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Effect of Model Size on Female Adolescents' Body Images

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PAGE 1

EFFECT OF MODEL SIZE ON FEMA LE ADOLESCENTS’ BODY IMAGE BY KELLEY M. GUDAHL A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ADVERTISING UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2006

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Copyright 2006 by Kelley M. Gudahl

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This document is dedicated to the graduate students of the University of Florida.

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iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank my entire thesis committee for their help during my entire college experience at the Un iversity of Florida. They have helped me through many obstacles thrown my way and thei r help is not unappreciated. I would also like to thank R obert Bolen for his help in the administration of my experiment. He graciously allowed me to use his students to conduct my experiment on. Lastly, I would like to thank my mother fo r all her help throu ghout the course of my thesis. She was a continual supp ort system when I needed it most.

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v TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.................................................................................................iv LIST OF TABLES............................................................................................................vii FIGURE......................................................................................................................... ..viii ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................... ix CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................1 Eating Disorders...........................................................................................................4 Mass Media’s Relationship to Eating Disorders..........................................................8 Theoretical Perspective...............................................................................................11 Social Comparison Theory..................................................................................11 Social Cognitive Theory......................................................................................13 Chapter Summary.......................................................................................................15 2 LITERATURE REVIEW...........................................................................................16 Thinning Images of Women over Time......................................................................16 Gender Differences in Thinness-Promoting Messages...............................................18 How Female’s Weight is presented in the Media.......................................................19 Internalization of the Thin Ideal.................................................................................19 Social Comparison......................................................................................................21 Media’s Depictions of Th inness and their Effects......................................................22 Advertising’s Influence..............................................................................................25 Limitations of Previous Studies and What this Thesis Will Contribute.....................27 3 METHOD...................................................................................................................29 Hypotheses..................................................................................................................30 Operational Definitions..............................................................................................32 Independent Variable...........................................................................................32 Experimental Stimulus........................................................................................34 Why Photographs Were Used.............................................................................36 Questionnaires.....................................................................................................36

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vi Dependent Variables...........................................................................................37 Reliability and Validity.......................................................................................39 Control for Confounding Variables............................................................................41 Experimental Design..................................................................................................42 Subjects................................................................................................................42 The Experiment...................................................................................................43 Analysis...............................................................................................................44 4 RESULTS...................................................................................................................46 Sample........................................................................................................................4 6 Covariates...................................................................................................................46 Hypothesis Testing.....................................................................................................47 Hypothesis One Results.......................................................................................48 Hypothesis Two Results......................................................................................50 Hypothesis Three Results....................................................................................50 Hypothesis Four Results......................................................................................51 Hypothesis Five Results......................................................................................53 5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS......................................................................55 Summary of Results....................................................................................................55 Implications................................................................................................................59 Contributions to Mass Communication Literature.....................................................59 Limitations..................................................................................................................61 Future Research..........................................................................................................62 Conclusions.................................................................................................................63 APPENDIX A EXPERIMENT ADVERTISEMENTS......................................................................65 B QUESTIONNAIRES..................................................................................................77 C STATISTICAL ANALYSIS TABLES......................................................................84 D IRB PROTOCOL AN D CONSENT FORMS............................................................87 LIST OF REFERENCES...................................................................................................93 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...........................................................................................100

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vii LIST OF TABLES Table page 3-1 Coder ratings for model size................................................................................. 34 4-1 Covariate break down of subj ects by experimental condition................................46 4-2 Descriptive statistics of body-focuse d anxiety given internalization tendencies and experimental conditions.....................................................................................48 4-3 Descriptive statistics of body-focuse d anxiety given internalization tendencies and experimental conditions when BMI is used as a covariable..............................49 4-4 Descriptive statistics for body-focuse d anxiety given the differences between ideal and actual state................................................................................................51 4-5 Descriptive statistics for body-focuse d anxiety given the differences between ideal and actual state when BMI is accounted for....................................................52 4-6 Descriptive statistics between ideal and actual state and the different model conditions.................................................................................................................53 4-7 Descriptive statistics for the differe nce between ideal and actual state and the different model conditions when BMI is accounted for...........................................54

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viii FIGURE Figure page 1-1 Social Cognitive Theory Model...............................................................................13

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ix Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Advertising EFFECT OF MODEL SIZE ON FEMA LE ADOLESCENTS’ BODY IMAGE By Kelley M. Gudahl August 2006 Chair: J. Robyn Goodman Major Department: Advertising Over time, the ideal woman that is pres ented in the media has been continually shrinking. The media encourage this ideal through programming that portrays the beautiful and successful heroine as thin. Many researchers ha ve linked the internalization of the thin ideal found in the media to body dissatisfaction and eating disorder symptomology. This internalization leaves a dolescent females constantly pressured to be thin and often leads them to social comparisons. This thesis contributes to the info rmation on the topic by testing how the differences among advertisements containing av erage-size models, thin models or no models at all have affected a young woman’ s body satisfaction. None of the previous experiments dealing with the effect of adve rtising on female adol escents have created their own stimuli to test the differences. The results of this thesis indicate that the body size of models in advertisements targeted to female adolescents is not as in fluential as once thought. These results suggest

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x that some other factor besides model size is to blame for levels of body-focused anxiety in female adolescents.

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1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In a society that values thinness, the ideal woman’s body is decreasing at a fast pace. What once was thought of as beautiful and slender only a few decades ago is now seen as loose and flabby (Bordo, 1993). The continually shrinking ideal woman also has unnatural proportions. The makers of Wonde rBra state that a woman’s proportions should be 36”-24”-36.” By industry st andards, this ideal woman would be simultaneously a size four hips, size two waist, and a size 10 bust (Harrison, 2003, p. 255). While the average American woman is 5’4” and weighs in at 145 pounds (Anorexia Nervosa and Related Eating Disorders [ANRED], 2002), the average American model is 5’10” and weighs 107 pounds (Salvatore, 1999). Even Barbie is 6’0,” 101 pounds, has a 39” bust, a 19” waist, and 33” hips, while the average woman is 5’4,” 145 pounds, has a 36-37 inch bust, a 29-31 inch waist, and 40-42 inch hips (ANRED, 2002). Considering that 90% of girls aged 3-11 had a Barbie at some point in their lives (Hymowitz, 1999), most adolescent females c ould have been influenced by Barbie’s unnatural proportions. Researchers have linked this cultural change to an environment that “may exert intense pressure on some wo men to diet in spite of possible adverse physical and emotional consequences” (Gar ner, Garfinkel, Schwartz, & Thompson, 1980, p. 490). From a very early age, female adolescents are shown that bei ng thin is ideal. The media portray a thin ideal to female adoles cents that weighs 23% less than the average American, an ideal that is only naturally attainable by 5% of the population (Maine,

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2 2000, p. 43). Continually being exposed to this ideal in the media, adolescent females begin to see thinness as the norm and believe it is attainable with enough effort and sacrifice (Kilbourne, 1999). With continual exposure to this ideal, young girls begin to see their bodies as objects and that their bodies are their only real value to society. Physical beauty is how others judge their values (Mar tin & Gentry, 1997). Success or failure at weight control has become a symbol for one’s ability to cont rol one’s life in general (Meyers & Biocca, 1992). The attainment of thinness shows soci ety that when women have the power to gain control over their body, they are cont rolling their social world (Goodman, 2002). Not only are adolescent girl s constantly being pressure d to be thin through the thin ideal being normalized in the media, but also they are facing a time of changes in their own bodies. As an adolescent female’s body matures, weight is gained in the lower torso, hips and thighs. Weight in these areas is seen as a deviation from the cultural ideal of thinness (Rudd & Lennon, 1994; Ballentine & Og le, 2005). Thoughts of not fitting in with the cultural ideal of thinness sometimes may lead to self-alteration attempts in order to be closer to the ideal (K ilbourne, 1999, p 132). In an attempt to become like the ideal, many begin to diet, use laxatives and vomit (Kilbourne, 1999). Not fitting the mediated ideal may lead adolescent females to become dissatisfied with their body image (Harrison, 2000). A fe male adolescent’s body image is more of a mental construct as opposed to an objec tive evaluation of her body (Meyers & Biocca, 1992). This construct defines how female a dolescents think and feel about their own bodies, as well as their reactions to their body in regard to their physical appearance (Muth & Cash, 1997; Morrison, Kalin & Morrison, 2004). Moreover, a female

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3 adolescent’s body image is very unstable and hi ghly responsive to social cues (Meyers & Biocca, 1992, p. 116). Research indicates that four referenc e groups are drawn upon in the construction of a young woman’s body image: the socially represented ideal body, her objective body shape, her internaliz ed ideal body, and her pr esent body image. The so cially represented body ideal is that ideal that is taken from the media and is increasingly thin. This ideal is taken from the cultural standards of beaut y. The objective body imag e is the perceived body image.. The internalized ideal body is composed of a ba lance between the objective body image and the socially represented body ideal (Meyers & Bi occa, 1992). The authors’ research suggests that body imag e is irregular and can “vary with mood, the context of evaluation, and the presence of social cues” (Meyers & Biocca, 1992, p. 116). Although advertisers may not think of body image as elastic, they do understand that exposure to this thin ideal creates a nxiety in female adolescents; and advertisers usually respond by offering solutions to female adolescents’ problems with the purchase of their products (Kilbourne, 1999). For example, if female adolescents buy Neutrogena face wash that is endorsed by Mischa Barton, advertisers imply they will become more like Mischa Barton. It has been said that the “big success story of our entertainment industry is our ability to export insecurity : We can make any woman anywhere feel perfectly rotten about her shape” (Kilbourne, 1999, p. 135). Given that the mediated ideal can infl uence body image and many adolescent girls constantly struggle with their weight and sh ape in order to meet this mediated ideal (Harrison & Cantor, 1997; Clay, Vignoles & Dittmar, 2005; Dittmar & Howard, 2004;

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4 Halliwell & Dittmar, 2004), this thesis will build on the exis ting literature by examining the relationship advertising ha s on adolescent females. Eating Disorders During a time of heavy involvement with the media, an adolescent female’s negative body image can lead to the developm ent of eating disorders (Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002; Smolak & Striegel-Moore, 1996; Heatherton, Mahamedi, Striepe & Field, 1997; Polivy & Herman, 1987; Levine & Smol ak, 1996; Arnett, 1995; Arnett, Larson & Offer, 1995; Steele & Brown, 1995). The deve lopment of eating disorders typically happens during early adoles cence through early adulthood. During this period female adolescents are susceptible to cultural pressures to be thin, and are he avily involved with and influenced by the media (Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). Today, the term eating disorders has come to encompass the three most common eating disorders: anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and binge eating disorder (ANRED, 2002). Research supports that exposure to the thin ideal can bring about the relationship between media exposure and eating disorder symptomology (Meyers & Biocca, 1992; Becker, 2004; Harrison, 1997; Harrison, 2000; Harrison & Cant or, 1997; Stice, SchupakNeuberg, Shaw & Stein, 1994; Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). Anorexia nervosa can be detected when an individual weighs at least 15% less than what is expected for her age and hei ght, and is scared of gaining weight and becoming fat (ANRED, 2002), over exercises, and is very secretive around food (Anorexia Nervosa, 2005). Many anorexics count the calories of ever ything they eat and weigh their food (Eating Disorders, 2006b). A norexics are generally depressed, irritable, and withdrawn (ANRED, 2002).

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5 Bulimia nervosa can be detected when an individual engages in binge eating sessions, followed by extreme methods of wei ght control such as vomiting, fasting, abuse of enemas, laxatives or diuretics, and/or excessive exercising (Bulimia Nervosa, 2005). Other symptoms of bulimia are an extreme concern with weight and level of fitness (Bulimia Nervosa, 2002), and having an ex treme fear of gaining weight (Eating Disorders, 2006b). Weight may be near nor mal or normal unless anorexia is also involved (ANRED, 2002). Binge eating disorder can be detected wh en the individual frequently engages in excessive or uncontrollable i ndulgences of food, consumes food quickly and secretly, snacks all day long, feels guilty about their binges, has a past filled with unsuccessful diets, tends to be depresse d, and is many times obese. Individuals with binge eating disorder do not usually vomit, excessively exercise or use la xatives. They are, however, genetically inclined to weigh more than the th in ideal portrayed in the media. This leads them to diet to lose weight, causing them to be hungry much of the time. Binge eating sessions then occur to alleviat e this hunger. Many times individuals with binge eating disorder eat for comfort, numbing emotional pain (ANRED, 2002). Aside from the symptoms of each type of eating disorder, those suffering from anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa are more likely than normal populations to overestimate their body size (Meyers & Bio cca, 1992). Bulimics were found to overestimate their body by 11.31% as compared with anorexics who overestimated by 5.52%. Bulimics also had a higher desire to be thin than did anorexics – 18.11% as opposed to 4.97% (Touyz, Beumont, Collins & Cowie, 1985).

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6 Eating disorders have been on the rise over the last few decades and have begun to penetrate to other groups beside the traditional young, white, upper middle-class female (Harrison & Cantor, 1997, p. 41). Appr oximately 15% of female high school and college students meet the clinical criteria for having an eating disorder; 4.2% of the respondents had anorexia nervosa and 4 5.2% had bulimia (Lemberg & Cohn, 1999, p. 7). Many women are becoming so thin that they die from their diso rders, leaving eating disorders as the third most common ch ronic illness among women (Kilbourne, 1999). Those who do not seek help have a 20% fatal ity rate. When help is sought out, that number drops to 2-3% (ANRED, 2002). There are five main influences that contribute to the development of eating disorders: biological, psychological, familial, sociological and socio-cultural (ANRED, 2002). These influences are heightened during adolescence because of female adolescents’ preoccupation with appearance and the development of their own identity (Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). Heredity is the main biological influence. People with a family member that ha s suffered from an eating disorder are 12 times more likely to develop anorexia nervosa and four times more likely to develop bulimia than those with no family members having a history of an eating disorder. Research shows that once someone begins starving herself, bi nging, or purging that these behaviors can actually alter brain chem istry and prolong the disorder. It has also been found that some personality types like obsessive -compulsive and sensitive av oidant are more prone to developing an eating disorder (ANRED, 2002). Psychological influences also play a big role in the development of eating disorders. People with eating disorders are many times perfectionists and set unrealistic

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7 goals and expectations for themselves, as well as expecting them in others. They have accomplished many things but still feel like they have failed. Everything to them is one extreme or the other; they see themselves as fat or thin. These i ndividuals do not have a strong sense of identity and are many times angry. They do not know how to release their anger in proper ways and hurt th emselves in the process (ANRED, 2002). Familial influences are also a factor contributing to eating disorders. Many individuals with eating disorder s tend to feel smothered by their overprotective families. Individuals in these families experience high expectations of achievement and success. Daughters of mothers with eating disorders may al so be at a higher risk of developing an eating disorder than are those without moth ers dealing with eating disorders (ANRED, 2002). Daughters many times will begin to model their eating behaviors after those of their mother’s. Furthermore, Dixon, Gill, & Adair (2003) found that adolescent females who had fathers that believed that physical appearance was important were more likely to have daughters that purged to control their we ight. When parents re strict eating, children are at a greater risk to eat when they ar e not hungry (Birtch, Fi sher, & Davidson, 2003). Social factors are also very influential in the development of ea ting disorders. If a female adolescent has friends who are obse ssed with their appearance, the female adolescent may become obsessed with her appe arance as well. These situations can leave the individual feeling pressure to obtain the ideal self. Indi viduals experiencing relationship problems with friends are generally more vulnerable to eat ing disorders. On the exterior these individuals seem to ha ve good relationships w ith their friends, but many times feel as if they do not fit in and that no one truly understands them (ANRED, 2002).

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8 Many researchers also believe socio-cultura l influences are a ma jor contributor to the rise of eating disorders (Becker, 2004; Harrison, 1997; Harris on, 2000; Harrison & Cantor, 1997; Stice, et al, 1994; Thomse n, Weber & Brown, 2002). These researchers point to the media and their models as an in fluence. These models weigh 23% less than the average women and who fall into the we ight criteria for a norexia, (Goodman, 2002, p. 712). It has also been suggested that the media are partially to blame for the rise in eating disorders (Goodman, 2002). Other research suggests that adolescent girls do not use the media as their sole information source about socio-cultural nor ms, but in conjunction with other sociocultural messages that help them create their internalized ideal body image. Internalization of this ideal leads adolescent fe males to attempt to achieve the thin ideal. It is when this goal is not attained that disordered eating begins (Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). Mass Media’s Relationship to Eating Disorders Researchers recognize the relevance of all of the above influences in contributing to the development of eating disorders. However, many believe socio-cultural influences are the most prominent influences on an adolescent females’ eating pathology (Becker, 2004; Harrison, 1997; Harrison, 2000; Harrison & Cantor, 1997; Stice, et al, 1994; Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). Over the last several decades, the increase in eating disorders has been accompanied by a decrease in the ideal body weight seen in the media (Garner, Garfinkel, Schwartz, Thompson, 1980; Wiseman, Gray, Mosimann & Ahrens, 1992). Research has supported that exposure to the thin ideal found in the media lead to a decrease in self esteem (Irving, 1990), we ight satisfaction ( Irving, 1990), body image

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9 (Yamamiya, Cash, Melnyk, Posavac, & Posav ac, 2005); and an increase in unhappiness, anxiety, and neuroticism (Richins, 1991). Stice et al. (1994) supported that the internalization of socio-cultural pressures from the media are related to eating habits when they found results suggesting that women directly model their eating behaviors ba sed on what they see in the media (fasting and purging behaviors). Many times women in the media are shown snacking and eating unbalanced meals (Meyers & Biocca, 1992). Th is ideal body cannot usually be attained with eating practices like these. More support for this inte rnalization of socio-cultura l pressure was found when Anne Becker (2004) studied young women in Fiji before and after the introduction of television into to their culture. Before th e introduction of tele vision and Westernized ways of thinking, the Fijian culture pref erred women with ro bust appetites and body shapes because they exemplified hard wo rk and a high social status. After the introduction of television, Fijian adolescent fe males revealed that they got information on who they should be and where they should be going from television. One respondent was reported saying, “Yes [I do think watching televi sion has affected the way I feel about my body], very much. I have, ah, you know, when I see [people on television] I think that I have to lose weight,” (Becker, 2004, p. 554). Respondents looked to the media for information and tips on how to lose the weight. Respondent s also viewed converting to Westernized ways as a method to position them selves competitively with their peers. After the introduction of television, being overwei ght was seen as a result of being lazy. Reshaping one’s body was done for both peer approval and better employment

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10 opportunities. A dramatic increase in disorder ed eating in Fijian adolescent females was found (Becker, 2004). Magazines also promote the thin idea l image. Women buy and read magazines because they feel that they are a representation of today’s cultur e. They want to be a part of this culture and connect with other women (Maine, 2000). The covers alone tell women that they are not thin enough and need to be thinner in order to be happy. Headlines like “Lose Ten Pounds in Ten Da ys,” “Look Great Naked: Build a Ready-tobe-Bare Body,” and “From Fat to Firm: Get Real Results in 10 Minutes a Day” tell women they are not good enough the way they are (Maine, 2000). These messages become even more important given that adolescents may be the heaviest users of magazines. Standard Rate and Data Service (SRDS) circulation figures indicate that more than 6.5 million adoles cent females read three of the most popular magazines targeted to this age group, spending approximately 13 minutes each day reading them (Tweens, Teens, and Magazines, 2004). Adolescent girls are told how to be a woman from teen magazines and a substa ntial part of becoming a woman involves weight and body shape (Duffy & Gotcher 1996). Indeed, adolescents have reported that magazines influence their ideal body image and shape. Heavy adolescent magazine readers are 2 3 times more likely to diet than their non-readi ng counterparts (Field, Chueng, Wolf, Herzog, Gortmaker, & Co lditz 1999; Ballentine & Ogle, 2005). Upon review of the previous research it ca n be seen that there is a relationship between the media and eating disorder symptomology (Becker, 2004; Harrison, 1997; Harrison, 2000; Harrison & Cantor, 1997; S tice, et al., 1994; Th omsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). This thesis is building on this lit erature by exploring the link between the

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11 idealized image found in the media and its influence on adolescent body image. This thesis is specifically dealing with the in fluence of the thin ideal models found in advertisements targeted to the adolescent female. Theoretical Perspective To study advertising’s influence on body im age, two main theories have been used to explain how women begin to develop body image disturbances and will guide hypothesis development: social comparison th eory and social cognitive theory. Social Comparison Theory In the process of evaluating oneself, so cial comparison theory states that individuals compare themselves to those that they believe hold preferred and desirable social and cultural traits such as physical b eauty and perfection. Th ese individuals then participate in behaviors to reach these ideals (Festinger, 1954, Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). Leon Festinger (1954), who developed soci al comparison theory, says that in order to evaluate our own abilities and/or opi nions we look to others, such as the models found in the media. In Western cultures no one is ever satisfied with the way they are, and end up looking to the media for clues on how they should look. The more important a certain behavior, ability or opinion is to someone, the high er the pressure is to reduce the discrepancies concerning that behavior (Festinger, 1954). Therefore, the more a young adolescent female views images of the thin ideal in the media and wants to be like them, the more she will strive to make herself look like that. Within social comparison theory, there are two different types of comparison targets: universalistic and pa rticularistic. A universalistic comparison is made when one compares herself to a woman she does not know on a specific attribute. For example, an

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12 adolescent female might compare her body sh ape to that of a famous model. A particularistic comparison is made when one compares herself to others that are like herself, for example, a friend (Thomps on, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999; Fesinger, 1954). There are two additional possibilities wh en choosing comparison targets—upward or downward. Downward comparisons are made when one believes herself superior to the comparison target, while upward comparisons are made when she feels inferior in the comparison attribute. An upward comparison w ould be made if this same girl compared her body to a model’s and realized that she wa s bigger than this model. It has been suggested that individuals who make upw ard comparisons are trying to improve themselves on some level, while those who make downward comparisons are engaging in a mechanism of self-enhancement or copi ng (Thompson, et al., 1999; Fesinger, 1954). For example, a downward comparison would be when a female adolescent looks at a classmate and sees that she is thinner than her classmate. Social comparisons tend to be upward when relating to physical appearan ce because female adolescents choose comparison targets to model themselves after from the media (Thompson, et al, 1999; Fesinger, 1954). Given that only 5% of the population ca n reach the ideal body image (Maine, 2000, p. 43), 95% of the populati on is making upward comparisons when comparing themselves to the media.

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13 Social Cognitive Theory The final theory used to guide this thesis is the social cogniti ve theory. Social cognitive theory says that in dividuals are not born with al l their actions and behaviors intact; they must be learned. Behaviors are learned through personal experiences or observations of the actions and consequences of others (Bandura, 1977). This thesis points to the media as the main source to observe. Through the use of a three-part, interdependent model composed of personal, behavioral and environmental factors, the social cognitive theory examines how be haviors are learned (B andura, 2001; Bandura, 2002). Personal factors include cognitive, affective, and biological occurrences; behavioral factors are the act ual behaviors of someone; and environmental factors are the consequences of the learned behavior (Bandur a, 2002). In looking at the media and the thin ideal they portray, people look to the models and learn by observing their behaviors. Figure 1-1: Social Cognitive Theory Model (Bandura, 2002, p. 122)

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14 Observational learning allows us to experience and expa nd our skill sets vicariously by watching other pe ople’s actions and consequen ces for those actions. A lot of our understanding of values and behavior s is taken vicariously through the mass media—what we see, hear and read (Ba ndura, 1977; Bandura, 2002). People take these images from the mass media and make them th eir reality. The greater the internalization of these images, the bigger the social imp act (Bandura, 2002). However, visual messages tend to be more effective in influencing social learning than do the words found in magazines (Bandura, 1977). With observational learning we are able to self-regulate and eval uate the reactions in relation to our own behaviors. Self-re gulation relies on both discrepancy production and reduction. People motivate themselves by se tting goals to be achieved and then they use their resources and knowle dge to attain these goals (B andura, 2002). When dealing with the thin ideal portrayed in the media, adolescent females see the thin ideal portrayed and realize that they do not want to stray from that. They th en participate in behaviors to achieve this goal and reduce discrepancies betw een themselves and the mediated ideal. When individuals engage in observational learning, they are able to reflect upon these observations. In the process of self-refl ection, they are able to “generate ideas, act on them, or predict occurrences from them ,” (Bandura, 2002, p. 124). Four different forms of thought verification ha ve been defined: enactive, vi carious, social and logical. Enactive verification is how well one’s thoughts and results of the t houghts fit together. Vicarious verification is how well one’s thoughts align with others. In social verification people check their thoughts with what others believe. Logical verification is when people check the errors in their line of thinking by analyzing knowledge that is known and what

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15 stems from that knowledge (Bandura, 2002). Th is thesis involves these forms of thought verification by determining that female adol escents observe the ideal models and their behaviors, and then reflect upon their observa tions. In using the media to verify thoughts, the mediated ideals can create a di storted view of reality (Bandura, 1977). Chapter Summary This chapter introduced the main topics that this thesis will discuss. It can be seen that internalization of the continually shrinking mediated ideal can lead to body perception disturbances. This dissatisfaction can lead to the development of eating disorders. Moreover, media, as a socio-cultu ral influence, are thought to be one of the biggest contributors. To he lp study socio-cultural influen ces, both the social comparison theory and the social cognitive theory w ill guide the research investigating the relationship between the mediated ideal a nd a female adolescent’s body image. This thesis is specifically looking at how a model’ s size in advertisements effect adolescents’ body dissatisfaction.

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16 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW This chapter will review the relevant liter ature on the thin ideal portrayed in the media and how that ideal influences fema le adolescents by discussing: the thinning images of these ideals over time, gender differences in thinness-promoting messages, how female adolescents internalize the thin ideal, how they socially compare themselves to these ideals, and how they are affected by the media. This literature review will summarize the material on these subjects in orde r to situate my study within the relevant discourse on the thin ideal a nd to expand on its contribution. Thinning Images of Women over Time Research shows that the mediated ideal image has thinned over time. Garner et al. (1980) conducted a study analyzing 20 y ears (1959 – 1978) of body measurements of Playboy centerfold models and Miss America Pageant contestants. A significant decrease in bust and hip measuremen ts was found through time while waist measurements became larger, suggesting that the curvaceous woman is out and a boxier, less shapely woman is in. For the Miss Amer ica Pageant only, the data showed a decline of approximately 0.28 pounds per year during the duration of the study for contestants and 0.37 pounds per year for winners. Wise man et al. (1992) conducted a follow-up study analyzing Playboy magazine centerfolds from 1979 to 1988 and Miss America Pageant contestants from 1979 to 1985. They found that 69% of the centerfolds and 60% of the Miss America contestants weighed at l east 15% less than their expected weight for

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17 their age and height, qualifyi ng them as anorexic. Throughout history the winners of the pageant weighed consistently less than the average pageant contestant. During the same period, mean weights for the general popul ation actually increas ed by several pounds (Garner, et al., 1980). Silverstein, Perdue, Peterson, and Kelly ( 1986) also supported the notion that the ideal woman portrayed in the media had been shrinking through time. The researchers compared the bust-to-waist ratios of the models found in Ladies Home Journal and Vogue Photos were sampled every four year s beginning in 1901 and ending in 1981. At the beginning of the study, bust measur ements were nearly double the waist measurements. Twenty-five years later, the m ean bust-to-waist ratios were down to 1.1. Although the bust-to-waist ratios have fluctu ated since the beginni ng of the study, they have never again reached the measurements found at the beginning of the analysis. From 1965 until the study’s end in 1981, mean ratio s have averaged approximately 1.3 (Silverstein, et al., 1986). Ba rber (1998) replicated this study and analyzed additional years (1901-1993). Because the results fo r both publications were highly correlated, only data from Vogue was analyzed. His data also supported the continual decline in bust-to-waist ratios from 1901 to 1993 (Barber, 1998). Additionally, Silverstein et al. (1986) conducted a st udy measuring the bust-towaist ratios of the top film actresses from 1932 to 1979 and their results mirrored the trend found by the researchers an alyzing the magazines. The mean bust-to-waist ratio for the ‘40s and ‘50s was 1.34, while the mean ratio for the ‘60s and ‘70s was 1.22. These data support that the curvaceous woman is no l onger as desired as the boxier, less shapely woman (Silverstein, et al., 1986).

