probably the busiest people in the world,"

(FAO, 1993, p 37). Cultural traditions may also limit female attendance and participation

(Bastidas, 1999). If women do attend meetings, they may be hesitant to voice their

concerns in a mixed sex group (Colverson, 1996). In the words of one Ecuadorian

woman, "Even if I go to the meetings, it's only to hear what the men have to say. Men are

the ones who talk and discuss. They know what to say and how to say it" (Bastidas, 1999,

p. 16). In approaching women, it is advisable to contact existing groups that have already

established cohesion and leadership, and interest them in extension activities. However, it

is important to recognize those who may be excluded from groups, such as the poorest

women, and approach them individually (Swanson et al., 1997).

Individual meetings with extension generally lead to the least contact with

small-scale female farmers, as they are often invisible or considered less desirable clients.

Extension services may be preferentially offered to higher resource farmers with higher

levels of resources, so that female farmers with little or no land or credit may be bypassed

as unlikely to "succeed" (FAO, 1993). The now discredited training and visit (T &V)

system promoted by the World Bank often excluded women as "contact" farmers due to









selection criteria such as literacy, land title, and size of land-holding (Swanson et al.,

1997). Extension agents often do not receive appropriate training on gender sensitivity,

and in many cases are expected to work only with their same sex clientele, women in

home economics, and men in agriculture (Colverson, 1996).

Although mass communication channels such as radio and TV appear to be gender

neutral, the actual audience is determined by time of presentation, literacy, and access to

media (FAO, 1993). Each of these factors tends to restrict female access to agricultural

resources. In Latin America and the Caribbean in 1993, the percentage of women

receiving technical assistance from extension was less than 10%, and in most countries

less than 2% (Kleysen and Campillo, 1996). Extension organizations must explicitly

recognize and respond to gender issues if they wish to be relevant and accessible to both

male and female farmers.

Gender and extension in Trinidad

In 1991, the Ministry of Agriculture, Land and Marine Resources (MALMR),

recognizing that few women were attending Extension training courses, requested IICA's

assistance in identifying the production activities, constraints, and potentials of

small-scale female farmers. A baseline survey of "capacities and vulnerabilities" was

conducted of five women's groups. The focus of the survey was on women's subsistence

activities, defined as the "domestic area of agricultural production, which like housework,

fails to be recognized" (IICA, 1993). Most of the women reported subsistence,

non-commercial agriculture as part of their livelihood strategy, supplemented by other

activities (food processing, handicrafts, etc). Only 13% of the women used government

extension for agricultural information, while 6% received assistance from the Caribbean









Network for Integrated Rural Development (CNIRD), and 71% had no awareness of

either source (IICA, 1993).

Similarly, a 1990 research study showed that whereas 15% of female farmers in

Trinidad accessed agricultural information through their husbands, only 0.4% used

Extension (Rajak, 1990). The report concluded that Extension needed 1) clear policy

directives regarding the importance of subsistence farmers and 2) targeted assistance to

female farmers. As recently as 1995, neither women nor small-scale farmers were

mentioned in Trinidad's agricultural policy (Dass, 1995). This lack of a clear mandate at

the policy level can translate to exclusion of small-scale farmers at the operational level

(IICA, 1993). IICA reported that discussions with Extension revealed ambiguity over the

need to provide services to "backyard" farmers.

In a further FAO study in 1995, 43% of female farmers in Trinidad reported no

interaction with Extension (Dass, 1995). Most women (40%) relied on their husbands for

agricultural information, while 25% sought advice from the farm shop, 12% from friends

and only 9% used Extension as a primary source. The study highlighted the gap between

female farmers' realities and Extension's perception of them as clientele. Women were

not identified as a target audience in agricultural policy, nor were there gender guidelines

for implementation (Dass, 1995). Most women indicated that they were aware of the

training, but the training was either not relevant or not accessible to them. Women

identified their greatest obstacles to participation as lack of incentives and lack of time

and suitable location. Extension perceived their difficulties in reaching women as

primarily a lack of appropriate technology and demonstration materials, combined with a

generally poor understanding of women's problem and needs (Dass, 1995).









Gender Analysis

In order to move beyond a general awareness of gender issues to a practical and

appropriate response, development practitioners must have a thorough understanding of

the ramifications of gender in a specific locale, institution and/or cultural group. The

process of identifying distinctions by gender is called a gender analysis, and may

incorporate numerous methods. For development practitioners, a gender-equitable

response requires consideration of gender on two levels: 1) within the target group and 2)

within the institutional setting.

Gender analysis of farming systems

Gender analysis can be used to learn about men's and women's objectives,

resources, constraints, and activities within a specific household and/or farming system.

This is crucial for understanding the intra-household dynamics (Saito and Spurling,

1992). Resource analysis is used to determine, by gender, who has access to and control

of critical resources, such as land, capital, and knowledge. Constraints analysis is used to

explore how socioeconomic and institutional factors are differentially experienced by

men and women. Activity analysis identifies all tasks, production and reproduction, by

gender, using methods such as seasonal calendars to determine the critical periods of

labor shortage, and who will be affected by changes in labor demands. Such analyses

help in understanding household dynamics and predicting the differential responses of

male and female farmers to changes in agricultural policies, technologies, and extension

(Feldstein and Poats, 1989).

Gender analysis of extension systems

In addition to uncovering differences in farming systems, gender analysis can be

used to evaluate institutional biases and oversights. To improve their services to a diverse









clientele, the agricultural support system must evaluate its own structure and services.

Relevant considerations include the level of gender equity in current laws and

government policies, the level of female participation in annual extension program

planning, distribution of extension staff by gender, output of extension media targeted for

women, and contacts between extension agents and female farmers (Saito and Spurling,

1992). Common organizational constraints identified by FAO include 1) inadequate

information on the activities of female farmers 2) lack of incentives to focus on women's

activities and 3) dismissive attitudes towards female farmers (FAO, 1993).

By combining the findings of the farm/household and institutional gender analysis,

extension policies and implementation strategies can be revised to match the reality of

male and female farmers' needs and priorities. To address existing oversights, extension

requires action on two fronts: 1) at the policy level, there must be a clear mandate to

target farmers across the social and gender spectrum and 2) at the field level, officers

must have training and guidelines in how to implement these mandates (FAO, 1993).

Extension Models

In assessing the ability of extension organizations to effectively serve a diverse

farming community, it is helpful to analyze different extension models and determine

potential weaknesses and possible areas of improvement. Formal extension systems have

been organized in a variety of ways, depending on their objectives and their perceptions

of the roles of farmer, researcher, and extension.

Ministry-Based Extension

In Trinidad, as in much of the world, extension is a part of the Ministry of

Agriculture. Ministry-based extension is the predominant form of extension in the world,

providing more than 90 percent of all extension services in 1993 (FAO, 1993). Organized









as a service of the national government, these extension systems aim to improve

agricultural productivity for the benefit of both producers and consumers (Nagel, 1997).

Ideally, such public extension is developed to serve the needs of all types of farmers in a

country (FAO, 1993).

However, in most countries, extension and research exist as separate divisions

under the Ministry of Agriculture and often have weak linkages with each other. The

information that gets transferred is often outdated or not pertinent to the farmer's

situation (Nagel, 1997). Therefore, extension often has to rely on its own initiative and

resources in addressing the needs of the farmer. Frontline officers are often responsible

for a large area, with only limited resources at their disposal. In addition, they may have

regulatory duties, which can diminish farmer trust and limit their time for educational

activities. Agents often enter the field with only a few years of technical training and little

or no understanding of participatory techniques. Researchers typically have limited

understanding of farmers' problems and therefore do not prioritize those issues for

research. Large-scale commercial farmers often have more interaction and influence with

government research bodies, but small-scale farmers are virtually unseen.

There are several sources of potential bias in this model. Extension providers tend

to focus on "successful" farmers, especially those producing export crops, which may

obscure the perspectives and needs of small scale and female farmers. Researchers tend

to evaluate new crops and methodologies in laboratories and field stations, with minimal

reference to farmers' selection criteria. By failing to consider the objectives or constraints

of diverse farmers, research often generates "improvements" that are only feasible for a

small segment of the farming community, usually the higher resource farmers. To revise









such a system with a gender perspective requires top-level commitment and a

comprehensive evaluation of policies. Training in gender sensitivity and gender analysis

would be necessary for all levels of staff in order to successfully address the pervasive

biases. Data would need to be disaggregated, and probably new data would need to be

gathered in order to evaluate program efficacy (Rivera and Schram, 1987).

Commodity-Based Extension

Commodity-based extension is based on the provision of services to farmers who

cultivate a particular crop, and may be offered by governments or private firms. In the

case of government commodity boards, the crop is usually a high-value export crop and

so is favored for research and subsidies. A private firm is obviously profit oriented, and

so promotes the optimal production of the crop in order to maximize its revenue (Nagel,

1997). In Trinidad, the Cocoa and Coffee Industry Board provides commodity-based

extension to cocoa and coffee growers as a service of the government. Caroni, Ltd.,

although recently defunct, provided outreach to sugarcane farmers in Trinidad for many

years.

Services are provided to growers who participate in the program. Growers benefit

from research, subsidized inputs, and guaranteed markets. Because the organization seeks

control of the process, their extension approach is prescriptive, with farmers directed to

use certain methods and inputs. For large farmers, this may ease the burden of

management. However, small farmers are often forced to make sub-optimal decisions

from a production standpoint, in order to balance their constraints and minimize risks

(Nagel, 1997).

Commodity oriented systems are focused exclusively on the production activities

of a particular crop, and ignore the placement of production within a farming system.









Such systems achieve high production level at a high cost, by disregarding all the

associated activities and needs of farmers, and are notorious for disadvantaging women.

However, an FAO study of a commodity extension program in Cameroon showed

women to have moderate participation in demonstrations, field days, and planning (FAO,

1993). Improvements could be made if prior gender analysis identified high value

commodities produced by women. Inputs and credit availability could be tailored to the

needs and abilities of local female farmers (Rivera and Schram, 1987).

