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Framing Analysis of the Military Procurement in Taiwan

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PAGE 1

FRAMING ANALYSIS OF THE MILITARY PROCUREMENT IN TAIWAN By CHUN-HSIN HUANG A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN MASS COMMUNICATION UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2006

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Copyright 2006 by Chun-Hsin Huang

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This thesis is dedicated to my parents whom I love and care through out my life.

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iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First, I would like to thank my chair, Dr. Juan-Carlos Mo lleda, as a public relations professional who provides me knowledge and expe rtise and guides me in the process of thesis writing, and as a kind a dvisor who continuously offers time and patience to assist me from the beginning to the final stage. Wit hout his dedicated effort s, I could not have done this so far. I also want to thank my other two committee members, Dr. Spiro K. Kiousis and Dr. Michael A. Mitrook, for th eir valuable comments and suggestions. I would like to thank Dr. Kiousis, from whom I learned the attitude and behavior to become an outstanding scholar. For Dr. M itrook, I thank his gene rous support and the warmest help for an international student li ke me. I would also like to thank all the professors in the College of Journalism and Communications, es pecially Professor Margarete R. Hall, Professor Linda Childers Hon, Professor Kathleen S. Kelly, Professor Meg Lamme, Professor Kim B. Walsh-Childer s, and Professor Michael Leslie. They taught me not only the academic and profe ssional knowledge but also the competence to critically think, reflect, be brav e and grow to what I am now. Second, I would like to thank my dear a nd sincere friends, who are my spiritual prop and never hesitate to pr ovide their help, support, encouragement, concern, and company to go through each difficulty with me. Special thanks go to Yin-Hsuan Chen, Yi-Jong Tsai, Yi-Shan Hsu, I-Hua Lee, Ch i-Chung Li, Tsai-Chin Chang, Shu-Yu Lin, Natasha Chen, Pei-Ying Chan, Hung-Ta Wang, and Brian Perry. I would also like to

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v thank friends across the Pacifi c Ocean, Wei-Li Su, Li-Hui Huang, Hui-Lan Lai, and RenYu Huang. Most of all, I want to thank my dear est parents, Jasper Huang and Hong-Ying Chen, and my younger brother, Chun-Han Huang. Without their endless love and unconditional support, I could not have accomplished the master’s degree.

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vi TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...............................................................................................iv LIST OF TABLES...........................................................................................................viii LIST OF FIGURES.............................................................................................................x ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................... xi CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................1 Purpose of Study...........................................................................................................2 Background Description...............................................................................................3 2 LITERATURE REVIEW...........................................................................................10 Framing Theory..........................................................................................................10 Media Framing and Agenda Setting...........................................................................13 Organizational Framing..............................................................................................16 Framing and Public Relations.....................................................................................17 Issue Framing and Political Communication..............................................................18 Framing and Social Movement...................................................................................19 Individual Framing.....................................................................................................22 Framing Analyses.......................................................................................................24 Research Questions.....................................................................................................26 3 METHODOLOGY.....................................................................................................28 Quantitative Content Analysis....................................................................................28 Population and Sample...............................................................................................29 Public Relations Messages..................................................................................29 News Articles......................................................................................................29 Data Gathering............................................................................................................30 Data Analysis..............................................................................................................31 4 FINDINGS..................................................................................................................32 Research Question One...............................................................................................32

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vii National Safety Master Frame.............................................................................35 Necessary Expense Master Frame.......................................................................37 Research Question Two..............................................................................................38 Taiwan Government Master Frame.....................................................................43 U.S. Influence Master Frame...............................................................................44 Political Employment Master Frame...................................................................45 National Safety Master Frame.............................................................................46 Financial Problem Master Frame........................................................................49 Necessary Expense Master Frame.......................................................................50 Unnecessary Master frame..................................................................................52 Research Question Three............................................................................................54 5 DISCUSSION.............................................................................................................64 Summary of the Military Procurement Case..............................................................64 Summary of the Uses of Framing...............................................................................65 Public Relations Messages..................................................................................67 News Articles......................................................................................................72 The Comparisons of Public Relatio ns Messages and News Articles..................76 Limitation and Suggestion for Future Study..............................................................81 APPENDIX A CODING SHEET-PUBLIC RELATIONS MESSAGES...........................................83 B CODING GUIDLINE-PUBLI C RELAITONS MESSAGES....................................85 C CODING SHEET-NEWS ARTICLES.......................................................................86 D CODING GUILDLINE-NEWS ARTICLES.............................................................89 LIST OF REFERENCES...................................................................................................91 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.............................................................................................97

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viii LIST OF TABLES Table page 1-1 Major events of military proc urement........................................................................8 4-1 Subframes by master frames in public relations messages......................................33 4-2 Catchphrases of public relations messages by frames..............................................34 4-3 Issues of public relations message by frames...........................................................34 4-4 Appearance of frames by the mont h public relations messages published..............35 4-5 News articles subframes by master frames..............................................................40 4-6 Catchphrases of news articles by master frames......................................................42 4-7 Issues of news articles by master frames.................................................................43 4-8 Crosstabulation of frames att itude by the origin of frames......................................54 4-9 Chi-square test of frames at titude and the origin of frames.....................................55 4-10 Crosstabulation of the month of fram es appearance by the origin of frame............56 4-11 Crosstabulation of the appearance of statistical data by the origin of frames..........58 4-12 Crosstabulation of the appearance of national security issue by the origin of frame.........................................................................................................................5 9 4-13 Crosstabulation of the appearance of domestic economic issu e by the origin of frame.........................................................................................................................5 9 4-14 Crosstabulation of the appearance of in ternational relations is sue by the origin of frame.........................................................................................................................6 0 4-15 Crosstabulation of the appearance of “military balance” catchphrase by the origin of frame..........................................................................................................62 4-16 Crosstabulation of the appearance of “cross-strait relations ” catchphrase by the origin of frame..........................................................................................................62

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ix 4-17 Crosstabulation of the appearance of “national safety” catchphrase by the origin of frame....................................................................................................................62 4-18 Crosstabulation of the appearance of “advanced weapon” catchphrase by the origin of frame..........................................................................................................62 4-19 Crosstabulation of the appearance of “submit a budget” catchphrase by the origin of frame..........................................................................................................63 4-20 Crosstabulation of the appearance of “threat of China” catc hphrase by the origin of frame....................................................................................................................63 5-1 The initial appearance of master frames by month..................................................79

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x LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 4-1 News articles freque ncy by master frames...............................................................40 5-1 Public relations message contains the “national self-defense” frame......................69 5-2 Public relations message contains the “professional military need” frame.............69 5-3 Public relations message contains the “military ability unbalance” frame..............70 5-4 Public relations message contains the “necessary military expense” frame............71 5-5 Public relations message c ontains the “bubble tea” frame.......................................72

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xi Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Master of Arts in Mass Communication FRAMING ANALYSIS OF THE MILITARY PROCUREMENT IN TIAWAN By Chun-Hsin Huang August 2006 Chair: Juan-Carlos Molleda Major Department: Journalism and Communications In August 2003, the Taiwan Ministry of National Defense (MND) proposed a budget of NT$ 700 billion to purchase weapons from the United States. The huge amount of budget immediately aroused a public disp ute in Taiwan, and many groups actively voiced their opinions about the military procurement for their own interests, such as the Taiwan government officials, legislators, political parties, activist groups, and the seller—the United States. In order to persua de the publics to support the decision of arms purchase and to have the budget passed in the Legislative Yuan, the MND produced public relations messages and promotional docum ents, such as posters and pamphlets. In addition, the discussion of military procuremen t provoked by interest groups also became a salient issue in news media. The issue provides an excellent case for the framing analysis, in which different perspective fr ames and the evolution of frames can be observed. The purpose of the study is to use framing theory to examine the issue of military procurement in Taiwan, finding out how this issue appears in various frames and the evolution and characters of frames.

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xii In this study, a quantitative content anal ysis on the Taiwan ne ws articles and the public relations messages produced by the MND were conducted to find out the frames. Research results found two master frames constructed by the MND appearing on the public relations messages and seven master fr ames employed by various interest groups appearing in news articles. The two master frames constructed by the MND also appeared in news articles. The evolutions of frame s and the competitive or opposite frames were observed in news articles. The comparison of frames originating from public relations messages and news articles was made and th e differences between these two were found. Research result did not support the existence of second-level agenda-building effect in this study. The budget of military procurement was still pending in the Legislative Yuan as of April 2006. This study suggested that the MND should understand th e characters of framing in order to better utilize frami ng techniques to achieve organizational goals. Moreover, public relations pr actitioners should well prepare themselves as reliable and dependable sources for media in order to ac tively participate in public discourses and effectively respond to infl uential activist publics.

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1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The military procurement in Taiwan has been a salient issue in recent years. In August 2003, the Ministry of National Defe nse (MND) proposed a budget of NT$700 billion to purchase military equipment. A ccording to the MND, new military equipment will enhance Taiwan’s defense ability, as well as protect Taiwan from a possible invasion from China. Because of the huge budget, the proposal has aroused a public dispute in Taiwan, and as of August 2005 the Legislativ e Yuan had not passed this budget. The MND has met tremendous obstacles and re sistance during the pa st two years. Many groups have expressed their opin ion on this issue, and some of them have even launched protests to oppose it. These groups include political parties, po liticians, activists, academic researchers, legislators, gove rnment officers, and military officers. In order to both persuade people to agree on the military procurement and to encourage legislators to pass the budget, the MND continuously promoted persuasive messages. They designed posters and pamphlet s and used several different appeals, and the targeted groups continuously reacted to the messages produced by the MND. Basically, all the involved groups either s upported or opposed the military purchase, but the reasons vary. Even the U.S. Department of Defense, as the seller of the military equipment, actively participated in this i ssue by adhering to their own interests. Some activists and legislators in Taiwan, however perceived the involvement from the United States as a threat that woul d eventually lead to the succe ss of the budget. In opposition to

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2 the above view, many in the Taiwanese govern ment viewed the pur chase as political diplomacy and valued the chance to maintain a good relationship with the United States. Discussions about the military pr ocurement provoked by involved groups constantly appeared in news media since August 2003. The activities that each involved group defined the issue of military procurem ent from different angels for their own interests were considered as the proce ss of framing. According to Entman (1993), framing is “to select some aspects of a percei ved reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as to pr omote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item described” (p.52). The issue of military proc urement in Taiwan provides an excellent case for the framing analysis. Due to the influential characteristics of the military procurement, which was a national-wide issue and had great potential to affect not only the national safety but also the financial, ec onomical, and social welfare conditions of the country, many groups including governments, polit ical parties, activists, and the United States were actively involved and constructed these frames to exert influence on the purchase of weapons. Not only have different pe rspective frames appeared in this issue, but furthermore, the evolution of each frame can also be observed. Purpose of Study The purpose of the study is to use framing theory to examine the issue of military procurement in Taiwan, finding out how this issue appears in various frames and the evolution and characters of frames. This study hopes to contribute to the theoretical framework of framing theory by providing a case happened outside of the United States and focused on the issues of national safety and international relations. In addition, this

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3 study hopes to help the MND learn how to be tter employ framing techniques to achieve their goals in the future. Background Description As previously stated, in August of 2003, the MND proposed a NT$700 billion special military procurement budget to acquire new weapons from the United States. The proposed budget was mainly intended for the purchased three majo r weapons systems: 384 Patriot Advanced Capability -3 (PAC-3) missiles, which are part of an advanced surface-to-air guided missile air defense syst em, 12 P-3C maritime patrol aircraft, and eight diesel-powered submarines (Chua ng, 2004, July 3). This proposal, however, immediately aroused a dispute among politic al parties. The opposing political party argued that Taiwan could not afford this ex pense. Even if Taiwan acquires new weapon systems from the United States it would still be impossible for Taiwan to defend against a future attack from China ( The China Post, 2004, September 21). Some critics pointed out that the purchase of weapons has been seen as an arms race between Taiwan and China, which might lead to a bottomless hole for the military spending. Meanwhile, the expense of military equipment would only serv e to the cut funding on social welfare and education, which would serve to decrease Taiwan’s stability and development ( The China Post, 2004, September 21). In contrast, the supporters of the purchase claimed that the curre nt stance of naval power across the Taiwan Strait will lose its ba lance in two to four y ears, and the need to acquire new weapons is urgent. Other political parties with a neutral attitude toward the arm purchase said that they might back the budge t, but there is still plenty of room for further discussion about the purchase of offensive or defensive weapons ( The China Post,

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4 2003, August 18). Similar arguments include a call for more cautious moves considering Taiwan’s financial situation and the specifi cations of the new arms to be purchased. In the following year, the issue of stre ngthening national defense was brought to the referendum, which came with the presid ential election in March 2004. One of the referendum questions was to ask voters if th e nation should strengthe n its defense in the face of China’s threat. The Cabinet and Pr esident affirmed that the result of the referendum would not affect the militar y procurement (Ko, 2004, February 20). Interestingly, the referendum failed to achieve the required 50 percen t vote, displaying in part, where public sentiment lay. On June 2, 2004, the Executive Yuan appr oved the special bu dget, reduced to NT$610.8 billion, for the purchase of weapons, but this bill was still awaiting final approval by lawmakers. A protest sponsored by activists from civic and environmental protection groups was staged on June 19 to against government’s plans to spend NT$610.8 billion on weapons. Representatives of education reform and workers' rights groups also attended. They also signed petitions opposing the arms procurement ( Taipei Times, 2004, June 20). In the same month, a gro up of Taiwanese legi slators visited the United States military bases and the Pentagon to confer with U.S. m ilitary officials about the purchase of weapons (Chuang, 2004, June 22). In August, “6108 Anti-Arms Procurement Alliance” was established to oppose the weapons purchase. In September, the Democratic Action Alliance and the 6108 AntiArms Procurement Alliance staged a rally and concert, calling on the government to use increase spending to improve transportation, e ducation and social we lfare instead of the arms purchase (Ko, 2004, September 21). The leader of the alliance attacked the

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5 government, claiming the unfairness of the me thods the government using to raise money for the purchase. These methods included selling lands and issuing bonds, while many Taiwanese were left homeless due to th e storm and flood damage. Other anti-arms actions included two petitions against th e special budget endorsed by more than 150 retried generals and 11 academics from Taiwan ’s top research institution the Academic Sinica ( The China Post, 2004, September 21). By early September, the MND announced the first phase of its promotional slogan: “Love Taiwan, Protect Our Country.” The first phase of promotion aimed to earn Taiwanese support of the arms purchase, but the primary targets were the lawmakers and media. The messages implied that nationa l security is the premise of economic development and stability. They explained the budget, military policy, and what kinds of weapons Taiwan needed in detail. In la te September, the MND announced the second phase of the promotional slogan: “One Bubbl e Tea Changes National Safety.” They used cartoons to illuminate the idea that the budget of NT$610.8 billion is not unrealistic if everyone saves the money of one bubble tea per week. The second phase of message targeted the public, especial ly for the younger generation. In October, Richard Lawless, a deputy undersecretary at the U. S. Department of Defense expressed concern a bout the special budget pending approval by the legislature. He warned that there would be repercussions for the United States and Taiwan’s friends if the budget failed to pass (Lin, 2004, Octobe r 6). In the same month, the Anti-military Procurement Youth Work Group established and held a news conference in front of the Legislative Yuan on October 3. They opposed the government raising money by selling land or issuing bonds, which would only l eave debts for the young generation. The 6108

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6 Anti-Arms Procurement Alliance then held anot her protest in the southern Taiwanese city of Kaoxiong. At this point, the MND announced the th ird phase of the promotional message, which emphasized that the purchase of new weapons could maintain the peace between Taiwan and China for 30 years. The third pha se message included the military strategy analysis and predicted that if the procur ement failed, war between Taiwan and China would erupt in 2012. In addition to the prom otional message, the MND also invited the media to visit the military bases in order to display the urgency of new weapons purchase. In November, the chairman of Democrat ic Action Alliance, Hsieh, accused the defense ministry of buying the votes of le gislators in order to pass the military procurement budget. The MND strongly denied the claim and said that the alliance was making empty accusation to smear the ministr y. They filed a lawsuit against the votebuying allegations (Hong, 2004, November 2). In December, the National Defense Minister Li Jye said to reporters that if the arms purchasing budget continue to be withheld in the Legislative Yuan, people should prepare to move out of Taiwan to avoid the war, but he would defend Taiwan with the troops to the end ( The China Post, 2004, December 31). The budget of military procurement failed to arrange in the Legislative Yuan’s agenda again. In January 2005, the budget of military procurement was decreased to NT$480 billion, and in February, Taip ei District Prosecutors pr osecuted the chairman of Democracy Action Alliance, Hsieh, for defaming the MND.

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7 In March, the fourth phase promotional message of military procurement was announced. The theme of fourth phase message was “Hope and Peace,” which targeted the general public using an emotional appeal The budget was then reduced again to 3-4 hundred billion NT dollars. National Defense Minister Li reacted by saying they would accept the reduction of budget unconditionally. The U.S. Department of Defense said that they were waiting for Taiwan to pay. In addition, the United States offered the “Free Trade Agreement” status for Taiwan in orde r to break down the resistance and provide support for the purchase process. At the e nd of March, the MND first revealed the prediction of possible course by which China ma y invade Taiwan and the cost of the new military equipment that would be needed as a result. Due to the undecided situation in Taiwa n, the U.S. Department of Defense kept voicing their opinion on this issue. In May, they reiterated the promise to provide arms to Taiwan, on the condition that Taiwan makes a decision before the end of May. In June, however, they changed their ultimatum with a new argument, suggesting that Taiwan should prioritize the purchase of defensive missi le because they expected Taiwan to selfdefend at least one to two weeks if a wa r erupts between China and Taiwan. In the meantime, the dispute of arms purchase in Taiwan was still heat ed, and the budget was still pending in the Legislative Yuan. In July, the MND published the National Defense Report, which indicated that Taiwan should increase more offensive w eapons because the defensive weapon cannot effectively thwart an invasion from China. The Pentagon also revealed a report, which pointed out that the military gap between the Taiwan and China was widening. According to the report, Beijing was willing to use force to achieve its political goals, and Taiwan’s

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8 lack for progress in military procurement was a major problem in widening the military gap (Bishop, 2005, July 22). The ruling political party and governments were still trying to put the draft statute for special military procurement on the agenda in the Legislator Yuan. By August 2005, however, this military procurement budget was still pending. Table 1-1 depicts important events of m ilitary procurement from August 2003 to August 2005. Table 1-1. Major events of military procurement 2003.08 The MND proposed a 700 billion NT do llars budget of military procurement. 2004.02 The President decided to add strengthen ing national defense into one of the subjects of referendum. The Minister of National Defense said that the result of referendum would not influence the decision of military procurement. 2004.03 The referendum of strengtheni ng national defense did not pass. 2004.05 The Executive Yuan pass the military procurement budget. 2004.06 A protest launched on June 19 against th e planned purchase of weapons from the United States. Legislators visited the Un ited States to see the product’s demonstration. 2004.07 The president showed the support for the military procurement. 2004.08 25 youth bands gathered to protest the military procurement. The budget was reduced to 610.8 billion NT dollars. “6108 Anti-Arms Procurement Alliance” announced to against the purchase. 2004.09 First phase of promotional slogan: “Love Taiwan, Protect our Country.” 11 academic researchers declared the announcement of anti-military procurement. Second phase of promoti onal slogan: “One Bubbl e Tea Changes National Safety.” 150 military officers declared the announ cement of anti-military procurement The premier showed the support for military procurement. Anti-military procurement protest on Sep. 26. 2004.10 Anti-military Procurement Youth Work Group established and voiced their opinion. 610.8 billion military procurement draft fa iled to pass in the Legislative Yuan. U.S. Department of Defense said that if the military procurement failed, Taiwan will be viewed internationally as “a liability rather than a partner.” Third phase of promotional message: military procurement can maintain the stability across the Taiwan Straits for 30 years. MND opened the missile base for visiting journalists. Anti-military procurement protes t launched in Kaoxiong on Oct. 24.

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9 Table 1-1. Continued 2004.11 The chairman of Democracy Action Alliance, Hsieh, accused that MND bribed the legislators. MND indicted Hsieh for defamation. The proposal of military procurement budget were not passed by the Legislation Yuan. 2004.12 The Minister of National Defense, Li, said that if the planned purchase of weapon failed, people should move out Taiwan. The proposal of military procurement budget failed to be passed by the Legislation Yuan again. 2005.01 The budget proposal of military procurement failed to be passed in the Legislation Yuan fourteen times. The budget was reduced to 480 billion NT dollars. 2005.02 The Executive Yuan enacted regulations to facilitate the pass of military procurement budget. The chairman of Democracy Action Alliance, Hsieh, was prosecuted by Taipei District Prosecutor for defaming the MND. 2005.03 Fourth phase promotional message: “Hope and Peace.” Military procurement budget was reduced to 3-4 hundred billion NT dollars. Li said they would accept the reduction of budget unconditionally. U.S. Department of Defense said that they are waiting for Taiwan to pay. United States offered “free trade agr eement” status in order to break down the resistance. MND revealed the prediction of possibl e way China invade Taiwan and the possibility of defense rate for new military equipment. 2005.05 U.S. Department of Defense asked for decision of the purchase before the end of May and said this is the last chance for waiting Taiwan’s decision. They also reiterated the promise of selling military equipment to Taiwan. The budget proposal of military procurem ent failed again in the Legislation Yuan. 2005.06 U.S. Department of Defense suggested Taiwan should prioritize the purchase of defensive missile. In the meantime, they postponed the reports of China’s military strength in order not to influence Taiwan’s decision. 2005.07 United States stated that they expect Ta iwan to self-defend at least one to two weeks if the war erupts be tween China and Taiwan. MND indicated in the National Defense Report that Taiwan should increase more offensive weapons. 2005.08 The new chairman of Kuomintang said that he would accept the proposal of military procurement conditionally.

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10 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Framing Theory Studies of framing have been done by many researchers from different realms. Zoch and Molleda (2006) attribute the concep t of framing to sociologist Erving Goffman and anthropologist Gregory Bateson. Bates on is the first scholar who uses the word “frame” in interpreting a situation or message while Goffman first gave the concept of framing a linguistic analysis. In addition to the rhetorical appr oach, Hallahan (1999) indicates that the concept of framing also connect to the “psychol ogical processes that people use to examine information, to make j udgments, and to draw inferences about the world around them” (p. 206). Many scholars define the concept of fram ing and emphasize the different elements of framing. Goffman (1974) views “frame analys is” as “the examinati on in these terms of the organization of experience” (p. 11) and c onsiders “primary framework” as “rendering what would otherwise be a meaningless aspe ct of the scene into something that is meaningful” (p. 21). He also identifies prim ary framework in two classes: natural and social. The natural framework indicates the “purely physical” descri ption, excluding any “casually and intentionally interference” or any “actor [that] c ontinuously guides the outcome” (p. 22). For example, the description of a state of the weather is considered as the natural framework. On the other hand, the so cial framework refers to the descriptions of events that “incorporate the will, aim, and controlling effort of an intelligence” (p. 22), and the process of the social framewor k includes a constant management of

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11 consequences, corrective control, and motiv e and intent. An example would be the definition that any social member inte nds to provide for a social phenomenon. This study uses the definition of framing given by Entman (1993), who emphasizes the elements of selection and salience. He defi nes framing as “to sel ect some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salien t in a communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, mo ral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item descri bed” (p. 52). The function of selecting relative served by framing is emphasized by other scholars. Reese (2001) claims that “frames are organizing principles that are socially shared and persistent over time, that work symbolically to meaningfully structure the social world” ( p. 11). Hallahan (1999) holds a similar notion of framing defining realit y, and specifies that “framing is a critical activity in the construction of social real ity because it helps sh ape the perspectives through which people see the world” (p. 207). Hertog and McLeod (2001) agree that frames structure social reality by stating the content of social con cerns, the role of the sources that provide informa tion and are involved in soci al concerns, and the various beliefs, values, and actions. Not only do frames categorize in dividual phenomena, concepts, and ideas to form the content of a social concern, but they also outline the value and goals inherent in the cont ent. In addition, any individu al, organization, or institution as social member may be framed as an e ssential piece to solve a social puzzle – or problem, whereas other members may be framed as peripheral to the solution, or even may be identified as the cause of a probl em. Similarly, some relationships can be presented by frames as likely and appropr iate, whereas others may be portrayed as inappropriate, illegitimate, or impossible.

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12 However, Hertog and McLeod argue about the two characteristics of frames provided by Reese (2001). First, they claim that frames are more than principles. “Frames have their own content, as well as a set of rules for the processing of new content” (p. 140). Frames are cultural stru ctures with central ideas of myths, narratives, and metaphors. Second, frames are not necessarily pe rsistent over time. “New frames are at times created and existing ones modified or repl aced, or they may simply fade from use” (p. 145). Frames will be created or changed w ith a political or economical trends in the society. Individuals or organiza tions involved in the interactio n with the society have to adopt new beliefs or behavior thr ough frames in order to survive. Johnston (1995) explains frames from a cogn itive perspective. He defines frames as “problem-solving schemata, stor ed in memory, for the interpretative task of making sense of presenting situations” ( p. 217). Zoch and Molleda (2006) use the metaphor of a window to describe the concept of frame. “The message of framer has the choice of what is to be emphasized in the message, as the view through a window is emphasized by where the carpenter frames, or places, the window” (p. 281). Frames can be found in various communicati on contexts, such as political rhetoric, news coverage, entertaining programming, conversations among social members, advertising, popular music, and even arch itecture (Hertog & McLeod, 2001). Framing also can be constructed by various sources both in individual and institutional levels, including the media, politicians, social me mbers, and organizations. Thus, Hertog and McLeod (2001) claim that frames prevailing in the culture are the widespread recognition shared by individual or institutional members of society. In other words, “frames provide

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13 the unexpressed but shared knowledge of communi cators that allows each to engage in discussion that presumes a set of shared assumptions” (p. 141). Media Framing and Agenda Setting Media are one major area on which framing researchers focus. Gitlin (1980) defines media frames as the way that journalis ts select and develop issues from a large amount of information and guide the audience to see what is important in a news story. The power of media framing has also been discussed by researchers. Reber and Berger (2005) claim that media frames “have the poten tial to exert powerful influences on public policy definitions, choice, and outcome, and so me of this power comes from the media’s ability to define and frame issues without the audience knowing it” (p. 187). Kosicki (1993) considers that journalists’ works do not really mirror the reality, but rather actively construct the reality out of the raw materials. The active construction of news has the greater influence at the beginning of an issue’s evolution. Hall, Critcher, Jefferson, Clarke, and Robert (1978) claim that the media has the power to choose the primary definers of an issue, which “sets the limit fo r all subsequent discus sion by framing what the problem is” (p. 59). Besides, media also ha s the ability to reproduce the definitions. Another influential actor to construct the media frame is played by the source of a news story (Zoch & Molleda, 2006). In addition to the news content, the style of a news stories as well as catchphrases and metaphors are utilized as framing devices (Esrock, Hart, D’Silva, & Werking, 2002). Gamson (1995) indicates the importance of media in the framing process by stating that “general-audience media are only one forum for public discourse” (p. 85). In the situation to mobilize a social movement, activists must bring public discourse and individual’s experiential knowledge together General-audience medi a provides the place

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14 for public discourse and allows activists to share the issue and discuss it with their constituency. The effect of media framing has also been discussed by researchers. Pan and Kosicki (2001) pointed out that salient medi a messages exert framing effect, with which, the audience incorporates th eir thoughts to talk about an issue or form political evaluations. Esrock et al. (2002) state that experimental research has shown that media framing has the effect on people’s percepti on about the importance of a news story. Many researchers have provided experime ntal evidence that media has a strong influence on the public agenda (Tedesco, 2001). Kosicki (1993) notes that “agendasetting is one particular t ype of media effects hypothesis that suggests a relationship between media coverage of topics and the salience of those topi cs” (p. 102). Kiousis, Mitrook, Wu, and Seltzer (2004) found the effect s of agenda-setting and agenda-building by studying the salience of politic al issues and candidate images on the media and public agendas. The core concept of agenda-setting is “the transfer of issue salience from the media to the public” (p. 2). First-level agenda -setting refers that “media concern with topics in the news leads to increased public concern with those same topics” (p. 2). McCombs (1992) suggests that the study of agenda-setting starts from the understanding of agenda-building, which is “t he process of understanding what sources influence the media agenda” (Tedesco, 2001, p. 2050). Kiousis et al. (2004) claim that public relations plays a key role in influe ncing media coverage and public relations activities, including press conferences, news releases, and interviews, could cause an impact on 25 to 80 percent of news content. Ot her research finds include an influence of

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15 candidate advertising messages in newspaper and television news, and a transfer from candidate public relations strategi es to media agenda (Tedesco, 2001). Second-level agenda-setting, or agenda-buildi ng, refers to “the at tribute of the issue emphasized in press releases became salien t in media coverage” (Kiousis et al, 2004, p. 4). The attribute can be the “property, quality, or characteristic that describe an object” (p. 5). A link between second-level agenda-b uilding and framing is suggested because both of the concepts describe the process that “news medi a attention can influence how people think about a topic by selecting and placing emphasis on certain attributes and ignore others” (p. 5). Esrock et al. (2002) claim that frames appearing as attributes of news stories has the influence on the eval uation process audience made on the issue. Tedesco (2001) examines the correlations between campaign and media agendas in which frames were employed to construct the i ssue in an analysis of the 2000 presidential primaries. Tedesco, however, does not hold that all frames present a strong correlation between campaign and media agenda. According to Kiousis et al (2004), the at tributes of second-level agenda-building can be classified into two major categories: substantive and affec tive. The substantive accounts for political candidate images, and it may include the personality, integrity, qualification, and ideology of a candidate. The affective attributes are the positive, negative, or neutral descript ions of substantive attributes. Researchers find that substantive attributes, observed in newspape rs, have a stronger effect than affective attributes on public opinion, in an analysis of presidential primar ies (Golan & Wanta, 2001).

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16 Kosicki (1993) distinguishes the differ ence between agenda-setting and framing and argues that the concept of framing e xplains the media effects better than the traditional agenda-setting model. Framing fo cuses on the construction of reality and the choice of primary definers of an issue, whic h showing the “discretionary power of media to truly shape agendas, do not simply mirror the discourse of political elites” (p. 113). In addition, framing actively constructs message s by emphasizing some aspects of an issue and excluding others, which allows media to decide what salient elements are in the public discourse. Organizational Framing In addition to mass media and journalists frames are broadly employed in many other arenas. Zoch and Molleda (2006) poi nt out that framing can occur in any organization and is constructed by organizati onal policy actors. The organizational policy actors can include government agencies, large corporations, elite professional organizations, and activist groups. Deetz, Tr acy, and Simpson (2000) claim that members and leaders of organizations can use frami ng approaches to define and interpret the issues, or to establish preferred meanings for organizational members. The issues identified by researchers include health care, the environment, political campaigns, nuclear, war, the government, and political issues (Zoch & Molleda, 2006). Hertog and McLeod (2001) point out that organizational fr aming also served the function of helping to teach newcomers of organizations the social order, facilitating communication. Individuals learn to know the frames cons tructed by organizations and see the world trimmed by the frames. In other words, orga nizations develop frames to order human behavior in certain ways so as to achieve organizational goals.