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18 Gender Differences in Thinness-Promoting Messages Along with the shrinking of the ideal wo man in the media, Morrison, Kalin, and Morrison (2004) found that female adolescents were exposed to media that contained the thin ideal representation of the body more often than males. In a study by Silverstein et al. (1986), more than 69% of female charac ters on television and only 17.5% of male characters on television were notably thin. Not only was thinness portrayed as attractive and virtuous, obesity was viewed as disgusting and worthy of ridicule. Silverstein, et al. (1986) al so compared weight messages in four popular women’s magazines with weight messages in four popul ar men’s magazines. The results strongly supported that when compared to men’s magazines, women’s magazines contain a greater number of messages telli ng women that they need to be thin (ratio, 63:1). There were also more advertisements and articles about eating in the women’s magazines than in the men’s (ratio, 1407:25). The only category in which men’s magazine messages outnumbered women’s was “alcoholic bevera ges” (Silverstein, et al., 1986). Similarly, Nemeroff, Stein, Diehl, and Sm ilack (1993) also found that there were many more body-related articl es in women’s magazines than in men’s (ratio, 41.85:8.78 per six-month period). For both men and wome n, fashion magazines contained the most body-related articles (Nemero ff, et al., 1993). Compared to men’s magazines, 10.5% more articles and advertisements in women’ s magazines promoted weight loss (Stice, et al., 1994). Not only are adolescent females presente d with more body-related messages than men, but they also react differently to them (Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2004). When presented with the ideal body condition for each gender, adolescent females experienced significantly greater body dissati sfaction compared to their male counterparts. Both

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19 adolescent males and females engaged in a ppearance comparisons after exposure to the ideal; however, adolescent females engaged in a much greater comparison. Overall, the media’s effect is much stronger for females than it is for males. How Female’s Weight is presented in the Media The media encourage this thin ideal through programming that portrays the beautiful and successful heroine as thin (Harrison, 1997). A f it and thin body is symbolic of one’s health and the media portray thinness as a positive characteristic that is due to successful disciplining of the body (Ballentine & Ogle 2005). But having a thin body is not the only quali ty or virtue encompassed by thinness. A study analyzing sitcoms (Fouts & Burggraf 1999) revealed that thinner female characters received more positive comments while heavier female characters received more negative comments; and the thinner th e central character wa s, the more positive comments were made, sending the message to viewers that being thin attracts compliments. Since television’s beginnings, me dia personalities have continued to grow thinner and now more than ha lf fit the criteria for anor exia nervosa (Harrison, 2000, p. 120). Internalization of the Thin Ideal Many studies reveal that the internaliza tion of the thin ideal found in the media can be linked to body dissatisfaction and eating disorder symptomology. When adolescent females internalize the thin ideal, they begin to believe that thin is beautiful and that this beauty is both good and goa l worthy (Dittmar & Howard, 2004; Kilbourne, 1999, Martin & Gentry 1997). Adolescent females are constantly being pressured to be th in. During their adolescence they are chastised for being sexua l, loud, boisterous, big in any sense of the

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20 word, and as having too big of an appetite (Kilbourne, 1999). The pressure and obsession to be thin begins at an ea rly age and has a noteworthy eff ect. Kilbourne (1999) reports that 40-80% of fourth-grade girls are now dieting, and approximately 30% of 12-13 yearold girls are trying to lose we ight through dieting, vomiting, laxatives, or diet pills. Researchers found that 57.6% of adolescent girls had diet ed for weight loss purposes during the week prior to the study (Story, Neumark-Sztainer, Sherwood, Stang, & Murray, 1998). Another study found that dieting 15-year-old girls were eight times more likely to develop an eating disorder than non-dieting 15-year-old girls (Garner & Kearney-Cooke, 1996). French, Perry, Leon and Fulkerson (1995) conducted a study of 1,015 high school girls and found that 11.6% of th em skipped meals, 5.4% used diet pills, and 4.4% vomited to control their weight. Dittmar and Howard (2004) added anothe r dimension to the internalization research when they tested the effects of model size on the internal ization of mediated images and social comparison. Internalizing the thin ideal was show n to be more of a predictor of body-focused anxiety than ge neral social comparison. As expected, exposure to the thin ideal led to a higher level of anxiety than exposure to the averagesize model or the no model condition. Halliwell and Dittmar (2004) also conducted an experiment testing the effect of model size on women’s body-focused anxiety and found that advertising’s impact on body-focused anxiety was dependent on the level of internalization. When ideal models were shown, levels of internalization were high and body-focused anxiety was highest. When either average-sized models or no m odels at all were shown, body-focused anxiety was no different. A major contributing fact or of this study was that it supported the

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21 notion that rather than model attractivene ss, model size was the greatest cause for bodyfocused anxiety. Because weight-related an xiety can lead to unhealthy weight loss practices, the authors thought this to be an important finding (Halliwell & Dittmar, 2004). High internalization of the thin ideal can lead to body dissatisfac tion (Stice & Bearman, 2001). It has been suggested that during adolescence, when a young woman’s body is facing changes that steer her away from the thin ideal, exposur e to the thin ideal is high and their body’s changes lead to dissati sfaction because straying from the ideal is seen as undesirable. Increases in body weight may also lead to pressure from family, peers, and the media to be thin, catalyzing the internalization of the thin ideal and creating a vicious cycle. When Presnell, Be arman, and Stice (2004) tested which risk factors predicted increases in body dissatisf action, they found that only the perceived pressure from peers to be thin had a main eff ect whereas the perceived pressure to be thin from family, significant others, and the media did not significantly predict body dissatisfaction. This study also revealed that as a female’s weight increases so does her body dissatisfaction. Girls were found to be the happiest with their bodies when they were underweight. Social Comparison Internalization of the thin ideal leads female adolescents to socially compare themselves to others (Thompson, et al ., 1999). Morrison, Kalin and Morrison (2004) found that compared to males females were mo re likely to socially compare themselves when evaluating their own body and had lowe r body esteem as opposed to males. Interestingly, body dissatisfacti on did not differ between males and females. What did differ was that males tended to view thei r bodies as thinner than the ideal, whereas females viewed their bodies as larger than the ideal.

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22 Beebe, Hombeck, Schober, Lane, and Ro sa (1996) conducted a correlational study that asked women to identify what physical traits they first noticed when looking at a series of photographs. They were then as ked to read a scenar io in which a woman either over-ate or dieted a nd to evaluate how the women in the photographs felt about these weight fluctuations. Women who put a high emphasis on their own body weight and shape identified those same f eelings in others and were al so more likely to ascribe fat and thin feelings to the women in the photogr aphs. The study partic ipants expected the women in the scenario to feel negative af ter over-eating and pos itively after dieting. Notably, this study implies that when wome n experience extreme body dissatisfaction the social comparison process normalizes the overemphasis on body and appearance concerns (Thompson, et al., 1999). Furthermore, Thompson (1991) conducted a study suggesting a strong link between eating disturbance levels, di ssatisfaction with personal body image, self-esteem levels, and those prone to make social comparisons, and suggested a possible explanation for this link is that the process of comparison produces a threatening situation. Martin and Gentry (1997) found that th e reason for the social comparison also dictated its influence. When self-evaluat ion was the reason for social comparison to advertising models, personal self-perceptions and self-est eem briefly lowered; when subjects compared themselves for self-enha ncement or self-improvement purposes with and that comparison was a downward comp arison, self-assessment of one’s own attractiveness briefly rose. Media’s Depictions of Thinness and their Effects Since it is known that female adolescents with high internaliz ation of media cues and high social comparison tendencies are aff ected by the thin ideal found in the media

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23 (Yamamiya, et al., 2005), magazines increa singly expose them to this ideal through images and content suggesting that fema le success and happiness is dependent on thinness, and thinness is th e preferred state of beauty (Thomsen, McCoy, Gustofson & Williams, 2000). Recognizing this increase, on e study looked at the body-related content of Seventeen magazines (1992-2003) and found two main themes: the making of body problems and the unmaking of body problems (Ballentine & Ogle, 2005). To make body problems, Seventeen promoted acceptable body characteri stics: smooth, trim, toned, tight, long, lean, flat, strong, young, sexy, healthy, clea n, odor-free, and hair -free (such as arm and nipple hair). These characteristics were also promoted in cont ent on what not to be such as in advice columns. To unmake body problems, Seventeen advised girls to go against the mediated body ideal and be happy w ith who they were. Thus, the magazine presented them with ways that resisted cultural pressures to be thin. It is no wonder that adolescent females have problems accepting their bodies as they are when a single magazine that reaches 87% of adolescen t females aged 12-19 contradicts itself (Ballentine & Ogle 2005). This thin ideal is amplified in fash ion and fitness magazines that heavily emphasize body image (Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). Even five minutes of exposure to the thin ideal in these magazines can lead to a more negative body image than non-exposure to the id eal (Yamamiya, et al., 2005) Researchers found that exposure to thin models in magazines led to lower self-esteem, lower weight satisfaction (Irving, 1990), depression, stress, guilt, shame, insecurity, body dissatisfaction (Harrison, 1997, p. 41), unhappiness, anxiety, neuroticism (Richins, 1991), and overestimation of body size (Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). Re searchers also found that adolescent

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24 females showed lower body satisfaction levels immediately after expos ure to this thin ideal. The greater the difference between the perceived self-image and the ideal image, the greater the level of body dissatisfac tion (Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2000). Clay, Vignoles, and Dittmar (2005) c onducted a study comparing adolescent females’ exposure to ultra-thin models and average-size models. After exposure to the ultra-thin models, the adoles cents had higher body dissatisfac tion and lower self-esteem. Contrary to previous studies (Dittmar & Howard, 2004; Halliwell & Dittmar, 2004) supporting the theory that body dissatisfaction and lower self-esteem were temporarily relieved after viewing average-size models Clay and colleagues found no difference in responses after viewing ultr a-thin models or averagesize models (Clay, Vignoles & Dittmar, 2005). Monro and Huon (2005) exposed subjects to the idealized images of women found in magazines and had them complete a visual analog scale ( VAS) assessing their own appearance anxiety and body shame. Exposur e to this ideal led to an increase in body shame and appearance anxiety. S ubjects that highly bought into body objectification showed an increase in app earance anxiety after be ing exposed to the images of thin, idealized women. Th ose who only slightly bought into body objectification still showed an increase in appearance anxiety but it was much smaller. Both groups did not show a significant difference in body shame (Monro & Huon, 2005). Stice et al., (1994) found a direct li nk between media exposure and eating disorder symptomology. Study participants were found to directly model fasting and purging behaviors on what they had seen in the media. The study’s results supported the notion that the internalizati on of socio-cultural pressure s mediates the relationship

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25 between the media and eating habits. Cha nges in eating disorder epidemiology have mirrored changes in the media’s represen tation of women (Harrison & Cantor 1997). Another longitudinal study of the effect of repeated exposure to Seventeen magazine over a 20-month period found that th ere was no long-term effect on increased internalization of the thin ideal, body dissati sfaction, dieting, negativ e affect, or bulimic symptoms (Stice, Spangler & Agras, 2001). Ho wever, adolescents with a greater desire to be thin and higher body di ssatisfaction before the study were found to have a higher negative affect after exposure to the thin ideal To explain the result s, the authors argued that the adverse effect of expos ure to the thin idea l in the media is short lived unless the adolescent female is initially vulnerable, a nd that these vulnerable adolescents are more likely to compare themselves to the thin ideal presented in the media (Stice, Spangler & Agras, 2001). Such comparisons lead adolesce nt females to model their behaviors after what they see in the media. A positive co rrelation was found betw een viewing the thin ideal on television and the be lief of being overweight (M cCreary & Sadava, 1999). And Harrison (2003) has suggested that exposure to these ideals as found on television foster beliefs, attitudes, and ideals matching what is found in the media. Advertising’s Influence As outlined above, the influence of ma gazines and television has been well studied, but few studies focus specifically on advertising’s effect. In one study about advertisements in popular fashion magazines, one group of particip ants was exposed to images of thin models and another group was exposed to body-neutral images. Those exposed to the thin models experienced mu ch greater body dissatisfaction as well as a higher overall negative mood than those exposed to body-neutral images (Hawkins, Richards, Granley, & Stein, 2004). In addition, participants exposed to the thin models

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26 reported lower self-esteem than those in the neutral images. The researchers found that subjects without eating disorder s had a higher interna lization of the thin model than those with eating disorders. Richins (1991) conducted a series of studi es testing the effects of advertising on females. After two focus group interviews, sh e concluded that women do in fact compare themselves to the models found in advertisements. These comparisons left females generating specific body comparisons and feelin g negative after viewing the ads. It was also found that if a female had a specif ic concern about her body, she focused her comparisons on that area in order to reassure herself that she was “not that bad” (Richins, 1991, p. 75). Richins’ second study assessed the extent of these comparisons and suggested that one interpre tation for the negative corre lation between the amount of comparisons made and body satisfaction was that comparisons led to body dissatisfaction. Richins’ third study revealed the effects of these comparisons and posited that women exposed to the attractive ideal in the media were less satis fied with their own attractiveness (Richins, 1991). Monro and H uon (2005) found that women exposed to the thin ideal in both body-related and non-body-re lated product advertisements experienced an increase in body shame and a greate r level of appearance anxiety Meyers and Biocca (1992) showed that watching as little as 30 minutes of television can change one’s body image. They exposed study participants to body-image commercials and neutral-image commercials ai red during three types of programs: primetime drama/comedy, “Star Search” talent comp etitions, and music videos. They found that the participants’ body image fluctuated after brief exposures to a combination of television advertising and programming, im plying that advertising and television

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27 programming foster new desires, needs, and worr ies that can be solved with just the right product. The researchers were pleased to find out that body-image advertising led the female adolescents to actually feel thinner than they normally do. In another study on adolescent body image and advertising, Martin and Gentry (1997) found that both ads and motives for comparisons also affect body image evaluations. When evaluating themselves, part icipants thought they were less attractive after viewing the thin ideal found in advertisements. Wh en self-improvement or selfenhancement was the main reason for comparison, participants’ saw themselves as more attractive through the use of downward comparisons (Martin & Gentry, 1997). Limitations of Previous Studies a nd What this Thesis Will Contribute Many studies have tested how the media affect a woman’s self-evaluation, but only a few studies have focused on advertisin g’s effect. There also has been a limited amount of work on how mode l size affects body satisfacti on levels and even fewer studies on advertising’s specifi c effect on body satisfaction levels. Of more importance to this thesis is that there have been no known studies on the eff ects of model size in advertisements on female adolescents with the same models used for different experimental conditions. This thesis w ill enter the ongoing conversation on the media’s affect on body image by testing how differences in advertisements with average-size models, thin models, or no m odels at all affect a young wo man’s body satisfaction. None of the previous experiments de aling with the effect of adve rtising on female adolescents created their own stimuli to test the differences. Using multiple models to represent different body sizes opens the door to the possibility that exte rnal factors (like attractiveness level and race) could lead to the outcomes of the results. This thesis will use the exact same model for both the thin model and the plus-size model, therefore

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28 eliminating the problems and alternate explana tions associated with the results of the experiment.

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29 CHAPTER 3 METHOD To look at the relationship between me dia images and adolescent body image, a quasi-experimental methodology was undertaken. An experiment in its most basic form involves taking some sort of action and obs erving that action (Babbie, 2002). An experiment is used in an attempt to support a hypothesis (Babbie, 2002). A quasi-experiment differs from a true experiment mainly because a quasiexperiment does not randomly assign subjec ts to experimental groups and the control group (Babbie, 2002). A quasi experiment is us ed when either random assignment is not the most practical assignment me thod or when a control group is not used. This thesis did use a control group, but lacked randomizati on (Campbell & Stanley, 1966). This method was chosen most worthy because subjects we re already divided into three different classroom periods and this was the most feas ible way to divide experimental groups. Since all students were in the same math classes, students were thought to have been somewhat equally distributed between expe rimental conditions. Campbell & Stanley (1966, p. 47) report that a classroom is a “naturally assembled collective.” In any experimental design there are two t ypes of variables: an independent and a dependent. Independent variable s are those variables that ar e the experimental stimulus (i.e., the cause) and the researcher manipulates Dependent variables are the variables the researcher is measuring in terms of the effect This variable is de pendent on changes in the independent variable (Babbie, 2002; Wimmer & Dominick, 1991). With this design,

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30 changes in the dependent variable will be s upported by the differences in the independent variables. To truly test the effects of the independent variable, the researcher must have both experimental and control groups. The experi mental group is the gr oup that recieves the manipulated stimulus. The control group is the group that does not receive the manipulation (Babbie, 2002). To help minimize validity threats in a quasi-experiment, one can control for confounding variables that have previously been shown to be a strong influence on experiment results (Mark & Cook, 1984). A c onfounding variable is a variable that can affect the independent and dependent variable s, making it seem that there is a causal relationship between the two when the results are due to the outside variable (Lurking Variable, 2006). By controlling the confoundi ng variables, an experiment can better support or refute a relationship between th e independent and dependent variables. Hypotheses In reviewing the relevant lit erature, it can be seen that the more one internalizes the thin ideal found in the me dia, the more body-focused anxiety is present (Dittmar & Howard, 2004). Monro and Huon (2005) revealed that the more someone bought into the ideology that the body is an object, the mo re body-focused anxiety they had. These studies have led to the developm ent of the first two hypotheses: H1: There will be an interaction effect between the level of internalization and body-focused anxiety. Those with higher initi al internalization of the thin ideal portrayed in the media who are in the thin model condition will have more bodyfocused anxiety than those with high inte rnalization in either the average or no model condition. H2: The more body-focused anxiety one has, the more likely she is to internalize the mediated ideal.

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31 H1 is suggesting that there will be a tw o by three interaction effect between the internalization level, either high or low, and whether partic ipants were exposed to the control condition, thin model condition or the average size model condition. H2 is suggesting that the more body-focused anxiety a participant has, the more likely she is to internalize the ideal model that is presented in the media. Many studies (Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2004; Yamamiya et al., 2005; Harrison, 1997; Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002; Cla y, Vignoles & Dittmar, 2005; Monro & Huon, 2005) have supported that exposure to this thin, mediated ideal leads to body dissatisfaction. When the effects of diffe rent model sizes were compared to body dissatisfaction levels, it was found that those who were exposed to the thin ideal had higher body dissatisfaction than those exposed to average size models. Dittmar & Howard (2004) and Halliwell & Dittmar (2004) supported that exposure to the average model condition acts as a temporary relief effect of body focus anxiety. These studies have led to hypothesis three: H3: Those exposed to the thin ideal experimental condition will experience greater body focused anxiety than th ose exposed the average, which will experience more body-focused anxi ety than the no model condition. This hypothesis is suggesting that results will show that thos e participants in the thin model condition will experience the highest level of body-focused anxiety. The participants in the average size model condi tion will experience the second highest level of body-focused anxiety and the participants in the control condition will have the lowest level of body-focused anxiety. Richins (1991) reported that those e xposed to highly attractive models experienced less satisfaction with their own bodies. This rese archer concluded that their

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32 actual state of attractiveness is farther away from the ideal presented in the media when viewing highly attractive models. Thomse n, Weber and Brown ( 2000) report that the greater the difference between the perceived se lf-image and the ideal image, the greater the level of body dissatisfaction. Therefor e the following hypotheses were made: H4: Higher body focused anxiety will be ex perienced the greater the difference between the internalized id eal and the actual state. H5: Those in the thin model condition w ill have a greater difference between the internalized ideal and the actual state than those in the average or no model condition. H4 is suggesting that greater the difference between the internalized ideal model and the participant’s actual state, th e higher the level of body-focused anxiety. H5 is suggesting that participants in the thin model condition will have the highest difference between the ideal and actual state. Being exposed to the thin ideal creates a s ituation where the actual state is very different from the idealized model. Operational Definitions Independent Variable This thesis had two independent variable s. The main independent variable that was manipulated was the body size of models in the advertisements. The second independent variable that was accounted for was internalization. The variable being manipulated is the body size of the models presented in the advertisements. Each advertisement presente d to the adolescent female participants contained the same models. The only diffe rence in the advertisements was that model size was manipulated in each advertisement. Ad vertisements either featured thin models, average-size models, or no models. In the control group, advertisements did not contain

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33 any models but instead contained pictures of products typically adve rtised in adolescent female consumer magazines. All models for the advertisements were found in Figure, the New Shape of Fashion, a plus size1 magazine. All models were facing the camera, with long, loose hair. All photographs had at leas t three quarters of the b ody showing. Models were manipulated using Adobe Photoshop to create both the thin mode l conditions and the average model conditions. The models in the series containing plus-s ize models were not altered at all. Models for the series containing the thin mode ls were altered using the design software. Individual body parts were isol ated and individually made thinner so as to make the models appear thin and not just digitally alte red. Thighs, hips and waists were generally altered slightly more than ot her body parts to make the models less curvy and more like the typical thin models found in print adver tisements. Manipulation of models in this fashion was able to control for model’s attr activeness, race, posture, clothing, and the type of shot. Following the research of Cusumano and Thompson (1997), who analyzed the body size of models found in popular magazi nes, the Contour Drawing Rating Scale (Thompson & Gray, 1995) was used to measure the body size of the models to make sure the manipulation created the desired differences The scale is a visual rating scale, one representing the thinnest body size and nine representi ng the largest body size. Cusumano and Thompson found that body size of models in their study ranged from 1.86-4.00 on a nine-point scale. For magazine s targeted to the female adolescent 1 A plus-size magazine is a magazine featuring plus-size models who wear a dress size 12 or higher (Plussize Model, 2006)

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34 population, body sizes ranged from 1.86-3.19. Using this research as a guideline, the researcher tested each model to ensure each was within the 1.86-3.19 range (see Table 1). Table 3-1: Coder ratings for model size Coder A Coder B Mean Rating Standard Deviation Thin Model 1 2.5 22.250.35 Thin Model 2 3 330.00 Thin Model 3 3 330.00 Plus-size Model 1 5 550.00 Plus-size Model 2 6 660.00 Plus-size Model 3 6 55.50.71 Coders from the University of Florid a were recruited and trained to use the Contour Drawing Rating Scale accurately. Coders were instructed to give each model the rating that most resembled the figure in the Contour Drawing Rating Scale. A rating of one represented the thinnest figure, where a rati ng of nine represente d the largest. Half point increments were used if the models were thought to lie betw een figure sizes. Intercoder reliability (Cronbach ’s alpha) was found to be 0.982. The Ideal Body Internalization Scale was used to assess internalization of the mediated ideal. This scale contains 10 que stions measuring agreement with the sociocultural ideal endorsed by the media. The m easure used a five-point Likert scale with one representing strongly agree and five re presenting strongly disagree. Internal consistency has been found to be 0.88, while test-retest reliability was found to be 0.59 (one year) (Thompson, et al., 1999; Stice, Zi emba, Margolis & Flic k, 1996). The author of this thesis found intern al consistency to be 0.859. Experimental Stimulus Model photographs were first scanned in to the computer. Using the digital imaging software Adobe Photoshop, models were isolated from the magazine pages in

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35 which they were found, and were placed in new advertisements designed to resemble advertisements found in typical adolescent magazines ( Teen Seventeen etc.). Research supports that 32% of the conten t in popular teen magazines is dedicated to clothing and fashion (Teens, Tweens, and Magazines, 2004). In reviewing five copi es of different top adolescent female magazines, it was observe d that many of the ads dealt with fashion clothing, shoes and accessories. Magazines we re evaluated on advertisement content. Following the research and observations, the ads created for this thesis featured fashion products. For each series, the advertisements that featured models were for department stores. Two of the ads featuring products we re for shoes and one was for a purse. Each ad’s main focus was the photograph. The ads also contained a headline, copy, and a logo (see Appendix A). Advertisements followed a basic picture-window layout to keep the main focus on the image. Copy was written to f it each ad series. Th e first ad series did not use a separate headline but instead used a large Macy’s logo for the headline. Copy for the first ad series read: First impressions are important. At M acy’s we want to help you make a good one. Our clothing, shoes and accessories allow you to express yourself and make the first impression that you want to make. Headline and copy for the second ad series read: Express Yourself At Fashion Bug we have all the essentials for you to be who you are. We carry girls, juniors, misses, plus-sizes, ma ternity wear, shoes and accessories. Whoever, whatever the occasion, we have you covered at The Bug.

