<%BANNER%>

'Is use of cosmetics anti-socialist?'

University of Florida Institutional Repository
xml version 1.0 encoding UTF-8
REPORT xmlns http:www.fcla.edudlsmddaitss xmlns:xsi http:www.w3.org2001XMLSchema-instance xsi:schemaLocation http:www.fcla.edudlsmddaitssdaitssReport.xsd
INGEST IEID E20101112_AAAABA INGEST_TIME 2010-11-12T08:16:26Z PACKAGE UFE0014375_00001
AGREEMENT_INFO ACCOUNT UF PROJECT UFDC
FILES
FILE SIZE 1053954 DFID F20101112_AAANXG ORIGIN DEPOSITOR PATH yoder_t_Page_051.tif GLOBAL false PRESERVATION BIT MESSAGE_DIGEST ALGORITHM MD5
0e088e2b961a1b2aa506c1019e8675ca
SHA-1
8fdd74df1c33421119b683e8bf20428458217474
F20101112_AAANWR yoder_t_Page_013.tif
aac9b38cb45155305e2bd40c930820e4
1df4feed5a0ed4395d78563ea63f5ded4a5d0301
24716 F20101112_AAAODA yoder_t_Page_046.QC.jpg
becf28ed3079eed35bf4515bf84d3081
056b997a87f4864461d7a3800e4999d30ea8b241
6623 F20101112_AAAOCM yoder_t_Page_029thm.jpg
9548cd58acaaba660d198c0e7ffdb3d5
74fbc5a17f7dc09d251f81c19557d68b4c8abca6
F20101112_AAANXH yoder_t_Page_052.tif
2330bccc7b958a38671e04f7f8d56af5
52ee9b8a33037bd7337a91320b460b39245e9f31
23922 F20101112_AAAOBY yoder_t_Page_011.QC.jpg
e0b30356b48e415b7c5a1e19ec1639c3
7f4279a01e13c1fa86035511500d3b79306fa1fd
F20101112_AAANWS yoder_t_Page_014.tif
491f5259ee97011458eb167cf4b6d999
9f0d4b9f2127b1bd4020fadbaeeb3f2fa0c39acf
6810 F20101112_AAAODB yoder_t_Page_046thm.jpg
f7a0fa53beca8a6f6c3ad105805d47f0
d22bc5f00de728abb3cf174a1572c4efdfd704b7
23656 F20101112_AAAOCN yoder_t_Page_031.QC.jpg
8a62e289d0ed25e392fb1ab852b658cc
1cb1a0ee18e4d78ba3e1caf45d7307a20839c17d
F20101112_AAANXI yoder_t_Page_053.tif
d304d8f629a4899c24953cc62a8f8483
2f88da7c9216fd09a1330956c88ce21078f27bac
6579 F20101112_AAAOBZ yoder_t_Page_011thm.jpg
ca35a5c11cfdd6ca52a95466b13903f1
1cb03089c7a192ef724b5a365ca47b5eeb0ee9c6
F20101112_AAANWT yoder_t_Page_017.tif
6592293366fda28ff38274cfe9759fc9
d7c6b4f9ecd54def792a95fde5d9da23544bc7ed
15874 F20101112_AAAODC yoder_t_Page_048.QC.jpg
8dccd0e4c0da00ffc9ceb3c50359e841
c5805b8c3ca9e779f715913474337b3cb94c9514
6620 F20101112_AAAOCO yoder_t_Page_031thm.jpg
0b13c28c6a1c79167c98359cc9972131
338058f3e789ef3a1e26608cbfd456bf2f85b4ff
F20101112_AAANXJ yoder_t_Page_058.tif
f44e8e283d7dd491f5a1a3b92ec8887b
ea3b229f2fde313fe7119b1eb8adef37d04a4cab
F20101112_AAANWU yoder_t_Page_019.tif
3c92f425b0be085e5ac752550c594da3
7c6db6c9d0010ea873dda8c45f011a6c39d24b57
6558 F20101112_AAAODD yoder_t_Page_050thm.jpg
16a6fa34bbbf6e8416280d93a137d2d6
7cfb5ce7cd6ae91ce114ce5f9ebc1d4579be53a3
23022 F20101112_AAAOCP yoder_t_Page_033.QC.jpg
daaabe3d7dd1164d43ace3496fefcc74
0d1fabece9893815eb993d4d2fe26e1512800704
F20101112_AAANXK yoder_t_Page_059.tif
63217d46391b39db26424eaeda7006ed
dda160336b38c74b35d1d1590b3a2eb2e861051f
F20101112_AAANWV yoder_t_Page_022.tif
136a496f7bdb235ed515599ccc14a049
975e99d3b32cda33ab71478f27f8d73f22aa5739
23774 F20101112_AAAODE yoder_t_Page_051.QC.jpg
49746ee24b7a21403589b0d75bc41f1b
1651274562ff33005da1765b091a4438394d6057
6372 F20101112_AAAOCQ yoder_t_Page_034thm.jpg
c8f4dcd7244fac035e88e9f850cc0ad8
a2a1094683dc37fe4a28ef768cd79a443b9625b8
F20101112_AAANWW yoder_t_Page_026.tif
f467a52084a924ea372c304f12b8bbaf
00c135d7a6391c39290c2e481b96fd30deeb96c2
23540 F20101112_AAAODF yoder_t_Page_052.QC.jpg
661c112763255f9489f430abf0212bc7
f13140b48df3882a4d5118fb5eb94aafa6569ac8
23633 F20101112_AAAOCR yoder_t_Page_036.QC.jpg
80435688e14237d58f722bfaed3f1e59
f42024e4c4d08f2fee591b37a219b7ba1ded3ae9
F20101112_AAANXL yoder_t_Page_061.tif
18fabd2c754677d6b9f28e7c0b8cff32
4e08145bbb7034a0a100b0ffab40c109e8869a1e
F20101112_AAANWX yoder_t_Page_029.tif
5afa958b54262b197d22db8e54af7870
8a218aef583ec3355020e0e11df28f72d4cc5002
23036 F20101112_AAAODG yoder_t_Page_057.QC.jpg
a4a36beec2fd875b23f440e57d625378
87f8cf4f210c8f7f8e3a347620186a6b26478fe0
F20101112_AAANYA yoder_t_Page_095.tif
b561b988df17317db729af82338e88d9
dc023d60ab02fa412e659ab9e0b55ee356d752af
6569 F20101112_AAAOCS yoder_t_Page_036thm.jpg
0a9e5c18a41fc10a1f0a96e83b6c4024
f88f649a226fa4b795d64941e139d5397469faff
F20101112_AAANXM yoder_t_Page_062.tif
631411bd498b45c23580cc6342a39ca4
5b68e854a10610dc0f98bc93074e60419122d902
F20101112_AAANWY yoder_t_Page_031.tif
d4d0e1f03778bb7f0722b9ab5758af7e
34fefaa350441f21db07fa175e76f1060c119552
6602 F20101112_AAAODH yoder_t_Page_060thm.jpg
435d77342a29a704faf122261231f39a
8c5ca3bb075ad39660b9700a221355422392ef91
F20101112_AAANYB yoder_t_Page_097.tif
fc80ff7b2ef05e10d5120c1fabff1a2e
2099a3f5cc390f0d3be241aec0f72592550ee25c
23191 F20101112_AAAOCT yoder_t_Page_038.QC.jpg
19aa8f5b6ea6eb0ba5c88b423212634b
fa529ec79d8ed5cebd8faa3d70d97b5da672985b