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17 Framing and Public Relations The employment of framing by organizationa l policy actors may be seen as one of the functions of public relations. Hallahan ( 1999) pointed out that framing theory can be utilized as a rich approach to analyze public relations practices. Through the framing process, organizations not only attempt to defi ne the reality for the public they depend on, but they also develop common frame of refere nce on issues based on the mutual benefits with the publics in order to effectively esta blish and maintain re lationships. Zoch and Molleda (2006) claim that public relations prac titioners act as sources to provide selected information for media and help frame the issue in the way the organization wishes. Practitioners should well prepare themselves as dependable and reliable sources. In addition to passively acting as a source, prac titioners could actively view framing as a “strategy of constructing pro cessing news discourse” (Pan & Kosicki, 1993, p. 57), and – employing the four functions of framing br ought up by Entman (1993)—define problems, diagnose causes, make moral judgments, and suggest remedies to carry out their duty effectively. Hallahan (1999) in his examination of lite rature developed fro m different areas— textual, psychological, and so cio-political construct—suggested seven models of framing that can apply to public relations. The seven models of framing are situational framing, attribute framing, framing of risky choices, action framing, is sue framing, responsibility framing, and news framing. He uses a case of how public relations practitioners reacted during crisis management as an example to explain each model. Situational framing is applied at the beginning to define whether the situation constitutes a crisis or not. Crisis managers use attribute framing to identify or emphasize certain attributes of the crisis. Framing of risky choices implie s the level of significance choi ces organizations have that

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18 affect organizations themselves and th e public. Action framing describes how the affected publics frame the desired actions th ey have taken in di fferent ways. Crisis managers can adopt the issue framing to fram e the issue underlying the crisis and employ the responsibility framing to offer the causes and explanations of the crisis. Finally, news framing depicts how crisis managers act as a source of the crisis or a spokesperson of the organizations and frame the public s’ perception of the crisis. Issue Framing and Political Communication Political communication is another area in which researchers analyze frames. Many scholars see the issue of framing as an inev itable phenomenon happening in the political discourse (Nelson & Kinder, 2001). Snow and Benford (1992) claim that “framing issue and process can play an important role in a ffecting political opport unities, changes in the larger political environment, and the availabi lity of resources” (p. 152). Reese (2001) considers framing “as an exercise in power, pa rticularly at it affect s our understanding of the actual political world” (p. 10). Nelson and Kinder (2001) exp licate that framing prevails in political discussion, teaching pe ople how to think and understand the policies and suggesting the central idea of an issue. Nelson and Willey (2001) claim that political science has utilized framing as a “conceptual tool of impressive power for describing and analyzing important political phenomena” (p. 245). Issue framing is one species of political communication and defined as “descrip tions of social policies and problems that shape the public’s understanding of how the problem came to be and the important criteria by which policy solutions should be evaluated” (p. 247) Social members who care about forming public opinion, such as professional politici ans, advertisers, spokespeople, and editorialists are able to produce the content and frame the issue.

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19 Nelson and Kinder (2001) additionally intr oduce the concept of group-centrism to the study of issue framing on public opinion. They describe framing as “a rhetorical weapon in elites’ hands and as a cognitiv e structure in citiz ens’ minds” (p. 1055). Framing of issues, usually conducted by elites and mass media organi zations, constructs the public perception of current social proble ms and the alternativ e solutions through the newspapers and television programs, edito rials, political talk shows, cartoons, newsletters, press conferences, advertisi ng, and speeches. Nelson and Kinder consider public opinion about the government policies as group-centrism, which is “shaped in powerful ways by the attitudes citizens possess toward the social groups they see as the principal beneficiaries (or vic tims) of the policy” (p. 1056). Framing and Social Movement Social movement organizations also use frames to inspire action, attract members and resources, and legitimate the group’ s claims and work (Snow & Benford, 1992). Snow and Benford define framing as “an active, process-derived phenomenon that implies agency and contention at the level of reality construction” (p.136). The product of this framing activity is collective action fram es, which refer to action stimulated by a set of meanings and beliefs that mobilize social activities or movements. Collective action frames help to construct a sense of community, identification, allegiance, and shared history among members, which enables a group to mobilize its members to become involved in the movement (Fine, 1995). Gams on (1995) claims injustice, agency, and identity to be three component s of collective action frames. In justice implies the anger or displeasure in the political consciousness. Agen cy refers to the “consciousness that it is possible to alter condi tion or policies through collective action” (p. 90). Identity means

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20 the process of identifying participants who share the same consciousness and to distinguish the opponents. Snow and Benford (1992) consider colle ctive action frames serving both the function of punctuation and modes of attrib ution and articulation. Punctuating function implies that activists utilize co llective action frames to punctuat e or identify certain social conditions and describe them as unfair, stressing the need for corrective action. Modes of attribution means activists employ the frames to attribute blame for certain social problems. The modes of attribution can be di vided into two kinds. Diagnostic attribution is used to identify the problem, whereas pr ognostic attribution provi des the resolution for problems. In addition, collective action frames also serve as the articulate function that allows activists to organize or formulate a se t of ideas or experiences for their supporters to share the common cognition. Gamson (1995) emphasizes the media work in constructing collective action frames by saying that “media discourse is a cu ltural resources to use in understanding and talking about an issue” (p. 86) In addition to the media discourse, Gamson considers individual’s experiential know ledge as another indispensa ble resource in composing collective action frames. For example, media di scourse disseminates the injustice and has it shared among individuals, whereas experien tial knowledge internal izes the injustice within individuals who consume it from the media discourse. Johnston (1995) describes collective action frames from a cognitive perspective. The beliefs and meanings composed of co llective action frames are related in a systematic way, which reflects individuals’ co gnition of social movements. Individual frames assemble and form subgroups within a social movement that share the general

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21 cognition. Personal experiential knowledge re mains in the lower level of cognitive organization, whereas shared experience, in the higher level are coordinated and interpreted in a common way for participan ts. Thus, Johnston argues that “frames are hierarchical cognitive structur es that pattern the definition of a situation for individual social action” (p. 237). The structure of fram es implies the different factors and their relationships, explaining certa in behaviors or situations in a social movement. Tarrow (1992) adopted Goffman and Snow’s words to explain that frames in a social movement are “schemata of interpreta tion,” and framing is to “conceptualize how ideological meanings are proposed by moveme nt organizers to w ould-be supporters” (p. 188). He claims that frame alignment would be vital for movement participation when frames function to coordinate experience and lead action. Four types of frames alignment are created to explicate different strategi es used to link a movement’s message and participants: frame bridging, frame amp lification, frame expansion, and frame transformation. Frame bridging refers to simp ly connect two or more congruent frames within the same issue. Frame amplification means to clarify an implicit frame, whereas frame extension describes the process of enla rging a frame to be related with potential value or interest. Frame transformation is util ized when an organization wishes to add a new set of ideas to an existing issue, to disregard old meanings, or reframe misunderstandings. Thus, elaborating on the co ncept of four alignments, Tarrow claims that collective action frames not only create new meanings or consistently focus on existing issues, but incorporate new ideas into old meanings. Frame resonance emphasizes the concept of incor poration and implies that succe ssful frames must work in existing popular understandings ra ther than create a new me aning that has no resonance

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22 within the existing culture. Snow and Benfor d (1992) offer three factors that may affect the ability of frame resonance: empirical cr edibility, experiential commensurability, and ideational centrality or narrative fidelity. Tarrow (1992) states that flexibility is one important feature of framing, which means that frames can be communicated with target groups effici ently, adjusted to change, and extended to combine with other frames. This adjustable feature not only allows social movement organizers to utilize it as an instrumental activity, but also allows for the political opportunity of incorporating an existing frame. Snow and Benford (1992) note another feature of collective action frame: mobilizing potency. They suggest that if a frame is elaborated explicitl y, it has more chance to be influential and increases its mobilizing potency. Snow and Benford (1992) also discuss the ma ster frames and the cycle of protest. They conclude that the emergence of a protest would accompany with the development or construction of a new master frame. The re sonance of a master frame would be the key to successfully mobilizing the movement. The pr evious movements in the cycle of protest may offer interpretation and conception to construct frames for the succeeding movements. However, in later phase of pr otest, frames would be restricted to the development and structure of previous ones. The mobilizing potency of a master frame would influence the cycle of pr otests. Moreover, the prevaili ng cultural climate would be another influential factor that changes the co ntent of frames and the cycle of protest. Individual Framing Research has shown that framing constr ucted by media, journalists, organization, policy makers, and social movement organi zers can exert influence on the public or individuals. Some research es of framing also focus on the receiver—individual or

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23 audience and their reaction of framing pr ocess. Scheufele (1999) suggests a two dimensions typology to classify previous studi es on framing. One dimension is to specify frames into media or individual frame. Indi vidual frame is defined as “mentally stored clusters of ideas that guide individuals’ pr ocession of information” (Entman, 1993, p. 53). Media frame is defined by Gamson and Modig liani (1987) as “a cen tral organizing idea or story line that provides meaning to an unf olding strip of events” (p. 143). The other dimension divides frames into independent or dependent variables. Studies of frames as dependent variables have emphasized vari ous factors influenc ing the creation or modification of frames (Scheufele, 1999). St udies of frames as independent variables have focused on the overall effects of frami ng. When the media frames were examined as independent variables, researchers found that media frames had an impact on individual frames. Valkenburg, Semetko, and De Vreese ( 1999) also pointed out that research in audience frames may reveal the extent to which audience frames are replications of media frames. Individual frames, however, ma y weigh differently from media frames on the same issue (Scheufele, 1999). What the media frame emphasizes as central might be perceived by individu al as peripheral. Pan and Kosicki (2001) discuss indivi dual framing in a broader context—a democratic society – and see framing as an important element in public deliberation. Strategic framing does not necessarily seek the way through media or policymakers, but through public deliberation. Public deliberati on, happening in political debate, political alignment, and collective actions, is “not a harmonious process but an ideological contest and political struggle. Actors in the public ar enas struggle over the right to define and shape issues, as well as the discourse surrounding these issu es” (p. 36). Framing in public

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24 deliberation acts strategically, using symbolic resources to achiev e collective decision making. In other words, individuals in public de liberation utilize framing to participate in collective actions and policy making processe s. Thus, multiple groups are involved in public deliberation, and each of them has th eir ideological principles and cultural resonance. Strategic framing is considered as one vital element to the foundation of a democratic society. Framing Analyses The research of framing analysis has b een done by many scholars. Perkins (2005) claims that framing analysis examines me ssages shaped by reporters and editors and by public relations sources attempting to prom ote ideas or opinions. Johnston (1995) points out that framing analysis explicates the sour ces, ideology, and effect of frames. It also can find out how the belief, meanings, a nd experience form the frames. Through the reconstruction process, framing analysis helps researchers explain why and how participants act in a social movement. Also, framing analyses are utilized by many social movement scholars. Tarrow (1992) states that by examining the structur e of frames scholars attempt to understand how movement organizers shaped the ideologi cal symbols, how effective the symbols are in triggering mobilizing action, and how they evolve over time. In addition, long-term studies with empirical analyses in history further emphasize a broader interaction among the ideological symbols, social me ntalities and political cultures. Hertog and McLeod (2001) suggest the first step of framing analysis is to identify the core of a frame, which usually is a conf lict. A conflict can be presented by the source who provides information, ideas, positions in the text. One way to identify frames is through a master narrative. “Narratives are pow erful organizing devices, and most frames

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25 will have ideal narratives that organize a large amount of disparate ideas and information” (p. 148). In addition, frames can be identified by examining the repetition of certain vocabularies, including adjective, adverbs, verb te nses, and nouns. To prepare to analyze frames, researchers must expose themse lves to a wide array of potential frames under the same topic, and the content must come from both the mainstream culture as well as outside of the dominant culture. After gathering enough content for frame analysis, researchers are recommended to take the following steps to process the analysis: (1) establish preliminary models of frame s and subframes (as many as possible); (2) identify the sponsor or the source of the fram e; (3) be aware of the symbols appearing in the frame and the changes of the frames; (4 ) propose the hypotheses to find out the relationship among frames, culture, ideology, is sues, and narrative structures; (5) finally, decide the research methods to conduct the analysis. The research methodology, subject, and pro cess of a framing analysis vary by each study. Hertog and McLeod (2001) point out that the methodologies of framing analysis include qualitative and quantita tive content analyses, depth or focus interviews, and experiments. Quantitative content analysis of newspapers or public relations sources, such as newsletters, is one of the popular ways to analyze frames (e.g., Yioutas & Segvic, 2003; Schmid, 2004; Bailey, 2005; Reber &B erger, 2005). According to Hertog and McLeod (2001), quantitative analys is is a means to identify the language in a frame, and is most successful when the concepts of fr ames are repeated and emphasized. However, the powerful frames are able to exert infl uence without much repetition. Quantitative analysis may fail to identify the powerful fr ame due to the lack of a great amount of frame context. Qualitative analysis require s researchers to induce the meaning in the

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26 context and reveal the insight of news c overage in a decoding process. A mixed qualitative and quantitative analysis is reco mmended because frames may be interpreted variously by different researchers. Besides, there is no standard context for framing analysis. The context currently analyzed by fr aming researchers appear in an extensive range, including news coverage, movies, phot os, television programs, corporate annual reports, and focus group transcripts. Thus, multip le analyses and methods are particularly helpful when no standard content exists and th e theories and concepts of framing are still developing. Hertog and McLeod (2001) also point out th e purpose of a framing analysis. First, it can contribute to understand th e social protest, change, and control by identifying and outlining the dominant or alternative frames in a social controversy. Second, framing analysis can specify the strategies and tactic s each social member used to construct or influence a social issue. Third, it helps to find out what is the popular news story in which the framing of controversy is recognized by the public. Research Questions This study attempted to focus on the charac ters and evolutions of frames (Snow & Benford, 1992; Nelson & Kinder, 2001; He rtog & McLeod, 2001; Zoch & Molleda, 2006), and the effect of media framing (Kos icki, 1993; Pan and Kosicki, 2001; Tedesco, 2001), including the influence of public relatio ns messages on the news articles (Kiousis et al, 2004). Based on the discussion of literature revi ew and case description, the research questions were: RQ1: How does the MND frame the issue of military procurement?

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27 RQ2: How do the frames of military procurement appear in Taiwan news coverage? RQ3: What are the differences between the frames constructed by the MND and the frames appearing in Taiwan news coverage?

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28 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY Quantitative Content Analysis This study aimed to analyze the issue of military procurement by applying framing theory. Quantitative content analyses of news media coverage and public relations messages were conducted to find out how Ta iwan news media and the MND frame the issue of military procurement. Wimmer and Do minick (2003) define content analysis as “a method of studying and analyzing communi cation in a systematic, objective, and quantitative manner for the purpose of meas uring variables” (p. 141). Bauer (2000) claims that “content analysis is the only met hod of text analysis that has been developed within the empirical social science” (p. 132). Content analys is allows researchers to examine media effect on agenda-setting st udies and construct worldviews, values, attitudes, and opinions. Hert og and McLeod (2001) point ou t that quantitative content analysis is one of the important methodologi es of framing analysis and frequently adopted by researchers. Newspapers or public re lations sources, such as newsletters, are the popular communication context that analyzed in framing researches (Reber &Berger, 2005). To answer research questions one and two; describing how the frames of the issue of military procurement appeared in public relations messages produced by the MND and in Taiwanese news coverage, a quantita tive content analysis on two kinds of communication texts was conducted. The two kind of communication texts included public relations messages produced by the MND and the Taiwanese news coverage.

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29 Then, a comparison of the result of conten t analysis on public relation messages and on news coverage about the frames of military procurement wa s made in order to answer research question three—what are the differenc es between the frames constructed by the MND and the frames appeared on Taiwan news articles. Population and Sample Public Relations Messages The samples of content analysis on th e public relations messages produced by MND were retrieved from the Web site of General Political Warf are Bureau of MND ( http://news.gpwb.gov.tw/projec t/purches/purches_index.htm ). The content of the Web site included the electronic version of promotional pamphlets and e-cards, one announcement, and two reports of public opinion polls about military procurement carried out by two media organizations. The ta rget audience of the Web site was general publics, and the purpose of the Web site was for the publics to download or acquire the information about military procurement on th e Internet. A preliminary count of Web pages excluded the e-cards and two reports of public opinion po lls. The reasons to exclude e-cards and poll reports were that there were less than 10 words on the e-card, and polls reports only presented statistic information. A total of 47 Web pages of messages were available and used as the unit of analysis. News Articles News articles of military procurement were collected from the electronic database of United Daily News. United Daily News is one of major nationa l newspapers with large circulation in Taiwan. The population of news articles for the content analysis was taken from online news articles about military procurement in United Daily News database (http:// www.udndata.com ). Because this is an ongoi ng issue, beginning in August 2003,

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30 the time frame of the analysis was two years, from August 1, 2003 to July 31, 2005. The keyword of “military procurement” was used to search the headlines and lead paragraphs of the online news articles in the database. The first search with the keyword resulted in 1,162 news articles. After omitting irrelevant ne ws articles by screening the headlines and lead paragraphs, the sample of 260 news ar ticles was yielded from the population. The irrelevant news articles include articles about the past m ilitary procurement and military procurement mentioned as additional inform ation. Articles with less than 100 words and only containing factual information, such as the description of “the budget of military procurement was the fourteenth time that failed in the Legislative Yuan,” were considered to contain too little informati on for coding and also were excluded. The unit of analysis was the news article. Data Gathering Coding sheets and guidelines for the cont ent analyses of bot h public relations messages (Appendix A and B) and news arti cles (Appendix C and D) were developed. Variables measured in both content analys es of news coverage and public relations messages included frames, keywords/catchphras e, statistics, and the salient issues mentioned in the news story or public re lations message, including national security, social welfare, education, domestic economics, and international rela tions. For the news coverage content analysis, additional variables included the source of news story, political affiliation of the source, the attitude of source toward the military procurement, and the number of quotations. The researcher first read through all the sample news articles and public relations messages to id entify the frames of military procurement. Then the result was used to establish the ca tegory of frames for the coding sheet. The operative definition of a frame was base d on the framing mechanisms developed by

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31 Tankard (2001) as well as the elements of framing discussed in the literature review (Hertog & McLeod, 2001; Esrock et al., 2002). Inter-coder reliability was tested for asse ssing the quality of th e coding instrument. Two coders coded 10 percent of sample random ly selected. First coder was the principal investigator of the study. The second coder was a graduate student whose first language was Chinese. Because the analysis unit was written in Chinese, a second coder whose first language was Chinese would also help en sure the validity of the research. A training session was held for the second coder before the test of inter-coder reliability. The operative definition of each category and th e coding procedure were explained to the second coder in the training session. Conflicts about the coding categories between two coders were discussed and the categories were modified to further improve the research instruments. The inter-c oder reliability coefficients (using Holsti’s formula, 1969) of the content analyses on news articles and public relations messages were calculated to be 92 percent and 93 per cent respectively. Data Analysis SPSS 14.0 for Windows were used to analyze the data collected from the content analyses. Frequencies and descriptive statistic result showed the characteristics of sample and variables. Cross-tabulation analysis was us ed to compare the variables of news article samples and public relations messages sample s. The relationships among variables were tested by using chi-square test to find out if the statistical significance existed.

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32 CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS Research Question One How does the MND frame the issu e of military procurement? Five frames were found in the public re lations messages produced by the MND, including “national self-defense,” “professional military need,” “military ability unbalance,” “necessary military expense,” and “bubble tea.” After combining frames that have the same emphasis, two master frames were generated: “national safety” and “necessary expense.” Among 47 public relations messages, the “national safety” frame accounted for 57 percent (N = 27), while the “necessary expense” frame contributed to 23 percent (N = 11); nine public relations messages were not identified with any master frame. The “national safety” frame emphasized the national security and included three subframes: “national self-defense,” “professional military need,” and “military ability unbalance.” The master frame of “necessary expense” focused on the financial aspect and contained two subframes: “necessary military expense” and “bubble tea” (see Table 4-1). Unidentified public relations messages incl uded messages that only provided factual information without further explanation. Fo r example, messages contained detailed description of the strengths and weaknesses of the weapons to be purchased, or the strategic analyses of how the weapons would be used in the war, without the explanation of why the publics should support the arms purchase.

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33 Table 4-1. Subframes by master frames in public relations messages Public relations messages N % National safety frame 27 57 National self-defense Professional military need Military ability unbalance 15 9 3 32 19 6 Necessary expense frame 11 23 Necessary military expense Bubble tea 10 1 21 2 Unidentified 9 19 Total 47 100 There were 156 catchphrases identified w ithin the messages, including “advanced weapons” (17%), “national safety” (16%), “cross-strait relations” (11%), and “military balance” (10%). Issues related to the military procurement were also identified (see Table 4-2). Public relations messages pertaining to th e issue of national secu rity contributed the most. Furthermore, the following are the issu es of domestic economics and the issue of international relations (see Table 4-3). Fort y-seven percent of pub lic relations messages included statistical data.

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34 Table 4-2. Catchphrases of public relations messages by frames Frames National safety Necessary expense Total Catchphrases N % N % N % Love Taiwan Military balance Cross strait relations National safety Self-defense Advanced weapons Special budget Protection fee Urgency Leave debts to descendant Reasonable price Submit a budget Referendum Military procurement abuse Bubble tea Spendthrift Threat of China 3 13 15 19 7 16 8 2 5 2 2 8 1 1 8 1.9 8 10 12 4 10 5.1 1.3 3.2 1.3 1.3 5.1 0.6 0.6 5.1 3 2 6 3 10 5 3 1 3 6 1 2 1.9 1.2 4 1.9 6.4 5.1 1.9 0.6 1.9 3.8 0.6 1.3 3 16 17 25 10 26 13 2 8 3 5 14 2 1 2 1 8 1.9 10.2 10.9 16 6.4 16.7 8.3 1.3 5.1 1.9 3.2 9 1.3 0.6 1.3 0.6 5.1 Total 111 71 45 29 156 100 Table 4-3. Issues of public relations message by frames. The public relations messages produced by th e Ministry of National Defense were collected from July 2004 to April 2005 (see Table 4-4). The frames of “professional military need,” “necessary military expense,” and “national self-defense” constantly appeared during the time period. In particul ar, the frame of “military ability unbalance” Frames National safety Necessary expense Total Issues frequency frequency National security 26 6 32 Social welfare 1 3 4 Education 3 3 Domestic economics 8 9 17 International relations 6 2 8

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35 appeared on the messages published in Sept ember and October 2004, while the frame of “bubble tea” only appeared in September 2004. Table 4-4. Appearance of frames by the month public relations messages published. Month 2004 2005 Frames July SeptemberOctober November April National safety National self-defense Professional military need Military ability unbalance Necessary expense Necessary military expense Bubble tea National Safety Master Frame The master frame of “national safety” em phasized the importance of national safety and described that the purchases of new w eapons aimed to strengthen Taiwan’s selfdefense capabilities, and to protect Taiwan from the invasion of China. Catchphrases contributing most to this frame included “national safety,” “advanced weapon,” “crossstrait relations,” and “military balance.” More than half of the messages (55%) reflected the issue of national security. This master frame contained three subframes and each had different, subtle focus. The “professional military need” subframe described that the policy of military procurement was assessed by military professionals who deemed the purchase of weapons necessary. This frame was exemplified by the statements, “the military procurement is a professional military need;” “the military procurement is based on the concerns of national safety a nd the international s ituation, creating the necessity to stress the urgent need;” and “military procurement is assessed professionally and discreetly”

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36 (October 2004). Thirteen out of 17 catchphrase categories were identif ied with this frame, including the catchphrases of “national safe ty” and “advanced weapons,” which appeared more frequently. The “professional military need” frame also mentions the issue of national security, social welf are, domestic economics, and international relations to emphasize the professional military need. Fiftyfive percent of messages identified with the frame contained statistic data. The “military ability unbalance” subframe described that cross-Taiwan Straits military abilities were dramatically unbalanced and the possibility of invasion from China had gradually increased. Thus, the purpose of military procurement was to balance the cross-strait military ability. The “military ability unbalance” frame focused on the difference of military equipment between China and Taiwan, and contained more information about the current m ilitary ability of China. This was shown in the following, “China will have the ability to attack Taiwan for ten hour s continuously in 2006;” “When the ratio of military ability reaches three to one, China would likely start a war;” “Chinese troops have been modernizing cont inuously and Taiwan ha s gradually lost its advantageous position;” and “if the new wea pons could not be acquired on schedule, the war would likely happen between 2012 and 2020” (October 2004). Catchphrases identified with this frame includes “love Ta iwan,” “military balance,” “national safety,” “cross-strait relation,” “selfdefense,” and “special budget.” Issues appearing with this frame included national security and dome stic economics. Two out of three public relations messages identified with this frame contained statistic data. The “national self-defense” subframe described that the military procurement was to make Taiwan capable of national self-defense, so as to maintain cross-strait relations

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37 and safety. The “national self-defense” frame emphasized the issue of national safety and the ability of self-defense. This following st atements illustrated the frame, “currently, China has no intention to build peaceful relationships with us, so we have to strengthen the ability of self-defense to protect ourselves;” and “the budget of military procurement would maintain the cross-stra it stability for 30 years” (O ctober 2004). Fifteen of the 17 catchphrase categories were identified with this frame, “military balance,” “cross-strait relations,” “national safety,” and “advanced weapons.” Issues appearing with this frame included national security, domestic economic s, and international relations. Twentyseven percent of public relations messages iden tified with this frame contained statistical data. Necessary Expense Master Frame The master frame of “necessary expense” emphasized the financ ial aspect of the arms purchases, and proclaimed that the budget for acquiring new weapons was reasonable and necessary. In addition to th e catchphrases of “advanced weapons” and “national safety,” the frame also contained ca tchphrases related to financial aspect, such as “submit a budget” and “special budget.” Public relations messages containing the “necessary expense” frame were also identified with the issues of domestic economics, social welfare, and education. This master frame included tw o subframes: the “necessary military expense” frame and the “bubble tea” frame. The “necessary military expense” subframe described that the expense of military procurement was necessary and could boost economic development. Examples from this frame included, “comparing the national defens e budget to other countries that also faced a military threat, we had a lower percentage;” “the military budget has gradually decreased, and only took two pe rcent of domestic GDP and 16 percent of national general

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38 budget” (October 2004); and “the expense of military procurement required 40 to 70 percent of industry’s cooperation, including collective research, skill transfer, staff training, and cooperative production, which c ould enhance the level of domestic industry” (April 2005). The “necessary military expense” frame emphasized the financial aspect of military procurement issue, that th e budget is reasonable and will not weaken the government’s financial situation. Twelve out of 17 catchphrase categories emerged. Those which appeared in higher frequencie s include “national safety,” “advanced weapons,” and “submit a budget.” Issues appear ing within this frame include national security, social welfare, education, domes tic economics, and inte rnational relations. Eighty percent of public relations messages iden tified with this frame contained statistical data. The “bubble tea” subframe described that if everyone saved the money of one bubble tea per week, there were enough mone y raised for military procurement. For example, “one bubble exchanged for the nationa l safety;” and “if everyone reduced their consumption by one bubble tea per week, we can save enough money for buying advanced weapons to protect our home” (S eptember 2004). The “bubble tea” frame also put emphasis on the financial aspect of military procurement but had a narrow focus on the calculation of budget and the example of bubble tea. Catchphrases included “national safety,” “advanced weapons,” “special budget, ” and “bubble tea.” Issues appearing with this frame included national security, social welfare, education, and domestic economics. Statistical data also presented with this frame. Research Question Two How do the frames of military procurement appear in Taiwan news coverage?