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36 Headline and copy for the third ad series read: Put Your Best Foot Forward At TJ Maxx we offer more than quality, we offer value. We are all about offering you incredibly good deals on high-qualit y products. Visit one of our 930 locations for pure shopping bliss. Why Photographs Were Used There are several reasons th e researcher chose to ma nipulate printed photographs for this experiment. Past research supports th at print photographs were the desired choice for experimentation and worthy of study (C lay, Vignoles & Dittmar, 2005; Cusumano & Thompson, 1997; Dittmar & Howard, 2004; Ev ans, Rutberg, Sather & Turner, 1991; Halliwell & Dittmar, 2004; Harrison & Cantor 1997; Hawkins, et al, 2004; Irving, 1990; Martin & Gentry, 1997). SRDS circulation figur es also reveal that more than 6.5 million adolescent females read three of the most popular magazines targeted to this age group, and spend approximately 13 minutes each da y reading them (Tweens, Teens, and Magazines, 2004). Another reason is that pict ures are open to interp retation. With words alone you are told exactly what to think, but when viewing an image, you can draw your own conclusions. Bandura (1977) has reported th at visual messages are more influential in a social learning situati on as opposed to words alone. Questionnaires Two questionnaires were administered—one before the experimental stimulus and one after. The questionnaire used in this thesis before the experiment tested for internalization of the mediat ed thin ideal. In order to determine how much each participant internalized the thin ideal, the Ideal Body Inte rnalization Scale was used. After exposure to the experimental stimulus, a second questionnaire was distributed. The post-test questionnaire measured dependent variables, confounding

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37 variables, and demographic questions. Qu estions included those in the Body-Image Ideals Questionnaire, the Sociocultural Attit udes Towards Appearance Questionnaire, the Physical Appearance Trait Anxiety Scal e, and the Eating Attitudes Test. The questionnaire also covered age, race, height, and weight questions in order to determine each participant’s body mass index (BMI). Dependent Variables A questionnaire was used to operationalize the dependent variables. This thesis looked at three dependent measures—body image, socio-cultural attitudes and comparison tendencies, and physical state and trait anxiety. The Body-Image Ideals Questionnaire was used to assess each individual’s personal ideal and actual assessment of her own body (Cash & Szymanski, 1995; Thompson, et al., 1999). It ra ted 10 attributes related to weight, appearance, strength, and the importance of each attribute. Inte rnal consistency for discrepancy was 0.75 and internal consistency was 0.82 for importance (Thompson, et al, 1999; Cash & Szymanski, 1995). The ideal scale measured how much each participant differed from the mediated ideal and was measured on a 0-3 Likert scal e, zero representing “exactly as I am” and three representing “very unlike me.” The importance scale measured how important certain qualities were to participants and was measured on a 0-3 Likert scale, zero representing “not important” and three repr esenting “very important.” Example questions on the ideal scale are “My ideal height is” and “My ideal weight is.” Example questions of the actual assessment scale are “How im portant is your ideal height?” and “How important is your ideal weight?” The disc repancy portion of the Body-Image Ideals Questionnaire is calculated by receiving a -1 fo r “Exactly as I am,” +1 for “Almost as I am,” +2 for “Fairly Unlike Me,” and +3 fo r “Very Unlike Me.” The importance portion

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38 is calculated by receiving a zero for “Not Im portant,” a one for “Somewhat Important,” a two for “Moderately Important,” and a three for “Very Important.” To determine the weighted Body Image Ideals score the mean discrepancy score was multiplied by the mean importance score. The Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire (SATAQ) for females was used to assess the awareness and tendency to try to achieve the social standards of beauty. The updated scale by Cusumano and Thompson (1997) was used rather than the original because this version added questions to the original scale to better measure sociocultural attitudes. This version used 21 ques tions and was broken into an awareness section and an inte rnalization section. The aw areness section measures how conscious the female adolescen ts are of the ideal represented in the media. The internalization section measur es how much the female adolescents see the thin ideal woman portrayed in the media and accept it as the norm. The scale was measured on a five-point Likert scale, one representing completely disagree and five representing completely agree. Example questions we re “I would like my body to look like the women who appear in TV shows and movies,” “I believe that clothes look better on women that are in good physical shape,” “I often read magazines and compare my appearance to the female models,” and “In our society, fat people are regarded as attractive.” The authors found the internal c onsistency for the awareness portion of the scale to be 0.83 and 0.89 for the internaliz ation scale (Thompson, et al., 1999; Cusumano & Thompson, 1997). The Physical Appearance Trait Anxiety Scale (PATAS) was used to assess the anxiety related to 16 body parts (Reed, Th ompson, Brannick &Sacco, 1991; Thompson,

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39 et al., 1999). Previous resear chers reported that eight questio ns were weight related and eight were non-weight related. In this thesis, factor analysis replicated previous findings factoring questions into two gr oups, questions that are weight related and questions that are non-weight related (See Appendix C). Qu estions were measur ed on a five-point Likert scale, one representing “Never” a nd five representing “Always.” Sample questions are: “In general I feel anxious, tense, or nervous about my thighs,” “In general I feel anxious, tense, or nervous about my waist,” and “In general I feel anxious, tense, or nervous about my buttocks.” Internal consiste ncy for the trait scale was between .88 and .82. Test-retest reliabilit y was .87 for two weeks. (Thompson, et al., 1999). Reliability and Validity Reliability deals with the consistency of a measure. If a measure keeps yielding the same results, it is reliable. There are th ree types of reliability: test-retest reliability, internal consistency, and inter-coder reliabili ty. Test-retest reliability measures the stability of a measure. Internal consistenc y is how correlated the measure is, and intercoder reliability is whether a measurement syst em yields the same results. For this thesis, the Body-Image Ideals Questionn aire found internal consistency for discrepancy to be 0.82 and 0.87 for importance. Cronbach’s alpha wa s used to test internal consistency in this thesis. The SATAQ was found to have internal consistency of .67 for awareness and .634 for internalization. The Physical Appear ance Trait Anxiety Scale was found to have an internal consistency of 0.89. Validity is whether or not something is ac tually measuring what it is supposed to measure. This is important to make sure th at an extraneous variable is not accounting for changes in the dependent variable (Wimmer & Domini ck, 1991). There are many sources that could cause an experiment to lack internal validity: history, maturation,

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40 testing, instrumentation, selection, mortalit y, and diffusion of treatments. History accounts for changes in the environment betw een the experimental treatment and the observation. Maturation deals with the change s in the subjects duri ng the course of the experiment. This is a problem when dea ling with long-term experiments and a bigger problem when dealing with children. Testing deals with the effects of the pretest on the end results. Instrumentation accounts for ch anges in the measurement instrument during the course of the experiment. Selection deal s with how the sample was selected for use in the study. Mortality deals with when people withdraw from the study. Finally, diffusion of treatment deals with when subjec ts talk with each ot her and figure out the purpose of the study (Cho, 2005). This thesis did not have to deal with the effects history, maturation, testing, instrumentation, or mortality because the experiment was held in one day and a pretest was not use d. Diffusion of treatment might have had a small effect on validity if subjects who partic ipated in the experiment in the morning talked to the participants who were going to participate in the af ternoon. This thesis’ main threat to validity was in its selection pr ocess. Since randomization was not used in this experiment, its results have less internal validity. External validity is how well results of an experiment can be generalized to a larger population (Cho, 2005). If a study lacks exte rnal validity, results cannot be used to project future situations. There are three fact ors to consider to ensure external validity: random sampling, heterogeneous samples so that the experiment can be repeated many times, and choosing samples that are repres entative of the actual population to which results are being generalized to. Because a quasi-experiment lacks randomization of the

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41 sample, it has less valid ity, making it more difficult to dr aw strong conclusions (Mark & Cook, 1984). Control for Confounding Variables In an attempt to help stre ngthen the results of this qua si-experiment, three main confounding variables are being controlled. Confounding variables in this thesis are those variables that have prev iously been shown to be a st rong influence on experiment results (Mark & Cook, 1984). When accounted fo r, these outside sources can be ruled out as a cause of experiment results. In this thesis the confounding variables being accounted for are race, BMI and eating disorder symptomology. Race is an important variable to control. Different races view their bodies and internalize the ideal portrayed in the media differently. For example, Goodman (2002) reported that Latina women are more accepting of their curvy figures and realize that their shapes limit them from attaining the th in ideal. In comparing Anglo women to Latina women, both groups’ ideal body resemble d the ideal found in the media. How the races differed was in how much they intern alized the ideal. Durham (1999) also supported that race impacted how much adoles cent females internalized the thin ideal portrayed in the media. Durham found that the culture in which one was raised in influenced how individuals internalized the mediated ideal. BMI is one way of measuring whether or not an individual is overweight. It is dependent solely upon an individual’s heig ht and weight, and does not account for muscle mass. It is calculated by multiplyi ng the weight in pounds by 705. That number is then divided by the height in inches. Stormer and Thompson (1996) suggested that BMI accounts for a lot of the variance that is typically accompanied with body dissatisfaction.

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42 The Eating Attitudes Test (EAT) was used to assess the symptoms of eating disorders. It is an objective and self reporte d measure used to detect cases of the disease in high-risk populations. The EAT has 26 ques tions and an internal consistency of 0.90. The EAT is one of the most widely used measur es to screen for eating disorders. It was developed to measure the symptoms and c oncerns usually associated with eating disorders. Garner, Olmsted, Bohr & Garfinkel (1982) extrac ted three main factors that the EAT accounted for were dieting, bulimia and food preoccupation, and oral control. The scale is measured on a six-point Likert Scale, ranging from 1 representing “Always” and six representing “Never.” Sample que stions are “I am terrified about being overweight,” “I cut my food into small pieces,” and “I feel extremel y guilty after eating” (Garner, et al., 1982). To score the EAT a ll questions except “I enjoy trying new rich foods” get three points for “Always”, two points for “Usually”, and one point for “Often.” For the question “I enjoy trying new rich foods,” an answer of “Never” earns three points, “Rarely” earns two point s, and “Sometimes” earns one point. Experimental Design This thesis used a posttest only, between -subject quasi-experimen tal design. This thesis used a single-factor manipulation w ith three levels, accounting for the different experimental conditions. Subjects Ninety-three female students from a Florida high school were recruited for participation in this study. Students’ ages ra nged from 14-15 and were in the ninth grade. The students’ self reported ethnicity was 22.45% white, 8.16% black, 47.96% Hispanic, and 13.27% other. Students voluntarily agreed to partake in the study and did not receive any form of compensation for their particip ation. All subjects were in a naturally

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43 assembled collective and an similarity between subjects was assumed because all subjects were in the same grade, in the same class and assumed to be of the same intelligence levels (Campbell & Stanley, 1966). The Experiment Research was performed at a Florida high school. The head teacher gave approval for the experiment to be conducte d. Each participant signed an informed consent form, as well as turned in a signe d parental consent form. Both informed consents were approved by th e University of Florida’s In ternal Review Board. The informed consent and parental consent outli ned the purpose of the research study, what was asked of each participant, time required to complete the study, the risks and benefits associated with the study, compensation, conf identiality, voluntary pa rticipation, right to withdraw, how to obtain results of the study, and contact information. The study was conducted on December 8, 2005. Upon arrival, female students were separated from the male students and told by the head teacher that they were going to participate in a girls-only survey. Since the experiment only pertained to females, the male students were taken to another classroom during the course of the experiment. Each classroom period was a different experimental condition. The first period was the control condition, the second period was the thin m odel condition, and the third period was the average model condition. Participants were then given the internalizat ion test and told to complete it. Participants were told not to discuss their answers to prevent their peers from influencing their answers. After ev eryone completed their surveys, they were collected. Participants were then ex posed to their experimental condition. Each period was a different experimental condi tion. Since classrooms are se en as naturally assembled

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44 collectives (Campbell & Stanley, 1966, p. 47) this method of subject assignment was chosen to be the most appropriate for this study. Participants were shown three different print advertisements for their experimental condition. Each condition varied on whether they contained average-size models, thin models or no models at all. Model series were shown in the same order to each class period. The only instructions they received when being shown the advertisements was to look at the series of advertisements. Ads were projected onto a screen for 60 seconds each. After exposure to the second questionnaire, the experimental survey was pa ssed out. Each student was told not to discuss any of their questionnaire with their peers or discuss a ny portion of the survey while it was out. Students were only allowed to ask questions to the researcher. Questionnaires were completed at the students’ own pace. Analysis SPSS 12.0 was used to analyze the data ANOVA was deemed most appropriate in this analysis because it is used to test the changes in the dependent variables. An ANOVA analysis “breaks down the total variabil ity in a set of data into its different sources of variation” (Wimmer & Domi nick, 1991, pg 241). ANOVA accounts for two types of variance that can occur during an expe riment: systematic and error. Systematic variance is variance that is accounted for by a known factor, where error variance is caused by an unknown factor that is most likely not contro lled by the experimenter (Wimmer & Dominick, 1991). ANCOVA is similar to an ANOVA but it “controls” for the effects of confounding variables. Once the effects of the covariates have on the dependent variables are held constant, then their eff ects will not alter the main effects of the independent variables. With ANCOVA the difference in the dependent variables is

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45 because of changes in the independent variable and not because any confounding variables (Cho, 2005). Accuracy of reported statis tics are reported in confiden ce levels and intervals. The confidence level is the per centage of how certain you are in the statistical projection. The most used confidence levels are 95% a nd 99% confident. (Ba bbie, 2002; Cho, 2005). The confidence interval is the “range of va lues within which a population parameter is estimated to lie” (Babbie, 2002, p.441). For ex ample, at a 95% si gnificance level the researcher is 95% sure that a group means will fit in the given range A 95% significance level was used in this thesis. When testing any hypothesis, a null hypot hesis is also being tested. A null hypothesis “asserts that the statis tical differences or relations hips being analyzed are due to chance or random error” (Wimmer & Dominick, 1991, p. 224). If you fail to reject the null hypothesis means accepting that there are no significant differences in the means for the different groups (Cho, 2005).

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46 CHAPTER 4 RESULTS Sample Ninety-three female adolescent students were used in this experiment. All students were in the ninth grade and taki ng Algebra 1A. Their average age was 14.2 years and their average BMI was 22.71. The National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (2006) report that a normal BMI ranges from 18.5 to 24.9. The student’s self reported ethnicity was 22% White, 8% Black, 47% Hi spanic, and 13% other. The control experimental condition had 30 female adoles cents assigned to it. The thin model condition had 31 female adolescents assigne d to it, and the average-sized model condition had 37 female adoles cents assigned to it. The average EAT score for the sample was 7.2, and the average BMI score was 22.71. Table 4-1: Covariate break down of subjects by experimental condition White Black HispanicOther Average BMI Average EAT Control Experimental Condtion 7117521.24 8.97 Thin Model Experimental Condition 63121023.67 6.87 Average Model Experimental Condition 9418523.18 6.05 Covariates A correlational analysis of the original three projected covariates revealed that BMI was the only effective covariate. BMI was not correlated with the independent variable (model size) and was moderately co rrelated with body-focu sed anxiety, leaving

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47 it as an effective covariate. BMI was statis tically significant (r = -.267; p < .05) and body focus anxiety and BMI was statistically signifi cant (r = .288; p < .01). Analysis revealed that no statistically significant difference between group means of BMI and EAT scores and the experimental condition groups were found (BMI: F = 0.77, df = 2, p = n.s.; EAT: F = 1.92, df = 2, p = n.s.). Analysis revealed that groups were diffe rent based on race (x2 = 41.38, p < .05). Hypothesis Testing In order to test the hypothe ses of this thesis, the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) 11.5 was used fo r analyzing the data. In re view, this thesis’ hypotheses are: H1: There will be an interaction effect between the level of internalization and body-focused anxiety. Those with higher initi al internalization of the thin ideal portrayed in the media who are in the thin model condition will have more bodyfocused anxiety than those with high inte rnalization in either the average or no model condition. H2: The more body focused anxiety one has, the more likely she is to internalize the mediated ideal. H3: Those exposed to the thin ideal experimental condition will experience greater body focused anxiety than th ose exposed the average, which will experience more body-focused anxi ety than the no model condition. H4: Higher body focused anxiety will be ex perienced the greater the difference between the internalized ideal and the actual state H5: Those in the thin model condition w ill have a greater difference between the internalized ideal and the actual state than those in the average or no model condition H1, H3, H4 and H5 were all tested us ing ANOVA and ANCOVA analyses. Correlations were run on H2 to see if variables we re correlated and at what level.

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48 Hypothesis One Results After finding the mean score of the in ternalization measur e (M = 2.62), nearly 50% of participants were considered high inte rnalizers of the thin ideal and 50% as low internalizers of the thin ideal when compared to the rest of the sample. The mean of those in the low internalization categ ory is 2.84, while the mean in the high internalization category in 2.39. Nearly half (49%) of low internalizers were in the thin model experimental condition, while 28% were in the control condition and 23% were in the average size model condition. Of the high in ternalizers 50% were in the average size model condition, 33% were in the control group and 17% were in the thin model condition. Table 4-2: Descriptive statis tics of body-focused anxiety give n internalization tendencies and experimental conditions Group N Mean of BodyFocused Anxiety Std. Deviation Percentage Low Internalization Control Group 132.491.0582 Thin Group 232.971.0749 Average Group 112.990.8823 Total 472.841.03 High Internalization Control Group 152.461.0233 Thin Group 82.150.9617 Average Group 232.430.9250 Total 462.390.94 Total Control Group 282.471.0230 Thin Group 312.761.0933 Average Group 342.610.9337 Total 932.621.01 Overall, subjects reported lower body-focu sed anxiety in the high internalization group. The lowest reported body-focused a nxiety in the low internalization group occurred in the control group (M = 2.49). By contrast, higher means were found in the thin model condition (M = 2.97) and in th e average size model condition (2.99). The lowest body focused anxiety in the high inte rnalization group was in the thin condition

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49 (M = 2.15). Higher means were found in th e average size model condition (M = 2.43) and in the control group (M = 2.46). Two-wa y ANOVA revealed that a significant effect of internalization was found (F = 4.51, df = 1, p < .05). An ANCOVA analysis accounted for the e ffect of BMI as well as the different experimental conditions. Means followed the same pattern as in the ANOVA analysis. The differences in the means are believed to be caused by missing data when computing the BMI for participants. Lowest body-focuse d anxiety in the low internalization group was still found in the control group (M = 2.40) Higher means were once again found in the thin model condition (M = 2.98) and the average size model condition (M = 3.01). In the high internalization group, lowest body-focu sed anxiety was found in the thin model condition (M = 2.32). By cont rast, higher means were found again in the average size model condition (M = 2.47) and the control cond ition (M = 2.50). A significant effect of internalization was not found (F = 2.42, df = 1, p = n.s.). Given the reported results, H1 was not supported. Table 4-3: Descriptive statis tics of body-focused anxiety give n internalization tendencies and experimental conditions when BMI is used as a covariable Group N Mean of BodyFocused AnxietyStd. Deviation Percentage Low Internalization Control Group122.41.04 30.77 Thin Group 182.980.98 46.15 Average Group 93.010.97 23.08 Total 392.811.01 High Internalization Control Group132.51.06 31.71 Thin Group 72.320.91 17.07 Average Group 212.470.9 51.22 Total 412.452.45 Total Control Group252.451.03 31.25 Thin Group 252.790.99 31.25 Average Group 302.640.94 37.5 Total 802.630.98 100

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50 Hypothesis Two Results A Pearson Correlation test revealed th at body focused anxiety is statistically significant, but moderately and negatively corr elated to social comparison tendencies (r = -0.47, p < .05). Given these results, H2 was not supported. Hypothesis Three Results Means showed that the lowest body focused anxiety was found in the control group (M = 2.47). By contrast, higher body focused anxiety was found in the averagesize model condition (M = 2.61) and the highest body focused anxiety in the thin model condition (M = 2.76). ANOVA results revealed no significant e ffect of the experimental conditions (thin model, average size model or control group) (F = 0.58, df = p-value > .05). ANCOVA analysis also reve aled that no significant e ffect of the experimental conditions (thin model, average model or co ntrol group) (F = 0.45, df = 2, p = > n.s.). Results from the ANOVA analysis were replicated. Given the results reported, H4 was not supported. Table 4-4: Descriptive statistic s for body-focused anxiety levels Descriptive Statistics for Body-Focused Anxiety Levels NMean Std. Deviation Std. Erro r Minimu m Maximu m Lower Bound Upper Bound no282.471.020.192.082.8714.63 thin312.761.090.22.363.1614.88 large342.610.930.162.282.9314.25 Total932.621.010.12.412.8214.88 Table 4-4 95% Confidence Interval for Mean

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51 Hypothesis Four Results Using the weighted discrepancy score to account for the differences in ideal and actual state, means revealed that body-focu sed anxiety continually increased as the difference between the ideal and actual states increased. Those particip ants with negative scores had the lowest body-focused anxiety (M = 1.81), followed by those with a 0 – 0.5point difference (M = 2.40), 0.5 – 1-point difference (M = 2.55), and 1 – 1.5-point difference (M = 2.88). By c ontrast, higher body-focused an xiety was found with a 1.5 – 2-point difference (M = 3.26), and a 2 – 3-point differen ce (M = 2.44). Highest bodyfocused anxiety was found in those who had a 3-point or higher difference between the ideal and actual state (M = 3.34). ANOVA resu lts revealed a statistically significant effect of body-focused anxiet y and the difference between id eal and actual state (F = 7.24, df = 6, p < .05). Table 4-4: Descriptive statis tics for body-focused anxiety given the differences between ideal and actual state N Mean Std. Dev. Std. Error 95% Confidence Interval for Mean Minimum Maximum Lower Bound Upper Bound lowest-0 23 1.81 0.86 0.181.442.181 4.63 0-0.5 14 2.4 0.96 0.261.852.961.25 4.25 0.5-1 18 2.55 0.7 0.162.22.891.38 3.88 1-1.5 11 2.88 0.75 0.222.383.381.88 4.25 1.5-2 9 3.26 1 0.332.494.031.38 4.13 2.0-3.0 11 3.44 1.01 0.32.764.121 4.88 3+ 7 3.34 0.56 0.212.823.862.63 4.13 Total 93 2.62 1.01 0.12.412.821 4.88 ANCOVA analysis revealed a significant e ffect of the difference between ideal and actual state and body-focused anxiety when BMI was accounted for in the analysis (F = 5.81, df = 6, p < .05). Means followed the same general pattern as in the ANOVA

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52 analysis. The only difference was that those with a 2 – 3-point difference had the highest body-focused anxiety (M = 3.64) as opposed to t hose with more than a 3-point difference (M = 3.27). The differences in the means are believed to be caused by missing data when computing the BMI for participants. Lowe st body-focused anxiety was found in those who had a negative score (M = 1.85), followe d by those with a 0 – 0.5-point difference (M = 2.35), 0.5 – 1-point differe nce (M = 2.53), and 1 – 1.5-point difference (M = 2.85). By contrast, higher body-focused anxiety was found with a 1.5 – 2-point difference (M = 3.26) and those with more than a 3-point difference (M = 2.26). Highest body-focused anxiety was found in those who had a 2 – 3-poi nt or higher difference between the ideal and actual state (M = 3.64). Given the results reported, H4 was supported. Table 4-5: Descriptive statis tics for body-focused anxiety given the differences between ideal and actual state when BMI is accounted for N Mean Std. Deviation lowest-0 19 1.85 0.9 0-0.5 13 2.35 0.98 0.5-1 15 2.53 0.65 1-1.5 10 2.85 0.78 1.5-2 9 3.26 1 2.0-3.0 8 3.64 0.47 3+ 6 3.27 0.58 Total 80 2.63 0.98

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53 Hypothesis Five Results Means reveal that those in the thin model condition do in fact have a greater difference between the ideal and actual st ate. Those in the thin model condition have the highest difference (M = 1.41) followed by those in the control condition (M = 0.85) and those in the average model condition (M = 0.70). Howe ver, these results are not statistically significant (F = 2.62, df = 2, p = n.s.). Table 4-6: Descriptive statistics between id eal and actual state and the different model conditions N Mean Std. Deviation Std. Error 95% Confidence Interval for Mean Minimum Maximum Lower Bound Upper Bound no 29 0.85 1.250.230.381.33-2.083.7 thin 31 1.41 1.60.290.832-0.336.48 large 35 0.7 1.050.180.341.06-1.093.14 Total 95 0.98 1.330.140.711.25-2.086.48 ANCOVA analysis revealed no statistica lly significant result for the difference between ideal and actual state and the differe nt experiment conditions (F = 1.51, df = 2, p = n.s.). Means continued to show that thos e in the thin model condition had the highest difference between ideal and actual state (M = 2.84) followed by those in the control condition (M = 2.19). Means for the average-size model condition had the lowest difference between ideal and actual state (M = 2.94). The differences in the means are believed to be of caused by missing data when computing the BMI for participants. Given results reported, hypot hesis six cannot be supported.

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54 Table 4-7: Descriptive statistics for the diffe rence between ideal and actual state and the different model conditions when BMI is accounted for Group N Mean Std. Deviation no 26 3.19 1.83 thin 25 3.84 2.13 large 31 2.94 1.79 Total 82 3.29 1.93

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55 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS Summary of Results This thesis presents an attempt to e xplain the relationship between different models’ body size in print a dvertisements and female adolescents’ body images. This thesis set out to uncover effects that advertiser s might not have been fully aware of in the selection of the models used in their advertisements. Ov erall results of this quasiexperiment suggested that any results that were significant were not caused by model size. H1 proposed that there would be an inter action effect between the internalization level and body-focused anxiety. Those with high er initial internalization of the thin ideal portrayed in the media who are in the thin model condition were predicted to have more body-focused anxiety than those in either the average or no model condition. ANOVA results revealed that there was a significant relationship between the mean differences in internalization, the different model conditi ons, and levels of body-focused anxiety. However, H1 was not supported because those subjects in the high in ternalization group actually had lower body focused anxiety than di d those in the low internalization group for all experimental conditions. This goe s against the findings of Monro and Huon (2005) and Dittmar and Howard (2004) who report ed that the more that one buys into the body-as-an-object ideology or internalizes the mediated ideal, the more body focused anxiety one has. These results could ha ve been found for many different reasons. A noteworthy reason that results we re not replicated could be that randomization of subjects

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56 was not used. Another possibl e explanation for the results is that adolescents may be resisting the cultural norms and are less a ffected by the mediated ideals, therefore internalizing them less. As a whole, group means for internalizati on may have been low contributing to results not being statistically significant. ANCOVA analysis revealed th at the significance of the first analysis of H1 was not due to the differences between interna lization and the model conditions, but instead due to the subjects BMI. Researchers (S tormer & Thompson, 1996) have supported that BMI is a main contributor to issues with one’s body, especially body focused anxiety. This finding mirrors what Stormer a nd Thompson (1996) have reported. H2 states that the more body-focused anxiet y one has, the more likely she is to internalize the mediated ideal. Correlati ons from H2 revealed that there was a statistically significant, moderate relationshi p between the tendency for one to socially compare herself and the level of body-focuse d anxiety they have. However, hypothesis three was not supported because results reveal ed that the more one socially compares herself to the ideal that is presented in the media, the lower the level of body focused anxiety she will have. These results are not in line with what past research has found. Dittmar and Howard (2004), Richins (1991), Yamamiya et al. (2005), and Thompson (1991) have all reported data analysis that have supported that the more one socially compares herself to the mediated ideal, th e more body-focused anxiety one has. Again, randomization was not used, and if used, c ould have yielded diffe rent results. One possible explanation of this finding is that the study population was largely Hispanic (47.96%) and better able to resist the effect s of the mediated ideal. Another possible explanation for this finding could be that female adolescent’s reasons for social

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57 comparison are changing. They might not be socially comparing for self-improvement reasons as much anymore, which yielded an increase in body-focus ed anxiety (Martin & Gentry, 1997). H3 states that those exposed to the thin ideal experimental condition will experience greater body focused anxiety than those exposed the average, which will experience more body-focused anxiety than th e no model condition. Results did not find a statistically significant difference between the means of body focused anxiety levels given the different experimental conditions. Analysis revealed that those subjects exposed to the thin model condition reported the highest body-focuse d anxiety of all the experimental conditions. However, because th e analysis is not significant, H4 cannot be supported. Results also did not support th at those subjects in the average model condition would have the lowest body focu sed anxiety as suggested by Dittmar & Howard (2004) and Halliwell & Dittmar ( 2004). When BMI was controlled, results proved to be the same as with ANOVA analysis. These results are not in line with past research. Many studies have supported that exposure to the thin ideal leads to body dissatisfaction (Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2004; Yamamiya et al., 2005; Harrison, 1997; Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002; Clay, Vignoles & Dittmar, 2005; Monro & Huon, 2005) and that the exposure to the average model condition can act as a temporary relief to body-focused anxiety (Dittmar & Howard, 2004; Halliwell & Dittmar 2004). These results could be possibly expl ained by the fact that Americans as a whole are getting fatter (F as in Fat, 2005) and adolescents ar e more exposed to these body images than the mediated ideals. Again, female adolescen ts could be resisting mediated ideals and accepting that not everyone is made to be shaped similar to the mediated ideals.

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58 H4 predicted that the greater the differ ences between the ideal state and the actual state, the more body focused anxiety a fe male adolescent would have given her experimental condition. Results of this analys is were statistically significant. Those subjects with the greater difference between the ideal and actual state had the highest body-focused anxiety. Body-focused anxiety co nsistently decreased as the gap between the ideal and actual state decreased. These findi ngs are in line with past research stating that the greater the difference between the pe rceived self-image and the ideal image, the greater the level of body dissatisfaction (Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). Once BMI was accounted for overall results were duplicated from ANOVA analysis finding statistical significance between the differences in ideal and actual state and body focused anxiety. These findings replicat e previous research has repo rted that satisfaction with one’s body (their actual state) is lowered when viewing the at tractive ideal (i deal state) (Richins, 1991). The greater the difference between the actual and ideal states, the more body-focused anxiety one was thought to have. H5 predicted that those in the thin model condition would have a greater difference between ideal and actual states th an those in the aver age model condition and the control group. Means did reveal that those in the thin mo del condition had the greatest difference between the ideal and actual state, but results were not statistically significant. Therefore, H5 was not supported. Results were replicated in an ANCOVA analysis accounting for the effect of BMI. Possi ble explanations for th e lack of statistical significance to support the means could be th e lack of randomizati on and the relatively small sample size.

