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Child Fosterage in the Dominican Republic: A Comparative Analysis of Child Living Conditions

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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0015411/00001

Material Information

Title: Child Fosterage in the Dominican Republic: A Comparative Analysis of Child Living Conditions
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Copyright Date: 2008

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Material Information

Title: Child Fosterage in the Dominican Republic: A Comparative Analysis of Child Living Conditions
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Copyright Date: 2008

Record Information

Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
System ID: UFE0015411:00001


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CHILD FOSTERAGE INT THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A COMPARATIVE
ANALYSIS OF CHILD LIVING CONDITIONS














By

TESS MARIE KULSTAD GONZALEZ


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2006

































Copyright 2006

by

Tess Marie Kulstad Gonzalez






























To my Papi, Bob Kulstad, whose life continues to inspire and be the source of
tremendous pride.
















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

First and foremost, I extend sincere gratitude to the children, mothers, fathers and

grandparents who provided me with their time, voice and story. I have written this work

so that their reality is revealed and understood.

The j ourney of this study has been one of academic and personal development.

Without the guidance of my committee, Dr. Gerald Murray, Dr. Charles H. Wood, Dr.

Efrain Barradas and Dr. Paul Magnarella, this journey would have been less meaningful.

I am indebted to Professor Murray for introducing this proj ect to me and providing me

with the counsel to rediscover and explore the Dominican Republic. Since the beginning

of my studies at the Center for Latin American studies, Dr. Wood has been a significant

contributor to my academic development. His guidance has provided me the challenge to

reach the highest standards and aim to become an academic writer and thinker.

With great appreciation I thank the Center for Latin American Studies for

providing me with the Interdisciplinary Field Research Grant. This funding made this

study possible. I hope this thesis is a positive reflection of the trust granted to pursue

research.

Finally, I would like to thank my family for all they have done to help me reach

this dream. In particular, I would like to thank my parents, Bob and Norma, for teaching

me to love and pursue knowledge. Lastly, I would like to thank my husband, Matthew,

for his patience, companionship, and insight throughout this fabulous, yet challenging

journey.


















TABLE OF CONTENTS


page

ACKNOWLEDGMENT S .............. .................... iv


LI ST OF T ABLE S ............ ...... .___ .............._ viii..

AB STRAC T ................ .............. ix


CHAPTER


1 INTRODUCTION: FROM ORNITHOLOGIST TO ANTHROPOLOGIST, A
PERSONAL JOURNEY .............. ...............1.....


Child Fosterage as a Topic of Inquiry ............__......___ ..... ................4
Why Do Parents Give Up or Take In Children? ....._____ ..... ..___ ..............6
Challenges to Traditional Family Models ....._____ .........__ ........._.....6
Cinderella Effect .............. ...............7.....
Fosterage as Child Labor................ ...............8.
Methodological Approaches............... ...............
Quantitative Approaches .............. ...............9.....
Combined Approaches .............. ...............10....
Qualitative Approaches .............. .......___ .....___ ............1
Research Design and Methodological Choices .............. ...............12....
M ethod s ............... ...... ............... 13....
Participant Selection............... ...............1
Operational Definitions.............. .... ...._ ........ ............... 1
The Realities of Fieldwork- Reconsidering Interview Strategies ............... ..............17
Interviewing Children............... ...............19
Research Sites .............. ...............20....
Data Analysis .............. ...............20....
Conclusion ............ ...... ...............20...

2 "LENDING" CHILDREN VS "GIVING AWAY" CHILDREN: THE
OUTLINES OF DOMINICAN CHILD RELOCATION............... ...............2

Loans vs. Gifts- Child Relocation Modalities .............. .... ...... ..... ............2
"Prestadott~~~~~ttttt~~~~ or "Lent" Children- Temporary Parental Guardianship
Transfers .............. .... ... .. .... ... ..........2
Presttttttttttttttttta do Fosterage in a Global Perspective .................. .... .......... ...........29
Regalado or Given Away- Permanent Parental Guardianship Transfers.....29
Similarities ................. ...............32......__ _.....












Foster Parent Responsibilities .............. ...............32....
Foster Parent/Child Bond .............. ...............38....
The Language of Fosterage .........._...._ ... ......_ ...... ...._..._ .............3
Modes of Incorporation Into Dominican Homes: Trabajadorass Versus
Hifos de crianza ........._..... ........ ._._ .. ...............40..
Analytically Borderline Cases of Labor Exchange. .........._.. ...............45
Conclusion ........._._ ...... __ ...............51....


3 EXCHANGE OF COSTS AND BENEFITS: RIGHTS AND DUTIES INT THE
DOMINICAN CHILD RELOCATION SYSTEM .............. ...............52....


Physical Needs: Food, Clothing, Shoes and an Education ................ ................ ..52
Education............... ...............5
Schooling............... ...............5
Non-Academic Training.................. ..............5
Non-Academic Training for Daughters ................. ................. ........ 57
Non-Academic Training-Sons..................... .... .... ...........5
Exchange of Costs and Benefits: What are the Children Required to Do? ................59
Childrearing Benefits: Labor and Forthcoming Love .............. ....................6
Forthcoming Love ...............__....... ....._ ...... ... ... ..... .... ........6
Prestttttttttttttttttado vs. Regalad: Partitioning Childrearing Rights and Obligations ...............63
Presttttttttttttttttta do Parental R ights ................ ......... ..... .. ..... .......6
Evaluating the Childrearing Process- The Hifo de Crianza Supervisory
Process ...................... .. .. .. ............... .... .......6
Visitation- Child Protection and Links to Biological Roots ........................64
Vi sitati on Protocol ............... .... .. ...._._. ......_.._ .......... .......6
Visitation in Regalad Arrangements- Exceptions to the Rules..................67
Termination- Ending the Fosterage Agreement............._._. ............_._. .....70
Termination in Regalad Agreements?- Exceptions to the Rule .................71
Kinship and Civil Identity- "Papeles"~\` or "Papers" .................. ...............72
Conclusion ......_. ................ ........_.._.........72


4 WHY DO PEOPLE GIVE UP OR TAKE IN CHILDREN? .................. ...............74


Altruism or Self- Interest: Questions About Human Nature .............. ....................77
Crisis Fosterage .............. ...............8 1....
Fam ily Crisis .............. ...............82....
Death of Parent............... ...............82
Divorce or Separation............... ...............8
Domestic Violence .............. ...............89....
Economic Crisis................ .. ...............9
Alliance and Apprentice Fosterage .............. ...............91....
Affective Fostering ........._..... ...._... ...............91.....
Infertility Fosterage .............. ...............92....
Domestic Labor Fostering ................. ....._.._ ...............92......
Social Networks- The Binding Element .........._.._. ......__ ...........__......93
Conclusion ........._._ ...... __ ...............94....












5 CARIBBEAN CINDERELLAS ................. ...............97........... ....


Biological Versus Hifos de Crianza Living Conditions ........._. ...... ..._._..........99
Schooling .........._......... .. .. ._. ........... ............10
Domestic Labor- Work Load and Duties .............. ...............109....

Sleeping Arrangements ........._.. ....___........_. .. ..........1
Affe cti on ........._..... ..... __ ...............116...
Health Care ............. ...... ._ ...............121....
Nourishment ............. ...... __ ...............123...
Sexual Abuse ............. ...... ._ ............... 124...
Conclusion ............... .. ...... ... ...............128.

Why Differential Treatment? ............ ...............133.....

6 BI-ETHNIC FOSTERAGE ............. .....__ ....._ ............3


Life Along the Haitian-Dominican Border ................. ........... ........ .......... .....139
Transnationalism Along the Haitian-Dominican Border? .............. ... .........._..144

Why are Dominican Families Fostering Haitian Children? .......................144
Is Bi-Ethnic Fosterage a Novel Phenomenon? .........._..._ ........._.._. .....146
Haitian Foster Child Living Conditions .............. ...............149....
Papeles .............. ...............151....
Conclusion ........._ ........_. ...............152...


7 CONCLUSION................ ..............15


REFERENCES .............. ...............163....


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ........._. ........_. ...............166...

















LIST OF TABLES

Table pg

1-1 Living Conditions Indicator ................ ...._.._ ...............15. ....

4-1 Dominican child fosterage taxonomy. ............. ...............81.....
















Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

CHILD FOSTERAGE INT THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A COMPARATIVE
ANALYSIS OF CHILD LIVING CONDITIONS

By

Tess Marie Kulstad Gonzalez

August 2006

Chair: Gerald F. Murray
Maj or Department: Latin American Studies

Child fosterage, the voluntary practice of giving up offspring to be raised by other

families, is a common practice in both Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Parents in

both countries give up and/or take in children in an extra-legal arrangement that requires

that receiving parents provide the child with food, clothing, shelter and, above all,

schooling. In exchange, the child is usually expected to perform varying domestic labor

tasks in the new home. Despite the widespread nature of having hijos or hijas de crianza,

as the practice is commonly referred to in the Dominican Republic, very little is known

about it. Moreover, even less is known of an increasingly frequent modality in which

Haitian children are placed with Dominican families in the Dominican Republic. Given

the historically troubled relationship between Haiti and the Dominican Republic, I

hypothesized that Haitian foster children living in Dominican foster homes would enj oy

less favorable living conditions than Dominican foster children living in Dominican









foster homes. In addition, I examined whether foster children, regardless of their

ethnicity, enjoyed less favorable living conditions than biological children.

I adopted a "systems analysis" approach to study the Dominican child fosterage

system. Fifty-five semi-structured interviews, multiple observations and one focus group

were carried out from June through July 2004 in the towns of Loma de Cabrera, Daj ab6n,

Restauraci6n, San Jose de Ocoa, Yamasa and Santo Domingo. The sample was selected

using the snowball sampling effect. Two comparative axes were used to guide the

analysis. First, the situation of Haitian foster children- their work schedules, living

circumstances, and educational opportunities-were compared to those of Dominican

foster children. Second, the situation of foster children as a group was compared to those

of biological children. Interviews were transcribed and translated into English and

themes and categories identified and analyzed.

Research findings reveal the existence of two distinct child relocation modalities-

prestttttttttttttttttado or lent and regalad or given away. Moreover, data suggest the existence of a

foster child living conditions continuum: (1) foster children and biological children are

treated equally; (2) foster children receive differential, yet adequate and better living

conditions than they would enj oy in their biological home; and (3) foster children are

treated inhumanely. Research findings suggest that (1) and (2) are the most prevalent

scenarios. This is supported by the existence of a strong cultural ideal that foster children

should be treated in the same manner as biological children in the foster home. In

regards to the Haitian foster children, no differences were observed in their living

conditions when compared to those of Dominican foster children.















CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION: FROM ORNITHOLOGIST TO ANTHROPOLOGIST, A
PERSONAL JOURNEY

Although I am currently enthralled by the topic of child fosterage practices in the

Dominican Republic, I did not originally intend it to be the subj ect matter of my master' s

thesis research. When I first arrived at the University of Florida in the fall of 2003, I was

a Tropical Conservation and Development student determined to study ethno-

ornithological knowledge in the Dominican Republic, my native country. Both my

husband and I are avid birdwatchers. By gathering data regarding local avian knowledge,

I hoped to contribute to the bird conservation efforts of local environmental

organizations. Yet, despite the fact that my personal commitment to avian conservation

has never waned, my research interests took an unforeseen and radical shift. It was

during my Anthropology of the Caribbean class that my attention was unexpectedly

drawn to what would eventually become my thesis topic.

One day, Dr. Gerald Murray, my Anthropology of the Caribbean professor,

revealed that he had just been commissioned to investigate recent allegations of Haitian

child trafficking across the Haiti-Dominican Republic border. According to these claims,

Haitian children were being smuggled into the Dominican Republic and forced to work

as domestic servants in Dominican homes. It was Dr. Murray's task to determine the

veracity of these appalling claims. As a native of the Dominican Republic, I was, at first,

embarrassed and hurt by these allegations. It was difficult to listen to such statements, as

they were detrimental to my feelings of national pride. In addition, I must admit that I









was angered at what seemed yet another international vilification of Dominicans and

victimization of Haitians. However, as Dr. Murray elaborated on the nature of what was

to be his next research endeavor, I experienced an epiphany of sorts. Haitian children, Dr.

Murray explained, were provided with food, clothing, shelter and schooling while living

in Dominican homes. In exchange, the children were required to carry out multiple

domestic chores. As some of my fellow classmates brought up such controversial issues

as child slavery, it dawned on me that these children were probably hijos or hya~s de

crianza or foster children, something I was very familiar with growing up and living in

the Dominican Republic. These children, I announced to the class, were possibly

involved in an arrangement that is quite common throughout the country. Dominican

parents will often place their children with other families in arrangements very similar to

what these Haitian children were experiencing. My comments elicited a very lively and

rich discussion regarding family systems, Haitian-Dominican relations, the definition of

slavery, among many other related topics.

Once the session drew to an end and I was walking out of the classroom, Dr.

Murray requested that I stay behind for a few minutes. After inquiring about my

Christmas travel plans, he asked whether I would be interested in conducting interviews

for him while I was visiting my family in Santo Domingo. Needless to say, I accepted.

We subsequently met to discuss and prepare my interview questions. Dr. Murray wanted

me to gather information regarding the hijo or hya~ de crianza arrangement I had

mentioned in class, as well as inquire about Haitian child domestic labor use.

Upon my arrival to Santo Domingo, I immediately initiated my inquiries. I

interviewed multiple people, including members of my family, neighbors and friends. I









also interviewed members of my husband's Peace Corps host family in a small mountain

hamlet on the southern part of the island. Before long, I realized that I had stumbled upon

the most fascinating issue possible. Not only did I discover that child relocation is a

common and widespread practice that transcends social class, but I also learned that it

operates systematically, in accordance to defined rules and norms. It requires that parents

provide food, clothing, shelter and schooling in exchange for labor on the part of the

child. The decision to relocate children, I would also leamn, is not a haphazard one.

Parents base their childrearing decisions on diverse motivating factors, with the child's

well-being being the ultimate goal. However, receiving parents, I was told, do not

always provide hijos de crianza with the quality of care they provide their biological

offspring. "Por mas que quieran decir que los tratan iguales, no es verdad,"ord~~~~~ddddd~~~~ "no

matter how much they want to say that they treat them the equally, it is not true," an

informant told me.l

Does differential childrearing occur? Are hijos de crianza in effect child domestic

laborers veiled in kinship terminology? What does this arrangement mean for Haitian

children? At that point, there was no turning back. Trying to answer these and many

other questions became somewhat of an obsession. My research topic had found me.

This thesis is about the Dominican practice of placing offspring outside the biological

home. It is about parenting and childrearing strategies. But most importantly, it is about

parents trying to find better lives for their children.

As I embarked upon a brand- new research topic, I discovered that child relocation

practices are not exclusive to the Dominican Republic. In fact, child fosterage practices


SAll translations are mine unless otherwise noted.









has been studied in various regions of the world and has been approached from several

theoretical perspectives.

Child Fosterage as a Topic of Inquiry

Child fosterage is the topic of several studies conducted in various regions of the

world. Most research efforts have examined the practice of relocating children from the

biological to the foster home as it occurs in West Africa (Alber, 2003, 2004; Bass, 2004;

Bledsoe & Isiugo-Abanihe, 1989; Desai, 1992, 1995; Eloundou-Enyegue & Stokes, 2002;

Goody, 1973; Isiugo-Abanihe, 1985; Page, 1989; Silk, 1987; Zimmerman, 2003) where it

"seems to be more common than in other parts of the world" (Alber, 2003, p. 487).

However, as I reviewed the available literature, I learned that child fosterage is practiced

throughout other areas of the globe and has been the subj ect of direct or indirect inquiry

in areas as diverse as Indonesia, Brazil, sub-Saharan Africa, and the Caribbean (Desai,

1992, 1995; Fog Olwig, 1999; International Labor Organization International Programme

on the Elimination of Child Labour [IPEC] 2003; Schrauwers 1999; Smucker & Murray,

2004). In regards to Hispaniolan practices, only the Haitian modality has received close

attention (Cadet, 1998; International Labor Organization International Programme on the

Elimination of Child Labour [IPEC], 2003; Smucker & Murray, 2004). However, despite

the fact that 14% of children under the age of 15 in the Dominican Republic do not live

with either biological parent (Centro de Estudios Sociales y Demograficos [CESDM],

2003), the practice has only received minimal attention. Only recently has it been the

topic of investigation (International Labor Organization International Programme on the

Elimination of Child Labour 2003; Smucker & Murray, 2004). Thus, much is yet to be

known about Dominican child fosterage.









As I reviewed the available child fosterage literature, several themes stood out.

The first had to do with the perspective author' s adopt in explaining the practice. Most

authors approached child relocation practices from a functionalist perspective. The

underlying assumption is that childrearing activities are universal. Parents throughout the

globe nurture, provide kinship identity, prepare children for an adult role and sponsor

children into the adult community, regardless of whether fosterage is carried out (Goody,

1973). However, in societies where fosterage is prevalent these activities are not

ascribed, that is, they are not tied to biological relationships. Rather, these roles are

bargained, exchanged and transferred to other individuals. Thus, to explain fosterage,

authors deconstruct parental and child roles into functional components in order to

analyze the manner in which parents exchange family or kinship roles. Fosterage, for

authors in this theoretical camp, is transactional in nature. Child relocation arrangements

involve the complete or partial exchange and/or transmission of the universal essentials

of social reproduction between different parties.

In broader terms, functionalist authors have approached fosterage from the

perspective of the various societal functions it fulfills (Desai, 1992; Eloundou-Enyengue

& Stokes, 2002; Zimmerman, 2003). For instance, fosterage is essential for the easement

of child-bearing costs as well as for subsidizing population growth. West African

parents, for instance, distribute childrearing burdens by placing offspring in other homes.

Similarly, fosterage practices diminish the child's risk of not attending school by

relocating children from rural areas with low school availability to more urban locations

with increased schooling opportunities (Desai, 1992; Eloundou-Enyengue & Stokes,

2002).









However, other authors challenge the functionalist approach. Alber (2003), for

instance, asserts that these perspectives assume that individuals carry out fosterage

negotiations with the conscious intent of fulfilling these societal functions when in fact

they are inherent to a particular parenting and family worldview. While the functionalist

approach is useful, fosterage needs to be studied nomothetically in order to understand

the practice as it is conceived by the practitioners themselves, Alber claims.

Consequently, he calls for an etic approach to the study of the practice.

Why Do Parents Give Up or Take In Children?

Another salient theme in the fosterage literature is the focus on understanding why

parents give up or take in other people's children (Isiugo-Abanihe, 1985; Silk, 1987).

Goody (1982) notes that parents in fosterage societies do not give their children to others

simply because they are devoid of emotional ties with biological offspring. In fact, Gonja

fosterage practices are firmly anchored in a kinship system that places great value on

parent and child duties, as well as on kinship. Parents in fosterage societies give up and

take in children for a variety of reasons and respond to many motivating factors. Goody

(1982) and later Page (1989)and Isiugo-Abanihe (1985) identified kinship, crisis,

alliance and apprentice, domestic, companionship, emotional support and educational

fostering as some of the reasons behind the fosterage decision.