F20101112_AAANXN yoder_t_Page_065.tif
7e1ac00b54c9b5cb7b11e2359aec51d8
fa4056e09ff8756235e7333d1a2aff3768338a58
F20101112_AAANWZ yoder_t_Page_032.tif
0a2fc3d6abd59f6ab2f37b03edc3c8e0
3c5e9c8b157362ba59d8cd686822015063d4cc90
22984 F20101112_AAAODI yoder_t_Page_061.QC.jpg
692f1d9b13a77053ffb896b274362cc5
700ffa334ca6717777deb4e8679f0d56c3988bf6
F20101112_AAANYC yoder_t_Page_098.tif
38671bd0b3eebc4530a8124d3620e756
d3858f795085ad24db11652c83ef63741834727d
6639 F20101112_AAAOCU yoder_t_Page_038thm.jpg
807754475623f6eca42ff475a9afaccb
a2123fb76fe49696f7f5ad628ad40ee45bd45875
F20101112_AAANXO yoder_t_Page_070.tif
c9566b34e4bab92ffda13bbbda4ee5ae
befb09eb03eec173ab5a516be8b78914bdf81147
23369 F20101112_AAAODJ yoder_t_Page_062.QC.jpg
0ba1b5732708e741d0f4cc179ee3ffa6
9601394e2e4a34dfbf0000ef8db86ef74731ee51
F20101112_AAANYD yoder_t_Page_103.tif
dc557362c355c94185c429c781baefb7
41f62a4b6765fcae4dcffa3c5e1c5370f734d0c0
6651 F20101112_AAAOCV yoder_t_Page_039thm.jpg
fbd1bd3555c6671a713562e076e9902a
c3f55d3ac92dc8d901cb534f9eb87ea5a2830822
25666 F20101112_AAAODK yoder_t_Page_064.QC.jpg
c1833996314dc7e71f923f543f9e459b
696fcf166aad8ccc9fc3dd59a61fe6fd02b7d834
F20101112_AAANYE yoder_t_Page_106.tif
f1df6e95c7bfe07754eb00e16551095f
b2d70bed4d90039d7d81c29759966fd0ec35ed74
23567 F20101112_AAAOCW yoder_t_Page_041.QC.jpg
d85d94e5769c93951b87fd143d972db3
95aa256ac3663d02de85f63e7a6a26581cad6902
F20101112_AAANXP yoder_t_Page_073.tif
5b265b590ea5c8fe12fe4061ce9842b1
02e5e0a63bddd22c593a295c6358c9f02d1592f3
23217 F20101112_AAAODL yoder_t_Page_066.QC.jpg
0d800d0526d5828050f359aa19747b9a
c4ac982533ba64d05b92db4108bfe1d163404a91
F20101112_AAANYF yoder_t_Page_107.tif
0d9f858366aa4d2dd7f8f1d417f55e9d
90e509873162d53573504a27904efa1d4525f70a
6384 F20101112_AAAOCX yoder_t_Page_041thm.jpg
0685fda5644cdd0ea86ae71e3f653779
506cd6e3776317c86ce8d75642edbc525bebbe28
F20101112_AAANXQ yoder_t_Page_074.tif
e1e380707d6ee17c3b0dfdd62b98c773
98f0618c31c52fa0edb4a724abfd87099fefb2a8
23360 F20101112_AAAOEA yoder_t_Page_080.QC.jpg
24065c034b03ae427050aee0948d313c
35ffb5ea2a946516fa3726c68a0162b8dc21d023
6573 F20101112_AAAODM yoder_t_Page_067thm.jpg
8718f173f898332686f00d3fe82c449c
73204177fc3e91a4e413e58cf0db98a475698ebc
F20101112_AAANYG yoder_t_Page_108.tif
57b6ea4ae880cee68bbd21b7e56462a6
1a7351f2dc71882d62130d2960856a6c312e6f78
6344 F20101112_AAAOCY yoder_t_Page_042thm.jpg
0649f444057651b4cca03e589b860bec
211e67243fc07ce295dd7d278b40e9bcf3a7cff1
F20101112_AAANXR yoder_t_Page_078.tif
a1d17a8a78cfd86331f5c14db67cc28d
9094277646057f50029187bb0926984f99c0ecf5
23234 F20101112_AAAOEB yoder_t_Page_081.QC.jpg
54fe1bbcfcc0c6a892ba09a6a02dce4f
c9eb00c15a641b5eb8bd4fbd48cb71a6891e3c24
23362 F20101112_AAAODN yoder_t_Page_068.QC.jpg
bcbbf0020675a826fe709992dd9a1c38
f66e578a3256e045f2e565824197b30524046639
F20101112_AAANYH yoder_t_Page_110.tif
d76d13f90d38b829541942c1db4fcda7
c9514ac6020965674683bd13e89920db500145c6
F20101112_AAANXS yoder_t_Page_081.tif
c9646e8ff03b5b298d749d0864e121e8
ac02c6a5d4ed8460e8b29b5614970f861ed4d48f
22371 F20101112_AAAOEC yoder_t_Page_082.QC.jpg
53dc9c93e1b6906da21f3f8e0e06d0d0
69e32b08627c9b5043c9392da73346b508897932
6462 F20101112_AAAODO yoder_t_Page_068thm.jpg
84b933f1ee21b635c8588a01ad75369e
94cf42f27ebf98235e2c97283eca6eb1bb9f6a9d
1145 F20101112_AAANYI yoder_t_Page_002.pro
56365912bded3fe07cf07e40b9cbf565
17ac78a800d3bd96a7ec2a79838d8391a37f2a7a
25453 F20101112_AAAOCZ yoder_t_Page_045.QC.jpg
9eeb500544c8124e46ad3aeea80f4369
db87550992eadf8d503b4bf6519c80f82f53fce9
F20101112_AAANXT yoder_t_Page_083.tif
d5649016f433cc464d73ede935f9b49b
4dd26b931983dc4e096bf17682b437d9b0a66edb
6489 F20101112_AAAOED yoder_t_Page_082thm.jpg
bbef8e9a08bc0fe19042609b9fcf840f
35cc4ce1176e94358967a3800f111175a1991ae8
23618 F20101112_AAAODP yoder_t_Page_069.QC.jpg
041163873bcf36cecd12747f78f894e8
e60422263d76ca7ed443bc23cc88136bf8dd4d1f
52453 F20101112_AAANYJ yoder_t_Page_004.pro
23aba042b3cd20f57ea6d170f8d5de7b
dfdce3d1905eb3708aee20958702d9ae0802b514
F20101112_AAANXU yoder_t_Page_087.tif
d1f19a3a8420c25b00f6765d82f87e84
8c6122f61b34f52371a3f19afe8224ce405b9ba1
24378 F20101112_AAAOEE yoder_t_Page_083.QC.jpg
2103002a80c15bd1ead9a75fba77f436
049e2d6e6ab5b04e23474d7808f480970303f4c3
22876 F20101112_AAAODQ yoder_t_Page_070.QC.jpg
52aa9c33b4078f48b026d28dca2a6068
005ea4871fa473ba99513541f0489c3749aed167
5555 F20101112_AAANYK yoder_t_Page_005.pro
512488b6c01a3916ecb9c6c47fb2d9d1
287e898b00ddd4c3a1f176f017de30e6c07396b2
F20101112_AAANXV yoder_t_Page_089.tif
698f086c228dbc64cb4c486162297d22
a2efc65532fb768e21230e5f5394bd2e32a3f466
6662 F20101112_AAAOEF yoder_t_Page_083thm.jpg
711c0a9f3af148e97ed2944c9085a5e3