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39 News articles were collected from A ugust 2003 to July 2005. During this time period, among 260 news articles about the military procurement 19 percent were published on September 2004, 17 percent we re published on October 2004, and 13 percent were published on June 2004. June, Se ptember, and October of 2004 were the three months that news articles about the military procurement appeared most. Fifteen subframes were found in news artic les. Subframes that focused on the same aspect, such as national safety or financ ial condition, and employed by the same groups, such as the MND or the activist groups, were combined to determine the master frames. Seven master frames were then generated from 260 news articles, as shown in Figure 4-1, including the “U.S. influence” frame (19%) contributing the highest percentage, the “national safety” frame (17%) the “financial problem” frame (12%), the “political employment” frame (7%), the “Taiwan government” frame (6%), the “unnecessary” frame (5%), and the “necessary expense” frame (0.8%). Ninety-one ne ws articles that could not be identified with the seven mast er frames and 15 subframes were put under the category of “unidentified” (35%). The “unident ified ”news articles included articles that merely described the announcement and the de cisions about the arms purchase made by the MND or other government agencies. For example, “the Executive Yuan passed the military procurement special budget and the dr aft of purchasing act. The funds will be raised from multi-sources, including issui ng bonds and selling land” (Lee, 2004, June 3). News articles that did not focus on the reas ons of arms purchase but on the political conflicts aroused by the issue were also cons idered as “unidentified.” This could be exemplified by the following: “The former Am erican Institute in Taiwan Chairwomen Therese Shaheen criticized that Taiwan’s purchase of submarines was ‘silly.’ The

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40 minister of National Defense argued that the decision of submarines purchase was supported by Taiwan president, and he would file a protest against Shaheen’s words if necessary” (Lu, 2003, November 18). The categor y of subframes by master frames was shown in Table 4-5. Each master frame and its subframes are discussed in subsequent sections. Figure 4-1. News articles fr equency by master frames Table 4-5. News articles subframes by master frames Master frames Subframes Taiwan government frame U.S. and Taiwan relations frame Love Taiwan frame U.S. influence frame U.S. influence frame Political employment frame Protection fee frame Political strategy frame National safety frame Professional military need frame National self-defense frame Military ability unbalance frame

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41 Table 4-5. Continued Master frames Subframes Financial problem frame Unrealistic budget frame Reduction of social welfare budget frame Necessary expense frame Necessary military expense frame Bubble tea frame Unnecessary frame Military equipment race frame Unnecessary military procurement item frame Taiwan government priority frame The main sources of the frame included pol itical parties, legislators, the MND, government officials, the United States, activist groups, and the media. Among the 260 articles, the MND (26%) and legislators (16%) contribute d more than others. The political affiliations of the main source were the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) (12%), the People First Party (PFP) (9%), Kuomintang (KMT) (8%) and pan-blue (4%) referring to all opposition polit ical parties. The DPP was th e ruling party, and pan-blue was the reference for both the KMT and the PFP, which were political parties opposing the DPP. The attitudes of main source toward the military procurement were divided into supporting (48%), opposing (20%), and unclear (32%). The quotation of main sources was defined as direct quotations used w ithin double quotation marks, pull quotes that were blown up in size for emphasis, and quotes of slogans extracted from public relations messages. The total number of quotations counted within the sample of news articles was 736, and the total number of catchphrases iden tified was 427. According to Table 4-6, the catchphrase of “advanced weapons” was c ounted with the highest frequency of 81, followed by “special budget,” “national safety,” “military balance,” and “self-defense.” As shown in Table 4-7, 107 news articles refl ected the issues of international relations, 98 news articles pertained to national security issue, 43 news articles related to domestic

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42 economic issues, 19 news articles related to the social welfare issues, and only nine articles concerned the education issue. Table 4-6. Catchphrases of news articles by master frames Master frames Taiwan governme nt U.S. influence Political employm ent National safety Financial problem Necessar y expense Unnecess ary Total Catchphrases N N N N N N n N Love Taiwan 1 1 5 1 9 Military balance 1 9 3 12 8 1 8 43 Cross strait relations 4 11 3 10 4 1 1 34 National safety 6 6 7 17 4 3 43 Self-defense 11 17 2 10 1 41 Advanced weapons 3 31 7 23 9 1 7 81 Special budget 5 17 9 16 12 3 63 Protection fee 2 1 1 2 0 7 Urgency 5 1 1 7 Leave debts to descendant 4 4 Reasonable price 1 3 1 2 3 1 11 Submit a budget 3 7 4 6 6 1 28 Referendum 3 3 7 4 4 4 25 Military procurement abuse 1 1 1 3 Bubble tea 2 4 1 6 Spendthrift 1 4 4 Threat of China 2 2 2 16 2 19

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43 Table 4-7. Issues of news articles by master frames Master frames Taiwan governm ent U.S. influenc e Political employ ment National safety Financia l problem Necessar y expense Unneces sary Total Catchphrases N N N N N N n N National security 13 26 5 34 9 2 9 98 Social welfare 1 3 11 4 19 Education 7 2 9 Domestic economics 2 8 2 4 20 1 6 43 International relations 15 41 13 23 9 1 5 107 Taiwan Government Master Frame The “Taiwan government” master frame was mainly employed by the Taiwanese government to describe that the support of the arms purchase was the way to love and protect Taiwan. The catchphrase of “self-defe nse,” as well as the salient issues of national security and international relations, c ontributed the most to this master frame. This master frame combined two subframes: the “U.S. and Taiwan relations” frame and “love Taiwan” frame. The “U.S. and Taiwan relations” subframe described that the purpose of military procurement was to maintain the defensive re lationships between Ta iwan and the United States in order to protect Taiwan from the invasion of China. For example, “the referendum let the United States to believe th at Taiwan had the reso lution to prepare the capabilities of self-d efense” (Liu, 2004, February 20); and “Taiwan needed the military procurement from the United States to defend itself from the threat of China, and the arms purchase emphasized the reliance of Taiwan on the United States concerning military strategy” (Lin, 2004, June 28). This frame first appeared in a news article

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44 published in October 2003 and was observed most in October 2004 (23%). The main sources identified with this frame include d the MND (23%) and government officials (31%). The political affiliations of source included KMT and DPP. The attitude of sources was identified as supporting milita ry procurement (77%). The catchphrases included “self-defense” (26%) and “national safe ty” (16%). Related issues identified with the frame included international relations and national security. The “love Taiwan” subframe described that people who love Taiwan should support the military procurement. For exampl e, “Chen argued that to oppose military procurement was to oppose national safety and agree with China” (Liu, 2004, November 14); and “anti-military procurement was not ‘love Taiwan’” (Lu, 2004, December 31). This frame only appeared in November and December 2004. The main sources came from government officials and the media. The DPP is the only political affiliation that could be identified, and the sources supporte d procurement (50%). Four catchphrases were identified: “love Taiwan,” “self-defe nse,” “special budget,” and “protection fee.” Related issues included national secu rity and international relations. U.S. Influence Master Frame The “U.S. influence” master frame describe d that the United States attempted to influence Taiwan military procurement and place pressure on the Taiwanese government. For example, “the United States asked Taiw an to make a promise to purchase arms;” “Legislative Yuan president Wang felt the pr essure from the United States” (Lee, 2003, August 5); and “in order to help Taiwan to make up for the de ficient of self-defense, the United States said several times that Taiwan should reconsider the priority of arms purchase and the deployment of national de fense” (Lin, 2003, August 27). This frame first appeared in August 2003 and was consta ntly observed during the time period. This

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45 frame was the most frequently appearing fr ame and it contributed to 19 percent of the 260 articles. The main sources of this fram e included the United States (35%), media (23%), and legislators (21%). The political affiliations of source were parties that opposed the ruling party, incl uding the KMT, the PFP, and pan-blue. The attitude of sources was identified as supporting (46%). There were 116 quotati ons counted within the frame, which was the most abundant. Th e catchphrases included “advanced weapon” (27%), “self-defense” (15%), and “special budge t” (15%). Related issues identified with this frame included international relations, national security, and domestic economics. Political Employment Master Frame The “political employment” frame was ma inly employed by activist groups and the opposition parties so as to emphasize that arms purchases were merely a political strategy utilized by certain politicians for their own in terest. The catchphrases that appeared in news articles containing the “political em ployment” master frame included “special budget” and “referendum.” Issues of internati onal relations were f ound more salient than other issues. The “political em ployment” master frame included the “protection fee” and “political strategy” subframes. The “protection fee” subframe described that purchasing weapons from the United States was to pay a protection fee to the Un ited States. The following examples illustrated this fame: “Taiwan became the automatic tr ansaction machine for the United States and had to pay a protection fee regularly” (Fan, 2003, November 19); and “the huge budget of military procurement was considered as the protection fee paid to the United States” (Ho, 2004, June 3). This frame first appeared in November 2003 and peaked in June 2004 (75%). The main sources included legislator s, government official s, and activist group. The PFP was the only party affiliated with th is frame. The attitude of the sources was

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46 identified as being in opposition to procur ement. “Protection fee” was the catchphrase that contributed most (25%). Issues related to this frame included national security and international relations. The “political strategy” subframe de scribed that the Taiwanese government employed the issue of military procurement for a political purpose. For example, “the ruling party took advantage of being a buyer, and they used the benefits of arms purchases to employing disputable politic al strategies inte rnationally” (Lin, 2003, November 1); “U.S. and Taiwan relations had become the interacti ons between munitions businessmen and politicians” ( United Daily News, 2003, November 21); and also “the Taiwanese government use the military proc urement in exchange for the support of referendum from the United States” (Lin, 2004, Fe bruary 21). This frame first appeared in November 2003 and peaked from August to October 2004 (47%). The main sources included activist groups (46%), legislators (15%), and the media (15%). The political affiliations lay with opposition parties, and the attitude toward military procurement was opposition (62%). The number of quotation c ounted with the frame was 72. Catchphrases included “special budget” (21%), “national safety” (14%), “advanced weapons” (14%), and “referendum” (14%). Related issues identified with the frame included national security, domestic economics, and international relations. National Safety Master Frame The “national safety” master frame was c onstructed by the MND and described that the military procurement was to protect Taiwan from the invasion of China. Salient catchphrases included “military balance,” “national safety,” “cross-strait relations,” “threat of China,” and “advanced weapons.” Among the 70 news articles containing the frame of “national safety,” 34 news articles were identified with the issue of national

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47 security and 23 news articles were identified wi th the issue of international relations. This master frame combined three subframes: the “professional military need” frame, the “national self-defense” frame, and the “military ability unbalance” frame. The “professional military need” subframe described that the policy of military procurement was assessed by military professionals and claimed to be necessary for national defense. For example, “the MND opened the military base for the media to cover news stories, and attempted to emphasize the necessity and urgency of military procurement” (Lu, 2004, October 22); and “the military report would not involve any political concerns, but focus on the nati onal safety and practical need” (Lin, 2005, February 26). This frame first appeared in February 2004 and was observed most in February and March 2005 (58%). The M ND was the main source, contributing 57 percent. The PFP is the only political affiliati on that could be identified. The sources have been identified as supporting military procur ement (86%). Twenty catchphrases were identified with the frame, including “nati onal safety” (15%), “advanced weapons” (15%), “special budget” (15%), and “referendum” (15%). Related issues identified included national security and international relations. The “military ability unbalance” subframe described that cross-Taiwan Straits military abilities were dramatically unbala nced, and the possibility of invasion from China had gradually increased. The purpose of military procurement was to balance cross-strait military capabilities. This wa s illustrated by the following, “China has currently modernized their national defe nse, and the military budget has grown by a decimal figure” (Lee, 2004, November 18); “the military ability acro ss the Taiwan Strait has been drastically unbalance and dangerous ;” “China has increased the offensive

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48 military force on a large scale;” and “China obviously was preparing to invade Taiwan, preventing the intervention of the United St ates” (Lin, 2004, June 18). This frame first appeared in October 2003 and was observe d most during September and October 2004 (33%). The main sources included the MND (50%), government officials (22%), and the United States (22%). The DPP was the only identifiable political affiliation and the attitude of sources was suppor tive (94%). There were 50 quot ations counted within the frame. Fifty-three catchphrases were iden tified, including “advanced weapons” (21%), “threat of China” (17%), “special budget” (15%), and “military balance” (13%). Related issues included national security and internat ional relations. Thirty-n ine percent of news articles identified with this frame contained statistical data. The “national self-defense” subframe described that the military procurement was to make Taiwan capable of national self-defense, allowing for the maintenance of cross strait relations and for Taiwan’s general safe ty. Examples included statements like, “in order to protect the democracy of Taiwan, maintain cross-strait peace, and build the confidence for Taiwan to negotiate with China, Taiwan must strengthen its ability for national self-defense” (Chen, 2004, June 29); and “maintaining the ability of self-defense was not to compete with China for the arms race, but for avoiding and preventing the war” (Lu, 2004, July 30). This frame first appeared in June 2004 and was observed most in September and October 2004 (44%). The ma in sources included government officials (56%) and the MND (44%). The ruling party wa s the only political a ffiliation identified, and the attitude of the source was suppor tive of the procurement. There were 60 quotations counted within the frame. Fiftyone catchphrases were identified with the frame, including “national safety” (18%), “ad vanced weapons” (18%), and “self-defense”

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49 (16%). Related issues identified included national security and international relations. Eleven percent of news article identified with this frame contained statistical data. Financial Problem Master Frame The “financial problem” master frame was mainly employed by activist groups and opposition parties to emphasize that the high bud get of arms purchases would cause the financial crisis for the Taiwanese government The catchphrase particularly appearing in news articles containing this frame included “s pecial budget,” “leave de bt to descendant,” and “spendthrift.” Salient issues appearing wi th this frame were the issues of social welfare, domestic economics, and educati on. The “financial problem” master frame contained two subframes: the “unrealistic budget” frame and the “reduction of social welfare budget” frame. The “unrealistic budget” subframe de scribed that the budget of military procurement was too high and unrealistic and caused the financial problem for the Taiwanese government. This was exemplified as follows, “the PFP le gislator indicated that the price of submarines the United St ates offered was twice as the price that European countries offered to India, Paki stan, and Chile” (Lu, 2004, June 4); and “the special budget of military procurement led to a new high record for the debts of the Taiwanese government and raised the potenti al average debts for every citizen to NT$520 thousand” (Shang, 2004, June 14). This frame first appeared in June 2004 and peaked from September 2004 to January 2005 (73%). Th e main sources included political parties (27%), activist groups (27%), and the media (18%). Political affiliations of source included both ruling and opposition parties. The sources were generally opposed to Taiwan’s military procurement (36%). The number of quotations counted in the frame was 76. Fifty-three catchphrases were identified with the frames, including “advanced

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50 weapons” (16%), “special budget” (16%), “military balance” (11%), and “submit a budget” (11%). Related issues included dom estic economics, international relations, national security, social welf are, and education. Thirty-two percent of news articles identified with this frame contained statistical data. The “reduction of social we lfare budget” subframe expr essed that the budget of military procurement caused a reduction of th e social welfare and education budgets. For example, “the DPP government ignored the facts that many children were unable to afford the school meals and students were unable to afford tuition” (Chen, 2004, June 15); “Activist groups worried that the m ilitary procurement budget would cause the reduction of many other social welfare e xpenses;” and “They indicated that NT$600 billion could subsidize the medical bills for one million minorities for 100 years and subsidize the living costs fo r poor children for 700 years” (Lin, 2004, June 20). This frame first appeared in June 2004 and peaked from October to December 2004 (64%). The main sources included legislators (25 %) and activist groups (38%). The opposition parties, including the KMT and the PFP, were th e political affiliations of the source. The sources identified were in opposed weapons procurement (88%). Sixteen catchphrases were identified with the frame, includi ng “special budget” (25%) and “referendum” (13%). Related issues incl uded social welfare, domes tic economics, education, and national security. Necessary Expense Master Frame The “necessary expense” master frame was constructed by the MND and emphasized that the budget of military procurement was reasonable and necessary for the national safety. The catchphrases that could be identified with this master frame included “military balance,” “cross-strait relations,” “advanced weapons,” and “bubble tea.”

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51 Related issues included national securit y, domestic economics, and international relations. The “necessary expense” master frame contained two subframes: the “necessary military expense” frame and the “bubble tea” frame. The “necessary military expense” subframe described that the expense of military procurement was necessary and could boost the economic development. For example, “the expense of NT$400 billion for the subm arine…could create an additional value of two million dollars in Taiwan ” (Lu, 2005, March 14). This fr ame only appeared in news articles published in March 2005. The only ma in source was “others.” No political affiliations could be identified, nor could the sources attitudes toward procurement. Two catchphrases were identified: “military balanc e” and “advanced weapons.” Related issues identified with the frame included nati onal security, domestic economics, and international relations. The “bubble tea” subframe described that if everyone saves the money of one bubble tea per week, there were enough mone y raised for military procurement. For example, “the promotional documents produced by the MND indicated that as long as every Taiwanese have reduced the consum ing of one bubble tea per week, enough money would be saved for the military procuremen t” (Ho, 2004, September 22). This frame only appeared in one news article published in September 2004. The only main source was the MND, but no political affiliation could be identified. The attitude of the source concerning military procurement was supportive (100%). Two catchphrases were identified: “cross strait relations” and “bubble tea.” National security was the only issue identified with the frame.

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52 Unnecessary Master frame The “unnecessary” master frame was mainly used by activist groups and opposition parties to oppose the military procurement budget proposed by the MND. The activist groups employed this master frame to procla im that the arms purchase would only cause an arms race between Taiwan and China; t hus, it was neither necessary, nor helpful for Taiwan’s national safety and should not be a top priority for the Taiwanese government. The salient catchphrases appearing within this master frame included “cross-strait relations” and “advanced weapons.” Issued identified w ith this frame were national security and domestic economics. The “unn ecessary” master frame contained three sub frames: the “military equipment race” frame, the “unnecessary military items” frame, and the “Taiwan government priority” frame. The “military equipment race” subframe stated that the military procurement was leading an arms race between Taiwan and China. For example, “the military arms race would be non-stop;” “the competition of m ilitary equipment with China was to like Taiwan simply asking for trouble” (Fan, 2004, June 21). This frame firs t appeared in June 2004 and peaked in September and October (66%). The main s ources included the political party (33%) and activist groups (67%). The opposition parties, including the KMT and PFP, were identified as being politica lly affiliated with the frame. The sources stood in opposition to weapons procurement (83%). Among 12 catchphrases identified with the frame, “military balance” (50%) cont ributed most. Related issues identified with the frame included national security, domestic economics, and international relations. The “unnecessary military procurement items” subframe illustrated that the goals of military procurement did not meet Taiwan’s current needs. For instance, “lawmakers queried that Taiwan should focus on offensiv e weapons instead of defensive weapons;”

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53 “the effectiveness of investment in antimissile Patriot system was challenged” (Lu, 2003, August 25). Furthermore, Liu stated “it is difficult for Taiwan to defend in the air with current resources. Thus, the MND must explain to the media and the publics the reason that military procurement proposed a huge budget” (Liu, 2004, June 5). This frame first appeared in August 2003 and was observed most in June 2004 (40%). The main sources included legisl ators (20%), activis t groups (20%), and the media (20%). The PFP was the only identified political aff iliation. The attitude of sources identified was unclear (60%). Of the ni ne catchphrases identified with the frame, “advanced weapons” (44%) contributed most. Related i ssues included nationa l security, social welfare, education, domestic economi cs, and international relations. The “Taiwanese government priority” s ubframe described that the military procurement, currently, should not be the gove rnment’s focal point. For example, “the Taiwanese government should give the top priori ty to the poor, instea d of competing with China for military equipment” (Lin, 2004, June 20); and “Taiwan should not spend large sums of money on arms; instead, government should focus on alleviating the tension between Taiwan and China…and mainta ining the economic strength” (Lin, 2004, September 24). This frame first appeared in February 2004 and was observed most in June (33%) and September 2004 (33%). The ma in sources included activist gr oups (67%) and the media (33%). No political affiliations could be identified. The sources were in opposition to procurement (67%). Nine catc hphrases identified with the frame, and “referendum” (33%) contributed most. Related issues included social welfare, domestic economics, international re lations, and education.

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54 Research Question Three What are the differences between the frames constructed by the MND and the frames appearing in Taiwan news coverage? Chi-square tests were used to see if ther e was any statistical si gnificant association among frames, statistics, issues, and catchphrases in rela tion to the origin of frames, which included public relations messages and news articles. In order to test the statistical significant association between t ypes of frames and the origin of the frames, all frames were reclassified into two categories: supporting and opposing. The master frames holding a supporting attitude toward the ar ms purchases included: the “Taiwan government” frame, the “U.S. influence” fram e, the “national safety” frame, and the “necessary expense” frame. The opposing frames were: the “political employment” frame, the “financial problem” frame, and the “unnecessary” frame. As shown in Table 48 and 4-9, The percentage of frames that s upport the arms purchase differed by the origin of frames [ 2(2, N = 307) = 27.03, p < .05]. Table 4-8. Crosstabulation of frames attitude by the origin of frames frames Origin of Frames Crosstabulation 38 108 146 80.9% 41.5% 47.6% 0 61 61 .0% 23.5% 19.9% 9 91 100 19.1% 35.0% 32.6% 47 260 307 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e supporting opposing unidentified frames Total PR News Origin of Frames Total

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55 Table 4-9. Chi-square test of frames attitude and the origin of frames Chi-Square Tests 27.033a 2 .000 34.892 2 .000 4.705 1 .030 307 Pearson Chi-Square Likelihood Ratio Linear-by-Linear Associatio n N of Valid Cases Value df Asymp. Sig. (2-sided) 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 9.34. a. Among the seven master frames and 15 subframes found in news articles, only two master frames and five subframes were iden tified with public relations messages. These two master frames were “national safety” and “necessary expense,” including the five subframes under the two master frames: “profe ssional military need,” “necessary military expense,” “bubble tea,” “military ability unbala nce,” and “national self-defense.” The master frame of “national safety” contribu ted to 23 percent of the 260 news articles, which was the highest among all the master fr ames, in contrast the master frame of “necessary expense” only contributed four percent. Public relations message were produced in July, September, October, and November of 2004 and in April of 2005. The news articles picked up during the months that public relations messages were produced accounted for 42 percent of articles (see Table 4-10).

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56 Table 4-10. Crosstabulation of the month of frames appearance by the origin of frame date Origin of Frames Crosstabulation 0 5 5 .0% 1.9% 1.6% 0 5 5 .0% 1.9% 1.6% 0 10 10 .0% 3.8% 3.3% 0 1 1 .0% .4% .3% 0 6 6 .0% 2.3% 2.0% 0 3 3 .0% 1.2% 1.0% 0 44 44 .0% 16.9% 14.3% 4 16 20 8.5% 6.2% 6.5% 0 6 6 .0% 2.3% 2.0% 8 50 58 17.0% 19.2% 18.9% 20 33 53 42.6% 12.7% 17.3% 2 11 13 4.3% 4.2% 4.2% 0 12 12 .0% 4.6% 3.9% 0 6 6 .0% 2.3% 2.0% 0 10 10 .0% 3.8% 3.3% 0 16 16 .0% 6.2% 5.2% 13 1 14 27.7% .4% 4.6% 0 11 11 .0% 4.2% 3.6% 0 3 3 .0% 1.2% 1.0% 0 11 11 .0% 4.2% 3.6% 47 260 307 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e August 2003 October November January 2004 February May June July August September October November December January 2005 February March April May June July date Total PR News Origin of Frames Total Four subframes produced by the MND were found that news ar ticles containing these four frames appeared in the same months as the public relations messages

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57 published. For example, the subframe of “professional military need” appeared both on public relations messages and news articles and only in October 2004. The subframe of “bubble tea” from both origins only app eared in September 2004. The subframe of “national self-defense” originating from pub lic relations messages appeared in the months of July, September, October, and November in 2004 and accounted for 40 percent. Meanwhile, it appeared in news ar ticles published during th e same four months and accounted for 61 percent. Also, the “milita ry ability unbalance” s ubframe originating from public relations messages appeared in September and October 2004, while the same frame originating from news article contribu ted 33 percent during the same months. The months that these four subfra mes appeared on public relations messages and news articles were consistent. However, the months that the subframe of “necessary military expense” appeared in public relations messages and news articles did not overlap. The test for statistics included in the conten t of the articles in relation to the origin of frames was also significant. As shown in Table 4-1, the percentage of statistical data that appeared in articles diffe red by the origin of frames [ 2(1, N = 307) = 45.85, p < .05]. Public relations messages contained more st atistical data (47% of 47 public relations messages) than news articles (9% of 260 news articles). Two master frames originating from public relations messages, the “na tional safety” and th e “necessary expense” frames, both contained statistical data, while only the “national safety” frame originating from news articles contained statistical data. The subframes originating from public relations messages containing the highest per centages of statistics include “professional military need,” “military ability unbalance,” and “necessary military expense.” Statistics data present within the public relations messages seemed to emphasize the needs of

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58 military procurement or the drastic military unbalance between Taiwan and China. The subframes from news articles containing highe r percentages of statistical data included “military ability unbalance” and “unrealistic budget.” The “military ability unbalance” frames contained abundant statistics data wh ether from public relations messages or news articles. Table 4-11. Crosstabulation of the appearance of statistical data by the origin of frames statistics Origin of Frames Crosstabulation 25 237 262 53.2% 91.2% 85.3% 22 23 45 46.8% 8.8% 14.7% 47 260 307 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e absent present statistics Total PR News Origin of Frames Total As for the relations between the types of i ssues present in the stories and origins of frames, only the issue of national secur ity, domestic economics, and international relations resulted in statistic al significance. As shown in Table 4-12, the percentage of national security issue that appeared in articles differed by the origin of frames [ 2(1, N = 307) = 15.51, p < .05]. The percentage of domestic economics issue that was present in articles differed by the origin of frames [ 2(1, N = 307) = 11.82, p < .05] (see Table 413). The percentage of interna tional relations issue that was present differed by the origin of frames [ 2(1, N = 307) = 16.51, p < .05] (see Table 4-14). Bo th the issues of national security and domestic economics contribu ted to higher percentages (77% and 45% respectively) of frames from public relations messages than the frames from news articles (45% and 21% respectively). News articles, however, pertaining to international relations contributed to a higher percentage (54%) than public relations message (21%). The issue of national security, contributed most to th e master frame of “national safety” in the

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59 public relations messages, and most to th e master frames of “U.S. influence” and “national safety” in news articles. The master frames of “national safety” from both origins contained the issue of national s ecurity. The same ob servation was made concerning the issue of intern ational relations, which contri buted most to the master frame of “national safety” originating fr om both public relations messages and news articles. In addition, the issue of domestic ec onomics contributed the most to the master frame of “necessary expense” or iginating from public relations messages, as well as the most to the master frame of “financial problem” originati ng from news articles. These two frames both focused on the financial aspect of military procurement. However, the frame of “necessary expense” addressed the necessity and reasonableness of military expense, while the frame of “financial probl em” focused on the negative effect caused by the unreasonable military budget. Table 4-12. Crosstabulation of the appearance of national security issue by the origin of frame issue1-national security Orig in of Frames Crosstabulation 11 142 153 23.4% 54.6% 49.8% 36 118 154 76.6% 45.4% 50.2% 47 260 307 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e absent present issue1-national security Total PR News Origin of Frames Total Table 4-13. Crosstabulation of the appearance of domestic economi c issue by the origin of frame issue4-domestic economics Orig in of Frames Crosstabulation 26 205 231 55.3% 78.8% 75.2% 21 55 76 44.7% 21.2% 24.8% 47 260 307 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e absent present issue4-domestic economics Total PR News Origin of Frames Total

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60 Table 4-14. Crosstabulation of the appearance of international relations issue by the origin of frame issue5-international relations Or igin of Frames Crosstabulation 37 121 158 78.7% 46.5% 51.5% 10 139 149 21.3% 53.5% 48.5% 47 260 307 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e absent present issue5-internationa l relations Total PR News Origin of Frames Total Six out of 17 catchphrases in relation to the origin f frames resulted in statistical significance, including “military balance,” “cross strait relations,” “national safety,” “advanced weapons,” “submit a budget,” and “thr eat of China.” As shown in Table 4-15, the percentage of “military balance” catchphrase that appeared in articles differed by the origin of frames [ 2(1, N = 307) = 13.48, p < .05]. The catchphrase of “military balance” was the greatest contributor to the frames of “U.S. influence,” “financial problem,” and “national safety” originating from news articles, as well as the frame of “national safety” originating from the public relations message s. “Military balance” was observed as the keyword for the master frame of “national safety” in both news articles and public relations messages. As shown in Table 4-16, the percentage of “cross-strait relatio ns” catchphrase that appeared in articles differe d by the origin of frames [ 2(1, N = 307) = 11.28, p < .05]. The catchphrase of “cross strait rela tions” contributed more to the frames of “U.S. influence” and “national safety” from news articles, as well as the frame of “national safety” from public relations messages. “Cross-strait rela tions” was observed as the keyword for the frame of “national safety” from both origins.

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61 The percentage of “national safety” catchph rase that appeared in articles differed by the origin of frames [ 2(1, N = 307) = 28.97, p < .05] (see Table 4-17). The catchphrase of “national safe ty” contributed more to the master frames of “Taiwan government,” “U.S. influence,” “political empl oyment,” and “national safety” originating from news articles, as well as the frames of “necessary expense” and “national safety” originating from public relation messages. “National safety” was observed as the keyword for the master frame of “national safety.” The percentage of “advanced weapon” cat chphrase that appeared in articles differed by the origin of frames [ 2(1, N = 307) = 9.22, p < .05] (see Table 4-18). The catchphrase of “advanced wea pons” contributed more to the frames of “U.S. influence,” and “national safety” from news articles, as well as the frames of “necessary expense,” and “national safety” from public relations messages. “Advanced weapons” was observed as the keyword for the frame of “national safety” from both message origins. The percentage of “submit a budget” catchphra se that appeared in articles differed by the origin of frames [ 2(1, N = 307) = 8.79, p < .05] (see Table 4-19 ). The catchphrase of “submit a budget” contributed most to the frames of “U.S. influence” and “financial problem” from news article, as well as the frame of “necessary expense” from public relations messages. “Submit a budget” was observed as the keyword for the frames focusing on financial aspect. Moreover, as shown in Table 4-20, the per centage of “threat of China” catchphrase that appeared in articles diffe red by the origin of frames [ 2(1, N = 307) = 7.31, p < .05]. The catchphrase of “threat of China” contribut ed the most to and was observed as the key word for the frames of “national safety” from news articles and public relations message.

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62 Table 4-15. Crosstabulation of the appearan ce of “military balance” catchphrase by the origin of frame Crosstab 28 216 244 59.6% 83.1% 79.5% 19 44 63 40.4% 16.9% 20.5% 47 260 307 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e absent present catchphrase2-militar y balance Total PR News Origin of Frames Total Table 4-16. Crosstabulation of the appearance of “cross-strait re lations” catc hphrase by the origin of frame Crosstab 29 216 245 61.7% 83.1% 79.8% 18 44 62 38.3% 16.9% 20.2% 47 260 307 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e absent present catchphrase3-cros s strait relations Total PR News Origin of Frames Total Table 4-17. Crosstabulation of the appearance of “national safety” catchphrase by the origin of frame Crosstab 19 204 223 40.4% 78.5% 72.6% 28 56 84 59.6% 21.5% 27.4% 47 260 307 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e absent present catchphrase4-nation a safety Total PR News Origin of Frames Total Table 4-18. Crosstabulation of the appearan ce of “advanced weapon” catchphrase by the origin of frame Crosstab 14 140 154 29.8% 53.8% 50.2% 33 120 153 70.2% 46.2% 49.8% 47 260 307 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e absent present catchphrase6-advance d weapon Total PR News Origin of Frames Total

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63 Table 4-19. Crosstabulation of the appearan ce of “submit a budget” catchphrase by the origin of frame Crosstab 30 215 245 63.8% 82.7% 79.8% 17 45 62 36.2% 17.3% 20.2% 47 260 307 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e absent present catchphrase12-submi a budget Total PR News Origin of Frames Total Table 4-20. Crosstabulation of the appearance of “threat of Chin a” catchphrase by the origin of frame Crosstab 36 235 271 76.6% 90.4% 88.3% 11 25 36 23.4% 9.6% 11.7% 47 260 307 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e Count % within Ori g in of Fram e absent present catchphrase17-thre a of China Total PR News Origin of Frames Total

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64 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION Summary of the Military Procurement Case The case of military procurement in Taiwan began in August 2003 when the MND proposed a budget of NT$700 billion to pur chase defense weapons from the United States. In order to pass the budget in th e Legislation Yuan, the MND produced public relations messages and promotional documen ts, including pamphlets and posters, and also established a Website for downloading pr omotional information. The target audience of the public relations message s included legislators, journa lists, and Taiwanese citizens. The public relations messages acquired from the Website were produced in July, September, October, November 2004, and April 2005. The content of these messages emphasized the issues of national safety and offered various reasons for the purchase of weapons, such as maintaining cross-Taiwan Strait peace. The budget, however, has not been passed in the Legislation Yuan due to the objections from legislators, activist gr oups, and the KMT and the PFP, which are opposition parties. The objections are varied, bu t the most salient is the unrealistically high budget. The activist groups showed their opposition to military procurement by launching protests and inviting celebrities to declare their opposition. The protests organized by activist groups generally took place between June and October 2004. Taiwanese government and that of the Unite d States were also involved in the case and actively showed their support for the purch ase. The president of Taiwan even added the subject of strengthening national defense into the referendum scheduled for March

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65 2004. This action was seen to ignite the issu e of military procurement and cross-strait relations. Although the referendum failed to achieve the required 50 percent vote, government officials affirmed that the deci sion to acquire new weapons was not changed and would not be affected by the result of referendum. The opposition political parties and activist groups argued that people have shown their obj ection to the arms purchase by not voting for the referendum. The United St ates continuously voiced its opinion on the purchase of weapons and they furthermore demo nstrated their concerns over the tension between Taiwan and China. The behavior of the United States was viewed by those who opposed the purchase as attempting to influen ce the decision and placing pressure on the relations between Taiwan and the United States The news coverage about the opinions of the United States first appeared in Oct ober 2004 and peaked from March 2005 to July 2005. Summary of the Uses of Framing Entman (1993) indicated that framing is about the selection and salience of elements in any communication text to define problems and explain causes. Kiousis et al. (2004) stated that a second-leve l agenda-building indicated the transfer of attributes from public relations messages to media covera ge, and the attributes could be the characteristics of an issue. In a news story, th e attributes or elements that are utilized as framing devices included the style of a news story as well as catchphrases and metaphors appearing in news content (Esrock et al., 2002). In this case, the attributes or elements selected by the MND to make the frames salient included catchphrases and related i ssues. These related issues included national security, domestic economics, social welfare, education, and intern ational relations. The catchphrases could be classified into four categories: “political strategy,” “national

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66 safety,” “financial problem,” and “U.S. infl uence.” The category of “political strategy” included the catchphrases of “love Taiwa n,” “referendum,” “military procurement abuse,” and “protection fee.” “Love Taiwan” has become a political slogan frequently used by politicians in recent years. For example, usually in an election campaign, politicians would provoke political conflicts by addressing that people who love Taiwan should support certain candidate s or political parties. “Ref erendum” was attacked by the opposition parties because it was the political st rategy of the ruling party. The term of “military procurement abuse” originating from the opposition political parties implied the potential corruption that may occur during the course of th e transactions. The term of “protection fee” also originating from the opposition political parties implied that the money used to purchase of weapons from th e United States was the protection fee to exchange for defense from the United States. The category of “national safety” include d the catchphrases of “military balance,” “national safety,” “threat of China,” a nd “cross-strait relations.” The keyword of “military balance” was largely used by the MND to assess and compare the differences of military ability between Taiwan and China. The keyword of “cross-strait relations” implied the state and interacti ons between Taiwan and China, while “national safety” and “threat of China” were self-explanatory. The category of “financial problem” included the catchph rases of “special budget,” “leave debt to descendant,” “reasonable pr ice,” “bubble tea,” and “submit a budget.” The keyword of “special budget” referred to the NT$700 billion special budget that was proposed not within the annua l budget. “Leave debt to desc endant” was the catchphrase used by opposition parties and activist groups to describe that the result of getting into

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67 debt to buy new weapons was leaving debt to next generation. “Reasonable price” were used to question whether the price of NT$700 billion for arms purchase was reasonable or not. “Bubble tea” was the term used by th e MND as an example to explain the amount of budget. The term of “submit a budget” was also used by the MND to indicate that the special budget must be passed in the Legislative Yuan. The category of “U.S. influence” included the catchphrase of “self-defense.” “S elf-defense” was the term that recurrently used by the news sources represented the Unite d States to reinforce the concept that the capability of self-defense is important for Taiwan. Public Relations Messages Hallahan (1999) pointed out the importance of frami ng as a public relations practice, in which organizati ons construct a common frame to define the reality for stakeholders in order to further establish or maintain mutual relationships with them. In this case, framing theory was used by the researcher to examin e the public relations messages produced by the MND and find out how the MND defined the issue of military procurement in order to persuade stakeholde rs—including legislator s, opposition political parties, and the publics—to support the budget to be passed in the Legislative Yuan. Two master frames and five subframes were identified in the public relations messages produced by the MND. The master fr ame of “national safety” included three subframes: “national self-defense,” “professional military need,” and “military ability unbalance.” The subframe of “n ational self-defense” stated that Taiwan should prepare, making itself capable of national defense to ma intain the cross-Taiwan Strait peace. For example, Figure 5-1 showed the public re lations messages produced by the MND and illustrated the idea of self-defense by providi ng a Chinese proverb as the slogan: “help yourself and the other peopl e, and God will help you.”