Challenges to Traditional Family Models

The need to incorporate and consider child fosterage practices into research and

policy design is another key argument in the literature. Despite its prevalence and

relevance, child fosterage has not received sufficient attention, particularly in

demographic studies. For instance, Desai (1995) questions the traditional underlying

assumptions that claim that "parental resources available for children's consumption are









more or less fixed" (p. 195) and assume that the nuclear family structure is prevalent

throughout the world. Alber (2003) defends fosterage against the "common Euro-

American ideas about kinship" (p. 488). "Family structure must be treated as a social

outcome, as well as a biological one," Page asserts (1989, p. 444).

Cinderella Effect

Another identifiable theme in the fosterage literature is the concern for child

differential treatment or the "Cinderella" effect, as Zimmerman (2003) puts it. Silk

(1987) addresses the issue by placing the kin selection and reciprocal altruism theory to

the test by examining West African fosterage practices. The kin selection and reciprocal

altruism theory are supported by the ample evidence of differential treatment, Silk

concludes. Zimmerman (2003), on the other hand, concludes that differential treatment in

regards to school attendance does not prevail among black South African foster children.

In fact, fosterage reduces "the risk of not attending school by up to 22 percent" (p. 558).

In regards to abusive differential treatment in Haitian fosterage arrangements, Jean-

Robert Cadet' s (1998) autobiographical work Restavek: From Haitian Slave Child to

M~iddle-Cla~ss American contributed significantly in calling attention to this abusive form

of fosterage and child labor. Smucker and Murray (2004) address the fosterage and

restavek2 issue as well in their study of Haitian child trafficking into the Dominican

Republic. They question whether Haitian children are being subjected to similar abusive

living conditions while in Dominican homes. Although differential and abusive

treatment is present in Haitian fosterage, the prevailing pattern in the Dominican

Republic is that of equitable or differential, yet humane treatment.


2 Restavek is the Haitian Creole term used to refer to patently abusive fosterage arrangements. The benign
form is called rete kay moun.









Fosterage as Child Labor

Finally, authors have approached the topic of child fosterage within the context of

child labor. Bass (2004) briefly describes fosterage practices through the child labor lens

in her work Child Labor in Sub-Salharan Afr~ica. Child fosterage is a fundamental

component of Sub-Saharan Africa's family system. Sending and receiving parents, Bass

concludes, do not perceive the work foster children are required to carry out as labor per

se. In fact, it is perceived as an integral component of their upbringing. Smucker and

Murray (2004) adopt a similar approach in their study of Haitian child trafficking. They

examine child fosterage practices and child labor within the context of the Dominican

and Haitian family systems.

The International Labor Organization Programme on the Elimination of Child

Labour' s 2003 study on Dominican child fosterage practices adopts a less nuanced and

more prescriptive approach. Child fosterage in the Dominican Republic is viewed from a

pathological perspective. The ILO claims that parents that take children into their homes

are in fact using kinship terms to disguise child domestic labor arrangements. Amongst

their recommendations is the inclusion of child fosterage in the list of one of the worst

forms of child labor and the creation of an educational campaign to discourage child

relocation.

Methodological Approaches

In regards to methodological approaches, child fosterage has been approached from

several methodological perspectives and in response to diverse research questions.

Authors approach the child fosterage topic from both ends of the qualitative-quantitative

methodological continuum.









Quantitative Approaches

Isiugo-Abanihe (1985), Page (1989), and Zimmerman (2003) selected an

exclusively quantitative research method approach for their works. In "Child fosterage in

West Africa," Isiugo-Abanihe (1985) calls for an inclusion of child fosterage practices

into demographic studies. Using the 1971 Supplementary Enquiry of the 1970 census of

Ghana, Isiugo-Abanihe attempts to provide empirical data to support the available

anthropological literature. Although the data set did not directly inquire about fosterage

practices, Isiugo-Abanihe was able to determine mother-child associations through the

use of multiple statistical methods. In this fashion, Isiugo-Abanihe provides descriptive

data such as a child's sex, age and rural-urban residence to empirically support the

available anthropological literature regarding the motivations to give up or take in

children. Similarly, Isiugo-Abanihe explores several maternal characteristics such as a

woman's age and education that might be influential in the decision to relocate children.

Similarly, Page (1989) relies on quantitative data to highlight the need to

incorporate child fosterage practices into demographic studies, particularly in regards to

those that deal with sub-Saharan African fertility. Page uses the World Fertility Survey

data which included both an Individual as well as a Household questionnaire. Contrary

to the data available to Isiugo-Abanihe (1985), Page's data did not require the complex

statistical measures to perform mother-child linking.

In "Cinderella Goes to School: The Effects of Child Fostering on School

Enrollment in South Africa," Zimmerman (2003) chooses exclusively quantitative

approaches to put previous qualitative studies to an empirical test. Specifically,

Zimmerman uses the 1993 South African Proj ect for Statistics on Living Standards and










Development to test whether or not the Cinderella effect, in effect, occurs among black

children.

Combined Approaches

Other authors selected a combined approach, that is, one that incorporates both

quantitative and qualitative methodologies, to answer fosterage-related research

questions. First, Bledsoe and Isiugo-Abanihe (1989) carried out interviews, participant

observation, as well as a quantitative survey of 154 homes among the Mende in Sierra

Leone. As other fosterage scholars at the time, Bledsoe and Isiugo-Abanihe were

interested in incorporating the child fosterage topic into demographic studies as well as

challenging the prevalent notions regarding parenting and fertility decision-making in

Africa.

In "Will Economic Crises in Africa Weaken Rural-Urban Ties? Insights from Child

Fosterage Trends in Cameroon," Eloundou-Enyengue and Stokes (2002) also employ

quantitative and qualitative data. They were interested in determining how variations in

economic prosperity in Africa affects rural to urban fosterage practices. To test this

hypothesis, the authors administered surveys to 812 randomly selected households in

Cameroon to female heads of households or to a randomly selected wife in polygynous

homes. In their survey, Eloundou-Enyengue and Stokes incorporate "a life-history

calendar" (p. 284) to record informant's "key demographic events" (p. 284). In addition,

they carried out thirteen focus groups to document informant's own perceptions on the

effects economic crises have had on fosterage practices.

In order to document the socio-demographic characteristics and prevalent attitudes

towards fosterage, the International Labor Organization's (2003) study used snowball

sampling to select its informants and carried out seventy in-depth, semi-structured









interviews, one focus group among adult domestic workers and another involving the

biological parents of child domestic laborers.

Alber (2003) relied on both qualitative and quantitative methods in his work

"Denying biological parenthood: Fosterage in Northern Benin" and in "Grandparents as

foster-parents: Transformations in foster relations between grandparents and

grandchildren in Northern Benin" (2004). Alber carried out quantitative surveys among

65 Baatombu people in order to obtain information on "their lives, family structure,

children and other data" (2004, p. 32). In-depth interviews and observations were carried

out in order to gather data to construct an emic perspective of social parenthood in

Northern Benin.

Qualitative Approaches

At the other end of the methodological continuum lie works that exclusively

employ qualitative research methods. Fog Olwig (1999), for instance, elicited life stories

from her informants to document experiences of children left with family members by

migrating parents. In doing so, Fog Olwig obtained "some data on the life courses that

people have lived; the socio-cultural order which they wish to establish in their life

stories, and their own particular understanding of themselves in this order" (p. 269). This

method, Fog Olwig asserts, provided her with "rich qualitative data on particular

individual's perspectives on life and their cultural values and social norms" (p. 269).

Schrauwers (1999), on the other hand, employed ethnographic methods to explore the

political economy of parental negotiation in central Sulawesi, Indonesia.

Finally and perhaps most importantly, is Smucker and Murray's 2004 study of

Haitian child trafficking between Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Although they

acknowledge the need for quantitative approaches, the authors believe their research










goals were best served through qualitative field work. The existing paucity of data

regarding child domestic labor in Haiti and in the Dominican Republic required that they

conduct preliminary qualitative work to establish the pertinent variables that require

quantification. Smucker and Murray undertook a "systems analysis rather than a

hypothesis testing" (p. 5) approach in order to identify the components, as well as the

structures of a system that incorporates Haitian children as domestic laborers. Funding

and timing limitations were also maj or influential factors in Smucker and Murray's

methodological decisions.

Research Design and Methodological Choices

Given my particular situation, I conceptualized my research proj ect as a pilot study

to assess the feasibility of securing cooperation and consent in foster households for

carrying out research on a potentially sensitive topic. As Smucker and Murray (2004)

had done, I chose to adopt "systems analysis" (p. 5) approach to study the Dominican

child fosterage system. I chose to employ qualitative research methods to carry out an in

depth analysis of the operation of the child relocation system in operation. Like these

authors, I chose to focus on the operation of the fosterage system, identifying "the human

actors, material components, and flow circuits that make up the system" (p. 6). In

addition, I chose to pay close attention to the underlying reasons behind the parental

decision making process of giving up or taking in a child.

It was also my aim to determine the appropriate and relevant variables to be probed

in future research projects. Consequently, my study would be comparative in its focus,

yet qualitative in its methodology. I established two comparative axes to guide my

research and analysis:










* Foster children's living conditions as a group were compared to the living
conditions of biological children.

* The living conditions of Haitian foster children were compared to those of
Dominican foster children.

Consequently, I established the following research hypotheses:

* H1. As a group, foster children living with Dominican families will enj oy less
favorable living conditions than those of biological children.

* H2. As a group, Haitian foster children living with Dominican families will enj oy
less favorable living conditions than those of biological children.

Methods

In making my methodological choices, several questions surfaced. First, what was

the best way of gathering data given the delicate nature of my topic? How was I going to

get strangers to speak to me about this matter? What was the best way to minimize my

risk of having incomplete and/ or unreliable data (Bernard, 2002, p. 334)? Additionally,

what was the best way of reducing reactivity, that is, "people changing their behavior

when they know they are being studied" (p. 334)? Ideally, I would have a year at my

chosen sight to develop trust and rapport with informants. Unfortunately, I only had six

weeks.

After considering my limitations as well as the previous literature on the topic, I

selected three qualitative research methods for my project. First, I would conduct semi-

structure interviews using a previously constructed interview guide. This method seemed

best, since I would probably only have one time to interview each informant. Semi-

structured interviewing would allow me to make the most efficient use of my time.

Second, I would carry out focus groups with homogeneous members as a way to

supplement the information I gathered in the interviews (Bernard, 2002). Finally, I









would conduct participant observation in each foster home to gain firsthand knowledge of

child living conditions.

Participant Selection

I would select three types of informants to gather my data. First, I would contact

and interview relevant community members, such as school teachers, school counselors,

Peace Corps volunteers and members of the clergy. These individuals would be my

secondary informants. Although they might not be, at the time, involved in fosterage

arrangements, they might still be able to provide me with significant information

regarding past and current practices in their communities. Additionally, it was my hope

that these informants would connect me to individuals that were currently involved in

fosterage arrangements in one way or the other. Secondly, I hoped to gather information

from retrospective primary informants. These were adults who were formerly involved

in fosterage arrangements, whether they were former children themselves, foster siblings,

or sending or receiving parents. Finally, I intended to interview current primary

informants, that is, foster children, their biological and foster parents and siblings, that

were currently and directly involved in a fosterage arrangement. I would rely on the

snowball sampling effect to gain access to my informants. I would conduct my

interviews in Spanish and I would use an interpreter for interviews in Haitian Creole.

Finally, I would give school supplies to the children as a token of appreciation for their

time.

Operational Definitions

It was of central importance that I operationalize several key concepts prior to

conducting fieldwork. First, I needed to define the basis of my comparative analysis-

child living conditions. Table 1 summarizes the factors that make up this measure. To












construct my child living conditions variable, l used Goody's (as cited in Page, 1989)


universal elements of social reproduction to guide my conceptualization- provision of


civil and kinship identity status, nurturance, training for an adult role and sponsorship


into the adult community. By examining the presence or absence of these universal


components or the degree to which parents fulfilled these roles, I would be able to gauge


the child's living condition, as well as get a sense as to the degree parents fulfilled their


parental responsibilities Nonetheless, given the limited amount of resources and time, I


chose to focus on nurturance and training as the key indicators of my index. The final


component- sponsorship into the adult role- would only be relevant for secondary


primary informants, that is, for former foster children that have already reached


adulthood.


Table 1-1. Living Conditions Indicator
Social Reproduction Element Indicator
A. Nurturance
1. Physical needs
Nourishment Quality as compared to other members of the household;
composition, frequency of meals; quality of ingredients
Clothing Quality of clothing
Sleeping arrangements Physical location of bedroom within the household


Quality of the bed
Sleeps alone or shares a bed
Presence of comfort items mosquito net, fan, air condition
Overall quality of sleeping arrangement
Private vs. public health care- clinic vs. public hospital
Medicine purchases similar to the rest of the household
Overall appearance of child health
Play opportunities; type of play opportunities; presence of toys

Use of kinship terminology
Participates in family activities
Physical displays of affection
Verbal displays of affection- use of affective terms.

Public vs. private
More vs less expensive school
Quality of school
School supplies
Nature of training received

Type of labor required
Quantity (number of hours)


Health care


Recreation
2. Emotional needs
Incorporation into foster household

Affective relationship

B. Training
Academic training-schooling



Non-academic training
C. Child responsibilities
Domestic labor requirements









As Panel A in Table 1 reveals, the nurturance element of social reproduction is

made up of two components, the first of which is the provision of a child' s physical

needs. For this measure, I would look at nourishment levels, clothing, sleeping

arrangements, health care, and recreation. The specific indicators for each category are

provided in panel B. The second component is the satisfaction of a child's emotional

needs. Although there is no substitute for extended periods of time to determine whether

or not a child is getting his or her emotional needs fulfilled, I believe it was important to

notice the nature of the affective relationship between parents and children as well as the

employment of kinship terminology.

The second social reproduction component I would be paying close attention was

that of training into an adult role. In their study, Smucker and Murray (2004) point out

that the provision of schooling is a critical aspect in the Dominican fosterage system.

"There is a strong emphasis on the obligation of receiving households to send relocated

children to school," the authors state (p. 82). Thus, I would pay close attention to this

element. The indicators of this component are also specified in Table 1. In addition, I

would observe whether children received other forms of non-academic training.

Finally, of particular relevance to my living condition variable are the child's work

schedules in the foster home. I would attempt to gather information on the types of work

a child has to perform, as well as the amount that is required.

Who is an Hijo(a) de Crianza?

Of crucial importance to my study was that I designate who I would consider an

hijo de crianza or a foster child. In her work, Goody (1973) does so by establishing that

fosterage does not involve a permanent termination or relinquishing of the "rights or









duties in order to assume a new set, no change in the kinship terms between the people

involved, and no permanent change of status in any sense" (p. 181). Thus, to Goody, a

foster child is a child being raised by another family but that still retains their biological

parent's legal identity. Smucker and Murray (2004), on the other hand, conceptualize the

practice in broader terms, that is, as the placement of children outside the biological

home. The International Labor Organization (2003), however, does not establish a clear-

cut definition. They approach the issue in terms of whether or not children are

performing domestic labor in what they call "hogares de terceros (p. 15) or third party

homes, that is, in homes where neither one of their biological parents reside.

Given the lack of in depth information regarding the Dominican child fosterage

system and the exploratory nature of my proj ect, I decided to start out by defining a foster

child as someone that is not being raised by either one of the biological parents. My

sample would include children from ages 10 to 18 years of age.

The Realities of Fieldwork- Reconsidering Interview Strategies

Despite all my pre-fieldwork preparations, I soon learned that one can never

anticipate the realities of the field. I came to this realization the moment I was getting

ready for my first interview with Jose Luis, a former foster child who I had been told had

experienced particularly difficult times while living in his aunt' s home. As I was

preparing for this interview, I gathered what I thought were the indispensable

ethnographic fieldwork elements. I took multiple pens, in case one of them would run

out, my notebook to take notes during the interview, my interview guide, a tape recorder,

and extra batteries. However, as I was getting ready to interview Jose Luis, I soon

realized that I needed to readjust my research plan. I needed to reassess my interview

approach. The fact that I was about to speak to someone about painful childhood










experiences made me recognize that I could not approach this task as a conventional

question and answer session. I needed to create an environment that would make Jose

Luis and the rest of my informants feel as comfortable as possible. Thus, I adopted an

active approach to my interviews.

In adopting an active interview approach, I focused my attention on making my

interviews not seem like interviews at all. Although I was always explicit about my

research purposes, I adopted measures that made the interview a more relaxed and

informal process. First, I abandoned my pens and notebooks and eliminated note-taking

during the interviews. Having constant eye contact, I felt, was essential in making my

informants feel comfortable and relaxed. What is more, this allowed me to observe facial

gestures, mannerisms and emotional expressions, elements that are crucial in gauging

emotions. However, since I felt that it was important that I capture all that was said

during the interviews, I chose to use my tape recorder, but always with my informant' s

consent. As soon as my interviews ended and I was alone, I wrote down my notes and

impressions.

The second measure I took to promote a relaxed environment was to create what

Holstein and Gubrium (1995) refer to "as an occasion for narrative production" (p. 28).

Thus, I chose not follow my interview guide in the way I had initially planned. I used it

more as a game plan to steer respondents "in characterizing experience, interpretive

incitements and themes for storytelling" (p. 29). I was careful to allow and foster a

natural flow of themes and topics.

In trying to create a relaxed environment for my informants, I used my own cultural

knowledge and experiences. As a native Dominican, I tapped into my own abilities and










upbringing in the Dominican art of conversation. For instance, I engaged in a sort of

small talk before initiating any sort of questioning on fosterage related topics. Also, I

would refrain from commencing the interview until my informants and I had finished

having the traditional cafecito or cup of coffee. Other more intangible factors, such as

maintaining a relaxed posture and demeanor, helped in creating an ambience that

promoted a more conversation-like exchange.

The realities of Hieldwork also made me adjust my living conditions indicator.

Once again, the timing constraints that prevented me from developing trust with my

informants made it difficult to ask questions about certain topics. Quite frankly,

inquiring about certain topics during my first encounter with an informant would be

impolite. As a result, I chose to forego asking questions about components such as

clothing.

Despite these unforeseen changes, I believe that overall, my efforts to create fluid,

comfortable situations were successful. With few exceptions, I believe I was able to

collect high quality data, despite my time and resource limitations. However, this was

not the case with child informants. In that regard, my analyses have a gaping void.

Although I was able to interview seventeen children, I do not believe I was able to gather

quality information on their fosterage experiences.

Interviewing Children

My interviews with children were limited by several factors. The first and most

obvious is the fact that I did not have the adequate time to develop the trusting

relationships required to gather information on a delicate topic such as this. Secondly, I

was not always able to speak to children alone. Parents would sometimes choose to be

present during our conversations. Thus, a child would most likely not reveal abusive









treatment while in the presence of a potential abuser. On other occasions, the spacial

layouts of the homes I visited posed additional obstacles. Many of the houses were quite

small, making privacy virtually impossible. Even if I was allowed to be alone with a

child, others were able to listen to what was being said.