3bc1cb3d30a18ce1ae49cd4190fa02879203a698
6580 F20101112_AAAODR yoder_t_Page_070thm.jpg
828bf327ea40a6d8a1e0ec08d5c96ea3
8155aa3a8aa5d4dea2a669bb3d26a790675d7e2b
4250 F20101112_AAANYL yoder_t_Page_008.pro
79350e5b31ba09b6977aaa66600674f4
d02c62332abb74cd2ffc3a070a681a6e9274d25f
25271604 F20101112_AAANXW yoder_t_Page_091.tif
9b3c0c6c3276b8d71e313e6bf8c19d3f
e949023526d73cfd82cfcc676d8feef5aeb69955
6023 F20101112_AAAOEG yoder_t_Page_084thm.jpg
0b340f419f3b08c0710564ed7fb5927f
260955d9a43c599f64c6c10fa790467d0722e417
53874 F20101112_AAANZA yoder_t_Page_055.pro
a485b6fc90de0a2dc172f3e700544808
78ae61bf3555c13ba4c1f7aa94480077dd532195
24255 F20101112_AAAODS yoder_t_Page_072.QC.jpg
96de9ec708ae1f1786375cd982c44c9d
b5b8b1cc3e95901b109ed5bb1e0ac87464fcc802
48595 F20101112_AAANYM yoder_t_Page_009.pro
3969891954d9ce520ecfaec50c495f39
84431ced9a13ef08a6a5718c5f8212074d1abc07
F20101112_AAANXX yoder_t_Page_092.tif
a908c630a918d50c34f28fda3addba17
125815653e9aec1f3c32a0c61db6682fd70ca51f
22916 F20101112_AAAOEH yoder_t_Page_085.QC.jpg
3a33290f512a6dd807ddf61ef4ef87bc
7969a8fec7b48392f285b0062e358d9ed216abc9
50282 F20101112_AAANZB yoder_t_Page_057.pro
48f1bcff1792d8b8107b001eec72a501
a346eb9638a0b1ac3a2652bff7d81e8b9e65584a
6644 F20101112_AAAODT yoder_t_Page_072thm.jpg
2fd7823866d2aa30bdd2a5c8340b3259
50fdb40c58fd215c1cccadfbb25382dd65c7f4ed
51033 F20101112_AAANYN yoder_t_Page_010.pro
98d70269d1774c482ff971d580fd84ec
a657086be3d0165b250d0cd3019cbd8075bf8e08
F20101112_AAANXY yoder_t_Page_093.tif
13b9da7b63f365df221c0fb3dfc9a8f9
9de0468944aebef0d988f2ebe7c1e47ae0060758
50034 F20101112_AAANZC yoder_t_Page_060.pro
5f91728f55ef03cbe6ee4da94aa31279
02ccbb1583836c0498b56f6c7d31b7f74aaf7a4e
6393 F20101112_AAAODU yoder_t_Page_075.QC.jpg
ba5dee88adfbf10060cb5d013450d772
dd414c4e29a14d0f56e967122a0160251661d805
55614 F20101112_AAANYO yoder_t_Page_020.pro
83d0698fce893c5de655963f487f1a57
b464559e8526e38de6161c5c3e44da7b7c1268a5
F20101112_AAANXZ yoder_t_Page_094.tif
11ab10bd4aca802094effacd0047075c
1d2b02fa551cfdde6529c60d7cd9dee68a42b790
6436 F20101112_AAAOEI yoder_t_Page_086thm.jpg
0fe91f3e845831e4cea7405ad73c84e6
294eed7eb70f376863fba2bfc2a1ac5d7ee80921
48961 F20101112_AAANZD yoder_t_Page_061.pro
b1fd9bf189bf0bd8cc604ad57841301d
2bc1a8b0a180597bc9a7310189cc1a0901330b56
21715 F20101112_AAAODV yoder_t_Page_076.QC.jpg
26b1c085d4dcb68fec02104442f7e227
b8f17bcc12c574642c9c6366215211f2fbb93a98
50611 F20101112_AAANYP yoder_t_Page_022.pro
df838779c7dfc23650d776be7ead8389
d9bd5776fcd407cd581643adc361587df47935f9
24740 F20101112_AAAOEJ yoder_t_Page_087.QC.jpg
a2dbb237e695e06a27261a994cf3768e
d48296b97c7573b28438f57dc4e1bd08fac00274
51972 F20101112_AAANZE yoder_t_Page_065.pro
37d77692bbc4499a90b7bace3ebfbdf6
7c527aa652d7282973d4291a2df3adcb273eb3b9
6732 F20101112_AAAODW yoder_t_Page_077thm.jpg
fb1f9df2478e9fb6906c9dd689c6fc0d
2bb1d9fa2b0e003b37d7a22dbbfb89ac9df425e5
6715 F20101112_AAAOEK yoder_t_Page_087thm.jpg
b12a6e9d7bbe5f3ac39279e3cbc11f8c
07d3d7d756d90e0cc892d3dcdc61690f265c544d
51301 F20101112_AAANZF yoder_t_Page_066.pro
d432f3e36fe31f5b749de0db12478407
01f355a1f543972e36101cc32b160e9a5c3f46a3
23690 F20101112_AAAODX yoder_t_Page_078.QC.jpg
7a5a159dff6ea4f1ce1d1f43fa9e6a5c
aefd896d05e7e231865e7c4acc255e388499a73c
51116 F20101112_AAANYQ yoder_t_Page_027.pro
da2c2c8b1629a121d48b6cf1fe0f259a
8d675de29bf9371c1379e77aabb3680bb68baf88
23276 F20101112_AAAOEL yoder_t_Page_088.QC.jpg
b61a52b67d85049dd09f83eace31eba1
833f03429e1bf889466563af66c4c13d537bc1a1
52092 F20101112_AAANZG yoder_t_Page_067.pro
ca0aeb4005f304563acf21bdcfd98bac
c7f4e23c99d8e2df6d1a683582c923de75f0fe0a
21159 F20101112_AAAODY yoder_t_Page_079.QC.jpg
2d89b3793ef102e9b5f67dc5cfff0062
7d7941ff19e8fa4ecb3acaa41c40fc0067be46d8
52866 F20101112_AAANYR yoder_t_Page_028.pro
b70fc13c7db93156239f0e1f208d9089
84a364b6756dfebe39d40d6363623afedcbf5544
23715 F20101112_AAAOFA yoder_t_Page_103.QC.jpg
9914c626c11471f1b78a9fd6039a3b89
4ba60ece1286f0c2937a7908d3bfecf60d645b2e
23776 F20101112_AAAOEM yoder_t_Page_089.QC.jpg
07f117a8b599901312cb25db4b49c4a7
a2c5c3300544743caa5c0628fd37141dda5f034e
52839 F20101112_AAANZH yoder_t_Page_069.pro
53b8b56d7850e8d4c410bba746a41313
78bd440aae22c1d18c2caefd53f368bc5dbec465
5948 F20101112_AAAODZ yoder_t_Page_079thm.jpg
9aee4037ae2ab37408f68917b5ec2b71
d4c398063666962efa8118dbd6d45ea1af64895b
53162 F20101112_AAANYS yoder_t_Page_029.pro
d99234e3bf4ffd9bd2b01d633c690495
1a7a33262620a8ac2a264c4e6aa8dfc51bc62e2d
6658 F20101112_AAAOFB yoder_t_Page_103thm.jpg
d3fce8e53cf2d2a41cd6d7b5f2b7bda4
f4990b12e79f736c2d0546a541a1cee3c432b76c
24572 F20101112_AAAOEN yoder_t_Page_090.QC.jpg