Integrated Development Projects

Integrated development programs are usually the product of international or

non-governmental organizations. In Trinidad, the Caribbean Network for Integrated

Rural Development (CNIRD) and the Caribbean Agricultural Research and Development

Institute (CARDI) are two such organizations.

Drawing on external funding and mandates, integrated development projects

address a specific population and problem within the larger system. Although this

structure allows a broader definition of problems, including social, economic, and

agricultural issues, they may be hindered by their need to demonstrate success to donors.

Their impact is usually limited to a specific location and may lack sustainability due to

limited ties with existing national networks or alternate sources of funding. Agents may

prefer to work with those farmers who appear to have the greatest chance of success,

usually higher resource male farmers. In addition, projects may come with pre-designed

methods and not recognize the different needs of men and women.

Alternatively, if projects were to start with investigation instead of agenda, there

would be a greater likelihood of successfully identifying and integrating women's

concerns into the project. FAO found that women tended to have moderate participation









in project approaches. Although fairly high levels of women were involved in project

implementation, their overall inclusion was limited by low participation in planning

activities, perhaps due to the external nature of these projects (FAO, 1993).

University-Based Extension

The United States was the first country to organize its extension system through the

university. Through US influence globally, this system has spread to other countries,

including the Netherlands, India, and the Philippines. The US Cooperative Extension

System is a collaborative effort of federal, state, and county governments. Each state has

a designated Land-Grant University that is responsible for conducting teaching, research,

and extension within that state (Seevers, Graham, Gamon, and Conklin, 1997).

The location of both research and extension within the university is intended to

facilitate communication between these bodies, ultimately improving the flow of

information from farmers to researchers. However, the flow of information is still often

top-down, with limited feedback to researchers on the needs of farmers. Interviews done

in May 2001 at the University of Florida revealed that the communication that did occur

between research and extension was largely informal, with both sides indicating a desire

for more formal interaction. The net result of this was that while researchers directly

interacted with large-scale farmers, the small-scale farmers were not heard unless they

"banged the loudest on extension's door" and became the "squeakiest wheel"

(Quesenberry, personal communication, 2001).

As a public organization, the university-based system has the potential and indeed

the mandate to engage with a broad cross section of the farming community. However,

the physical and often psychological separation of the university from the rural areas may

limit awareness of the actual diversity in the farming communities. To ensure equitable









interaction, the university must include gender and social issues as an explicit part of its

mission and specifically designate funding for this purpose. The inclusion of social

scientists from the university may help to address this (Saito and Spurling, 1992).

In Trinidad, the Faculty of Agriculture and Natural Sciences at the University of

the West Indies (UWI) focuses primarily on teaching. Agricultural research is published

through the university's Journal of Tropical Agriculture. Although departments

occasionally host conferences for agricultural producers (offered by the Ministry or

commodity boards), there is no staff specifically designated for extension.

Agricultural Context in Trinidad

To situate the findings of my study and to critically evaluate any response, it is

helpful to be aware of the overall context of agriculture in Trinidad. Historically,

agriculture was the backbone of the economy, leading Trinidad to establish the first

college of tropical agriculture in the world. An extensive Ministry of Agriculture was

institutionalized to guide the development of the agrarian economy. However, the

national focus shifted with the subsequent discovery of oil, which replaced agriculture as

the driving force of the economy (Brereton, 1981). Despite the continued neglect of

agriculture, many agricultural institutions still exist, albeit under funded, struggling to

serve a marginalized rural community.

Agricultural Foundation

Trinidad's agriculture is a product of several colonial enterprises. During Spanish

control from 1492-1797, agriculture was organized around the encomienda system,

which established tobacco and cacao as important industries (Harry, 1980). French

planters began settling in Trinidad in the late 1700s, introducing African slaves to work

sugar, coffee, and cotton estates. However, it was not until 1797, when Trinidad became









a British colony, that large-scale slavery was instituted to run the massive sugarcane

plantations. Emancipation in 1834 threatened to disrupt the labor supply that supported

the sugar industry, prompting the immigration of indentured laborers from India between

1845 and1917 (Harry, 1980).

This historic division of the agricultural labor force is still evident today, as many

Afro-Trinidadians have avoided returning to agricultural activities, so that the majority of

farmers are Indo-Trinidadians (Clarke, 1984). This dichotomy is evident geographically,

as the central and southern rural regions tend to be primarily Indo-Trinidadian, while the

urban and northern rural areas are predominantly Afro-Trinidadian (Clarke, 1984).

Development of Small-Scale Agriculture

"Peasant" or "backyard" agriculture arose during slavery with the granting of

provision grounds for household consumption and the opportunity to sell the surplus in

informal markets (Reddock and Huggins, 1988). However, small-scale farming only

began on a significant scale with emancipation and the absorption of former slaves, and

later indentured laborers into "own-account" production. The initial focus was on

subsistence production, both for the 21,000 freed slaves and the Indians laborers who

were granted small plots of land at the completion of their contract (Brereton, 1981;

Harry, 1980).

From the mid-1800s until about 1900, small-scale farmers became increasingly

involved in the cultivation of cash crops, contributing to national harvests of sugar and

cacao. While Indians introduced the cultivations of rice, many Africans spread into

marketing activities (Harry, 1980).









The Marginalization of Agriculture

The direction of Trinidad's economy was forever changed in 1857 when the

world's first oil well was drilled in south Trinidad by the Merrimac Oil Company,

leading to the establishment in 1910 of Trinidad Oilfields Ltd (Saft, 1998). The

development of the oil industry enabled the transition from an agricultural-based

economy to an industrial economy. As oil revenues expanded the government's coffers,

manufacturing and service sectors emerged and the relative importance of agriculture

began to decline (Brereton, 1981).

Industrialization became official government policy in 1950, when Trinidad

initiated "industrialization by invitation" with measures designed to encourage foreign

investment and restrict union activity (Saft, 1998). However, agriculture retained its

economic importance, as development proved a difficult process. With oil prices

slumping, the manufacturing sector languished, and unemployment rose.

A major change in Trinidad's fortunes came in the 1970s, when OPEC took control

of the world's oil supply, causing oil prices to skyrocket. Between 1970 and 1977, GDP

increased at a rate of 23% annually (Boodhoo, 2000). The government of Trinidad reaped

enormous profits through taxation, leading to massive investments in state projects while

the agricultural sector was neglected. Wages for government jobs were increased,

drawing many rural people away from agricultural labor. Between 1970 and 1980, the

agricultural labor force decreased by 25%, from 60,000 to 45,000.

While oil enabled Trinidad's strong economic performance through the 1970s, the

collapse of international oil prices in the 1980s exposed its over reliance on the energy

sector. The resulting decline in foreign exchange earnings and the subsequent debt crisis

led the government to accept a loan from the International Monetary Fund, under the









conditions of structural adjustment. The terms of the loan included cutbacks on

government expenditures, causing unemployment to peak at 22% in the late 1980s

(Tourism and Industrial Development Company of Trinidad and Tobago, Ltd. [TIDCO],

2002). To improve the balance of trade and increase foreign exchange, the government

refocused on its traditional export crops. Under Prime Minister Robinson, multiple

agricultural projects were initiated throughout the country and government wages were

decreased.

These measures eventually revived the economy, however the revaluation of

agriculture was short-lived. As oil prices began to climb, the government once again

refocused on the development of the energy sector. Between 1982 and 2004, the number

of agricultural holders in Trinidad fell 50.5% (CSO, 2005). Although the institutional

structures remain, there is little faith in the future of agriculture. The Ministry of

Agriculture continues to employ knowledgeable researchers and extension workers, and

the University of the West Indies retains a multi-departmental College of Agriculture.

Resources still flow to large-scale export farmers. However, most farmers in Trinidad are

constrained by the low status of agriculture (See Farmer Letter in Appendix E), as

reflected in deteriorating agricultural access roads, a stagnant land distribution system

and limited response to crop loss through fire, drought, flood or larceny. In many rural

areas, only the decaying remains of the once vibrant agricultural industry are visible.

Cocoa and coffee drop their fruit in abandoned estates, cocoa houses tilt and collapse into

the forest, and overgrown access roads lead only to the bush. Although farmers persist

out of an unquenchable love of agriculture, most Trinidadians view agriculture as an









activity of last resort. To this day, agriculture remains a marginalized industry, viewed by

the government mainly as a welfare activity.

Agricultural Outreach

Ministry of Agriculture, Land, and Marine Resources

In Trinidad, agricultural outreach is primarily the responsibility of the Extension

Division of the Ministry of Agriculture, Land, and Marine Resources (MALMR). The

Extension system is organized into North and South Regional Divisions, and an

Extension Core Division.

The Core Division is composed of professional Extension staff that determines

Extension policy and (theoretically) consults with each region. The Core Division also

houses the Farmers' Training Center, which conducts free short courses on a variety of

agricultural topics both on site and at several outreach locations. Recently, Core

professionals have been evaluating more participatory models of extension such as the

Farmers' Field School. Initially used to develop farmer awareness of Integrated Pest

Management, the Field School facilitates hands-on learning on farmers' own plots

(Ganpat, 2002). This method has proven popular with farmers and is being tested and

adapted in other regions.

In each administrative region there is a descending hierarchy of Extension officers,

assistants, and aides who interact more or less directly with farmers at the county and

district level (Dass, 1995). There are over 100 frontline Extension officers resulting in a

farmer: officer ratio of 500:1 (Dass, 1995). This is a somewhat daunting figure given that

Extension officers rely primarily on individual contact (as opposed to group or mass) to

reach farmers. Frontline officers are responsible for 1) providing educational and









advisory programs, 2) administering agricultural incentive programs6, and 3) monitoring

pests and diseases.