Research Sites

This thesis is based on the fieldwork I conducted during a six week period during

the summer of 2003. My inquiries on child fosterage practices took me to seven towns in

the Dominican Republic. I interviewed informants in Santo Domingo, as well as in the

neighboring towns of Yamasa and Villa Altagracia. As I was concerned with fosterage

arrangements that involved the taking in of Haitian children into Dominican homes, I

traveled to the Haitian-Dominican border towns of Loma de Cabrera, Daj abon and

Restauracion. In addition, I visited San Jose de Ocoa, a mountain town in the

southwestern part of the country, as well as two of its satellite villages. To protect the

identities of the residents, I will refer to these two hamlets as Loma Dura and La Sierra.

Data Analysis

I did a word-for-word transcription of my tape recorded interviews and translated

them into English. As will become clear, analysis of the exact words of people opens the

door to cultural construals and cultural distinctions that might not be obvious to an

outsider. Subsequently, I identified and analyzed the relevant categories and themes.

Due to time and space limitations, I selected excerpts from only a selection of interviews.

Conclusion

My research design is a result of multiple factors. After reviewing the

methodological decisions made by other fosterage researchers and evaluating the

advantages and disadvantages I would face by adopting similar approaches, I concluded









that a qualitative research method approach was the most adequate. The lack of in-depth

research on Dominican fosterage systems and my resource and time constraints made this

the most advisable choice. By choosing a system analysis approach, I was able to better

understand a system that has received little attention in scholarly literature. My initial

methodological choices, however, had to be adapted to the realities of data collection in

the field. The sensitivity of the topic I was inquiring about required that I adopt an active

interview approach. However, although it proved to be effective with my adult

informants, it did not prove sufficient to overcome the obstacles of interviewing children.

The following chapters focus on the results of my fieldwork. In Chapter 1 and 2, I

describe the Dominican hilo de crianza system. Using vivid excerpts from my

interviews, I provide the insights I gained about the child relocation system- its

modalities, actors, rules and norms. As other authors, I frame the practice in terms of the

exchange or transfer of parental and filial rights and responsibilities between the sending

and receiving parents, as well as of the child. The Dominican child fosterage system has

very specific rules and terms that dictate the manner in which parents give up or take in

children. Thus, in Chapter 1, I compare and contrast the two basic modalities that govern

the manner in which children are relocated- prestttttttttttttttttados or regalads. In Chapter 2, I

present the different rights and responsibilities assigned to each one of these actors.

Like other fosterage authors, I was concerned with understanding the reasons that

prompt parents to give up or take in children. During my fieldwork, I observed several

patterns in my informant' s responses. Chapter 3 focuses on this topic. As Goody had

done in regards to Ghanaian fosterage, I conclude that parents are not detached and

unconcerned. In fact, fosterage choices are made in an incessant attempt to find better









living conditions for children. The hijo de crianza system is often the only means by

which parents can achieve this goal.

In Chapters 4 and 5, I address the Cinderella effect, that is, the question of

differential treatment. Chapter 4 focuses on my first research hypothesis. I examine

whether foster children in effect enjoy less favorable living conditions than biological

children in the home. Chapter 5 addresses the Cinderella effect, but does so in bi-ethnic

fosterage arrangements. I compare the living conditions of Haitian foster children living

in Dominican homes with those of Dominican foster children in Dominican homes. This,

as I will later elaborate, was not an easy task. Thus, my conclusions in this regard are

limited. Nonetheless, I am able to draw conclusions that can be of use for future, more

in-depth research endeavors. Finally, in Chapter 7 I attempt to summarize my findings

and place them in a broader theoretical context.















CHAPTER 2
"LENDING" CHILDREN VS "GIVING AWAY" CHILDREN: THE OUTLINES OF
DOMINICAN CHILD RELOCATION

Yo soy su mamad. Ello a quien tienen como su mamad e a mi or I am their mother. I
am whom they consider their mother.

Melania

Growing up as a member of Santo Domingo's middle class, I paid close attention to

women' s hands, one of the many subtle, yet revealing indicators of socioeconomic class.

A woman's hands must be delicate, carefully manicured, and must never reveal a hint of

domestic work. This is why one of the first things I noticed about Doha Melania, a

woman in her late seventies from the small border town of Restauraci6n, were her hands.

Unlike the polished nails of a middle class doha or lady, Doha Melania' s nails were

chafed and ridden with mancha de pla~tano, the residue from peeling plantains. Doha

Melania's hands spoke of a life fraught with cooking, cleaning, laundry and all other

plights of being a wife and mother.

When I spoke with Doha Melania, I found that her personal narrative reinforced the

one I saw in her hands. Doha Melania' s life had indeed been saturated with domestic

chores. Raising fourteen children without spousal support, she revealed, required

nothing less than magic. To support her family, Doha Melania would sell produce at the

local market. What a formidable task, I told her, to bear and raise fourteen children on

her own. "No, pero yo no lo pari a todito, or "No, I did not give birth to all of them,"

she corrected. "Yo pari siete pero lo crid a todito, "or "I gave birth to seven, but I raised

all of them myself," she added.










Understanding Doha Melania's family structure required some thought on my part.

It took Doha Melania reiterations of names and relationships before I could finally

understand the convoluted branches on her family tree. Doha Melania raised her seven

biological offspring. But she raised three of her grandchildren- Belkys, who is in Santo

Domingo attending college, as well as Jonathan and Jeffry, who still live with her.

Manuel, Nidia, Tita and Fior, who were the children of "am''''~~~~~~'''''istadet de cuando yo taba

chiquita" or "friends from when I was a little girl" were raised by Doha Melania. All of

Doha Melania' s children are married and have children of their own.

Doha Melania' s life story of persistent childrearing brought forth several questions.

Why would Doha Melania multiply her childrearing responsibilities when she already

had a heavily burdened life? Why weren't Doha Melania' s grandchildren living with

their own mothers? I posed these and other questions to Doha Melania during our

interview in the living room of her Restauraci6n home. Her response, proved to be

revealing:

"Porque yo soy su mamad. Ello a quien tienen como su mamad e a mi. .. Yo soy la
reponsable de eso do ni~o. Ella [her daughter] lo pario, pero depud yo soy la que
me he encargado de todo de ello. "

"Because I am their mother. I am whom they consider their mother. .. I am
responsible for these children. She [her daughter] gave birth to them but I am the
person that has been in charge of everything related to them."

Situations like Doha Melania' s, where families raise other people' s children, are

commonplace throughout the Dominican Republic. "Cada dominicano conoce a alguien

en estos casos," or "Every Dominican knows someone that is involved in one of these

arrangements," the Undersecretary of Labor revealed in a surprisingly apologetic tone3



3 The Undersecretary of Labor, I learned, had a very active role in the funding of Un studio exploratorio
sobre el trabajo infantil domdstico en hogares de terceros en la Repziblica Dominicana: Esto no es un










during an interview we sustained in Santo Domingo, "Es una culture muy arraigada," or

"It is engrained in our culture." He was right, I concurred. I had witnessed many such

cases, including some that involved members of my own circle of friends and family, as I

grew up and lived in the Dominican Republic. The 2002 Dominican Republic

Demographic and Health Survey results agreed, as well (Centro de Estudios Sociales y

Demograficos [CESDEM], 2003). They indicated that 14.2% of Dominican children

under fifteen years of age do not reside with either one of their biological parents.

As commonplace as situations like Doha Melania' s are, I found that what is known

of this practice that customarily relocates thousands of Dominican children from one

home to another is surprisingly minute. "El ca~so de los hijos de crianza no se consider

en nuestros cddigos," or "Child fosterage is not an issue that is dealt with in our legal

codes," affirmed the Undersecretary of Labor. "El Cddigo de Proteccian de Nihos,

Niha~s y Adolecentes tiene una partecita que lo menciona, or "There is only a small

section in the Codigo de Nihos, Nina~sy Adolescentes that briefly mentions it4," he added.

Needless to say, this information vacuum, particularly in the Dominican child protection

codes, was shocking. How such a pervasive practice was only briefly touched upon in

one of the country's major pieces of legislation was puzzling. If the Dominican legal

system does not address it, what rules if any, regulate this practice and how are they

enforced? Are children randomly relocated from one home to the other?



juego! or An exploratory study of child domestic labor in third party homes in the Dominican Republic:
This is not a game!, which condemned the hijo de crianza practice (International Labor Organization
International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour, 2003).

SAfter nw interview, I bought a copy of the newly enacted Codigo de Nillos, Ninas y 4dolescentes (2003)
or New code for the protection of boys, girls and adolescents to confirm what I had just heard. To nw
surprise, the newly enacted code that had received wide acclaim for being the first set of laws that
exclusively dealt with children' s issues indeed only makes brief mention of the practice.










Fieldwork revealed that in fact, child relocation is not carried out in a haphazard

manner. On the contrary, parents place children in other peoples' homes in a systematic

manner and they follow very specific rules. It is a practice that operates under a complex

set of rules that assigns rights and responsibilities to all parties involved and it possesses

checks and balances to ensure child welfare. As fieldwork progressed it became clear

that this practice appears frequent enough to be classified as a maj or component of

Dominican family organization.

In this opening chapter, I will begin a description of the Dominican hilo de crianza

system by identifying, comparing and contrasting two basic but distinct modalities in

which the child and both sets of parents shift and redirect their rights and responsibilities

as members of a kin group. I start my description with one of my most knowledgeable

informants, Nora.

Nora

Nora, one of my first informants, was crucial to my understanding of the

"institutionalized delegation" (Goody, 1982, p. 23) of parental duties. She was the first

person to spell out the structure and rules of the hijo de crianza system. It was Nora who

clarified a critical distinction. Families can give up children in two basic ways- prestttttttttttttttttado

or regalad. In other words, parents can lend children out or give them away. My visit

with Nora was essential to my understanding of parental guardianship transfers in the

Dominican Republic.

Loans vs. Gifts- Child Relocation Modalities

Nora is a nurse's assistant in Loma Dura, a remote coffee growing hamlet hidden

away in a nook in the mountains east of San Jose de Ocoa. Over three hundred families

from this and other surrounding communities rely on Nora' s limited medical expertise for










all their health care needs. In spite of her official government assignment, she frequently

performs procedures that by far surpass her formal training. Among other things, she

prescribes medication, sutures gaping wounds, and performs pap smears. Hence, Nora

knows everyone and everyone knows her. This, and her exceptionally pragmatic outlook

on life, made Norys one of my most valuable informants.

One night, as we sat in her candle-lit living room, I asked Nora to speak to me

about what criar un niho o una niha was, as the fosterage agreement is commonly

referred to. Her hypothetical response using her son Norbertico, shed light on the two

fundamental ways in which parental guardianship is relinquished in the Dominican

fosterage system.

Tess: Nora, iqud es eso de criar muchachos? Cuando la gente dice "estoy
criando un muchacho ", iqud significa eso?

Nora: Por ejemplo, si yo no tengo recursos para darled~~~~ddddd~~~~dddd a Norbertico [her son]
para yo criarlo, para yo darled~~~~ddddd~~~~dddd su educacidn, para comprarle su ropa y yo veo que
tu puedes, yo te digo, "Llivatelo, pero no es tuyo! Es sin papeles. Es prestttttttttttttttttado "
Es que yo no puedo tenerlo y es para que tu lo eduques y le de su manuntencidn y
le de su ropa y su zapatos. Mayormente, las personas que hacen eso es con ese
propdsito. Que lo eduquen.

Tess: iCdmo es eso de presttttttttttttttttado? iY si tu quieres que yo te lo devuelva?

Nora: Depende de Il. Porque si 41 esta en tu casa y tu lo tienes desde chiquito,
entonces ~I te va cogiendo cariho a ti y me perdid el cariho a mi. Entonces, yo voy
a tu casa y digo, "Norbertico, vdmonos para mi casa que yo soy tu mamd,
depend de Il. Si 41dice: "No, yo estoy mejor aqui Donde Tess, yo me voy a
quedardddddddd~~~~~~~~~ aqui, entonces, la decision es ~I que la toma. "

Tess: Nora, what is the child fosterage thing all about? What does it mean when
people say that they are fostering a child?

Nora: For instance, if I Don't have money to give to Norbertico, to raise him, to
give him an education, to buy him his clothes and I can see that you do, I will tell
you 'Take him, but he's not yours! It's without papers. It's a loan!' It means that I
can't support him and I want you to educate him and support him. I want you to
give him his clothes and his shoes. Mostly, people do it with that purpose in mind-
to get him educated.










Tess: What do you mean a loan? What happens if you want me to give him back to
you?

Nora: It depends on him. Because if he' s at your house and you've had him since
he was very small, then he's going to start loving you and loosing affection towards
me. Then, when I go to your house and say, "Norbertico, come to my home
because I am your mother," it all depends on him. If he says, "No, I am better off
here with Tess. I am going to stay here," then he makes up his own mind.

"Prestado" or "Lent" Children- Temporary Parental Guardianship Transfers

Nora' s concise response articulated the terms and conditions of the prestttttttttttttttttado or lent

fosterage agreement. She described a transaction that involves the exchange of

childrearing duties. Were Nora to entrust me with Norbertico' s care she would be

assigning me specific childrearing responsibilities and relinquishing her parental

authority to me. Were I to accept, I would be pledging to provide him with food,

clothing, shelter, shoes and an education. In other words, I would be responsible of

providing him with what Goody (1982) called nurturance, training and sponsorship.

Despite this parental guardianship transaction, Nora would not be losing her

parental rights and obligations in their entirety. Norbertico, as Nora clarifies, is

"prestttttttttttttttttad" or lent. What' s more, he has been "lent" to me "sin papll es"~\` or without legal

documentation'. Consequently, Nora would still preserve specific parental duties. First,

Nora would provide her son's civil and kinship identity (Goody 1982), that is, he would

retain his biological parents' surnames. Secondly, Nora would still preserve her right to

nurture her relationship with Norbertico. Finally, Nora would retain the right to

supervise and terminate the agreement at any time.



5 The "papeles" Nora mentions refer to the legal process where parents record a child's birth at the
"Oficialia Civil" or the Civil Registry. These papeles, are of critical importance in fosterage arrangements,
particularly for the resolution of custody disputes. These papeles, I would later discover, are of crucial
importance in fosterage arrangements that involve Haitian children.









Prestado Fosterage in a Global Perspective

A review of the literature clearly indicates that that prestttttttttttttttttado fosterage

arrangements, though called by different names, are not unique to the Dominican

Republic. In their study of Cameroonian fosterage practices, Eloundou-Enyengue and

Stokes (2002), describe a similar arrangement. Fosterage in Cameroon, like in the

Dominican Republic, involves "a transfer of guardianship of one's children to another

individual or family" on a "temporary, partial" basis (p. 279). Cameroonian biological

parents retain the right to supervise and terminate the arrangement at any time. In

addition, offspring retain the biological parents' surname.

Nevertheless, despite the similarities, one can see significant differences between

both countries. According to the authors, fosterage arrangements in Cameroon

sometimes involve the sharing of childrearing costs between biological and foster

parents. The Dominican system, on the other hand, does not. On the contrary, biological

parent contributions, I later discovered, are often viewed as conflictive challenges to

parental custody and authority. That is, in the Dominican Republic the hijo de crianza

system clearly delimits the rights and obligations of all the parties involved- the foster

parents, the biological parents and the child.

Regalado or Given Away- Permanent Parental Guardianship Transfers

But a second modality of child relocation quickly surfaced. That night, as I

continued my exchange with Nora, she spoke of another way in which children are

placed in other homes. Families also give up their children in what Nora referred to as

"regalad" or "given away" terms. What are differences between regalad and

prestttttttttttttttttado? In the following excerpt Nora explains the differences between each modality.










La diferencia es que el que lo re gala no tiene derecho. Tod'avia tiene derecho
porque es prestttttttttttttttttado Porque prestadatttt~~~~~~tttttt es para que la eduquen y regalada es cuand'o
unos padres tienen pocos recursos, que tienen cuatro o cinco muchachos que no
trabajan, es que ellos lo regalan.

The difference is that if you give him or her away, you no longer have rights. If
you lend your child, you still have rights. You lend them so that they can get an
education. You give them away when parents have very little resources, when they
have four or five kids and they Don't work. That is when you give them away.

The regalado fosterage arrangement Nora describes constitutes what in effect is an

adoption, albeit an extra-legal one. In regalado agreements, biological parents

permanently transfer all their parental rights and responsibilities. Contrary to the

prestttttttttttttttttado agreement, a child that is given away acquires the receiving family's civil and

kinship identity. Biological parents, in addition, surrender their right to supervise the

childrearing process, rendering foster parents unaccountable for their childrearing

actions. When a biological parent gives a child away, they are supposed to rescind their

right to reclaim their child or terminate the agreement. Under this arrangement, biological

parents must halt any and all relationships with their offspring.

Prestado Versus Regalado

Stated in other terms, what had surfaced in this interview was an explicit lexical

distinction between two modes of giving and taking children. This fascinating lexical

distinction, I hypothesized, may indicate the presence of a cultural "menu" in which not

only is child relocation a prominent child-rearing menu-item, but that this relocation

option had two distinct traj ectories, two contrasting clusters of rules and practices. After

my conversation with Nora, I decided to examine her view of the similarities and

differences between both modalities.

First, it was obvious that both fosterage modalities have multiple similarities.

Both types of agreements involve the physical relocation of children. Children,










regardless of whether they are prestttttttttttttttttado or regalad, must undergo a change of residence.

Second, both types of relocation agreements involve the delegation of essential

childrearing duties. Once a foster parent acquires a child, they must continue with the

task of providing food, clothing, education and shelter. Third, both arrangements entail

an exchange of costs and benefits between all parties involved. Fourth, although these

arrangements can be informal (sin papeles or without papers), both sets of parents

establish which of the modalities is in effect. Finally, foster children in both types of

agreements arrive into their new home as members of the receiving family's intimate kin

group.

Despite similarities, each relocation mode nonetheless has its own peculiarities.

First, the rules of the game in the prestadott~~~~~tttt~~~~ arrangement are, in general, tacit. Although

Nora clearly articulated the rules that regulate prestttttttttttttttttado relocation, they are rarely, if ever,

made explicit. Were I to take Norbertico into my home, Nora and I would not need to

discuss our individual obligations. In contrast, permanent regalad relocation terms are

explicitly laid on the table, particularly by the receiving family. Second, prestttttttttttttttttado

arrangements are extra-legal, that is, they are not legal, but they are not illegal either. In

contrast, the mechanisms employed by families to carry out permanent or regalado

custody transfers are, in theory, punishable under the Nuevo Codigo de Nihos, Niha~s y

Adolescentes (2003) or New code for the protection of boys, girls and adolescents.