8c22c1a8777e97812f51955baf9772d9
1ce832eae92fc9e41806bb684a6ac5309c988679
52680 F20101112_AAANZI yoder_t_Page_070.pro
15c498314504bd260431c19fd5380223
093a4d44c6dd2ea02162f136171362f4d7a4713a
51404 F20101112_AAANYT yoder_t_Page_030.pro
cab606df8c98cc15fb062656e750f58e
e6845edbecee5828991f9ab4ddd634d9c82213b5
26289 F20101112_AAANCA yoder_t_Page_091.QC.jpg
d14b217e2b4104adb0f6f6df92a46b10
54b3585fdd5919563fc47c503f0fea0738cf1a6e
16999 F20101112_AAAOFC yoder_t_Page_106.QC.jpg
14b4ad9a0fffc3515609f29cc131c802
7cea468da2458b529115e96c8672313df3648d80
6477 F20101112_AAAOEO yoder_t_Page_090thm.jpg
c5691af89645206145185f743c9a4878
0d33037fcc5645a3d4121a71b0e08e48591c5c95
9063 F20101112_AAANZJ yoder_t_Page_075.pro
f361eae9cba2659a6aed5c444231385d
47a68b26d2b27894ee01994ae4a7fd4836713369
57245 F20101112_AAANYU yoder_t_Page_035.pro
a86a19f4b52fe1537cdcb0f9963fb675
51502a8c189dc647770263a4b538a72c0622640f
F20101112_AAANCB yoder_t_Page_007.tif
fc8d6f6554fbae2c5f5b2e6044b6578c
b8ece94687f0690cf5ee195a78f65824227f638c
18209 F20101112_AAAOFD yoder_t_Page_107.QC.jpg
b02191d2067665c0cfe408e349b6f95e
af02bf4ac164992a16720fef0af3740e23729463
7371 F20101112_AAAOEP yoder_t_Page_091thm.jpg
74ecd0240010fd771f65505dcdeb0d85
5ba9f57291f7f6e1fe3fb02865f0c807b57de0ba
45621 F20101112_AAANZK yoder_t_Page_076.pro
a344f2c8eef78dc6451945b31025e0e9
1db2b07465c8b88d8c11268ebd6e5c237228988a
51253 F20101112_AAANYV yoder_t_Page_036.pro
f92f292c0c642469095a38f65044ee55
9f8969a22c072d11a1d80d7884ed8bd5dfddcd4a
4658 F20101112_AAANCC yoder_t_Page_048thm.jpg
96daf9781139763584717ad124554d07
7d793589cf49cb6c5453ae72ae42da8b9545c954
5644 F20101112_AAAOFE yoder_t_Page_107thm.jpg
4bca926fd30f61b462899a96142e9208
34547d5c4cac75a47ce1df7560c303edb39702d2
23064 F20101112_AAANBO yoder_t_Page_047.QC.jpg
37c97e4e3edf736eabde66459b36c699
168959ec29e851ff0f68266a68c5ae31f875fd20
7476 F20101112_AAAOEQ yoder_t_Page_092thm.jpg
45457e2f5fc0cff45c5c128ab939aaa4
b1519208c93b83396cb6a7ca54dd7f7cf2e19896
50859 F20101112_AAANZL yoder_t_Page_085.pro
d8fd65aa18ffada3f50fae95c7fcca71
cff9d905128bfb29cdf0497f4b38d61e43728821
50346 F20101112_AAANYW yoder_t_Page_039.pro
15b14f9f6c623e48660ffaa410a6c78e
8b58a8df0a428b83d176043e10f9dcc4c97db1fc
71179 F20101112_AAANCD yoder_t_Page_081.jpg
3481eecb74ef8ebb68593250800aa008
0db2dccf4376ff8b62353397b964c90cc698b9e8
19498 F20101112_AAAOFF yoder_t_Page_108.QC.jpg
ffc503bc9ded78002d8302c7252b8c91
9cfe1f285db59b53c04b77694717c45914358fbc
F20101112_AAANBP yoder_t_Page_027.tif
be8ec223f49062eee7152d66fae5cd4a
04f4c30ec5689ed38dcc525d7108aaa14e0add74
6603 F20101112_AAAOER yoder_t_Page_093thm.jpg
71d3b5a7ac6adb1af539b913e1bae3f4
15d8df869eb48f48cfce644ddd49c531c303b581
57756 F20101112_AAANZM yoder_t_Page_087.pro
f0f9ff0326c3695e5de2801b24220f0e
89211a446c5d22765396378d3c2170faf74c3033
48260 F20101112_AAANYX yoder_t_Page_042.pro
7081513c79ff1adc4f9fad398a7700ac
3b6573e60d3902dd27e5c8776b78a38cc56142dd
51309 F20101112_AAANCE yoder_t_Page_025.pro
30923a249ad0665eee1e2a45f6d2da51
741865be65f3e0aa87cc5993c310086b9b00ca29
5965 F20101112_AAAOFG yoder_t_Page_108thm.jpg
cf4d59220f43fced0ad75b3786be4105
1c0e2cb959edb003ef6b8433e3c30782a06592a5
1991 F20101112_AAANBQ yoder_t_Page_012.txt
07a57a02ebda706f828dcaa935d0bb19
b831ea30c39f7e4608e67e07c6b4de393acda41c
23096 F20101112_AAAOES yoder_t_Page_096.QC.jpg
9a8c255b733f0bcd290e2ded22483c4c
7f4df81289247c809203fa14bf868986b28fe72a
59163 F20101112_AAANZN yoder_t_Page_090.pro
e3762d142598434d3db97259fde75f6a
b9a17b88db334785b855dc8914c86d0506672572
56259 F20101112_AAANYY yoder_t_Page_049.pro
1655b89b70702dd62071d8afffd0ddef
3caf13b67a8caef8f1d68966001dc817e2c97b6f
1953 F20101112_AAANCF yoder_t_Page_033.txt
870ca91b4da1c329435412e503071e12
bf855d42fe3d30967a98621406e8e2c3768b40e4
2498 F20101112_AAAOFH yoder_t_Page_109thm.jpg
44e4c6f523a24c68792ac7221bd524ac
24edd80040bac0b0bf314edb87f2952cc5142f84
49817 F20101112_AAANBR yoder_t_Page_086.pro
1178a06f1ae9c179c1d0677388ef1415
986afcef992df9d15dc14d9da93f2e7c9e6faff1
23304 F20101112_AAAOET yoder_t_Page_097.QC.jpg
f4ff3535d8e285bc78180a8d3392264c
61da422fba967fa078da9cd0b2a77824da3e1c35
34311 F20101112_AAANZO yoder_t_Page_092.pro
91ae2301729bc7e1be76f827d7558d4e
f24d83493503227ff47fbca0ac9d560f403a5307
53762 F20101112_AAANYZ yoder_t_Page_054.pro
ed3c00673b624aaf7bce7499ecf499de
cbc3b6eab781d47d2b04e3b0751f40de39cbb9db
23311 F20101112_AAANCG yoder_t_Page_054.QC.jpg
fab52fe6d2d268894a2189f56c2fd60d
cb26ef6da5875b6d930e5af8cd1af088d5f1a4bb
2415 F20101112_AAAOFI yoder_t_Page_110thm.jpg
b6c605b751efe0a73fea39b38da76b79
b49b6d9fc6ffb572e6ecdfb1225d00c2fa4cbf9b
6994 F20101112_AAANBS yoder_t_Page_110.QC.jpg