Linking organizations

The recognition of persistent rural poverty and unemployment has lead to various

national, regional, and international agricultural assistance programs. The Caribbean

Network for Integrated Rural Development (CNIRD), the Caribbean Agricultural

Research and Development Institute (CARDI), and the Inter-American Institute for

Cooperation in Agriculture (IICA) have all been involved in various programs targeted at

small-scale and female farmers. While these programs may provide temporary solutions

to immediate problems, the long-term effectiveness and sustainability of such programs is

limited by their lack of coordination with each other or the Extension Division and to

permanent sources of funding. The Extension Division also has historically weak

linkages with the Research Division of the Ministry, limiting officers' (and thus farmers')

ability to influence the national research agenda.

Implications

The general neglect of the agricultural sector since the focus on industrialization

has constrained the development of agriculture on many levels, down to the individual

farm. Any recommendations for change must be understood within that framework.

Without the lifting of certain systemic constraints, and the consideration of agriculture as

an important and viable economic activity, agriculture will remain a marginal activity,

despite the best efforts of farmers and organizations alike.


6 Subsidies are available to registered farmers on certain farm inputs, such as brush cutters.






39


Summary

A large body of research has documented the existing gaps between the agricultural

support system and small-scale farmers. In order to equitably serve a diverse farming

population, organizations must recognize and respond to gender and social diversity.

Gender analysis can assist in identifying distinctions in farming systems and evaluating

institutional practices. Outreach organizations need to be aware of potential biases in

different extension models. In Trinidad, any recommendation for organizational change

must also take account of the systemic constraints on the agricultural sector.














CHAPTER 3
METHODS

Introduction

This chapter describes the overall research design as well as the methods used in

the collection, analysis, and presentation of data. This was a descriptive study, integrating

both qualitative and quantitative research methods. As such, it does not fit neatly into

any one methodological box, but crosses several disciplinary boundaries. Thus it deserves

an introductory explanation, to avoid misunderstanding by readers familiar with different

research conventions. I employed predominantly qualitative research methods, using

ethnographic techniques developed in anthropology, in researching a field that is

traditionally quantitative. According to Bamberger (2000) much of agricultural,

extension, and development research is based on statistics and economic modeling.

Because of this, I have provided detailed description of the techniques I used for

qualitative data collection and analysis. Integrated qualitative and quantitative studies are

becoming increasingly mainstream in agricultural research and development (Bamberger,

2000), but their acceptance demands a thorough presentation of methods and results.

My study is also non-traditional in presentation. I have merged the narrative format

of ethnography onto the standard framework of a scientific dissertation (problem

statement, methods, results, conclusions). Throughout the following chapters, I have

interspersed my analysis with relevant sections of my field notes, both observations and

quotes, which allow the reader to "see into" the field and glimpse farmers' realities as

they were revealed to me. By having direct contact with my data, the reader can evaluate









for themselves the appropriateness of my interpretation and analysis. Field notes selected

for inclusion in the text are identified by the location (Toco, Cedros), ethnicity

(Afro-Trinidadian, Indo-Trinidadian) and gender of the farmers (female farmer, male

farmer, farm couple). To protect the anonymity of participants, general pseudonyms are

used, such that WA refers to any woman involved in agriculture and MA refers to any

man involved in agriculture. General or self-referential observations are described by

location only. Although not identified by a specific date, all field notes were collected

between March 2003 and March 2004.

In this chapter, detailed descriptions of methods are interspersed with those field

notes specifically pertaining to my relations with the communities in which I worked.

These "reflexive" sections follow the conventions of qualitative research that require the

explicit recognition of the researcher as an influential component of the research process

(Glesne, 1999). This practice is important in establishing the validity of qualitative

research, as it situates the data as the product of specific interactions between a unique

"instrument" (the researcher) and the study participants (Ary, Jacobs, and Razavieh,

1996).

The interweaving of texts may be initially uncomfortable for the reader accustomed

primarily to one research tradition. However, I would argue that such presentation is well

suited to a study of this nature. In fact, some initial discomfort on the part of the reader

may prove to be beneficial, if it leads to a deeper understanding not only of this particular

situation but also of our own conception of knowledge creation and representation.

Further discussion of the ethnographic format as it was used in this my study can be

found in the final section of this chapter entitled "Telling the Story."









Research Design

This was a descriptive study of two ethnically distinct farming communities in

Trinidad7. I primarily employed qualitative research techniques with individual farmers

and small groups, but also incorporated some quantitative methods to broaden the

findings to the regional level. To understand the social and gender identity of small-scale

farmers, I used ethnographic techniques, developing long-term relationships to create

trust and increase disclosure of sensitive issues. I intertwined this with field observations

of agricultural activities and informal inquiries into the factors affecting decision-making.

I employed participatory research techniques to generate community discussion of their

interaction with agricultural support organizations. Once the main trends were identified,

I administered a quantitative survey to the broader farming community in both regions to

increase the validity of the findings.

Qualitative research was appropriate for this my study because I was entering a

foreign culture and attempting to understand the issues through the eyes of the local

people (Ary et al, 1996; Denzin and Lincoln, 1998). As a foreigner discussing the

potentially sensitive (and often invisible) dynamics of gender, culture, and social identity

it was important to spend an extended period of time in the field, developing trust and

learning the community's "language" through participant observation (Denzin and

Lincoln, 1998).








7 Trinidad is part of the twin island Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. Because the two islands have distinct
social and agricultural histories, this study was limited to the island of Trinidad.









Population

Study Variables

Gender

I selected gender as the primary variable of analysis for a variety of reasons. My

academic training had exposed me to global inequities in gender and development, and I

postulated a similar situation in Trinidad. This was confirmed by both national and

international studies that reported low numbers of women participating in agricultural

extension programs in Trinidad (Dass, 1995; IICA, 1993). One of the primary constraints

identified by agricultural officers was their lack of information on women's agricultural

activities. Therefore, I decided to focus on female farming systems, in the hopes of

adding some useful information.

However, during my year in the field, there was a gradual deepening of my

understanding of gender as a study variable. I began to realize that this needed to be truly

a "gender-based" study and examine the differential situations of men and women. While

women often operated with more constraints and fewer resources than men, men in these

communities also faced many constraints, especially limited access to organizational

resources. I realized that I needed to document the differences between women's and

men's farming systems, to allow a more targeted response to the entire farming

population. For this reason, I interviewed both women (n=72) and men (n=104) during

the course of my data collection.

Ethnicity

After consultation with faculty at the University of the West Indies in Trinidad, I

decided to also consider ethnicity as a variable, for the following reasons:









* There are two main ethnic populations in Trinidad, of East Indian (40%) and
African (40%) descent (CSO, 2005), and they have in many cases maintained
distinct communities due to historical patterns of settlement (Reddock and
Huggins, 1997; Clarke, 1993; Harry, 1980).

* Gender roles are known to be in large part shaped by culture and ethnicity
(Boserup, 1970; Young, 1992).

* Farming systems are partly a product of ethnic traditions and knowledge (Salamon,
1985; Norman, 1986; Gutierrez and Eckert, 1991).

* Farmers' interaction with the predominantly Indo-Trinidadian Extension staff may
be affected by ethnicity (Lewis, 1990).

Selection of Communities

I decided to select two communities that were ethnically distinct but otherwise as

similar as possible in regard to 1) farming system, 2) economic alternatives and 3)

accessibility (roads, markets, distance from urban areas, services). The decision as to

which two communities would be most comparable on these factors was not an easy task,

and I relied heavily on my discussions with university faculty and Extension personnel.

As one of the few distinct Afro-Trinidadian farming communities, the Toco region

was an obvious choice and was supported by all my advisors. However, the selection of a

representative Indo-Trinidadian community was more problematic. Much of the debate

centered around the definition of "traditional" Indian culture, which some linked with the

Hindu religion.

The Cedros region was initially proposed as a predominantly Indo-Trinidadian

community that was similar in access and economics to Toco. However, because Cedros

has a relatively high proportion of Christian Indians, some people felt that it was not a

good representative of Indo-Trinidadian culture. Other regions were suggested as more

"traditional," such as Debe, a predominantly Hindu and Muslim area. However,

Extension personnel felt that these areas were significantly more commercialized,









accessible, and affluent than Toco, and, as a result, would not be comparable. Further

consultation with Extension staff led to the realization that, although Cedros had a

significant Christian presence, there was still a large Hindu community. In addition, some

of my advisors were not convinced that religion was a significant factor affecting cultural

norms. They did not feel that "traditional" Indian family structure and gender roles had

been much impacted by changes from Hinduism to Christianity.

Thus, with the recognition that no two communities would be exactly comparable,

it was felt that Cedros and Toco remained the best communities to study based on the

following similarities:

* Farming system: In both communities, farming systems were characterized by
small scale agriculture around the edges of large plantations (cocoa, coffee, and
nutmeg in the northeast, cocoa and coconuts in the southwest).

* Economic alternatives: The economic importance of the agricultural plantations as
a source of employment had waned, creating varying degrees of economic hardship
as they scaled back or closed down completely. Fishing remained an important
livelihood activity in both regions, although it was declining with the advent of
other economic alternatives. Both regions also had a small but viable tourism
sector.

* Accessibility: Both communities were literally "at the end of the road," and
probably represent the extremes of cultural and physical isolation in Trinidad.
Trinidad is a small island and relatively well developed. However, limited
transportation (both public and private) in rural areas has led to a high degree of
separation between urban and rural areas. This is especially true for Toco, which
has limited contact with the rest of Trinidad. In the words of the locals, they are
"living behind God's back," epitomized by their almost total lack of radio reception
and limited phone service.

Geography

The communities selected for my study are both ethnically and geographically

distinct (Figure 3-1). The Toco study region, in northeastern Trinidad, is characterized by

a predominantly (93%) African-descent population (CSO, 2001) engaged in small-scale
















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Cedros Reion

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Figure 3-1. Map of Trinidad showing Toco and Cedros study areas.