Third, prestttttttttttttttttado arrangements, as Nora explained, do not sever the biological and parent

and child relationship. Since sending parents maintain a supervisory role over the

childrearing process, as well as the right to terminate the agreement at any given moment,

prestttttttttttttttttado children will, in effect, possess two sets of parents one biological and another









foster. Regalad children, on the other hand, fail to enjoy the costs and benefits

associated with dual-sided parenting. The final distinction has to do with the child's civil

and kinship identity. Prestttttttttttttttttado children retain their biological family's identity.

Regalad children do not. Regalad children will officially or non-officially acquire

their foster family's kinship identity, that is, with or without papeles.

Similarities

As I continued to ponder the prestttttttttttttttttado and regalad arrangement terms, I decided

to dissect the similarities and differences I had established. I initially focused on what I

considered to be the backbone of the hijo de crianza system. I looked at the childrearing

duties themselves that is, at the contributions which receiving parents are required to

provide to foster children

Foster Parent Responsibilities

The delegation of childrearing obligations has been amply explored in the

worldwide fosterage literature. Goody (1982) addressed the issue she referred to as "the

delegation of the nurturance and/or educational elements of the parental role" (p. 23) in

Northern Ghana. Her accounts of the fosterage practices she encountered, I found,

closely resemble the prestadott~~~~~tttt~~~~ arrangements in the Dominican Republic. Ghanaian

parents also require that foster parents provide children with subsistence essentials like

food, clothing and shelter, as well as training and sponsorship. Foster parents in Ghana,

according to Goody, are required to provide children with schooling or any other form of

instruction that will prepare the child for an adult role.

Isiugo-Abanihe (1985) also addressed the transmission of childrearing duties in his

study of the practice in several West African countries. However, his work frames the

delegation in economic, rational terms. Biological parents, according to the author,










transfer the economic costs of childbearing to the receiving family. In this manner,

families can alleviate and redistribute the burden of raising large families.

Foster Parent Childrearing Duties- The Hijo de Crianza Case

As in other countries, the Dominican hijo de crianza system involves a covenant

that establishes specific obligations. Isabel, a middle-aged woman I interviewed in San

Jose de Ocoa, spoke to me about the profound commitment that foster parents assume

when they take a child under their care.

Isabel

One of the first places I visited during my fieldwork was San Jose de Ocoa. Ocoa,

as it is commonly referred to, is a charming, yet raucous town that requires periods of

sensory decompression. The parque or park, the town' s geographical center, provides

shaded respites from the sun and the town' s swarms of motoconchos or mopeds, the main

source of transportation. The parque also dominates the town's economic, political and

social activities. It is in the park' s perimeter that all the major businesses, government

offices and churches are located. Ocoa's major economic activity, however, is coffee

production, as well as of other crops like beans or pigeon peas and potatoes. Interspersed

against government offices and banks are smaller bars and cafeterias.

Isabel, one of the first people I interviewed in Ocoa, lives very close to the parque,

in Barrio San Joaquin, one of the town' s poorer sections. Isabel and her husband have a

very small colmado or convenience store in what used to be the living room of their

house. A thin, printed curtain is the only item that divides their business from their

private lives. Isabel and her husband live well, according to Barrio San Antonio

standards. Their house is made of cinder block, a sign of certain affluence amongst lower










status homes that are made of wood. However, their home does not have a plato or

cement roof, one of the many architectural indicators of economic prosperity. Isabel's

roof is still made of tin.

I was especially interested in speaking to Isabel for two reasons. First, she had

raised Jose, a young man I interviewed in Santo Domingo and I was eager to obtain her

perspective on his life narrative. Secondly, I had heard that Isabel had another foster

child. I corroborated what I had heard when I arrived at her house. When I met Isabel,

she had a baby boy cradled in her arms.

In typical Dominican fashion, Isabel immediately offered me a seat and some

coffee. We sat towards the back of the house, away from the street noise and from the

colmado or small convenience store. Yet, Isabel strategically placed her own chair where

she could pay attention to me, as well as to any incoming customers. She set a small

blanket on the floor, where she carefully laid the baby down when she had to get up and

tend to customers.

As soon as I was done with my coffee, I told Isabel that I was conducting research

on families that were raising other people's children. Since she had raised Jose and was

currently raising the baby in her arms, I was interested in learning about her experiences.

I started by inquiring about the circumstances surrounding the baby she cradled in her

arms. "The child is going to live with me", she explained. "I brought him here since he

was an itty-bitty baby," she added. "I brought him here immediately after his mother' s

rezos". He was less than seventeen days old." The baby's father, she explained, decided

to have Isabel, his uncle's wife, raise his son instead of doing it himself. "His father tells


6 Rezos are memorial services immediately after a person's death. The child's mother had died.










me that he will never separate him from me because this child is going to feel love for

me. If they separate him from me, he is going to suffer a lot."

I continued by asking Isabel what criar un niho was or what it meant to be raising

someone else's child. Her response, in the following excerpt, exposed the momentous

nature of the arrangement.

Tess: 4 Qud es criar un niho?

Isabel: Oh, para mi la crianza de un niho es una cosa muy important. Porque es
una responsabilidd~~~ddd~~~dddad que uno asume muy grande. La crianza de un niho tiene uno
que asumir bueno, como le digo, las veces de una madre. Por lo menos, el que
tiene un niho tiene que saber de todo lo que necesite un ni~o. Desde alimentacidn,
medicina, cariho, en primer lugar, lo mds important en la crianza de un niho es el
carino, el cuidadoddddddddd~~~~~~~~ porque mire, yo tengo este niho. Pero este niho lo que
verdaderamente~~~ddd~~ddd~~ necesita es cariho y atendencia. Eso es lo mds important.
Porque despues que uno dice voy a criar un niho, tiene que saber que tiene que
asumir la responsabilid~~~ddd~~~dddadd desde que comienza, un studio una educacidn, i usted
ve? Uno tiene que asumir las responsabilid~~~ddd~~~dddades de un padre. Como si fuera su
verddddddddddddddddader pd re Porque si usted se hizo, se comprometid a criarlo, tiene que
saber que va asumir la responsabili~dd~~ddadddddddd deunpadre. .. Pero ya ese niho yo lo
voy a criar igual que los que yo pari. Porque ya ese, yo le voy a ir danddddd~~~~~~~ddddddo la
costumbre mia.

Tess: What is criar un niho?

Isabel: Oh, for me rearing a child is a very important thing. Because it is a very
big responsibility one assumes. One must assume .. How can I say? One must
take on the role of a mother when one is rearing a child. At least, the person that
has a child has to provide everything that child needs, like nourishment, medicine,
affection. The most important thing in rearing a child is affection. But what this
baby needs the most is affection and attention. That is the most important thing.
Because after one says that you are going to raise a child, you have to be aware that
you have to assume the responsibility of an education from early on. You see?
One must assume the responsibilities of a parent, as if you were a real parent. If
you made the commitment to raise the child, you have to assume the
responsibilities of a parent. .. But I am going to raise him the same way as I
raised the ones I gave birth to. I am going to give him my habits.

Isabel's brief response succinctly describes several features of the foster parent

role. First, Isabel's recurrent choice of the word responsibility indicates the existence of

a serious agreement between the baby's father and herself. Second, the "responsibility"









she emphasizes requires that she satisfy the baby's physical and emotional needs. As she

stated, she must feed, love and care for the child, especially during illnesses. In sum,

Isabel said it best when she declared that to be a foster mother, she must act as mother.

And she ends with a rule that would provoke suspiciously raised eyebrows among social

scientists: She insists that she is forbidden from making any distinction between the

adopted child and her own biological children. This latter point is of central importance.

The hypothesis formulation of many outside analysts tends to predict differential

treatment between biological and relocated children. Isabel stated just the opposite.

Does her statement reflect an ideal rule that is broken in practice? Or are we dealing with

a system in which the biological / adopted distinction is really of little importance in

predicting actual behavior? I pursued the matter further.

What does it mean, I wondered, to act as a mother. What did this role involve?

The multi-layered responses to these questions were revealed to me by Altagracia, a

woman in Loma Dura. Acting as a mother, I learned from speaking with her, refers to

several things. As was true with Isabel, for Altagracia it also means that as a mother,

foster parents must incorporate children into the household as if they were biological

children.

Altagracia- "They treated me as a daughter"

A few hours after I arrived in Loma Dura, I had a conversation with Altagracia, the

Doila or owner of the house I was staying at. As one of the most prominent and

respected members of the community, Altagracia knows everyone in the surrounding

areas. Hopefully she would refer me to families that were involved in fosterage

arrangements. As we sat in her dirt-floor living room that day, I brought up the hijo de










crianza topic up. However, Altagracia did not have to refer me to other families. To my

surprise, she revealed that she had been an hiJa de crianza herself. "I was in the Capital

[Santo Domingo] like that. I spent my youth like that," she admitted. Altagracia's uncle,

she explained, had sent her to live with a family in the affluent neighborhood of

Ensanche Pian2tini. Altagracia was eleven years old at the time.

Altagracia and I had a long conversation regarding her fosterage experience in

Santo Domingo, particularly in regards to her foster parents' obligations. "Ellos me

daban todo lo que yo necesitaba. Por ejemplo, la ropa zapato, medicina, medicamentos.

Si me enfermaba, me Ilevaban al medico. M~e daban la oportunidadddddddddd~ddddd de ir a la escuela, "

or "They provided me with everything I needed. For example, clothing, shoes, medicine.

If I got sick, they would take me to the doctor", she explained. "They also gave me the

opportunity to go to school," she added. "Ellos me compraban todo, todo, todo y siempre

me daban algo de cuarto para que yo manejara," or "They would buy me everything,

everything, everything. They also gave me money to spend", she revealed. As we

continued our conversation, Altagracia talked about her relationship with her foster

mother. "Yo y ella conversa~bamnos como madre e hija," or She and I would talk like

mother and daughter", she explained. "Yo le contaba si yo tenia un enamorado, yo se lo

decia a ella y ella me contaba muchas cosas de ella tamtttttttt~~~~~~~~~bidn, or "I would tell her things.

If I had a suitor, I would tell her. And she would tell me many things about herself, too."

But there was a statement that Altagracia, as well as many other informants, repeated

throughout our conversation that was most intriguing. "Ellos me tenian2 igual que una

hija"~ or "They had me just like a daughter," she revealed. Again we see the prominent

cultural rule prohibiting discrimination against adopted children.









What did it mean "to have you like a daughter", I asked myself. To have you like a

daughter, I gathered, requires that foster parents satisfy a child's physical and emotional

needs. In Altagracia's case, she was treated like a daughter by providing her with the

essentials for physical sustenance-food, clothes, shelter and schooling. However, they

treated her like a daughter by establishing an affective, trusting relationship. What was

the nature of this relationship, I wondered. How was it established?

In the case of both Isabela and Altagracia, we are dealing with permanent

relocation. Is this cultural rule of equal treatment equally strong in the other modality,

i.e. in the case of prestttttttttttttttttad or borrowed children? Do foster parents develop this

relationship with both prestado and regalado children, I asked myself. I decided to take a

closer look at the nature of the foster parent-hijo de crianza relationship.

Foster Parent/Child Bond

People do not always practice what they preach. Examining affective relationships

was methodologically quite challenging. First, time and funding constraints limited my

ability to observe intangible issues such as "parent/child bonds" (Smucker and Murray,

2004, p. 78). Ideally, I would have preferred to spend extended time periods with the

families I encountered in order to observe and verify the relationships people described.

In addition, during the brief research that underlies this thesis, I am aware that I did not

have sufficient time to develop the rapport required to prompt a person to reveal the true

nature of their fosterage experience, particularly in regards to their affective relationship.

However, despite these challenges, I believe that I was able to perceive and observe that

foster parents and children can truly experience affective relationships. For instance,

Chichi and Teodoro's body language towards their foster daughter left no doubt in my

mind that a loving relationship existed. As I approached their home, the first thing I










noticed was Elena, their foster daughter, sitting on Teodoro's lap as they shared a tender

conversation. In addition, Chichi's caring tone of voice and choice of words revealed the

genuineness of her subsequent claims that she loved her daughter "como si fuera una

hija" or "as if she were her daughter".

The Language of Fosterage

To have you like a daughter also involves the use of certain terms that indicate the

child's inclusion into the intimate kin group. The "parent/child bond" (Smucker and

Murray, 2004, p. 78) Altagracia made reference to is reflected in the use of kinship

terminology amongst family members involved in the agreement. Careful

anthropological attention to the language that people use, particularly kinship terms, can

reveal subtle distinctions. I encountered three different practices with respect to kinship

terminology. In most homes, foster children were referred to as "hijos de crianza" or

reared children, while parents were referred to as "mama~" or "papa", mother or father.

Conversely, in such households "mi hermano" or "mi hermana", or my brother and my

sister, are used to refer to foster siblings.

But I noted another pattern in which the lineal kin terms (father, mother, brother,

sister) were replaced by somewhat more distant collateral kin terms like "aunt" ,

"uncle." For instance, Stephanie, a foster child living with a family in Santo Domingo,

refers to her foster mother as "Tia Susy"', or Aunt Susy, not as "mama." Zuna, a girl who

is being raised by her aunt in Loma de Cabrera, refers to her foster mother as "tia" or

"aunt." And thirdly, I encountered families that did not employ kinship terms at all.

Fior, a ten-year-old girl in Restauraci6n, refers to her foster mother as Melania, her first

name. Does this mean that Doila Melania did not "have her like a daughter"? What

other ways did she use to express Fior' s inclusion in the intimate kin group if she did not









use fictive kinship terminology? How else did Doila Melania treat her like a daughter?

This led naturally to the question: do these terminological differences along the kin -

non-kin traj ectory correspond to differences in actual treatment of children? If so, is it

the differential terminology that leads to differential treatment, or vice versa? Or are the

two so dynamically intertwined that they cannot be analytically separated? These

questions are easy to pose, but methodologically difficult to answer.

But before passing on to the details of the exchange arrangement --food, clothing,

shelter, and education in exchange for some domestic services I wish to continue with

the discussion of culturally recognized types of arrangements. I will begin by discussing

an arrangement that is distinct from fosterage the domestic employee, the trabajadora,

who is distinct from the foster daughter. I will then discuss two hybrid types of

arrangements on the borderline of fosterage.

Modes of Incorporation Into Dominican Homes: Trabajadoras Versus Hijos de
crianza

In this section, I will deal in more detail with the different types of material

exchanges that occur in houses with relocated children. Of particular importance is the

distinction between the labor Done by paid workers and the labor Done by foster

children.

As I reviewed the transcripts from my interview with Altagracia, I realized that to

have you like a daughter has an additional layer of meaning. Not only does the phrase

indicate that foster parents satisfy a foster child's physical and emotional needs it also

speaks of the different modes of incorporation into Dominican homes. To have you like a

daughter sets the child apart from the other outside members of the household.










In my conversation with Altagracia, we talked about her responsibilities while at

her foster home. During the interview, I asked her to enumerate the specific chores she

had to carry out. "Bueno, la responsabilidadddddddddddd~d mia era limpiar la casa y tender el bebe,"

or "Well, my responsibility was cleaning the house and taking care of the baby," she

responded. I prodded further and asked is she had to cook meals, too. "No, ni lavaba

ttttttttttttttttampoco. Habia otra trabajadora que cocinaba y lavaba, la lavaba la trabajadora," or

"No!" she adamantly responded. "They had a trabajadora7 that cooked and washed

clothes. I didn't even wash my own clothes," she maintained. "The trabajadora would

wash clothes." In other words, a cultural distinction emerged between the work expected

of children and the work assigned to trabajadoras. As I was curious to learn more about

the intensity of her work requirements and her living conditions, I asked if she had dias

libres or days off from cleaning and taking care of the baby. "No, porque yo estaba en la

casa como que no era trabajadora. Yo salia con ellos a pasear," or "No. I wasn't in the

house as a trabajadora", she reaffirmed, "I would go out with the family on rides."

Altagracia's response exposed multiple issues. First, Altagracia brought to light

her awareness that she and the maid had something in common. Neither one of them is

biologically related to the Ensanche Piantini family. In effect, they were both outsiders

in their home. Nonetheless, Altagracia pointed, she was not an employee, like the

trabajadora was. She was "like a daughter". Altagracia's response indicates her need to

emphatically distinguish herself from the trabajadora.

My interview with Nefertiti, a fifteen-year-old girl in Loma de Cabrera helped me

gain further insight into the different modes of incorporation. Nefertiti and I spoke about


Trabajadora is one of the terms used in the Dominican Republic to refer to a maid.










Wilfredo, her nine-year-old Haitian foster brother. Wilfredo, as she explained, lived with

her family for several years. When I asked Nefertiti if her parents paid Wilfredo for his

help with the cattle on the farm, she adamantly clarified, "No! A Fifa se lo regalaron.

Regalao fue que se lo dieron," or "No! He was given to my mother. He was given to her

regalao." When I asked what she meant by this, she responded, "Que se lo dieron pa

ella, que se quedaraddd~~~~~ddddd~~~~ con Il. Aqui le damdddddddd~~~~~~~~~o comida, ropa, camna moquitero, de todo," or

"They gave him to her so she could keep him. We give him food, clothes, a bed, a

mosquito net. Everything."

Both Nefertiti and Altagracia' s responses indicate the existence of two distinct

domains or spheres of exchange. First, Altagracia establishes a marked distinction

between herself and the trabajadora. Altagracia was a member of the intimate kin group.

The maid, on the other hand, was not. Second, Nefertiti pointed to the issue that

establishes membership in either group. Trabajadora~s are compensated for their labor

with a salary. Hifos de crianza are not. Wilfredo is not an employee; he is a member of

the family. Consequently, he cannot receive monetary compensation for his work.

Money exchanges and foster children, I concluded, do not belong in the same domain.

Foster children are obviously benefits of material exchanges food, clothing, shelter,

education as are biological children. But monetary payments for labor do not fit into

the cultural category of what is appropriate to give to one' s children. American child-

rearing rules differ in that sense. Many parents have no qualms about hiring their

children to do certain domestic tasks, whether in exchange for an allowance or a direct

payment. And children certainly have no ideological objection to accepting payment. In

the Dominican Republic, in contrast, the moment foster parents compensate foster










children, with a salary, they are automatically shifted into the employee domain. The

International Labor Organization International Programme on the Elimination of Child

Labour' s study(2003) on child domestic labor had similar findings in this regard.

Biological parents, their study reveals, do not want foster families to pay their hilos de

crianza. The use of money lessens the foster parent' s compromiseo moral" or "moral

commitment" (p. 50).

Trabaladoras and hijos de crianza are distinguished in three other ways. First, as

Smucker and Murray (2004) note, foster parents must provide children with an education,

an element that is central to the fosterage agreement. This responsibility does not apply,

however, for a trabajadora. Although cases of Dominican families that pay for the

schooling of a trabaladora (or of her children) occur, it is not, however, the norm or an

expectation. Second, foster parents are responsible for the child's physical and moral

wellbeing. Amanda, a foster mother in Loma de Cabrera who is raising a twelve-year-old

Haitian girl, explained this to me. In the following excerpt, we are discussing foster

parent responsibilities and challenges.