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59 Implications These results imply that body size is not as influential to body-f ocused anxiety as first hypothesized. These results suggest that some other factor besides model size is to blame for levels of body-focused an xiety in female adolescents. The findings of this thesis imply that a dolescent females are less affected by the thin mediated ideal to which they are consta ntly exposed. When adolescent females are going through a time of change wh ere their bodies are straying aw ay from this ideal, it is beneficial to know that these ideals are havi ng less negative effect s than in the past. These results suggest that female adoles cent are socially comparing less often and possibly choosing role models based more on a ppearance. If the focus is less on the body and more on substantial issues, society as a whole will benefit. In general, society tends to put the blam e on the media and criticize them for all our problems and imperfections. In particul ar, the media have been criticized for showcasing models that are s ubstantially below the average weight based on their heights and often fit the weight criteria for anorexia These criticisms were made because these models were thought to be so influential in the shaping of one’s body image. This thesis’ results, however, reveal that the ideals used in advertisements may not be as influential as once thought and are unlikely to be a major in fluence on one’s goal-directed behaviors to achieve thinness. Contributions to Mass Co mmunication Literature The results of this thesis contribute to the literature by providing evidence that body size of models in advertisem ents is not as influential as previously thought. Even when the same models are used for both thin model conditions and average model conditions, eliminating many fa ctors that could contribute to the results (such as

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60 attractiveness level, body position, etc.) indicat e that body size alone is not a significant factor in body-focused anxiety. Most resear ch that has tested th e effects of model body size on body focused anxiety has used differe nt models for each condition introducing confounding variables into their studies. Becau se this study uses the same models for experimental conditions, this research is of us e to future researchers in the field of mass communications who wish to expand on this topic. This thesis also contributes to the litera ture by being one of the few studies that was designed to involve the effects of model si ze in advertisements. Since most research on body size has been conducted on the models found in magazines and television as a whole, this study narrows in on a more specif ic influence. Advertisements are viewed differently than the regular content and pr ogramming of magazines and television. This difference is important and contributes inform ation to the field of mass communications. Furthermore, most studies explor ing the topics of body image and body dissatisfaction have dealt with populations othe r than adolescent females. By choosing a study population that has been less explored th an others, the contribu tions of this study increase. This study presents a better understanding of how adolescent female’s body image is affected by the mediated ideal. Finally, the small number of studies that have dealt with the differences in body size have either tested the effects on a dolescents or the effects of models in advertisements but not both (Clay, Vignoles, & Dittmar, 2005; Dittmar & Howard, 2004; Halliwell & Dittmar, 2004). The fact that this thesis presents a first attempt known to this researcher explaining the relationship between the two is a big contri bution to the body of literature.

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61 Limitations There are many limitations associated with the design and results of this thesis. One of the main and most important limita tions is that this thesis did not use randomization of subjects. Without randomi zation, we cannot conclude that results obtained from the experimental conditions we re in fact because of the manipulation. They could be from other outside sources that are not accounted for by this study. Another potential limitation of this thesis is the use of a posttest only design. Because of this, a true equivalency between subjects could not be established before the course of the experiment. This thesis’s population was heavily Hisp anic, which could be another potential limitation. Research has supported that Hispanic s are better able to re sist the effects of the thin ideal portrayed in the media (Goodma n, 2002). This fact also could have led to the findings of this thesis. The subjects’ limited intellectual abilities could also have affected the outcome of the study. During the study, subjec ts often had to ask the rese archer meanings of certain words because the words were not in their everyday vocabulary. Not being able to fully understand what questions were asking may have hindered their ability to truly answer the questions. The fact that all models used in the e xperimental stimuli were not of the same race could have played an important role in how female adolescents internalized the models. Certain races could have been seen as larger than others in a general sense. By having models of different races, potentia l confounding variables are introduced. In using a study population that is largely minor ity, these adolescent females might be more or less accepting of advertisements containing models of different races. In a general

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62 sense, study participants might not pay as clos e attention to advertisements that contain models of a different race than their own. The artificiality of the situation coul d also have limited the effects of the experimental stimuli. Female adolescents do not, under normal circumstances, view advertisements on a projected screen for 60 seconds at a time. The sample size of study subjects in each experimental condition may have produced insignificant results. When the sample is too small, statistical power is lowered. Increasing the sample size is one of the most frequent and accepted ways to increase statistical power (Sta tistical Power, 2006). The fact that a small sample size was used means that any small effects were stat istically undetectable. With a population that has been exposed to a lifetime of thin ideal images, it is likely that experiment results would only have a small effect and this study ’s sample size was too small to pick them up. Future Research This thesis was one of the few studies that has tested the differences in model size on the effects of body-focused anxiety and th e first known to this researcher on an adolescent population. In order to obtain statistically signifi cant results, a true experimental design should be undertaken. This way, results can be projected to the population. In order to explore this topic in more depth, a simpler version of the questionnaire should be designed using vocabulary that is more familiar to the 14 to 15-year-old population. The questionnaire should be pre-test ed on the population that it is going to be used on in order to make sure it is prope rly understood. The ques tionnaire should also

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63 add additional questions that ar e not relevant to the study in or der to help make sure that subjects do not figure out th e purpose of the study. Another major benefit to this area of research would take in to account the differences in the racial make-up of th e study sample. By accurately representing multiple races, researchers would be able to get a better picture on what effects the formation of an adolescent female’s body im age and how big that effect might be. Models used in any future applications of this study should be tested for their recognizability factor. If m odels are well known to subjects, they will know their true body size and recognize when their b ody size has been manipulated. The layouts used in the current study for th e different conditions were similar, but not the same. In the future, layouts for th e control condition should be the same as the layouts for the different model conditions. Additionally, models and the products should all be the same size. The manipulation check of model size s hould also be done by someone the same age as the study population. It is possible that women of differ ent ages view body size differently and this would control for this. Conclusions In conclusion, from the results found in this thesis, it can be suggested that the body size of models in advertisem ents targeted to female adol escents is not as influential as past research has suggested. In order to conclude that results were because of the manipulations, a true experimental desi gn should be undertaken. With a true experimental design, subjects would be ra ndomly placed in experimental groups and results would have more validity.

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64 The findings of this thesis are benefici al to advertisers who are constantly criticized for the harm thei r advertisements do and to the mass media researchers who support that the effects of the media are negative.

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APPENDIX A EXPERIMENT ADVERTISEMENTS Control Condition Advertisements

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77 APPENDIX B QUESTIONNAIRES Internalization Questionnaire I want to know what you think attractive wo men look like. How much do you agree with these statements? 1=strongly agree, 2=somewhat agree, 3=neither agree or disagree, 4=somewhat disagree, 5=strongly disagree 1. Thin women are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5 2. Tall women are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5 3. Women with toned bodies ar e more attractive 1 2 3 4 5 4. Slim women are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5 5. Women who are in shape are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5 6. Slender women are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5 7. Women with long legs are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5 8. Curvy women are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5 9. Shapely women are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5 10. Women who are taller are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5

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78 Experiment Questionnaire Each item on this questionnaire deals with a different physical characteristic. For each characteristic, think about how you would desc ribe yourself as you actually are. Then think about how you wish you were. The diffe rence between the two reveals how close you come to your personal ideal. In some instances, your looks may closely match your ideal. In other instances, they may differ cons iderably. On part A of each item, rate how much you resemble your personal physical idea l by circling a number on the 1-4 scale. On part B of each item, rate how important your ideal is to you by circling a number on the 1-4 scale. 1A. My ideal height is 1=exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am 3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me B. How important to you is your ideal height? 1=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important 4=Very important 2A. My ideal skin complexion is 1=exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am 3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me B. How important to you is your ideal skin complexion? 1=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important 4=Very important 3A. My ideal hair texture and thickness are 1=exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am 3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me B. How important to you is your id eal hair texture and thickness? 1=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important 4=Very important 4A. My ideal facial features (eyes, nose, ears, facial shape) are 1=exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am 3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me B. How important to you is your ideal facial features? 1=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important 4=Very important 5A. My ideal muscle tone and definition is 1=exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am 3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me B. How important to you is your id eal muscle tone and definition? 1=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important 4=Very important

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79 6A. My ideal body proportions are 1=exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am 3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me B. How important to you is your ideal body proportions? 1=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important 4=Very important 7A. My ideal weight is 1=exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am 3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me B. How important to you is your ideal weight? 1=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important 4=Very important 8A. My ideal chest size is 1=exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am 3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me B. How important to you is your ideal chest size? 1=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important 4=Very important 9A. My ideal physical strength is 1=exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am 3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me B How important to you is your ideal physical strength? 1=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important 4=Very important 10A. My ideal physical coordination is 1=exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am 3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me B. How important to you is your ideal physical coordination? 1=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important 4=Very important 11A. My ideal overall physical appearance is 1=exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am 3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me B. How important to you is your overall ideal physica l appearance? 1=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important 4=Very important Circle the number that best reflects your agreement with th e statement. 1=strongly agree, 2=somewhat agree, 3=neither agree or di sagree, 4=somewhat di sagree, 5=strongly disagree

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80 12. I would like my body to look like the wo men who appear in TV shows and movies 1 2 3 4 5 13. I believe that clothes l ook better on women that are in good physical shape 1 2 3 4 5 14. Music videos that show women who are in good physical shape make me wish that I were in better physical shape 1 2 3 4 5 15. I do not wish to look like the female models who appear in magazines 1 2 3 4 5 16. I tend to compare my body to TV and movie stars 1 2 3 4 5 17. In our society, fat people are regarded as attractive 1 2 3 4 5 18. Photographs of physically fit women make me wish that I had a better muscle tone 1 2 3 4 5 19. Attractiveness is very im portant if you want to get ahead in our culture 1 2 3 4 5 20. It is important for people to look attractive if they want to succeed in today's culture 1 2 3 4 5 21. Most people believe that a toned a nd physically fit body improves how you look 1 2 3 4 5 22. People think that the more attractive you are, the better yo u look in clothes 1 2 3 4 5 23. In today's society, it is not im portant to always look attractive 1 2 3 4 5 24. I wish I looked like the women pictur ed in magazines who model underwear 1 2 3 4 5 25. I often read magazines and compare my appearance to the female models 1 2 3 4 5 26. People with well-proportioned b odies look better in clothes 1 2 3 4 5

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81 27. A physically fit woman is admired for her looks more than someone who is not fit and toned 1 2 3 4 5 28. How I look does not affect my mood in so cial situations 1 2 3 4 5 29. People find individuals who are in shape mo re attractive than i ndividuals who are not in shape 1 2 3 4 5 30. In our culture, someone with a well-built body has a better chance at success 1 2 3 4 5 31. I often find myself comparing my physique to that of athletes pictured in magazines 1 2 3 4 5 32. I do not compare my appearance to pe ople I consider ve ry attractive. 1 2 3 4 5 The statements listed below are to be used to describe how anzious, tense, or nervous you feel in general (i.e. usuall y) about your body or specific parts of your body. Please read each statement and circle the number that be st indicates the extent to which each statement holds true in general. 1= never, 2=seldom, 3=sometimes, 4=often, 5=always In genreal I feel anxious, tens e or nervous about 33. The extent to which I look overweight 1 2 3 4 5 34. My thighs 1 2 3 4 5 35. My buttocks 1 2 3 4 5 36. My hips 1 2 3 4 5 37. My stomach 1 2 3 4 5 38. My legs 1 2 3 4 5 39. My waist 1 2 3 4 5 40. My muscle tone 1 2 3 4 5 41. My ears 1 2 3 4 5 42. My lips 1 2 3 4 5 43. My wrists 1 2 3 4 5 44. My hands 1 2 3 4 5 45. My forehead 1 2 3 4 5 46. My neck 1 2 3 4 5 47. My chin 1 2 3 4 5 48. My feet 1 2 3 4 5

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82 Never Rarely Sometimes OftenUsually Always 49. I engage in dieting behavior. 1 2 3 4 5 6 50. I eat diet foods. 1 2 3 4 5 6 51. I feel uncomfortable after eating sweets. 1 2 3 4 5 6 52. I enjoy trying new rich foods. 1 2 3 4 5 6 53. I avoid foods with sugar in them. 1 2 3 4 5 6 54. I particularly avoid foods with carbohydrate content (e.g., bread, rice, potatoes, etc.) 1 2 3 4 5 6 55. I like my stomach to be empty. 1 2 3 4 5 6 56. I think about burning up calories when I exercise. 1 2 3 4 5 6 57. I feel extremely guilty after eating. 1 2 3 4 5 6 58. I am terrified about being overweight 1 2 3 4 5 6 59. I am preoccupied with the thought of having fat on my body. 1 2 3 4 5 6 60. I am aware of the calorie content of foods that I eat. 1 2 3 4 5 6 61. I have the impulse to vomit after meals 1 2 3 4 5 6 62. I vomit after I have eaten. 1 2 3 4 5 6 63. I have gone on eating binges where I feel that I may not be able to stop. 1 2 3 4 5 6 64. I give too much time and thought to food. 1 2 3 4 5 6 65. I find myself preoccupied with food. 1 2 3 4 5 6 66. I feel that food controls my life. 1 2 3 4 5 6 67. I cut my food into small pieces. 1 2 3 4 5 6 68. I take longer than others to eat meals. 1 2 3 4 5 6

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83 Never Rarely Sometimes Often UsuallyAlways 69. Other people think that I am too thin. 1 2 3 4 5 6 70. I feel that others would prefer if I ate more. 1 2 3 4 5 6 71. I feel that others pressure me to eat. 1 2 3 4 5 6 72. I avoid eating when I am hungry. 1 2 3 4 5 6 73. I display self-control around food. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Age____________________________ Race___________________________ Height__________________________ Weight_________________________ THANK YOU FOR YOUR TIME

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84 APPENDIX C STATISTICAL ANALYSIS TABLES The extent to which I feel anxious, tense, or nervous about:12 my stomach0.830 waist0.820.09 my thighs0.770.05 the extent that I look overweight0.740.18 my hips0.730.21 my legs0.70.36 my muscle tone0.580.27 my buttocks0.470.2 my hands0.180.82 my wrists0.130.81 my neck0.350.74 my lips0.250.72 my chin0.180.7 my ears0.070.61 my forehead0.060.56 my feet0.110.54 Factor Analysis Rotated Component Matrix PATAS Components

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85 Source Dependent Variable Type III Sum of S q uaresdf Mean S q uareFSig. groupEAT4.5222.261.630.20 BMI1.0520.531.410.25 race1.5320.760.740.48 ErrorEAT119.30861.39 BMI32.18860.37 race88.50861.03 TotalEAT464.0089 BMI206.0089 race669.0089 EAT123.8288 BMI33.2488 race90.0288aR S q uared = .036 ( Ad j usted R S q uared = .014 ) b R S q uared = .032 ( Ad j usted R S q uared = .009 ) Corrected Total Tests of Between-Subjects Effects (MANOVA) for Differences between Covariates and Ex p erimental Conditions. Source Type III Sum of S q uaresdf Mean S q uareFSig. highlowi4.4614.464.510.04 group0.820.40.40.67 hi g hlowi g 2.121.051.070.35 Error85.91870.99 Total730.3193 Corrected T o 93.4192 Tests of Between-Sub j ects Effects ( ANOVA ) for Bod y Focused aR S q uared = .080 ( Ad j usted R S q uared = .027 ) Source Type III Sum of S q uaresdf Mean S q uareFSig. BMI5.6315.636.340.01 group0.6320.310.350.7 highlowi2.1512.152.420.12 g rou p hi gh 2.1621.081.220.3 Total628.180 Corrected T o 76.179 Tests of Between-Subjects Effects (ANCOVA) for BodyFocused Anxiet y when BMI is accounted fo r aR S q uared = .148 ( Ad j usted R S q uared = .078 )

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86 Sum of S q uaresdf Mean S q uareFSi g Between Gr o 1.1920.590.580.56 Within Gro u 92.22901.02 Total93.4192 Tests of Between-Sub j ect Effects ( ANOVA ) for Bod y -Focused Source Type III Sum of S q uaresdf Mean S q uareFSig. BMI1.5611.562.390.13 BI Q RECO D 22.7563.795.810 Total628.180 Corrected T o 76.179 Tests of Between-Subjects Effects (ANCOVA) for BodyFocused Anxiet y and the Difference between Ideal and Actual aR S q uared = .382 ( Ad j usted R S q uared = .322 ) Sum of S q ua r dfMean S q FSig. Between Gr o 9.0224.512.620.08 Within Gro u 158.4921.72 Total167.4294 Between Sub j ects Effects ( ANOVA ) for the Difference between Source Type III Sum of S q uaresdfMean S q FSig. BMI15.56115.564.430.04 GROUP10.625.31.510.23 Total119082 Corrected T o 300.9881aR S q uared = .091 ( Ad j usted R S q uared = .056 ) Tests of Between-Subjects Effects (ANCOVA) for the Differenc e b etween Ideal and Acutal State and the Different Model

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87 APPENDIX D IRB PROTOCOL AND CONSENT FORMS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA INST ITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD 1. TITLE OF PROTOCOL: Thin Media Ideals Infl uence on Adolescent Females 2. PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Kelley Gudahl; Masters of Advertising student; Department of Advertising; Colle ge of Journalism and Communications; University of Florida; 321-624-5891; kgudahl@hotmail.com 3. SUPERVISOR: J Robyn Goodman, Ph.D.; Assistan t Professor; Department of Advertising; University of Fl orida; 2076 Weimer; 352-392-2704; rgoodman@jou.ufl.edu 4. DATES OF PROPOSED PROTOCOL: September 15, 2005 – May 1, 2006 5. SOURCE OF FUNDING FOR THE PROTOCOL: not funded. 6. SCIENTIFIC PURPOSE OF THE INVESTIGATION: The purpose of this study is to investigate how advertisements with images of thin, average, large or no models influence adolescent females self image. 7. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY: Participants will be recruited for this experiment from a high school in the Orla ndo Metro area. Participants will be placed in three different groups, each receiving a different experimental condition—advertisements with no models, thin models, or plus-size models. Participants will each be exposed to a se ries of three ads. Each ad will be advertising a beauty product to adolescent female consumers. Ads will be viewed from a computer screen. After exposure to the experimental condition, they will be asked to answer a set of questions regarding their body image ideals, sociocultural attitudes towards appearance, and physical appearan ce state and trait anxiety levels. 8. POTENTIAL BENEFITS AND ANTICIPATED RISK: There is no anticipated risk for physical harm from participating in this study that is greater than is experienced in daily life. Psychol ogical risk is also not anticipated to be greater than is experienced in daily life. No direct benefit to participants is expected. Confidentiality will be protected by assigning numbers to all participants that link them to their surv ey answers. Only the experimenter will have access to these numbers. After the experiment is complete, the list linking numbers to names will be destroyed.

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88 9. RECRUITMENT: Approximately 90 female participants will be recruited from Orlando metro area high school classrooms. This study is only applicable to females, so no male participants will or can be used. Participants will be at least 14 years old, with the majority being 14-18 years old. There is no compensation for participation in this study. Your identi ty will be kept confidential to the extent provided by the law. Your information will be assigned a code number. When the study is completed and the data have been analyzed, the list connecting your name to the study will be destroyed. Y our name will not be used in any report. 9. INFORMED CONSENT: Participants will each receive the attached informed consent document, which must be signed by them before participation in the study. Since adolescents will be used in this study, a parental consent document, also attached, must be signed by the parent s/guardians before pa rticipation. When reviewing the informed consent with part icipants certain areas of importance will be emphasized such as: conf identiality, ability to wit hdraw at any time during the study, and the fact that participants do not have to answer any questions that they do not wish to answer. Considering th e area demographics, both an English and Spanish version will be distributed. Principal Investigator Date Supervisor Date I approve this protocol fo r submission to the UFIRB Department Chair Date

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89 Informed Consent Protocol Title: The effects of the media on adolescent consumers Please read this consent document carefully befo re you decide to partic ipate in this study. Purpose of this research study: The purpose of this research study is to exam ine the effects of the media on adolescent consumers. What you will be asked to do in this study: Participants will be randomly assigned to one of three groups. Each group will be given three different advertisements to look at. Ad s will be selling beauty/fashion products that are important to adolescent consumers. After studying the ads, participants will be asked to answer a series of questions about your attitudes about physical appearance, and about your own sense of physical and mental well-bei ng. Participants do not have to answer any questions that they any questi ons they do not wish to answer. Time required: 30 minutes Risks and benefits: There are no perceived risks from participating in this study. There are no direct benefits from participation in this study. These resu lts may not directly benefit you today but may benefit future adolescents by informing them of the risks of exposure to magazine advertisements. Compensation: No compensation will be given fo r participation in this study. Confidentiality: Your identity will be kept confidential to the extent provided by the law. Your information will be assigned a code number. There will not be a way to link your name to any of your responses, so the analysis will be anonymous. Your name will not be used in any report. Voluntary participation: Your participation in this study is complete ly voluntary. There is no penalty for not participating.

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90 Right to withdraw: You and/or your legal guardian have the right to withdraw from this study at anytime without consequence. Results Individual results will only be viewed by th e researcher and the faculty supervisor. Group results will be available upon request. Whom to contact if you have any questions about this study: Kelley Gudahl Experiment Administrator Graduate Studies Department of Advertising College of Journalism and Communications University of Florida kgudahl@hotmail.com 321-624-5891 J Robyn Goodman, Ph.D. Assistant Professor Department of Advertising University of Florida rgoodman@jou.ufl.edu Whom to contact about your rights as a research participant in this study: UFIRB Office Box 112250 University of Florida Gainesville, FL 32611-2250 352-392-0433 Agreement: I have read the procedure described above. I voluntarily agree to participate in the procedure and I have received a copy of this description. Participant___________________________________________Date________________ Principal Investigator___________________________________Date_______________

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91 Dear Parent/Guardian, I am a graduate student in the Department of Advertising at the University of Florida, conducting research on the media’s effect on adolescent consumers under the supervision of Dr. Robyn Goodman. The purpose of th is study is to measure the effect of advertisements on female adolescents by having them answer a series of questions after viewing the ads. The results of this study will help consumers better understand the effects that advertising actually has on a dolescent consumers. These results may not directly help your child today but may benef it future children. With your permission, I would like to ask your child to vo lunteer for this research. Participants will be randomly assigned to one of three groups. Each group of participants will be asked to answer a se ries of questions about attitu des about physical appearance, and about your own sense of physical a nd mental well-being after viewing three advertisements. These advertisements will be selling products that are important to female adolescent consumers. Any questions you do not wish to answer do not need to be answered. The experiment will take approximately 30 minutes. No compensation will be provided for participating in this study. Names will be replaced with code numbers for their use in the study. You and your child have the right to withdraw consent for your chil d’s participation at any time without consequence. There are no known risks or immediate benefits from participation in this study. Group results of this study will be available in May upon request. If you have any questi ons about this research prot ocol, please contact me at kgudahl@hotmail.com, or my supervisor, Dr Goodman, at rgoodman@jou.ufl.edu. Questions or concerns about your child’s rights as a research participant may be directed to the UFIRB office, University of Flor ida, Box 112250, Gainesville, FL 32611, (352) 392-0433. Kelley Gudahl I have read the procedure described above. I voluntarily give my consent for my child, ___________________, to participate in Kelley Gudahl ’s study of the media’s effect on adolescent consumers. I have rece ived a copy of this description. Parent/Guardian_______________________________________Date________________ 2nd Parent/Guardian____________________________________Date________________

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92 Queridas Padres, Soy estudiante graduada en el departamento del anuncio de la Universidad de Florida. Estoy conduciendo una investigacin del efect o de los medios de comunicacin en los consumidores adolescentes debajo de la direccin de Doctora Robyn Goodman. El propsito del estudio es para medir el efecto del anuncios en chicas jvenes. Vamos a preguntarles una serie de preguntas despus de mirar los anuncios. Los resultados del estudio van a auydar a los consumidores comp render mejor los efectos de anuncios en los consumidores adolescentes. Esos resultados pueden ser que no ayuden a sus hijos hoy pero pueden ser que ayuden los nios en el fu turo. Con su permiso, quisiera preguntarles a sus hijos que sean voluntarios para este estudio. Los participantes van a ser asignados al aza r a uno de tres grupos. Cada grupo de participantes le vamos a pedir que contesten una serie de preguntas despus de mirar tres anuncios. Esos anuncios van a vender produc tos que son importante s a chicas jvenes que son consumidores. Algna pregunta que los participantes no se sientan cmodos para contester no tienen que contestarla. El experimento ser treinta minutos aproximadamente. Compensacin no va a se r dado para participacin. Nombres van a cambiar por cdigos para su uso en el estudio. Usted y tu hijo tienen el derecho de reti rar su consentimiento de la participacin al cualquier tiempo sin consecuencias. No hay riesgos o ventajas de participacin en el estudio. Resultados de los grupos del estudi o van a estar disponibl es en Mayo sobre su requestas. Preguntas sobre el protocolo de la investig acin, por favor ponerse en contacto con mi correo electrnico, kgudahl@hotmail.com o mi supervisor Dr.Goodman, rgoodman@jou.ufl.edu Preguntas o preocupaciones sobre los derechos de sus hijos como un participante de la investig acin pueden ser directad as a la oficina de UFIRB, La Universidad de Florida, Caja 112250, Gainesvi lle, Florida 32611, (352) 3920433. Kelley Gudahl Yo he ledo el procedimiento que es de scrito en las lneas anteriores. Yo doy voluntariamente mi permiso para mi hijo, para participar en el estudio de Kelley Gudahl sobre el efecto de los medios de comunicacin en los consumidores adolescentes. Yo he r ecibido una copia de la descripcin. Padre/Guardin Fecha Segundo Padre/Guardin Fecha

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93 LIST OF REFERENCES Anorexia Nervosa. (October 11, 2005). Retrieved February 22, 2006, from http://www.webmd.com/hw/mental_health/hw46499.asp Anorexia Nervosa and Related Eatin g Disorders, Inc. (ANRED). (2002). Retrieved May 26, 2005, from http://www.anred.com Arnett, J.J. (1995). Adolescents’ Uses of Media for Self-Socialization. Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 24(5), 519-533. Arnett J.J., Larson, R., & Offer, D. (1995). Beyond Effects: Adoles cents as Active Media Users. Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 24(5), 511-518 Babbie, E. (2002). The Basics of Social Research. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning. Ballentine, L.W., & Ogle, J.P. (June 2005). The Making a nd Unmaking of Body Problems in Seventeen Magazine, 1992-2003. Family and Consumer Sciences Research Journal, 33(4), 281-307. Bandura, A. (1977). Social Learning Theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc. Bandura, A. (2001). Social Cognitive Theory of Mass Communication. Media Psychology, 3, 265-299. Bandura, A. (2002). Social Cognitive Theory of Mass Communication. In: Media Effects. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Elbaum Associates. Barber, N. (1998). The Slender Ideal and Eating Disorders: An Interdisciplinary “Telescope” Model. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 23, 295-307. Becker, A.E., (2004). Television, Disord ered Eating and Young Women in Fiji: Negotiating Body Image and Identity During Rapid Social Change. Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 28, 533-559. Beebe, D.W., Hombeck, G.N., Schober, A., Lane, M., Rosa, K., (1996). Is Body Focus Restricted to Self-Evaluatio n? Body Focus in the Eval uation of Self and Others. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 20, 415-422.