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hillside agriculture and fishing. Toco is contained within two overlapping political

divisions, County St. David and the Regional Corporation of Sangre Grande. The Cedros

study region, in the southwest corner of Trinidad, has a predominantly (91.5%) East

Indian-descent population (CSO, 2001), engaged in a similar mix of fishing and

small-scale agriculture. Cedros is administered as part of County St Patrick West and the

Regional Corporation of Siparia.

For the purposes of my study, "Toco" includes the four villages at the end of the

Paria Main Road, namely Matelot (population 523), Grande Riviere (population 334),

Montevideo (population 153), and Sans Souci (population 535) (CSO, 2001). Limited

surveys (n=4) were done in L'Anse Noire and the village of Toco, which are typically

considered part of the Toco region. However, since the bulk of research was done in the

four preceding villages, they constitute the Toco area for the purposes of my study.

Altogether, this encompasses a total population of 1,545 people. These four villages are

similar in ethnic composition and agricultural practice to the other villages in this area;

therefore they serve as a good representative of the region. Probably the most significant

difference is the increased access to services and information in towns closer to the

nearest market town of Sangre Grande.

The region defined as "Cedros" in my study incorporates the villages at the extreme

end of the Southern Main Road, namely Coromandel, including the settlement of Pt.

Coco, (population 1151), Granville (population 366) and Chatham (population 1,466)

(CSO, 2001). Coromandel and Granville are significantly more agricultural (and more

ethnically homogeneous) than Chatham, therefore all the qualitative research and the

majority of the quantitative research were done in these two villages. Consequently, they









are considered the primary study area, comprising a total population of 1,517,

comparable to that of Toco. I also did surveys (n=14) in Chatham to add to the regional

perspective of my study. This allowed better comparison with the district as a whole, as

Chatham reflects the region's trend away from agriculture towards a more industrial or

service oriented economy. Although the villages of Icacos and Bonasse are generally

considered part of the "Cedros" region, they were not included in my study as they had

very little small-scale agriculture, as most of the land was held in large private estates.

Agricultural Profile

The Toco region

Toco is contained within the larger administrative area of the Regional Corporation

of Sangre Grande of which 3.7% of the population was classified as "agricultural

holders8" in 2004 (Table 3-1) more than double Trinidad's overall percentage of 1.5%

(CSO, 2005). The same study reported a marked gender difference in agricultural

holdings in the region, with 6.0% of the male population of classified as holders, versus

only 1.2% of women. For both sexes, this was higher than average for Trinidad, which

categorized 2.5% of men and 0.4% of women as holders (CSO, 2005). Thus, by Trinidad

standards, the region of Sangre Grande has a relatively high participation in agriculture.

The Cedros region

Cedros is administered as part of the Regional Corporation of Siparia, which has

1.6% of its population classified as agricultural holders, similar to the Trinidad average of





8 As defined in the Preliminary Report of the 2004 Agricultural Census, an "agricultural holding is an
economic unit of agricultural production producing primarily for sale.. .without regard to title, legal form,
size or location" (CSO, 2005). Thus non-commercial production was not counted, but squatters were.












Table 3-1. Incidence of agricultural holders in Trinidad and in the two regional
corporations.
Agricultural Gender Location
holders"
Trinidad Sangre Siparia
Grande
Female 2,627 400 216

Male 15,465 2,054 1,119

Population Female 614,800 32,492 41,129

Male 616,300 34,221 42,080

Percentage of Female 0.4 1.2 0.5
agricultural
holders in the Male 2.5 6.0 2.7
population
Total 1.5 3.7 1.6

Statistics refer only to the island of Trinidad and do not include the island of Tobago.
aSource: CSO, 2005. b Source: CSO, 2004. The figures for Trinidad were calculated as
96% of the national population, based on 1990 and 2000 data. The regional figures were
derived by calculating the percent increase for each gender islandwide and extrapolating
to each region.

1.5%. Regional gender differences are also comparable to island-wide trends. In 2004,

0.5% of women in Siparia were identified as agricultural holders (as compared to

0.4%island-wide), while male participation in agriculture (1.6%) was slightly lower than

Trinidad averages (2.5%) (CSO, 2005). Thus, by Trinidad standards, Cedros has low to

average involvement in agriculture.

Qualitative Data Collection

This section describes the qualitative methods of data collection I used during the

first ten months of field research, from March through December 2003. I did not arrive

in the field with a predetermined set of questions, but rather with open-ended question









guides (Appendix A) describing the areas of interest that I would be investigating and

from which I would later develop a questionnaire. This approach was approved by the

University of Florida's Institutional Review Board (Protocol #2003-U-003 1) with the

understanding that every research participant would sign a document of informed consent

(Appendix B).

Measures of Validity

To ensure the validity of the research, I used several techniques especially

developed for qualitative inquiry. One of the most important aspects of validity in

qualitative research is a reflexive section (Glesne, 1999) that describes the data collection

instrument-in this case the researcher, myself-and how the data collection and analysis

were affected by who I am. This is described at length in "Reflecting myself:

Researcher-community relations" especially the section entitled "situating myself."

Transferability is another important concept in qualitative validity and equates with

the quantitative concept of generalizability (Trochim, 2000). Because qualitative research

recognizes that all research is contextual, generalizability is typically not a goal.

However, by describing the research setting in great detail, the qualitative researcher

leaves it up to the best judgment of the reader whether the specific results can be

appropriately "transferred" to another setting. To help the reader understand the setting of

this research, I have described the two communities in great detail. In the section entitled

"Selection of Communities," I describe the characteristics that led to the selection of

these two regions, and how they compared to other areas in Trinidad. This is followed by

sections on the geography and agricultural profile of the two study regions, which include

comparisons with the island in general. This is further elaborated in the section

"Comparison of survey sample to population" which shows how my sample compared to









the recent agricultural census. All of these sections should allow the reader to make an

informed decision as to whether the findings of my study should be generalized to other

regions.

Dependability is related to the quantitative concept of reliability, which measures

whether the same results would be obtained if the research was repeated. Since

qualitative research starts with the basic premise that no research is replicable, as no two

investigators are the same, the concept of dependability is used to show how the changing

research context affected the study (Trochim, 2000). This is covered in the section on

researcher-community relations, in which I describe how research relationships changed

over time in the two communities, and the stages I went through, from "establishing a

home" to "making transitions" to "maintaining relationships" and finally "recognizing

my place." This allows the reader to gauge how changes in the research context affected

my relations with the community and thus my data collection.

Confirmability relates to how well the results can be confirmed by others (Trochim,

2000). I followed a number of accepted strategies to ensure the confirmability of my

results. I employed negative case analysis (Glesne, 1999) in a number of ways. At the

most general level, I had begun my study focused on women, however field observations

led me to realize that I could not examine the situation of women in isolation, without

recognizing and comparing men in agriculture (see the section on "gender" under

"research variables." I also searched for cases that were at odds with my specific

findings. For instance, although the vast majority of childcare was done by women, I

made a point of highlighting the one father I met who had assumed sole responsibility of

his son (see "gender and dependents" in Chapter 5). To increase confirmability, I sought









out literature on social identity in Trinidad during the course of my data collection to

ensure that my interpretations were correct and prevent misdirection in my continuing

analysis (see the introduction to Chapter 5). I also used member checks (Glesne, 1999) to

ensure confirmability. I had Trinidadians with varying levels of participation check my

interpretations at different points in the data collection and analysis, including farmers

who had participated in my study, Extension professionals, and graduate faculty and

students at the University of the West Indies.

Engaging Farmers

To earn farmers' candid responses, I had to establish my personal "validity" as a

trusted confidant. Towards this end, I conducted numerous interviews with each

participant over the ten months and made a point of taking time for purely social

interaction and discussion as well. While I always made clear that I was conducting

research, I tried to minimize the feeling of a researcher/subject relationship. This was

primarily achieved through informal interview techniques and non-obtrusive data

collection. In both individual and group work with farmers, I relied primarily on mental

reference to my question guides and only recorded data when I returned to my desk and

computer.

Contacting farmers

Following qualitative convention, purposive sampling was done in order to ensure

that the sample represented the broadest range of factors of interest (Ary et al., 1996,

Bamberger, 2000). My first goal was to locate about five female farmers in my "home"

villages, and then to select a smaller representative cross-section of male farmers.

Farmers were identified based on their involvement in agricultural production, whether

commercial, subsistence, or some combination of both, including off-farm and









non-agricultural work. Farmers were categorized depending on agricultural participation,

not on marital status. Therefore, a "female farmer" or a "male farmer" might be single,

married, or widowed, however they were the only person in the household (excluding

children) with significant agricultural involvement. "Couple farmers" were in some sort

of conjugal relationship, whether married or common-law, and both partners were active

in agriculture. A pointed effort was made to include farmers who might not be visited by

extension because of difficulty of access or size of landholding. These tended to be lower

resource farmers, often women or the elderly, who farmed marginal pieces of land on the

geographic periphery of the villages.

After a first round of interviews with farmers in my "home" village, I identified

several more farmers in surrounding villages. The time involved in making and

maintaining those relationships became its own limitation, and in the end I maintained

relationships with thirteen primary contact farmers in each region. In Toco, these were

comprised of five female farmers, five male farmers, and three couples farming together.

In Cedros, I worked with six female farmers, one male farmer, and six couples farming

together.

Identifying female farmers

In both communities, the first responses to my inquiries were uniformly

disheartening, even though somewhat expected. I was informed that there weren't many

female farmers in that village, although if I went to another village, I might find

more... However, I was persistent in my efforts to identify female farmers, and slowly the

network expanded. The initial invisibility of these farmers appeared to be a combination

of the community's social perceptions and biases, as well as a disbelief that I, as a foreign









researcher, would actually want to interview these farmers. The biggest breakthrough

usually occurred when I meet an active female farmer, who would then direct me to the

other women in her network.