Amanda: Uno tiene ma~ reponsabilidd.

Tess: jPorque con una trabajadora usted no tiene responsabilidad?

Amanda: No, porque si e una mufer ella puede hacd lo que quiera. Pero yo a esa
niha tengo que sabd qud paso da.

Tess: Y si Dios la libre de mal, por ejemplo, esa niha le sale con una barriga
stand> en sus manos, iqud pasa?

Amanda: Nd~. Tendria yo que ir Donde su familiar, contarle lo que pasa. iPor qud
qud hago?

Tess: M~ire, si eso sucede y el papd no da la cara, iquidn va a pagarle tod> lo de .
? Eso le tocaria a usted?

Amanda: M~e tocaria a mi, porque imaginate.









Tess: Pero si es una trabajadora no. Si sale con una barriga, iqud pasa~?

Amanda: Es su problema. 'Vayase! Asi e que lo hacen aqui.

Amanda: One has more responsibility.

Tess: Do you not have responsibility with a maid?

Amanda: No, because if it' s a woman, she can do what she wants. But I have to
know every step that girl takes.

Tess: And what happens if, God forbid, the girl gets pregnant while she's with
you?

Amanda: It would be my responsibility because, imagine! What else can I do?

Amanda: Nothing. I would have to go to her family and explain to them what is
going on. Because, what else can I do?

Tess: Look, what happens if the baby's father does not assume responsibility for
the problem? Who has to pay for everything? Would that be your responsibility?

Amanda: It would be my responsibility. Because, imagine!.

Tess: But where she a maid, you would not be responsible. What happens if a
maid gets pregnant?

Amanda: It's her problem. 'Leave!' This is how we do it here.

Amanda' s comments indicate that, in effect, a clear difference is made between a

traba-jadora and an hiJa de crianza. In the excerpt, Amanda describes the nature of the

responsibility she assumed the moment she took Sonia into her home even though

Sonia was Haitian and not Dominican. It requires that she supervise and be aware of

every action Sonia takes, making her responsible and accountable for Sonia's physical,

emotional and moral well-being. In the event that Sonia got pregnant, for instance,

Amanda would be accountable. Not only would she have to admit to the biological

parents that she failed to protect the child from harm and did not provide her with an

adequate upbringing, she would have to assume the pregnancy and delivery costs. With a

trabajadora, as she described, none of this would take place.










As my conversation with Amanda progressed, I became conscious of the third

element that differentiates trabajadoras and hijos de crianza. As we discussed the

different alternatives Dominican women have of satisfying their domestic labor needs, I

asked Amanda what the benefits of having a paid trabajadora were. "Ah, que uno tiene

una ayuda," or "Oh, that one has help", she responded in a matter of fact manner. But

Sonia helps too, I stated. "No, porque una trabajadora ta con ma obligacion. Ta

obligada a hacelo, or "But a maid has more of an obligation" she clarified. "She is

obliged to do things." Things with Sonia are quite different. "i Tzi la ve que ella tiene

rato ahi sentadatt~~~~~ttttt~~~~ Si e una trabajadora, 'Bo~~~~~ttttta~m~e esa yerba! Hame eto, hame aquello!' "

or "(You see her over there?" she asked me. "She has been sitting there for a while. If

she were a maid, I would be saying 'Throw those weeds away!' 'Do this! Do that!'" she

revealed. Maids, she continued, do not enjoy free time. Sonia's situation, she explained,

was very different. "Cuando yo toy sentadatt~~~~~ttttt~~~~ hay que deja que ella tamtttttttt~~~~~~~~~bidn decanse, or

"When I am sitting, I have to let her rest, too."

Analytically Borderline Cases of Labor Exchange.

As I have mentioned in the beginning of this chapter, the prestttttttttttttttttado and regalado

fosterage modalities have several similarities. The first and most obvious is that both

types of fosterage require that children be relocated from the biological to the foster

home. The transmission of parental guardianship and of childrearing activities in both

the prestttttttttttttttttado and regalado arrangements, require that children live with their foster

parents. Isabel, for instance, cannot be a mother if the baby is not physically in her care.

However, my experience with Victor, an eight-year-old Haitian boy in Loma Dura, shed

further light on the nuances of a child's physical location and residence. Location, I

would discover, is an important determinant in the Dominican child fosterage system.










Victor

Victor has lived in Loma Dura with his father Luis all his life. Like many Haitians

in the surrounding areas, Luis is an agricultural worker. However, he is not like the rest

of the Haitians in the area. Luis is a permanent resident in Loma Dura, not a migrant

worker. Martin, a Dominican peasant in the area ceded a small portion of his land over to

Luis. In exchange, Luis must give him a portion of his production. Luis grows pigeon

peas, potatoes and coffee in his small piece of land. However, Luis must also work as a

day laborer to make ends meet. His production is not enough to support himself and his

son, Victor.

The first time I met Victor, he was at Martin and Altagracia's home. Every

afternoon, when school got out, Victor headed straight to Martin and Altagracia's home,

where he ate his noon day meal. While at her home, Victor helps Altagracia with small

chores, like running down the hill to the colmado or small convenience store to get

supplies. During summer vacation, when school is out, Victor heads straight to Martin

and Altagracia's. At dusk, Luis will invariably walk up the hill towards Martin's home

to retrieve his son. Victor spends the night with his dad in their small, one-room wooden

shack.

As I thought about Victor' s particular situation, I noticed that it possessed elements

of child fosterage arrangements. To begin with, when Victor is at Altagracia's home,

there is a transmission of childrearing obligations from one family to the other. While at

their home, Altagracia feeds and bathes Victor. She cares for him when he is ill. She

gives "costumbres or "manners" and is teaching him to perform certain duties around

their home. In addition, Martin and Altagracia have had full authorization to reprimand










and punish Victor. Secondly, a physical relocation takes place, albeit partially. Victor

spends most of his time at Bene and Altagracia's home, than with his own father.

Given these similarities, I wondered how the families conceptualized Victor' s

particular situation. Was this fosterage, I wondered. So, one afternoon, I asked

Altagracia if she was fostering Victor. "Como quien dice, si, or "One could say that I

am," she stated. "Pero su papd e quien lo ta criando. El vive con su papd. El lo manda

para acd porque aqui el estd~ ma protegido. Aqui nadie lo maltrata, or "But his father is

the one raising him. He lives with his dad. He sends him here because he is more

protected. He is not mistreated."

Victor' s childrearing experience shed light on the nature of location and residency

in fosterage arrangements. In her explanation, Altagracia revealed that part-time physical

relocation does not constitute fostering, despite the fact that she is performing almost all

of the childrearing duties. To claim that fosterage is taking place, Victor must spend the

night at Bene and Altagracia' s home. Thus, place of residence and parentage is defined

by where a child sleeps. Since Victor sleeps at his father's home, he is the one raising

him. As we see, the real world behavior of people does not necessarily follow neat

conceptual categories. In such borderline cases between employment and fosterage, the

two culturally relevant variables are: payment of a salary and sleeping arrangements. If

a regular salary is paid, the person is a worker. In the case of younger children, a hybrid

arrangement occurs when a young child spends days at someone else's home receiving

food and other non-monetary rewards, but nights at his parents' home. The culturally

defined pathway into full fosterage in such cases entails the act of sleeping at the foster

home.










My visit with Amantina, a grandmother in San Jose de Ocoa, supported my

conclusion that sleeping arrangements are crucial in defining fosterage arrangements.

Amantina, who is raising Yeison and Santica, two of her grandchildren, supported

Altagracia's comments on fosterage and sleeping arrangements. When I asked her to tell

me what "criar n/ijll\` or fostering children meant, she responded, "Atenderlo, atenderlo

con su leche, con la comia la dormia y todo" or "Attend to them. Attend to them with

their milk, with their food, with their sleeping arrangements and everything." This

comment, I now realize, supports Altagracia's statement that she is not raising Victor

because she is not providing him with a place to sleep.

But the matter can become even more complex. As my conversation with

Amantina progressed, I learned much more about hijos de crianza and place of residence.

I learned that children can sometimes be raised in multiple households at the same time.

Amantina and Yeison

Yeison, Amantina' s foster son, is her daughter Xiomara' s only child from her first,

failed marriage. Amantina took her grandson in for the first time, when Xiomara

migrated to Panama after leaving Yeison's father. Xiomara, however, returned to Ocoa,

where she met and married another man. Consequently, Xiomara retrieved her son and

went to live with her new husband.

I met Yeison for the first time during one of my repeated visits to his aunt and

uncle's home, where he often visits and plays with his cousin. I would always see Yeison,

who was twelve-years-old at the time, persistently playing placas with the rest of the



SPlaca, a barrio version of baseball, is played between two teams of two players each. It gets its name
from the placa or license plate that is used to designate bases. In placa, there are only two bases and they
are arranged in a straight line, to accommodate for play in narrow barrio streets or alleys.










boys in the neighborhood. One afternoon, as I was sitting with the entire family in the

galeria or front porch, I learned that things did not go very well for Yeison at his new

home, so he returned to live with his grandmother, Amantina. When I asked why Yeison

had returned to Amantina's home, his uncle Joselo responded, "El e muy gobernativo or

"He is too willful." Consequently, Yeison's mother and stepfather were stern with him,

he explained. But they had good reason to. "Porque un dia sucedio, jttu sabes porqud?

A 41 lo mandarond~~~~dddd~~~~ddd a un mandao. Yo no sd si jite a comprar un aceite pa cocinar. Y lo

mandarond~~~~dddd~~~~ddd como a las die y a la una no habia venido y el comado estaba ahi en la

equina! or "One, day, you know what happened?" he asked. "They sent him on an

errand. I'm not sure if they sent him to buy some cooking oil. They sent him around ten

in the morning and it was one o'clock in the afternoon and he had not come back. And

the colmado [convenience store] was at the corner!" he exclaimed. Needless to say,

Yeison was reprimanded. Consequently, Yeison left his mother' s home on his own

volition and returned to live with his grandmother.

According to Joselo' s explanation, Yeison left his mother' s home in hopes of

escaping his parent's strict discipline. However, a few months into his stay with

Amantina, Yeison left and headed to his paternal grandmother's home, who lives down

the hill. "Si y bajaba paa onde la otra abuela. Cuando se ponia guapo con Amantina,

bajaba pa onde la otra abuela, or "Yes and he would go and stay at his other

grandmother' s house. When he was angry at Amantina, he would go down to his other

grandmother' s," his aunt explained. It seems as if Yeison, a willful child indeed,

conveniently changes his domicile in search of the most lenient parent and apparently,

better food. Once more, Yeison chose to leave his third home and return to Amantina's









because he did not like his other grandmother' s cooking. "El ha vivido en la do casa

pero cuando llegaba a donde Besalina, Ilegaba con una hambre! El pobre, parece que la

papa. .," or "He would stay in both houses but every time he would go to Amantina's

he was always hungry! Poor thing. Looks like the food down there wasn't any good,"

his aunt explained.

Yeison' s childrearing situation reminded me of what I had read in Isiugo-Abanihe's

article regarding a child's place of residence (1985). "The maternal home is but one of

several possible homes for the child" (p. 54). Although Yeison spent most of his time

with Amantina, he was as a matter of fact, being raised in three different homes. Yeison

spends the night in all three homes interchangeably, thus fulfilling the fosterage requisite

of place of residence. This communal upbringing arrangement, however, is only possible

given the fact that all three homes are in very close proximity to one another. But most

importantly, the fact that Yeison is male, not female, grants him the liberty and leniency

to migrate from one home to the other at his will.

How can we handle cases like this analytically? For the moment we can say that

the normal and statistically dominant child relocation mode entails full time residence,

including sleeping at the foster home. Once this cultural "menu item" of relocation is

present as an alternative within a population, some individuals devise hybrid options on

the boundaries of the category. We have seen two examples of such hybrid

arrangements: one in which a boy spends the day at a foster home but sleeps at his

parent' s home, and another in which a young boy strategically shifts sleeping places. But

these are best viewed as idiosyncratic variants on a more widespread pattern of full-time









living in the foster home. But individuals do not feel constrained to adhere to the neat

categories posited either by the ideals of a culture or the categories of a social scientist.

Conclusion

Paying careful attention to the language that surfaced in word-by-word

transcriptions of tape recorded interviews, I have presented the outlines of a child

relocation system whose actors recognize two distinct modes: lending children and

giving children away. While recognizing that interview materials such as these reflect

cultural ideals rather than statistically documented aggregate behavior, it nonetheless

remains impressive that informants emphasize with vigor the notion that foster children

are to be treated as biological children. It would require longer research to verify

whether this ideal is put into practice. But even the cultural expression of the ideal

differs strongly from what is found, for example, in Haiti (Smucker & Murray, 2004),

where there is a culturally recognized category of restavek, relocated children who are

explicitly used as unpaid child servants treated quite differently from pitit kay, children of

the household. Cultural ideals do not totally determine behavior, but this strongly stated

egalitarian norm found in the Dominican fosterage system can be expected to have some

impact on what people actually do. The following chapter will delve more directly into

the realm of rights and duties.















CHAPTER 3
EXCHANGE OF COSTS AND BENEFITS: RIGHTS AND DUTIES INT THE
DOMINICAN CHILD RELOCATION SYSTEM

Physical Needs: Food, Clothing, Shoes and an Education

As I have already mentioned, foster parents are required to satisfy a child's

emotional and physical needs. Emotional needs, on the one hand, are met through the

establishment of affective foster parent/child relationships. This involves the

incorporation of foster children as members of the intimate kin group, the establishment

of trust, and physical displays of affection. The satisfaction of physical needs as

Altagracia, Nora and Isabel mentioned, has different requirements. Smucker and Murray

(2004) state, "primary economic support of the child becomes the responsibility of the

caretaker family" (p. 81). Foster parents provide children with food, clothing, shoes and

an education. However, my conversation with Dofia Ramona, a former foster mother in

the town of Yamasa, helped me understand the many complexities involved in this

apparently straightforward parental obligation. Foster parents, I learned, are responsible

for the child's physical health, appearance and integrity.

Dofia Ramona and Jaqueline

Dofia Ramona, a woman in her fifties, was one of the first women I interviewed in

Yamasa, a town located to the north of Santo Domingo. She was sitting on a chair,

wrapped in a towel, when I approached her home. I noticed a young woman, who I later

learned was Dofia Ramona' s daughter, kneeling on the ground scraping the leftover con-

con or burnt rice from the bottom of an iron pot as she washed the noon meal dishes.










After exchanging greetings, Dofia Ramona apologized for not being dressed. She had a

bad cold, she explained. She could only bathe at noon, the hottest part of the day. After

introductions, I proceeded to explain the purpose of my visit. I told her that I wanted to

learn more about her experience raising Jaquelinee, her foster daughter.

"El taba hata po envenenase con to lo muchacho! or "He was even going to

poison himself with all those kids!" she said of Jaqueline' s biological father. Jaqueline' s

father, whose wife left him for another man, could not take care of their eight small

children and work in the fields at the same time. According to Dofia Ramona, he was in

such dire straits that he thought of poisoning himself. Consequently, he gave some of his

children up to other families. Jaqueline was one and a half years old when Dofia Ramona

agreed to take her in.

Once Dofia Ramona had given me some background on Jaqueline, I asked her what

her responsibilities as a foster parent were. "Everything. Just like a daughter," was her

immediate response. As I wanted to obtain specific childrearing duties, I prodded her

into providing me with particular tasks. At first, I was perplexed by her response. "Yo la

puse de nueve, casi die," or "I got her to be nine years old, almost ten." In her statement,

it seemed as if Dofia Ramona felt that her foster child' s growth was her entire doing. As

our conversation progressed, I came to understand what she meant by this statement.

According to Dofia Ramona, Jaqueline would not be alive if it were it not for her

efforts. In the following interview excerpt, Dofia Ramona is talking about Jaqueline's

condition when she first arrived at her home.

Cuando a mi me dieron esa niha, yo vivia en La Cuaba .. Cuando me la dieron a
mi, ella taba encuera, demzia, sentd debajo de una mate mango, Ilena e tierra y
Ilena de semilla de mango. Ella tenia un pardsito malo. .. Esa niha tenia una
hinchazon que mi papd me dijo, 'Te turajite un baquinin, me dijo mi papd 'Eso e










pa morisete en tu brazo. Le dije, 'Utd vera~ que no. Si Dio quiere. Que no se va a
m or i '

I lived in La Cuaba, when they gave me that girl. .. She was all full of dirt and
soiled with mango seeds. She had a bad parasite. She was sick. She was naked
when I received the girl. She was sitting under a mango tree .. The girl was so
swollen that my father said to me, 'You got yourself a baquinin!i That thing is
going to die in your arms.' I said to him, "No, she won't. You'll see, God willing.
She won't die.

Dofia Ramona' s recollection of her father' s statement was indicative of Jaqueline's

physical state. Jaqueline's condition, as Dofia Ramona explained, was so critical that her

father did not believe the baby would survive. When she took the toddler in, she was a

"thing", not a baby. However, Dofia Ramona's time, resources and nurturance, as the

following excerpt indicates, were able to get Jaqueline back to good health.

Ella taba enfema. Yo gatd much dinero. Bueno y tratamientottt~~~ttt~~~tt con la niha,
tra~~~tttttameto con la ni~t~ta Se hizo una mujer. Un mujeron. Y todo el mundola veia~.
Ah y bonita, un pelo muy bonito. Decia la gente, 'Ah, pue eta mujer tiene mano
con lo muchacho. M~ira. Se puso bonita la muchacha. La puse que ~I que la veia,
no d'ecia que era la niha, limpia y bonita.

She was sick. I spent a lot of money; a lot. So it was treatments and treatments for
the girl. And she became a woman. A big woman. Everybody would see her. Oh,
and she was pretty. She had beautiful hair. People would say, 'Oh, this woman has
a good hand with children. Look at her.' The girl is pretty now. Pretty and clean.

Dofia Ramona' s statement brought forth two other foster parent duties. First,

should a foster child fall ill, foster parents are required to nurse them back to health. This

might involve, as Dofia Ramona noted, medical expenditures. This particular duty, I

noted, is of great relevance. As the previous interview excerpt revealed, Dofia Ramona,

made direct reference to her caregiver activities, as well as in the multiple medical costs

she undertook. Jaqueline would not be here today, she notes, if it weren't for her efforts.

The second duty I identified in Dofia Ramona' s response was the need to keep foster

children "pretty and clean". Dofia Ramona, as well as the other people I spoke to,










mentioned how they successfully cleansed their foster child. This task requires that they

bathe and clothe their foster child. A foster child, I concluded, must always appear clean

and cared for.

As my exchange with Dofia Ramona progressed, she continued to reveal further

childrearing activities. The next duty had to do with clothes, "Porque cuando mi mamad

venia de Nueba Yol, le traia ropa. M~ira, zapato, teni, or "Because my mother would

bring her clothes, shoes, sneakers when she came from New York," she revealed.