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94 Birch, L.L., Fisher, J.O., & Davison, K.K ., (August 2003). Learning to Overeat: Maternal Use of Restrictive Feeding Practices Prom otes Girls' Eating in the Absence of Hunger. American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 78(2), 215-20. Bordo, S. (1999). Unbearable Weight: Feminism, Western Culture, and the Body. Berkley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. Bulimia Nervosa. (2002). Retrieved on February 22, 2006, from http://www.edap.org/p.asp?WebPage_ID=286&Profile_ID=41141 Bulimia Nervosa. (October 26, 2005). Retrieved on February 22, 2006, from http://www.webmd.com/hw/heal th_guide_atoz/hw49747.asp. Campbell, D.T., & Stanley, J.C. (1966). Experimental and Quasi-Experimental Designs for Research. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company. Cash, T.F., & Szymanski, M.L. (1995). Th e Development and Validation of the BodyImage Ideals Questionaire. Journal of Personality Assessment, 64(3), 466-477. Cho, C.H. (2005). Quantitative Research Methods. Retrieved February 20, 2005, from http://www.jou.ufl.edu/facu lty/ccho/courses/com6315/ Clay, D., Vignoles, V.L., & Dittmar, H. (2005). Body Image and Self-Esteem Among Adolescent Girls: Testing the Infl uence of Sociocultural Factors. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 15(4), 451-477. Cusumano, D.L., & Thompson, J.K. (1997) Body Image and Body Shape Ideals in Magazines: Exposure, Awarene ss, and Internalization. Sex Roles, 37(9/10), 701721. Dittmar, H., & Howard, S. (2004). Thin-Idea l Internalization and Social Comparison Tendency as Moderators of Media M odels’ Impact on Women’s Body-Focused Anxiety. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology. 23(6), 768-791. Dixon, R.S., Gill, J.M.W. & Adair, V.A. (2003). Exploring Paternal Influences on the Dieting Behaviors of Adolescent Girls. Eating Disorders. 11(1), 39-50. Duffy, M., & Gotcher, J.M., (1996). Cruc ial Advice on How to Get the Guy: The Rhetorical Vision of Power a nd Seduction Teen Magazine YM. Journal of Communication and Inquiry, 20(1), 32-48. Durham, M.G. (1999). Girls, Media, and th e Negotiation of Sexuality: A Study of Race, Class, and Gender in Adolescent Peer Groups. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 76(2), 193-216.

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100 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Kelley Gudahl has lived in Florida her whole life. She was born in Orlando, Florida, and raised in Kissimmee, Florida. She earned her Bachelor of Science in advertising in August 2004. After earning he r Master of Advertis ing degree she plans on working professionally in the advertising field.


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EFFECT OF MODEL SIZE ON FEMALE ADOLESCENTS' BODY IMAGE


BY

KELLEY M. GUDAHL













A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ADVERTISING

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2006

































Copyright 2006

by

Kelley M. Gudahl



























This document is dedicated to the graduate students of the University of Florida.















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank my entire thesis committee for their help during my entire

college experience at the University of Florida. They have helped me through many

obstacles thrown my way and their help is not unappreciated.

I would also like to thank Robert Bolen for his help in the administration of my

experiment. He graciously allowed me to use his students to conduct my experiment on.

Lastly, I would like to thank my mother for all her help throughout the course of

my thesis. She was a continual support system when I needed it most.
















TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S ................................................................................................. iv

LIST OF TABLES ........... .................... ........... ......... .. ................ .. vii

F IG U R E .. ....... ..... .......................... .. ............................................................v iii

ABSTRACT ............... .......................................... ix

CHAPTER

1 IN TR OD U CTION ............................................... .. ......................... ..

E atin g D iso rd ers ................. ...... ... ............................................................... .. 4
M ass M edia's Relationship to Eating Disorders ........................................ ...............8
T h eoretical P ersp ectiv e ................................................................................... 11
Social Com prison Theory ............................................................. ... ............. 11
Social Cognitive Theory ......................................................... .............. 13
C chapter Sum m ary ........................ ...................... ... .... ........ .... ...... 15

2 LITERATURE REVIEW ........................................................................... 16

Thinning Images of Women over Time............................................. ...............16
Gender Differences in Thinness-Promoting Messages.............................................18
How Female's Weight is presented in the Media.....................................................19
Internalization of the Thin Ideal ..................................................................... .. .... 19
Social C om parison........ .............................................. .......................... ......21
Media's Depictions of Thinness and their Effects ............. ....................................22
A dv ertising 's Influ ence ......................... .... ......... ... .. ......................... ...............2 5
Limitations of Previous Studies and What this Thesis Will Contribute...................27

3 M E T H O D .......................................................... ................ 2 9

H ypotheses ................................................. 30
O operational D definition s ..................................................................... ...................32
Independent V ariable........... ...... .................................. ...... .. .... ............... 32
E xperim ental Stim ulus ............................................... ............................. 34
W hy Photographs W ere U sed ........................................ ........................ 36
Questionnaires .................................... ............................... .......36



v









D ep en d ent V ariab les ........................................ ............................................3 7
R liability and V alidity ............................................... ............................ 39
Control for Confounding Variables...................................................................... 41
E xperim mental D design ......................................................................... ................... 42
Subjects ............... ......... ....... ...............42
The E xperim ent ........................ .................... ... ............. ......... 43
A n aly sis ................................................................................................4 4

4 R E S U L T S .............................................................................4 6

S a m p le ................................................................4 6
C o v a rate s .............................................................................4 6
H y p o th e sis T e stin g ............................................................................................... 4 7
H ypothesis O ne R esults................................................................................. 4 8
H hypothesis Tw o R results ......................................... .............. ............... 50
Hypothesis Three Results ........ ....................... .. .. ......... .. .. ........... ... 50
H ypothesis Four R esults......... ................................................... ............... 51
H ypothesis Five R results ............................................................ ............... 53

5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS .......................................................55

Sum m ary of R esults........................................................................................55
Im plications ................... ........................ ..... ........................59
Contributions to Mass Communication Literature ..................................... 59
L im itatio n s ......... .. ....... ...... .............. ......... ......................................... 6 1
Future Research .................... .......................... ......... 62
C o n clu sio n s...............................................................................6 3

APPENDIX

A EXPERIMENT ADVERTISEMENTS ........................................... ............... 65

B Q U E STIO N N A IRE S ......... ......... ......... .......... .......................... ............... 77

C STATISTICAL ANALYSIS TABLES ............................ .................................. 84

D IRB PROTOCOL AND CONSENT FORMS ......... ..........................................87

L IST O F R E FE R E N C E S ......... .. ............. ................................................................93

B IO G R A PH ICA L SK ETCH ............ .................................................... .....................100















LIST OF TABLES


Table pge

3-1 C oder ratings for m odel size ........................................................................ ... 34

4-1 Covariate break down of subjects by experimental condition ..............................46

4-2 Descriptive statistics of body-focused anxiety given internalization tendencies
and experim ental conditions.......................................................... ............... 48

4-3 Descriptive statistics of body-focused anxiety given internalization tendencies
and experimental conditions when BMI is used as a covariable............................49

4-4 Descriptive statistics for body-focused anxiety given the differences between
ideal and actual state ...................... ................ ................. .... ...... 51

4-5 Descriptive statistics for body-focused anxiety given the differences between
ideal and actual state when BMI is accounted for............................................ 52

4-6 Descriptive statistics between ideal and actual state and the different model
c o n d itio n s ......................................................................... 5 3

4-7 Descriptive statistics for the difference between ideal and actual state and the
different model conditions when BMI is accounted for........................................54
















FIGURE

Figure page

1-1 Social Cognitive Theory M odel ........................................ ......................... 13















Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Advertising

EFFECT OF MODEL SIZE ON FEMALE ADOLESCENTS' BODY IMAGE

By

Kelley M. Gudahl

August 2006

Chair: J. Robyn Goodman
Major Department: Advertising

Over time, the ideal woman that is presented in the media has been continually

shrinking. The media encourage this ideal through programming that portrays the

beautiful and successful heroine as thin. Many researchers have linked the internalization

of the thin ideal found in the media to body dissatisfaction and eating disorder

symptomology. This internalization leaves adolescent females constantly pressured to be

thin and often leads them to social comparisons.

This thesis contributes to the information on the topic by testing how the

differences among advertisements containing average-size models, thin models or no

models at all have affected a young woman's body satisfaction. None of the previous

experiments dealing with the effect of advertising on female adolescents have created

their own stimuli to test the differences.

The results of this thesis indicate that the body size of models in advertisements

targeted to female adolescents is not as influential as once thought. These results suggest









that some other factor besides model size is to blame for levels of body-focused anxiety

in female adolescents.














CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

In a society that values thinness, the ideal woman's body is decreasing at a fast

pace. What once was thought of as beautiful and slender only a few decades ago is now

seen as loose and flabby (Bordo, 1993). The continually shrinking ideal woman also has

unnatural proportions. The makers of WonderBra state that a woman's proportions

should be 36"-24"-36." By industry standards, this ideal woman would be

simultaneously a size four hips, size two waist, and a size 10 bust (Harrison, 2003, p.

255). While the average American woman is 5'4" and weighs in at 145 pounds

(Anorexia Nervosa and Related Eating Disorders [ANRED], 2002), the average

American model is 5'10" and weighs 107 pounds (Salvatore, 1999). Even Barbie is 6'0,"

101 pounds, has a 39" bust, a 19" waist, and 33" hips, while the average woman is 5'4,"

145 pounds, has a 36-37 inch bust, a 29-31 inch waist, and 40-42 inch hips (ANRED,

2002). Considering that 90% of girls aged 3-11 had a Barbie at some point in their lives

(Hymowitz, 1999), most adolescent females could have been influenced by Barbie's

unnatural proportions. Researchers have linked this cultural change to an environment

that "may exert intense pressure on some women to diet in spite of possible adverse

physical and emotional consequences" (Garner, Garfinkel, Schwartz, & Thompson, 1980,

p. 490).

From a very early age, female adolescents are shown that being thin is ideal. The

media portray a thin ideal to female adolescents that weighs 23% less than the average

American, an ideal that is only naturally attainable by 5% of the population (Maine,









2000, p. 43). Continually being exposed to this ideal in the media, adolescent females

begin to see thinness as the norm and believe it is attainable with enough effort and

sacrifice (Kilboume, 1999).

With continual exposure to this ideal, young girls begin to see their bodies as

objects and that their bodies are their only real value to society. Physical beauty is how

others judge their values (Martin & Gentry, 1997). Success or failure at weight control

has become a symbol for one's ability to control one's life in general (Meyers & Biocca,

1992). The attainment of thinness shows society that when women have the power to

gain control over their body, they are controlling their social world (Goodman, 2002).

Not only are adolescent girls constantly being pressured to be thin through the

thin ideal being normalized in the media, but also they are facing a time of changes in

their own bodies. As an adolescent female's body matures, weight is gained in the lower

torso, hips and thighs. Weight in these areas is seen as a deviation from the cultural ideal

of thinness (Rudd & Lennon, 1994; Ballentine & Ogle, 2005). Thoughts of not fitting in

with the cultural ideal of thinness sometimes may lead to self-alteration attempts in order

to be closer to the ideal (Kilbourne, 1999, p 132). In an attempt to become like the ideal,

many begin to diet, use laxatives, and vomit (Kilbourne, 1999).

Not fitting the mediated ideal may lead adolescent females to become dissatisfied

with their body image (Harrison, 2000). A female adolescent's body image is more of a

mental construct as opposed to an objective evaluation of her body (Meyers & Biocca,

1992). This construct defines how female adolescents think and feel about their own

bodies, as well as their reactions to their body in regard to their physical appearance

(Muth & Cash, 1997; Morrison, Kalin & Morrison, 2004). Moreover, a female









adolescent's body image is very unstable and highly responsive to social cues (Meyers &

Biocca, 1992, p. 116).

Research indicates that four reference groups are drawn upon in the construction

of a young woman's body image: the socially represented ideal body, her objective body

shape, her internalized ideal body, and her present body image. The socially represented

body ideal is that ideal that is taken from the media and is increasingly thin. This ideal is

taken from the cultural standards of beauty. The objective body image is the perceived

body image.. The internalized ideal body is composed of a balance between the objective

body image and the socially represented body ideal (Meyers & Biocca, 1992). The

authors' research suggests that body image is irregular and can "vary with mood, the

context of evaluation, and the presence of social cues" (Meyers & Biocca, 1992, p. 116).

Although advertisers may not think of body image as elastic, they do understand

that exposure to this thin ideal creates anxiety in female adolescents; and advertisers

usually respond by offering solutions to female adolescents' problems with the purchase

of their products (Kilboume, 1999). For example, if female adolescents buy Neutrogena

face wash that is endorsed by Mischa Barton, advertisers imply they will become more

like Mischa Barton. It has been said that the "big success story of our entertainment

industry is our ability to export insecurity: We can make any woman anywhere feel

perfectly rotten about her shape" (Kilbourne, 1999, p. 135).

Given that the mediated ideal can influence body image and many adolescent girls

constantly struggle with their weight and shape in order to meet this mediated ideal

(Harrison & Cantor, 1997; Clay, Vignoles, & Dittmar, 2005; Dittmar & Howard, 2004;









Halliwell & Dittmar, 2004), this thesis will build on the existing literature by examining

the relationship advertising has on adolescent females.

Eating Disorders

During a time of heavy involvement with the media, an adolescent female's

negative body image can lead to the development of eating disorders (Thomsen, Weber &

Brown, 2002; Smolak & Striegel-Moore, 1996; Heatherton, Mahamedi, Striepe & Field,

1997; Polivy & Herman, 1987; Levine & Smolak, 1996; Arnett, 1995; Arnett, Larson &

Offer, 1995; Steele & Brown, 1995). The development of eating disorders typically

happens during early adolescence through early adulthood. During this period female

adolescents are susceptible to cultural pressures to be thin, and are heavily involved with

and influenced by the media (Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002).

Today, the term eating disorders has come to encompass the three most common

eating disorders: anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and binge eating disorder (ANRED,

2002). Research supports that exposure to the thin ideal can bring about the relationship

between media exposure and eating disorder symptomology (Meyers & Biocca, 1992;

Becker, 2004; Harrison, 1997; Harrison, 2000; Harrison & Cantor, 1997; Stice, Schupak-

Neuberg, Shaw & Stein, 1994; Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002).

Anorexia nervosa can be detected when an individual weighs at least 15% less

than what is expected for her age and height, and is scared of gaining weight and

becoming fat (ANRED, 2002), over exercises, and is very secretive around food

(Anorexia Nervosa, 2005). Many anorexics count the calories of everything they eat and

weigh their food (Eating Disorders, 2006b). Anorexics are generally depressed, irritable,

and withdrawn (ANRED, 2002).









Bulimia nervosa can be detected when an individual engages in binge eating

sessions, followed by extreme methods of weight control such as vomiting, fasting, abuse

of enemas, laxatives or diuretics, and/or excessive exercising (Bulimia Nervosa, 2005).

Other symptoms of bulimia are an extreme concern with weight and level of fitness

(Bulimia Nervosa, 2002), and having an extreme fear of gaining weight (Eating

Disorders, 2006b). Weight may be near normal or normal unless anorexia is also

involved (ANRED, 2002).

Binge eating disorder can be detected when the individual frequently engages in

excessive or uncontrollable indulgences of food, consumes food quickly and secretly,

snacks all day long, feels guilty about their binges, has a past filled with unsuccessful

diets, tends to be depressed, and is many times obese. Individuals with binge eating

disorder do not usually vomit, excessively exercise or use laxatives. They are, however,

genetically inclined to weigh more than the thin ideal portrayed in the media. This leads

them to diet to lose weight, causing them to be hungry much of the time. Binge eating

sessions then occur to alleviate this hunger. Many times individuals with binge eating

disorder eat for comfort, numbing emotional pain (ANRED, 2002).

Aside from the symptoms of each type of eating disorder, those suffering from

anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa are more likely than normal populations to

overestimate their body size (Meyers & Biocca, 1992). Bulimics were found to

overestimate their body by 11.31% as compared with anorexics who overestimated by

5.52%. Bulimics also had a higher desire to be thin than did anorexics 18.11% as

opposed to 4.97% (Touyz, Beumont, Collins & Cowie, 1985).









Eating disorders have been on the rise over the last few decades and have begun

to penetrate to other groups beside the traditional young, white, upper middle-class

female (Harrison & Cantor, 1997, p. 41). Approximately 15% of female high school and

college students meet the clinical criteria for having an eating disorder; 4.2% of the

respondents had anorexia nervosa and 4 5.2% had bulimia (Lemberg & Cohn, 1999, p.

7). Many women are becoming so thin that they die from their disorders, leaving eating

disorders as the third most common chronic illness among women (Kilbourne, 1999).

Those who do not seek help have a 20% fatality rate. When help is sought out, that

number drops to 2-3% (ANRED, 2002).

There are five main influences that contribute to the development of eating

disorders: biological, psychological, familial, sociological and socio-cultural (ANRED,

2002). These influences are heightened during adolescence because of female

adolescents' preoccupation with appearance and the development of their own identity

(Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). Heredity is the main biological influence. People

with a family member that has suffered from an eating disorder are 12 times more likely

to develop anorexia nervosa and four times more likely to develop bulimia than those

with no family members having a history of an eating disorder. Research shows that

once someone begins starving herself, binging, or purging that these behaviors can

actually alter brain chemistry and prolong the disorder. It has also been found that some

personality types like obsessive-compulsive and sensitive avoidant are more prone to

developing an eating disorder (ANRED, 2002).

Psychological influences also play a big role in the development of eating

disorders. People with eating disorders are many times perfectionists and set unrealistic









goals and expectations for themselves, as well as expecting them in others. They have

accomplished many things but still feel like they have failed. Everything to them is one

extreme or the other; they see themselves as fat or thin. These individuals do not have a

strong sense of identity and are many times angry. They do not know how to release

their anger in proper ways and hurt themselves in the process (ANRED, 2002).

Familial influences are also a factor contributing to eating disorders. Many

individuals with eating disorders tend to feel smothered by their overprotective families.

Individuals in these families experience high expectations of achievement and success.

Daughters of mothers with eating disorders may also be at a higher risk of developing an

eating disorder than are those without mothers dealing with eating disorders (ANRED,

2002). Daughters many times will begin to model their eating behaviors after those of

their mother's. Furthermore, Dixon, Gill, & Adair (2003) found that adolescent females

who had fathers that believed that physical appearance was important were more likely to

have daughters that purged to control their weight. When parents restrict eating, children

are at a greater risk to eat when they are not hungry (Birtch, Fisher, & Davidson, 2003).

Social factors are also very influential in the development of eating disorders. If a

female adolescent has friends who are obsessed with their appearance, the female

adolescent may become obsessed with her appearance as well. These situations can leave

the individual feeling pressure to obtain the ideal self. Individuals experiencing

relationship problems with friends are generally more vulnerable to eating disorders. On

the exterior these individuals seem to have good relationships with their friends, but

many times feel as if they do not fit in and that no one truly understands them (ANRED,

2002).









Many researchers also believe socio-cultural influences are a major contributor to

the rise of eating disorders (Becker, 2004; Harrison, 1997; Harrison, 2000; Harrison &

Cantor, 1997; Stice, et al, 1994; Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). These researchers

point to the media and their models as an influence. These models weigh 23% less than

the average women and who fall into the weight criteria for anorexia, (Goodman, 2002, p.

712). It has also been suggested that the media are partially to blame for the rise in eating

disorders (Goodman, 2002).

Other research suggests that adolescent girls do not use the media as their sole

information source about socio-cultural norms, but in conjunction with other socio-

cultural messages that help them create their internalized ideal body image.

Internalization of this ideal leads adolescent females to attempt to achieve the thin ideal.

It is when this goal is not attained that disordered eating begins (Thomsen, Weber &

Brown, 2002).

Mass Media's Relationship to Eating Disorders

Researchers recognize the relevance of all of the above influences in contributing

to the development of eating disorders. However, many believe socio-cultural influences

are the most prominent influences on an adolescent females' eating pathology (Becker,

2004; Harrison, 1997; Harrison, 2000; Harrison & Cantor, 1997; Stice, et al, 1994;

Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). Over the last several decades, the increase in eating

disorders has been accompanied by a decrease in the ideal body weight seen in the media

(Garner, Garfinkel, Schwartz, Thompson, 1980; Wiseman, Gray, Mosimann & Ahrens,

1992). Research has supported that exposure to the thin ideal found in the media lead to a

decrease in self esteem (Irving, 1990), weight satisfaction (Irving, 1990), body image









(Yamamiya, Cash, Melnyk, Posavac, & Posavac, 2005); and an increase in unhappiness,

anxiety, and neuroticism (Richins, 1991).

Stice et al. (1994) supported that the internalization of socio-cultural pressures

from the media are related to eating habits when they found results suggesting that

women directly model their eating behaviors based on what they see in the media (fasting

and purging behaviors). Many times women in the media are shown snacking and eating

unbalanced meals (Meyers & Biocca, 1992). This ideal body cannot usually be attained

with eating practices like these.

More support for this internalization of socio-cultural pressure was found when

Anne Becker (2004) studied young women in Fiji before and after the introduction of

television into to their culture. Before the introduction of television and Westernized

ways of thinking, the Fijian culture preferred women with robust appetites and body

shapes because they exemplified hard work and a high social status. After the

introduction of television, Fijian adolescent females revealed that they got information on

who they should be and where they should be going from television. One respondent was

reported saying, "Yes [I do think watching television has affected the way I feel about my

body], very much. I have, ah, you know, when I see [people on television] I think that I

have to lose weight," (Becker, 2004, p. 554). Respondents looked to the media for

information and tips on how to lose the weight. Respondents also viewed converting to

Westernized ways as a method to position themselves competitively with their peers.

After the introduction of television, being overweight was seen as a result of being lazy.

Reshaping one's body was done for both peer approval and better employment









opportunities. A dramatic increase in disordered eating in Fijian adolescent females was

found (Becker, 2004).

Magazines also promote the thin ideal image. Women buy and read magazines

because they feel that they are a representation of today's culture. They want to be a part

of this culture and connect with other women (Maine, 2000). The covers alone tell

women that they are not thin enough and need to be thinner in order to be happy.

Headlines like "Lose Ten Pounds in Ten Days," "Look Great Naked: Build a Ready-to-

be-Bare Body," and "From Fat to Firm: Get Real Results in 10 Minutes a Day" tell

women they are not good enough the way they are (Maine, 2000).

These messages become even more important given that adolescents may be the

heaviest users of magazines. Standard Rate and Data Service (SRDS) circulation figures

indicate that more than 6.5 million adolescent females read three of the most popular

magazines targeted to this age group, spending approximately 13 minutes each day

reading them (Tweens, Teens, and Magazines, 2004). Adolescent girls are told how to be

a woman from teen magazines and a substantial part of becoming a woman involves

weight and body shape (Duffy & Gotcher 1996). Indeed, adolescents have reported that

magazines influence their ideal body image and shape. Heavy adolescent magazine

readers are 2 3 times more likely to diet than their non-reading counterparts (Field,

Chueng, Wolf, Herzog, Gortmaker, & Colditz 1999; Ballentine & Ogle, 2005).

Upon review of the previous research it can be seen that there is a relationship

between the media and eating disorder symptomology (Becker, 2004; Harrison, 1997;

Harrison, 2000; Harrison & Cantor, 1997; Stice, et al., 1994; Thomsen, Weber & Brown,

2002). This thesis is building on this literature by exploring the link between the









idealized image found in the media and its influence on adolescent body image. This

thesis is specifically dealing with the influence of the thin ideal models found in

advertisements targeted to the adolescent female.

Theoretical Perspective

To study advertising's influence on body image, two main theories have been

used to explain how women begin to develop body image disturbances and will guide

hypothesis development: social comparison theory and social cognitive theory.

Social Comparison Theory

In the process of evaluating oneself, social comparison theory states that

individuals compare themselves to those that they believe hold preferred and desirable

social and cultural traits such as physical beauty and perfection. These individuals then

participate in behaviors to reach these ideals (Festinger, 1954, Thomsen, Weber &

Brown, 2002).

Leon Festinger (1954), who developed social comparison theory, says that in

order to evaluate our own abilities and/or opinions we look to others, such as the models

found in the media. In Western cultures no one is ever satisfied with the way they are,

and end up looking to the media for clues on how they should look. The more important

a certain behavior, ability or opinion is to someone, the higher the pressure is to reduce

the discrepancies concerning that behavior (Festinger, 1954). Therefore, the more a

young adolescent female views images of the thin ideal in the media and wants to be like

them, the more she will strive to make herself look like that.

Within social comparison theory, there are two different types of comparison

targets: universalistic and particularistic. A universalistic comparison is made when one

compares herself to a woman she does not know on a specific attribute. For example, an









adolescent female might compare her body shape to that of a famous model. A

particularistic comparison is made when one compares herself to others that are like

herself, for example, a friend (Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999;

Fesinger, 1954).

There are two additional possibilities when choosing comparison targets-upward

or downward. Downward comparisons are made when one believes herself superior to

the comparison target, while upward comparisons are made when she feels inferior in the

comparison attribute. An upward comparison would be made if this same girl compared

her body to a model's and realized that she was bigger than this model. It has been

suggested that individuals who make upward comparisons are trying to improve

themselves on some level, while those who make downward comparisons are engaging in

a mechanism of self-enhancement or coping (Thompson, et al., 1999; Fesinger, 1954).

For example, a downward comparison would be when a female adolescent looks at a

classmate and sees that she is thinner than her classmate. Social comparisons tend to be

upward when relating to physical appearance because female adolescents choose

comparison targets to model themselves after from the media (Thompson, et al, 1999;

Fesinger, 1954). Given that only 5% of the population can reach the ideal body image

(Maine, 2000, p. 43), 95% of the population is making upward comparisons when

comparing themselves to the media.









Social Cognitive Theory

The final theory used to guide this thesis is the social cognitive theory. Social

cognitive theory says that individuals are not born with all their actions and behaviors

intact; they must be learned. Behaviors are learned through personal experiences or

observations of the actions and consequences of others (Bandura, 1977). This thesis

points to the media as the main source to observe. Through the use of a three-part,

interdependent model composed of personal, behavioral and environmental factors, the

social cognitive theory examines how behaviors are learned (Bandura, 2001; Bandura,

2002). Personal factors include cognitive, affective, and biological occurrences;

behavioral factors are the actual behaviors of someone; and environmental factors are the

consequences of the learned behavior (Bandura, 2002). In looking at the media and the

thin ideal they portray, people look to the models and learn by observing their behaviors.


Figure 1-1: Social Cognitive Theory Model (Bandura, 2002, p. 122)









Observational learning allows us to experience and expand our skill sets

vicariously by watching other people's actions and consequences for those actions. A lot

of our understanding of values and behaviors is taken vicariously through the mass

media-what we see, hear and read (Bandura, 1977; Bandura, 2002). People take these

images from the mass media and make them their reality. The greater the internalization

of these images, the bigger the social impact (Bandura, 2002). However, visual messages

tend to be more effective in influencing social learning than do the words found in

magazines (Bandura, 1977).

With observational learning we are able to self-regulate and evaluate the reactions

in relation to our own behaviors. Self-regulation relies on both discrepancy production

and reduction. People motivate themselves by setting goals to be achieved and then they

use their resources and knowledge to attain these goals (Bandura, 2002). When dealing

with the thin ideal portrayed in the media, adolescent females see the thin ideal portrayed

and realize that they do not want to stray from that. They then participate in behaviors to

achieve this goal and reduce discrepancies between themselves and the mediated ideal.