It has been fascinating watching the gradual "discovery" by the community of the
women farmers, in response to my open and stated interest in working with women.
At first, they could only think of one or two. But every day, one or two more have
"appeared" as people introduce me around, and realize that "oh yes, she also is a
farmer." Plus some of the older and poorer people who live on the fringes have
been "forgotten" until something reminds my contacts of them (Toco).

Establishing relations

As an outsider, I felt that it was important to make contact with "new" farmers

through the introduction of local community members, in order to establish an initial

level of trust.

I drive round with WA to meet area farmers, guaranteed of an in-depth introduction
by her chatty nature... It is a great way to meet the broader community as well, as
she knows everyone, and cannot pass anyone on the road without winding down
the glass for a lime (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian farm couple).

This method of establishing "who I was" turned out to be crucial, as later I was told

that once I had been identified by some skeptics as a "fraud." They thought I was actually

from the CIA, with all my nosy questions! Luckily, by that point I had earned a high level

of respect in the community, and the short-lived rumor did not affect the openness with

which most farmers entertained me and my questions.

Expanding the network

Initially I relied heavily on a few farmers for introductions. However, I soon

realized that this was keeping me within prescribed "networks," as there was a definite

tendency to introduce me primarily to those people who shared an "identity" with them,

be it church or family. In Cedros, there was a tendency for people to introduce me









preferentially to their family members, which created a highly selective network of

relations.

Once I realized this, I began to consciously search out other venues for meeting

farmers. This required some effort and negotiation on my part, as I had to obtain entry

into new circles and re-validation. In both regions, religious affiliation was very

important. Therefore, I made a conscious effort to identify individuals of different faiths

and create linkages from there.

MA took me to a Hindu Ramayana, which turned out to be a great way to meet
people. I was introduced by the pundit on the first night I attended, and to my
surprise he knew who I was and what I was doing. He called my presence here a
"blessing" and exhorted me to "absorb all that I see and hear" (Cedros).

Sondeos / Informal interviews

My interviews with farmers during this portion of my research were entirely

informal and were conducted either in the field or limingg" with farmers afterwards. I

relied on sondeo techniques (Hildebrand, 1986), going (literally) into the field without

pen or paper and with only mental reference to a "question guide" (Appendix A: Farmer

Question Guide). This allowed conversation to flow naturally, and enabled me to gather

information on both my preconceived questions and, perhaps more importantly, issues of

importance to farmers. I quickly developed an ability to focus and was able to recall, in

impressive detail, the content of our conversations.

I typically spent the entire morning with one farmer, returning home in early to mid

afternoon. My first task was to jot down on paper all the main topics that had been

discussed. That was usually followed by a nap, as I found that such intense focus was

extremely wearying. My mind clear, I was able to collapse into sleep, and wake refreshed

to begin my evening's activity: entering my field notes in full ethnographic detail. This









was an extremely time-consuming task, and started to become something I dreaded. I

often could not finish in one day and would quickly develop a backlog that I tried to clear

up before switching regions. During the survey portion of the research, when I did have

pen and paper in hand, I was able to record direct quotations from farmers, which I added

to my wealth of qualitative data.

Participant observation

I used participant observation techniques (Denzin and Lincoln, 1998) for data

collection, going with farmers to their fields and helping them to the best of my abilities.

Along the way I learned to break cocoa, tote plantain, and even weed with a cutlass. This

proved to be invaluable in developing rapport and getting access to some of the more

hesitant farmers.

As luck would have it, while I am working, cutlass and dasheen plant in hand, I
finally see the elusive WA, a thin, strong looking woman in her 40s, passing by on
the road. The senior woman introduces us, telling WA that I "can work." WA looks
rather bemused and tells us she is on her way out, but some other time... Just
before she turns the bend, she looks back and calls "does she have tall boots9?"
These are demonstrated to her (and my) satisfaction (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian
female farmer).

Going into farmers' fields was also vital to my understanding of the local farming

systems, as the whole conception and arrangement of cultivation was dramatically

different than what I was accustomed to. When I first went on farmers' lands, it all

looked like bush to me. Between the abundant foliage and an apparently haphazard

planting scheme (no straight lines of crops), it was often difficult for me to distinguish

farm from forest. However, with time and experience I learned to recognize the patterns




9 Tall boots" are knee high black rubber boots and are almost a stamp of identity for a farmer. They are a
requisite part of a farmer's apparel, especially in Toco, due to the high population of poisonous snakes.









and strategy of local cultivation systems. This was a necessary and crucial complement to

the interviews that I conducted at "home."

While living in a particular community, I attended any Extension activities that

were offered in the area and tried to gauge farmer awareness of and interest in the events.

These sessions were recorded in extensive field notes, and any handouts were collected.

Focus groups

A focus group (Krueger, 1998; Krueger & Casey, 2000; Morgan 1997) was done in

each region, to generate community discussion on the following topics: 1) farmers'

relationship with Extension and 2) farmers' access to organizational resources. I had

invaluable assistance from a colleague in the Extension Division of the Ministry of

Agriculture. He identified himself as a Ministry official; however we felt that his

affiliation did not bias farmers' responses, as he freely acknowledged the Ministry's

limitations and his desire to improve its services. We used Participatory Rural Appraisal

(PRA) techniques (Chambers, 1997), such as Venn Diagrams, drawing and story-telling

(Appendix A: Farmer Focus Group Question Guide) to facilitate farmer participation and

feedback. In several cases we divided men and women into separate groups in order to

observe differences in their responses. The sessions were recorded and transcribed, with

permission of the participants.

Reflecting Myself: Researcher-Community Relations

This section describes the relationship between the researcher and the communities

and how that impacted upon the research findings. The qualitative paradigm maintains

that all research is subjective, beginning with the selection of the questions asked. No

methodology is objective or perfectly replicable, as every interaction between the

community and the researcher is influenced by the researcher's "subject location," that is









all the internal factors that have shaped the researcher' s perspective, and all the external

factors that participants observe and respond to (Glesne, 1999). However, qualitative

researchers maintain that their work is still valid, or, in quantitative terms, within "one

standard deviation" of reality. To achieve this validity, it is necessary to explicitly

document the researcher's "positionality," so that readers can evaluate the researcher's

influence on the data collected. "A reflective section on who you are as a researcher and

the lenses through which you view your work is now an expected part of qualitative

research studies" (Glesne, 1999, p. 109).

Situating myself

The stories I was told, and how they evolved, were affected by the communities'

own perception of me. What did they see? At first, the obvious: I am a white woman, in

my 30s, and, once I open my mouth, an American. However, over time, I defied some of

their expectations. As a "foreign" white woman, I was also able to avoid the racial

tensions that may have influenced responses if I was black, Indian, or local white. Being

white in Trinidad is associated with the maintenance of social (racial and class)

boundaries, which I did not subscribe to. Many people remarked on this with surprise

and appreciation.

WA introduces me to a woman and her daughter... and says we should all "limelo"
together. The woman is hesitant and says something about them not having
utilities. WA reassures her quickly, telling her that I am "simple." (She) "wants to
do everything just like us... She won't make you feel any way" (Cedros,
Indo-Trinidadian farm couple).





10The "lime" is a uniquely Caribbean occupation, entailing any occasion in which the primary purpose is
social interaction. Trinidadians have developed this to a very high art, which makes the job of a researcher
immeasurably easier.









My interest in agriculture, and my willingness to go into the bush and work with

the "smallest" of farmers, was also regarded with surprise. This revealed not only a

perception of Americans, but more importantly an assessment of agriculture as a "low

status" profession.

I indicate that I would be interested in meeting local farmers... WA replies that
they would really like that, as not many people are interested in farming. "Not
many people come from away to learn about agriculture" (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian
female farmer).

Several Trinidadians expressed the belief that I was better received than a fellow

Trinidadian would have been. They felt that I was taken more seriously in my work

because I was a foreigner. A similar situation was reported in rural Jamaican

communities, where it was noted that there was a "general lack of confidence in anyone

from the area... (and) an entrenched belief that... new ideas of any value had to come

from outside... The feeling was that a person from the same locality and background as

everyone else had no authority" (Thomas-Hope and Spence, 2006, p. 23)

My interpretation of locals' lives and stories was influenced by my own cultural

and academic background. I was born a New England Yankee and was raised in an

academically oriented family which fostered my own intellectual development. I am

trained in international agricultural development and am especially influenced by the

farming systems perspective. My keen interest in the gender and development field

shaped the main slant of my research. Of specific relevance to my study, I studied and

lived in Jamaica over a period of several years and developed an understanding of

Afro-Caribbean society. Therefore, there was a distinct difference in my knowledge of

the two Trinidadian cultures, which affected my research relations. As I was less familiar

with Indo-Trinidadian culture, I was extra careful to be polite and made no assumptions









as to what was acceptable behavior. In Toco, I was more relaxed, confident that I knew

the appropriate way to act.

Establishing a "home"

As a foreigner, I felt that it was important to live as much "within" the community

as possible. To that end, I chose to rent from families, instead of securing my own

separate accommodations. In Toco, I roomed at the small guesthouse of a farm family.

Although my room was nominally private, I purposefully cultivated a relationship with

the family, who lived at the "far end" of the house, two doors down.

Suddenly they all make expressions including me in their family. The father,
introducing me, tells people that although I am a guest, I am more like family. The
daughter tells me "there is always food in this house," so I should come in and help
myself. And the son says now that I am family, he can pick on me... (Toco,
Afro-Trinidadian family).

To find housing in Cedros, I relied on the recommendations of the county

Extension officers. The office telephoned one of the recognized female farmers in the

region, who located a family that was willing to rent me a room in their house. In this

case I actually did live "within" the family, sharing all spaces except my bedroom.

Mother and daughter are cooking in the kitchen, and the conversation starts to flow
again... We all gravitate to the porch, with the mother bouncing back and forth
between the kitchen and the lime (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian family).

Community relations

Upon entering each community, my initial task was to establish a place for myself.