Jaqueline, who was "naked" before she arrived to Dofia Ramona' s home, was now

wearing items purchased especially for her in the United States.

Education

Central to foster parent child rearing obligations is that they provide children with

"una educacion or "an education". Regardless of whether a child is prestttttttttttttttttado or

regalado, parents must provide the skills that will allow children to fulfill a productive

adult life. This is achieved through schooling and nonacademic training.

Schooling

El no puede aprendd a trabaja con la yerba. Tiene que aprender con su lapi en la
mano. or He cannot learn to work with weeds. He must learn with a pencil in his
hand.

Luis, Haitian farmer

The above statement was made by Luis, a small-scale Haitian farmer in Loma

Dura, a farming community near San Jose de Ocoa. He is making reference to his wishes

that Victor, his son, go to school. Luis, as well as many other farmers I spoke to in Loma

Dura, want their children to finish school and "hacerse proflt ionles" I~\ or "become

professionals". As Luis so eloquently stated, farmers do not want their children to stay in

the campos or rural areas and live a farmer' s way of life.









As Smucker and Murray (2004) and McPherson (2003) have noted, farming is no

longer a desirable occupation in the Dominican Republic. Parents throughout rural

communities will sacrifice and expend considerable resources to have their children

finish high school and obtain a college degree, instead of helping on the farm. I saw

evidence of this in almost every home I visited in Loma Dura. For instance, Altagracia

and Martin have pictures and diplomas of their children's high school graduations

conspicuously hanging on their living room walls. Although none of them has

accomplished the ultimate parental dream of "hacerse~,lf~ pi~eitnlles "~\ or "becoming

college graduates", they have high hopes for their four children. Altagracia and Martin

believe they will live much better lives in Santo Domingo where they will have access to

salaried jobs, rather than working on the small coffee farm.

Foster parents acquire this educational obligation. In taking a child in, they commit

to providing a child with the skills that will assist them to gain access to an urban job.

Not only must foster parents allow children to take time during the day to attend school

and do homework, but they must also supply school uniforms, supplies and shoes.

Failure to fulfill any one of the elements of this crucial requirement, as I will further note,

can constitute grounds for the agreement' s termination.

Non-Academic Training

At first, when Nora explained that, in the hypothetical situation where she would

give me a child, I would need to provide her son with "una educacion" or "an

education", I thought she meant sending him to school. However, as I continued

examining foster parent obligations, I learned that there was a lot more involved in her

statement. "Thra educacion" also meant providing children with nonacademic instruction









as well. This type of training, which is carried out along gendered lines, is believed to be

equally important for a child's adult life.

Non-Academic Training for Daughters

One of the nonacademic training requirements foster parents must fulfill is to

provide children with moral instruction. Although this requirement applies for both male

and female foster children, I found that this was especially true for hilas de crianza or

foster daughters. "Angelita .. va a la iglesia conmigo y todo, itu ve?" or "Angelita. ..

goes to church with me and everything, you see?" Melania, a foster mother from

Restauraci6n revealed. Every Sunday, Melania and Angelita go to church where Melania

hopes her foster daughter will learn her religious and moral ways. Likewise, Chichi, a

foster mother I met in Loma de Cabrera, makes sure that Elena, her 5-year-old Haitian

foster daughter, learns her family's firmly-held Evangelical religious beliefs. When I

arrived at their home one Sunday afternoon, I noticed that the family, including Elena,

were still wearing their Sunday church garb. During our interview, Chichi instructed her

foster daughter to recite one of the church songs she had taught her. Elena acquiesced

and obediently performed the hymn.

Parents are also required to provide their hilas de crianza with domestic skills. "Si,

la estoy encillrnjollk los quehaceres de la casa, dandole una formacion. Yo la tengo como

una niha, ca~si como una hija. Esa e mi compahera, or "I am teaching her all the

household duties, I am giving her an education. I have her as if she were my daughter,"

Melania explained, implying that she had done the same with her own biological

daughters. My understanding of this particular type of training was further expanded

during my interview with Amanda and Sonia, a foster mother and daughter in Loma de










Cabrera. As Amanda reveals, foster daughters are instructed to perform multiple

domestic duties, as well as many other activities.

Amanda and Sonia

Amanda, a woman in her mid-forties, lives near the Dominican-Haitian border in

the outskirts of Loma de Cabrera in a place called La Seyba. She has three biological

children, all of whom are married and left home. Currently, Amanda lives with Jose and

Sonia, her two foster children. Jose is Amanda' s seven-year-old grandson. Sonia, who

was thirteen-years-old at the time, is from Haiti. Juana makes a living from her sparsely

stocked colmado or convenience store she has set up in a small kiosk located towards the

front of her house to take advantage of the ongoing traffic that goes back and forth

between Haiti and the Dominican Republic along the Carretera Internacional or the

International Highway.

Amanda is preparing Sonia for an adult life in several ways. First, Amanda

carefully teaches Sonia to carry out the domestic tasks she believes are integral to her

upbringing. "Ya yo la enc~l~~il a cocind, que ella no sabia nada. Yo la m~l~~id a cocind, a

limpid, a todo. Yo la enc~l~~ilopa que aprenda," or "I already taught her how to cook

because she did not know a thing.. I taught her how to cook, to clean, to do everything. I

teach her so she will learn how to do these things," Amanda explained. Amanda,

however, also teaches Sonia how to sell at the colmado. When a customer approached

the store in the middle of our conversation, Amanda said, "Sonia ven a ver! Vindele

media botella de aceite. Vindele! or "Sonia, go sell him half a bottle of cooking oil!i

Go ahead!" Amanda has been teaching Sonia colmado operations. When I inquired










whether she always helped her with her business, she replied, "Si, para que se vayav~~~vvv~~~

defendiendo," or "Yes, so she can defend herself."

Non-Academic Training-Sons

Hifos de crianza or male foster children receive careful instruction in the skills

parents believe will be most valuable as adults. Boys in rural areas are taken to the fields

to learn from and help their fathers with agricultural chores. For instance, Wilfredo,

Nefertiti's Haitian foster brother, was taught to tend to his family's goats, cows and pigs.

In urban areas, on the other hand, boys learn to carry out other types of skills. Jose,

Isabel's former foster child, learned to operate her colmado or small convenience store

when he was thirteen-years-old. Tony, a nine-year-old foster son in Loma de Cabrera,

was learning how to provide price quotes and answer phone calls at his uncle's hardware

store.

Exchange of Costs and Benefits: What are the Children Required to Do?

Child fosterage, as I have mentioned, involves the transfer of parental guardianship

from the sending to the receiving family. As Isabel, the woman raising her nephew' s son

articulated, "Es una responsabilidad que uno assume muy grande, or "It is a bi g

responsibility one assumes." The responsibility she makes reference to involves the

fulfillment of a child's physical, emotional and educational needs. Consequently, as

Isiugo-Abanihe (1985) asserts, "biological parents, in effect, transfer the economic costs

of childbearing onto the receiving family" (p. 55). But, is this arrangement unilateral in

regards to the costs and benefits involved? If so, it would seem as if biological parents

receive all the benefits of the hilo de crianza system. What stipulations does the child

fosterage system have in place to compensate foster parents for their investments in time,

resources and most importantly, emotions? Foster parents, I learned, not only acquire










"the responsibility of childrearing but also the rights associated with it" (Page, 1989, p.

402).

Childrearing Benefits: Labor and Forthcoming Love

Pero no es a camnbio de dinero. El niho tiene que ayudarted~~~~dddd~~~~ddd en la casa, porque tui le
vas a darddddd~~~~~~~dddddd pero 41 tiene que darted~~~~ddddd~~~~dddd a ti, or You don't get money in return. The child
has to help you in the home because you are going to give, but he has to give to
you, Nora, Loma Dura

We can begin this discussion by stating that an analysis of the benefits received by

foster parents from foster children does not automatically presuppose some unusually

strong utilitarian dimension that distinguishes the fosterage arrangement from ordinary

childcare. Demographers who analyze cost-benefit calculations of the "value of

children" as a determinant of fertility are searching for utilitarian considerations even

with the biological family. If parents seek value from their biological children, we can

assume the same is true for foster children.

The analytic question concerns the nature of the value. We can identify three

genera of value that children give: ongoing material support, ongoing affection and

emotional support, and future material support in old age and illness.

Nora, the rural nurse in the mountain community in Loma Dura, and I spoke about

the childrearing benefits receiving parents acquire. Using Norbertico, her son, as a

hypothetical example, I asked her how I would be compensated for providing him with

all his needs. "iPero a camnbio de qud, yo lo crio y le doy comida?"or "What do I get in

return for rearing him and giving him food?" I asked. "Pero no es a camnbio de dinero.

El nitieeo tiene que ayudarte en la casa, porque tu le vas a dar, pero 41 tiene que darte a ero~Itiee qe dd~~d~~d~~dd~dd~dd~dd~~d~~d~~

ti, or "You don't get money in exchange. The child has to help you in the home because

you are going to give, but he has to give to you," she clarified.. Labor on the part of the









child is one of the means by which the hijos de crianza system reciprocates the efforts

foster parents invest in the childrearing process. This particular element of the hijo de

crianza system, I would later discover, is the source of much controversy, particularly

among development agencies. To many people, as I will address in subsequent sections,

fosterage looks and sounds like coercive child labor.

Foster children are required to carry out multiple tasks in the receiving household.

Although the types and amount of work required vary widely throughout each home, I

found that, in general, labor is distributed along gender lines and is related to the type of

non-academic instruction received. In other words, children will perform the tasks they

are taught. For instance, Wilfredo, the Haitian boy I mentioned in previous sections,

takes care of the goats, cows, and pigs, as he has been taught to do while at his foster

home. He also sweeps the patios and shines iron pots. Annie, on the other hand, helps

her foster mother with the "o(lki il\`" or housework. She washes the dishes, helps with the

cooking and cleaning. Altagracia, who was fostered in Ensanche Piantini, had to take

care of her foster mother' s baby.

Parents, however, have a distinctive understanding of a child's work in the home.

Foster child labor contributions are not considered labor per se. It is conceptualized and

discussed as an integral component ofa child's education and as exercises for the future.

But, most importantly, they perceive the work that children carry out as a means of

"instilling responsibility and knowledge" (Bass, 2004, p. 22).

Forthcoming Love

El se porta mejor con mi mamad que los mismo hijo que ella engendro or He
behaves better with my mother than the children she gave birth to.










The previous statement was made by Juana, a woman in San Jose de Ocoa who

grew up with a foster brother. At the time, she was talking about how her brother loves

and cares for his foster mother more than her own biological children. Juana's brother is

"agradecido, a grateful person who remembers what you did for her even though you are

not her biological mother" (Smucker & Murray, 2004, p.78).

Juana' s example illustrates an element that is crucial to the hijos de crianza system.

As parents age, they increasingly rely on their children for support, thus they view

childrearing as a retirement investment. Foster children care, love and support their

parents in old age, as a means to return the love and care they themselves received while

they were growing up. Smucker and Murray (2004) had similar findings in this regard,

"Over and over again we heard from Dominican foster parents about long-term

calculations, the tremendous advantage of having additional children who can be counted

on to love and care for you in sickness and old age" (p. 78).

Which of these two calculations is more important the labor that the child gives to

me now, or the support that I will receive later in old age? There are no clear methods for

answering this question; both factors operate, not only with foster children, but also with

biological children. In Haiti, the treatment of restavek children is so cruel that caretakers

know the children will leave as soon as they can (Smucker & Murray 2004). In such a

system, caretakers extract from foster children a maximum of short-term benefits, with no

expectation of payoffs in old age. In the Dominican system, in contrast, there seems to

be a strategy of treating children in such a way that they will develop affection and

provide for you in old age. Am I asserting that Dominicans treat children kindly out of

gross calculations of future benefits rather than out of affection? No. All that is being









said here is that the Dominican system, with the importance given to future payoffs, treats

foster children much more benignly than the Haitian system documented by Smucker and

Murray (2004).

Prestado vs. Regalado: Partitioning Childrearing Rights and Obligations

As I have noted in previous sections, the prestttttttttttttttttado and regalado modalities operate

in similar ways. Both share characteristics that range from the transmission of

childrearing obligations and benefits to physical relocations. However, despite these

collective features, they differ in fundamental ways. The following excerpt from my

conversation with Nora, the nurse from Loma Dura, concisely explains these differences:

La diferencia es que el que lo da con papeles no tiene derecho. Todavia tiene
derecho pore es prestttttttttttttttttado, or The difference is that if you give him or her away,
you no longer have rights. If you lend your child, you still have rights.

As Nora revealed, biological parents in regalado agreements renounce their

parental rights. Prestttttttttttttttttado parents, on the other hand, do not. But, what rights was she

referring to? As I continued my conversation with Nora, as well as with all my other

informants, I gained a better understanding of the intricacies involved with biological and

foster parental rights in the hijo de crianza system.

Prestado Parental Rights

As I have noted, the transfer of parental duties and benefits that occurs in prestttttttttttttttttad

agreements is carried out on a "temporary, partial" basis (Eloundou-Enyengue & Stokes,

2002). Prestttttttttttttttttado sending parents, as Nora stated, relinquish certain rights but retain four

key ones. First, biological parents have the prerogative to supervise and evaluate the

childrearing process. Second, sending parents can choose to create or conserve their

affective relationship with their child. Third, biological parents can choose to terminate










the agreement at any time. Finally, they retain the right to provide the child with their

own civil and kinship identity (Goody, 1982).

Evaluating the Childrearing Process- The Hijo de Crianza Supervisory Process

In essence, the hilo de crianza supervisory process, allows parents to continue

exerting their parentage despite the fact that the child is no longer under their direct care.

Although it might appear from the cases I have just described that there seems to be little

biological parent participation, they retain a voice in the childrearing process. This

process serves several functions. First, it allows biological parents to participate in the

childrearing process, albeit indirectly. It provides parents with the necessary mechanism

to ensure that children are receiving an appropriate upbringing. But more importantly, it

is the principal means through which parents protect children from mistreatment and

abuse. Finally, biological parents can use the supervisory process to create and/or nurture

affective relationships with their child.

How does the supervisory process operate? How exactly do parents exercise this

right? Parents, I discovered, assess childrearing activities through the visitation process

which has clearly established rules and norms.

Visitation- Child Protection and Links to Biological Roots

Ella vino a verla, par a ver como etaba la ni~a. Ella. .. E decir. .. Que dede
que ella la trajo, ella no habia sabido de su ni~a. Entonce, ella vino como a ver y
a informano a nosotro. .. A decir...a ve porque asi somo la mamad.

She came to see her. She came to see how the girl was doing. I mean, she had not
heard from her girl since she brought her here. So, she came to see her and to
inform us, I mean, because that' s how us mothers are.

The previous quote is from my interview with Chichi, one of the foster mothers

from Loma de Cabrera. Chichi, who is fostering Elena, a seven-year-old Haitian girl,

was recounting the time when Tifan, Elena's mother, visited her daughter at her new










home. Chichi's quote, "She came to see how the girl was doing," accurately describes

the main function visitation serves. Biological parents will travel to the foster family

home to witness their child's well-being.

Visitation practices, I noted, have two basic characteristics. First of all, most visits

are unannounced. Foster parents are rarely informed of any upcoming trips. This, I

concluded, is done in order to witness childrearing activities free of deceptions.

Secondly, the visit frequency depends on the distance between both homes, the cost and

time of travel, and transportation availability.

What takes place during these visits? My conversations with Chichi, Nancy and

Amanda facilitated my understanding of the rules and protocol involved in an encounter.

Visitation Protocol

The visitation process has many unspoken rules. The first and most significant is

that foster parents must always welcome biological parents into their home. "Si ello son

lo papd y ello vienen a vela a ella, nosotro no podemo a ello prohibile de que no, or "If

they are her parents, and they come to see her, we cannot forbid them to [come]," Chichi,

the foster mother in Loma de Cabrera admitted. Not only must foster parents allow

biological parents to visit, but they must treat them as guests. For instance, if a biological

parent is present during the noon day meal, it is imperative that they be asked to j oin the

family at the table. Second, biological parents ought to provide biological parents with

the opportunity to be alone with the child. This allows children to candidly express any

sentiments about their current living conditions. Amanda, the foster mother from Loma

de Cabrera, asked Sonia, her foster daughter, to reveal the contents of her conversation.

"Dique la mamnd le dijo que se cuidara.dd~~~~~ddddd~~~~ Le hizo varia pregunta: que si habia varone

aqui, que con quidn ella dormia, que como la trataban," or "Her mom told her to take










care of herself. She asked her various questions. She asked her if there were boys in the

house. She asked her who she slept with and how she was treated," she told me. Finally,

biological parents are allowed to bring gifts for their child. "Le trae su dinerito, le trae

cositals para que coma," or"He brings her a little money. He brings her little things to

eat," is what Diana told me that her foster daughter' s father brings when he visits. "Pa

embullala y cosa" or "So that she becomes fond of him and things," she explained. In

addition, biological parents, as Smucker and Murray (2004) note, will bring gifts for the

foster parent household as a gesture of friendship and appreciation. However, "these are

voluntary gifts, not an obligatory payment or remittance" (p. 79).

The visitation system also establishes rules for biological parent behavior. I

learned of the first rule during my conversation with Nancy, a girl from Loma de

Cabrera. Biological parents must exhibit respectful behavior and acknowledge foster

parental authority. For instance, Nancy's mother, who was raising a Haitian girl, was

offended when the foster child's father failed to acknowledge her parental authority. "El

queria tend cierta autorida~ en la casa," or, "He wanted to have a certain authority in the

house," she explained. When I asked her to elaborate, she replied, "Si mamni le d'ecia a

ella, por ejemplo, que se fuera a baha a la niha, 41le d'ecia 'No. Ven. Sidntate aqui," or

"For instance, if mom would tell her to go take a bath, he would say 'No, Come here. Sit

down.'" Nancy's mother viewed this behavior as an overt challenge to her parental

authority that would eventually lead to disrespectful behavior from the foster child.

Consequently, this rule, I concluded, is established to prevent prest adott~~~~tttt~~~ children from

undermining foster parent authority.










Not only do biological parents visit the foster home, but children will make trips to

visit their families as well. Under the prestttttttttttttttttado agreement, foster parents are obliged to

send their hijos de crianza on family visits. "Yo la he Ilevado donde su mamad do

vece, "or "I have taken her to her mother' s two times," Amanda said referring to the times

she has taken Sonia to visit her family in Haiti. "Yo se la llevo alla. Yo se la llevo pa

que ella la yea," or "I take her to them over there. I take her so that they can see her,"

she added. Children, I found, are usually sent during school holidays such as Semana

Santa or Holy Week and/ or summer vacation. Foster families must arrange as well as

pay for the child's trip. During these visits, it is common for foster parents to give gifts

to biological parents, particularly to the mother. "Yo no le mando a~si si no, cuando voy

de ve en cuando, le Ilevo su compra, le Ilevo su quiniento peso, dependiendo lo que

pueda," "I don't send her money like that. When I go I take her some groceries. I take

her five- hundred pesos or so. I give her what I can afford," Amanda explained.