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68 The subframe of “professional military need” described that the purchase of weapons was assessed by military professi onals and was considered necessary for national defense. This subframe was illustrated in Figure 5-2, in which the slogan stated that “the advanced weapons to be purchase d are the best choice because other countries have the same weapons.” The subframe of “m ilitary ability unbalance” described that the military abilities of Taiwan and China were drastically unbalanced. China had expanded their military equipment rapidly, and the likelihood of their invasion had gradually increased within the past few years. The id ea of unbalanced crossstrait military ability was illustrated in Figure 5-3, in which the st rengths and weakness of military ability for both China and Taiwan were analyzed. Statistics data was shown within these fram es, such as the rates of military abilities before and after the acquisition of new w eapons. Also, the catchphrases which appeared most included “national safety,” “advanced weapons,” “military balance,” and “crossstraits relations,” were the elements sele cted and made salient to emphasize national safety.

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69 Figure 5-1. Public relations message cont ains the “national self-defense” frame Figure 5-2. Public relations message contains the “professional military need” frame

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70 Figure 5-3. Public relations message contains the “military ability unbalance” frame The master frame of “necessary expens e” focused on the financial aspect and described that the budget for arms purcha se was reasonable and crucial for national defense. Two subframes aiming to address the budget were categorized under this master frame: “necessary military expense” and “bubble tea.” The subframe of “necessary military expense” stated that in order to ma intain the national safety and enhance the ability of self-defense, the expense of ne w weapons was necessary and therefore the budget was reasonable. In addition, the future maintenance and repair of new weapons would create more job opportunities a nd boost the domestic economy. Figure 5-4 illustrated the purchase of new weapons as an investment, and described that the military expense not only could strengthen nati onal defense but also enhance economic development. The subframe of “bubble tea” referred to a popular drink in Taiwan, which exemplified the idea that the budget was not unrealistic. The frame described that if

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71 everyone in Taiwan saved the money of one bubble tea per week, they could easily raise the money for the purchase of new weapons. Fi gure 5-5 showed a calculation of how one bubble tea could change national safety. S oon after the example of bubble tea published in public relations messages, however, it was fiercely attacked as inappropriate for the serious issue of national safe ty by legislators and opposition po litical parties. Thus, this frame only appeared in September 2004. Statisti cal data was present, to a large extent, within these two frames. The data provided information such as comparisons of the military budgets in Taiwan within recent years and the comparisons of the military budgets between Taiwan and China. Catchphr ases of “submit a budget” and “special budget” were selected to make the financial issue salient. Figure 5-4. Public relations message contains the “necessary military expense” frame

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72 Figure 5-5. Public relations message contains the “bubble tea” frame News Articles Media frames were defined as the sel ection and development of issues by journalists, and the way audiences were guided to see what wa s important in news stories (Gitlin, 1980). In addition to j ournalists, the source of a news story was considered as an important actor in the constr uction of media frames (Zoch & Molleda, 2006). The sources might include government agencies, large cor porations, elite profe ssionals, and activist groups. Therefore, the media served the func tion as providing a place for public discourse and for interest groups to shape issues a nd define problems in an advantageous way (Gamson, 1995). Reber and Berger (2005) pointed out that th e effects of media framing were displayed most especially in public policy definitions or outcomes. Nelson and Kinder (2001) indicated that framing had the power to define social policies and problems and shape public understandings of the central idea of so cial policy and the criteria necessary to solve the social problems.

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73 In this case, many groups actively participat ed in the issue of military procurement and used framing techniques to define th e issue and suggest solutions. The groups included the MND, Taiwanese government offi cials, the United St ates, legislators, opposition political parties, and activist groups. Seven master frames were identified in news articles retrieved from the online database of United Daily News from August 2003 to July 2005. The master frame of “Taiwan government” was employed by Taiwanese government officials to describe military procurement as the way to protect and love Taiwan. This master frame contained two s ubframes, “U.S. and Taiwan relations” and “love Taiwan,” which both showed a positive attitude toward the arms purchase. The “U.S. and Taiwan relations” subframe describe d that the purchase of weapons from the United States helped to maintain a good re lationship, especially defensive relations concerning China, between the United States and Taiwan. The catchphrase of “selfdefense” recurrently appeared in this frame because the United States constantly emphasized the expectation that Taiwan should prepare to self-defen se for at least two weeks if the cross-Taiwan Strait war broke out. The “love Taiwan” subframe was employed by government officials. The keywor d of “love Taiwan” was selected to imply that supporting military procurement was to “love Taiwan,” and opposing military procurement was to “not love Taiwan.” The “U.S. influence” master frame describe d that the United States attempted to influence the decision of military procurement by emphasizing the importance of selfdefense, which was considered as a pressure by Taiwan. This frame was constructed by the United States. The catchphrases of “selfdefense,” “advanced weapons,” and “special

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74 budget” were the attributes se lected and emphasized by the Un ited States. Quotations of U.S. officials were used to a large extent implying that the media tended to directly report the origin words from the U.S. officials. The “political employment” master fram e was chiefly employed by activist groups and opposition parties to critici ze that the arms purchase was utilized as political strategy by politicians for their own personal interest. This master frame included two subframes: “protection fee” and “political strategy.” The “protection fee” subframe described that the purchase of weapons from the United States wa s to charge a protection fee in exchange for military aid if the cross-Taiwan Strait war erupted. The keyword of “protection fee” appeared within the frame and was used to de fine the issue of military procurement. The “political strategy” subframe described th at the Taiwanese government employed the issue of military procurement for a political purpose, stating it was not actually focused on the professional military need. The keyword of “referendum” frequently appeared to make the “political employment” frame salient. The two master frames, “national safety” and “necessary expense,” constructed by the MND also appeared in news articles. The attributes of catchphras es and related issues from public relations messages also were pr esent in news articles. These included the keywords of “national safety,” “advanced w eapons,” and “bubble tea,” and the issue of national security and international relations. The “financial problem” master frame primarily was constructed by the activist groups and opposition parties to oppose the high budget. The two subframes under this master frame offered different reasons. The “unrealistic budget” subframe described that the budget of NT$700 billion was too high and the Taiwanese government would get into

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75 debt resulting in financial cr ises. The “reduction of social welfare” subframe used the same angle to define the issue, but emphasi zed that the budget of military procurement would cause the reduction of other important budgets, such as the social welfare and education budgets. Keywords related to financ ial problems, such as “special budget” and “submit a budget,” appeared with these two subf rames to make the financial aspect of military procurement more salient. Similarly, the “unnecessary” master fram e was also employed by activist groups but used a different angle to define the i ssue of military procurement. The “unnecessary” frame stated the arms purchase was not able to meet the need of national defense and would only cause a non-stop arms race between Taiwan and China. Three subframes with the same focus of “unnecessary” were found under this master frame: “military equipment race,” “unnecessary military items, ” and “Taiwan government priority.” The keyword of “military balance” was selected by the “military equipment race” frame to define the issue of military procurement as the vicious cycle of a cross-Taiwan Strait arms race. The “unnecessary military items” frame chiefly used the keyword of “advanced weapons” to describe that the wea pons to be purchased did not meet the needs of Taiwan. The activist groups invited military professionals to analyze the effectiveness of new weapons and concluded that the weapons to be purchased were not necessary for national defense in order to oppose the por trayal that the arms purchase was a professional military need. The “Taiwan govern ment priority” frame described that the military procurement should not be the princi pal priority of the Taiwanese government. The keyword of “referendum” was selected to emphasize their objection to the military

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76 procurement, stating that the Taiwanese gove rnment should pay more attention to other issues, such as social welfare and education. The Comparisons of Public Relati ons Messages and News Articles Statistically significant ch i-squares would suggest th at the news articles are different from the public relations messages produced by the MND. This study’s research results showed that the differences between news articles and public relations messages could be observed on the appear ance of issues of national security, domestic economics, and international relations; the frames that support the arms purchas e; the catchphrases of “military balance,” “cross-strait relations,” “national safety,” “advanced weapons,” “submit a budget,” and “threat of China”; and st atistical data contained in the articles. Although the causal relationships between public relations messages and news articles cannot be concluded from the chi-square result s, the statistically si gnificant chi-square values would not support the effect of sec ond-level agenda-building examined in this exploratory study. The characteristics and evol ution of frames were also found in the comparison of public relations messages and news articl es. Hertog and McLeod (2001) stated that framing had the power to portray one issue or character as positive or negative. The opposite or competitive frames of the same i ssues or characters were distinguished by placing or ignoring different elements. For ex ample, the “political employment” master frame was opposed to the “Taiwan government” master frame. The “Taiwan government” frame maintained a supportive atti tude toward the military procurement and was employed by Taiwan government officials, while the “political employment” frame maintained an opposing attitude and wa s employed by activist groups and opposition parties. The “Taiwan government” frame emphasi zed that the transaction of arms was to

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77 maintain a defensive relationship with the United States in order to protect Taiwan from the invasion of China. On th e contrary, the activist groups employed the “protection fee” frame to portray the transaction as a poten tially-corrupt relationship with the United Sates. They also argued that Taiwan gove rnment officials tended to use the “love Taiwan” subframe to provoke pol itical conflicts for their own strictly political interests. Other examples of opposite frames included the “unnecessary” frame versus the “national safety” frame and the “financial problem” frame versus the “necessary expense” frame. The “national safety” fram e was constructed by the MND to emphasize the professional military need for the prevention of drastically military unbalance between Taiwan and China and for the de velopment of national self-defense. The “unnecessary” frame was created by the activis t groups to argue that the MND used the military ability unbalance between Taiwan and China as an excuse for arms purchase; however, it would lead to the non-stop arms purchase for Taiwan. In addition, the weapons to be purchased were assessed as ineffective to protect Taiwan. The “financial problem” frame and “nece ssary expense” frame both focused on the financial aspect, but possessed opposite attit ude toward the military procurement. The “financial problem” frame was employed by the opposition parties and activist groups, portraying the purchase of weapons as negative and dangerous to Taiwanese government’s financial condition, while the “necessary expense” frame employed by the MND portrayed the arms purchase as positive, necessary, and resolvable. Hertog and McLeod (2001) stated that fram es are not persistent, and new frames will be created and become incorporated in or simply modify the old ones because of the changes in the political or economic envir onment. The evolution of frames could be

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78 observed from the subframes of “U.S. infl uence,” “U.S. and Taiwan relations,” and “national self-defense.” The “U.S. influe nce” frame first appeared in August 2003, the “U.S. and Taiwan relations” fr ame appeared in October 2003, and then the “national selfdefense” appeared in July 2004. The keyword of “self-defense” was the core idea for these three frames. The comment salient attributes also included the issues of international relations and national securit y. However, new contents were added during the evolution. For example, th e “U.S. influence” frame constructed by the United States described that the United States expected Taiwan to have the ability of self-defense for at least one to two weeks if the cross-strait war erupted. The frame of “U.S. and Taiwan relations” employed by the Taiwan government o fficials added that the arms purchase not only could strengthen the ability of self-defense, but also help maintain the defensive relations between the two countries. The “natio nal self-defense” fram e constructed by the MND eliminated the element of the relations hips with the United States, but focused on national safety and self-defense again. Th e adoption of same attributes by Taiwanese government officials and the MND implied that Taiwan government emphasized the influential opinions made by the U.S. The possible reciprocal influence among interest groups may likely explain the appearance of opposite frames. For example, as shown is Table 5-1, the master frames of “financial problem” employed by activist groups first appeared in the news media in June 2004. After military procurement was portrayed as the cause of financial problems, the MND reacted to the activist groups by employi ng the “necessary expense” master frame in public relations messages published in July 2004.

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79 Table 5-1. The initial appearance of master frames by month Month Master frames 2003 August • U.S. influence • Unnecessary October • Taiwan government November • Political employment 2004 June • Financial problem July • National safety • Necessary expense In addition, the “Taiwan government” fr ame was constructed by the MND to address the beneficial relations with the Unite d States first appeared in news articles in October 2003. In the next month the activis t groups reacted to the MND by employing the “protection fee” frame to mock the explanation made by MND. Moreover, the “political employment” frame used by the ac tivist groups first appeared in November 2003. The MND then constructed the “national safety” frame in July 2004 to compete with activist groups by explaining that military procurement was assessed by professionals and was necessary for nationa l defense, but not the political strategy applied for politicians’ personal interests. The interaction between the MND and activist groups may imply that public relations practit ioners should well prepare themselves as reliable and dependable sources for media in or der to actively utilize framing strategies to construct new discourse and response to in fluential voices and positions expressed by active publics (Zock & Molleda, 2006). Although the research results did not support that the eff ect of second-level agendabuilding existed in this study, the phenomena that are likely to relate to the agendabuilding activity were observed in this cas e. The master frames chiefly employed by

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80 activist groups, including “political em ployment,” “financial problem,” and “unnecessary,” peaked in news articles from June to October 2004 when activist groups frequently held protests. In addition, The “U .S. and Taiwan relations” subframe peaked on news articled in October 2004, while in th e same month U.S. Department of Defense announced that Taiwan would be viewed as “a liability rather than a partner” if they decided not to purchase new weapons. The salient issues or agendas aroused by the interest groups seemly tran sferred to the news media. Although the contribution of “national safe ty” frame in news articles was only second to the “U.S. influence” frame, not all the frames employed by the MND were largely observed in news articles. Moreove r, the military procurement was still an ongoing issue as of April 2006, and the budget wa s still pending in the Legislative Yuan. In order to achieve their goa l and gain the public’s support for the arms purchase, the MND should understand the effect and characte ristics of framing and utilize the framing techniques better. For example, the initial fr ame had the power to define the problem and set the range for public discussion (Snow & Benford, 1992). The creation of consecutive frames was restricted by the discussion range set by the initial ones. The creation of new frames, however, had the power to incorpor ate and modify the old frames (Hertog & McLeod, 2001). With the changes of new salient issues or elements selected by the new frames, the old may simply fade away ove r time. The MND should continue to pay attention to the salient issues in the news media expressed by key involved parties or the editorial position of the media, and constant ly react to them by employing new frames (Zoch & Molleda, 2006). The effect then may be the achievement of the organizations goal, having the military procurement budget passed in the Legislative Yuan.

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81 Limitation and Suggestion for Future Study This study might be limited by the design of the research instruments. Not every frame established by the researcher before the coding process was identified in news articles. For instance, the “leave debt to des cendant” frame was not identified in any news article. This may imply that the categories of frames were not mutually exclusive and the definitions of frames were not clear and distinguishable enough. According to Wimmer and Dominick (2003), “validity is usually defi ned as the degree to which an instrument actually measures what is sets out to measur e” (p. 159). Thus, studies might possess little validity if categories overlap, th e definitions used in a conten t analysis are not adequate, or the reliability is low. Relia bility refers to “the property of a measure that consistently gives the same answer at different times” (p. 466). Reliability is e ssential to a content analysis because it decides whether a content an alysis is objective or not. “Reliability is necessary to establish validit y, but it is not a sufficient condition” (p. 60). Although the research instrument of this study possessed a high inter-coder reliability coefficient, the validity of the research measurement might not be achieved. Future studies are suggested to screen carefully the news articles and conduct a pretest for the completeness of frame categories. Furthermore, the analysis of news articles was only focused on one newspaper, the United Daily News which might influence the profile of the news samples. Further studies are suggested to retr ieve the news samples from various sources, such as other newspapers or electronic medi a in order to exclude the influence of media organizations. This study only find out which frames a ppeared on both public relations messages and news articles, but were not able to an swer why some frames were adopted by media while some were not. An analysis of the characteristics of frames, such as the substantive

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82 and affective attributes of the issue or the celebrities appearing within the frames, were suggested to further studies about the military procurement (Kiousis et al., 2004). In order to further understand the po ssible relations among frames, such as the evolution and opposition of frames, qualitative research methods, such as the in-depth interviews, are suggested in future studies to find out th e framing process conducted by each interest group. In addition, the conclusions of this study may not able to be generalized and applied to other cases due to the unique setti ngs of the military procurement, such as the nation-wide issue and secr ecy of national safety. The military procurement in Taiwan was a nation-wide issue and had a greatly influence on the nation’s financial, economic political, diplomatic, national safety, and social welfare conditions. More over, many interested groups were actively involved. This study only focused on the activities of the M ND and the comparison of public relations messages produced by the MND and news articl es. Future studies should focus on other interest groups and the releva nt theoretical frameworks. For example, collective action frames described that frames constructed by activist groups could result in actions and mobilize social movements (Fine, 1995). In the case of military procurement, activist groups played as influential actors that aggressively produced competitive frames to interact with the MND and la unched protests to mobilize the publics. Further studies could focus on the activist groups, analyzing how they constructed frames to mobilize social movements as well as the interacti ons with other involved groups, such as the MND.

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83 APPENDIX A CODING SHEET-PUBLIC RELATIONS MESSAGES Item ID (1) Date (2) keywords/catchphrase Love Taiwan Military balances/unbalances/races Cross straits relations/peace/development/stability National/social safety Self-defense Advanced weapons Special/fifteen-years budget Protection fee Urgency/necessary Leave debts to descendant Reasonable/unreasonable price Submit a budget Referendum Military procurement abuse Bubble tea Spendthrift Threat of China (3) statistics 0 absent 1 present (4) salient issues National security Social welfare Education Economics International relations

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84 (5) Frames 1. The purpose of military procurement is to maintain relationships between Taiwan and the United States. (US and Taiwan relationships) 2. The United States attempts to influence Taiwan military procurement. (US influence) 3. Purchasing weapons from the United States is to pay protection fee to the United States. (Protection fee) 4. Taiwanese governments employ the issue of military procurement as political purpose. (Political employment) 5. The policy of military procurement is a professional military necessity. (Professional military necessity) 6. Military procurement will leave debt to th e descendant. (Leave debt to descendant) 7. The budget of military procurement is unrealistic and will cause the financial problem for Taiwanese governments. (Unrealistic budget) 8. The budget of military procurement will cause the reduction of social welfare and education budget. (Reduction of social welfare budget) 9. The expense of military procurement is necessary and can boost the development of economics. (Necessarily military expense) 10. If everyone saves the m oney of one bubble tea per week, we can raise the money for military procurement. (Bubble tea) 11. Cross-Taiwan Straits m ilitary abilities are dramatically unbalance, and the possibility of invasion from China ha s gradually increased. The purpose of military procurement is to balance the cro ss strait military ability. (Military ability unbalance) 12. The military procurement is to prepare th e ability of national self-defense and maintain cross strait peace and safety. (National self-defense) 13. The military procurement leads to the ra ce of military equipm ent between Taiwan and China. (Military equipment race) 14. The purchased items of military procur ement do not meet Taiwan current need. (Unnecessary military items) 15. The military procurement is not the priority that Taiwanese governments should focus currently. (Taiwan government priority) 16. People who love Taiwan should support th e military procurement. (Love Taiwan) 99 unidentified

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85 APPENDIX B CODING GUIDLINE-PUBLIC RELAITONS MESSAGES 1. Date mm/yy 2. keywords/catchphrase Words or phrases that are emphasized in sentences to give attributes or to legitimize the reasons or frames that sources use to suppor t their positions. Categorize the catchphrases or keywords that can be identified as “1;” otherwise, put it into the category of “0.” 3. statistics If statistics data or figures, such as pe rcentages and rates, can be identified, put it into the category of present. 4. salient issues Issues relevant to military procurem ent that discussed or mentioned in paragraphs are identified as salient issue. The salient issues might be the reasons that sources used to suppor t their positions or statements. Put the issues that can be identified into the category of “1;” othe rwise, put it into the category of “0.” 5. Frames Frames of military procurement are the statements of how issue is defined by inclusion of certain key words. Thor oughly read the whole news article, and identify the angle used to define the issue of military procurement. Not every news article can be identified with a frame. If the news article only provides information, put it into the category of “uni dentified.” If there are more than one frame identified in a news article, pick up the one constructed by the main source.

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86 APPENDIX C CODING SHEET-NEWS ARTICLES Item ID (6) Date (7) Source 1 Political party 2 Legislators 3 Ministry of National Defense 3 Government officials 4 US 5 Activist groups 9 others (8) Political affiliation of source 1 Kuomintang 2 Democratic Progressive Party 3 People First Party 4 New Party 5 Taiwan Solidarity Union 6 No Party Solidarity Union 7 Pan-blue 8 Pan-green 9 Unidentified (9) Attitude of source 0 oppose military procurement 1 support military procurement 9 unclear/neutral (10) Quotations

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87 (11) keywords/catchphrase Love Taiwan Military balances/unbalances/races Cross straits relations/peace/development/stability National/social safety Self-defense Advanced weapons Special/fifteen-years budget Protection fee Urgency/necessary Leave debts to descendant Reasonable/unreasonable price Submit a budget Referendum Military procurement abuse Bubble tea Spendthrift Threat of China (12) statistics 0 absent 1 present (13) salient issues National security Social welfare Education Economics International relations (14) Frames 1. The purpose of military procurement is to maintain relationships between Taiwan and the United States. (US and Taiwan relationships) 2. The United States attempts to influence Taiwan military procurement. (US influence) 3. Purchasing weapons from the United States is to pay protection fee to the United States. (Protection fee) 4. Taiwanese governments employ the issue of military procurement as political purpose. (Political employment) 5. The policy of military procurement is a professional military necessity. (Professional military necessity) 6. Military procurement will leave debt to th e descendant. (Leave debt to descendant) 7. The budget of military procurement is unrealistic and will cause the financial problem for Taiwanese governments. (Unrealistic budget) 8. The budget of military procurement will cause the reduction of social welfare and education budget. (Reduction of social welfare budget)

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88 9. The expense of military pr ocurement is necessary and can boost the development of economics. (Necessarily military expense) 10. If everyone saves the m oney of one bubble tea per week, we can raise the money for military procurement. (Bubble tea) 11. Cross-Taiwan Straits m ilitary abilities are dramatically unbalance, and the possibility of invasion from China ha s gradually increased. The purpose of military procurement is to balance the cro ss strait military ability. (Military ability unbalance) 12. The military procurement is to prepare th e ability of national self-defense and maintain cross strait peace and safety. (National self-defense) 13. The military procurement leads to the ra ce of military equipm ent between Taiwan and China. (Military equipment race) 14. The purchased items of military procur ement do not meet Taiwan current need. (Unnecessary military items) 15. The military procurement is not the priority that Taiwanese governments should focus currently. (Taiwan government priority) 16. People who love Taiwan should support th e military procurement. (Love Taiwan) 99 unidentified

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89 APPENDIX D CODING GUILDLINE-NEWS ARTICLES 1 Date mm/dd/yy 2 Source There might be many sources in the news article. Please identify the main source. Political party: any indivi dual from certain political party or spokesperson who represents the political party. Legislators: the Le gislative Yuan or any legislators regardless the political affiliation. Ministry of National Defense: the Minist ry of National Defense or any official from the Ministry of National Defense, including the Minister of National Defense. Government officials: any government o fficials from other departments except for the Ministry of National Defense. For example, the President and the prime minister are included in this category. US: any individual, government officials, or governmental department from the United States, including the chief of Amer ican Institute in Taiwan (AIT), US Department of Defense, and the Pentagon Activist groups: any nongovernmental or ganizations or unions that launch protests or hold any events to oppose the military procurement, including “6108 Anti-Arms Procurement Alliance” and “Democracy Action Alliance.” Media: journalists or the media work ers of the newspaper who write the editorials. Others: any other individuals or celebr ities that cannot be put into above categories. 3 Political affiliation of source The political affiliation of the main source that is explicitly indicated in the news article. If there is not any description a bout the political affiliation of source, put it into the category of “unidentified.”

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90 4 Attitude of source The attitude of source toward the military procurement expressed in the news article. In general, the attitude of s ource toward the military procurement can be divided into supporting and opposing. If the attitude of source toward the military procurement cannot be iden tified, put it into the category of “unclear/neutral.” 5 Quotations Count the number of quotations that pr ovided by the main source. The definition of quotations here includes direct quotations used within double quotation marks, pull quotes (quotes that are blown up in size for emphasis), and quotes of slogans extracted from p ublic relations messages. However, terms quoted only nouns, verbs, adjectives, names of ins titution, activities, or proverbs are not included. 6 keywords/catchphrase Words or phrases that are emphasized in sentences to give attributes or to legitimize the reasons or frames that sources use to suppor t their positions. Categorize the catchphrases or keywords that can be identified as “1;” otherwise, put it into the category of “0.” 7 statistics If statistics data or figures, such as pe rcentages and rates, can be identified, put it into the category of present. 8 salient issues Issues relevant to military procurem ent that discussed or mentioned in paragraphs are identified as salient issue. The salient issues might be the reasons that sources used to suppor t their positions or statements. Put the issues that can be identified into the category of “1;” ot herwise, put it into the category of “0.” 9 Frames Frames of military procurement are the statements of how issue is defined by inclusion of certain key words. Thor oughly read the whole news article, and identify the angle used to define the issue of military procurement. Not every news article can be identified with a frame. If the news article only provides information, put it into the category of “uni dentified.” If there are more than one frame identified in a news article, pick up the one constructed by the main source.

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91 LIST OF REFERENCES Aiken, A. I. (2003). Framing analysis of The New York Times and Le Monde following the attacks of September 11. Master thesis, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL. Bailey, T. A. (2005). Framing the experience of aging: an analysis of U.S. newspaper discourse on middle age. Master thesis, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL. Bauer, M. W. (2000). Classical content analys is: A review. In M. W. Bauer & G. Gaskell (Ed.), Qualitative researching w ith text, image and sound (pp.131-151). London: SAGE Publication Ltd. Bishop, M. W. (2005, July 22). Penta gon highlights threat to Taiwan. Taipei Times. Retrieved September 30, 2005, from http://www.global.factiva.com Chen, M. (2004, June 29). Bian: the United Stat es did not place any pressure on military procurement. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006 from http://udndata.com Chen, Z. (2004, June 15). Social movement opposed the military procurement, holding a public discourse on Sunday. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com The China Post staff. (2003, August 18) Parties differ on NT$520 bil. Military procurement. The China Post. Retrieved September 30, 2005, from http://www.global.factiva.com The China Post staff. (2004, September 21). Former generals, academics to rally against arms deal. The China Post. Retrieved September 30, 2005, from http://www.global.factiva.com The China Post Staff. (2004, December 31). Move abroad or stay to fight to death: defense chief Li. The China Post. Retrieved September 30, 2005, from http://www.global.factiva.com Chuang, J. (2004, June 22). Mini ster emphasizes AEGIS goal. Taipei Times. Retrieved October 4, 2005, from http:/ /www.global.factiva.com Chuang, J. (2004, July 3). MND tries to win media support. Taipei Times. Retrieved October 4, 2005, from http:/ /www.global.factiva.com

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92 Deetz, S. A., Tracy, S. J., & Simpson, J. L. (2000). Leading organizations through transition. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, autumn, 51-58. Esrock, S. L., Hart, J. L., D’Silva, M. U., & Werking, K. J. (2002). The saga of the crown pilot: Framing, reframing, and reconsideration. Public Relations Review, 28, 209227. Fan, L. (2003, November 19). Opposition lawm akers: if Taiwan government does not express disapproval to Saheen’s words, the military procurement will not be passed. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Fan, L. (2004, June 21). The competition of military equipment was to ask trouble for Taiwan itself. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Fine, G. A. (1995). Public narration and gr oup culture: Discerning discourse in social movements. In H. Johnston & B. Klandermans (Eds.), Social movements and culture (pp. 127-143). Minneapolis: Univer sity of Minnesota Press. Gamson, W. A. (1995). Constructing social pr otest. In H. Johnston & B. Klandermans (Eds.), Social movements and culture (pp. 85-106). Minneapo lis: University of Minnesota Press. Gamson, W. A., & Modigliani, A. (1987). Medi a discourse and public opinion on nuclear power: A constructionist approach. The American Journal of Sociology, 95 (1), 137. Gitlin, T. (1980). The whole world is watchi ng: Mass media and the making and unmaking of the new left. Berkeley: University of California Press. Goffman, E. (1974). Frame analysis: An essay on the organization of experience. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Golan, G., & Wanta, W. (2001). Second-leve l agenda setting in the New Hampshire primary: A comparison of coverage in thr ee newspapers and public perceptions of candidates. Journalism & Mass Comm unication Quarterly, 78, 247-259. Hall, S., Critcher, C., Jefferson, T ., Clarke, J., & Robert, B. (1978). Policing the crisis: Mugging, the state, and law and order. New York: Holmes & Meier. Hallahan, K. (1999). Seven models of fram ing: Implications for public relations. Journal of Public Relations Research, 11(3), 205-242.