When individuals engage in observational learning, they are able to reflect upon

these observations. In the process of self-reflection, they are able to "generate ideas, act

on them, or predict occurrences from them," (Bandura, 2002, p. 124). Four different

forms of thought verification have been defined: enactive, vicarious, social and logical.

Enactive verification is how well one's thoughts and results of the thoughts fit together.

Vicarious verification is how well one's thoughts align with others. In social verification

people check their thoughts with what others believe. Logical verification is when people

check the errors in their line of thinking by analyzing knowledge that is known and what









stems from that knowledge (Bandura, 2002). This thesis involves these forms of thought

verification by determining that female adolescents observe the ideal models and their

behaviors, and then reflect upon their observations. In using the media to verify

thoughts, the mediated ideals can create a distorted view of reality (Bandura, 1977).

Chapter Summary

This chapter introduced the main topics that this thesis will discuss. It can be seen

that internalization of the continually shrinking mediated ideal can lead to body

perception disturbances. This dissatisfaction can lead to the development of eating

disorders. Moreover, media, as a socio-cultural influence, are thought to be one of the

biggest contributors. To help study socio-cultural influences, both the social comparison

theory and the social cognitive theory will guide the research investigating the

relationship between the mediated ideal and a female adolescent's body image. This

thesis is specifically looking at how a model's size in advertisements effect adolescents'

body dissatisfaction.














CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter will review the relevant literature on the thin ideal portrayed in the

media and how that ideal influences female adolescents by discussing: the thinning

images of these ideals over time, gender differences in thinness-promoting messages,

how female adolescents internalize the thin ideal, how they socially compare themselves

to these ideals, and how they are affected by the media. This literature review will

summarize the material on these subjects in order to situate my study within the relevant

discourse on the thin ideal and to expand on its contribution.

Thinning Images of Women over Time


Research shows that the mediated ideal image has thinned over time. Garner et

al. (1980) conducted a study analyzing 20 years (1959 1978) of body measurements of

Playboy centerfold models and Miss America Pageant contestants. A significant

decrease in bust and hip measurements was found through time while waist

measurements became larger, suggesting that the curvaceous woman is out and a boxier,

less shapely woman is in. For the Miss America Pageant only, the data showed a decline

of approximately 0.28 pounds per year during the duration of the study for contestants

and 0.37 pounds per year for winners. Wiseman et al. (1992) conducted a follow-up

study analyzing Playboy magazine centerfolds from 1979 to 1988 and Miss America

Pageant contestants from 1979 to 1985. They found that 69% of the centerfolds and 60%

of the Miss America contestants weighed at least 15% less than their expected weight for









their age and height, qualifying them as anorexic. Throughout history the winners of the

pageant weighed consistently less than the average pageant contestant. During the same

period, mean weights for the general population actually increased by several pounds

(Garner, et al., 1980).

Silverstein, Perdue, Peterson, and Kelly (1986) also supported the notion that the

ideal woman portrayed in the media had been shrinking through time. The researchers

compared the bust-to-waist ratios of the models found in Ladies Home Journal and

Vogue. Photos were sampled every four years beginning in 1901 and ending in 1981. At

the beginning of the study, bust measurements were nearly double the waist

measurements. Twenty-five years later, the mean bust-to-waist ratios were down to 1.1.

Although the bust-to-waist ratios have fluctuated since the beginning of the study, they

have never again reached the measurements found at the beginning of the analysis. From

1965 until the study's end in 1981, mean ratios have averaged approximately 1.3

(Silverstein, et al., 1986). Barber (1998) replicated this study and analyzed additional

years (1901-1993). Because the results for both publications were highly correlated,

only data from Vogue was analyzed. His data also supported the continual decline in

bust-to-waist ratios from 1901 to 1993 (Barber, 1998).

Additionally, Silverstein et al. (1986) conducted a study measuring the bust-to-

waist ratios of the top film actresses from 1932 to 1979 and their results mirrored the

trend found by the researchers analyzing the magazines. The mean bust-to-waist ratio for

the '40s and '50s was 1.34, while the mean ratio for the '60s and '70s was 1.22. These

data support that the curvaceous woman is no longer as desired as the boxier, less shapely

woman (Silverstein, et al., 1986).









Gender Differences in Thinness-Promoting Messages

Along with the shrinking of the ideal woman in the media, Morrison, Kalin, and

Morrison (2004) found that female adolescents were exposed to media that contained the

thin ideal representation of the body more often than males. In a study by Silverstein et

al. (1986), more than 69% of female characters on television and only 17.5% of male

characters on television were notably thin. Not only was thinness portrayed as attractive

and virtuous, obesity was viewed as disgusting and worthy of ridicule.

Silverstein, et al. (1986) also compared weight messages in four popular women's

magazines with weight messages in four popular men's magazines. The results strongly

supported that when compared to men's magazines, women's magazines contain a

greater number of messages telling women that they need to be thin (ratio, 63:1). There

were also more advertisements and articles about eating in the women's magazines than

in the men's (ratio, 1407:25). The only category in which men's magazine messages

outnumbered women's was "alcoholic beverages" (Silverstein, et al., 1986).

Similarly, Nemeroff, Stein, Diehl, and Smilack (1993) also found that there were

many more body-related articles in women's magazines than in men's (ratio, 41.85:8.78

per six-month period). For both men and women, fashion magazines contained the most

body-related articles (Nemeroff, et al., 1993). Compared to men's magazines, 10.5%

more articles and advertisements in women's magazines promoted weight loss (Stice, et

al., 1994).

Not only are adolescent females presented with more body-related messages than

men, but they also react differently to them (Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2004). When

presented with the ideal body condition for each gender, adolescent females experienced

significantly greater body dissatisfaction compared to their male counterparts. Both









adolescent males and females engaged in appearance comparisons after exposure to the

ideal; however, adolescent females engaged in a much greater comparison. Overall, the

media's effect is much stronger for females than it is for males.

How Female's Weight is presented in the Media

The media encourage this thin ideal through programming that portrays the

beautiful and successful heroine as thin (Harrison, 1997). A fit and thin body is symbolic

of one's health and the media portray thinness as a positive characteristic that is due to

successful disciplining of the body (Ballentine & Ogle 2005).

But having a thin body is not the only quality or virtue encompassed by thinness.

A study analyzing sitcoms (Fouts & Burggraf, 1999) revealed that thinner female

characters received more positive comments while heavier female characters received

more negative comments; and the thinner the central character was, the more positive

comments were made, sending the message to viewers that being thin attracts

compliments. Since television's beginnings, media personalities have continued to grow

thinner and now more than half fit the criteria for anorexia nervosa (Harrison, 2000, p.

120).

Internalization of the Thin Ideal

Many studies reveal that the internalization of the thin ideal found in the media

can be linked to body dissatisfaction and eating disorder symptomology. When

adolescent females internalize the thin ideal, they begin to believe that thin is beautiful

and that this beauty is both good and goal worthy (Dittmar & Howard, 2004; Kilbourne,

1999, Martin & Gentry 1997).

Adolescent females are constantly being pressured to be thin. During their

adolescence they are chastised for being sexual, loud, boisterous, big in any sense of the









word, and as having too big of an appetite (Kilbourne, 1999). The pressure and obsession

to be thin begins at an early age and has a noteworthy effect. Kilboume (1999) reports

that 40-80% of fourth-grade girls are now dieting, and approximately 30% of 12-13 year-

old girls are trying to lose weight through dieting, vomiting, laxatives, or diet pills.

Researchers found that 57.6% of adolescent girls had dieted for weight loss purposes

during the week prior to the study (Story, Neumark-Sztainer, Sherwood, Stang, &

Murray, 1998). Another study found that dieting 15-year-old girls were eight times more

likely to develop an eating disorder than non-dieting 15-year-old girls (Gamer &

Keamey-Cooke, 1996). French, Perry, Leon and Fulkerson (1995) conducted a study of

1,015 high school girls and found that 11.6% of them skipped meals, 5.4% used diet pills,

and 4.4% vomited to control their weight.

Dittmar and Howard (2004) added another dimension to the internalization

research when they tested the effects of model size on the internalization of mediated

images and social comparison. Internalizing the thin ideal was shown to be more of a

predictor of body-focused anxiety than general social comparison. As expected,

exposure to the thin ideal led to a higher level of anxiety than exposure to the average-

size model or the no model condition.

Halliwell and Dittmar (2004) also conducted an experiment testing the effect of

model size on women's body-focused anxiety and found that advertising's impact on

body-focused anxiety was dependent on the level of internalization. When ideal models

were shown, levels of internalization were high and body-focused anxiety was highest.

When either average-sized models or no models at all were shown, body-focused anxiety

was no different. A major contributing factor of this study was that it supported the









notion that rather than model attractiveness, model size was the greatest cause for body-

focused anxiety. Because weight-related anxiety can lead to unhealthy weight loss

practices, the authors thought this to be an important finding (Halliwell & Dittmar, 2004).

High internalization of the thin ideal can lead to body dissatisfaction (Stice &

Bearman, 2001). It has been suggested that during adolescence, when a young woman's

body is facing changes that steer her away from the thin ideal, exposure to the thin ideal

is high and their body's changes lead to dissatisfaction because straying from the ideal is

seen as undesirable. Increases in body weight may also lead to pressure from family,

peers, and the media to be thin, catalyzing the internalization of the thin ideal and

creating a vicious cycle. When Presnell, Bearman, and Stice (2004) tested which risk

factors predicted increases in body dissatisfaction, they found that only the perceived

pressure from peers to be thin had a main effect whereas the perceived pressure to be thin

from family, significant others, and the media did not significantly predict body

dissatisfaction. This study also revealed that as a female's weight increases so does her

body dissatisfaction. Girls were found to be the happiest with their bodies when they

were underweight.

Social Comparison

Internalization of the thin ideal leads female adolescents to socially compare

themselves to others (Thompson, et al., 1999). Morrison, Kalin and Morrison (2004)

found that compared to males females were more likely to socially compare themselves

when evaluating their own body and had lower body esteem as opposed to males.

Interestingly, body dissatisfaction did not differ between males and females. What did

differ was that males tended to view their bodies as thinner than the ideal, whereas

females viewed their bodies as larger than the ideal.









Beebe, Hombeck, Schober, Lane, and Rosa (1996) conducted a correlational

study that asked women to identify what physical traits they first noticed when looking at

a series of photographs. They were then asked to read a scenario in which a woman

either over-ate or dieted and to evaluate how the women in the photographs felt about

these weight fluctuations. Women who put a high emphasis on their own body weight

and shape identified those same feelings in others and were also more likely to ascribe fat

and thin feelings to the women in the photographs. The study participants expected the

women in the scenario to feel negative after over-eating and positively after dieting.

Notably, this study implies that when women experience extreme body dissatisfaction the

social comparison process normalizes the overemphasis on body and appearance

concerns (Thompson, et al., 1999). Furthermore, Thompson (1991) conducted a study

suggesting a strong link between eating disturbance levels, dissatisfaction with personal

body image, self-esteem levels, and those prone to make social comparisons, and

suggested a possible explanation for this link is that the process of comparison produces a

threatening situation.

Martin and Gentry (1997) found that the reason for the social comparison also

dictated its influence. When self-evaluation was the reason for social comparison to

advertising models, personal self-perceptions and self-esteem briefly lowered; when

subjects compared themselves for self-enhancement or self-improvement purposes with

and that comparison was a downward comparison, self-assessment of one's own

attractiveness briefly rose.

Media's Depictions of Thinness and their Effects

Since it is known that female adolescents with high internalization of media cues

and high social comparison tendencies are affected by the thin ideal found in the media









(Yamamiya, et al., 2005), magazines increasingly expose them to this ideal through

images and content suggesting that female success and happiness is dependent on

thinness, and thinness is the preferred state of beauty (Thomsen, McCoy, Gustofson &

Williams, 2000). Recognizing this increase, one study looked at the body-related content

of Seventeen magazines (1992-2003) and found two main themes: the making of body

problems and the unmaking of body problems (Ballentine & Ogle, 2005). To make body

problems, Seventeen promoted acceptable body characteristics: smooth, trim, toned, tight,

long, lean, flat, strong, young, sexy, healthy, clean, odor-free, and hair-free (such as arm

and nipple hair). These characteristics were also promoted in content on what not to be

such as in advice columns. To unmake body problems, Seventeen advised girls to go

against the mediated body ideal and be happy with who they were. Thus, the magazine

presented them with ways that resisted cultural pressures to be thin. It is no wonder that

adolescent females have problems accepting their bodies as they are when a single

magazine that reaches 87% of adolescent females aged 12-19 contradicts itself

(Ballentine & Ogle 2005).

This thin ideal is amplified in fashion and fitness magazines that heavily

emphasize body image (Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). Even five minutes of

exposure to the thin ideal in these magazines can lead to a more negative body image

than non-exposure to the ideal (Yamamiya, et al., 2005). Researchers found that

exposure to thin models in magazines led to lower self-esteem, lower weight satisfaction

(Irving, 1990), depression, stress, guilt, shame, insecurity, body dissatisfaction (Harrison,

1997, p. 41), unhappiness, anxiety, neuroticism (Richins, 1991), and overestimation of

body size (Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). Researchers also found that adolescent









females showed lower body satisfaction levels immediately after exposure to this thin

ideal. The greater the difference between the perceived self-image and the ideal image,

the greater the level of body dissatisfaction (Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2000).

Clay, Vignoles, and Dittmar (2005) conducted a study comparing adolescent

females' exposure to ultra-thin models and average-size models. After exposure to the

ultra-thin models, the adolescents had higher body dissatisfaction and lower self-esteem.

Contrary to previous studies (Dittmar & Howard, 2004; Halliwell & Dittmar, 2004)

supporting the theory that body dissatisfaction and lower self-esteem were temporarily

relieved after viewing average-size models, Clay and colleagues found no difference in

responses after viewing ultra-thin models or average-size models (Clay, Vignoles &

Dittmar, 2005).

Monro and Huon (2005) exposed subjects to the idealized images of women

found in magazines and had them complete a visual analog scale (VAS) assessing their

own appearance anxiety and body shame. Exposure to this ideal led to an increase in

body shame and appearance anxiety. Subjects that highly bought into body

objectification showed an increase in appearance anxiety after being exposed to the

images of thin, idealized women. Those who only slightly bought into body

objectification still showed an increase in appearance anxiety but it was much smaller.

Both groups did not show a significant difference in body shame (Monro & Huon, 2005).

Stice et al., (1994) found a direct link between media exposure and eating

disorder symptomology. Study participants were found to directly model fasting and

purging behaviors on what they had seen in the media. The study's results supported the

notion that the internalization of socio-cultural pressures mediates the relationship









between the media and eating habits. Changes in eating disorder epidemiology have

mirrored changes in the media's representation of women (Harrison & Cantor 1997).

Another longitudinal study of the effect of repeated exposure to Seventeen

magazine over a 20-month period found that there was no long-term effect on increased

internalization of the thin ideal, body dissatisfaction, dieting, negative affect, or bulimic

symptoms (Stice, Spangler & Agras, 2001). However, adolescents with a greater desire

to be thin and higher body dissatisfaction before the study were found to have a higher

negative affect after exposure to the thin ideal. To explain the results, the authors argued

that the adverse effect of exposure to the thin ideal in the media is short lived unless the

adolescent female is initially vulnerable, and that these vulnerable adolescents are more

likely to compare themselves to the thin ideal presented in the media (Stice, Spangler &

Agras, 2001). Such comparisons lead adolescent females to model their behaviors after

what they see in the media. A positive correlation was found between viewing the thin

ideal on television and the belief of being overweight (McCreary & Sadava, 1999). And

Harrison (2003) has suggested that exposure to these ideals as found on television foster

beliefs, attitudes, and ideals matching what is found in the media.

Advertising's Influence

As outlined above, the influence of magazines and television has been well

studied, but few studies focus specifically on advertising's effect. In one study about

advertisements in popular fashion magazines, one group of participants was exposed to

images of thin models and another group was exposed to body-neutral images. Those

exposed to the thin models experienced much greater body dissatisfaction as well as a

higher overall negative mood than those exposed to body-neutral images (Hawkins,

Richards, Granley, & Stein, 2004). In addition, participants exposed to the thin models









reported lower self-esteem than those in the neutral images. The researchers found that

subjects without eating disorders had a higher internalization of the thin model than those

with eating disorders.

Richins (1991) conducted a series of studies testing the effects of advertising on

females. After two focus group interviews, she concluded that women do in fact compare

themselves to the models found in advertisements. These comparisons left females

generating specific body comparisons and feeling negative after viewing the ads. It was

also found that if a female had a specific concern about her body, she focused her

comparisons on that area in order to reassure herself that she was "not that bad" (Richins,

1991, p. 75). Richins' second study assessed the extent of these comparisons and

suggested that one interpretation for the negative correlation between the amount of

comparisons made and body satisfaction was that comparisons led to body

dissatisfaction. Richins' third study revealed the effects of these comparisons and posited

that women exposed to the attractive ideal in the media were less satisfied with their own

attractiveness (Richins, 1991). Monro and Huon (2005) found that women exposed to the

thin ideal in both body-related and non-body-related product advertisements experienced

an increase in body shame and a greater level of appearance anxiety

Meyers and Biocca (1992) showed that watching as little as 30 minutes of

television can change one's body image. They exposed study participants to body-image

commercials and neutral-image commercials aired during three types of programs: prime-

time drama/comedy, "Star Search" talent competitions, and music videos. They found

that the participants' body image fluctuated after brief exposures to a combination of

television advertising and programming, implying that advertising and television









programming foster new desires, needs, and worries that can be solved with just the right

product. The researchers were pleased to find out that body-image advertising led the

female adolescents to actually feel thinner than they normally do.

In another study on adolescent body image and advertising, Martin and Gentry

(1997) found that both ads and motives for comparisons also affect body image

evaluations. When evaluating themselves, participants thought they were less attractive

after viewing the thin ideal found in advertisements. When self-improvement or self-

enhancement was the main reason for comparison, participants' saw themselves as more

attractive through the use of downward comparisons (Martin & Gentry, 1997).

Limitations of Previous Studies and What this Thesis Will Contribute

Many studies have tested how the media affect a woman's self-evaluation, but

only a few studies have focused on advertising's effect. There also has been a limited

amount of work on how model size affects body satisfaction levels and even fewer

studies on advertising's specific effect on body satisfaction levels. Of more importance

to this thesis is that there have been no known studies on the effects of model size in

advertisements on female adolescents with the same models used for different

experimental conditions. This thesis will enter the ongoing conversation on the media's

affect on body image by testing how differences in advertisements with average-size

models, thin models, or no models at all affect a young woman's body satisfaction. None

of the previous experiments dealing with the effect of advertising on female adolescents

created their own stimuli to test the differences. Using multiple models to represent

different body sizes opens the door to the possibility that external factors (like

attractiveness level and race) could lead to the outcomes of the results. This thesis will

use the exact same model for both the thin model and the plus-size model, therefore






28


eliminating the problems and alternate explanations associated with the results of the

experiment.














CHAPTER 3
METHOD

To look at the relationship between media images and adolescent body image, a

quasi-experimental methodology was undertaken. An experiment in its most basic form

involves taking some sort of action and observing that action (Babbie, 2002). An

experiment is used in an attempt to support a hypothesis (Babbie, 2002).

A quasi-experiment differs from a true experiment mainly because a quasi-

experiment does not randomly assign subjects to experimental groups and the control

group (Babbie, 2002). A quasi experiment is used when either random assignment is not

the most practical assignment method or when a control group is not used. This thesis did

use a control group, but lacked randomization (Campbell & Stanley, 1966). This method

was chosen most worthy because subjects were already divided into three different

classroom periods and this was the most feasible way to divide experimental groups.

Since all students were in the same math classes, students were thought to have been

somewhat equally distributed between experimental conditions. Campbell & Stanley

(1966, p. 47) report that a classroom is a "naturally assembled collective."

In any experimental design there are two types of variables: an independent and a

dependent. Independent variables are those variables that are the experimental stimulus

(i.e., the cause) and the researcher manipulates. Dependent variables are the variables the

researcher is measuring in terms of the effect. This variable is dependent on changes in

the independent variable (Babbie, 2002; Wimmer & Dominick, 1991). With this design,









changes in the dependent variable will be supported by the differences in the independent

variables.

To truly test the effects of the independent variable, the researcher must have both

experimental and control groups. The experimental group is the group that recieves the

manipulated stimulus. The control group is the group that does not receive the

manipulation (Babbie, 2002).

To help minimize validity threats in a quasi-experiment, one can control for

confounding variables that have previously been shown to be a strong influence on

experiment results (Mark & Cook, 1984). A confounding variable is a variable that can

affect the independent and dependent variables, making it seem that there is a causal

relationship between the two when the results are due to the outside variable (Lurking

Variable, 2006). By controlling the confounding variables, an experiment can better

support or refute a relationship between the independent and dependent variables.

Hypotheses

In reviewing the relevant literature, it can be seen that the more one internalizes

the thin ideal found in the media, the more body-focused anxiety is present (Dittmar &

Howard, 2004). Monro and Huon (2005) revealed that the more someone bought into the

ideology that the body is an object, the more body-focused anxiety they had. These

studies have led to the development of the first two hypotheses:

HI: There will be an interaction effect between the level of internalization and
body-focused anxiety. Those with higher initial internalization of the thin ideal
portrayed in the media who are in the thin model condition will have more body-
focused anxiety than those with high internalization in either the average or no
model condition.

H2: The more body-focused anxiety one has, the more likely she is to internalize
the mediated ideal.









H1 is suggesting that there will be a two by three interaction effect between the

internalization level, either high or low, and whether participants were exposed to the

control condition, thin model condition or the average size model condition. H2 is

suggesting that the more body-focused anxiety a participant has, the more likely she is to

internalize the ideal model that is presented in the media.

Many studies (Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2004; Yamamiya et al., 2005; Harrison,

1997; Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002; Clay, Vignoles & Dittmar, 2005; Monro &

Huon, 2005) have supported that exposure to this thin, mediated ideal leads to body

dissatisfaction. When the effects of different model sizes were compared to body

dissatisfaction levels, it was found that those who were exposed to the thin ideal had

higher body dissatisfaction than those exposed to average size models. Dittmar &

Howard (2004) and Halliwell & Dittmar (2004) supported that exposure to the average

model condition acts as a temporary relief effect of body focus anxiety. These studies

have led to hypothesis three:

H3: Those exposed to the thin ideal experimental condition will experience
greater body focused anxiety than those exposed the average, which will
experience more body-focused anxiety than the no model condition.


This hypothesis is suggesting that results will show that those participants in the thin

model condition will experience the highest level of body-focused anxiety. The

participants in the average size model condition will experience the second highest level

of body-focused anxiety and the participants in the control condition will have the lowest

level of body-focused anxiety.

Richins (1991) reported that those exposed to highly attractive models

experienced less satisfaction with their own bodies. This researcher concluded that their









actual state of attractiveness is farther away from the ideal presented in the media when

viewing highly attractive models. Thomsen, Weber and Brown (2000) report that the

greater the difference between the perceived self-image and the ideal image, the greater

the level of body dissatisfaction. Therefore the following hypotheses were made:

H4: Higher body focused anxiety will be experienced the greater the difference
between the internalized ideal and the actual state.

H5: Those in the thin model condition will have a greater difference between the
internalized ideal and the actual state than those in the average or no model
condition.

H4 is suggesting that greater the difference between the internalized ideal model and the

participant's actual state, the higher the level of body-focused anxiety. H5 is suggesting

that participants in the thin model condition will have the highest difference between the

ideal and actual state. Being exposed to the thin ideal creates a situation where the actual

state is very different from the idealized model.

Operational Definitions

Independent Variable

This thesis had two independent variables. The main independent variable that

was manipulated was the body size of models in the advertisements. The second

independent variable that was accounted for was internalization.

The variable being manipulated is the body size of the models presented in the

advertisements. Each advertisement presented to the adolescent female participants

contained the same models. The only difference in the advertisements was that model

size was manipulated in each advertisement. Advertisements either featured thin models,

average-size models, or no models. In the control group, advertisements did not contain









any models but instead contained pictures of products typically advertised in adolescent

female consumer magazines.

All models for the advertisements were found in Figure, the New .\lhq, of

Fashion, a plus size1 magazine. All models were facing the camera, with long, loose hair.

All photographs had at least three quarters of the body showing. Models were

manipulated using Adobe Photoshop to create both the thin model conditions and the

average model conditions.

The models in the series containing plus-size models were not altered at all.

Models for the series containing the thin models were altered using the design software.

Individual body parts were isolated and individually made thinner so as to make the

models appear thin and not just digitally altered. Thighs, hips and waists were generally

altered slightly more than other body parts to make the models less curvy and more like

the typical thin models found in print advertisements. Manipulation of models in this

fashion was able to control for model's attractiveness, race, posture, clothing, and the

type of shot.

Following the research of Cusumano and Thompson (1997), who analyzed the

body size of models found in popular magazines, the Contour Drawing Rating Scale

(Thompson & Gray, 1995) was used to measure the body size of the models to make sure

the manipulation created the desired differences. The scale is a visual rating scale, one

representing the thinnest body size and nine representing the largest body size.

Cusumano and Thompson found that body size of models in their study ranged from

1.86-4.00 on a nine-point scale. For magazines targeted to the female adolescent

1 A plus-size magazine is a magazine featuring plus-size models who wear a dress size 12 or higher (Plus-
size Model, 2006)









population, body sizes ranged from 1.86-3.19. Using this research as a guideline, the

researcher tested each model to ensure each was within the 1.86-3.19 range (see Table 1).

Table 3-1: Coder ratings for model size
Standard
Coder A Coder B Mean Rating Deviation
Thin Model 1 2.5 2 2.25 0.35
Thin Model 2 3 3 3 0.00
Thin Model 3 3 3 3 0.00
Plus-size Model 1 5 5 5 0.00
Plus-size Model 2 6 6 6 0.00
Plus-size Model 3 6 5 5.5 0.71


Coders from the University of Florida were recruited and trained to use the

Contour Drawing Rating Scale accurately. Coders were instructed to give each model the

rating that most resembled the figure in the Contour Drawing Rating Scale. A rating of

one represented the thinnest figure, where a rating of nine represented the largest. Half

point increments were used if the models were thought to lie between figure sizes.

Intercoder reliability (Cronbach's alpha) was found to be 0.982.

The Ideal Body Internalization Scale was used to assess internalization of the

mediated ideal. This scale contains 10 questions measuring agreement with the socio-

cultural ideal endorsed by the media. The measure used a five-point Likert scale with

one representing strongly agree and five representing strongly disagree. Internal

consistency has been found to be 0.88, while test-retest reliability was found to be 0.59

(one year) (Thompson, et al., 1999; Stice, Ziemba, Margolis & Flick, 1996). The author

of this thesis found internal consistency to be 0.859.

Experimental Stimulus

Model photographs were first scanned into the computer. Using the digital

imaging software Adobe Photoshop, models were isolated from the magazine pages in









which they were found, and were placed in new advertisements designed to resemble

advertisements found in typical adolescent magazines (Teen, Seventeen, etc.). Research

supports that 32% of the content in popular teen magazines is dedicated to clothing and

fashion (Teens, Tweens, and Magazines, 2004). In reviewing five copies of different top

adolescent female magazines, it was observed that many of the ads dealt with fashion

clothing, shoes and accessories. Magazines were evaluated on advertisement content.