Although these gifts are expected, they are not required. They are optional and carried

out at the foster parent' s discretion.

Visitation in Regalado Arrangements- Exceptions to the Rules

Despite the fact that biological parents in regalado arrangements relinquish their

visitation privileges, I learned that violations to these rules occur. These unwelcome

visits will most likely create conflicts between families, as well as with the child.

Zuleyka, Chana and Miguel's case, a family in Loma de Cabrera, illustrates such an

instance. Despite the fact that Zuleyka was regalad as an infant, her biological mother

occasionally visits her at her foster home. Zuleyka spoke to me about the tense

encounters. "No me gusta su compaiti" or "I don't like her company," she stated in a

somewhat harsh tone.










What happens during these visits? How are these violations handled? Although

these visits are unwelcome, Chana and Miguel still abide by the visitation norms that

dictate that they must welcome Zuleyka' s biological mother into their home and treat her

as a guest. "Yo soy que le digo a ella: 'Julissa, mira tzi mama~.' Pero ella la trata mal.

Yo le digo que no la trate asi. La madre se pone a llorar, or "I tell her, 'Zuleyka, here

is your mother,' but she treats her badly. I tell her not to treat her like that. Her mother

starts to cry," she said as she revealed her condemnation of her daughter' s behavior.

Zuleyka' s biological mother is entitled to deferential treatment. She is "su madre que la

echo al mundo" or "her mother that brought her to this world." Thus, I concluded, blood

ties are kept in high regard. Zuleyka, according to Chana, should be appreciative of her

biological mother. After all, she would not be here if it were not for her.

As I proceeded with my interviews, I learned that visitations in regalado

arrangements can also foster altercations amongst foster and biological parents.

Unwelcome visitations can cause latent parental authority conflicts to surface, as Dofia

Ramona's experience illustrates:

Tess: iEl la venia a visitar?

Doila RamRRRRRRRR~~~~~~~~~ona: Si. Entonce ~I le traia a ella quesito y bolone, cosa que ~I no
debia de dcisela. Tenia que dasela a lo que ~I tenia. Poque a ella no le hacia falta.

Tess: Did he come and visit her?

Dofia Ramona: Yes. He would bring her cheese and candy, things he should not
give her. He needed to give them to the kids he was raising. She was not in need
of any of that.

Why did Dofia Ramona reject these seemingly innocuous gifts? When similar

conflicts resurfaced in my interview with Chichi and her husband in Loma de Cabrera, I

concluded that Dofia Ramona' s comments were indicative of an issue that is of central










importance in the hilo de crianza system, that is, parentage is also determined by the

expenditures childrearing involves.

Tess: iLos padres de ella les dandddddd~~~~~~~dddddd dinero para Elena?

Foster father: No, nada. Ni nosotro queremo eso ttttttttttttttttampoco.

Tess: iPor qud no?

Foster father: Porque si nosotro vamo a ser, quisimo haceno reponsable a ella,
entonce nosotro no podemo aceta de que ella entonce tenga ch, do papa. .. Yo
no toy de acuedo con eso porque entonce, un tiempo, eh, nosotro vamo a peidd,
vamo a peide el apoyo. g Ve?

Tess: Do Elena's parents give you money for her?

Foster father: No, nothing. We don't want them to, either.

Tess: Why not?

Foster father: Because if we are going to be, if we chose to be responsible for her,
we can't accept that she has um, two fathers. I don't agree with that because then,
in time, we are going to loose, we are going to loose, how can I say, the girl's
support. You see?

The sharing of childrearing obligations in the hijo de crianza system is

discouraged. As Chichi's husband and Dofia Ramona suggested, foster parents view any

contribution towards child sustenance as inherent challenges to parental guardianship and

authority. Foster parents view gifts as incursions into their parental authority since

"primary economic support ... becomes the responsibility of the caretaker family"

(Smucker & Murray, 2004, p. 78). For Elena' s foster father, accepting money from the

biological father undermines his parental authority and role. As Elena's father, it is his

responsibility to bear the financial burden of her upbringing. This responsibility is what,

in essence, makes him a father.










Termination- Ending the Fosterage Agreement

The greatest difference between the prestadott~~~~~tttt~~~~ and regalado fosterage modalities has

to do with the right to annul the agreement. Prestttttttttttttttttado modalities allow biological parents

to terminate the arrangement; regalado ones do not. In prestttttttttttttttttad arrangements, the

transfer of parental guardianship is temporary and partial (Eloundou-Enyengue & Stokes,

2002). Biological parents can reclaim their children at any time. For instance, Dofia

Milagros, a woman from La Seyba raising a Haitian girl said, "Se la devuelvo, or "I

give her back to him," when I inquired about what would happen if her parents reclaimed

her foster daughter. I posed a similar question to Amanda, who is also from La Seyba.

"Tenga. Porque esa hija e de ella. Si ella un dia decide o eta decide que se quiere ir,

pue yo, yo lo que no hago e dique aqui y alli. Yo voy ay se la llevo y 'Tenga!' Donde yo

la encontrd, or "Here, take her. That daughter belongs to her. If one day she decides or

the girl decides she wants to leave, well I, I am not going to be going from here to there.

I will go and take her and say, 'Take her!' I will give her back to them in the same place

where they gave her to me," she explained.

Prestttttttttttttttttado arrangements also allow foster families to end arrangements as well.

Foster parents have the right to end the arrangement at any time. Dofia Ramona and I

also spoke about a time when she exercised this right with a previous hija de crianza.

"Dede que vi que se taba enamorando y a encompinchase con otra ma que venia dique a

buscala, digo, 'Yo lo siento, or "The moment I saw she was having crushes and having

friendships with another girl that would come to get her, I said 'I'm sorry,'" she

explained. "Ella se queria independiza, or "She wanted to become independent."

Consequently, Amanda chose to terminate the arrangement and returned her daughter to

her biological parents.










Termination in Regalado Agreements?- Exceptions to the Rule

Doha RamRRRRRRRR~~~~~~~~~ona: El sabe, 41 sabe que ya ella le cocina, le puede hacei todo porque
yo le enc~l~~i) como si fuera mi hija. Yo le di una crianza como si fuera hija mia de
vedd. Que sufrimuchisimo! Uy, que si Ilord much! Y me dabavoluntd de lord
cuando yo cocinaba, que yo veia que la muchacha no taba aqui. Porque yo sabia
el hamnbre que ello pasa~ban por ahi. Muchisimo yo sufri. Todo ese cariho se
perdio.

Dofia Ramona: He knows that she can cook for him. He knows that she can do
everything because I taught her as though she were my child. I raised her like she
was my real daughter. I suffered so much! Wow, did I cry! I would cry when I
was cooking and I would see that the girl was no longer here. I knew the hunger
they were going through over there. I suffered so much! All that affection was
lost.

Dofia Ramona as well as many other informants claim that biological parents will

often reclaim their children when their offspring are old enough and capable of

contributing to the household economy. Dofia Ramona makes this quite clear at the

beginning of the excerpt and throughout the entire interview. Jaqueline's father relocated

his daughter, Dofia Ramona claims, when she was a liability, that is, when she was an

ailing infant that required constant attention and care. However, he retrieved her the

moment that Jaquelin had grown up and had the knowledge and strength to carry out

household chores.

At that point, multiple questions regarding the regalad arrangement came to my

mind. What mechanisms does the regalad fosterage arrangement use to seal regalad

arrangements? Is there an irreversible way in which parental guardianship and custody is

transferred. Chicha, a foster mother in her forties, shed light on this topic in the interview

we had in La Cienaga, a small settlement north of San Jose de Ocoa. In the following

passage, Chicha is responding to my inquiries about the way in which regalad fosterage

arrangements are terminated.

Tess: Y si la~s mamd~s vienen a pe dir el niho, g tienen que devolverlo?










Chicha: Si, por lo meno, si a ustd se lo dandddddd~~~~~~~dddddd hoy y entire, de aqui al lune vienen y se
lo quitan, y si ustd no hace un papel, si ustd no hace un papel.

Tess: Se lo tengo que devolver.

Chicha: Si, pero si ustd hace un papel, a ustd no se lo quita nadie porque eso no.

Tess: What happens if the mothers return and ask for the child back, do you have
to return them?

Chicha: Yes, at least, if you receive the child today and she comes on Monday and
they take him away; if you haven't made a paper, if you haven't done a paper.

Tess: I have to return him.

Chicha: Yes, but if you have a paper made, no one can take him away.

Kinship and Civil Identity- "Papeles" or "Papers"

The paper Chicha is referring to is of utmost significance in the regalado modality.

When a child is regalado con papeles or given away with papers, biological parents

allow foster parents to register the child at the Registro Civil or Civil Registry. Foster

parents register the child' s birth as if they shared a genetic bond, that is, as if they had

engendered the child themselves. Chicha made sure that Keila, her foster daughter would

not be taken away by specifically negotiating these terms with the biological father and

registering the child as if she herself had given birth to her. In the event that Keila' s

custody was ever contested, Chicha would have a "legal", written document that

legitimizes her claim to parentage.

Conclusion

This chapter has discussed two maj or topics: (1) the multiple benefits which foster

parents derive from foster children and (2) the competition between foster parents and

biological parents. The visitation rights which biological parents remain over "lent"

children can threaten the exclusive emotional bond which it is in the interest of the foster

parent to encourage in the foster child. But even more seriously, we have seen that the









maneuvers on the part of biological parents to terminate fosterage arrangements can

totally sabotage any long term benefits to the foster parent.

As I have mentioned throughout this chapter, child relocation in the Dominican

Republic is carried out systematically and follows a specific set of norms. The hilo de

crianza system allows biological parents to relinquish or transfer their childrearing rights

and obligations to varying degrees by selecting one of two agreements-the prestttttttttttttttttado or

regalad modalities. Although both of these arrangements share similarities in regards to

the rights and obligations surrounding childrearing and offspring responsibilities, they

differ in a fundamental way- the biological parent's right to reclaim child custody. This

menaces the long-term benefits which foster parents expect in the cultural norms of the

Dominican system.

However, a fundamental question still remains unanswered. Why do biological

parents give up children? And why do foster parents take in children? Why do they

make this apparently difficult choice? As will be seen in the next chapter, parents give

up or take in children for a variety of reasons.















CHAPTER 4
WHY DO PEOPLE GIVE UP OR TAKE INT CHILDREN?

The preceding chapter discussed the basic contours of the Dominican child

relocation system and its two modes of operation. We also discussed cost-benefit

calculations that appear to be in existence. In this chapter I will discuss the factors that

motivate people to enter into the arrangement. Lest this be seen as redundant, I wish to

point out that this decision to give up or take in a child is different from the simple

question of the "value of children" that was discussed in the preceding chapter. Recall:

all parental behavior can be construed (or misconstrued) in the language of"cost-benefit

calculations." But not all parents give up their children or take in the children of others.

What is it that motivates a subset of people to do cost-benefit calculations on other

people's children? And what "cost-benefit" factors lead some people to give up their

children?

For societies unfamiliar with the practice, child fosterage might seem appalling.

How can parents voluntarily give up their offspring to be raised by other people? Why

would someone in their right mind assume the responsibility of raising someone else' s

child particularly when there is often no legal documentation to legitimize the

arrangement? An arrangement such as this and its subsequent legal implications are

difficult to imagine in a society as litigious as the United States. An arrangement that

involves the provision of food, clothing, shelter and schooling in exchange for domestic

labor on the part of the child, automatically conjures images of Cinderella and the evil

triad of the stepmother and stepsisters.









Although adoptions are widely accepted and practiced throughout the west, rarely

do they take place in the manner in which it does in the prestttttttttttttttttado or lent and regalad or

given away arrangements. In the event that a child cannot be raised by his or her

biological father or mother, the state must intervene to ensure the child's welfare.

Legally established guardianship is mandatory in order to execute such routine tasks as

signing a child's permission slip to attend a school field trip or to consent to a medical

procedure. Parentage in countries such as the United States can only be legitimized by

the authority of the State.

The notion that children are best raised by their biological parents is not, however,

universal. Parenting is conceptualized differently in many societies (Isiugo-Abanihe,

1985, p. 54). In sub-Saharan Africa, for instance, parents do not think of themselves as

the exclusive owners of offspring (Page, 1989). On the contrary, children are believed to

be the property of the entire lineage. Parentage in other African societies, particularly

those located in the westernmost countries, is not defined by filiation or biological

relationships in its entirety (Isiugo-Abanihe, 1985). Behavioral roles are equally, if not

more important. This is also the case in the Caribbean. Smucker and Murray (2004) state

that nuclear family members throughout the Caribbean often reside in multiple

households. My findings confirm these conclusions, as well.

Parentage in the Dominican Republic is determined by conduct as well as by

biological bonds. Although genetic relationships lie at the core of intimate kin group

membership, behavior can be of equal, if not more relevance. This excerpt from an

interview I conducted with Amantina, a former foster daughter from Loma de Cabrera,

illustrates my point. At the time, I was asking her why her family had given her up.










Tess: iY porqud usted se fue a vivir con ese \Ieilkir?

Larisa: iCon Papd? Porque yo taba nilla y ~I me reconocio y todo como hija del.

Tess: jlPero el no es papd suyo?

Larisaa: Si... no, pero yo lo quise como mi papd. Y si vuelve y resucita, ese e mi
papa.

Tess: And, why did you go live with that gentleman?

Larisa: With Father? Because I was a girl and he registered and legally recognized
me as his daughter.

Tess: But, he isn't your father, right?

Larisa: Yes, no, but I loved him as my father. And if he returns and comes back
from the dead, that's my father.

The manner in which I posed my initial question revealed my own bias that

parentage is exclusively determined by biology. To me, the man who raised Larisa was

not her real father because they did not share a biological bond. The fact that I referred to

Larisa' s father as "ese \Ieiibr" or "that gentleman" baffled her. She immediately

clarified that the "\eilbr I am referring to is in effect, "Papd or "Father", that is, the

person she shared the affective father-child bond with. This \Ieibr,l she proclaimed, was

indeed her "real" father. He even legally recognized her as such, she clarified. However,

at the time, I still did not grasp the true meaning of her words. Once again, I asked

Amantina whether or not her "Papd was her father. Confused, Amantina briefly

hesitated. Although perplexed by my question, she responded. No, "Papd wasn't her

biological father, but she loved him as if he were. Were he to be born again, she would

still love him as her true father.

The fact that behavior, not biology determines parentage is best articulated in the

following statement. In this instance, one of the foster mothers I interviewed in Loma de

Cabrera is explaining her relationship with her foster daughter.










Ella tiene su mamnd y su papd. Su madre que la echo al mundo y su papd que la
engendro. Pero madre es la que cria.

She has her mother and her father. Her mother that brought her to this world and
her father that bore her. But mother is the person that rears you.

The adage "ma~dre es la que cria" or "mother is the person that rears you" is used

throughout the Dominican Republic. I heard it many times as I was growing up,

particularly during Dia de la~s padres or Mother' s Day. In the Dominican Republic,

giving birth does not automatically qualify you as a mother. You must behave as a

mother to be a mother. Mothers feed, clothe, educate, provide schooling and nurture

children. Isiugo Abanihe (1985) had similar findings in his study of West African

fosterage practices. When inquiring about the identity of a child's parents, he would

often have to ask two different sets of questions: "Who bore you?" and "Who reared

you?" to get a clear answer (p. 54). I had to ask similar questions throughout my

fieldwork, as well.

Altruism or Self- Interest: Questions About Human Nature

Why do parents give up or take in children? This question, which at first seemed

straightforward, ended up being a perplexing matter. For instance, each fosterage case I

encountered was the product of a particular combination of forces that challenged

analyses and generalizations. Moreover, I was unable to speak with many of the sending

families, especially Haitian biological parents. Consequently, my analyses, particularly

in regards to the Haitian parent fosterage decision making process, rely heavily on

second-hand information. Finally, in trying to answer this question, I realized that I was,

in essence, making what Wilk (1997) calls "assumptions and ideas about the essential

nature of human beings", (p. 34). I was trying to decide whether parents gave up or took

children in a "self-interested or altruistic" fashion (p. 35).










The following excerpt from my interview with Dofia Ramona, the foster mother

from Yamasa I have mentioned, helps illustrate this dilemma:

Cuando a mi me dieron esa niha, yo vivia en La Cuaba. Ella tenia un pardsito
malo. Tenia una infeccion vaginal. Ella taba enferma. Yo gatd much dinero!
M~ucho! La puse que el que la veia, no decia que era la ni~a. La puse limpia y
bonita. Pero ei papd, cuando la vio limpia, que ya le podia hacei oficio me la
quiso quita.

I lived in La Cuaba when the girl was given to me. She had a bad parasite. She
had a vaginal infection. She was sick. I spent a lot of money! A lot! People did
not recognize the girl when they saw her after I had her. I cleaned her up and made
her pretty. But when her father saw that she was clean and that she could help him
with housework, he wanted to take her from me.

Does Dofia Ramona's mention of her childrearing expenses denote a "self-

interested" (Wilk, 1997, p. 35) motive for taking in her foster daughter? Does the

biological father' s intention of reclaiming his daughter when she was old enough to

perform household duties reveal a concern for his own personal advantage? My

conversation with Chichi, a foster mother from Loma de Cabrera, reveals similar

thinking.

Chichi: Ahora, si ello vienen y me la quieren quitd a la fueza y ella no quiere irse,
y yo entonce yo puedo por lo meno, cobrale a ello el tiempo.

Tess: iComo asi, cobrarle el tiempo?

Chichi: Es decir, si ella tiene, vamo a deci ocho mese conmigo, yo puedo, si yo
quiero, porque yo no lo toy haciendo, yo puedo llevd vamo a decir, como un rd cor
de todo lo que ella consume, porque ttttttttttttttttampoco no e que uno puede Ileva esa cuenta.
Porque imaginese! Pero alguna cosa, uno por lo meno, sabe que si ella se enferma
y uno la lleva al medico, eh, uno no sabe hata donde se va uno gatando en ella.
Que son sacrificio que uno hace, g vedd '?

Chichi: Now, if they come and want to take her away from me by force and she
doesn't want to go, I can then at least, charge them for the time.

Tess: What do you mean charge them for the time?

Chichi: I mean, if she has been, let' s say, eight months with me, I can, if I like, not
that I am doing it, I can keep a record of everything we spend on her. Not that one









can keep such a record. Imagine that! But some things, one can at least, if she is
sick and we take her to the doctor, um, one doesn't know how much we can end up
spending on her. It's a sacrifice we are making, right?

Once again, does Chichi's intention of keeping receipts of her childrearing

expenditures suggest self-interested motives? Dofia Ramona and Chichi's experiences,

as well as excerpts from other interviews stirred up multiple questions. What do parents

consider when deciding to give up or take in a child? Is the hijo or hija de crianza system

governed by market principles of supply and demand? Is the decision to take in or give

up a child based on economic rationale? Are foster children in the Dominican Republic,

in effect, commodified?