c93c98cfa10ffb1bc94c8ec9efea3145
2e610db12e4cb103df3eb93e7da79dab3129241d
6538 F20101112_AAAOEU yoder_t_Page_097thm.jpg
1cfb040f9c32625cb9c1431f22a038a4
efef2e4c4849415d2d60b9f1d3ba76f4a482c909
51918 F20101112_AAANZP yoder_t_Page_093.pro
76ad0c8f972b25176ba6dc3859185770
43a9123858f0db1bdd032f78ad7bdb76ecf499a2
F20101112_AAANCH yoder_t_Page_109.tif
ae2a80b5ff4a4b3ed10dd01f267eefcc
e99147bef7e1041f01f2c44978f84fd2ebb6f200
52374 F20101112_AAANBT yoder_t_Page_050.pro
0d2b714015fb7b68276400758b301f14
936f2c4458002a29a7e7c05051d0582e6e8c6013
22765 F20101112_AAAOEV yoder_t_Page_098.QC.jpg
2f09f841efcf2465bacdaad425cc297b
fc5a3b1f3546c6ee6126efba2df930dea0e129a5
49093 F20101112_AAANZQ yoder_t_Page_094.pro
c76f96df640ca40989218a276ed4a2e3
7b3c9fa515b2ea0f5b5fe7772ac2dde38468c465
8161 F20101112_AAANCI yoder_t_Page_006.pro
6579cb6c8d831d25aa2df070fba5ab4b
f9aa67ae83726dc981a74b4bac97aa0f19d47eb2
95966 F20101112_AAANBU yoder_t_Page_108.jp2
22af72ef674c46dd8fc498a4227e8877
dd7d79380fb6c360db3bc71121433ca294ddc24d
23298 F20101112_AAAOEW yoder_t_Page_099.QC.jpg
90c829bb9d8b95e5cab4f395e717567b
fc68b27d5002f3d414f8e09d77b75e6176aa3975
6385 F20101112_AAANCJ yoder_t_Page_061thm.jpg
d2a5d9e44dde075e7a52c874d5dbd6cb
88484a485b388408e88de8020e6313eb946468e9
82547 F20101112_AAANBV yoder_t_Page_046.jpg
7e11101a052b9a719636a923ef264459
66c79772a53abaa10a7243c2f9926d490edd4ca6
5072 F20101112_AAAOEX yoder_t_Page_101thm.jpg
1cfd747cc892abb0ddbe81c5d22299aa
137515e40a775373b8f4bf16fe288dc469a11cdd
53091 F20101112_AAANZR yoder_t_Page_095.pro
c3d4def6c61ef2833a6417f93d40be81
0552b608d6656a735267a840d18b20a4458f2116
22986 F20101112_AAANCK yoder_t_Page_086.QC.jpg
ae000e87ada551f4b14d6c40afd28a83
f685bb13dbf0531171b78bd8ee85efea5229ebd0
108956 F20101112_AAANBW yoder_t_Page_038.jp2
10deb80a2de5e7a2e13cdd803bc4dfdb
66753472aac5769c30d613c3ef74d0722d425b1a
20721 F20101112_AAAOEY yoder_t_Page_102.QC.jpg
612bd7bf3c06ff5d4f996cc777b0a5cb
9116f372ee751877353a7a56569e13d93fd29f70
50648 F20101112_AAANZS yoder_t_Page_096.pro
be999841526e6a2bdc63862c75d7cf7d
925b9a10e59932ab855ccc4725f802e5076017f4
48287 F20101112_AAANCL yoder_t_Page_018.pro
b707af05b185494eee6f51ff6014b48f
478ce26142ff30c3e8d61f604f932c9d14fedb67
24884 F20101112_AAANBX yoder_t_Page_077.QC.jpg
ec64fbfa19975bf9e0a7a957aa7b0ead
dd71f37241c425dff34913ab5b9c91a291450afc
5945 F20101112_AAAOEZ yoder_t_Page_102thm.jpg
07741a1fc64685952746f19dbf36475a
13d39dd280e13b74c3e5c00b0a889d2893ea622d
50073 F20101112_AAANZT yoder_t_Page_097.pro
5fedbf27720bdab948424b6d05bcb572
59a82511c0005939e3179dd364499003125783c0
1927 F20101112_AAANDA yoder_t_Page_038.txt
f81bb35d3b2d1a76938dd718b14559ce
9ee57a91d48b8ced73482a62e3e643f07dcedd8a
6524 F20101112_AAANCM yoder_t_Page_089thm.jpg
01a49a9ee7f215829c8fe08459e755b1
1d8b01538b561563d26dd3bb54ba767080330db4
29618 F20101112_AAANBY yoder_t_Page_014.pro
a6c37750736b950b2fc97b0a6bda6acd
541fcf3d48990fc3d3b836a6c4aa6f6ce17dd084
49360 F20101112_AAANZU yoder_t_Page_098.pro
b3cd76ae61f82921d27e6213e5c032bb
7399c8e1ad757c5ca575a69f0dc0feeb374ea6ca
49903 F20101112_AAANDB yoder_t_Page_056.pro
836eda319d592c0bb03cdfbb05643f94
4dec4334d65f6221d67c577f7d307652ebf8d694
F20101112_AAANCN yoder_t_Page_088.tif
188e051a2cef6fe6087502c94fb4e8c2
03c3e2be50ed778999bbcf0abbc1311687ee7509
49751 F20101112_AAANZV yoder_t_Page_100.pro
657a6c96381aad5a5644828651541aee
4359fd476d94ad6e679c72591a0365c66dc2cc5d
1902 F20101112_AAANDC yoder_t_Page_042.txt
bf3748fd3692cec764f68d0166960bfc
2db366aee5ff35cc1625bf5b05c1d377b5647ad5
73648 F20101112_AAANCO yoder_t_Page_030.jpg
1ed513ff554bcfc9902410d4b1b0f06c
7c0c1a5bb4e03847e7c9b9911cdd208d7eda1a17
51573 F20101112_AAANBZ yoder_t_Page_037.pro
82e1e1a0b7d81f92066884ae5e86bf7c
60a2b22a43c44508ab8a60dfae090db42f9ab364
53823 F20101112_AAANZW yoder_t_Page_103.pro
4206c548394ca23da1e5e33c0157f692
4cbc9bb4e0410065a39056f9a661e42edb246408
2139 F20101112_AAANDD yoder_t_Page_043.txt
912c0a410b014307afb6be897b197971
14bc1e86e9d09150ad7dedc6487466f25948055d
72304 F20101112_AAANCP yoder_t_Page_062.jpg
1a375fd150e764c0d26d9296fd75b1c5
311446fa188ee08eeacce1efe3907cf60aa52a8a
51078 F20101112_AAANZX yoder_t_Page_104.pro
2b542026f2c30899fdfb9916545ae1ba
262045301b71acec4b9e8edf5cefb40689acbaf0
1995 F20101112_AAANDE yoder_t_Page_022.txt
9fc117f8e1ef84e01880374c6614118e
90bd79fadc72f399309df1efbaaaa111affbe304
62848 F20101112_AAANCQ yoder_t_Page_023.pro
6968e2a0b5852a43474ad1f80952be23
612f5c5a86c9187bc30f499e39c052161cdd4e37
26473 F20101112_AAANZY yoder_t_Page_105.pro
265cedfd4be57e66009aff50a774fa30
a726e56912e52ad6d6b8a7bcf00a290db78966a2
2019 F20101112_AAANDF yoder_t_Page_025.txt