Following the research and observations, the ads created for this thesis featured fashion

products. For each series, the advertisements that featured models were for department

stores. Two of the ads featuring products were for shoes and one was for a purse. Each

ad's main focus was the photograph. The ads also contained a headline, copy, and a logo

(see Appendix A). Advertisements followed a basic picture-window layout to keep the

main focus on the image. Copy was written to fit each ad series. The first ad series did

not use a separate headline but instead used a large Macy's logo for the headline. Copy

for the first ad series read:

First impressions are important. At Macy's we want to help you make a good
one. Our clothing, shoes and accessories allow you to express yourself and make
the first impression that you want to make.

Headline and copy for the second ad series read:

Express Yourself

At Fashion Bug we have all the essentials for you to be who you are. We carry
girls, juniors, misses, plus-sizes, maternity wear, shoes and accessories.
Whoever, whatever the occasion, we have you covered at The Bug.









Headline and copy for the third ad series read:

Put Your Best Foot Forward

At TJ Maxx we offer more than quality, we offer value. We are all about offering
you incredibly good deals on high-quality products. Visit one of our 930
locations for pure shopping bliss.

Why Photographs Were Used

There are several reasons the researcher chose to manipulate printed photographs

for this experiment. Past research supports that print photographs were the desired choice

for experimentation and worthy of study (Clay, Vignoles & Dittmar, 2005; Cusumano &

Thompson, 1997; Dittmar & Howard, 2004; Evans, Rutberg, Sather & Turner, 1991;

Halliwell & Dittmar, 2004; Harrison & Cantor, 1997; Hawkins, et al, 2004; Irving, 1990;

Martin & Gentry, 1997). SRDS circulation figures also reveal that more than 6.5 million

adolescent females read three of the most popular magazines targeted to this age group,

and spend approximately 13 minutes each day reading them (Tweens, Teens, and

Magazines, 2004). Another reason is that pictures are open to interpretation. With words

alone you are told exactly what to think, but when viewing an image, you can draw your

own conclusions. Bandura (1977) has reported that visual messages are more influential

in a social learning situation as opposed to words alone.

Questionnaires

Two questionnaires were administered-one before the experimental stimulus and

one after. The questionnaire used in this thesis before the experiment tested for

internalization of the mediated thin ideal. In order to determine how much each

participant internalized the thin ideal, the Ideal Body Internalization Scale was used.

After exposure to the experimental stimulus, a second questionnaire was

distributed. The post-test questionnaire measured dependent variables, confounding









variables, and demographic questions. Questions included those in the Body-Image

Ideals Questionnaire, the Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire, the

Physical Appearance Trait Anxiety Scale, and the Eating Attitudes Test. The

questionnaire also covered age, race, height, and weight questions in order to determine

each participant's body mass index (BMI).

Dependent Variables

A questionnaire was used to operationalize the dependent variables. This thesis

looked at three dependent measures-body image, socio-cultural attitudes and

comparison tendencies, and physical state and trait anxiety.

The Body-Image Ideals Questionnaire was used to assess each individual's

personal ideal and actual assessment of her own body (Cash & Szymanski, 1995;

Thompson, et al., 1999). It rated 10 attributes related to weight, appearance, strength,

and the importance of each attribute. Internal consistency for discrepancy was 0.75 and

internal consistency was 0.82 for importance (Thompson, et al, 1999; Cash & Szymanski,

1995). The ideal scale measured how much each participant differed from the mediated

ideal and was measured on a 0-3 Likert scale, zero representing "exactly as I am" and

three representing "very unlike me." The importance scale measured how important

certain qualities were to participants and was measured on a 0-3 Likert scale, zero

representing "not important" and three representing "very important." Example questions

on the ideal scale are "My ideal height is" and "My ideal weight is." Example questions

of the actual assessment scale are "How important is your ideal height?" and "How

important is your ideal weight?" The discrepancy portion of the Body-Image Ideals

Questionnaire is calculated by receiving a -1 for "Exactly as I am," +1 for "Almost as I

am," +2 for "Fairly Unlike Me," and +3 for "Very Unlike Me." The importance portion









is calculated by receiving a zero for "Not Important," a one for "Somewhat Important," a

two for "Moderately Important," and a three for "Very Important." To determine the

weighted Body Image Ideals score the mean discrepancy score was multiplied by the

mean importance score.

The Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire (SATAQ) for

females was used to assess the awareness and tendency to try to achieve the social

standards of beauty. The updated scale by Cusumano and Thompson (1997) was used

rather than the original because this version added questions to the original scale to better

measure sociocultural attitudes. This version used 21 questions and was broken into an

awareness section and an internalization section. The awareness section measures how

conscious the female adolescents are of the ideal represented in the media. The

internalization section measures how much the female adolescents see the thin ideal

woman portrayed in the media and accept it as the norm. The scale was measured on a

five-point Likert scale, one representing completely disagree and five representing

completely agree. Example questions were "I would like my body to look like the

women who appear in TV shows and movies," "I believe that clothes look better on

women that are in good physical shape," "I often read magazines and compare my

appearance to the female models," and "In our society, fat people are regarded as

attractive." The authors found the internal consistency for the awareness portion of the

scale to be 0.83 and 0.89 for the internalization scale (Thompson, et al., 1999; Cusumano

& Thompson, 1997).

The Physical Appearance Trait Anxiety Scale (PATAS) was used to assess the

anxiety related to 16 body parts (Reed, Thompson, Brannick &Sacco, 1991; Thompson,









et al., 1999). Previous researchers reported that eight questions were weight related and

eight were non-weight related. In this thesis, factor analysis replicated previous findings

factoring questions into two groups, questions that are weight related and questions that

are non-weight related (See Appendix C). Questions were measured on a five-point

Likert scale, one representing "Never" and five representing "Always." Sample

questions are: "In general I feel anxious, tense, or nervous about my thighs," "In general I

feel anxious, tense, or nervous about my waist," and "In general I feel anxious, tense, or

nervous about my buttocks." Internal consistency for the trait scale was between .88 and

.82. Test-retest reliability was .87 for two weeks. (Thompson, et al., 1999).

Reliability and Validity

Reliability deals with the consistency of a measure. If a measure keeps yielding

the same results, it is reliable. There are three types of reliability: test-retest reliability,

internal consistency, and inter-coder reliability. Test-retest reliability measures the

stability of a measure. Internal consistency is how correlated the measure is, and inter-

coder reliability is whether a measurement system yields the same results. For this thesis,

the Body-Image Ideals Questionnaire found internal consistency for discrepancy to be

0.82 and 0.87 for importance. Cronbach's alpha was used to test internal consistency in

this thesis. The SATAQ was found to have internal consistency of .67 for awareness and

.634 for internalization. The Physical Appearance Trait Anxiety Scale was found to have

an internal consistency of 0.89.

Validity is whether or not something is actually measuring what it is supposed to

measure. This is important to make sure that an extraneous variable is not accounting for

changes in the dependent variable (Wimmer & Dominick, 1991). There are many

sources that could cause an experiment to lack internal validity: history, maturation,









testing, instrumentation, selection, mortality, and diffusion of treatments. History

accounts for changes in the environment between the experimental treatment and the

observation. Maturation deals with the changes in the subjects during the course of the

experiment. This is a problem when dealing with long-term experiments and a bigger

problem when dealing with children. Testing deals with the effects of the pretest on the

end results. Instrumentation accounts for changes in the measurement instrument during

the course of the experiment. Selection deals with how the sample was selected for use

in the study. Mortality deals with when people withdraw from the study. Finally,

diffusion of treatment deals with when subjects talk with each other and figure out the

purpose of the study (Cho, 2005). This thesis did not have to deal with the effects

history, maturation, testing, instrumentation, or mortality because the experiment was

held in one day and a pretest was not used. Diffusion of treatment might have had a

small effect on validity if subjects who participated in the experiment in the morning

talked to the participants who were going to participate in the afternoon. This thesis'

main threat to validity was in its selection process. Since randomization was not used in

this experiment, its results have less internal validity.

External validity is how well results of an experiment can be generalized to a

larger population (Cho, 2005). If a study lacks external validity, results cannot be used to

project future situations. There are three factors to consider to ensure external validity:

random sampling, heterogeneous samples so that the experiment can be repeated many

times, and choosing samples that are representative of the actual population to which

results are being generalized to. Because a quasi-experiment lacks randomization of the









sample, it has less validity, making it more difficult to draw strong conclusions (Mark &

Cook, 1984).

Control for Confounding Variables

In an attempt to help strengthen the results of this quasi-experiment, three main

confounding variables are being controlled. Confounding variables in this thesis are

those variables that have previously been shown to be a strong influence on experiment

results (Mark & Cook, 1984). When accounted for, these outside sources can be ruled

out as a cause of experiment results. In this thesis the confounding variables being

accounted for are race, BMI and eating disorder symptomology.

Race is an important variable to control. Different races view their bodies and

internalize the ideal portrayed in the media differently. For example, Goodman (2002)

reported that Latina women are more accepting of their curvy figures and realize that

their shapes limit them from attaining the thin ideal. In comparing Anglo women to

Latina women, both groups' ideal body resembled the ideal found in the media. How the

races differed was in how much they internalized the ideal. Durham (1999) also

supported that race impacted how much adolescent females internalized the thin ideal

portrayed in the media. Durham found that the culture in which one was raised in

influenced how individuals internalized the mediated ideal.

BMI is one way of measuring whether or not an individual is overweight. It is

dependent solely upon an individual's height and weight, and does not account for

muscle mass. It is calculated by multiplying the weight in pounds by 705. That number

is then divided by the height in inches. Stormer and Thompson (1996) suggested that

BMI accounts for a lot of the variance that is typically accompanied with body

dissatisfaction.









The Eating Attitudes Test (EAT) was used to assess the symptoms of eating

disorders. It is an objective and self reported measure used to detect cases of the disease

in high-risk populations. The EAT has 26 questions and an internal consistency of 0.90.

The EAT is one of the most widely used measures to screen for eating disorders. It was

developed to measure the symptoms and concerns usually associated with eating

disorders. Garner, Olmsted, Bohr & Garfinkel (1982) extracted three main factors that

the EAT accounted for were dieting, bulimia and food preoccupation, and oral control.

The scale is measured on a six-point Likert Scale, ranging from 1 representing "Always"

and six representing "Never." Sample questions are "I am terrified about being

overweight," "I cut my food into small pieces," and "I feel extremely guilty after eating"

(Garner, et al., 1982). To score the EAT all questions except "I enjoy trying new rich

foods" get three points for "Always", two points for "Usually", and one point for

"Often." For the question "I enjoy trying new rich foods," an answer of "Never" earns

three points, "Rarely" earns two points, and "Sometimes" earns one point.

Experimental Design

This thesis used a posttest only, between-subject quasi-experimental design. This

thesis used a single-factor manipulation with three levels, accounting for the different

experimental conditions.

Subjects

Ninety-three female students from a Florida high school were recruited for

participation in this study. Students' ages ranged from 14-15 and were in the ninth grade.

The students' self reported ethnicity was 22.45% white, 8.16% black, 47.96% Hispanic,

and 13.27% other. Students voluntarily agreed to partake in the study and did not receive

any form of compensation for their participation. All subjects were in a naturally









assembled collective and an similarity between subjects was assumed because all subjects

were in the same grade, in the same class and assumed to be of the same intelligence

levels (Campbell & Stanley, 1966).

The Experiment

Research was performed at a Florida high school. The head teacher gave

approval for the experiment to be conducted. Each participant signed an informed

consent form, as well as turned in a signed parental consent form. Both informed

consents were approved by the University of Florida's Internal Review Board. The

informed consent and parental consent outlined the purpose of the research study, what

was asked of each participant, time required to complete the study, the risks and benefits

associated with the study, compensation, confidentiality, voluntary participation, right to

withdraw, how to obtain results of the study, and contact information.

The study was conducted on December 8, 2005. Upon arrival, female students

were separated from the male students and told by the head teacher that they were going

to participate in a girls-only survey. Since the experiment only pertained to females, the

male students were taken to another classroom during the course of the experiment. Each

classroom period was a different experimental condition. The first period was the control

condition, the second period was the thin model condition, and the third period was the

average model condition. Participants were then given the internalization test and told to

complete it. Participants were told not to discuss their answers to prevent their peers

from influencing their answers. After everyone completed their surveys, they were

collected.

Participants were then exposed to their experimental condition. Each period was

a different experimental condition. Since classrooms are seen as naturally assembled









collectives (Campbell & Stanley, 1966, p. 47) this method of subject assignment was

chosen to be the most appropriate for this study. Participants were shown three different

print advertisements for their experimental condition. Each condition varied on whether

they contained average-size models, thin models or no models at all. Model series were

shown in the same order to each class period. The only instructions they received when

being shown the advertisements was to look at the series of advertisements. Ads were

projected onto a screen for 60 seconds each. After exposure to the second questionnaire,

the experimental survey was passed out. Each student was told not to discuss any of their

questionnaire with their peers or discuss any portion of the survey while it was out.

Students were only allowed to ask questions to the researcher. Questionnaires were

completed at the students' own pace.

Analysis

SPSS 12.0 was used to analyze the data. ANOVA was deemed most appropriate

in this analysis because it is used to test the changes in the dependent variables. An

ANOVA analysis "breaks down the total variability in a set of data into its different

sources of variation" (Wimmer & Dominick, 1991, pg 241). ANOVA accounts for two

types of variance that can occur during an experiment: systematic and error. Systematic

variance is variance that is accounted for by a known factor, where error variance is

caused by an unknown factor that is most likely not controlled by the experimenter

(Wimmer & Dominick, 1991).

ANCOVA is similar to an ANOVA but it "controls" for the effects of

confounding variables. Once the effects of the covariates have on the dependent

variables are held constant, then their effects will not alter the main effects of the

independent variables. With ANCOVA the difference in the dependent variables is









because of changes in the independent variable and not because any confounding

variables (Cho, 2005).

Accuracy of reported statistics are reported in confidence levels and intervals.

The confidence level is the percentage of how certain you are in the statistical projection.

The most used confidence levels are 95% and 99% confident. (Babbie, 2002; Cho, 2005).

The confidence interval is the "range of values within which a population parameter is

estimated to lie" (Babbie, 2002, p.441). For example, at a 95% significance level the

researcher is 95% sure that a group means will fit in the given range. A 95% significance

level was used in this thesis.

When testing any hypothesis, a null hypothesis is also being tested. A null

hypothesis "asserts that the statistical differences or relationships being analyzed are due

to chance or random error" (Wimmer & Dominick, 1991, p. 224). If you fail to reject the

null hypothesis means accepting that there are no significant differences in the means for

the different groups (Cho, 2005).















CHAPTER 4
RESULTS

Sample


Ninety-three female adolescent students were used in this experiment. All

students were in the ninth grade and taking Algebra 1A. Their average age was 14.2

years and their average BMI was 22.71. The National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute

(2006) report that a normal BMI ranges from 18.5 to 24.9. The student's self reported

ethnicity was 22% White, 8% Black, 47% Hispanic, and 13% other. The control

experimental condition had 30 female adolescents assigned to it. The thin model

condition had 31 female adolescents assigned to it, and the average-sized model

condition had 37 female adolescents assigned to it. The average EAT score for the

sample was 7.2, and the average BMI score was 22.71.

Table 4-1: Covariate break down of subjects by experimental condition
Average Average
White Black Hispanic Other BMI EAT
Control Experimental
Condition 7 1 17 5 21.24 8.97
Thin Model Experimental
Condition 6 3 12 10 23.67 6.87
Average Model
Experimental Condition 9 4 18 5 23.18 6.05


Covariates

A correlational analysis of the original three projected covariates revealed that

BMI was the only effective covariate. BMI was not correlated with the independent

variable (model size) and was moderately correlated with body-focused anxiety, leaving









it as an effective covariate. BMI was statistically significant (r = -.267; p < .05) and body

focus anxiety and BMI was statistically significant (r = .288; p < .01). Analysis revealed

that no statistically significant difference between group means of BMI and EAT scores

and the experimental condition groups were found (BMI: F = 0.77, df = 2, p = n.s.; EAT:

F = 1.92, df = 2, p = n.s.). Analysis revealed that groups were different based on race (x2

= 41.38, p < .05).

Hypothesis Testing

In order to test the hypotheses of this thesis, the Statistical Package for Social

Sciences (SPSS) 11.5 was used for analyzing the data. In review, this thesis' hypotheses

are:

HI: There will be an interaction effect between the level of internalization and
body-focused anxiety. Those with higher initial internalization of the thin ideal
portrayed in the media who are in the thin model condition will have more body-
focused anxiety than those with high internalization in either the average or no
model condition.

H2: The more body focused anxiety one has, the more likely she is to internalize
the mediated ideal.

H3: Those exposed to the thin ideal experimental condition will experience
greater body focused anxiety than those exposed the average, which will
experience more body-focused anxiety than the no model condition.

H4: Higher body focused anxiety will be experienced the greater the difference
between the internalized ideal and the actual state

H5: Those in the thin model condition will have a greater difference between the
internalized ideal and the actual state than those in the average or no model
condition

H1, H3, H4 and H5 were all tested using ANOVA and ANCOVA analyses. Correlations

were run on H2 to see if variables were correlated and at what level.










Hypothesis One Results

After finding the mean score of the internalization measure (M = 2.62), nearly

50% of participants were considered high internalizers of the thin ideal and 50% as low

internalizers of the thin ideal when compared to the rest of the sample. The mean of

those in the low internalization category is 2.84, while the mean in the high

internalization category in 2.39. Nearly half (49%) of low internalizers were in the thin

model experimental condition, while 28% were in the control condition and 23% were in

the average size model condition. Of the high internalizers 50% were in the average size

model condition, 33% were in the control group and 17% were in the thin model

condition.

Table 4-2: Descriptive statistics of body-focused anxiety given internalization tendencies
and experimental conditions
Mean of Body-
Focused
Group N Anxiety Std. Deviation Percentage
Low Internalization Control Group 13 2.49 1.05 82
Thin Group 23 2.97 1.07 49
Average Group 11 2.99 0.88 23
Total 47 2.84 1.03
High Internalization Control Group 15 2.46 1.02 33
Thin Group 8 2.15 0.96 17
Average Group 23 2.43 0.92 50
Total 46 2.39 0.94
Total Control Group 28 2.47 1.02 30
Thin Group 31 2.76 1.09 33
Average Group 34 2.61 0.93 37
Total 93 2.62 1.01

Overall, subjects reported lower body-focused anxiety in the high internalization

group. The lowest reported body-focused anxiety in the low internalization group

occurred in the control group (M = 2.49). By contrast, higher means were found in the

thin model condition (M = 2.97) and in the average size model condition (2.99). The

lowest body focused anxiety in the high internalization group was in the thin condition










(M = 2.15). Higher means were found in the average size model condition (M = 2.43)

and in the control group (M = 2.46). Two-way ANOVA revealed that a significant effect

of internalization was found (F = 4.51, df = 1, p < .05).

An ANCOVA analysis accounted for the effect of BMI as well as the different

experimental conditions. Means followed the same pattern as in the ANOVA analysis.

The differences in the means are believed to be caused by missing data when computing

the BMI for participants. Lowest body-focused anxiety in the low internalization group

was still found in the control group (M = 2.40). Higher means were once again found in

the thin model condition (M = 2.98) and the average size model condition (M = 3.01). In

the high internalization group, lowest body-focused anxiety was found in the thin model

condition (M = 2.32). By contrast, higher means were found again in the average size

model condition (M = 2.47) and the control condition (M = 2.50). A significant effect of

internalization was not found (F = 2.42, df = 1, p = n.s.).

Given the reported results, H1 was not supported.

Table 4-3: Descriptive statistics of body-focused anxiety given internalization tendencies
and experimental conditions when BMI is used as a covariable
Mean of Body-
Group N Focused Anxiety Std. Deviation Percentage

Low Internalization Control Group 12 2.4 1.04 30.77
Thin Group 18 2.98 0.98 46.15
Average
Group 9 3.01 0.97 23.08
Total 39 2.81 1.01
High Internalization Control Group 13 2.5 1.06 31.71
Thin Group 7 2.32 0.91 17.07
Average
Group 21 2.47 0.9 51.22
Total 41 2.45 2.45
Total Control Group 25 2.45 1.03 31.25
Thin Group 25 2.79 0.99 31.25
Average
Group 30 2.64 0.94 37.5
Total 80 2.63 0.98 100










Hypothesis Two Results

A Pearson Correlation test revealed that body focused anxiety is statistically

significant, but moderately and negatively correlated to social comparison tendencies (r

-0.47, p < .05). Given these results, H2 was not supported.

Hypothesis Three Results

Means showed that the lowest body focused anxiety was found in the control

group (M = 2.47). By contrast, higher body focused anxiety was found in the average-

size model condition (M = 2.61) and the highest body focused anxiety in the thin model

condition (M = 2.76). ANOVA results revealed no significant effect of the experimental

conditions (thin model, average size model or control group) (F = 0.58, df = p-value >

.05).

ANCOVA analysis also revealed that no significant effect of the experimental

conditions (thin model, average model or control group) (F = 0.45, df = 2, p = > n.s.).

Results from the ANOVA analysis were replicated.

Given the results reported, H4 was not supported.

Table 4-4: Descriptive statistics for body-focused anxiety levels


Table 4-4
Descriptive Statistics for Body-Focused Anxiety Levels
Std. Std. 95% Confidence
N Mean Deviation Error Interval for Mean Minimum Maximum
Lower Upper
Bound Bound

no 28 2.47 1.02 0.19 2.08 2.87 1 4.63
thin 31 2.76 1.09 0.2 2.36 3.16 1 4.88
large 34 2.61 0.93 0.16 2.28 2.93 1 4.25
Total 93 2.62 1.01 0.1 2.41 2.82 1 4.88










Hypothesis Four Results

Using the weighted discrepancy score to account for the differences in ideal and

actual state, means revealed that body-focused anxiety continually increased as the

difference between the ideal and actual states increased. Those participants with negative

scores had the lowest body-focused anxiety (M = 1.81), followed by those with a 0 0.5-

point difference (M = 2.40), 0.5 1-point difference (M = 2.55), and 1 1.5-point

difference (M = 2.88). By contrast, higher body-focused anxiety was found with a 1.5 -

2-point difference (M = 3.26), and a 2 3-point difference (M = 2.44). Highest body-

focused anxiety was found in those who had a 3-point or higher difference between the

ideal and actual state (M = 3.34). ANOVA results revealed a statistically significant

effect of body-focused anxiety and the difference between ideal and actual state (F =

7.24, df = 6, p < .05).

Table 4-4: Descriptive statistics for body-focused anxiety given the differences between
ideal and actual state
Std. 95% Confidence
N Mean Dev. Std. Error Interval for Mean Minimum Maximum
Lower Upper
Bound Bound

lowest-0 23 1.81 0.86 0.18 1.44 2.18 1 4.63

0-0.5 14 2.4 0.96 0.26 1.85 2.96 1.25 4.25
0.5-1 18 2.55 0.7 0.16 2.2 2.89 1.38 3.88
1-1.5 11 2.88 0.75 0.22 2.38 3.38 1.88 4.25
1.5-2 9 3.26 1 0.33 2.49 4.03 1.38 4.13
2.0-3.0 11 3.44 1.01 0.3 2.76 4.12 1 4.88
3+ 7 3.34 0.56 0.21 2.82 3.86 2.63 4.13
Total 93 2.62 1.01 0.1 2.41 2.82 1 4.88


ANCOVA analysis revealed a significant effect of the difference between ideal

and actual state and body-focused anxiety when BMI was accounted for in the analysis (F

= 5.81, df= 6, p < .05). Means followed the same general pattern as in the ANOVA










analysis. The only difference was that those with a 2 3-point difference had the highest

body-focused anxiety (M = 3.64) as opposed to those with more than a 3-point difference

(M = 3.27). The differences in the means are believed to be caused by missing data when

computing the BMI for participants. Lowest body-focused anxiety was found in those

who had a negative score (M = 1.85), followed by those with a 0 0.5-point difference

(M = 2.35), 0.5 1-point difference (M = 2.53), and 1 1.5-point difference (M = 2.85).

By contrast, higher body-focused anxiety was found with a 1.5 2-point difference (M =

3.26) and those with more than a 3-point difference (M = 2.26). Highest body-focused

anxiety was found in those who had a 2 3-point or higher difference between the ideal

and actual state (M = 3.64).

Given the results reported, H4 was supported.

Table 4-5: Descriptive statistics for body-focused anxiety given the differences between
ideal and actual state when BMI is accounted for

N Mean Std. Deviation

lowest-0 19 1.85 0.9

0-0.5 13 2.35 0.98

0.5-1 15 2.53 0.65
1-1.5 10 2.85 0.78
1.5-2 9 3.26 1
2.0-3.0 8 3.64 0.47
3+ 6 3.27 0.58
Total 80 2.63 0.98










Hypothesis Five Results

Means reveal that those in the thin model condition do in fact have a greater difference

between the ideal and actual state. Those in the thin model condition have the highest

difference (M = 1.41) followed by those in the control condition (M = 0.85) and those in

the average model condition (M = 0.70). However, these results are not statistically

significant (F = 2.62, df= 2, p = n.s.).

Table 4-6: Descriptive statistics between ideal and actual state and the different model
conditions
Std. Std. 95% Confidence
N Mean Deviation Error Interval for Mean Minimum Maximum
Lower Upper
Bound Bound

no 29 0.85 1.25 0.23 0.38 1.33 -2.08 3.7

thin 31 1.41 1.6 0.29 0.83 2 -0.33 6.48
large 35 0.7 1.05 0.18 0.34 1.06 -1.09 3.14
Total 95 0.98 1.33 0.14 0.71 1.25 -2.08 6.48


ANCOVA analysis revealed no statistically significant result for the difference

between ideal and actual state and the different experiment conditions (F = 1.51, df = 2, p

= n.s.). Means continued to show that those in the thin model condition had the highest

difference between ideal and actual state (M = 2.84) followed by those in the control

condition (M = 2.19). Means for the average-size model condition had the lowest

difference between ideal and actual state (M = 2.94). The differences in the means are

believed to be of caused by missing data when computing the BMI for participants.

Given results reported, hypothesis six cannot be supported.







54


Table 4-7: Descriptive statistics for the difference between ideal and actual state and the
different model conditions when BMI is accounted for
Std.
Group N Mean Deviation
no 26 3.19 1.83
thin 25 3.84 2.13
large 31 2.94 1.79
Total 82 3.29 1.93














CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

Summary of Results

This thesis presents an attempt to explain the relationship between different

models' body size in print advertisements and female adolescents' body images. This

thesis set out to uncover effects that advertisers might not have been fully aware of in the

selection of the models used in their advertisements. Overall results of this quasi-

experiment suggested that any results that were significant were not caused by model

size.

H1 proposed that there would be an interaction effect between the internalization

level and body-focused anxiety. Those with higher initial internalization of the thin ideal

portrayed in the media who are in the thin model condition were predicted to have more

body-focused anxiety than those in either the average or no model condition. ANOVA

results revealed that there was a significant relationship between the mean differences in

internalization, the different model conditions, and levels of body-focused anxiety.

However, H1 was not supported because those subjects in the high internalization group

actually had lower body focused anxiety than did those in the low internalization group

for all experimental conditions. This goes against the findings of Monro and Huon

(2005) and Dittmar and Howard (2004) who reported that the more that one buys into the

body-as-an-object ideology or internalizes the mediated ideal, the more body focused

anxiety one has. These results could have been found for many different reasons. A

noteworthy reason that results were not replicated could be that randomization of subjects









was not used. Another possible explanation for the results is that adolescents may be

resisting the cultural norms and are less affected by the mediated ideals, therefore

internalizing them less. As a whole, group means for internalization may have been low

contributing to results not being statistically significant.