I recognized that the way I was perceived in the village would influence all my research

relations, and I wanted to develop a positive image from the beginning. I consciously

tried to do public activities with one of "my" family members, as I felt that it increased

my validity in the eyes of the community. I also realized the importance of being









identified with no one "group" socioeconomic, cultural, religious, or family. To this

end, I made a pointed effort to associate with many different people.

It is fascinating how my reception is affected by whom I am associating with. MA
(a relatively larger, wealthier farmer) only introduced me to the people in "power"
(such as shopkeepers), and the other locals just watched me silently. But today
sitting on the bench with a small farmer eating soup.. .the girls who serve lunch
smile and joke with me, and the men he introduces me to are simply friendly,
without the reserve or deference I felt with MA (Toco).

Making transitions

It was necessary to observe an entire year in each community in order to avoid a

seasonal bias that might affect both farmer and Extension activity (Chambers, 1997).

Therefore, I maintained my room in both families for the entire twelve months, switching

approximately every month between the two sites. While ensuring that an equivalent time

was spent in each community, I was flexible in the actual scheduling, allowing the

communities' rhythms to determine my own. Although there was some concern that the

intermittent nature of my presence might limit the development of rapport, periodic brief

absences were not deemed as important as the cumulative effect of being present

throughout an entire year. While in reality I could not maintain the 2-3 week schedule I

had initially hoped for, spending a month away did not seem to limit rapport too

drastically. I was always roundly scolded, as a prodigal daughter, and then warmly

welcomed back in.

I finally get back to the farmers in south, after too long an absence...I have been
away longer than I intended, and I get the expected scolding when I arrive. The
difficulty of calling from GR (no cell service, no phone card for the call box) had
kept me from calling...I make my apologies, which are accepted, but I am reminded
NOT to be so long out of contact again... (Cedros).









Maintaining relationships

The primary challenge in working in two communities was investing adequate time

to maintain the myriad of relationships that I developed. This was a pleasurable, but

extremely time-consuming, task. I often felt torn between the desire to focus on my work

and the social obligation of my newly formed "friendships."

I am having difficulty managing the sheer number of relationships I am forming.
Many people have opened up to me, extending a welcome that is absolutely
overwhelming...I am invited to weddings and church services and dances... I feel a
responsibility to make time for their needs, as they make time for my questions. So
I find myself attending social events in the evening, when I should be writing my
field notes (Cedros).

Recognizing my place

After a few months, I was pleased to realize that I had become a recognized and

welcome figure in the two communities. I had been observed and assessed and was now

an accepted "member" of the community, even if a transient and somewhat unorthodox

one. This encouraged me greatly, as I often wondered how I was perceived.

Driving back to the village in the mid-afternoon, I am struck by the realization that
I am becoming part of this community...I keep recognizing people I know, and
passing with a shout and a wave. Driving around corners, I hear my name shouted
from the hills above, and honk, not knowing to whom I reply. Twice I meet farmers
walking along the road, and stop to chat... (Toco).

Personal challenges

The process of qualitative research can be extremely demanding, as one immerses

oneself in a different setting, while at the same time trying to remain both an observer

and highly focused. This was compounded by the fact that I not only stayed in the

communities, but also lived with families. While this added richness to my study, it also

was at times very challenging.

I am struggling with the feeling of always being "on stage" in the sense that in my
research communities I am always trying to maintain a research persona. I am









careful to stay positive and open and unaligned, but sometimes I feel grumpy and
antisocial, or like breaking out and being stupid and silly and young.... I find
myself extremely fatigued, even when I have stayed home and worked at my
computer and books all day (Cedros).

I often had ethical dilemmas about the contributions of my work in the face of the

immediate and pressing needs that many families faced. As the community invested its

time and trust increasingly in me, I felt a growing sense of inadequacy. I frequently felt

guilty asking busy farmers to take time from their work to answer my questions.

As the sole provider for 3 grandchildren, WA is always very busy. Every time I
have interviewed her, she has made use of my time and my hands, to help her with
some project. Today, although I come in hopes of doing a brief interview, I realize
that she is overwhelmed with work... Two of her grandchildren are at home, sick,
and she is tending to them, washing clothes and cleaning house, as well as cooking
for a large church dinner. I help her fold clothes and squeeze a huge bag of
lemons... Finally, after 5 hours, I manage to get my questions asked, while she
takes over squeezing limes (Toco, AT female farmer).

My only small satisfaction came when I realized that I could print and share the

digital photos I had been taking of the farmers. After that, I made it a point to photograph

every farmer I interviewed and give them several color photos.

The photos are well received, evoking pride in how nice their gardens look... They
laugh to see themselves in their old work clothes. One of the women remarks, "I
really look like a bush lady!" (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian female farmer).

Quantitative Data Collection

Survey Design

After ten months of qualitative research, I had gained an in-depth knowledge of the

main issues in each community and wished to compare the local situation to the broader

farming community in each region. Because further qualitative research would have been

prohibitively time-consuming, I developed a questionnaire (Appendix C) that allowed me

to rapidly gather data from a larger sample. This also had the advantage of generating









quantitative data that would provide descriptive statistics to complement my textual

qualitative data.

Developing the survey

I was primarily interested in assessing how social variables interacted with three

main areas: agricultural activities, access to agricultural organizations, and participation

in community networks. I first examined several recent agricultural surveys (Dass, 1995;

IICA, 1993) to check content and format. I then referred to my initial question guides

(Appendix A) and reviewed those in light of my findings. This helped to ensure the

validity of the survey, as the questions were based on empirical observation (Chung,

2000).

Farm gender classification

One of the main insights that arose from my preliminary data review was the need

to categorize whether farmers were solely responsible for agricultural activities or were

sharing responsibility with a partner. I had observed that men and women who farmed

together (farm couples) had a distinct profile from men and women who farmed alone

(male farmers and female farmers). Farm couples could not merely be understood as the

sum of two individual farmers, but constituted a different form of household. The "social

relations" of these couples created a distinctive resource base, separate from the effect of

marital status. Marital status did affect the overall availability of resources, as married

couples in general had access to a larger and more diverse pool of resources than single

individuals did. However, farm couples appeared to have a different level of access to

agricultural resources and networks.

I became increasingly convinced that these categories represented an important

distinction in farming systems, as represented by objectives, resources, constraints and









activities. To account for this dynamic, I created a category named "farm gender" to

record whether each farmer was working in the garden alone or with a partner (married or

common law). Thus I had distinct categories for female farmer, male farmer, and farm

couples, separate from marital status (which I also recorded).

Ensuring validity

When I was satisfied that the questionnaire adequately represented my major lines

of inquiry, I reviewed the content with a Trinidadian Extension official. He had extensive

experience in developing and administering surveys in Trinidad and was able to help me

ensure content validity-that my questions were actually a good measure of the areas I

was interested in-and face validity-that participants would perceive my questions as

appropriate to the topic at hand. When this had been addressed, I pilot-tested the

questionnaire with two local farmers, a male and a female, to assess their interpretation of

the questions. This also allowed me to estimate the time necessary to administer it. Based

on their feedback and my observations, I removed some questions as unnecessary and

reworded others for clarification.

The instrument

The final instrument covered four topic areas:

* Demographic profile: 21 questions on individual social variables and household
composition and resources

* Agricultural profile: 14 questions on primary and secondary agricultural activities

* Organizational profile: 22 questions on organizational access and satisfaction

* Community networks: 12 questions on participation in formal and informal
community groups.

Survey questions included checklists from which respondents selected among

possible answers, scaled items designed to assess level of satisfaction, ranking questions









to determine relative importance, and open-ended questions to elicit farmers' own

responses.

Administering the Survey

Interviews were arranged a day or two in advance and generally lasted from one to

two hours. I conducted every interview myself, orally, and thus was able to ensure

comprehension. This was aided by my previous field experience, as I had learned the

local terms and measures that otherwise might have been confusing (for example, "fig,"

one of the primary crops, is actually banana). This was crucial for both my

comprehension and that of farmers. Terms that I could not clarify adequately I checked

with university and Ministry colleagues.

Sampling techniques

This was not a true random sample, as no list exists of all farmers in these villages.

Given that limitation, every effort was made to interview as "random" or at least as

diverse a sample as possible. The following techniques were employed: use of different

informants for introductions, use of different networks (churches, temples, families),

interviewing at different times of day, and consciously identifying farmers on both main

roads and relatively "invisible" side roads and tracks.

The sample was stratified by both ethnicity and gender. For statistical significance,

I deemed it necessary to interview at least 35 farmers in each of four interest groups,

defined by gender and ethnicity: female Indo-Trinidadian farmers, female

Afro-Trinidadian farmers, male Indo-Trinidadian farmers, and male Afro-Trinidadian

farmers. With each region being 95% or more ethnically homogeneous, ethnic

stratification was simple.









As far as gender, this was a disproportional stratified sample, as the sample

percentage of male and female farmers doesn't reflect their actual proportion in the

population. Disproportional sampling is recognized to be an appropriate technique when

the population size of at least one stratum (in this case female farmers) is relatively small

(Agresti & Finlay, 1997). While my sample does not represent the true proportion of

male and female farmers in the population, I am able to make comparisons between the

percentage of women who know, access, or do something versus the percentage of men.

Identifying participants

Locating women farmers required persistence, especially as I expanded into

villages where I was less known. Women farmers were generally less recognized in the

community, so that I was usually directed first to male farmers, despite my stated interest

in meeting women.

I have asked MA to help me meet other farmers, male and female, for my survey,
as he says that he knows "everybody"... (Three days later) I have interviewed 10
farmers in the village, and not met a single woman... Finally, I show MA a list of
women farmers (made by a woman in another village), but he only recognizes the
names of 2 of them. To meet those, we find ourselves walking to the very edges of
the settlements, down tracks and at the back of hills, where MF says he has never
been before... (Toco).