67edc50098353aedffff41527e6618e6
4cf03f8538d637c581ce370437c58ece12c17ba0
70058 F20101112_AAANCR yoder_t_Page_034.jpg
7f191d00751bebd1a4b3bc561c667812
bab994083b631950647248e77751970a163d9935
37631 F20101112_AAANZZ yoder_t_Page_106.pro
37f60fd48f074a5ee2298ca7b0b1bd23
df9593ca676f71fbc7cf2843d26e437107fa42f0
F20101112_AAANDG yoder_t_Page_102.tif
62f958ba74e623906f803c10a96d47d4
b30539d864fe45dac625543a1c598e202cc19cd1
F20101112_AAANCS yoder_t_Page_100.tif
fa8aca01b83f04f23fe4bd8535292373
3fb6af52f8d4c53ed4f4ead4a5edd62a2927d982
F20101112_AAANDH yoder_t_Page_033.tif
3489e8f86007fae26b7f04d7d9d88663
bae9c3a9932f3a6f69c0ff84bf49ee6874d8aa4a
25008 F20101112_AAANCT yoder_t_Page_040.QC.jpg
0bac495e6de1405d353f1dc0b1927ebf
d2e1836f2cb1df11e21cad988c15201ca9770ab6
2303 F20101112_AAANDI yoder_t_Page_072.txt
1fbb3067ff70898bf0f449256e278b58
e8c86f842c7b7e28094fa1837cbac33b730091a2
6390 F20101112_AAANCU yoder_t_Page_059thm.jpg
cafe0d1f062f9c55cb5df859aa063710
5a97810b1af9fe1080c340362b31c52bb23890ef
24589 F20101112_AAANDJ yoder_t_Page_044.QC.jpg
f9507f8a6cf5a417290f4a9dd5f077ce
a835b259e0fd51c8d979bfbfdfb813d6e389a42c
24013 F20101112_AAANCV yoder_t_Page_024.QC.jpg
eea5e812234570d1626684c8c0aa08ac
a68f487d4b057fdcb6701d533215c00bb65cfad6
39408 F20101112_AAANDK yoder_t_Page_007.pro
a3b0326ca38178d7777ca6ac5c6e8756
943f05fac79a3def0ca0b175d8259813938be5c0
59998 F20101112_AAANCW yoder_t_Page_084.pro
53952c9b44a028157e4c9b24797e050d
397dbb3baca15c106bdb09b3af2ba178c9a42ec0
70383 F20101112_AAANDL yoder_t_Page_053.jpg
07a1c0215da8bbf5ae57ba246517c360
5bf8409f9ff236f2575766d670a8d7372940a53a
53568 F20101112_AAANCX yoder_t_Page_068.pro
4b3a5c42a5abd61d959dbb187e75269d
3d38afbc1bd15246fcf57e73f414ca7f8d7273e8
110739 F20101112_AAANDM yoder_t_Page_074.jp2
7d91f08b1c81c7d901b529e468bc613b
3b200e96f9b9979c43d0ff00bfbca231fe2d7548
F20101112_AAANCY yoder_t_Page_077.tif
e5748d10597aaccb95b672aac20417d5
6474390af9bc508896972226db840ef2972bdf33
6534 F20101112_AAANEA yoder_t_Page_074thm.jpg
67d602d21e0b1986dba0839b4e30d3a0
8859ca8bb381cd7f772ebf80c29bc17e718320fc
1875 F20101112_AAANDN yoder_t_Page_076.txt
c28b292d8f281c33edd2cbfc374753f3
1b9ef42e645967e568931d6bbed1641698ed328c
6815 F20101112_AAANCZ yoder_t_Page_040thm.jpg
dcea35f01f6f8f8ef1e30b63b3614e16
3af0f5871d1a51a3e57ad8690826029c21b4674c
24181 F20101112_AAANEB yoder_t_Page_073.QC.jpg
50ec7dc13f65d54c6aa330a6b0a11ba2
7bc9129007605cea457e1e3cbaf612e8ee6e1082
110094 F20101112_AAANDO yoder_t_Page_039.jp2
5a941939ec9176a8bb93b402192251ff
44ac425c050a6ee20d910c074adef64f65cfdd27
1762 F20101112_AAANEC yoder_t_Page_107.txt
d412a2da4676b075884db12ca2991ac2
3690d68817351019904cc0f57632ff4f64fd3b98
1907 F20101112_AAANDP yoder_t_Page_082.txt
ab7953a8c7f9795dc05544b1e5736fe5
8c01b109ddacb430d242557d0ff30b5fea063221
2517 F20101112_AAANED yoder_t_Page_046.txt
aec085420f8960135e1ed81a8adb8741
5289d9c57421eac08b1166d1d03af87105e0f139
72742 F20101112_AAANDQ yoder_t_Page_074.jpg
c19ee232b5b15cd06f08627038a338bd
56741d26a5a65a80b37c8142544c841464279234
5982 F20101112_AAANEE yoder_t_Page_006.QC.jpg
fd6a5b45c61b86e3b225f5f87d9529c8
8a117557972febb3d139c9a703c50e6cbff4fa8b
112477 F20101112_AAANDR yoder_t_Page_068.jp2
835742df13fed71a32ee19d5359856da
15a6b7ff15fcf78b4fb87cbc923118168abd2d9a
F20101112_AAANEF yoder_t_Page_056.tif
440e57a8de64910ee9f2daf5f42e995b
d9c874cc83642f0cccad217c27217e25aaaecb84
50055 F20101112_AAANDS yoder_t_Page_080.pro
852a09f266a62137e03b493783d7e3be
06a28476d3dde1832e1201ff289e8315195adff2
53183 F20101112_AAANEG yoder_t_Page_101.jpg
4c023ac979d4c65e9d13a17db7d8f5b5
9f596386eb993db22ae90d59ea5f5c6f09f7d291
1869 F20101112_AAANDT yoder_t_Page_102.txt
0c38dd66f73cf718ef816d5fc46b751b
603be9c567440997f60bc5eb4fe751358f679296
52328 F20101112_AAANEH yoder_t_Page_016.pro
ac8b368173c97c4e3415c6475f0df15c
92033df52c6643457d32d25f06de9114a82965a0
1958 F20101112_AAANDU yoder_t_Page_086.txt
53f944b5822984040339c3a568bb9856
568156053b285c28e8aefa08f81a23b42fe35186
22918 F20101112_AAANEI yoder_t_Page_100.QC.jpg
7e1b38db3afb36783124b7825650d3fb
923adee240c6601eb39f2eaaa91f7e2cf90172d5
F20101112_AAANDV yoder_t_Page_085.tif
c5cd7ceeec3242546f0162d2c2bec8ab
b37b544c0ed2ef7a352e9131678b310b0a3bea4f
90783 F20101112_AAANEJ yoder_t_Page_015.jp2
c73b71e46c33813b5ab645021101024c
c2b8cb48f77a083263943c3142c2b1a0eaed7ce0
2200 F20101112_AAANEK yoder_t_Page_054.txt
51e9b1de9c908d318b06b438b2b725dd
a690aa9a98a5f498858d036acb64817f90983b3a
6333 F20101112_AAANDW yoder_t_Page_026thm.jpg
fa13d17b39c41fedb36bd53d4e9184cf
27e2464a080fc948822e907795980e78c17efe58
19753 F20101112_AAANEL yoder_t_Page_075.jpg