The self-interested or altruistic motive has also been addressed in child fosterage

literature. In her book Parenthood~~PPP~~~PP~~~PP and Social Reproduction (1982), Goody examines the

numerous factors that influence the fosterage decision making process of the Gonj a in

Northern Ghana. Goody encountered difficulties while trying to assign a "defining

characteristic" (p. 252) to each arrangement. On the one hand, evidence led her to

support a self-interested, rational explanation. Yet, she also detected explanations that

focused on altruistic motives. "Which interpretation is correct?" (p. 252), Goody

wondered, as did I. Isiugo-Abanihe (1985) engages this issue in Child fosterage in West

Afr~ica. This article, which tries to bring attention to child fosterage practices particularly

in the Hield of demography, confronts similar questions in trying to establish the factors

behind child relocation. Children, Isiugo-Abanihe concludes, are fostered "by both stable

and unstable families, married and single mothers, healthy and handicapped parents, rural

and urban homes, and wealthy and poor parents" (p. 56). Consequently, families respond

to an assortment of motivators, both rational and altruistic.









In their study of the effects of African economic crises on child fosterage practices

between urban and rural families, Eloundou-Enyengue and Stokes (2002) address these

theoretical considerations. Their quantitative study of child relocation in Cameroon

assumes that parents give up or take in children with economic calculations in mind.

However, fosterage practices, the authors admit, are in reality driven by "altruism,

economic rationality, or adherence to social norms" (p. 281). Thus, their study only

addresses one of the three possible motivating factors behind the practice.

In their study of fosterage practices in Haiti and the Dominican Republic, Smucker

and Murray (2004) noted the presence of an economic rationale in the fosterage decision-

making process. In Haiti, fosterage choices are "based on a calculus of costs, benefits,

and household needs" (p. 26). The inability of Haitian parents to provide sustenance for

their children is the principal motivating factor. Dominican foster parents, on the other

hand, are heavily influenced by economic considerations, as well. Dominican parents

emphasize the "long-term calculations .. of having additional children who can be

counted on to love and care for you in sickness and old age" (p. 78).

Although cost-benefit calculations are undoubtedly present in my data, I found

evidence that can lead to alternative explanations. I encountered cases where rational

thought was not applicable. Parents, I found, sometimes base their decisions on "self-

interested" motives and explicitly framed childrearing in economic terms, while at other

times, they were driven by the interests of the social group to which they belonged. Even

more, I found that they were prompted to give up or take in a child as a response to moral

obligations or altruistic motivations. Like Goody (1982), I asked myself "which

interpretation is correct?" (p. 252). After much deliberation and inner debate, I










concluded that the parenting decision making process in the Dominican child fosterage

system needs to be addressed with a basic guiding principle in mind. To examine all

possibilities, it was imperative that I adopt a "combined model" of human nature (Wilk,

1996, p. 39) to thoroughly explain the practice.

With this "combined model" (p. 39) in mind, I attempted, once again, to examine

the decision to give up or take children in. In doing so, I was able to observe practices

that were "not simply occasional statistical anomalies in the otherwise even flow of

nuclear-family life" (Goody, 1982, p. 250). Using my respondent's explanations in

regards to their fosterage decision, as well as Goody (1982) and Isiugo-Abanihe's (1985)

classificatory system as a guiding framework, I arranged the Dominican child fosterage

system in eight categories, as Table 2 indicates. I divided the hijo de crianza system into

two main subdivisions. The first has to do with the reasons to give up a child: family

crisis, economic crisis, educational needs, alliance and apprenticeship. The second has to

do with the decision to take in a child: affective, domestic labor and infertility fosterage.

Table 4-1. Dominican child fosterage taxonomy.
A. Reasons to give up children B. Reasons to take in children
1. Family crisis 1. Affective fosterage
a. Death of a parent 2. Domestic labor
b. Divorce or separation 3. Infertility fosterage
i. Girls
ii. Boys
2. Economic crisis
3. Educational fosterage
4. Alliance and apprentice fosterage


Crisis Fosterage

Child relocation cases that result from "the dissolution of the family of origin by

divorce, separation or death of a spouse" (Isiugo-Abanihe, 1985, p. 57) can be referred to

as crisis fosterage. This particular type of fosterage, which has been cited as being the










most frequent motivator behind the practice in the West Indies and in Latin America, was

the most common modality in my fieldwork. Over and over again, I confronted instances

that involved life-altering circumstances that prompted parents to give up or take in

children. Parents often turned to the hijo de crianza system to unravel their family and/or

economic predicaments.

Family Crisis

The hijo de crianza system is indispensable in the resolution of several catastrophic

family situations. It allows parents to gain access to resources and support through their

kin and non-kin networks. The hijo de crianza system is often the only means through

which parents can rebuild their shattered livelihoods. Children are sent to live with other

families, mostly with members of their kin groups, as a consequence of marriage or union

terminations, remarriages, death of one or both parents and abandonment. As the

following section reveals, fosterage situations are often the most fitting solution to

resolve parental deaths.

Death of Parent

One of the family crisis situations I encountered during my fieldwork involved the

death of parents. Child fosterage is often the course of action adopted in all three

possible parental death scenarios. Isabel's story, which I recounted in Chapter 2,

illustrates the first scenario- the death of a mother. Luisin, Isabel's foster son, does not

have a mother. She died at childbirth. Consequently, Luisin is being raised by his

father' uncle' wife.

Junior' s case, a seven-year-old boy from La Seyba illustrates another of the

possible death scenarios. Junior has lived with his grandmother Amanda from the day he

was born. "Porque el e huerfano de padre. No conoce a su padre," or "He is an orphan










from his father' s side. He did not meet his father," his grandmother explained. "Al1

padre lo mataron que tenia la mamnd tre mese de embarazo, or "His father was killed

when his mother was three months pregnant," she continued. "Ei iba en un motor y lo

chocd un camnidn, or "He was on a motorcycle and was hit by a truck," Amanda

revealed. But why did Junior' s mother choose not to raise Junior herself! It was

inevitable, I was told. Junior's mother had no choice. "Como ella no tiene ninguin

recurs de nada, yo me quedd, el niffo nacid en poder mio, "or Since she does not have

any kind of resources, I kept, the boy was born in my care. He was bomn here and I kept

him here so she could get on her way," she explained. "She does not have a husband to

help her. She does not have a house. She does not have anything."

Wilfredo's child relocation case illustrates the last possible scenario- the death of

both parents. Both of Wilfredo's parents are dead. Wilfredo lived with his uncle in Haiti

prior to living with his current family in the Dominican Republic. Although Nefertiti, his

Dominican foster sister told me his story, she did not know how his parents died.

Divorce or Separation

La ley dice que las hembras son de los padres y los varones son de la mamd. The
law says that girls belong to the fathers and boys belong to the mothers. Nora,
nurse in Loma Dura

The dissolution of marriages or consensual unions was the most frequently quoted

reason behind the fosterage cases I observed. Over and over again, the hijo de crianza

system was relied upon to settle child custody disputes. Maternal or paternal

grandmothers habitually become foster parents to their grandchildren from broken

homes. Nonetheless, I noted the existence of very specific norms that regulate this type

of relocation practice. Although these rules are culturally enforced and are absent from

Dominican family laws, I found that they often permeate and inform official settlements










of child custody disputes. Nora, the nurse from Loma Dura, was the first person to speak

of the norms that dictates that "girls belong to the fathers and the boys belong to the

mothers."

Nora

Nora met and married her first husband, Cespedes, when she was only eighteen.

Although most couples in El Bejucal, where she grew up, do not get married, Nora had a

church wedding. The nuns where Nora worked, she revealed, threatened to fire her if she

did not adhere to their precepts. Consequently, Nora and Cespedes acquiesced. Shortly

after, Nora was pregnant with Sodelys, her first child.

Pregnancies, I thought, were supposed to be joyous occasions. However, Nora' s

recollection of her pregnancy is not entirely pleasant. It was during this time that she

discovered her husband' s long-standing infidelities. "Y yo no lo acetd, or "And I did not

accept it," she asserted. So Nora left her husband and returned to her mother' s home,

where a few months later, Sodelys was born.

Nora and her mother performed and shared all childrearing duties. "La do haciamoiii~~~~~iiiii~~~~

todo or "Both of us would do everything," she explained when I asked her about the

childrearing distribution of labor. Cespedes did not provide any resources for Sodely's

upbringing.

However, Nora' s direct involvement in her daughter' s upbringing ended when she

left for Santo Domingo to attend nursing school and subsequently obtained her current

position as assistant nurse at the Loma Dura rural clinic. Nora left her daughter Sodelys,

behind with her mother. "Que la tenga mi mamna es igual que yo" or "If my mom has her










it' s the same as if it were myself." In effect, Nora' s mother became an extension of

herself in regards to Sodelys' upbringing.

A few months after she arrived at her new j ob, Nora met and fell in love with

Rafelo, one of the local farmers in Loma Dura. Why, I asked, didn't she reclaim her

daughter, I asked. "Porque el papa della era muy egoita, or "Because her father was

very selfish," she said emphatically. "El me d'ecia que si yo me casaba, ~I me quitaba a

Norelys. Que me la quitaba, que me la quitaba y se la llevaba, or "He would tell me

that if I remarried, he would take Sodelys away from me. He said he would snatch her

from me and take her away." Cespedes refused to have Sodelys live with another man.

Despite Cespedes' repeated threats, Nora married Rafelo. How had Nora stymied

her husband's efforts to take his daughter, I wondered. Nora, I learned, turned to the

local district attorney for assistance and advice. ". yo le explique la situaci6n, porque

nada mas que el [Cespedes] la [Sodelys] quiere much, pero no le daba recursos," or "I

explained the situation to him because he [Cespedes] says he loves her [Sodelys] so

much but does not give her any money," she replied. "El me dijo que si 41 no queria que

yo la tuviera con un hombre, 41ttttt~~~~~~tttttampoco la podia tener con una mujer, que mejor se la

dejara a mi mama, or "He told me that if he didn't want me to have Sodelys with

another man, he can't have her with another woman, either," she declared. The district

attorney, I learned, told Nora she could marry whomever she pleased. But, to my

surprise, he did not grant her custody of Sodelys. Her daughter was to stay at her

grandmother' s home.

I was at first, baffled by the district attorney's recommendation. Why had he

failed to grant Nora custody of Sodelys, especially since Cespedes had never contributed









to his daughter' s upbringing? Did Nora' s statement: "Cespedes refused to have Sodelys

with another man" have anything to do with the ruling? When I asked Nora what she had

meant by this statement, she responded "Se han oido mucha~s historia,"or "One has heard

many stories," she responded. "Se han oido mucha~s historians de madres que tienen hijas

con hombres que no son los padres de ella~s y luego viven con ella~s," or"One has heard

many stories of mothers that have daughters with men that are not their parents. They

end up living with them," she confessed. Nora, I concluded, was referring to the

widespread occurrence of sexual abuse and incest in the Dominican Republic.

At that moment, another cultural dichotomy surfaced. In the previous chapter we

emphasized the difference between "lending" children and "giving up" children. That

neat dichotomy was complicated when I was forced to hypothesize yet another

dichotomy: the existence of two distinct child custody systems, one for boys, another for

girls. To explore my hypothesis, I asked Nora what would have happened if Sodelys

were a boy, instead of a girl. Her response corroborated my initial conclusions, "Era mas

facil varon que hembra. El hubiera dicho: 'Si, Ilivatelo. Pero era hembra y la ley dice

que la~s hembra~s son de los padres, or "It would've been easier with a boy than with a

girl. He would've said 'Take him with you'. But she is a girl and the law says that girls

belong to the fathers; boys to the mothers."

Nora' s consultation with the province's district attorney and her certainty of the

content of Dominican family law prompted me to research this particular matter in

further depth. I searched the new Codigo de Nihos, Niha~s, y Adolescentes (2003) for any

such law, as well as consulted with three attorneys. There was no such stipulation. I had










serendipitously stumbled, through ethnographic probing, onto yet another cultural

dichotomy that had no formal basis in the law.

Diana, a foster mother in Loma Dura, also spoke to me about this "law". Josefina,

Diana's daughter, has a story very similar to Nora' s. Once Josefina learned of her

husband's infidelities, she returned to her parents' home with Fior, her two-year-old

daughter. When Juana left her home to work as a maid in nearby San Jose de Ocoa, she

left Fior with her grandmother. A year later, Juana met another man and remarried.

However, she did not take her daughter to her new home. Fior remained with her

grandmother. When I asked why Josefina had not taken her daughter with her, Diana

responded:

Bueno, porque nosotros no lo aceptamos.~~~~tttt~~~~ttt .. Porque yo le explique, 'Bueno, mi
hija, yo quiero que tui comprendas que si tui vas a irte con ese hombre, tui sabes que
~I no es el papa de esa ni~a. Entonces, el papa de ella dice que el puesto de esa
niha se lo tengo yo. Que yo soy quien se de ella. Porque el esposo que ella tiene,
no es su papa. Es un hombre bueno que la quiere como si fuera hija del. i Usted
ve? Y no es un hombre que uno le conozca, que no es capaz de ninguna cosa,
como se ha visto. Pero, uno sabe que no es supapa.

Well, because we didn't accept it. Because I told her, 'Well, daughter, I want you to
understand that if you are going to go away with that man, you know that he is not
that girl's father. The girl's father says that she belongs with me, that I am the one
that knows about that child.' Because the husband that she has is not her father.
He is a good man that loves her like a daughter, you see? And he is a man that we
know is not capable of anything of those things we've heard of. But, one knows he
is not her father.

Like Nora, Diana had also made reference to the impending need to protect girls

from sexual abuse. Although I was troubled by this recurring theme, it was the response

to my following question that reconfirmed Nora' s initial reference to child custody "law".

I asked Diana if Josefina had ever attempted to reclaim her daughter' s custody. "No, ella

no me la ha pedido nunca porque ella sabe que no tiene derecho a pedirmela, or "No,

she has never asked me for her because she knows she doesn't have the right to ask me










for her," she declared. "Porque ella se dejo de ese hombre y ella se fue con ese otro

hombre. Pero ella sabe que ella estd~ con ese otro hombre que no es el papd de la niha,

or "Because she left that other man and went away with another one. She knows she is

with that other man and he is not the girl's father," she explained. "En una comparacion,

ella me quisiera hacer fuerza a mi para que yo se la dd, ella pierde los derechos, or

"Even if she, for example, wanted to force me into giving her up to her, she loses her

rights," she clarified. "La juticia no acuerda eso," she added, "The law does not support

that." "Si la madre tiene otro esposo, que no es su pap, la justicia no va de acuerdo a

que esa mamnd tenga ese niho" or "If the mother has another husband, that is not the

father, the law will not support that the mother has the child," she affirmed.

Page (1989) describes somewhat similar child relocation practices in West Africa.

In the following excerpt she describes child relocation patterns that result from marriage

or union dissolutions in matrilineal societies:

Where they belong to the mother' s lineage, they may stay with her for a while. If
she remarries, however, it may be considered preferable for her to delegate
responsibility to one of her female kin than to take the children with her into the
new marriage. (p. 45)

Page's description undoubtedly shares similarities with the arrangement Diana and

Nora spoke about. The West African practice Page (1989) made reference to was based

on the assumption that spouses or co-wives mistreat children from previous unions (Silk

1989). In both instances, women preferred child relocation over co-residence with the

new spouse. Her description, however, did not make distinctions between make and

female offspring. Perhaps in the African case the driving factor is fear of loss of the

child's labor, which belongs to a particular kin group. Meanwhile, in the Dominican

context, the driving fear is that of sexual abuse, to which girls are more vulnerable than










boys (G. F. Murray, personal communication, November 24, 2005). At that point, it

became imperative that I examine the underlying reasons behind this gender-determined

fosterage practice. My visit to the Casa de la M~ujer Villa Altagraciana, a nonprofit

group that works on multiple women's issues, including domestic violence, shed light on

the gravity of sexual abuse and incest in the Dominican Republic.

Domestic Violence

Amarra tu gallina, que mi gallo anda suelto. Tie up your chickens that my rooster
is loose

One morning while in at Loma Dura, my attention was drawn to where I had heard

frenzied wing flutters and squawks. A few feet away from me, Altagracia' s gallo manilo,

a rooster breed, assaulted one of her chickens. When the gallo manilo closed in on its

victim, copulation eventually occurred. Dominicans refer to this process as "pisar"

which literally means "step on". Unfortunately, this choice of words, as well as the

behavior I had just witnessed, closely resembled actual human sexual behavior.

Unfortunately, chicken and rooster mating behavior is viewed by many Dominicans as

illustrative of male attitudes and behavior towards women.

Rooster mating behavior is used in many Dominican adages. For instance,

"ama''''~~~~~~''''~rra tu gallina que mi gallo anda suelto. or "tie your chickens up that my rooster is

loose" is commonly used to refer to a parents' need to protect daughters from

unrestrained roosters or men. And Dominican roosters are always unrestrained. As an

attorney from the Casa de la Mujer Villaltagraciana, a non-profit group that works

against domestic violence explained, "A2 los varones los crian para la calle, mientras que

a las nila~s las crian para la casa. A las mujeres las crian y las encil~ranll a que obedezcan

a los hombres, or "Boys are raised for the streets, while women are raised for the home.









Women are raised for the home and taught to obey men," she added. Consequently, it is

a parent's, specifically a biological father's burden to ensure that daughters stay at home

where they are protected and guarded from men. The hijo de crianza system is one way

to keep daughters from getting "stepped on" by their stepfathers. This is why Cespedes,

Nora' s husband, and the District Attorney prohibited Sodelys from living with Rafelo,

her stepfather.

Economic Crisis

Fosterage instances that "redistribute the availability of services between

households with many children, where they may be a liability, and those with few, where

they will be an asset" is referred to as economic crisis fosterage (Isiugo Abanihe, 1985, p.

57). Many of the parents I spoke to cited their inability to provide sustenance for their

children to explain fosterage decisions. Dofia Ramona, for instance, claimed that her

foster daughter' s father was near suicide because of his inability to work and care for his

multiple children. Fabiola, a former foster daughter I met in Villa Altagracia, said "el

[papa] no no podia comprar ropa, zapato" or "he [father] could not buy us clothes,

shoes". This is also the case for Haitian parents (Smucker & Murray, 2004). "A ve si la

podian2 \sain F or "to see if they could save her" is what Elena' s foster parents said

prompted her Haitian biological parents to give up their child

Migration is a common motivating factor behind child relocation. Parents often

choose relocation as they migrate to other towns or countries in search of employment

opportunities. "The decline of the viability and attractiveness of agriculture as a way of

life" often prompts parents to migrate to other cities or countries in search of employment

opportunities (Smucker and Murray, 2004, p. 40). This is why Ana, Lourdes and Yoani,

three elementary school-aged girls in Loma de Cabrera, live with their aunt, Zoila. Luisa,