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93 Hertog, J. K., & McLeod, D. M. (2001). A multi ple approach to framing analysis: A field guide. In S.D. Reese, O. H. Gandy, Jr. & A. E. Grant (Ed.), Framing public life (pp.139-162). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Ho, M. (2004, June 3). Legislators: huge budget was considered as the protection fee paid to the United States. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Ho, M. (2004, September 22). The reduction of one bubble tea exchanged the advanced weapons? United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Hong, C. (2004, November 2). Ministry, le gislators sue over vote-buying claim. Taipei Times. Retrieved September 30, 2005, from http://www.global.factiva.com Johnston, H. (1995). A methodology for frame analysis: from discourse to cognitive schemata. In H. Johnston & B. Klandermans (Eds.), Social movements and culture (pp. 217-246). Minneapolis: Univer sity of Minnesota Press. Kiousis, S., Mitrook, M., Wu, X ., & Seltzer, T. (August, 2004). Firstand second-level agenda-building and agenda-setting effect s: Exploring the linkages among candidate press release, media cover age, and public opinion during the 2002 Florida Gubernatorial election Paper presented at the A ssociation for Education in Journalism & Mass Communication, Toronto, Canada. Ko, S. (2004, February 20). Arms plan not tied to referendum. Taipei Times. Retrieved September 30, 2005, from http://www.global.factiva.com Ko, S. (2004, September 21). Arms purchase opponents petition, plan protest action. Taipei Times. Retrieved September 30, 2005, from http://www.global.factiva.com Kosicki, G. M. (1993). Problems and oppor tunities in agenda -setting research. Journal of Communication, 43 (2), 100-127. Lee, S. (2004, June 3). 6108 billion of military procurement will be raised by owing debt, selling land, and issuing bonds. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lee, S. (2003, August 5). Military procur ement NT$700 dollars proposed ahead of 2003. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lee, S. (2004, November 18). The premier: the plan of NT$700 billion military procurement has not changed. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lin, B. (2004, June 18). Cross-strait military ability has been drastically unbalance and dangerous. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com

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94 Lin, C. (2004, October 6). U.S. warns ‘repercussions’ over arms budget failure. Taipei Times. Retrieved September 30, 2005, from http://www.global.factiva.com Lin, H. (2005, February 26). Gu tried to unlea sh a discussion of military procurement. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lin, L. (2004, September 24). Hsu: anti-milit ary procurement is not “oppose Taiwan.” United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lin, J. (2004, February 21). Tang Yao-ming: the special military procurement budget will be approved before June. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lin, J. (2004, June 28). Legislators expre ssed greatly dissatisfaction at the MND. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lin, S. (2003, August 27). U.S.: Submarines are too expensive for Taiwan to invest. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lin, X. (2003, November 1). Disputes contin ued after Chen had the dinner with the munitions businessmen. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lin, X. (2004, June 20). NT$600 billion c ould help poor children for 700 years. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lin, X. (2004, June 20). Freeze NT$ 600 billion, avoid arms race. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Liu, B. (2004, February 20). Bian: The purch ase of new weapons will keep going, even thought the referendum do not passed. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Liu, B. (2004, November 14). Bian prom otes arms purchase in ChangHua. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Liu, Y. (2004, June 5). Ding: it was difficult for Taiwan to de fend in the air with current resources. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lu, Y. (2003, August 25). Submarine has be tter effect to threaten China. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lu, Y. (2003, November 18). Shaheen critici zed that the purchase of submarine was “silly.” Tang would file a protest. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lu, Y. (2004, June 4). The MND: the price of submarine differentiated with the purchase items. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com

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95 Lu, Y. (2004, July 30). Bian ta lked about the act of unity. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lu, Y. (2004, October 22). Missile base wa s opened to the media for the first time. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Lu, Y. (2004, December 31). Li: People should move out of Taiwan if arms purchase fails. Lu, Y. (2005, March 14). Chen: Do not let th e United States take all the advantage of military procurement. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com McCombs, M. (1992). Explorers and surveyor s: Expanding strategies for agenda-setting research. Journalism Quarterly, 69, 813-824. Nelson, T. E., & Kinder, D. R. (2001). Issu e frames and group-centrism in American public opinion. The Journal of Politics, 58 (4), 1055-1078. Nelson, T. E., & Willy, E. (2001). Issue frames that strike a value balance: A political psychology perspective. In S. D. Reese, O. H. Gandy Jr., & A. E. Grant (Eds.), Framing Public Life Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Association, pp. 245-266. Pan, Z., & Kosicki, G. M. (1993). Framing an alysis: An approach to news discourse. Political Communication, 10, 55-75. Pan, Z., & Kosicki, G. M. (2001). Framing as a strategic action in public deliberation. In S.D. Reese, O.H. Gandy, Jr. & A.E. Grant (Ed.), Framing public life (pp.35-66). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Perkins, S. C. (2005). Un-presidented: A qua litative framing analysis of the NAACP’s public relations response to th e 2000 presidential election. Public Relations Review, 31, 63-71. Reber, B. H., & Berger, B. K. (2005). Frami ng analysis of activist rhetoric: How the Sierra Club succeeds or fails at creating salient messages. Public Relations Review, 31 185-195 Reese, S. D. (2001). Framing public life: a br idging model for media research. In S. D. Reese, O. H. Gandy, Jr. & A. E. Grant (Ed.), Framing public life (pp.7-32). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Schmid, L. A. (2004). Newspaper framing of postpartum depression: Impact of Andrea Yates case. Master thesis, Universi ty of Florida, Gainesville, FL. Scheufele, D. A. (1999). Framing as a theory of media effects. Journal of Communication, winter, 103-122.

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96 Shang, Y. (2004, June 14). National debts was close to NT$12 billion and every citizens shared NT$520 thousand. United Daily News. Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Snow, D. A., & Benford, R. D. (1992). Master fr ames and cycles of protest. In A. Morris & C. Mueller (Eds.), Frontiers in social movement theory (pp. 133-154). New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Taipei Time. (2004, June 20). Education, not weapons: Protester. Taipei Times. Retrieved October 4, 2005, from http://www.taipeitimes.com/New s/taiwan/archives/2004/06/20/2003175802 Tankard, J. W. (2001). The empirical approach to the study of media framing. In S. D. Reese, O. H. Gandy, Jr. & A. E. Grant (Ed.), Framing public life (pp.95-106). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Tedesco, J. C. (2001). Issue and strate gy agenda-setting in the 2000 presidential primaries. The American Behavioral Scientist, 44 (12), 2048-2067. Tarrow, S. (1992). Constructing meanings th rough action. In A. Morris & C. Mueller (Eds.), Frontiers in social movement theory (pp. 174-202). New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. United Daily News. (2003, November 21). Did munitions businessmen represent the United States? Retrieved March 13, 2006, from http://udndata.com Valkenburg, P. M., Semetko, H. A, & De Vr eese, C. H. (1999). The effects of news frames on readers’ thoughts and recall. Communication Research, 26 (5), 550-569. Wimmer, R. D., & Dominick, J. R. (2003). Mass media research. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning. Yioutas, J., & Segvic, I. (2003). Revis iting the Clinton/Lewinsky scandal: the convergence of agenda setting and framing. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 80 (3) 567. Zoch, L. M., & Molleda, J. C. (2006). Build ing a theoretical model of media relations using framing, information subsidies and agenda building. In C. H. Botan & V. Hazleton (Eds.), Public relations theory II (pp. 279-309). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

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97 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Chun-Hsin Huang was born in DaJia, TaiZhong County, Taiwan, and raised in Taipei, Taiwan. She received her Bachelor of Arts in Advertising degree from National Chengchi University, Taiwan, in June 2003. Sh e then attended the College of Journalism and Communications at the University of Flor ida to pursue a master’s degree, majoring in public relations, in August 2004. During the su mmer semester, she attended a studying abroad program at Regent College in L ondon to study international public relations. Chun-Hsin Huang plans to graduate with he r master’s degree from the University of Florida in August 2006.


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Title: Framing Analysis of the Military Procurement in Taiwan
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Copyright Date: 2008

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FRAMING ANALYSIS OF THE MILITARY PROCUREMENT IN TAIWAN


By

CHUN-HSIN HUANG


















A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS IN MASS COMMUNICATION

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2006

































Copyright 2006

by

Chun-Hsin Huang

































This thesis is dedicated to my parents whom I love and care through out my life.















ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First, I would like to thank my chair, Dr. Juan-Carlos Molleda, as a public relations

professional who provides me knowledge and expertise and guides me in the process of

thesis writing, and as a kind advisor who continuously offers time and patience to assist

me from the beginning to the final stage. Without his dedicated efforts, I could not have

done this so far. I also want to thank my other two committee members, Dr. Spiro K.

Kiousis and Dr. Michael A. Mitrook, for their valuable comments and suggestions. I

would like to thank Dr. Kiousis, from whom I learned the attitude and behavior to

become an outstanding scholar. For Dr. Mitrook, I thank his generous support and the

warmest help for an international student like me. I would also like to thank all the

professors in the College of Journalism and Communications, especially Professor

Margarete R. Hall, Professor Linda Childers Hon, Professor Kathleen S. Kelly, Professor

Meg Lamme, Professor Kim B. Walsh-Childers, and Professor Michael Leslie. They

taught me not only the academic and professional knowledge but also the competence to

critically think, reflect, be brave and grow to what I am now.

Second, I would like to thank my dear and sincere friends, who are my spiritual

prop and never hesitate to provide their help, support, encouragement, concern, and

company to go through each difficulty with me. Special thanks go to Yin-Hsuan Chen,

Yi-Jong Tsai, Yi-Shan Hsu, I-Hua Lee, Chi-Chung Li, Tsai-Chin Chang, Shu-Yu Lin,

Natasha Chen, Pei-Ying Chan, Hung-Ta Wang, and Brian Perry. I would also like to









thank friends across the Pacific Ocean, Wei-Li Su, Li-Hui Huang, Hui-Lan Lai, and Ren-

Yu Huang.

Most of all, I want to thank my dearest parents, Jasper Huang and Hong-Ying

Chen, and my younger brother, Chun-Han Huang. Without their endless love and

unconditional support, I could not have accomplished the master's degree.















TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S ............................................................................................... iv

LIST OF TABLES .................................................... ........ .. .............. viii

LIST OF FIGURES ............................... ... ...... ... ................. .x

ABSTRACT ........ .............. ............. ...... ...................... xi

CHAPTER

1 IN TR OD U CTION ............................................... .. ......................... ..

Purpose of Study .................................... ................................ .........2
B background D description .................................................................... .....................3

2 LITERATURE REVIEW ........................................................................... 10

F ram ing T theory ..........................................................................10
M edia Framing and Agenda Setting .................................... ............. ........ ....... 13
O organizational F ram ing ................................................................. .. ................... 16
Framing and Public Relations.......................... ...... ........................... 17
Issue Framing and Political Communication...................... ..................... 18
Fram ing and Social M ovem ent........................................................ ............... 19
Individual Framing ............................... ... ..... ......... ............... 22
Framing Analyses .............................................. .. ..........24
R research Q uestions............ .............................................................. ........ .. ... 26

3 M E T H O D O L O G Y ............................................................................ ................... 28

Q uantitative Content A nalysis......................................................... ............... 28
P population and Sam ple .............................. ........................ .. ...... .... ...... ...... 29
Public R relations M messages ............................................................................ 29
N ew s A articles .......................................... ............. .... ....... 29
D ata G gathering ............................................................................................. ....... 30
D ata A n aly sis ................................................................................ 3 1

4 F IN D IN G S ................................................................................ 32

R research Q u estion O n e......................................................................................... 32









N national Safety M aster Fram e..................................... ......................... ......... 35
Necessary Expense Master Frame .............................................. ...............37
R research Q u estion T w o ................................................................. ....................38
Taiwan Government Master Frame ............... .............................................43
U .S. Influence M aster Fram e ................................................... .................44
Political Employment Master Frame .............. ............................................45
N national Safety M aster Fram e................................... ............................. ....... 46
Financial Problem M aster Fram e ............................................. ............... 49
N necessary Expense M aster Fram e.................................................................... 50
U necessary M aster fram e ............................................................................ 52
R research Q question Three ................................................... ........................ .54

5 D ISCU SSIO N ...................................................................... .......... 64

Summary of the Military Procurement Case ............................................................64
Sum m ary of the U ses of Fram ing .................................................................... .....65
Public Relations M messages ........................................................................... 67
N ew s A articles .................................................................. ......... ... ........ .... 72
The Comparisons of Public Relations Messages and News Articles..................76
Limitation and Suggestion for Future Study ................................... ...............81

APPENDIX

A CODING SHEET-PUBLIC RELATIONS MESSAGES................ .....................83

B CODING GUIDLINE-PUBLIC RELAITONS MESSAGES ..................................85

C CODING SHEET-NEW S ARTICLES............................................ .....................86

D CODING GUILDLINE-NEWS ARTICLES ........................................ ...............89

L IST O F R E F E R E N C E S ......... .. ............. ................................................................9 1

B IO G R A PH IC A L SK E TCH ..................................................................... ..................97
















LIST OF TABLES


Table page

1-1 Major events of military procurement........................................................... 8

4-1 Subframes by master frames in public relations messages ....................................33

4-2 Catchphrases of public relations messages by frames............................................34

4-3 Issues of public relations message by frames .. ............. .. .............. .......... .............34

4-4 Appearance of frames by the month public relations messages published .............35

4-5 News articles subframes by master frames ................................... .................40

4-6 Catchphrases of news articles by master frames.....................................................42

4-7 Issues of news articles by master frames ..... ......... .......................................43

4-8 Crosstabulation of frames attitude by the origin of frames................................ 54

4-9 Chi-square test of frames attitude and the origin of frames .................... ........ 55

4-10 Crosstabulation of the month of frames appearance by the origin of frame ............56

4-11 Crosstabulation of the appearance of statistical data by the origin of frames..........58

4-12 Crosstabulation of the appearance of national security issue by the origin of
fram e ............. ........ ................................... ....................... 59

4-13 Crosstabulation of the appearance of domestic economic issue by the origin of
fram e ............. ........ ................................... ....................... 59

4-14 Crosstabulation of the appearance of international relations issue by the origin of
fram e ............. ........ ................................... ....................... 60

4-15 Crosstabulation of the appearance of "military balance" catchphrase by the
origin of fram e .............. .............. ........... ...... ... ........ ..... ....... 62

4-16 Crosstabulation of the appearance of "cross-strait relations" catchphrase by the
origin of fram e .................................... ................................ ........62









4-17 Crosstabulation of the appearance of "national safety" catchphrase by the origin
of fram e .............. .. ...... ...................................... ...... ......... .. ............ 62

4-18 Crosstabulation of the appearance of "advanced weapon" catchphrase by the
origin of fram e ............. ............... ........... ...... ... ........ ..... ....... 62

4-19 Crosstabulation of the appearance of "submit a budget" catchphrase by the
origin of fram e .............. .............. ........... ...... ... ........ ..... ....... 63

4-20 Crosstabulation of the appearance of "threat of China" catchphrase by the origin
of fram e .............. .. ...... ...................................... ...... ......... .. ............ 63

5-1 The initial appearance of master frames by month ...............................................79
















LIST OF FIGURES


Figure p

4-1 News articles frequency by master frames..................................... .................. 40

5-1 Public relations message contains the "national self-defense" frame...................69

5-2 Public relations message contains the "professional military need" frame .............69

5-3 Public relations message contains the "military ability unbalance" frame ..............70

5-4 Public relations message contains the "necessary military expense" frame ............71

5-5 Public relations message contains the "bubble tea" frame............ ...............72















Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Master of Arts in Mass Communication

FRAMING ANALYSIS OF THE MILITARY PROCUREMENT IN TIAWAN

By

Chun-Hsin Huang

August 2006

Chair: Juan-Carlos Molleda
Major Department: Journalism and Communications

In August 2003, the Taiwan Ministry of National Defense (MND) proposed a

budget of NT$ 700 billion to purchase weapons from the United States. The huge amount

of budget immediately aroused a public dispute in Taiwan, and many groups actively

voiced their opinions about the military procurement for their own interests, such as the

Taiwan government officials, legislators, political parties, activist groups, and the

seller-the United States. In order to persuade the publics to support the decision of arms

purchase and to have the budget passed in the Legislative Yuan, the MND produced

public relations messages and promotional documents, such as posters and pamphlets. In

addition, the discussion of military procurement provoked by interest groups also became

a salient issue in news media. The issue provides an excellent case for the framing

analysis, in which different perspective frames and the evolution of frames can be

observed. The purpose of the study is to use framing theory to examine the issue of

military procurement in Taiwan, finding out how this issue appears in various frames and

the evolution and characters of frames.









In this study, a quantitative content analysis on the Taiwan news articles and the

public relations messages produced by the MND were conducted to find out the frames.

Research results found two master frames constructed by the MND appearing on the

public relations messages and seven master frames employed by various interest groups

appearing in news articles. The two master frames constructed by the MND also appeared

in news articles. The evolutions of frames and the competitive or opposite frames were

observed in news articles. The comparison of frames originating from public relations

messages and news articles was made and the differences between these two were found.

Research result did not support the existence of second-level agenda-building effect in

this study.

The budget of military procurement was still pending in the Legislative Yuan as of

April 2006. This study suggested that the MND should understand the characters of

framing in order to better utilize framing techniques to achieve organizational goals.

Moreover, public relations practitioners should well prepare themselves as reliable and

dependable sources for media in order to actively participate in public discourses and

effectively respond to influential activist publics.














CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

The military procurement in Taiwan has been a salient issue in recent years. In

August 2003, the Ministry of National Defense (MND) proposed a budget of NT$700

billion to purchase military equipment. According to the MND, new military equipment

will enhance Taiwan's defense ability, as well as protect Taiwan from a possible invasion

from China. Because of the huge budget, the proposal has aroused a public dispute in

Taiwan, and as of August 2005 the Legislative Yuan had not passed this budget. The

MND has met tremendous obstacles and resistance during the past two years. Many

groups have expressed their opinion on this issue, and some of them have even launched

protests to oppose it. These groups include political parties, politicians, activists,

academic researchers, legislators, government officers, and military officers.

In order to both persuade people to agree on the military procurement and to

encourage legislators to pass the budget, the MND continuously promoted persuasive

messages. They designed posters and pamphlets and used several different appeals, and

the targeted groups continuously reacted to the messages produced by the MND.

Basically, all the involved groups either supported or opposed the military purchase, but

the reasons vary. Even the U.S. Department of Defense, as the seller of the military

equipment, actively participated in this issue by adhering to their own interests. Some

activists and legislators in Taiwan, however, perceived the involvement from the United

States as a threat that would eventually lead to the success of the budget. In opposition to









the above view, many in the Taiwanese government viewed the purchase as political

diplomacy and valued the chance to maintain a good relationship with the United States.

Discussions about the military procurement provoked by involved groups

constantly appeared in news media since August 2003. The activities that each involved

group defined the issue of military procurement from different angels for their own

interests were considered as the process of framing. According to Entman (1993),

framing is "to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a

communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal

interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item

described" (p.52). The issue of military procurement in Taiwan provides an excellent

case for the framing analysis. Due to the influential characteristics of the military

procurement, which was a national-wide issue and had great potential to affect not only

the national safety but also the financial, economical, and social welfare conditions of the

country, many groups including governments, political parties, activists, and the United

States were actively involved and constructed these frames to exert influence on the

purchase of weapons. Not only have different perspective frames appeared in this issue,

but furthermore, the evolution of each frame can also be observed.

Purpose of Study

The purpose of the study is to use framing theory to examine the issue of military

procurement in Taiwan, finding out how this issue appears in various frames and the

evolution and characters of frames. This study hopes to contribute to the theoretical

framework of framing theory by providing a case happened outside of the United States

and focused on the issues of national safety and international relations. In addition, this









study hopes to help the MND learn how to better employ framing techniques to achieve

their goals in the future.

Background Description

As previously stated, in August of 2003, the MND proposed a NT$700 billion

special military procurement budget to acquire new weapons from the United States. The

proposed budget was mainly intended for the purchased three major weapons systems:

384 Patriot Advanced Capability-3 (PAC-3) missiles, which are part of an advanced

surface-to-air guided missile air defense system, 12 P-3C maritime patrol aircraft, and

eight diesel-powered submarines (Chuang, 2004, July 3). This proposal, however,

immediately aroused a dispute among political parties. The opposing political party

argued that Taiwan could not afford this expense. Even if Taiwan acquires new weapon

systems from the United States, it would still be impossible for Taiwan to defend against

a future attack from China (The China Post, 2004, September 21). Some critics pointed

out that the purchase of weapons has been seen as an arms race between Taiwan and

China, which might lead to a bottomless hole for the military spending. Meanwhile, the

expense of military equipment would only serve to the cut funding on social welfare and

education, which would serve to decrease Taiwan's stability and development (The China

Post, 2004, September 21).

In contrast, the supporters of the purchase claimed that the current stance of naval

power across the Taiwan Strait will lose its balance in two to four years, and the need to

acquire new weapons is urgent. Other political parties with a neutral attitude toward the

arm purchase said that they might back the budget, but there is still plenty of room for

further discussion about the purchase of offensive or defensive weapons (The China Post,









2003, August 18). Similar arguments include a call for more cautious moves considering

Taiwan's financial situation and the specifications of the new arms to be purchased.

In the following year, the issue of strengthening national defense was brought to

the referendum, which came with the presidential election in March 2004. One of the

referendum questions was to ask voters if the nation should strengthen its defense in the

face of China's threat. The Cabinet and President affirmed that the result of the

referendum would not affect the military procurement (Ko, 2004, February 20).

Interestingly, the referendum failed to achieve the required 50 percent vote, displaying in

part, where public sentiment lay.

On June 2, 2004, the Executive Yuan approved the special budget, reduced to

NT$610.8 billion, for the purchase of weapons, but this bill was still awaiting final

approval by lawmakers. A protest sponsored by activists from civic and environmental

protection groups was staged on June 19 to against government's plans to spend

NT$610.8 billion on weapons. Representatives of education reform and workers' rights

groups also attended. They also signed petitions opposing the arms procurement (Taipei

Times, 2004, June 20). In the same month, a group of Taiwanese legislators visited the

United States military bases and the Pentagon to confer with U.S. military officials about

the purchase of weapons (Chuang, 2004, June 22).

In August, "6108 Anti-Arms Procurement Alliance" was established to oppose the

weapons purchase. In September, the Democratic Action Alliance and the 6108 Anti-

Arms Procurement Alliance staged a rally and concert, calling on the government to use

increase spending to improve transportation, education and social welfare instead of the

arms purchase (Ko, 2004, September 21). The leader of the alliance attacked the









government, claiming the unfairness of the methods the government using to raise money

for the purchase. These methods included selling lands and issuing bonds, while many

Taiwanese were left homeless due to the storm and flood damage. Other anti-arms

actions included two petitions against the special budget endorsed by more than 150

retried generals and 11 academics from Taiwan's top research institution the Academic

Sinica (The China Post, 2004, September 21).

By early September, the MND announced the first phase of its promotional slogan:

"Love Taiwan, Protect Our Country." The first phase of promotion aimed to earn

Taiwanese support of the arms purchase, but the primary targets were the lawmakers and

media. The messages implied that national security is the premise of economic

development and stability. They explained the budget, military policy, and what kinds of

weapons Taiwan needed in detail. In late September, the MND announced the second

phase of the promotional slogan: "One Bubble Tea Changes National Safety." They used

cartoons to illuminate the idea that the budget of NT$610.8 billion is not unrealistic if

everyone saves the money of one bubble tea per week. The second phase of message

targeted the public, especially for the younger generation.

In October, Richard Lawless, a deputy undersecretary at the U.S. Department of

Defense expressed concern about the special budget pending approval by the legislature.

He warned that there would be repercussions for the United States and Taiwan's friends

if the budget failed to pass (Lin, 2004, October 6). In the same month, the Anti-military

Procurement Youth Work Group established and held a news conference in front of the

Legislative Yuan on October 3. They opposed the government raising money by selling

land or issuing bonds, which would only leave debts for the young generation. The 6108









Anti-Arms Procurement Alliance then held another protest in the southern Taiwanese city

of Kaoxiong.

At this point, the MND announced the third phase of the promotional message,

which emphasized that the purchase of new weapons could maintain the peace between

Taiwan and China for 30 years. The third phase message included the military strategy

analysis and predicted that if the procurement failed, war between Taiwan and China

would erupt in 2012. In addition to the promotional message, the MND also invited the

media to visit the military bases in order to display the urgency of new weapons

purchase.

In November, the chairman of Democratic Action Alliance, Hsieh, accused the

defense ministry of buying the votes of legislators in order to pass the military

procurement budget. The MND strongly denied the claim and said that the alliance was

making empty accusation to smear the ministry. They filed a lawsuit against the vote-

buying allegations (Hong, 2004, November 2).

In December, the National Defense Minister Li Jye said to reporters that if the arms

purchasing budget continue to be withheld in the Legislative Yuan, people should prepare

to move out of Taiwan to avoid the war, but he would defend Taiwan with the troops to

the end (The China Post, 2004, December 31). The budget of military procurement failed

to arrange in the Legislative Yuan's agenda again.

In January 2005, the budget of military procurement was decreased to NT$480

billion, and in February, Taipei District Prosecutors prosecuted the chairman of

Democracy Action Alliance, Hsieh, for defaming the MND.









In March, the fourth phase promotional message of military procurement was

announced. The theme of fourth phase message was "Hope and Peace," which targeted

the general public using an emotional appeal. The budget was then reduced again to 3-4

hundred billion NT dollars. National Defense Minister Li reacted by saying they would

accept the reduction of budget unconditionally. The U.S. Department of Defense said that

they were waiting for Taiwan to pay. In addition, the United States offered the "Free

Trade Agreement" status for Taiwan in order to break down the resistance and provide

support for the purchase process. At the end of March, the MND first revealed the

prediction of possible course by which China may invade Taiwan and the cost of the new

military equipment that would be needed as a result.

Due to the undecided situation in Taiwan, the U.S. Department of Defense kept

voicing their opinion on this issue. In May, they reiterated the promise to provide arms to

Taiwan, on the condition that Taiwan makes a decision before the end of May. In June,

however, they changed their ultimatum with a new argument, suggesting that Taiwan

should prioritize the purchase of defensive missile because they expected Taiwan to self-

defend at least one to two weeks if a war erupts between China and Taiwan. In the

meantime, the dispute of arms purchase in Taiwan was still heated, and the budget was

still pending in the Legislative Yuan.

In July, the MND published the National Defense Report, which indicated that

Taiwan should increase more offensive weapons because the defensive weapon cannot

effectively thwart an invasion from China. The Pentagon also revealed a report, which

pointed out that the military gap between the Taiwan and China was widening. According

to the report, Beijing was willing to use force to achieve its political goals, and Taiwan's









lack for progress in military procurement was a major problem in widening the military

gap (Bishop, 2005, July 22). The ruling political party and governments were still trying

to put the draft statute for special military procurement on the agenda in the Legislator

Yuan. By August 2005, however, this military procurement budget was still pending.

Table 1-1 depicts important events of military procurement from August 2003 to August

2005.

Table 1-1. Major events of military procurement
2003.08 The MND proposed a 700 billion NT dollars budget of military procurement.
2004.02 *The President decided to add strengthening national defense into one of the
subjects of referendum.
*The Minister of National Defense said that the result of referendum would not
influence the decision of military procurement.
2004.03 The referendum of strengthening national defense did not pass.
2004.05 The Executive Yuan pass the military procurement budget.
2004.06 *A protest launched on June 19 against the planned purchase of weapons from
the United States.
*Legislators visited the United States to see the product's demonstration.
2004.07 The president showed the support for the military procurement.
2004.08 *25 youth bands gathered to protest the military procurement.
*The budget was reduced to 610.8 billion NT dollars.
*"6108 Anti-Arms Procurement Alliance" announced to against the purchase.
2004.09 *First phase of promotional slogan: "Love Taiwan, Protect our Country."
S11 academic researchers declared the announcement of anti-military
procurement.
*Second phase of promotional slogan: "One Bubble Tea Changes National
Safety."
S150 military officers declared the announcement of anti-military procurement
*The premier showed the support for military procurement.
*Anti-military procurement protest on Sep. 26.
2004.10 *Anti-military Procurement Youth Work Group established and voiced their
opinion.
*610.8 billion military procurement draft failed to pass in the Legislative Yuan.
*U.S. Department of Defense said that if the military procurement failed,
Taiwan will be viewed internationally as "a liability rather than a partner."
*Third phase of promotional message: military procurement can maintain the
stability across the Taiwan Straits for 30 years.
*MND opened the missile base for visiting journalists.
*Anti-military procurement protest launched in Kaoxiong on Oct. 24.









Table 1-1. Continued
2004.11 *The chairman of Democracy Action Alliance, Hsieh, accused that MND
bribed the legislators.
eMND indicted Hsieh for defamation.
*The proposal of military procurement budget were not passed by the
Legislation Yuan.
2004.12 *The Minister of National Defense, Li, said that if the planned purchase of
weapon failed, people should move out Taiwan.
*The proposal of military procurement budget failed to be passed by the
Legislation Yuan again.

2005.01 *The budget proposal of military procurement failed to be passed in the
Legislation Yuan fourteen times.
*The budget was reduced to 480 billion NT dollars.
2005.02 *The Executive Yuan enacted regulations to facilitate the pass of military
procurement budget.
*The chairman of Democracy Action Alliance, Hsieh, was prosecuted by
Taipei District Prosecutor for defaming the MND.
2005.03 *Fourth phase promotional message: "Hope and Peace."
*Military procurement budget was reduced to 3-4 hundred billion NT dollars.
eLi said they would accept the reduction of budget unconditionally.
*U.S. Department of Defense said that they are waiting for Taiwan to pay.
United States offered "free trade agreement" status in order to break down
the resistance.
eMND revealed the prediction of possible way China invade Taiwan and the
possibility of defense rate for new military equipment.
2005.05 *U.S. Department of Defense asked for decision of the purchase before the end
of May and said this is the last chance for waiting Taiwan's decision. They also
reiterated the promise of selling military equipment to Taiwan.
*The budget proposal of military procurement failed again in the Legislation
Yuan.

2005.06 *U.S. Department of Defense suggested Taiwan should prioritize the purchase
of defensive missile. In the meantime, they postponed the reports of China's
military strength in order not to influence Taiwan's decision.
2005.07 *United States stated that they expect Taiwan to self-defend at least one to two
weeks if the war erupts between China and Taiwan.
eMND indicated in the National Defense Report that Taiwan should increase
more offensive weapons.
2005.08 *The new chairman of Kuomintang said that he would accept the proposal of
military procurement conditionally.














CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW

Framing Theory

Studies of framing have been done by many researchers from different realms.

Zoch and Molleda (2006) attribute the concept of framing to sociologist Erving Goffman

and anthropologist Gregory Bateson. Bateson is the first scholar who uses the word

"frame" in interpreting a situation or message, while Goffman first gave the concept of

framing a linguistic analysis. In addition to the rhetorical approach, Hallahan (1999)

indicates that the concept of framing also connect to the "psychological processes that

people use to examine information, to make judgments, and to draw inferences about the

world around them" (p. 206).

Many scholars define the concept of framing and emphasize the different elements

of framing. Goffman (1974) views "frame analysis" as "the examination in these terms of

the organization of experience" (p. 11) and considers "primary framework" as "rendering

what would otherwise be a meaningless aspect of the scene into something that is

meaningful" (p. 21). He also identifies primary framework in two classes: natural and

social. The natural framework indicates the "purely physical" description, excluding any

"casually and intentionally interference" or any "actor [that] continuously guides the

outcome" (p. 22). For example, the description of a state of the weather is considered as

the natural framework. On the other hand, the social framework refers to the descriptions

of events that "incorporate the will, aim, and controlling effort of an intelligence" (p. 22),

and the process of the social framework includes a constant management of









consequences, corrective control, and motive and intent. An example would be the

definition that any social member intends to provide for a social phenomenon.

This study uses the definition of framing given by Entman (1993), who emphasizes

the elements of selection and salience. He defines framing as "to select some aspects of a

perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as

to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or

treatment recommendation for the item described" (p. 52). The function of selecting

relative served by framing is emphasized by other scholars. Reese (2001) claims that

"frames are organizing principles that are socially shared and persistent over time, that

work symbolically to meaningfully structure the social world" (p. 11). Hallahan (1999)

holds a similar notion of framing defining reality, and specifies that "framing is a critical

activity in the construction of social reality because it helps shape the perspectives

through which people see the world" (p. 207). Hertog and McLeod (2001) agree that

frames structure social reality by stating the content of social concerns, the role of the

sources that provide information and are involved in social concerns, and the various

beliefs, values, and actions. Not only do frames categorize individual phenomena,

concepts, and ideas to form the content of a social concern, but they also outline the value

and goals inherent in the content. In addition, any individual, organization, or institution

as social member may be framed as an essential piece to solve a social puzzle or

problem, whereas other members may be framed as peripheral to the solution, or even

may be identified as the cause of a problem. Similarly, some relationships can be

presented by frames as likely and appropriate, whereas others may be portrayed as

inappropriate, illegitimate, or impossible.









However, Hertog and McLeod argue about the two characteristics of frames

provided by Reese (2001). First, they claim that frames are more than principles. "Frames

have their own content, as well as a set of rules for the processing of new content" (p.

140). Frames are cultural structures with central ideas of myths, narratives, and

metaphors. Second, frames are not necessarily persistent over time. "New frames are at

times created and existing ones modified or replaced, or they may simply fade from use"

(p. 145). Frames will be created or changed with a political or economical trends in the

society. Individuals or organizations involved in the interaction with the society have to

adopt new beliefs or behavior through frames in order to survive.