85dbda90d293d75eef9b8eaa71168ff9
32460a1705874a6b0ca00689dcadb005d4468277
6515 F20101112_AAANDX yoder_t_Page_054thm.jpg
740c440c3f7051040e87d7e6d7189a47
531baad8352856586722e2266f71725bd201e34a
2034 F20101112_AAANFA yoder_t_Page_027.txt
fe40cbf3fc012a4050a91ec73a081170
806251ae0953df8ac261190564d5cef8e1cdfe20
72333 F20101112_AAANEM yoder_t_Page_080.jpg
4e63dfa725aa35d6c79bc0ae9affe137
ff75c23407f02f9210406208e8707dff23d57801
70812 F20101112_AAANDY yoder_t_Page_012.jpg
c9d45e8b9cf61ea5b8fe2faf27d03d0b
107ba065e0d1930dc326780fbaa9cda7061e87ab
23389 F20101112_AAANFB yoder_t_Page_050.QC.jpg
dd089c550aad8afdd416ef4476f58a1a
1c4426937b79646b43a70952d0f27571fc6a92d6
2100 F20101112_AAANEN yoder_t_Page_077.txt
ac2cb4bbe252ab8e54c873834027dbe7
bf4370fa837f93f5bda4ec243963d83a79077296
2108 F20101112_AAANDZ yoder_t_Page_095.txt
e166f3322838ad9c74eddb84c0f5d57d
322d8d04e54b79c87300be3e08e8c362cedc6bbf
1562 F20101112_AAANFC yoder_t_Page_005thm.jpg
dbe58e78afc949bc282cbafe382526c5
259e99d7ce6ca89fe4df2a6101c625b2e4cea833
2023 F20101112_AAANEO yoder_t_Page_017.txt
80c4c56d0e07c36999fee55848f59644
6e1a6bd1fb89822743037fb08fca13efc0c1993b
6545 F20101112_AAANFD yoder_t_Page_073thm.jpg
fe570c9c28ba142f16c385bfa3235794
70103a8481564afd720718fb9589dd1fbc4fa11f
27215 F20101112_AAANEP yoder_t_Page_092.QC.jpg
1648dd02b644a62dcff470d0ca1d6a50
12c1bf033bbd71c4b6e0f22d7fac212090701c5b
24436 F20101112_AAANFE yoder_t_Page_055.QC.jpg
5bab33b42e1da3da0b224cfce999a784
355b2581d1681abd5b5d0bab991678dc8652155a
72522 F20101112_AAANEQ yoder_t_Page_078.jpg
b398678221d7a835aa9da9609d6a36f9
cdc429d6b13bd229bad2a8b268179df3bc10028b
2181 F20101112_AAANFF yoder_t_Page_020.txt
a163ddd6773321663f2b6a39d3797b88
b5fc1f795b80a1b3ef3784dcb9ab75fa5ffc85ae
13959 F20101112_AAANER yoder_t_Page_008.jpg
4f85d3b59f9e6ff0a124bfea7bf20314
618797c92635340f444d9d25b99d12675e44715c
22334 F20101112_AAANFG yoder_t_Page_049.QC.jpg
8524dc514ee235152e662b3678ae30f4
2a034fb95b333db2cfbcb47599fe44c116118c31
73732 F20101112_AAANES yoder_t_Page_003.jp2
fb7c560c13481e51afc0568a230e5c56
52bc0b209075c15218434a87dae4731953db38f0
108378 F20101112_AAANFH yoder_t_Page_041.jp2
034d0749e3cbc622fccc9e60f6b8d1be
d145151aec0f0df332b2f0f8b14fdd58010e55bb
6554 F20101112_AAANET yoder_t_Page_028thm.jpg
7123aa74e630bdaaeff97ffcaa6a0da5
ad5ca92ac6bf0dfa3ee8d852a13b3b52b3cf07bd
F20101112_AAANFI yoder_t_Page_003.tif
c24a58c84458c8a74e85974a8d37950e
f2781a3569fa236a572bad9404501b8aad77e797
73011 F20101112_AAANEU yoder_t_Page_049.jpg
0f0df71a924b68e41e073f54d78a15a6
2b336baa88cf438aebb234b7152cab042a29296d
F20101112_AAANFJ yoder_t_Page_048.tif
afbf6d89372cbdf21475dd87947ed282
ca12613caad04406c72c65c39a1469aa3cb4bc31
55254 F20101112_AAANEV yoder_t_Page_099.pro
602a0e3e90103b4d290eb48c960ab381
4456daf5f59feed58d5d31143cbd9cdcc58260fb
51013 F20101112_AAANFK yoder_t_Page_074.pro
4d08cceafa9d32a647e58e4f910f633f
66e49430c1b4ae60970a68b5c3154390e42c6181
23411 F20101112_AAANEW yoder_t_Page_010.QC.jpg
eb3bd3b55272d1015703b31d9d5f44e5
71071e9dce82da9a30e0affe9975f6003c9e52c9
23646 F20101112_AAANFL yoder_t_Page_104.QC.jpg
59dc7dd6bea7ca0385558f98c0acf1f1
91c359152b1911ff8192c22492d6211c96acb6b9
6520 F20101112_AAANEX yoder_t_Page_085thm.jpg
2db27dc0b58564adf91d8e9201a4c760
c4ff3ce45a3e5f8a43208169dfe46defebe82ea9
6621 F20101112_AAANFM yoder_t_Page_027thm.jpg
c754379c110b939fff8aa47739616110
8adf54440d8b6749c04b4553c44dfec2076c8096
71316 F20101112_AAANEY yoder_t_Page_085.jpg
7adc1c5afd9440bcff1ac34b6f360f1b
72c4039137ef91c22d4a6508bee52996284a8f41
72054 F20101112_AAANGA yoder_t_Page_059.jpg
fe65a70bd0658ebf63479c77702856ab
a8032f3418b7a661f5a2e5decadd54a2dd87c6f9
22320 F20101112_AAANFN yoder_t_Page_084.QC.jpg
51fb3a53f0c658a4d9924327afe1ced6
6a44ed832665b015629005eab3bdb09662a273e5
112559 F20101112_AAANEZ yoder_t_Page_037.jp2
d076dfb66bd4957821d9b48ecde7b829
38cf413c86dc0d5a63a132f23bbde906365b1d3e
110002 F20101112_AAANGB yoder_t_Page_067.jp2
d9a1a8acb6cb80e20f68091358e03ea7
c4225a36ff6e01705bd3e1757b1cb23e44ddc6fa
1371 F20101112_AAANFO yoder_t_Page_002thm.jpg
ce918e6414ebbf7cd8dab3355bb931c7
357e8fee1341ba2cc965013fafcdd6e6bfa80f7b
3257 F20101112_AAANGC yoder_t_Page_002.QC.jpg
0b0ff7d43efca6a9835915b0407a8359
b30b91812cb7472997611179e5db837108df7592
1749 F20101112_AAANFP yoder_t_Page_108.txt
0f833a4f1ce983f8428482733d3dd556
98cc3d3e5443f38ca7ae2be7b683870bfb352832
1975 F20101112_AAANGD yoder_t_Page_062.txt
d23dd5c13b98f8f7618bf270837c6292
7342a841faa783cd9a4ea18b342574339c8e8941
23057 F20101112_AAANFQ yoder_t_Page_018.QC.jpg
2343668fd9556adec1e351e5c7235b42
30210928f4b23cd7ab9437ad9a2a5b66c6019ff2
23063 F20101112_AAANGE yoder_t_Page_058.QC.jpg