Many of the women lived on the periphery of the village, physically as well as

socially, invisible to and unrecognized by even the local people. I interviewed all the

female farmers I could identify, including women who farmed with their spouse. In the

end, I believe that I did almost a complete census of female farmers, especially in the

Toco region, from Matelot to Sans Souci (this was later supported by census figures).

I then ensured that I interviewed an equal number of men, an easy task as there

were always more male than female farmers. In neither region did I exhaust the pool of

active male farmers, especially in the Toco region, where I believe that I interviewed less









than half of the male farmers. In Cedros I estimate that I interviewed at least half and

possibly three quarter of male farmers. Because I was unable to do a true random sample

of men, there may be some skew in the sample. As proportional to the population, I may

have selectively over-sampled men in farm couples, in my effort to identify all the

women in agriculture (if I interviewed the female half of the couple, there was usually a

social obligation to interview the man as well).

Gender disaggregation

In households in which both partners were active in agriculture (farm couples), I

attempted, when possible, to interview each partner separately. Several times this

revealed different perceptions regarding agricultural roles and responsibility.

Today I was able to interview the male half of the (common law) couple that I met
last week. While the woman had told me that their decisions were fully shared, the
man maintained that he was the primary decision-maker. He said they "discuss" the
garden, but he "makes the decisions" (Toco, Afro-Trinidadian farm couple).

In Cedros, it was often not socially appropriate to request separate interviews, as

husband and wife usually were present together. Therefore, on pertinent questions, I

directly sought and recorded a response from each individual, while recognizing that the

answers may have been colored by the presence of the other.

WA sits in a chair a little way back, occasionally commenting, but letting her
husband do most of the talking, although I make a point of looking at her and
including her in the questions (Cedros, Indo-Trinidadian Farm Couple).

Comparison of survey sample to population

Between January and March 2004, I interviewed 142 households, of which 38 were

female farmers, 70 were male farmers, and 34 were farm couples, making a total of 72

female participants and 104 male participants (counting a farm couple as one male and

one female). This represented 4.3% of the population (n=70) in the Toco study region and









2.4% (n=72) in the Cedros study region. In Toco, this constituted 6% of men and 2.2% of

women, while in Cedros, this represented 3.2% of men and 1.9% of women. In both

regions, the percentage of the population and of each gender that I interviewed was

slightly higher than that reported by the census as the total number of agricultural holders

(Table 3-2).

Given this discrepancy, I did a careful review of the census data classification to

determine whether my sample was actually comparable to the census. There were two

possible discrepancies between the census and my survey data: 1) the definition of male

and female agricultural holder and 2) the exclusion of non-commercial farmers from the

census. These are addressed below.

Gender categories. At the completion of my survey, I had a total of 176

participants: 72 women and 104 men. These were drawn from 142 households, of which

38 were female farmers, 70 were male farmers, and 34 were farm couples. I counted a

farm couple as one male and one female, as both were responsible for agricultural

decision-making. However, the census recorded only one "agricultural holder" per

household. They defined the holder as "the civil person...with the economic and

technical initiative, who makes major decisions regarding resource use and exercises

management control over the agricultural holding" a role that most people assume the












Table 3-2. Percentage of farmers reported in the agricultural census versus the percentage
of farmers interviewed for my survey.
Location Toco / Sangre Grande Cedros / Siparia


Gender Female Male Total Female Male Total


Source Survey 2.2 6.0 4.3 1.9 3.2 2.4
sample (4.7)C (3.2) [5.1] [3.6]
of [5.1] d

data Agricultural 1.2 6.0 3.7 0.5 2.7 1.6
b
census

aThe survey figures refer to farmers actually interviewed, not the total number in the
population. Percentages refer to the two regions as defined for the purposes of my study.
Source: CSO, 2005. Percentages refer to the entire regional corporation. C Figures in
parentheses refer to the total percentage of women in agriculture, including women in
farm couples. d Figures in brackets refer to the percentage of farmers in Coromandel and
Granville, excluding Chatham.

man holds in a farm couple. Therefore, in order to compare my sample to the agricultural

census, I equated my categories of "male farmers" and "farm couples" to the census

category of "male agricultural holders." For comparison to the census category of

"female agricultural holders," I used only the households I classified as "female farmers."

In this way, I ensured that my gender categories were comparable to census definitions.

Commercial farmers. The agricultural census did not count people who produced

solely for household consumption. Therefore, I analyzed my data to check for the

incidence of such farmers in my sample. Only 4% of my sample reported receiving no

cash-income from their crop. This was matched by the 3% of farmers who reported home

gardening as their primary agricultural activity. Therefore, given that less than 5% of the

farmers I interviewed were producing solely for home consumption, my sample group

was comparable to the census population.









Implications. Although my sample percentages appear only slightly greater than

the census figures, it is important to note that I did not attempt to (and did not) interview

every farmer in the region. Therefore, I believe that the actual percentage of farmers in

both regions is even higher than the figure I reported and definitely above census

estimations. The greatest discrepancy between the census and my sample is the

percentage of women classified as agricultural holders (this holds true even though I

removed women in farm couples from my calculations, and classified them as male

households, as the census would have). In both regions, I found one percent or more

women than the census. Given that I had a year to establish relations with farmers, while

the census had a very limited time frame, this is not surprising. However, it does

highlight the need for more official recognition of "invisible" farmers in this case

specifically female farmers.

Qualitative Data Analysis

I analyzed my field notes using both traditional hand-coding and ATLAS.ti

(Scientific Software Development, 1997), a qualitative software package for "Visual

Qualitative Data Analysis, Management, & Model Building." I followed normal

qualitative conventions (Glesne, 1999), described here in greater detail for the benefit of

those readers unfamiliar with this methodology. As a first step, I entered all my field

notes into the primary database of ATLAS.ti. I then assigned important pieces of text

an identifying name or "code." Subsequent text references to similar ideas were assigned

to the same code. Thus all my field notes were categorized and sorted by content.

Codes were then analyzed visually. Each research objective was assigned a

particular page on a flip chart (later, each objective expanded onto several pages, as

analysis allowed further subdivision of findings). Each code name was written on a









sticky note and pasted onto any and all pertinent flip charts. Codes were then moved

around on the flip chart, as relationships between them were analyzed. Eventually all the

codes were clumped into related groups and given "family" names. These families

represent my interpretation of the major findings. In this way the data related to each

objective were analyzed and ordered into major themes.

The final visual analysis was entered into the computer and included in the results

text as a "code map." These "code maps" (Figures 6-1, 6-2, 6-6, 6-7, and 6-8) visually

summarize the results of the data analysis, in a similar fashion to tables used in statistical

analysis. Each map presents a specific part of the analysis. Code families are listed across

the top of the map, with each associated code placed below. Detailed description of each

code is presented in the appendix and illustrated with a selected field note. Since every

code referred to multiple pieces of data, the selection of the most representative field note

to include in the text was in itself a process of analysis and interpretation. The analysis

was validated by checking the maps with on-site experts as to their soundness and

representation of reality.

Quantitative Data Analysis

Farmer responses to the questionnaire were entered into a database in the Statistical

Package for Social Scientists (SPSS@, SPSS, Inc., 2002). The data were treated as a

random sample, recognizing the limitations described above. Because this was a

descriptive study, the primary focus was on descriptive statistics.

Descriptive statistics were used to obtain profiles of the two communities, and

comparisons were made by gender and ethnicity. For comparisons by ethnicity, only

Afro-Trinidadian and Indo-Trinidadian farmers were compared. Farmers of "other"









ethnicities (n=4) were included in analyses by region. Further disaggregating was done

by marital status and "farm gender" (female farmer, male farmer, farm couples) to

analyze hypothesized recommendations domains. Due to the extremely small incidence

of divorced or separated participants (n=7), these categories were analyzed as "single."

This division of the total sample into 4 groups by ethnicity and gender lead to a

relatively small number of respondents in any one group. Therefore, I rounded the results

to the nearest 5th percentile to emphasize the trends rather than to claim specific

percentages. This provides a more useful and valid representation of the findings. The use

of statistical analysis and the presentation of specific numbers often imply a misleading

precision and authority (Chambers, 1997). The more accurate story is the representation

of trends and relative size (which is the largest/smallest group, most/least important, etc).

Any response to these data would then be based on an understanding of the relative needs

of different groups.

Due to the relative isolation of these communities, inferences regarding external

factors such as extension and organizational services are only meaningful to the farming

population in those regions, although there may be some similarities to other "peripheral"

communities. On the other hand, these communities are similar to many in rural Trinidad

in their retention of distinct cultural norms. Therefore, some of the findings regarding

socio-cultural, socio-economic, and life stage variables may be reasonably inferred to

other farming communities.

Telling the Story (or Letting the Story Speak for Itself)

While adhering to the standard dissertation format, I have followed ethnographic

conventions in the writing of my chapters on methods and results. Although

ethnographers continually employ new writing styles in their quest for more accurate









modes of representation, there are several common ways of organizing ethnographic texts

(Glesne, 1999). I chose to arrange my text thematically, as it facilitated the most natural

integration of the qualitative and quantitative portions of my work. "The most frequently

used technique is organization by themes or topics. By analyzing the data, the researcher

generates a typology of concepts, gives them names (codes names) and then discusses

them one by one, illustrating with descriptive detail" from field notes and quotes (Glesne,

1999, p 166). This format allowed me to systematically analyze each objective while still

directly incorporating field notes throughout the text. Wolcott refers to this as a

"conceptually oriented" study1 the text is "constructed upon a conceptual framework,

with case data (field notes) playing an illustrative role" (Wolcott, 1990. p 29).

In using an analytical style of organization in the presentation of my findings, I

tried to keep my study accessible to readers more familiar with quantitative approaches.