Johnston (1995) explains frames from a cognitive perspective. He defines frames as

"problem-solving schemata, stored in memory, for the interpretative task of making sense

of presenting situations" (p. 217). Zoch and Molleda (2006) use the metaphor of a

window to describe the concept of frame. "The message of framer has the choice of what

is to be emphasized in the message, as the view through a window is emphasized by

where the carpenter frames, or places, the window" (p. 281).

Frames can be found in various communication contexts, such as political rhetoric,

news coverage, entertaining programming, conversations among social members,

advertising, popular music, and even architecture (Hertog & McLeod, 2001). Framing

also can be constructed by various sources both in individual and institutional levels,

including the media, politicians, social members, and organizations. Thus, Hertog and

McLeod (2001) claim that frames prevailing in the culture are the widespread recognition

shared by individual or institutional members of society. In other words, "frames provide









the unexpressed but shared knowledge of communicators that allows each to engage in

discussion that presumes a set of shared assumptions" (p. 141).

Media Framing and Agenda Setting

Media are one major area on which framing researchers focus. Gitlin (1980)

defines media frames as the way that journalists select and develop issues from a large

amount of information and guide the audience to see what is important in a news story.

The power of media framing has also been discussed by researchers. Reber and Berger

(2005) claim that media frames "have the potential to exert powerful influences on public

policy definitions, choice, and outcome, and some of this power comes from the media's

ability to define and frame issues without the audience knowing it" (p. 187). Kosicki

(1993) considers that journalists' works do not really mirror the reality, but rather

actively construct the reality out of the raw materials. The active construction of news has

the greater influence at the beginning of an issue's evolution. Hall, Critcher, Jefferson,

Clarke, and Robert (1978) claim that the media has the power to choose the primary

definers of an issue, which "sets the limit for all subsequent discussion by framing what

the problem is" (p. 59). Besides, media also has the ability to reproduce the definitions.

Another influential actor to construct the media frame is played by the source of a

news story (Zoch & Molleda, 2006). In addition to the news content, the style of a news

stories as well as catchphrases and metaphors are utilized as framing devices (Esrock,

Hart, D' Silva, & Werking, 2002).

Gamson (1995) indicates the importance of media in the framing process by stating

that "general-audience media are only one forum for public discourse" (p. 85). In the

situation to mobilize a social movement, activists must bring public discourse and

individual's experiential knowledge together. General-audience media provides the place









for public discourse and allows activists to share the issue and discuss it with their

constituency.

The effect of media framing has also been discussed by researchers. Pan and

Kosicki (2001) pointed out that salient media messages exert framing effect, with which,

the audience incorporates their thoughts to talk about an issue or form political

evaluations. Esrock et al. (2002) state that experimental research has shown that media

framing has the effect on people's perception about the importance of a news story.

Many researchers have provided experimental evidence that media has a strong

influence on the public agenda (Tedesco, 2001). Kosicki (1993) notes that "agenda-

setting is one particular type of media effects hypothesis that suggests a relationship

between media coverage of topics and the salience of those topics" (p. 102). Kiousis,

Mitrook, Wu, and Seltzer (2004) found the effects of agenda-setting and agenda-building

by studying the salience of political issues and candidate images on the media and public

agendas. The core concept of agenda-setting is "the transfer of issue salience from the

media to the public" (p. 2). First-level agenda-setting refers that "media concern with

topics in the news leads to increased public concern with those same topics" (p. 2).

McCombs (1992) suggests that the study of agenda-setting starts from the

understanding of agenda-building, which is "the process of understanding what sources

influence the media agenda" (Tedesco, 2001, p. 2050). Kiousis et al. (2004) claim that

public relations plays a key role in influencing media coverage and public relations

activities, including press conferences, news releases, and interviews, could cause an

impact on 25 to 80 percent of news content. Other research finds include an influence of









candidate advertising messages in newspaper and television news, and a transfer from

candidate public relations strategies to media agenda (Tedesco, 2001).

Second-level agenda-setting, or agenda-building, refers to "the attribute of the issue

emphasized in press releases became salient in media coverage" (Kiousis et al, 2004, p.

4). The attribute can be the "property, quality, or characteristic that describe an object"

(p. 5). A link between second-level agenda-building and framing is suggested because

both of the concepts describe the process that "news media attention can influence how

people think about a topic by selecting and placing emphasis on certain attributes and

ignore others" (p. 5). Esrock et al. (2002) claim that frames appearing as attributes of

news stories has the influence on the evaluation process audience made on the issue.

Tedesco (2001) examines the correlations between campaign and media agendas in

which frames were employed to construct the issue in an analysis of the 2000 presidential

primaries. Tedesco, however, does not hold that all frames present a strong correlation

between campaign and media agenda.

According to Kiousis et al (2004), the attributes of second-level agenda-building

can be classified into two major categories: substantive and affective. The substantive

accounts for political candidate images, and it may include the personality, integrity,

qualification, and ideology of a candidate. The affective attributes are the positive,

negative, or neutral descriptions of substantive attributes. Researchers find that

substantive attributes, observed in newspapers, have a stronger effect than affective

attributes on public opinion, in an analysis of presidential primaries (Golan & Wanta,

2001).









Kosicki (1993) distinguishes the difference between agenda-setting and framing

and argues that the concept of framing explains the media effects better than the

traditional agenda-setting model. Framing focuses on the construction of reality and the

choice of primary definers of an issue, which showing the "discretionary power of media

to truly shape agendas, do not simply mirror the discourse of political elites" (p. 113). In

addition, framing actively constructs messages by emphasizing some aspects of an issue

and excluding others, which allows media to decide what salient elements are in the

public discourse.

Organizational Framing

In addition to mass media and journalists, frames are broadly employed in many

other arenas. Zoch and Molleda (2006) point out that framing can occur in any

organization and is constructed by organizational policy actors. The organizational policy

actors can include government agencies, large corporations, elite professional

organizations, and activist groups. Deetz, Tracy, and Simpson (2000) claim that members

and leaders of organizations can use framing approaches to define and interpret the

issues, or to establish preferred meanings for organizational members. The issues

identified by researchers include health care, the environment, political campaigns,

nuclear, war, the government, and political issues (Zoch & Molleda, 2006). Hertog and

McLeod (2001) point out that organizational framing also served the function of helping

to teach newcomers of organizations the social order, facilitating communication.

Individuals learn to know the frames constructed by organizations and see the world

trimmed by the frames. In other words, organizations develop frames to order human

behavior in certain ways so as to achieve organizational goals.









Framing and Public Relations

The employment of framing by organizational policy actors may be seen as one of

the functions of public relations. Hallahan (1999) pointed out that framing theory can be

utilized as a rich approach to analyze public relations practices. Through the framing

process, organizations not only attempt to define the reality for the public they depend on,

but they also develop common frame of reference on issues based on the mutual benefits

with the publics in order to effectively establish and maintain relationships. Zoch and

Molleda (2006) claim that public relations practitioners act as sources to provide selected

information for media and help frame the issue in the way the organization wishes.

Practitioners should well prepare themselves as dependable and reliable sources. In

addition to passively acting as a source, practitioners could actively view framing as a

"strategy of constructing processing news discourse" (Pan & Kosicki, 1993, p. 57), and -

employing the four functions of framing brought up by Entman (1993)-define problems,

diagnose causes, make moral judgments, and suggest remedies to carry out their duty

effectively.

Hallahan (1999) in his examination of literature developed from different areas-

textual, psychological, and socio-political construct-suggested seven models of framing

that can apply to public relations. The seven models of framing are situational framing,

attribute framing, framing of risky choices, action framing, issue framing, responsibility

framing, and news framing. He uses a case of how public relations practitioners reacted

during crisis management as an example to explain each model. Situational framing is

applied at the beginning to define whether the situation constitutes a crisis or not. Crisis

managers use attribute framing to identify or emphasize certain attributes of the crisis.

Framing of risky choices implies the level of significance choices organizations have that









affect organizations themselves and the public. Action framing describes how the

affected publics frame the desired actions they have taken in different ways. Crisis

managers can adopt the issue framing to frame the issue underlying the crisis and employ

the responsibility framing to offer the causes and explanations of the crisis. Finally, news

framing depicts how crisis managers act as a source of the crisis or a spokesperson of the

organizations and frame the publics' perception of the crisis.

Issue Framing and Political Communication

Political communication is another area in which researchers analyze frames. Many

scholars see the issue of framing as an inevitable phenomenon happening in the political

discourse (Nelson & Kinder, 2001). Snow and Benford (1992) claim that "framing issue

and process can play an important role in affecting political opportunities, changes in the

larger political environment, and the availability of resources" (p. 152). Reese (2001)

considers framing "as an exercise in power, particularly at it affects our understanding of

the actual political world" (p. 10). Nelson and Kinder (2001) explicate that framing

prevails in political discussion, teaching people how to think and understand the policies

and suggesting the central idea of an issue. Nelson and Willey (2001) claim that political

science has utilized framing as a "conceptual tool of impressive power for describing and

analyzing important political phenomena" (p. 245). Issue framing is one species of

political communication and defined as "descriptions of social policies and problems that

shape the public's understanding of how the problem came to be and the important

criteria by which policy solutions should be evaluated" (p. 247). Social members who

care about forming public opinion, such as professional politicians, advertisers,

spokespeople, and editorialists are able to produce the content and frame the issue.









Nelson and Kinder (2001) additionally introduce the concept of group-centrism to

the study of issue framing on public opinion. They describe framing as "a rhetorical

weapon in elites' hands and as a cognitive structure in citizens' minds" (p. 1055).

Framing of issues, usually conducted by elites and mass media organizations, constructs

the public perception of current social problems and the alternative solutions through the

newspapers and television programs, editorials, political talk shows, cartoons,

newsletters, press conferences, advertising, and speeches. Nelson and Kinder consider

public opinion about the government policies as group-centrism, which is "shaped in

powerful ways by the attitudes citizens possess toward the social groups they see as the

principal beneficiaries (or victims) of the policy" (p. 1056).

Framing and Social Movement

Social movement organizations also use frames to inspire action, attract members

and resources, and legitimate the group's claims and work (Snow & Benford, 1992).

Snow and Benford define framing as "an active, process-derived phenomenon that

implies agency and contention at the level of reality construction" (p.136). The product of

this framing activity is collective action frames, which refer to action stimulated by a set

of meanings and beliefs that mobilize social activities or movements. Collective action

frames help to construct a sense of community, identification, allegiance, and shared

history among members, which enables a group to mobilize its members to become

involved in the movement (Fine, 1995). Gamson (1995) claims injustice, agency, and

identity to be three components of collective action frames. Injustice implies the anger or

displeasure in the political consciousness. Agency refers to the "consciousness that it is

possible to alter condition or policies through collective action" (p. 90). Identity means









the process of identifying participants who share the same consciousness and to

distinguish the opponents.

Snow and Benford (1992) consider collective action frames serving both the

function of punctuation and modes of attribution and articulation. Punctuating function

implies that activists utilize collective action frames to punctuate or identify certain social

conditions and describe them as unfair, stressing the need for corrective action. Modes of

attribution means activists employ the frames to attribute blame for certain social

problems. The modes of attribution can be divided into two kinds. Diagnostic attribution

is used to identify the problem, whereas prognostic attribution provides the resolution for

problems. In addition, collective action frames also serve as the articulate function that

allows activists to organize or formulate a set of ideas or experiences for their supporters

to share the common cognition.

Gamson (1995) emphasizes the media work in constructing collective action

frames by saying that "media discourse is a cultural resources to use in understanding and

talking about an issue" (p. 86). In addition to the media discourse, Gamson considers

individual's experiential knowledge as another indispensable resource in composing

collective action frames. For example, media discourse disseminates the injustice and has

it shared among individuals, whereas experiential knowledge internalizes the injustice

within individuals who consume it from the media discourse.

Johnston (1995) describes collective action frames from a cognitive perspective.

The beliefs and meanings composed of collective action frames are related in a

systematic way, which reflects individuals' cognition of social movements. Individual

frames assemble and form subgroups within a social movement that share the general









cognition. Personal experiential knowledge remains in the lower level of cognitive

organization, whereas shared experience, in the higher level are coordinated and

interpreted in a common way for participants. Thus, Johnston argues that "frames are

hierarchical cognitive structures that pattern the definition of a situation for individual

social action" (p. 237). The structure of frames implies the different factors and their

relationships, explaining certain behaviors or situations in a social movement.

Tarrow (1992) adopted Goffman and Snow's words to explain that frames in a

social movement are schemataa of interpretation," and framing is to "conceptualize how

ideological meanings are proposed by movement organizers to would-be supporters" (p.

188). He claims that frame alignment would be vital for movement participation when

frames function to coordinate experience and lead action. Four types of frames alignment

are created to explicate different strategies used to link a movement's message and

participants: frame bridging, frame amplification, frame expansion, and frame

transformation. Frame bridging refers to simply connect two or more congruent frames

within the same issue. Frame amplification means to clarify an implicit frame, whereas

frame extension describes the process of enlarging a frame to be related with potential

value or interest. Frame transformation is utilized when an organization wishes to add a

new set of ideas to an existing issue, to disregard old meanings, or reframe

misunderstandings. Thus, elaborating on the concept of four alignments, Tarrow claims

that collective action frames not only create new meanings or consistently focus on

existing issues, but incorporate new ideas into old meanings. Frame resonance

emphasizes the concept of incorporation and implies that successful frames must work in

existing popular understandings rather than create a new meaning that has no resonance









within the existing culture. Snow and Benford (1992) offer three factors that may affect

the ability of frame resonance: empirical credibility, experiential commensurability, and

ideational centrality or narrative fidelity.

Tarrow (1992) states that flexibility is one important feature of framing, which

means that frames can be communicated with target groups efficiently, adjusted to

change, and extended to combine with other frames. This adjustable feature not only

allows social movement organizers to utilize it as an instrumental activity, but also allows

for the political opportunity of incorporating an existing frame. Snow and Benford (1992)

note another feature of collective action frame: mobilizing potency. They suggest that if a

frame is elaborated explicitly, it has more chance to be influential and increases its

mobilizing potency.

Snow and Benford (1992) also discuss the master frames and the cycle of protest.

They conclude that the emergence of a protest would accompany with the development

or construction of a new master frame. The resonance of a master frame would be the key

to successfully mobilizing the movement. The previous movements in the cycle of protest

may offer interpretation and conception to construct frames for the succeeding

movements. However, in later phase of protest, frames would be restricted to the

development and structure of previous ones. The mobilizing potency of a master frame

would influence the cycle of protests. Moreover, the prevailing cultural climate would be

another influential factor that changes the content of frames and the cycle of protest.

Individual Framing

Research has shown that framing constructed by media, journalists, organization,

policy makers, and social movement organizers can exert influence on the public or

individuals. Some researches of framing also focus on the receiver-individual or









audience and their reaction of framing process. Scheufele (1999) suggests a two

dimensions typology to classify previous studies on framing. One dimension is to specify

frames into media or individual frame. Individual frame is defined as "mentally stored

clusters of ideas that guide individuals' procession of information" (Entman, 1993, p. 53).

Media frame is defined by Gamson and Modigliani (1987) as "a central organizing idea

or story line that provides meaning to an unfolding strip of events" (p. 143). The other

dimension divides frames into independent or dependent variables. Studies of frames as

dependent variables have emphasized various factors influencing the creation or

modification of frames (Scheufele, 1999). Studies of frames as independent variables

have focused on the overall effects of framing. When the media frames were examined as

independent variables, researchers found that media frames had an impact on individual

frames. Valkenburg, Semetko, and De Vreese (1999) also pointed out that research in

audience frames may reveal the extent to which audience frames are replications of

media frames. Individual frames, however, may weigh differently from media frames on

the same issue (Scheufele, 1999). What the media frame emphasizes as central might be

perceived by individual as peripheral.

Pan and Kosicki (2001) discuss individual framing in a broader context-a

democratic society and see framing as an important element in public deliberation.

Strategic framing does not necessarily seek the way through media or policymakers, but

through public deliberation. Public deliberation, happening in political debate, political

alignment, and collective actions, is "not a harmonious process but an ideological contest

and political struggle. Actors in the public arenas struggle over the right to define and

shape issues, as well as the discourse surrounding these issues" (p. 36). Framing in public









deliberation acts strategically, using symbolic resources to achieve collective decision

making. In other words, individuals in public deliberation utilize framing to participate in

collective actions and policy making processes. Thus, multiple groups are involved in

public deliberation, and each of them has their ideological principles and cultural

resonance. Strategic framing is considered as one vital element to the foundation of a

democratic society.

Framing Analyses

The research of framing analysis has been done by many scholars. Perkins (2005)

claims that framing analysis examines messages shaped by reporters and editors and by

public relations sources attempting to promote ideas or opinions. Johnston (1995) points

out that framing analysis explicates the sources, ideology, and effect of frames. It also

can find out how the belief, meanings, and experience form the frames. Through the

reconstruction process, framing analysis helps researchers explain why and how

participants act in a social movement.

Also, framing analyses are utilized by many social movement scholars. Tarrow

(1992) states that by examining the structure of frames scholars attempt to understand

how movement organizers shaped the ideological symbols, how effective the symbols are

in triggering mobilizing action, and how they evolve over time. In addition, long-term

studies with empirical analyses in history further emphasize a broader interaction among

the ideological symbols, social mentalities and political cultures.

Hertog and McLeod (2001) suggest the first step of framing analysis is to identify

the core of a frame, which usually is a conflict. A conflict can be presented by the source

who provides information, ideas, positions in the text. One way to identify frames is

through a master narrative. "Narratives are powerful organizing devices, and most frames









will have ideal narratives that organize a large amount of disparate ideas and

information" (p. 148). In addition, frames can be identified by examining the repetition of

certain vocabularies, including adjective, adverbs, verb tenses, and nouns. To prepare to

analyze frames, researchers must expose themselves to a wide array of potential frames

under the same topic, and the content must come from both the mainstream culture as

well as outside of the dominant culture. After gathering enough content for frame

analysis, researchers are recommended to take the following steps to process the analysis:

(1) establish preliminary models of frames and subframes (as many as possible); (2)

identify the sponsor or the source of the frame; (3) be aware of the symbols appearing in

the frame and the changes of the frames; (4) propose the hypotheses to find out the

relationship among frames, culture, ideology, issues, and narrative structures; (5) finally,

decide the research methods to conduct the analysis.

The research methodology, subject, and process of a framing analysis vary by each

study. Hertog and McLeod (2001) point out that the methodologies of framing analysis

include qualitative and quantitative content analyses, depth or focus interviews, and

experiments. Quantitative content analysis of newspapers or public relations sources,

such as newsletters, is one of the popular ways to analyze frames (e.g., Yioutas & Segvic,

2003; Schmid, 2004; Bailey, 2005; Reber &Berger, 2005). According to Hertog and

McLeod (2001), quantitative analysis is a means to identify the language in a frame, and

is most successful when the concepts of frames are repeated and emphasized. However,

the powerful frames are able to exert influence without much repetition. Quantitative

analysis may fail to identify the powerful frame due to the lack of a great amount of

frame context. Qualitative analysis requires researchers to induce the meaning in the









context and reveal the insight of news coverage in a decoding process. A mixed

qualitative and quantitative analysis is recommended because frames may be interpreted

variously by different researchers. Besides, there is no standard context for framing

analysis. The context currently analyzed by framing researchers appear in an extensive

range, including news coverage, movies, photos, television programs, corporate annual

reports, and focus group transcripts. Thus, multiple analyses and methods are particularly

helpful when no standard content exists and the theories and concepts of framing are still

developing.

Hertog and McLeod (2001) also point out the purpose of a framing analysis. First,

it can contribute to understand the social protest, change, and control by identifying and

outlining the dominant or alternative frames in a social controversy. Second, framing

analysis can specify the strategies and tactics each social member used to construct or

influence a social issue. Third, it helps to find out what is the popular news story in which

the framing of controversy is recognized by the public.

Research Questions

This study attempted to focus on the characters and evolutions of frames (Snow &

Benford, 1992; Nelson & Kinder, 2001; Hertog & McLeod, 2001; Zoch & Molleda,

2006), and the effect of media framing (Kosicki, 1993; Pan and Kosicki, 2001; Tedesco,

2001), including the influence of public relations messages on the news articles (Kiousis

et al, 2004).

Based on the discussion of literature review and case description, the research

questions were:

RQ 1: How does the MND frame the issue of military procurement?






27


RQ2: How do the frames of military procurement appear in Taiwan news

coverage?

RQ3: What are the differences between the frames constructed by the MND and the

frames appearing in Taiwan news coverage?














CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY

Quantitative Content Analysis

This study aimed to analyze the issue of military procurement by applying framing

theory. Quantitative content analyses of news media coverage and public relations

messages were conducted to find out how Taiwan news media and the MND frame the

issue of military procurement. Wimmer and Dominick (2003) define content analysis as

"a method of studying and analyzing communication in a systematic, objective, and

quantitative manner for the purpose of measuring variables" (p. 141). Bauer (2000)

claims that "content analysis is the only method of text analysis that has been developed

within the empirical social science" (p. 132). Content analysis allows researchers to

examine media effect on agenda-setting studies and construct worldviews, values,

attitudes, and opinions. Hertog and McLeod (2001) point out that quantitative content

analysis is one of the important methodologies of framing analysis and frequently

adopted by researchers. Newspapers or public relations sources, such as newsletters, are

the popular communication context that analyzed in framing researches (Reber &Berger,

2005).

To answer research questions one and two; describing how the frames of the issue

of military procurement appeared in public relations messages produced by the MND and

in Taiwanese news coverage, a quantitative content analysis on two kinds of

communication texts was conducted. The two kind of communication texts included

public relations messages produced by the MND and the Taiwanese news coverage.









Then, a comparison of the result of content analysis on public relation messages and on

news coverage about the frames of military procurement was made in order to answer

research question three-what are the differences between the frames constructed by the

MND and the frames appeared on Taiwan news articles.

Population and Sample

Public Relations Messages

The samples of content analysis on the public relations messages produced by

MND were retrieved from the Web site of General Political Warfare Bureau of MND

(http://news.gpwb.gov.tw/project/purches/purches_index.htm). The content of the Web

site included the electronic version of promotional pamphlets and e-cards, one

announcement, and two reports of public opinion polls about military procurement

carried out by two media organizations. The target audience of the Web site was general

publics, and the purpose of the Web site was for the publics to download or acquire the

information about military procurement on the Internet. A preliminary count of Web

pages excluded the e-cards and two reports of public opinion polls. The reasons to

exclude e-cards and poll reports were that there were less than 10 words on the e-card,

and polls reports only presented statistic information. A total of 47 Web pages of

messages were available and used as the unit of analysis.

News Articles

News articles of military procurement were collected from the electronic database

of United Daily News. United Daily News is one of major national newspapers with large

circulation in Taiwan. The population of news articles for the content analysis was taken

from online news articles about military procurement in United Daily News database

(http://www.udndata.com). Because this is an ongoing issue, beginning in August 2003,









the time frame of the analysis was two years, from August 1, 2003 to July 31, 2005. The

keyword of "military procurement" was used to search the headlines and lead paragraphs

of the online news articles in the database. The first search with the keyword resulted in

1,162 news articles. After omitting irrelevant news articles by screening the headlines and

lead paragraphs, the sample of 260 news articles was yielded from the population. The

irrelevant news articles include articles about the past military procurement and military

procurement mentioned as additional information. Articles with less than 100 words and

only containing factual information, such as the description of "the budget of military

procurement was the fourteenth time that failed in the Legislative Yuan," were

considered to contain too little information for coding and also were excluded. The unit

of analysis was the news article.

Data Gathering

Coding sheets and guidelines for the content analyses of both public relations

messages (Appendix A and B) and news articles (Appendix C and D) were developed.

Variables measured in both content analyses of news coverage and public relations

messages included frames, keywords/catchphrase, statistics, and the salient issues

mentioned in the news story or public relations message, including national security,

social welfare, education, domestic economics, and international relations. For the news

coverage content analysis, additional variables included the source of news story,

political affiliation of the source, the attitude of source toward the military procurement,

and the number of quotations. The researcher first read through all the sample news

articles and public relations messages to identify the frames of military procurement.

Then the result was used to establish the category of frames for the coding sheet. The

operative definition of a frame was based on the framing mechanisms developed by









Tankard (2001) as well as the elements of framing discussed in the literature review

(Hertog & McLeod, 2001; Esrock et al., 2002).

Inter-coder reliability was tested for assessing the quality of the coding instrument.

Two coders coded 10 percent of sample randomly selected. First coder was the principal

investigator of the study. The second coder was a graduate student whose first language

was Chinese. Because the analysis unit was written in Chinese, a second coder whose

first language was Chinese would also help ensure the validity of the research. A training

session was held for the second coder before the test of inter-coder reliability. The

operative definition of each category and the coding procedure were explained to the

second coder in the training session. Conflicts about the coding categories between two

coders were discussed and the categories were modified to further improve the research

instruments. The inter-coder reliability coefficients (using Holsti's formula, 1969) of the

content analyses on news articles and public relations messages were calculated to be 92

percent and 93 percent respectively.

Data Analysis

SPSS 14.0 for Windows were used to analyze the data collected from the content

analyses. Frequencies and descriptive statistic result showed the characteristics of sample

and variables. Cross-tabulation analysis was used to compare the variables of news article

samples and public relations messages samples. The relationships among variables were

tested by using chi-square test to find out if the statistical significance existed.














CHAPTER 4
FINDINGS

Research Question One

How does the MND frame the issue of military procurement?

Five frames were found in the public relations messages produced by the MND,

including "national self-defense," "professional military need," "military ability

unbalance," "necessary military expense," and "bubble tea." After combining frames that

have the same emphasis, two master frames were generated: "national safety" and

"necessary expense." Among 47 public relations messages, the "national safety" frame

accounted for 57 percent (N = 27), while the "necessary expense" frame contributed to 23

percent (N = 11); nine public relations messages were not identified with any master

frame. The "national safety" frame emphasized the national security and included three

subframes: "national self-defense," "professional military need," and "military ability

unbalance." The master frame of "necessary expense" focused on the financial aspect and

contained two subframes: "necessary military expense" and "bubble tea" (see Table 4-1).

Unidentified public relations messages included messages that only provided factual

information without further explanation. For example, messages contained detailed

description of the strengths and weaknesses of the weapons to be purchased, or the

strategic analyses of how the weapons would be used in the war, without the explanation

of why the publics should support the arms purchase.









Table 4-1. Subframes by master frames in public relations messages
Public relations messages N %
National safety frame 27 57
National self-defense 15 32
Professional military need 9 19
Military ability unbalance 3 6

Necessary expense frame 11 23
Necessary military expense 10 21
Bubble tea 1 2
Unidentified 9 19
Total 47 100

There were 156 catchphrases identified within the messages, including "advanced

weapons" (17%), "national safety" (16%), "cross-strait relations" (11%), and "military

balance" (10%). Issues related to the military procurement were also identified (see Table

4-2). Public relations messages pertaining to the issue of national security contributed the

most. Furthermore, the following are the issues of domestic economics and the issue of

international relations (see Table 4-3). Forty-seven percent of public relations messages

included statistical data.









Table 4-2. Catchphrases of public relations messages by frames


Catchphrases



Love Taiwan
Military balance
Cross strait relations
National safety
Self-defense
Advanced weapons
Special budget
Protection fee
Urgency
Leave debts to descendant
Reasonable price
Submit a budget
Referendum
Military procurement abuse
Bubble tea
Spendthrift
Threat of China
Total


Frames
National safety Necessary
expense
N % N %
3 1.9 -
13 8 3 1.9
15 10 2 1.2
19 12 6 4
7 4 3 1.9
16 10 10 6.4
8 5.1 5 5.1
2 1.3 -
5 3.2 3 1.9
2 1.3 1 0.6
2 1.3 3 1.9
8 5.1 6 3.8
1 0.6 -
1 0.6
2 1.3
1 0.6 -
8 5.1 -
111 71 45 29


Table 4-3. Issues of public relations message by frames.

Frames


Issues
National security
Social welfare
Education
Domestic economics
International relations


National safety
frequency
26


Necessary expense
frequency
6


The public relations messages produced by the Ministry of National Defense were

collected from July 2004 to April 2005 (see Table 4-4). The frames of "professional

military need," "necessary military expense," and "national self-defense" constantly

appeared during the time period. In particular, the frame of "military ability unbalance"


Total


%
1.9
10.2
10.9
16
6.4
16.7
8.3
1.3
5.1
1.9
3.2
9
1.3
0.6
1.3
0.6
5.1
100


Total









appeared on the messages published in September and October 2004, while the frame of

"bubble tea" only appeared in September 2004.

Table 4-4. Appearance of frames by the month public relations messages published.
Month
2004 2005
Frames July September October November April
National safety
National self-defense
Professional military need
Military ability unbalance
Necessary expense
Necessary military expense
Bubble tea


National Safety Master Frame

The master frame of "national safety" emphasized the importance of national safety

and described that the purchases of new weapons aimed to strengthen Taiwan's self-

defense capabilities, and to protect Taiwan from the invasion of China. Catchphrases

contributing most to this frame included "national safety," "advanced weapon," "cross-

strait relations," and "military balance." More than half of the messages (55%) reflected

the issue of national security. This master frame contained three subframes and each had

different, subtle focus.

The "professional military need" subframe described that the policy of military

procurement was assessed by military professionals who deemed the purchase of

weapons necessary. This frame was exemplified by the statements, "the military

procurement is a professional military need;" "the military procurement is based on the

concerns of national safety and the international situation, creating the necessity to stress

the urgent need;" and "military procurement is assessed professionally and discreetly"









(October 2004). Thirteen out of 17 catchphrase categories were identified with this frame,

including the catchphrases of "national safety" and "advanced weapons," which appeared

more frequently. The "professional military need" frame also mentions the issue of

national security, social welfare, domestic economics, and international relations to

emphasize the professional military need. Fifty-five percent of messages identified with

the frame contained statistic data.

The "military ability unbalance" subframe described that cross-Taiwan Straits

military abilities were dramatically unbalanced and the possibility of invasion from China

had gradually increased. Thus, the purpose of military procurement was to balance the

cross-strait military ability. The "military ability unbalance" frame focused on the

difference of military equipment between China and Taiwan, and contained more

information about the current military ability of China. This was shown in the following,

"China will have the ability to attack Taiwan for ten hours continuously in 2006;" "When

the ratio of military ability reaches three to one, China would likely start a war;"

"Chinese troops have been modernizing continuously and Taiwan has gradually lost its

advantageous position;" and "if the new weapons could not be acquired on schedule, the

war would likely happen between 2012 and 2020" (October 2004). Catchphrases

identified with this frame includes "love Taiwan," "military balance," "national safety,"

"cross-strait relation," "self-defense," and "special budget." Issues appearing with this

frame included national security and domestic economics. Two out of three public

relations messages identified with this frame contained statistic data.

The "national self-defense" subframe described that the military procurement was

to make Taiwan capable of national self-defense, so as to maintain cross-strait relations









and safety. The "national self-defense" frame emphasized the issue of national safety and

the ability of self-defense. This following statements illustrated the frame, "currently,

China has no intention to build peaceful relationships with us, so we have to strengthen

the ability of self-defense to protect ourselves;" and "the budget of military procurement

would maintain the cross-strait stability for 30 years" (October 2004). Fifteen of the 17

catchphrase categories were identified with this frame, "military balance," "cross-strait

relations," "national safety," and "advanced weapons." Issues appearing with this frame

included national security, domestic economics, and international relations. Twenty-

seven percent of public relations messages identified with this frame contained statistical

data.

Necessary Expense Master Frame

The master frame of "necessary expense" emphasized the financial aspect of the

arms purchases, and proclaimed that the budget for acquiring new weapons was

reasonable and necessary. In addition to the catchphrases of "advanced weapons" and

"national safety," the frame also contained catchphrases related to financial aspect, such

as "submit a budget" and "special budget." Public relations messages containing the

"necessary expense" frame were also identified with the issues of domestic economics,

social welfare, and education. This master frame included two subframes: the "necessary

military expense" frame and the "bubble tea" frame.