ANCOVA analysis revealed that the significance of the first analysis of H1 was

not due to the differences between internalization and the model conditions, but instead

due to the subjects BMI. Researchers (Stormer & Thompson, 1996) have supported that

BMI is a main contributor to issues with one's body, especially body focused anxiety.

This finding mirrors what Stormer and Thompson (1996) have reported.

H2 states that the more body-focused anxiety one has, the more likely she is to

internalize the mediated ideal. Correlations from H2 revealed that there was a

statistically significant, moderate relationship between the tendency for one to socially

compare herself and the level of body-focused anxiety they have. However, hypothesis

three was not supported because results revealed that the more one socially compares

herself to the ideal that is presented in the media, the lower the level of body focused

anxiety she will have. These results are not in line with what past research has found.

Dittmar and Howard (2004), Richins (1991), Yamamiya et al. (2005), and Thompson

(1991) have all reported data analysis that have supported that the more one socially

compares herself to the mediated ideal, the more body-focused anxiety one has. Again,

randomization was not used, and if used, could have yielded different results. One

possible explanation of this finding is that the study population was largely Hispanic

(47.96%) and better able to resist the effects of the mediated ideal. Another possible

explanation for this finding could be that female adolescent's reasons for social









comparison are changing. They might not be socially comparing for self-improvement

reasons as much anymore, which yielded an increase in body-focused anxiety (Martin &

Gentry, 1997).

H3 states that those exposed to the thin ideal experimental condition will

experience greater body focused anxiety than those exposed the average, which will

experience more body-focused anxiety than the no model condition. Results did not find

a statistically significant difference between the means of body focused anxiety levels

given the different experimental conditions. Analysis revealed that those subjects

exposed to the thin model condition reported the highest body-focused anxiety of all the

experimental conditions. However, because the analysis is not significant, H4 cannot be

supported. Results also did not support that those subjects in the average model

condition would have the lowest body focused anxiety as suggested by Dittmar &

Howard (2004) and Halliwell & Dittmar (2004). When BMI was controlled, results

proved to be the same as with ANOVA analysis. These results are not in line with past

research. Many studies have supported that exposure to the thin ideal leads to body

dissatisfaction (Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2004; Yamamiya et al., 2005; Harrison, 1997;

Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002; Clay, Vignoles & Dittmar, 2005; Monro & Huon,

2005) and that the exposure to the average model condition can act as a temporary relief

to body-focused anxiety (Dittmar & Howard, 2004; Halliwell & Dittmar 2004). These

results could be possibly explained by the fact that Americans as a whole are getting

fatter (F as in Fat, 2005) and adolescents are more exposed to these body images than the

mediated ideals. Again, female adolescents could be resisting mediated ideals and

accepting that not everyone is made to be shaped similar to the mediated ideals.









H4 predicted that the greater the differences between the ideal state and the actual

state, the more body focused anxiety a female adolescent would have given her

experimental condition. Results of this analysis were statistically significant. Those

subjects with the greater difference between the ideal and actual state had the highest

body-focused anxiety. Body-focused anxiety consistently decreased as the gap between

the ideal and actual state decreased. These findings are in line with past research stating

that the greater the difference between the perceived self-image and the ideal image, the

greater the level of body dissatisfaction (Thomsen, Weber & Brown, 2002). Once BMI

was accounted for overall results were duplicated from ANOVA analysis finding

statistical significance between the differences in ideal and actual state and body focused

anxiety. These findings replicate previous research has reported that satisfaction with

one's body (their actual state) is lowered when viewing the attractive ideal (ideal state)

(Richins, 1991). The greater the difference between the actual and ideal states, the more

body-focused anxiety one was thought to have.

H5 predicted that those in the thin model condition would have a greater

difference between ideal and actual states than those in the average model condition and

the control group. Means did reveal that those in the thin model condition had the

greatest difference between the ideal and actual state, but results were not statistically

significant. Therefore, H5 was not supported. Results were replicated in an ANCOVA

analysis accounting for the effect of BMI. Possible explanations for the lack of statistical

significance to support the means could be the lack of randomization and the relatively

small sample size.









Implications

These results imply that body size is not as influential to body-focused anxiety as

first hypothesized. These results suggest that some other factor besides model size is to

blame for levels of body-focused anxiety in female adolescents.

The findings of this thesis imply that adolescent females are less affected by the

thin mediated ideal to which they are constantly exposed. When adolescent females are

going through a time of change where their bodies are straying away from this ideal, it is

beneficial to know that these ideals are having less negative effects than in the past.

These results suggest that female adolescent are socially comparing less often and

possibly choosing role models based more on appearance. If the focus is less on the body

and more on substantial issues, society as a whole will benefit.

In general, society tends to put the blame on the media and criticize them for all

our problems and imperfections. In particular, the media have been criticized for

showcasing models that are substantially below the average weight based on their heights

and often fit the weight criteria for anorexia. These criticisms were made because these

models were thought to be so influential in the shaping of one's body image. This thesis'

results, however, reveal that the ideals used in advertisements may not be as influential as

once thought and are unlikely to be a major influence on one's goal-directed behaviors to

achieve thinness.

Contributions to Mass Communication Literature

The results of this thesis contribute to the literature by providing evidence that

body size of models in advertisements is not as influential as previously thought. Even

when the same models are used for both thin model conditions and average model

conditions, eliminating many factors that could contribute to the results (such as









attractiveness level, body position, etc.) indicate that body size alone is not a significant

factor in body-focused anxiety. Most research that has tested the effects of model body

size on body focused anxiety has used different models for each condition introducing

confounding variables into their studies. Because this study uses the same models for

experimental conditions, this research is of use to future researchers in the field of mass

communications who wish to expand on this topic.

This thesis also contributes to the literature by being one of the few studies that

was designed to involve the effects of model size in advertisements. Since most research

on body size has been conducted on the models found in magazines and television as a

whole, this study narrows in on a more specific influence. Advertisements are viewed

differently than the regular content and programming of magazines and television. This

difference is important and contributes information to the field of mass communications.

Furthermore, most studies exploring the topics of body image and body

dissatisfaction have dealt with populations other than adolescent females. By choosing a

study population that has been less explored than others, the contributions of this study

increase. This study presents a better understanding of how adolescent female's body

image is affected by the mediated ideal.

Finally, the small number of studies that have dealt with the differences in body

size have either tested the effects on adolescents or the effects of models in

advertisements but not both (Clay, Vignoles, & Dittmar, 2005; Dittmar & Howard, 2004;

Halliwell & Dittmar, 2004). The fact that this thesis presents a first attempt known to this

researcher explaining the relationship between the two is a big contribution to the body of

literature.









Limitations

There are many limitations associated with the design and results of this thesis.

One of the main and most important limitations is that this thesis did not use

randomization of subjects. Without randomization, we cannot conclude that results

obtained from the experimental conditions were in fact because of the manipulation.

They could be from other outside sources that are not accounted for by this study.

Another potential limitation of this thesis is the use of a posttest only design.

Because of this, a true equivalency between subjects could not be established before the

course of the experiment.

This thesis's population was heavily Hispanic, which could be another potential

limitation. Research has supported that Hispanics are better able to resist the effects of

the thin ideal portrayed in the media (Goodman, 2002). This fact also could have led to

the findings of this thesis.

The subjects' limited intellectual abilities could also have affected the outcome of

the study. During the study, subjects often had to ask the researcher meanings of certain

words because the words were not in their everyday vocabulary. Not being able to fully

understand what questions were asking may have hindered their ability to truly answer

the questions.

The fact that all models used in the experimental stimuli were not of the same

race could have played an important role in how female adolescents internalized the

models. Certain races could have been seen as larger than others in a general sense. By

having models of different races, potential confounding variables are introduced. In

using a study population that is largely minority, these adolescent females might be more

or less accepting of advertisements containing models of different races. In a general









sense, study participants might not pay as close attention to advertisements that contain

models of a different race than their own.

The artificiality of the situation could also have limited the effects of the

experimental stimuli. Female adolescents do not, under normal circumstances, view

advertisements on a projected screen for 60 seconds at a time.

The sample size of study subjects in each experimental condition may have

produced insignificant results. When the sample is too small, statistical power is

lowered. Increasing the sample size is one of the most frequent and accepted ways to

increase statistical power (Statistical Power, 2006). The fact that a small sample size was

used means that any small effects were statistically undetectable. With a population that

has been exposed to a lifetime of thin ideal images, it is likely that experiment results

would only have a small effect and this study's sample size was too small to pick them

up.

Future Research

This thesis was one of the few studies that has tested the differences in model size

on the effects of body-focused anxiety and the first known to this researcher on an

adolescent population. In order to obtain statistically significant results, a true

experimental design should be undertaken. This way, results can be projected to the

population.

In order to explore this topic in more depth, a simpler version of the questionnaire

should be designed using vocabulary that is more familiar to the 14 to 15-year-old

population. The questionnaire should be pre-tested on the population that it is going to be

used on in order to make sure it is properly understood. The questionnaire should also









add additional questions that are not relevant to the study in order to help make sure that

subjects do not figure out the purpose of the study.

Another major benefit to this area of research would take in to account the

differences in the racial make-up of the study sample. By accurately representing

multiple races, researchers would be able to get a better picture on what effects the

formation of an adolescent female's body image and how big that effect might be.

Models used in any future applications of this study should be tested for their

recognizability factor. If models are well known to subjects, they will know their true

body size and recognize when their body size has been manipulated.

The layouts used in the current study for the different conditions were similar, but

not the same. In the future, layouts for the control condition should be the same as the

layouts for the different model conditions. Additionally, models and the products should

all be the same size.

The manipulation check of model size should also be done by someone the same

age as the study population. It is possible that women of different ages view body size

differently and this would control for this.

Conclusions

In conclusion, from the results found in this thesis, it can be suggested that the

body size of models in advertisements targeted to female adolescents is not as influential

as past research has suggested. In order to conclude that results were because of the

manipulations, a true experimental design should be undertaken. With a true

experimental design, subjects would be randomly placed in experimental groups and

results would have more validity.






64


The findings of this thesis are beneficial to advertisers who are constantly

criticized for the harm their advertisements do and to the mass media researchers who

support that the effects of the media are negative.















APPENDIX A
EXPERIMENT ADVERTISEMENTS

Control Condition Advertisements






































First impressions are important. At Macy's we want to help you make
a good one. Our clothing, shoes and accessories allow you to express
yourself and make the first impression that you want to make.








Express Yourself


At Fashion Bug we have all the esentials for you to be who you
are. We carry girls, juniors, misses, plus-sizes, maternity wear,
shoes, and accessories. Whoever, whatever the occasion, we
have you covered at The Bug.


it's
better

Brug






Put Your Best


Foot

Forward


r _I*


A TJ Maxx we offer more than quality, we offer
value. We are all about offering you incredibly
good deals on high-quality products. Visit one
of our 930 for pure shopping bliss.


T.Jdrnacw









Thin Model Condition








r









First impressions are
important. At Macy's we
want to help you make a
good one. Our clothing,
shoes and accessories allow
you to express yourself and
make the first impression
that you want to make.









Express
Yourself








At Fashion Bug we have all the esentials for
you to be whoyou are. We carry girls, juniors,
misses, plus-sizes, maternity wear, shoes, and
accessories. Whoever, whatever the occasion,
we have you covered at The Bug.
It's

Bug







Put Your

Best

Foot

Forward


A TJ Maxx we
value. We are
good deals on
of our 930 for


offer more than quality, we offer
all about offering you incredibly
high-quality products. Visit one
pure shopping bliss.









Average-Size Condition









rrCYS


First impressions are
important. At Macy's we
want to help you make a
good one. Our clothing,
shoes and accessories allow
you to express yourself and
make the first impression
that you want to make.









Express

Yourself








At Fashion Bug we have all the esentials for
you to be who you are. We carry girls, juniors,
misses, plus-sizes, maternity wear, shoes, and
accessories. Whoever, whatever the occasion,
we have you covered at The Bug.
it's
TIg
Bug





Put Your
Best
Foot
Forward
A TJ Maxx we offer more than quality, we offer
value. We are all about offering you incredibly
good deals on high-quality products. Visit one
of our 930 for pure shopping bliss.














APPENDIX B
QUESTIONNAIRES

Internalization Questionnaire

I want to know what you think attractive women look like. How much do you agree with
these statements? strongly agree, 2=somewhat agree, 3=neither agree or disagree,
4=somewhat disagree, 5=strongly disagree



1. Thin women are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5

2. Tall women are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5

3. Women with toned bodies are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5

4. Slim women are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5

5. Women who are in shape are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5

6. Slender women are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5

7. Women with long legs are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5

8. Curvy women are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5

9. Shapely women are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5

10. Women who are taller are more attractive 1 2 3 4 5









Experiment Questionnaire

Each item on this questionnaire deals with a different physical characteristic. For each
characteristic, think about how you would describe yourself as you actually are. Then
think about how you wish you were. The difference between the two reveals how close
you come to your personal ideal. In some instances, your looks may closely match your
ideal. In other instances, they may differ considerably. On part A of each item, rate how
much you resemble your personal physical ideal by circling a number on the 1-4 scale.
On part B of each item, rate how important your ideal is to you by circling a number on
the 1-4 scale.


1A. My ideal height iP
l=exactly as I am


2=Almost as I am


3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me


B. How important to you is your ideal height
l=Not important 2=somewhat important
4=Very important

2A. My ideal skin complexion is
exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am


3=Moderately important


3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me


B. How important to you is your ideal skin complexion?
l=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important
4=Very important


3A. My ideal hair texture and thickness are
exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am


3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me


B. How important to you is your ideal hair texture and thickness?
l=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important
4=Very important


4A. My ideal facial features (eyes, nose, ears, facial shape) are
l=exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am 3=Fairly unlike me


B. How important to you is your ideal facial features?
l=Not important 2=somewhat important 3
4=Very important

5A. My ideal muscle tone and definition is
l=exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am 3=Fairly


4=Very unlike me


=Moderately important


unlike me 4=Very unlike me


B. How important to you is your ideal muscle tone and definition?
l=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important
4=Very important










6A. My ideal body proportions are
exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am


3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me


B. How important to you is your ideal body proportions?
l=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important
4=Very important


7A. My ideal weight i
exactly as I am


2=Almost as I am


3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me


B. How important to you is your ideal weigh
l=Not important 2=somewhat important
4=Very important

8A. My ideal chest size is
exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am

B. How important to you is your ideal chest
l=Not important 2=somewhat important
4=Very important

9A. My ideal physical strength is
exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am


3=Moderately important


3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me

size?
t 3=Moderately important



3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me


How important to you is your ideal physical strength?
=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important
4=Very important


10A. My ideal physical coordination is
exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am


3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me


B. How important to you is your ideal physical coordination?
l=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important
4=Very important


11A. My ideal overall physical appearance in
exactly as I am 2=Almost as I am


3=Fairly unlike me 4=Very unlike me


B. How important to you is your overall ideal physical appearance?
l=Not important 2=somewhat important 3=Moderately important
4=Very important

Circle the number that best reflects your agreement with the statement. strongly agree,
2=somewhat agree, 3=neither agree or disagree, 4=somewhat disagree, 5=strongly
disagree










12. I would like my body to look like the women who appear in TV shows and movies
1 2 3 4 5

13. I believe that clothes look better on women that are in good physical shape
1 2 3 4 5

14. Music videos that show women who are in good physical shape make me wish that I
were in better physical shape 1 2 3 4 5

15. I do not wish to look like the female models who appear in magazines
1 2 3 4 5

16. I tend to compare my body to TV and movie stars 1 2 3 4 5

17. In our society, fat people are regarded as attractive 1 2 3 4 5

18. Photographs of physically fit women make me wish that I had a better muscle tone
1 2 3 4 5

19. Attractiveness is very important if you want to get ahead in our culture
1 2 3 4 5

20. It is important for people to look attractive if they want to succeed in today's culture
1 2 3 4 5

21. Most people believe that a toned and physically fit body improves how you look
1 2 3 4 5

22. People think that the more attractive you are, the better you look in clothes
1 2 3 4 5

23. In today's society, it is not important to always look attractive
1 2 3 4 5

24. I wish I looked like the women pictured in magazines who model underwear
1 2 3 4 5

25. I often read magazines and compare my appearance to the female models
1 2 3 4 5

26. People with well-proportioned bodies look better in clothes
1 2 3 4 5






81


27. A physically fit woman is admired for her looks more than someone who is not fit
and toned 1 2 3 4 5

28. How I look does not affect my mood in social situations 1 2 3 4 5

29. People find individuals who are in shape more attractive than individuals who are not
in shape 1 2 3 4 5

30. In our culture, someone with a well-built body has a better chance at success
1 2 3 4 5

31. I often find myself comparing my physique to that of athletes pictured in magazines
1 2 3 4 5

32. I do not compare my appearance to people I consider very attractive.
1 2 3 4 5



The statements listed below are to be used to describe how anzious, tense, or nervous you
feel in general (i.e. usually) about your body or specific parts of your body. Please read
each statement and circle the number that best indicates the extent to which each
statement holds true in general. 1=never, 2=seldom, 3=sometimes, 4=often,
5=always

In genreal I feel anxious, tense or nervous about

33. The extent to which I look overweight 1 2 3 4 5
34. My thighs 1 2 3 4 5
35. My buttocks 1 2 3 4 5
36. My hips 1 2 3 4 5
37. My stomach 1 2 3 4 5
38. My legs 1 2 3 4 5
39. My waist 1 2 3 4 5
40. My muscle tone 1 2 3 4 5
41. My ears 1 2 3 4 5
42. My lips 1 2 3 4 5
43. My wrists 1 2 3 4 5
44. My hands 1 2 3 4 5
45. My forehead 1 2 3 4 5
46. My neck 1 2 3 4 5
47. My chin 1 2 3 4 5
48. My feet 1 2 3 4 5










Never Rarely Sometimes


49. I engage in dieting behavior.

50. I eat diet foods.

51. I feel uncomfortable after
eating sweets.

52. I enjoy trying new rich foods.

53. I avoid foods with sugar in them.

54. I particularly avoid foods with
carbohydrate content (e.g., bread,
rice, potatoes, etc.)

55. I like my stomach to be empty.

56. I think about burning up calories
when I exercise.

57. I feel extremely guilty after eating.

58. I am terrified about being
overweight

59. I am preoccupied with the thought
of having fat on my body.

60. I am aware of the calorie content
of foods that I eat.

61. I have the impulse to vomit
after meals

62. I vomit after I have eaten.

63. I have gone on eating binges where
I feel that I may not be able to stop.

64. I give too much time and thought
to food.

65. I find myself preoccupied with food.

66. I feel that food controls my life.

67. I cut my food into small pieces.

68. I take longer than others
to eat meals.


1 2


3 4

3 4


1 2 3 4 5 6


1 2


1 2


1 2


3 4 5 6


3 4 5 6


3 4 5 6


3 4 5 6


OftenUsually Always


1 2







83


Never Rarely Sometimes Often UsuallyAlways


69. Other people think that
I am too thin.

70. I feel that others would
prefer if I ate more.

71. I feel that others pressure me to eat.

72. I avoid eating when I am hungry.

73. I display self-control around food.



Age

Race

Height

Weight


1 2 3 4 5 6


THANK YOU FOR YOUR TIME















APPENDIX C
STATISTICAL ANALYSIS TABLES



Factor Analysis Rotated Component Matrix PATAS
Components
The extent to which I feel anxious,
tense, or nervous about: 1 2
my stomach 0.83 0
waist 0.82 0.09
my thighs 0.77 0.05
the extent that I look overweight 0.74 0.18
my hips 0.73 0.21
my legs 0.7 0.36
my muscle tone 0.58 0.27
my buttocks 0.47 0.2
my hands 0.18 0.82
my wrists 0.13 0.81
my neck 0.35 0.74
my lips 0.25 0.72
my chin 0.18 0.7
my ears 0.07 0.61
my forehead 0.06 0.56
my feet 0.11 0.54














Tests of Between-Subjects Effects (MANOVA) for Differences between
Covariates and Experimental Conditions.
Dependent Type III Sum Mean
Source Variable of Squares df Square F Sig.
group EAT 4.52 2 2.26 1.63 0.20
BMI 1.05 2 0.53 1.41 0.25
race 1.53 2 0.76 0.74 0.48
Error EAT 119.30 86 1.39
BMI 32.18 86 0.37
race 88.50 86 1.03
Total EAT 464.00 89
BMI 206.00 89
race 669.00 89
Corrected EAT 123.82 88
Total BMI 33.24 88
race 90.02 88
aR Squared = .036 (Adjusted R Squared = .014)
bR Squared = .032 (Adjusted R Squared = .009)



Tests of Between-Subjects Effects (ANOVA) for Body Focused
Type III
Sum of Mean
Source Squares df Square F Sig.
highlowi 4.46 1 4.46 4.51 0.04
group 0.8 2 0.4 0.4 0.67
highlowi g 2.1 2 1.05 1.07 0.35
Error 85.91 87 0.99
Total 730.31 93
Corrected T( 93.41 92
aR Squared = .080 (Adjusted R Squared = .027)



Tests of Between-Subjects Effects (ANCOVA) for Body-
Focused Anxiety when BMI is accounted for
Type III
Sum of Mean
Source Squares df Square F Sig.
BMI 5.63 1 5.63 6.34 0.01
group 0.63 2 0.31 0.35 0.7
highlowi 2.15 1 2.15 2.42 0.12
group* high 2.16 2 1.08 1.22 0.3
Total 628.1 80
Corrected T( 76.1 79
"R Squared = .148 (Adjusted R Squared = .078)
















Tests of Between-Subject Effects (ANOVA) for Body-Focused
Sum of Mean
Squares df Square F Sig.
Between Gr( 1.19 2 0.59 0.58 0.56
Within Grou 92.22 90 1.02


Total


93.41


Tests of Between-Subjects Effects (ANCOVA) for Body-
Focused Anxiety and the Difference between Ideal and Actual
Type III
Sum of Mean
Source Squares df Square F Sig.
BMI 1.56 1 1.56 2.39 0.13
BIQRECOD 22.75 6 3.79 5.81 0
Total 628.1 80
Corrected T( 76.1 79
aR Squared = .382 (Adjusted R Squared = .322)




Between Subjects Effects (ANOVA) for the Difference between
Sum of Squa df Mean S( F Sig.
Between Gr( 9.02 2 4.51 2.62 0.08
Within Grou 158.4 92 1.72
Total 167.42 94


Tests of Between-Subjects Effects (ANCOVA) for the Difference
between Ideal and Acutal State and the Different Model
Type III
Sum of
Source Squares df Mean Sc F Sig.
BMI 15.56 1 15.56 4.43 0.04
GROUP 10.6 2 5.3 1.51 0.23
Total 1190 82
Corrected T( 300.98 81
aR Squared = .091 (Adjusted R Squared = .056)














APPENDIX D
IRB PROTOCOL AND CONSENT FORMS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD

1. TITLE OF PROTOCOL: Thin Media Ideals Influence on Adolescent Females

2. PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Kelley Gudahl; Masters of Advertising
student; Department of Advertising; College of Journalism and Communications;
University of Florida; 321-624-5891; kgudahl@hotmail.com

3. SUPERVISOR: J Robyn Goodman, Ph.D.; Assistant Professor; Department of
Advertising; University of Florida; 2076 Weimer; 352-392-2704;
rgoodman@jou.ufl.edu

4. DATES OF PROPOSED PROTOCOL: September 15, 2005 May 1, 2006

5. SOURCE OF FUNDING FOR THE PROTOCOL: not funded.

6. SCIENTIFIC PURPOSE OF THE INVESTIGATION: The purpose of this
study is to investigate how advertisements with images of thin, average, large or
no models influence adolescent females self image.

7. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY: Participants will be recruited for this
experiment from a high school in the Orlando Metro area. Participants will be
placed in three different groups, each receiving a different experimental
condition-advertisements with no models, thin models, or plus-size models.
Participants will each be exposed to a series of three ads. Each ad will be
advertising a beauty product to adolescent female consumers. Ads will be viewed
from a computer screen. After exposure to the experimental condition, they will
be asked to answer a set of questions regarding their body image ideals, socio-
cultural attitudes towards appearance, and physical appearance state and trait
anxiety levels.

8. POTENTIAL BENEFITS AND ANTICIPATED RISK: There is no
anticipated risk for physical harm from participating in this study that is greater
than is experienced in daily life. Psychological risk is also not anticipated to be
greater than is experienced in daily life. No direct benefit to participants is
expected. Confidentiality will be protected by assigning numbers to all
participants that link them to their survey answers. Only the experimenter will
have access to these numbers. After the experiment is complete, the list linking
numbers to names will be destroyed.










9. RECRUITMENT: Approximately 90 female participants will be recruited from
Orlando metro area high school classrooms. This study is only applicable to
females, so no male participants will or can be used. Participants will be at least
14 years old, with the majority being 14-18 years old. There is no compensation
for participation in this study. Your identity will be kept confidential to the extent
provided by the law. Your information will be assigned a code number. When
the study is completed and the data have been analyzed, the list connecting your
name to the study will be destroyed. Your name will not be used in any report.

9. INFORMED CONSENT: Participants will each receive the attached informed
consent document, which must be signed by them before participation in the
study. Since adolescents will be used in this study, a parental consent document,
also attached, must be signed by the parents/guardians before participation. When
reviewing the informed consent with participants certain areas of importance will
be emphasized such as: confidentiality, ability to withdraw at any time during the
study, and the fact that participants do not have to answer any questions that they
do not wish to answer. Considering the area demographics, both an English and
Spanish version will be distributed.


Principal Investigator Date



Supervisor Date


I approve this protocol for submission to the UFIRB


Department Chair


Date









Informed Consent
Protocol Title: The effects of the media on adolescent consumers

Please read this consent document carefully before you decide to participate in this study.

Purpose of this research study:

The purpose of this research study is to examine the effects of the media on adolescent
consumers.

What you will be asked to do in this study:

Participants will be randomly assigned to one of three groups. Each group will be given
three different advertisements to look at. Ads will be selling beauty/fashion products that
are important to adolescent consumers. After studying the ads, participants will be asked
to answer a series of questions about your attitudes about physical appearance, and about
your own sense of physical and mental well-being. Participants do not have to answer
any questions that they any questions they do not wish to answer.

Time required:

30 minutes

Risks and benefits:

There are no perceived risks from participating in this study. There are no direct benefits
from participation in this study. These results may not directly benefit you today but may
benefit future adolescents by informing them of the risks of exposure to magazine
advertisements.

Compensation:

No compensation will be given for participation in this study.

Confidentiality:

Your identity will be kept confidential to the extent provided by the law. Your
information will be assigned a code number. There will not be a way to link your name
to any of your responses, so the analysis will be anonymous. Your name will not be used
in any report.

Voluntary participation:

Your participation in this study is completely voluntary. There is no penalty for not
participating.









Right to withdraw:

You and/or your legal guardian have the right to withdraw from this study at anytime
without consequence.


Results

Individual results will only be viewed by the researcher and the faculty supervisor.
Group results will be available upon request.

Whom to contact if you have any questions about this study:

Kelley Gudahl
Experiment Administrator
Graduate Studies
Department of Advertising
College of Journalism and Communications
University of Florida
kgudahl@hotmail.com
321-624-5891

J Robyn Goodman, Ph.D.
Assistant Professor
Department of Advertising
University of Florida
rgoodman@jou.ufl.edu

Whom to contact about your rights as a research participant in this study:

UFIRB Office
Box 112250
University of Florida
Gainesville, FL 32611-2250
352-392-0433

Agreement:

I have read the procedure described above. I voluntarily agree to participate in the
procedure and I have received a copy of this description.

Participant Date


Principal Investigator


Date