At the same time, I endeavored to still honor the "emic" approach of anthropology "a

commitment to letting informants provide their own interpretations of meanings and

events" (Wolcott, 1990, p 18) by incorporating field notes throughout my analysis. In

keeping with the ethnographic tradition, which seeks to "represent the experiences and

perspectives of research participants" (Glesne, 1999, p 12), I included both observations

and quotations in the final text. This inclusion of field notes places the reader, to the

greatest extent possible, in the closest contact with the "voice" and experience of the

research participant.

Field notes and quotes are blocked, indented, and single-spaced to visually separate

them in time and place from the analytical text. Field notes are identified by the location

" As distinct from descriptively oriented studies, in which the main text is the narrative "story" and
interpretive analysis is only infrequently interjected.









(Toco, Cedros), ethnicity (Afro-Trindadian, Indo-Trinidadian) and gender of the farmers

(female farmer, male farmer, farm couple).

This interwoven narrative follows the tenets of critical ethnography, which

explicitly acknowledges "knowledge" as a source of power. In offering a "representation"

of a community or culture, an ethnographer "creates knowledge" about that particular

society. An ethnographer thus has an ethical responsibility to ensure that her / his

"representation" is understood as her/his interpretation of that particular interaction

between researcher and participants. While my selection of field notes represents a

"subtle" analysis (as contrasted with Wolcott's "intrusive analysis" of direct

interpretation), their inclusion in the final text allows the reader to see, if not reality, then

at least the reality that I perceived. My presence and influence is acknowledged by

writing in the first person, as recommended by qualitative convention (Wolcott, 1990;

Glesne, 1999). The juxtaposition of interpretive analysis and narrative "story" may be

unfamiliar to those grounded in quantitative research, which endeavors towards the

collection of "facts" without bias or influence. Critical ethnography, in contrast,

purposefully highlights "knowledge" as a creation of the researcher.

In accordance with this, I have interwoven field notes and direct quotations

throughout my analysis. I believe these are a vital part of my study for the following

reasons:

* In providing highly detailed and emic descriptions of farmers' lives and
livelihoods, I represented their realities and voices with as little interpretation as
possible.

* Previous studies have presented researchers' views of what farmers need and want.
However, most agricultural organizations admitted to weak links with farmers. One
of the major contributions of this work is to present a forum for farmers' voices.









* The inclusion of primary data allows readers to interact with this rich information
and make their own interpretations, which may or may not be in accordance with
my own.

Summary

I conducted a descriptive study integrating both qualitative and quantitative

methods. To identify how social variables influence farming systems in two ethnically

distinct communities, I used ethnographic techniques. I followed this with a quantitative

survey, to test the initial findings among the broader regional farming communities. To

explore the existing relationship between the agricultural support system and these

farming communities, I conducted informal interviews with farmers and observed

outreach activities. I used ATLAS-ti@ for qualitative analysis and SPSS@ was used for

quantitative analysis.















CHAPTER 4
INTRODUCTION TO THE OBJECTIVES, RESOURCES, CONSTRAINTS AND
ACTIVITIES (ORCA) FRAMEWORK

Introduction

In trying to understand agricultural systems in Trinidad, one must take into

consideration how social factors shape farmers' realities. To assume there is one typical

"cocoa farmer" with one set of practices is to ignore all the diversity that exists. The

choices that an individual farmer makes are the result of both internal and external

factors. The internal, socio-cultural, socio-economic, and life stage factors determine, in

large part, the objectives, resources and constraints of an individual farmer. These, in

combination with external resources and constraintsl2, result in a farmer's choice of

activity and method of undertaking that activity.

During the course of my study, it became evident that a framework was needed to

help describe this observed relationship between farmers' social variables and their

selection of agricultural activities. Unaware of any such existing framework, I developed

the ORCA (Objectives, Resources, Constraints, and Activities) framework to illustrate

this relationship. This chapter describes the framework, its origins, and its specific

application in my study.





12 External factors interact with internal social factors. Most farmers in Trinidad are constrained by the low
status of agriculture, as reflected in deteriorating agricultural access roads, lack of information services, etc.
However, the ability to cope with such external factors depends in large part on the individual farmer's
internal resources and constraints. External constraints and resources are described further in Chapter 2 in
the section entitled "Agricultural Context in Trinidad."









The following three chapters are organized around the findings from each step of

the ORCA framework. In Chapter 5, I discuss influential social variables in my two study

areas; in Chapter 6 I describe farmers' objectives, resources, constraints, and activities;

and in Chapter 7 I identify social recommendation domains and priority groups. Chapter

8 includes the beginnings of an action plan as well as a more general discussion of the

ORCA framework and its potential uses and benefits in other studies.

The ORCA Framework

The ORCA framework (Figure 4-1) shows the relationships between social factors

(socio-economic, socio-cultural, and life-stage variables) and agricultural activities.

Social factors such as gender, education, age and household composition affect an

individual's objectives, resources, and constraints. Objectives directly influence the

selection of agricultural activities. Resources expand the ability to meet objectives, as

illustrated by the upright triangle. Constraints, as represented by the inverted triangle,

constrict the ability to meet objectives. Considered together, objectives, resources, and

constraints determine, in large part, what a farmer selects to do, and how they decide to

do it. Farmers select crops that will help them achieve their personal objectives. The

particular techniques they use reflect their available resources and constraints

The ORCA framework can be used to systematically differentiate between groups

of farmers based on social characteristics. It can aid in identification of social

recommendation domains (SRDs), defined as groups of farmers that share influential

social characteristics and similar agricultural strategies. Each SRD has distinct objectives,

resources and constraints that affect 1) selection of livelihood activities and 2) ability to










SOCIAL FACTORS


Figure 4-1. The ORCA Framework


AGRICULTURAL ACTIVITIES









access and benefit from a particular agricultural technology. Therefore, it is crucial for

extension, research, and policy-makers to recognize and respond to these differences.

Origins of the Framework

The ORCA framework was developed in response to the observed socio-cultural

and socio-economic diversity in Trinidad farming communities. The initial intention was

to collect data on cropping activities in order to create an ethnographic linear program

(ELP). The ELP is a mathematical model that illustrates how household objectives,

resources, and constraints determine selection of livelihood activities. The model assumes

that production practices (input and output coefficients) for each activity are fairly

standard within an area (Hildebrand, 2001). However, field observations in Trinidad

revealed that this basic assumption was not valid in these communities. Not only was

there a tremendous diversity of agricultural activities, but production practices also varied

widely. Individual farmers cultivating the same crop used different types and levels of

inputs, substituting one for the other depending on their resources and constraints. For

instance, a farmer with limited cash-income might substitute more hand weeding for

herbicides. Another farmer, constrained in cash-income and labor, might purposefully

select a low labor crop and add no inputs. Cocoa, one of the most common crops, was

cultivated more or less intensively depending on a farmer's resource profile. Likewise,

although the Ministry of Agriculture recommends one standard method for post-harvest

processing of cocoa, farmers' actual techniques ranged from minimally to highly

managed. These varying production practices in turn led to huge differences in yield

quantity and quality.

Therefore, it was felt that modeling "standard" activities would not, in this case, be

representative of the reality of a diverse farming population. To accurately incorporate









this diversity into the ELP, each of the different means of producing a particular crop

would have to be considered a separate activity. However, to model all these variations

would lead to a much larger matrix, beyond what was practically useful in this situation.

Therefore, the ORCA framework was developed in its stead, to retain the main concepts

of the ELP and also incorporate the diversity of Trinidad's farming systems. As it was

observed that many of the differences in objectives, resources, and constraints were

linked to socio-cultural, socio-economic, and life-stage variables, the ORCA framework

aimed to show how these social factors influence selection of agricultural and livelihood

activities. Use of the ORCA framework and development of social recommendation

domains provides a useful alternative to the ELP in socially diverse situations, creating a

variant of the methodology for farming systems research and extension (Figure 4-2).

Social Recommendation Domains

The ORCA framework uses the concept of recommendation domains introduced in

farming systems methodology. Byerlee et al. defined a recommendation domain as "a

group of roughly homogeneous farmers with similar circumstances for whom we can

make more or less the same recommendation" (as cited in Norman, 1986). Shaner et al

clarify the utility of the recommendation domain: "the underlying assumption is that the

farmers of households within the same recommendation domains will have similar

responses to proposed technologies" (as cited in Norman, 1986).








Farmers' social identity


Socio- Life-
cultural stage


Validation Participatory
Testing 1I
methods
alternatives mth



4d / ORCA
framework

Figure 4-2. Farming systems research and extension methodology using the ORCA framework for development of social
recommendation domains..
Modified from Hildebrand's model of farming systems research and extension methodology using linear programming









The ORCA is distinct from earlier conceptions of recommendation domains in that

it focuses primarily on internal socio-economic, socio-cultural, and life-stage factors

versus external economic and agro-ecological systems. The need to consider social

criteria has been debated since the first conceptualization of the recommendation domain.

It was recognized that differences in women's agricultural activity... "are largely the

result of cultural variations whose dominant mode of expression may be religious or

ethnic or some combination of the two. What is important is that when a certain portion

or sub-portion of the population of an area shares a particular cultural orientation, it is

possible to make certain assumptions about the kinds of roles women are likely to assume

within an agricultural setting... In culturally complex settings, it is important to specify

the cultural group or groups to which a recommendation domain applies. This should

help clarify and explain what otherwise might be unanticipated responses to a

recommended technology" (Alberti, 1988, p. 65).

In a specific situation there will usually be many influential social factors,

including socio-cultural, socio-economic, and life stage variables. "Real life situations

rarely fall into compartments that vary so neatly along a single dimension. Rather,

multiple variables combine and fuse, whether systematically or erratically, resulting in

ever more complex relationships" (Alberti, 1988, p. 68). A recommendation domain is

never an exact science, as it is a combination of many factors. However, it aims to

identify the most influential factors.

Life Stage Dynamics

The addition of social factors to recommendation domains requires that the ORCA

framework account for the dynamic nature of these variables. One household, indeed one

individual, will pass through different social stages over the course of a lifetime. The