The "necessary military expense" subframe described that the expense of military

procurement was necessary and could boost economic development. Examples from this

frame included, "comparing the national defense budget to other countries that also faced

a military threat, we had a lower percentage;" "the military budget has gradually

decreased, and only took two percent of domestic GDP and 16 percent of national general









budget" (October 2004); and "the expense of military procurement required 40 to 70

percent of industry's cooperation, including collective research, skill transfer, staff

training, and cooperative production, which could enhance the level of domestic

industry" (April 2005). The "necessary military expense" frame emphasized the financial

aspect of military procurement issue, that the budget is reasonable and will not weaken

the government's financial situation. Twelve out of 17 catchphrase categories emerged.

Those which appeared in higher frequencies include "national safety," "advanced

weapons," and "submit a budget." Issues appearing within this frame include national

security, social welfare, education, domestic economics, and international relations.

Eighty percent of public relations messages identified with this frame contained statistical

data.

The "bubble tea" subframe described that if everyone saved the money of one

bubble tea per week, there were enough money raised for military procurement. For

example, "one bubble exchanged for the national safety;" and "if everyone reduced their

consumption by one bubble tea per week, we can save enough money for buying

advanced weapons to protect our home" (September 2004). The "bubble tea" frame also

put emphasis on the financial aspect of military procurement but had a narrow focus on

the calculation of budget and the example of bubble tea. Catchphrases included "national

safety," "advanced weapons," "special budget," and "bubble tea." Issues appearing with

this frame included national security, social welfare, education, and domestic economics.

Statistical data also presented with this frame.

Research Question Two

How do the frames of military procurement appear in Taiwan news coverage?









News articles were collected from August 2003 to July 2005. During this time

period, among 260 news articles about the military procurement 19 percent were

published on September 2004, 17 percent were published on October 2004, and 13

percent were published on June 2004. June, September, and October of 2004 were the

three months that news articles about the military procurement appeared most.

Fifteen subframes were found in news articles. Subframes that focused on the same

aspect, such as national safety or financial condition, and employed by the same groups,

such as the MND or the activist groups, were combined to determine the master frames.

Seven master frames were then generated from 260 news articles, as shown in Figure 4-1,

including the "U.S. influence" frame (19%) contributing the highest percentage, the

"national safety" frame (17%) the "financial problem" frame (12%), the "political

employment" frame (7%), the "Taiwan government" frame (6%), the "unnecessary"

frame (5%), and the "necessary expense" frame (0.8%). Ninety-one news articles that

could not be identified with the seven master frames and 15 subframes were put under the

category of "unidentified" (35%). The "unidentified "news articles included articles that

merely described the announcement and the decisions about the arms purchase made by

the MND or other government agencies. For example, "the Executive Yuan passed the

military procurement special budget and the draft of purchasing act. The funds will be

raised from multi-sources, including issuing bonds and selling land" (Lee, 2004, June 3).

News articles that did not focus on the reasons of arms purchase but on the political

conflicts aroused by the issue were also considered as "unidentified." This could be

exemplified by the following: "The former American Institute in Taiwan Chairwomen

Therese Shaheen criticized that Taiwan's purchase of submarines was 'silly.' The










minister of National Defense argued that the decision of submarines purchase was

supported by Taiwan president, and he would file a protest against Shaheen's words if

necessary" (Lu, 2003, November 18). The category of subframes by master frames was

shown in Table 4-5. Each master frame and its subframes are discussed in subsequent

sections.







100-


80-


60-
1- -
0"___


US and US influence political national financial necessary unnecessary unidentified
Taiwan employment safety problem expense
relationship
Master frames


Figure 4-1. News articles frequency by master frames

Table 4-5. News articles subframes by master frames
Master frames Subframes
U.S. and Taiwan relations frame
Taiwan government frame .
Love Taiwan frame
U.S. influence frame U.S. influence frame
Protection fee frame
Political employment frame Political state frame
Political strategy frame
Professional military need frame
National safety frame National self-defense frame
Military ability unbalance frame










Table 4-5. Continued
Master frames Subframes
Financial problem frame Unrealistic budget frame
Financial problem frame .
Reduction of social welfare budget frame
Necessary military expense frame
Necessary expense frame Bubble tea frame
Bubble tea frame
Military equipment race frame
Unnecessary frame Unnecessary military procurement item frame
Taiwan government priority frame

The main sources of the frame included political parties, legislators, the MND,

government officials, the United States, activist groups, and the media. Among the 260

articles, the MND (26%) and legislators (16%) contributed more than others. The

political affiliations of the main source were the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)

(12%), the People First Party (PFP) (9%), Kuomintang (KMT) (8%), and pan-blue (4%)

referring to all opposition political parties. The DPP was the ruling party, and pan-blue

was the reference for both the KMT and the PFP, which were political parties opposing

the DPP. The attitudes of main source toward the military procurement were divided into

supporting (48%), opposing (20%), and unclear (32%). The quotation of main sources

was defined as direct quotations used within double quotation marks, pull quotes that

were blown up in size for emphasis, and quotes of slogans extracted from public relations

messages. The total number of quotations counted within the sample of news articles was

736, and the total number of catchphrases identified was 427. According to Table 4-6, the

catchphrase of "advanced weapons" was counted with the highest frequency of 81,

followed by "special budget," "national safety," "military balance," and "self-defense."

As shown in Table 4-7, 107 news articles reflected the issues of international relations, 98

news articles pertained to national security issue, 43 news articles related to domestic






42


economic issues, 19 news articles related to the social welfare issues, and only nine

articles concerned the education issue.

Table 4-6. Catchphrases of news articles by master frames

Master frames


Taiwan U.S.
governme influence
nt
Catchphrases N N
Love Taiwan
Military balance 1 9
Cross strait 4 11
relations
National safety 6 6
Self-defense 11 17
Advanced 3 31
weapons
Special budget 5 17
Protection fee 2 1
Urgency 5
Leave debts to
descendant
Reasonable 1 3
price
Submit a budget 3 7
Referendum 3 3
Military 1
procurement
abuse
Bubble tea
Spendthrift
Threat of China 2 2


Political
employ
ent
N
1
3
3

7
2
7

9
1
1


National
safety

N
1
12
10

17
10
23

16
2
1


Financial
problem

N
5
8
4

4

9


Necessar
y expense

N

1
1


Unnecess
ary

n
1
8
1

3
1
7


Total


N
9
43
34

43
41
81

63
7
7









Table 4-7. Issues of news articles by master frames
Master frames
Taiwan U.S. Political National Financia Necessar Unneces Total
governm influence employ safety 1 y sary
ent e ment problem expense

Catchphrases N N N N N N n N
National 13 26 5 34 9 2 9 98
security
Social welfare 1 3 11 4 19
Education 7 2 9
Domestic 2 8 2 4 20 1 6 43
economics
International 15 41 13 23 9 1 5 107
relations

Taiwan Government Master Frame

The "Taiwan government" master frame was mainly employed by the Taiwanese

government to describe that the support of the arms purchase was the way to love and

protect Taiwan. The catchphrase of "self-defense," as well as the salient issues of

national security and international relations, contributed the most to this master frame.

This master frame combined two subframes: the "U.S. and Taiwan relations" frame and

"love Taiwan" frame.

The "U.S. and Taiwan relations" subframe described that the purpose of military

procurement was to maintain the defensive relationships between Taiwan and the United

States in order to protect Taiwan from the invasion of China. For example, "the

referendum let the United States to believe that Taiwan had the resolution to prepare the

capabilities of self-defense" (Liu, 2004, February 20); and "Taiwan needed the military

procurement from the United States to defend itself from the threat of China, and the

arms purchase emphasized the reliance of Taiwan on the United States concerning

military strategy" (Lin, 2004, June 28). This frame first appeared in a news article









published in October 2003 and was observed most in October 2004 (23%). The main

sources identified with this frame included the MND (23%) and government officials

(31%). The political affiliations of source included KMT and DPP. The attitude of

sources was identified as supporting military procurement (77%). The catchphrases

included "self-defense" (26%) and "national safety" (16%). Related issues identified with

the frame included international relations and national security.

The "love Taiwan" subframe described that people who love Taiwan should

support the military procurement. For example, "Chen argued that to oppose military

procurement was to oppose national safety and agree with China" (Liu, 2004, November

14); and "anti-military procurement was not 'love Taiwan'" (Lu, 2004, December 31).

This frame only appeared in November and December 2004. The main sources came

from government officials and the media. The DPP is the only political affiliation that

could be identified, and the sources supported procurement (50%). Four catchphrases

were identified: "love Taiwan," "self-defense," "special budget," and "protection fee."

Related issues included national security and international relations.

U.S. Influence Master Frame

The "U.S. influence" master frame described that the United States attempted to

influence Taiwan military procurement and place pressure on the Taiwanese government.

For example, "the United States asked Taiwan to make a promise to purchase arms;"

"Legislative Yuan president Wang felt the pressure from the United States" (Lee, 2003,

August 5); and "in order to help Taiwan to make up for the deficient of self-defense, the

United States said several times that Taiwan should reconsider the priority of arms

purchase and the deployment of national defense" (Lin, 2003, August 27). This frame

first appeared in August 2003 and was constantly observed during the time period. This









frame was the most frequently appearing frame and it contributed to 19 percent of the

260 articles. The main sources of this frame included the United States (35%), media

(23%), and legislators (21%). The political affiliations of source were parties that

opposed the ruling party, including the KMT, the PFP, and pan-blue. The attitude of

sources was identified as supporting (46%). There were 116 quotations counted within

the frame, which was the most abundant. The catchphrases included "advanced weapon"

(27%), "self-defense" (15%), and "special budget" (15%). Related issues identified with

this frame included international relations, national security, and domestic economics.

Political Employment Master Frame

The "political employment" frame was mainly employed by activist groups and the

opposition parties so as to emphasize that arms purchases were merely a political strategy

utilized by certain politicians for their own interest. The catchphrases that appeared in

news articles containing the "political employment" master frame included "special

budget" and "referendum." Issues of international relations were found more salient than

other issues. The "political employment" master frame included the "protection fee" and

"political strategy" subframes.

The "protection fee" subframe described that purchasing weapons from the United

States was to pay a protection fee to the United States. The following examples illustrated

this fame: "Taiwan became the automatic transaction machine for the United States and

had to pay a protection fee regularly" (Fan, 2003, November 19); and "the huge budget of

military procurement was considered as the protection fee paid to the United States" (Ho,

2004, June 3). This frame first appeared in November 2003 and peaked in June 2004

(75%). The main sources included legislators, government officials, and activist group.

The PFP was the only party affiliated with this frame. The attitude of the sources was









identified as being in opposition to procurement. "Protection fee" was the catchphrase

that contributed most (25%). Issues related to this frame included national security and

international relations.

The "political strategy" subframe described that the Taiwanese government

employed the issue of military procurement for a political purpose. For example, "the

ruling party took advantage of being a buyer, and they used the benefits of arms

purchases to employing disputable political strategies internationally" (Lin, 2003,

November 1); "U.S. and Taiwan relations had become the interactions between munitions

businessmen and politicians" (United Daily News, 2003, November 21); and also "the

Taiwanese government use the military procurement in exchange for the support of

referendum from the United States" (Lin, 2004, February 21). This frame first appeared

in November 2003 and peaked from August to October 2004 (47%). The main sources

included activist groups (46%), legislators (15%), and the media (15%). The political

affiliations lay with opposition parties, and the attitude toward military procurement was

opposition (62%). The number of quotation counted with the frame was 72. Catchphrases

included "special budget" (21%), "national safety" (14%), "advanced weapons" (14%),

and "referendum" (14%). Related issues identified with the frame included national

security, domestic economics, and international relations.

National Safety Master Frame

The "national safety" master frame was constructed by the MND and described that

the military procurement was to protect Taiwan from the invasion of China. Salient

catchphrases included "military balance," "national safety," "cross-strait relations,"

"threat of China," and "advanced weapons." Among the 70 news articles containing the

frame of "national safety," 34 news articles were identified with the issue of national









security and 23 news articles were identified with the issue of international relations. This

master frame combined three subframes: the "professional military need" frame, the

"national self-defense" frame, and the "military ability unbalance" frame.

The "professional military need" subframe described that the policy of military

procurement was assessed by military professionals and claimed to be necessary for

national defense. For example, "the MND opened the military base for the media to cover

news stories, and attempted to emphasize the necessity and urgency of military

procurement" (Lu, 2004, October 22); and "the military report would not involve any

political concerns, but focus on the national safety and practical need" (Lin, 2005,

February 26). This frame first appeared in February 2004 and was observed most in

February and March 2005 (58%). The MND was the main source, contributing 57

percent. The PFP is the only political affiliation that could be identified. The sources have

been identified as supporting military procurement (86%). Twenty catchphrases were

identified with the frame, including "national safety" (15%), "advanced weapons" (15%),

"special budget" (15%), and "referendum" (15%). Related issues identified included

national security and international relations.

The "military ability unbalance" subframe described that cross-Taiwan Straits

military abilities were dramatically unbalanced, and the possibility of invasion from

China had gradually increased. The purpose of military procurement was to balance

cross-strait military capabilities. This was illustrated by the following, "China has

currently modernized their national defense, and the military budget has grown by a

decimal figure" (Lee, 2004, November 18); "the military ability across the Taiwan Strait

has been drastically unbalance and dangerous;" "China has increased the offensive









military force on a large scale;" and "China obviously was preparing to invade Taiwan,

preventing the intervention of the United States" (Lin, 2004, June 18). This frame first

appeared in October 2003 and was observed most during September and October 2004

(33%). The main sources included the MND (50%), government officials (22%), and the

United States (22%). The DPP was the only identifiable political affiliation and the

attitude of sources was supportive (94%). There were 50 quotations counted within the

frame. Fifty-three catchphrases were identified, including "advanced weapons" (21%),

"threat of China" (17%), "special budget" (15%), and "military balance" (13%). Related

issues included national security and international relations. Thirty-nine percent of news

articles identified with this frame contained statistical data.

The "national self-defense" subframe described that the military procurement was

to make Taiwan capable of national self-defense, allowing for the maintenance of cross

strait relations and for Taiwan's general safety. Examples included statements like, "in

order to protect the democracy of Taiwan, maintain cross-strait peace, and build the

confidence for Taiwan to negotiate with China, Taiwan must strengthen its ability for

national self-defense" (Chen, 2004, June 29); and "maintaining the ability of self-defense

was not to compete with China for the arms race, but for avoiding and preventing the

war" (Lu, 2004, July 30). This frame first appeared in June 2004 and was observed most

in September and October 2004 (44%). The main sources included government officials

(56%) and the MND (44%). The ruling party was the only political affiliation identified,

and the attitude of the source was supportive of the procurement. There were 60

quotations counted within the frame. Fifty-one catchphrases were identified with the

frame, including "national safety" (18%), "advanced weapons" (18%), and "self-defense"









(16%). Related issues identified included national security and international relations.

Eleven percent of news article identified with this frame contained statistical data.

Financial Problem Master Frame

The "financial problem" master frame was mainly employed by activist groups and

opposition parties to emphasize that the high budget of arms purchases would cause the

financial crisis for the Taiwanese government. The catchphrase particularly appearing in

news articles containing this frame included "special budget," "leave debt to descendant,"

and "spendthrift." Salient issues appearing with this frame were the issues of social

welfare, domestic economics, and education. The "financial problem" master frame

contained two subframes: the "unrealistic budget" frame and the "reduction of social

welfare budget" frame.

The "unrealistic budget" subframe described that the budget of military

procurement was too high and unrealistic and caused the financial problem for the

Taiwanese government. This was exemplified as follows, "the PFP legislator indicated

that the price of submarines the United States offered was twice as the price that

European countries offered to India, Pakistan, and Chile" (Lu, 2004, June 4); and "the

special budget of military procurement led to a new high record for the debts of the

Taiwanese government and raised the potential average debts for every citizen to NT$520

thousand" (Shang, 2004, June 14). This frame first appeared in June 2004 and peaked

from September 2004 to January 2005 (73%). The main sources included political parties

(27%), activist groups (27%), and the media (18%). Political affiliations of source

included both ruling and opposition parties. The sources were generally opposed to

Taiwan's military procurement (36%). The number of quotations counted in the frame

was 76. Fifty-three catchphrases were identified with the frames, including "advanced









weapons" (16%), "special budget" (16%), "military balance" (11%), and "submit a

budget" (11%). Related issues included domestic economics, international relations,

national security, social welfare, and education. Thirty-two percent of news articles

identified with this frame contained statistical data.

The "reduction of social welfare budget" subframe expressed that the budget of

military procurement caused a reduction of the social welfare and education budgets. For

example, "the DPP government ignored the facts that many children were unable to

afford the school meals and students were unable to afford tuition" (Chen, 2004, June

15); "Activist groups worried that the military procurement budget would cause the

reduction of many other social welfare expenses;" and "They indicated that NT$600

billion could subsidize the medical bills for one million minorities for 100 years and

subsidize the living costs for poor children for 700 years" (Lin, 2004, June 20). This

frame first appeared in June 2004 and peaked from October to December 2004 (64%).

The main sources included legislators (25%) and activist groups (38%). The opposition

parties, including the KMT and the PFP, were the political affiliations of the source. The

sources identified were in opposed weapons procurement (88%). Sixteen catchphrases

were identified with the frame, including "special budget" (25%) and "referendum"

(13%). Related issues included social welfare, domestic economics, education, and

national security.

Necessary Expense Master Frame

The "necessary expense" master frame was constructed by the MND and

emphasized that the budget of military procurement was reasonable and necessary for the

national safety. The catchphrases that could be identified with this master frame included

"military balance," "cross-strait relations," "advanced weapons," and "bubble tea."









Related issues included national security, domestic economics, and international

relations. The "necessary expense" master frame contained two subframes: the

"necessary military expense" frame and the "bubble tea" frame.

The "necessary military expense" subframe described that the expense of military

procurement was necessary and could boost the economic development. For example,

"the expense of NT$400 billion for the submarine.., could create an additional value of

two million dollars in Taiwan" (Lu, 2005, March 14). This frame only appeared in news

articles published in March 2005. The only main source was "others." No political

affiliations could be identified, nor could the sources attitudes toward procurement. Two

catchphrases were identified: "military balance" and "advanced weapons." Related issues

identified with the frame included national security, domestic economics, and

international relations.

The "bubble tea" subframe described that if everyone saves the money of one

bubble tea per week, there were enough money raised for military procurement. For

example, "the promotional documents produced by the MND indicated that as long as

every Taiwanese have reduced the consuming of one bubble tea per week, enough money

would be saved for the military procurement" (Ho, 2004, September 22). This frame only

appeared in one news article published in September 2004. The only main source was the

MND, but no political affiliation could be identified. The attitude of the source

concerning military procurement was supportive (100%). Two catchphrases were

identified: "cross strait relations" and "bubble tea." National security was the only issue

identified with the frame.









Unnecessary Master frame

The "unnecessary" master frame was mainly used by activist groups and opposition

parties to oppose the military procurement budget proposed by the MND. The activist

groups employed this master frame to proclaim that the arms purchase would only cause

an arms race between Taiwan and China; thus, it was neither necessary, nor helpful for

Taiwan's national safety and should not be a top priority for the Taiwanese government.

The salient catchphrases appearing within this master frame included "cross-strait

relations" and "advanced weapons." Issued identified with this frame were national

security and domestic economics. The "unnecessary" master frame contained three sub

frames: the "military equipment race" frame, the "unnecessary military items" frame, and

the "Taiwan government priority" frame.

The "military equipment race" subframe stated that the military procurement was

leading an arms race between Taiwan and China. For example, "the military arms race

would be non-stop;" "the competition of military equipment with China was to like

Taiwan simply asking for trouble" (Fan, 2004, June 21). This frame first appeared in June

2004 and peaked in September and October (66%). The main sources included the

political party (33%) and activist groups (67%). The opposition parties, including the

KMT and PFP, were identified as being politically affiliated with the frame. The sources

stood in opposition to weapons procurement (83%). Among 12 catchphrases identified

with the frame, "military balance" (50%) contributed most. Related issues identified with

the frame included national security, domestic economics, and international relations.

The "unnecessary military procurement items" subframe illustrated that the goals of

military procurement did not meet Taiwan's current needs. For instance, "lawmakers

queried that Taiwan should focus on offensive weapons instead of defensive weapons;"









"the effectiveness of investment in anti-missile Patriot system was challenged" (Lu,

2003, August 25). Furthermore, Liu stated "it is difficult for Taiwan to defend in the air

with current resources. Thus, the MND must explain to the media and the publics the

reason that military procurement proposed a huge budget" (Liu, 2004, June 5). This

frame first appeared in August 2003 and was observed most in June 2004 (40%). The

main sources included legislators (20%), activist groups (20%), and the media (20%).

The PFP was the only identified political affiliation. The attitude of sources identified

was unclear (60%). Of the nine catchphrases identified with the frame, "advanced

weapons" (44%) contributed most. Related issues included national security, social

welfare, education, domestic economics, and international relations.

The "Taiwanese government priority" subframe described that the military

procurement, currently, should not be the government's focal point. For example, "the

Taiwanese government should give the top priority to the poor, instead of competing with

China for military equipment" (Lin, 2004, June 20); and "Taiwan should not spend large

sums of money on arms; instead, government should focus on alleviating the tension

between Taiwan and China...and maintaining the economic strength" (Lin, 2004,

September 24). This frame first appeared in February 2004 and was observed most in

June (33%) and September 2004 (33%). The main sources included activist groups (67%)

and the media (33%). No political affiliations could be identified. The sources were in

opposition to procurement (67%). Nine catchphrases identified with the frame, and

"referendum" (33%) contributed most. Related issues included social welfare, domestic

economics, international relations, and education.










Research Question Three

What are the differences between the frames constructed by the MND and the

frames appearing in Taiwan news coverage?

Chi-square tests were used to see if there was any statistical significant association

among frames, statistics, issues, and catchphrases in relation to the origin of frames,

which included public relations messages and news articles. In order to test the statistical

significant association between types of frames and the origin of the frames, all frames

were reclassified into two categories: supporting and opposing. The master frames

holding a supporting attitude toward the arms purchases included: the "Taiwan

government" frame, the "U.S. influence" frame, the "national safety" frame, and the

"necessary expense" frame. The opposing frames were: the "political employment"

frame, the "financial problem" frame, and the "unnecessary" frame. As shown in Table 4-

8 and 4-9, The percentage of frames that support the arms purchase differed by the origin

of frames [X2(2, N= 307) = 27.03, p < .05].

Table 4-8. Crosstabulation of frames attitude by the origin of frames
frames Origin of Frames Crosstabulation
Origin of Frames
PR News Total
frames supporting Count 38 108 146
% within Origin of Fram( 80.9% 41.5% 47.6%
opposing Count 0 61 61
% within Origin of Fram( .0% 23.5% 19.9%
unidentified Count 9 91 100
% within Origin of Fram( 19.1% 35.0% 32.6%
Total Count 47 260 307
% within Origin of Fram( 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%










Table 4-9. Chi-square test of frames attitude and the origin of frames

Chi-Square Tests
Asymp. Sig.
Value df (2-sided)
Pearson Chi-Square 27.033a 2 .000
Likelihood Ratio 34.892 2 .000
Linear-by-Linear Associatio 4.705 1 .030
N of Valid Cases 307__
a.O cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum
expected count is 9.34.


Among the seven master frames and 15 subframes found in news articles, only two

master frames and five subframes were identified with public relations messages. These

two master frames were "national safety" and "necessary expense," including the five

subframes under the two master frames: "professional military need," "necessary military

expense," "bubble tea," "military ability unbalance," and "national self-defense." The

master frame of "national safety" contributed to 23 percent of the 260 news articles,

which was the highest among all the master frames, in contrast the master frame of

"necessary expense" only contributed four percent.

Public relations message were produced in July, September, October, and

November of 2004 and in April of 2005. The news articles picked up during the months

that public relations messages were produced accounted for 42 percent of articles (see

Table 4-10).










Table 4-10. Crosstabulation of the month of frames appearance by the origin of frame

date Origin of Frames Crosstabulation
Origin of Frames
PR News Total


date August
2003


Count
% within Orinin of Frame


5
1 q%/


5
1 0/


October Count 0 5 5
% within Origin of Frame .0% 1.9% 1.6%
November Count 0 10 10
% within Origin of Frame .0% 3.8% 3.3%
January 2004 Count 0 1 1
% within Origin of Frame .0% .4% .3%
February Count 0 6 6
% within Origin of Frame .0% 2.3% 2.0%
May Count 0 3 3
% within Origin of Frame .0% 1.2% 1.0%
June Count 0 44 44
% within Origin of Frame .0% 16.9% 14.3%
July Count 4 16 20
% within Origin of Frame 8.5% 6.2% 6.5%
August Count 0 6 6
% within Origin of Frame .0% 2.3% 2.0%
September Count 8 50 58
% within Origin of Frame 17.0% 19.2% 18.9%
October Count 20 33 53
% within Origin of Frame 42.6% 12.7% 17.3%
November Count 2 11 13
% within Origin of Fram 4.3% 4.2% 4.2%
December Count 0 12 12
% within Oriqin of Frame .0% 4.6% 3.9%
January 2005 Count 0 6 6
% within Origin of Frame .0% 2.3% 2.0%
February Count 0 10 10
% within Origin of Frame .0% 3.8% 3.3%
March Count 0 16 16
% within Origin of Frame .0% 6.2% 5.2%
April Count 13 1 14
% within Origin of Fram 27.7%/ .4%/ 4.6%
May Count 0 11 11
% within Origin of Frame .0% 4.2% 3.6%
June Count 0 3 3
% within Origin of Frame .0% 1.2% 1.0%


Count
% within Oriain of Frame


11
4.2%


11
3.6%


Total Count 47 260 307
% within Origin of Frame 1 100.0 100.0% 100.0%


Four subframes produced by the MND were found that news articles containing

these four frames appeared in the same months as the public relations messages









published. For example, the subframe of "professional military need" appeared both on

public relations messages and news articles, and only in October 2004. The subframe of

"bubble tea" from both origins only appeared in September 2004. The subframe of

"national self-defense" originating from public relations messages appeared in the

months of July, September, October, and November in 2004 and accounted for 40

percent. Meanwhile, it appeared in news articles published during the same four months

and accounted for 61 percent. Also, the "military ability unbalance" subframe originating

from public relations messages appeared in September and October 2004, while the same

frame originating from news article contributed 33 percent during the same months. The

months that these four subframes appeared on public relations messages and news articles

were consistent. However, the months that the subframe of "necessary military expense"

appeared in public relations messages and news articles did not overlap.

The test for statistics included in the content of the articles in relation to the origin

of frames was also significant. As shown in Table 4-1, the percentage of statistical data

that appeared in articles differed by the origin of frames [X2(1, N= 307) = 45.85, p < .05].

Public relations messages contained more statistical data (47% of 47 public relations

messages) than news articles (9% of 260 news articles). Two master frames originating

from public relations messages, the "national safety" and the "necessary expense"

frames, both contained statistical data, while only the "national safety" frame originating

from news articles contained statistical data. The subframes originating from public

relations messages containing the highest percentages of statistics include "professional

military need," "military ability unbalance," and "necessary military expense." Statistics

data present within the public relations messages seemed to emphasize the needs of









military procurement or the drastic military unbalance between Taiwan and China. The

subframes from news articles containing higher percentages of statistical data included

"military ability unbalance" and "unrealistic budget." The "military ability unbalance"

frames contained abundant statistics data whether from public relations messages or news

articles.

Table 4-11. Crosstabulation of the appearance of statistical data by the origin of frames
statistics Origin of Frames Crosstabulation
Origin of Frames
PR News Total
statistics absent Count 25 237 262
% within Origin of Fram( 53.2% 91.2% 85.3%
present Count 22 23 45
% within Origin of Fram 46.8% 8.8% 14.7%
Total Count 47 260 307
% within Origin of Fram 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%


As for the relations between the types of issues present in the stories and origins of

frames, only the issue of national security, domestic economics, and international

relations resulted in statistical significance. As shown in Table 4-12, the percentage of

national security issue that appeared in articles differed by the origin of frames [2(1, N=

307) = 15.51, p < .05]. The percentage of domestic economics issue that was present in

articles differed by the origin of frames [x2(1, N= 307) = 11.82,p < .05] (see Table 4-

13). The percentage of international relations issue that was present differed by the origin

of frames [x2(1, N= 307) = 16.51, p < .05] (see Table 4-14). Both the issues of national

security and domestic economics contributed to higher percentages (77% and 45%

respectively) of frames from public relations messages than the frames from news articles

(45% and 21% respectively). News articles, however, pertaining to international relations

contributed to a higher percentage (54%) than public relations message (21%). The issue

of national security, contributed most to the master frame of "national safety" in the










public relations messages, and most to the master frames of "U.S. influence" and

"national safety" in news articles. The master frames of "national safety" from both

origins contained the issue of national security. The same observation was made

concerning the issue of international relations, which contributed most to the master

frame of "national safety" originating from both public relations messages and news

articles. In addition, the issue of domestic economics contributed the most to the master

frame of "necessary expense" originating from public relations messages, as well as the

most to the master frame of "financial problem" originating from news articles. These

two frames both focused on the financial aspect of military procurement. However, the

frame of "necessary expense" addressed the necessity and reasonableness of military

expense, while the frame of "financial problem" focused on the negative effect caused by

the unreasonable military budget.

Table 4-12. Crosstabulation of the appearance of national security issue by the origin of
frame

issuel-national security Origin of Frames Crosstabulation
Origin of Frames
PR News Total
issuel-national absent Count 11 142 153
security % within Origin of Fram( 23.4% 54.6% 49.8%
present Count 36 118 154
% within Origin of Fram 76.6% 45.4% 50.2%
Total Count 47 260 307
% within Origin of Fram( 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%


Table 4-13. Crosstabulation of the appearance of domestic economic issue by the origin
of frame

issue4-domestic economics Origin of Frames Crosstabulation
Origin of Frames
PR News Total
issue4-domestic absent Count 26 205 231
economics % within Origin of Fram 55.3% 78.8% 75.2%
present Count 21 55 76
% within Origin of Fram 44.7% 21.2% 24.8%
Total Count 47 260 307
% within Origin of Fram 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%











Table 4-14. Crosstabulation of the appearance of international relations issue by the
origin of frame
issue5-international relations Origin of Frames Crosstabulation
Origin of Frames
PR News Total
issue5-international absent Count 37 121 158
relations % within Origin of Fram 78.7% 46.5% 51.5%
present Count 10 139 149
% within Origin of Fram 21.3% 53.5% 48.5%
Total Count 47 260 307
% within Origin of Frame 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%


Six out of 17 catchphrases in relation to the origin f frames resulted in statistical

significance, including "military balance," "cross strait relations," "national safety,"

"advanced weapons," "submit a budget," and "threat of China." As shown in Table 4-15,

the percentage of "military balance" catchphrase that appeared in articles differed by the

origin of frames [X2(1, N= 307) = 13.48, p < .05]. The catchphrase of "military balance"

was the greatest contributor to the frames of "U.S. influence," "financial problem," and

"national safety" originating from news articles, as well as the frame of "national safety"

originating from the public relations messages. "Military balance" was observed as the

keyword for the master frame of "national safety" in both news articles and public

relations messages.

As shown in Table 4-16, the percentage of "cross-strait relations" catchphrase that

appeared in articles differed by the origin of frames [X2(1, N= 307) = 11.28, p < .05]. The

catchphrase of "cross strait relations" contributed more to the frames of "U.S. influence"

and "national safety" from news articles, as well as the frame of "national safety" from

public relations messages. "Cross-strait relations" was observed as the keyword for the

frame of "national safety" from both origins.









The percentage of "national safety" catchphrase that appeared in articles differed

by the origin of frames [X2(1, N= 307) = 28.97, p < .05] (see Table 4-17). The

catchphrase of "national safety" contributed more to the master frames of "Taiwan

government," "U.S. influence," "political employment," and "national safety" originating

from news articles, as well as the frames of "necessary expense" and "national safety"

originating from public relation messages. "National safety" was observed as the

keyword for the master frame of "national safety."

The percentage of "advanced weapon" catchphrase that appeared in articles

differed by the origin of frames [X2(1, N= 307) = 9.22, p < .05] (see Table 4-18). The

catchphrase of "advanced weapons" contributed more to the frames of"U.S. influence,"

and "national safety" from news articles, as well as the frames of "necessary expense,"

and "national safety" from public relations messages. "Advanced weapons" was observed

as the keyword for the frame of "national safety" from both message origins.

The percentage of "submit a budget" catchphrase that appeared in articles differed

by the origin of frames [X2(1, N= 307) = 8.79, p < .05] (see Table 4-19). The catchphrase

of "submit a budget" contributed most to the frames of"U.S. influence" and "financial

problem" from news article, as well as the frame of "necessary expense" from public

relations messages. "Submit a budget" was observed as the keyword for the frames

focusing on financial aspect.

Moreover, as shown in Table 4-20, the percentage of "threat of China" catchphrase

that appeared in articles differed by the origin of frames [X2(1, N= 307) = 7.31, p < .05].

The catchphrase of "threat of China" contributed the most to and was observed as the key

word for the frames of "national safety" from news articles and public relations message.










Table 4-15. Crosstabulation of the appearance of "military balance" catchphrase by the
origin of frame

Crosstab
Origin of Frames
PR News Total
catchphrase2-militar absent Count 28 216 244
balance % within Oricin of Fram( 59.6% 83.1% 79.5%
present Count 19 44 63
% within Oricin of Fram( 40.4% 16.9% 20.5%
Total Count 47 260 307
% within Origin of Fram( 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%


Table 4-16. Crosstabulation of the appearance of "cross-strait relations" catchphrase by
the origin of frame

Crosstab
Origin of Frames
PR News Total
catchphrase3-cross absent Count 29 216 245
strait relations % within Oricin of Fram 61.7% 83.1% 79.8%
present Count 18 44 62
% within Oricin of Fram 38.3% 16.9% 20.2%
Total Count 47 260 307
% within Origin of Framl 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%


Table 4-17. Crosstabulation of the appearance of "national safety" catchphrase by the
origin of frame

Crosstab
Origin of Frames
PR News Total
catchphrase4-nationz absent Count 19 204 223
safety % within Origin of Fram( 40.4% 78.5% 72.6%
present Count 28 56 84
% within Origin of Fram( 59.6% 21.5% 27.4%
Total Count 47 260 307
% within Origin of Fram( 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%


Table 4-18. Crosstabulation of the appearance of "advanced weapon" catchphrase by the
origin of frame

Crosstab
Origin of Frames
PR News Total
catchphrase6-advance, absent Count 14 140 154
weapon % within Oricin of Fram( 29.8% 53.8% 50.2%
present Count 33 120 153
% within Origin of Fram( 70.2% 46.2% 49.8%
Total Count 47 260 307
% within Origin of Fram( 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%











Table 4-19. Crosstabulation of the appearance of "submit a budget" catchphrase by the
origin of frame

Crosstab
Origin of Frames
PR News Total
catchphrasel2-submi absent Count 30 215 245
a budget % within Origin of Fram( 63.8% 82.7% 79.8%
present Count 17 45 62
% within Origin of Fram 36.2% 17.3% 20.2%
Total Count 47 260 307
% within Origin of Framl 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%


Table 4-20. Crosstabulation of the appearance of "threat of China" catchphrase by the
origin of frame

Crosstab
Origin of Frames
PR News Total
catchphrasel7-threa absent Count 36 235 271
of China % within Origin of Fram 76.6% 90.4% 88.3%
present Count 11 25 36
% within Origin of Fram( 23.4% 9.6% 11.7%
Total Count 47 260 307
% within Origin of Fram( 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%














CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION

Summary of the Military Procurement Case

The case of military procurement in Taiwan began in August 2003 when the MND

proposed a budget of NT$700 billion to purchase defense weapons from the United

States. In order to pass the budget in the Legislation Yuan, the MND produced public

relations messages and promotional documents, including pamphlets and posters, and

also established a Website for downloading promotional information. The target audience

of the public relations messages included legislators, journalists, and Taiwanese citizens.

The public relations messages acquired from the Website were produced in July,

September, October, November 2004, and April 2005. The content of these messages

emphasized the issues of national safety and offered various reasons for the purchase of

weapons, such as maintaining cross-Taiwan Strait peace.

The budget, however, has not been passed in the Legislation Yuan due to the

objections from legislators, activist groups, and the KMT and the PFP, which are

opposition parties. The objections are varied, but the most salient is the unrealistically

high budget. The activist groups showed their opposition to military procurement by

launching protests and inviting celebrities to declare their opposition. The protests

organized by activist groups generally took place between June and October 2004.

Taiwanese government and that of the United States were also involved in the case

and actively showed their support for the purchase. The president of Taiwan even added

the subject of strengthening national defense into the referendum scheduled for March









2004. This action was seen to ignite the issue of military procurement and cross-strait

relations. Although the referendum failed to achieve the required 50 percent vote,

government officials affirmed that the decision to acquire new weapons was not changed

and would not be affected by the result of referendum. The opposition political parties

and activist groups argued that people have shown their objection to the arms purchase by

not voting for the referendum. The United States continuously voiced its opinion on the

purchase of weapons and they furthermore demonstrated their concerns over the tension

between Taiwan and China. The behavior of the United States was viewed by those who

opposed the purchase as attempting to influence the decision and placing pressure on the

relations between Taiwan and the United States. The news coverage about the opinions of

the United States first appeared in October 2004 and peaked from March 2005 to July

2005.

Summary of the Uses of Framing

Entman (1993) indicated that framing is about the selection and salience of

elements in any communication text to define problems and explain causes. Kiousis et al.

(2004) stated that a second-level agenda-building indicated the transfer of attributes from

public relations messages to media coverage, and the attributes could be the

characteristics of an issue. In a news story, the attributes or elements that are utilized as

framing devices included the style of a news story as well as catchphrases and metaphors

appearing in news content (Esrock et al., 2002).

In this case, the attributes or elements selected by the MND to make the frames

salient included catchphrases and related issues. These related issues included national

security, domestic economics, social welfare, education, and international relations. The

catchphrases could be classified into four categories: "political strategy," "national









safety," "financial problem," and "U.S. influence." The category of "political strategy"

included the catchphrases of "love Taiwan," "referendum," "military procurement

abuse," and "protection fee." "Love Taiwan" has become a political slogan frequently

used by politicians in recent years. For example, usually in an election campaign,

politicians would provoke political conflicts by addressing that people who love Taiwan

should support certain candidates or political parties. "Referendum" was attacked by the

opposition parties because it was the political strategy of the ruling party. The term of

"military procurement abuse" originating from the opposition political parties implied the

potential corruption that may occur during the course of the transactions. The term of

"protection fee" also originating from the opposition political parties implied that the

money used to purchase of weapons from the United States was the protection fee to

exchange for defense from the United States.

The category of "national safety" included the catchphrases of "military balance,"

"national safety," "threat of China," and "cross-strait relations." The keyword of

"military balance" was largely used by the MND to assess and compare the differences of

military ability between Taiwan and China. The keyword of "cross-strait relations"

implied the state and interactions between Taiwan and China, while "national safety" and

"threat of China" were self-explanatory.

The category of "financial problem" included the catchphrases of "special budget,"

"leave debt to descendant," "reasonable price," "bubble tea," and "submit a budget." The

keyword of "special budget" referred to the NT$700 billion special budget that was

proposed not within the annual budget. "Leave debt to descendant" was the catchphrase

used by opposition parties and activist groups to describe that the result of getting into









debt to buy new weapons was leaving debt to next generation. "Reasonable price" were

used to question whether the price of NT$700 billion for arms purchase was reasonable

or not. "Bubble tea" was the term used by the MND as an example to explain the amount

of budget. The term of "submit a budget" was also used by the MND to indicate that the

special budget must be passed in the Legislative Yuan. The category of"U.S. influence"

included the catchphrase of "self-defense." "Self-defense" was the term that recurrently

used by the news sources represented the United States to reinforce the concept that the

capability of self-defense is important for Taiwan.

Public Relations Messages

Hallahan (1999) pointed out the importance of framing as a public relations

practice, in which organizations construct a common frame to define the reality for

stakeholders in order to further establish or maintain mutual relationships with them. In

this case, framing theory was used by the researcher to examine the public relations

messages produced by the MND and find out how the MND defined the issue of military

procurement in order to persuade stakeholders-including legislators, opposition political

parties, and the publics-to support the budget to be passed in the Legislative Yuan.

Two master frames and five subframes were identified in the public relations

messages produced by the MND. The master frame of "national safety" included three

subframes: "national self-defense," "professional military need," and "military ability

unbalance." The subframe of "national self-defense" stated that Taiwan should prepare,

making itself capable of national defense to maintain the cross-Taiwan Strait peace. For

example, Figure 5-1 showed the public relations messages produced by the MND and

illustrated the idea of self-defense by providing a Chinese proverb as the slogan: "help

yourself and the other people, and God will help you."









The subframe of "professional military need" described that the purchase of

weapons was assessed by military professionals and was considered necessary for

national defense. This subframe was illustrated in Figure 5-2, in which the slogan stated

that "the advanced weapons to be purchased are the best choice because other countries

have the same weapons." The subframe of "military ability unbalance" described that the

military abilities of Taiwan and China were drastically unbalanced. China had expanded

their military equipment rapidly, and the likelihood of their invasion had gradually

increased within the past few years. The idea of unbalanced cross-strait military ability

was illustrated in Figure 5-3, in which the strengths and weakness of military ability for

both China and Taiwan were analyzed.

Statistics data was shown within these frames, such as the rates of military abilities

before and after the acquisition of new weapons. Also, the catchphrases which appeared

most included "national safety," "advanced weapons," "military balance," and "cross-

straits relations," were the elements selected and made salient to emphasize national

safety.







































Figure 5-1. Public relations message contains the "national self-defense" frame


9..


Figure 5-2. Public relations message contains the "professional military need" frame






























Figure 5-3. Public relations message contains the "military ability unbalance" frame

The master frame of "necessary expense" focused on the financial aspect and

described that the budget for arms purchase was reasonable and crucial for national

defense. Two subframes aiming to address the budget were categorized under this master

frame: "necessary military expense" and "bubble tea." The subframe of "necessary

military expense" stated that in order to maintain the national safety and enhance the

ability of self-defense, the expense of new weapons was necessary and therefore the

budget was reasonable. In addition, the future maintenance and repair of new weapons

would create more job opportunities and boost the domestic economy. Figure 5-4

illustrated the purchase of new weapons as an investment, and described that the military

expense not only could strengthen national defense but also enhance economic

development.

The subframe of "bubble tea" referred to a popular drink in Taiwan, which

exemplified the idea that the budget was not unrealistic. The frame described that if











everyone in Taiwan saved the money of one bubble tea per week, they could easily raise

the money for the purchase of new weapons. Figure 5-5 showed a calculation of how one

bubble tea could change national safety. Soon after the example of bubble tea published

in public relations messages, however, it was fiercely attacked as inappropriate for the

serious issue of national safety by legislators and opposition political parties. Thus, this

frame only appeared in September 2004. Statistical data was present, to a large extent,

within these two frames. The data provided information such as comparisons of the

military budgets in Taiwan within recent years and the comparisons of the military

budgets between Taiwan and China. Catchphrases of "submit a budget" and "special

budget" were selected to make the financial issue salient.


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Figure 5-4. Public relations message contains the "necessary military expense" frame













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Figure 5-5. Public relations message contains the "bubble tea" frame

News Articles

Media frames were defined as the selection and development of issues by

journalists, and the way audiences were guided to see what was important in news stories

(Gitlin, 1980). In addition to journalists, the source of a news story was considered as an

important actor in the construction of media frames (Zoch & Molleda, 2006). The sources

might include government agencies, large corporations, elite professionals, and activist

groups. Therefore, the media served the function as providing a place for public discourse

and for interest groups to shape issues and define problems in an advantageous way

(Gamson, 1995). Reber and Berger (2005) pointed out that the effects of media framing

were displayed most especially in public policy definitions or outcomes. Nelson and

Kinder (2001) indicated that framing had the power to define social policies and

problems and shape public understandings of the central idea of social policy and the

criteria necessary to solve the social problems.









In this case, many groups actively participated in the issue of military procurement

and used framing techniques to define the issue and suggest solutions. The groups

included the MND, Taiwanese government officials, the United States, legislators,

opposition political parties, and activist groups. Seven master frames were identified in

news articles retrieved from the online database of United Daily News from August 2003

to July 2005.

The master frame of "Taiwan government" was employed by Taiwanese

government officials to describe military procurement as the way to protect and love

Taiwan. This master frame contained two subframes, "U.S. and Taiwan relations" and

"love Taiwan," which both showed a positive attitude toward the arms purchase. The

"U.S. and Taiwan relations" subframe described that the purchase of weapons from the

United States helped to maintain a good relationship, especially defensive relations

concerning China, between the United States and Taiwan. The catchphrase of "self-

defense" recurrently appeared in this frame because the United States constantly

emphasized the expectation that Taiwan should prepare to self-defense for at least two

weeks if the cross-Taiwan Strait war broke out. The "love Taiwan" subframe was

employed by government officials. The keyword of "love Taiwan" was selected to imply

that supporting military procurement was to "love Taiwan," and opposing military

procurement was to "not love Taiwan."

The "U.S. influence" master frame described that the United States attempted to

influence the decision of military procurement by emphasizing the importance of self-

defense, which was considered as a pressure by Taiwan. This frame was constructed by

the United States. The catchphrases of "self-defense," "advanced weapons," and "special









budget" were the attributes selected and emphasized by the United States. Quotations of

U.S. officials were used to a large extent, implying that the media tended to directly

report the origin words from the U.S. officials.

The "political employment" master frame was chiefly employed by activist groups

and opposition parties to criticize that the arms purchase was utilized as political strategy

by politicians for their own personal interest. This master frame included two subframes:

"protection fee" and "political strategy." The "protection fee" subframe described that the

purchase of weapons from the United States was to charge a protection fee in exchange

for military aid if the cross-Taiwan Strait war erupted. The keyword of "protection fee"

appeared within the frame and was used to define the issue of military procurement. The

"political strategy" subframe described that the Taiwanese government employed the

issue of military procurement for a political purpose, stating it was not actually focused

on the professional military need. The keyword of "referendum" frequently appeared to

make the "political employment" frame salient.

The two master frames, "national safety" and "necessary expense," constructed by

the MND also appeared in news articles. The attributes of catchphrases and related issues

from public relations messages also were present in news articles. These included the

keywords of "national safety," "advanced weapons," and "bubble tea," and the issue of

national security and international relations.

The "financial problem" master frame primarily was constructed by the activist

groups and opposition parties to oppose the high budget. The two subframes under this

master frame offered different reasons. The "unrealistic budget" subframe described that

the budget of NT$700 billion was too high and the Taiwanese government would get into









debt resulting in financial crises. The "reduction of social welfare" subframe used the

same angle to define the issue, but emphasized that the budget of military procurement

would cause the reduction of other important budgets, such as the social welfare and

education budgets. Keywords related to financial problems, such as "special budget" and

"submit a budget," appeared with these two subframes to make the financial aspect of

military procurement more salient.

Similarly, the "unnecessary" master frame was also employed by activist groups

but used a different angle to define the issue of military procurement. The "unnecessary"

frame stated the arms purchase was not able to meet the need of national defense and

would only cause a non-stop arms race between Taiwan and China. Three subframes with

the same focus of "unnecessary" were found under this master frame: "military

equipment race," "unnecessary military items," and "Taiwan government priority." The

keyword of "military balance" was selected by the "military equipment race" frame to

define the issue of military procurement as the vicious cycle of a cross-Taiwan Strait

arms race. The "unnecessary military items" frame chiefly used the keyword of

"advanced weapons" to describe that the weapons to be purchased did not meet the needs

of Taiwan. The activist groups invited military professionals to analyze the effectiveness

of new weapons and concluded that the weapons to be purchased were not necessary for

national defense in order to oppose the portrayal that the arms purchase was a

professional military need. The "Taiwan government priority" frame described that the

military procurement should not be the principal priority of the Taiwanese government.

The keyword of "referendum" was selected to emphasize their objection to the military









procurement, stating that the Taiwanese government should pay more attention to other

issues, such as social welfare and education.

The Comparisons of Public Relations Messages and News Articles

Statistically significant chi-squares would suggest that the news articles are

different from the public relations messages produced by the MND. This study's research

results showed that the differences between news articles and public relations messages

could be observed on the appearance of issues of national security, domestic economics,

and international relations; the frames that support the arms purchase; the catchphrases of

"military balance," "cross-strait relations," "national safety," "advanced weapons,"

"submit a budget," and "threat of China"; and statistical data contained in the articles.

Although the causal relationships between public relations messages and news articles

cannot be concluded from the chi-square results, the statistically significant chi-square

values would not support the effect of second-level agenda-building examined in this

exploratory study.

The characteristics and evolution of frames were also found in the comparison of

public relations messages and news articles. Hertog and McLeod (2001) stated that

framing had the power to portray one issue or character as positive or negative. The

opposite or competitive frames of the same issues or characters were distinguished by

placing or ignoring different elements. For example, the "political employment" master

frame was opposed to the "Taiwan government" master frame. The "Taiwan

government" frame maintained a supportive attitude toward the military procurement and

was employed by Taiwan government officials, while the "political employment" frame

maintained an opposing attitude and was employed by activist groups and opposition

parties. The "Taiwan government" frame emphasized that the transaction of arms was to









maintain a defensive relationship with the United States in order to protect Taiwan from

the invasion of China. On the contrary, the activist groups employed the "protection fee"

frame to portray the transaction as a potentially-corrupt relationship with the United

Sates. They also argued that Taiwan government officials tended to use the "love

Taiwan" subframe to provoke political conflicts for their own strictly political interests.

Other examples of opposite frames included the "unnecessary" frame versus the

"national safety" frame and the "financial problem" frame versus the "necessary

expense" frame. The "national safety" frame was constructed by the MND to emphasize

the professional military need for the prevention of drastically military unbalance

between Taiwan and China and for the development of national self-defense. The

"unnecessary" frame was created by the activist groups to argue that the MND used the

military ability unbalance between Taiwan and China as an excuse for arms purchase;

however, it would lead to the non-stop arms purchase for Taiwan. In addition, the

weapons to be purchased were assessed as ineffective to protect Taiwan.

The "financial problem" frame and "necessary expense" frame both focused on the

financial aspect, but possessed opposite attitude toward the military procurement. The

"financial problem" frame was employed by the opposition parties and activist groups,

portraying the purchase of weapons as negative and dangerous to Taiwanese

government's financial condition, while the "necessary expense" frame employed by the

MND portrayed the arms purchase as positive, necessary, and resolvable.

Hertog and McLeod (2001) stated that frames are not persistent, and new frames

will be created and become incorporated in or simply modify the old ones because of the

changes in the political or economic environment. The evolution of frames could be









observed from the subframes of"U.S. influence," "U.S. and Taiwan relations," and

"national self-defense." The "U.S. influence" frame first appeared in August 2003, the

"U.S. and Taiwan relations" frame appeared in October 2003, and then the "national self-

defense" appeared in July 2004. The keyword of "self-defense" was the core idea for

these three frames. The comment salient attributes also included the issues of

international relations and national security. However, new contents were added during

the evolution. For example, the "U.S. influence" frame constructed by the United States

described that the United States expected Taiwan to have the ability of self-defense for at

least one to two weeks if the cross-strait war erupted. The frame of "U.S. and Taiwan

relations" employed by the Taiwan government officials added that the arms purchase not

only could strengthen the ability of self-defense, but also help maintain the defensive

relations between the two countries. The "national self-defense" frame constructed by the

MND eliminated the element of the relationships with the United States, but focused on

national safety and self-defense again. The adoption of same attributes by Taiwanese

government officials and the MND implied that Taiwan government emphasized the

influential opinions made by the U.S.

The possible reciprocal influence among interest groups may likely explain the

appearance of opposite frames. For example, as shown is Table 5-1, the master frames of

"financial problem" employed by activist groups first appeared in the news media in June

2004. After military procurement was portrayed as the cause of financial problems, the

MND reacted to the activist groups by employing the "necessary expense" master frame

in public relations messages published in July 2004.











Table 5-1. The initial appearance of master frames by month
Month Master frames
2003
August U.S. influence
Unnecessary
October Taiwan government
November Political employment
2004
June Financial problem
July National safety
SNecessary expense

In addition, the "Taiwan government" frame was constructed by the MND to

address the beneficial relations with the United States first appeared in news articles in

October 2003. In the next month the activist groups reacted to the MND by employing

the "protection fee" frame to mock the explanation made by MND. Moreover, the

"political employment" frame used by the activist groups first appeared in November

2003. The MND then constructed the "national safety" frame in July 2004 to compete

with activist groups by explaining that military procurement was assessed by

professionals and was necessary for national defense, but not the political strategy

applied for politicians' personal interests. The interaction between the MND and activist

groups may imply that public relations practitioners should well prepare themselves as

reliable and dependable sources for media in order to actively utilize framing strategies to

construct new discourse and response to influential voices and positions expressed by

active publics (Zock & Molleda, 2006).

Although the research results did not support that the effect of second-level agenda-

building existed in this study, the phenomena that are likely to relate to the agenda-

building activity were observed in this case. The master frames chiefly employed by









activist groups, including "political employment," "financial problem," and

"unnecessary," peaked in news articles from June to October 2004 when activist groups

frequently held protests. In addition, The "U.S. and Taiwan relations" subframe peaked

on news articled in October 2004, while in the same month U.S. Department of Defense

announced that Taiwan would be viewed as "a liability rather than a partner" if they

decided not to purchase new weapons. The salient issues or agendas aroused by the

interest groups seemly transferred to the news media.

Although the contribution of "national safety" frame in news articles was only

second to the "U.S. influence" frame, not all the frames employed by the MND were

largely observed in news articles. Moreover, the military procurement was still an

ongoing issue as of April 2006, and the budget was still pending in the Legislative Yuan.

In order to achieve their goal and gain the public's support for the arms purchase, the

MND should understand the effect and characteristics of framing and utilize the framing

techniques better. For example, the initial frame had the power to define the problem and

set the range for public discussion (Snow & Benford, 1992). The creation of consecutive

frames was restricted by the discussion range set by the initial ones. The creation of new

frames, however, had the power to incorporate and modify the old frames (Hertog &

McLeod, 2001). With the changes of new salient issues or elements selected by the new

frames, the old may simply fade away over time. The MND should continue to pay

attention to the salient issues in the news media expressed by key involved parties or the

editorial position of the media, and constantly react to them by employing new frames

(Zoch & Molleda, 2006). The effect then may be the achievement of the organizations

goal, having the military procurement budget passed in the Legislative Yuan.









Limitation and Suggestion for Future Study

This study might be limited by the design of the research instruments. Not every

frame established by the researcher before the coding process was identified in news

articles. For instance, the "leave debt to descendant" frame was not identified in any news

article. This may imply that the categories of frames were not mutually exclusive and the

definitions of frames were not clear and distinguishable enough. According to Wimmer

and Dominick (2003), "validity is usually defined as the degree to which an instrument

actually measures what is sets out to measure" (p. 159). Thus, studies might possess little

validity if categories overlap, the definitions used in a content analysis are not adequate,

or the reliability is low. Reliability refers to "the property of a measure that consistently

gives the same answer at different times" (p. 466). Reliability is essential to a content

analysis because it decides whether a content analysis is objective or not. "Reliability is

necessary to establish validity, but it is not a sufficient condition" (p. 60). Although the

research instrument of this study possessed a high inter-coder reliability coefficient, the

validity of the research measurement might not be achieved. Future studies are suggested

to screen carefully the news articles and conduct a pretest for the completeness of frame

categories. Furthermore, the analysis of news articles was only focused on one

newspaper, the United Daily News, which might influence the profile of the news

samples. Further studies are suggested to retrieve the news samples from various sources,

such as other newspapers or electronic media in order to exclude the influence of media

organizations.

This study only find out which frames appeared on both public relations messages

and news articles, but were not able to answer why some frames were adopted by media

while some were not. An analysis of the characteristics of frames, such as the substantive









and affective attributes of the issue or the celebrities appearing within the frames, were

suggested to further studies about the military procurement (Kiousis et al., 2004). In order

to further understand the possible relations among frames, such as the evolution and

opposition of frames, qualitative research methods, such as the in-depth interviews, are

suggested in future studies to find out the framing process conducted by each interest

group. In addition, the conclusions of this study may not able to be generalized and

applied to other cases due to the unique settings of the military procurement, such as the

nation-wide issue and secrecy of national safety.

The military procurement in Taiwan was a nation-wide issue and had a greatly

influence on the nation's financial, economic, political, diplomatic, national safety, and

social welfare conditions. Moreover, many interested groups were actively involved. This

study only focused on the activities of the MND and the comparison of public relations

messages produced by the MND and news articles. Future studies should focus on other

interest groups and the relevant theoretical frameworks. For example, collective action

frames described that frames constructed by activist groups could result in actions and

mobilize social movements (Fine, 1995). In the case of military procurement, activist

groups played as influential actors that aggressively produced competitive frames to

interact with the MND and launched protests to mobilize the publics. Further studies

could focus on the activist groups, analyzing how they constructed frames to mobilize

social movements as well as the interactions with other involved groups, such as the

MND.















APPENDIX A
CODING SHEET-PUBLIC RELATIONS MESSAGES

Item ID

(1) Date

(2) keywords/catchphrase
Love Taiwan
Military balances/unbalances/races
Cross straits relations/peace/development/stability
National/social safety
Self-defense
Advanced weapons
Special/fifteen-years budget
Protection fee
Urgency/necessary
Leave debts to descendant
Reasonable/unreasonable price
Submit a budget
Referendum
Military procurement abuse
Bubble tea
Spendthrift
Threat of China

(3) statistics
0 absent
1 present

(4) salient issues
National security
Social welfare
Education
Economics
International relations









(5) Frames
1. The purpose of military procurement is to maintain relationships between Taiwan
and the United States. (US and Taiwan relationships)
2. The United States attempts to influence Taiwan military procurement. (US
influence)
3. Purchasing weapons from the United States is to pay protection fee to the United
States. (Protection fee)
4. Taiwanese governments employ the issue of military procurement as political
purpose. (Political employment)
5. The policy of military procurement is a professional military necessity.
(Professional military necessity)
6. Military procurement will leave debt to the descendant. (Leave debt to descendant)
7. The budget of military procurement is unrealistic and will cause the financial
problem for Taiwanese governments. (Unrealistic budget)
8. The budget of military procurement will cause the reduction of social welfare and
education budget. (Reduction of social welfare budget)
9. The expense of military procurement is necessary and can boost the development
of economics. (Necessarily military expense)
10. If everyone saves the money of one bubble tea per week, we can raise the money
for military procurement. (Bubble tea)
11. Cross-Taiwan Straits military abilities are dramatically unbalance, and the
possibility of invasion from China has gradually increased. The purpose of
military procurement is to balance the cross strait military ability. (Military ability
unbalance)
12. The military procurement is to prepare the ability of national self-defense and
maintain cross strait peace and safety. (National self-defense)
13. The military procurement leads to the race of military equipment between Taiwan
and China. (Military equipment race)
14. The purchased items of military procurement do not meet Taiwan current need.
(Unnecessary military items)
15. The military procurement is not the priority that Taiwanese governments should
focus currently. (Taiwan government priority)
16. People who love Taiwan should support the military procurement. (Love Taiwan)
99 unidentified















APPENDIX B
CODING GUIDLINE-PUBLIC RELAITONS MESSAGES



1. Date mm/yy

2. keywords/catchphrase
Words or phrases that are emphasized in sentences to give attributes or to
legitimize the reasons or frames that sources use to support their positions.
Categorize the catchphrases or keywords that can be identified as "1;" otherwise,
put it into the category of"0."

3. statistics
If statistics data or figures, such as percentages and rates, can be identified, put it
into the category of present.

4. salient issues
Issues relevant to military procurement that discussed or mentioned in
paragraphs are identified as salient issue. The salient issues might be the reasons
that sources used to support their positions or statements. Put the issues that can
be identified into the category of"l;" otherwise, put it into the category of"0."

5. Frames
Frames of military procurement are the statements of how issue is defined by
inclusion of certain key words. Thoroughly read the whole news article, and
identify the angle used to define the issue of military procurement. Not every
news article can be identified with a frame. If the news article only provides
information, put it into the category of "unidentified." If there are more than one
frame identified in a news article, pick up the one constructed by the main
source.















APPENDIX C
CODING SHEET-NEWS ARTICLES



Item ID

(6) Date

(7) Source
1 Political party
2 Legislators
3 Ministry of National Defense
3 Government officials
4 US
5 Activist groups
9 others

(8) Political affiliation of source
1 Kuomintang
2 Democratic Progressive Party
3 People First Party
4 New Party
5 Taiwan Solidarity Union
6 No Party Solidarity Union
7 Pan-blue
8 Pan-green
9 Unidentified

(9) Attitude of source
0 oppose military procurement
1 support military procurement
9 unclear/neutral

(10) Quotations









(11) keywords/catchphrase
Love Taiwan
Military balances/unbalances/races
Cross straits relations/peace/development/stability
National/social safety
Self-defense
Advanced weapons
Special/fifteen-years budget
Protection fee
Urgency/necessary
Leave debts to descendant
Reasonable/unreasonable price
Submit a budget
Referendum
Military procurement abuse
Bubble tea
Spendthrift
Threat of China


(12) statistics
0 absent
1 present

(13) salient issues
National security
Social welfare
Education
Economics
International relations


(14) Frames
1. The purpose of military procurement is to maintain relationships between Taiwan
and the United States. (US and Taiwan relationships)
2. The United States attempts to influence Taiwan military procurement. (US
influence)
3. Purchasing weapons from the United States is to pay protection fee to the United
States. (Protection fee)
4. Taiwanese governments employ the issue of military procurement as political
purpose. (Political employment)
5. The policy of military procurement is a professional military necessity.
(Professional military necessity)
6. Military procurement will leave debt to the descendant. (Leave debt to descendant)
7. The budget of military procurement is unrealistic and will cause the financial
problem for Taiwanese governments. (Unrealistic budget)
8. The budget of military procurement will cause the reduction of social welfare and
education budget. (Reduction of social welfare budget)









9. The expense of military procurement is necessary and can boost the development
of economics. (Necessarily military expense)
10. If everyone saves the money of one bubble tea per week, we can raise the money
for military procurement. (Bubble tea)
11. Cross-Taiwan Straits military abilities are dramatically unbalance, and the
possibility of invasion from China has gradually increased. The purpose of
military procurement is to balance the cross strait military ability. (Military ability
unbalance)
12. The military procurement is to prepare the ability of national self-defense and
maintain cross strait peace and safety. (National self-defense)
13. The military procurement leads to the race of military equipment between Taiwan
and China. (Military equipment race)
14. The purchased items of military procurement do not meet Taiwan current need.
(Unnecessary military items)
15. The military procurement is not the priority that Taiwanese governments should
focus currently. (Taiwan government priority)
16. People who love Taiwan should support the military procurement. (Love Taiwan)
99 unidentified