c65aca91ff59ecd52587bbe947f8790b
1462e6df43d6c588e599dc3c90c6b76bc273b55c
2141 F20101112_AAANFR yoder_t_Page_088.txt
144145bff9fd2205f2a897f46e2db7ff
a5e6c4ba96405d50c118e06479a348bd7e9dd193
1362 F20101112_AAANGF yoder_t_Page_003.txt
59a2e029f3cf2424a50aedce38339813
0eb1ef1bcb8ccc28343a1c88364527268f87d99c
115051 F20101112_AAANFS yoder_t_Page_095.jp2
c8f85f06d0560a9fa8e664bc6fec4012
aec6a6803ec0a986e2e79237974ffc84f2c02c75
108088 F20101112_AAANGG yoder_t_Page_097.jp2
ce12388967f0bf6c2963b776cbec5aaf
5cc0b042656693365499e343df6aa9e66b37b1a1
50220 F20101112_AAANFT yoder_t_Page_059.pro
0afe9d1bfad0a08a0d4cd846b2e86641
694192c09025c6094c33325d1645937a19d4f331
53460 F20101112_AAANGH yoder_t_Page_088.pro
ec628ef34a83026e9c038e00544a2fb9
fb815c7e1cc4d1fdbc92918067ff7a616a1a01d1
F20101112_AAANFU yoder_t_Page_097.txt
92290fdfcc1da64ad2819621fa2bd02f
2c6fceeb5a8b3c4a64ea061574d8ea878bf8a7cd
112641 F20101112_AAANGI yoder_t_Page_030.jp2
b03aa21298d11caff816debe9083b9ad
28fb68a5841df243e24e5412e035941bb1fd6fad
113968 F20101112_AAANFV yoder_t_Page_089.jp2
98e4717d8510184958a4f60c93c602d2
9003f96dc83d6beb375632fa9987ff5032799714
1385 F20101112_AAANGJ yoder_t_Page_092.txt
6232ad1565d1babdb3ae16b36ab334c9
c987294069dcab6878762d789ed7ba338b49e4b2
6518 F20101112_AAANFW yoder_t_Page_096thm.jpg
b849a5646a649f703521b2664569b539
5f16775d9e901185c63cb0954ab0cd68e9fead01
118886 F20101112_AAANGK yoder_t_Page_087.jp2
a96879673eb5036240510f5d69e8952e
bca94f9d78209fd74064141d3b41b48f9c6df565
6646 F20101112_AAANFX yoder_t_Page_030thm.jpg
0be20717534f504931333457bc2a7b19
25f5ab8ffdc20ff4febbba5def239f13ccd3f2f5
24107 F20101112_AAANGL yoder_t_Page_065.QC.jpg
acf3f8e1d2cb51490b8d115cbb73f514
2932c0a9cf3e999d8d2b52061c1f7aa65357ac15
114831 F20101112_AAANFY yoder_t_Page_020.jp2
979acbe3bfa28dfb4c653494345c9e19
e219c0a51b4fd8595c6f7df29f34c6dce51b1501
23481 F20101112_AAANHA yoder_t_Page_043.QC.jpg
ddbdfefceb452c0e736c0dd7020fbb1a
2da40fa856da516e3510bef75f862a9a0880676d
31131 F20101112_AAANGM yoder_t_Page_048.pro
e243d4c30d23bcdecc1a3e157ca213fc
c4c5ad00f071358636b43cc6251e90a87f407adc
23102 F20101112_AAANFZ yoder_t_Page_071.QC.jpg
08474651a476cc11d2353ef4cae2f430
5ccf251f74ff519c29770b1c2137c6e88e3d8b19
24409 F20101112_AAANHB yoder_t_Page_029.QC.jpg
2b2e5e85a4973e18498283be9573e16e
4ad4f951c75a982fccbbbc6e20ab970c2ca913a4
6611 F20101112_AAANGN yoder_t_Page_078thm.jpg
23cf1212782f3b0f02a86bf7bc51aeef
e619d102c39fe9a0222a2d725bcf72a05bbe5a0a
107950 F20101112_AAANHC yoder_t_Page_033.jp2
b7a544309c7e6df9263474c5761020cc
571a7785be54854b5409a3674c02a7cdd9e3520f
22592 F20101112_AAANGO yoder_t_Page_042.QC.jpg
66d2b1745e14b82b522e237a4a96860a
b0cf13852bc8297f1a4ae0e13974027e8297b257
73935 F20101112_AAANHD yoder_t_Page_016.jpg
9367abba51bc1290e80b5b8d1c2e2ee7
69b868470cc2b4b435826b025dbef91b875cfe74
6117 F20101112_AAANGP yoder_t_Page_049thm.jpg
cb026c1e9d01957762681f9ddb324422
476a67db3db30b147fe61958dceda3f034a4fa58
9183 F20101112_AAANHE yoder_t_Page_001.pro
bd4a2ea198c6516c69af9d0abd82fd9a
a9131b8160f061c6e65a3ab3ce9041575acfce2c
51644 F20101112_AAANGQ yoder_t_Page_071.pro
601214fb99f25bff42162d9d36a72f5d
1fa7cf5059c657969f26cacd52cb6b8838caec3b
23464 F20101112_AAANHF yoder_t_Page_067.QC.jpg
885f21befd911385da9c9952dd375861
4b8602b02da1f982476cb7f84cc6136aebd4aba7
F20101112_AAANGR yoder_t_Page_058.txt
c171d2abde6084775a41298aaa223be8
0180703aaf827152605c62d0389ec741e96959d2
111716 F20101112_AAANHG yoder_t_Page_078.jp2
5764ce877b3875f93b8b80811954c049
857bdb78eeeaba5cea5528ff1ae3bb3c7c88efbe
1711 F20101112_AAANGS yoder_t_Page_015.txt
cc312a9ddadea4633e493b09cfa21de7
dd5d42733ac794332937eff4fd6594d57b0e2859
F20101112_AAANHH yoder_t_Page_035.tif
8954730b6be14c54feeb6f9cdc6e641f
57aef1185a7376fd43d7852e5fec4d4e23fdc7f5
88741 F20101112_AAANGT yoder_t_Page_007.jp2
fde97cd1401d8b8e276e59b4ee27fb28
7248a526f4caab0078a3e4aa862d02f4869f894d
69919 F20101112_AAANHI yoder_t_Page_018.jpg
9d919ec179752b74263dd8a407f75d6d
b77858e5cc4cb401e7e143640915115f33bd1e84
112850 F20101112_AAANGU yoder_t_Page_051.jp2
257ac362333d48527d032bf0379b7599
e3fd8c28d679481a9713d5144a4cc7dbbed2aa27
117645 F20101112_AAANHJ yoder_t_Page_035.jp2
737cda7a754b1f2cdedaaf0ba7550bfc
4683f2ec6375c2b0149379c409ef4a8420292edf
F20101112_AAANGV yoder_t_Page_037thm.jpg
c4d63bf452a350f7f27591cfed2fce7c
634d454f528847036e73ad93aec9092f6e38c57d
107021 F20101112_AAANHK yoder_t_Page_060.jp2
bd9830ef04be37eb03344ac46d9572a9
9ea1792fc8879314fbe8a51a5a57c9e348272b6c
47644 F20101112_AAANGW yoder_t_Page_013.pro
b3924c66e434bbfdb44a4f00e3496f6c
fbf377abdcc7a010480a9a748b893e422b769298
2018 F20101112_AAANHL yoder_t_Page_030.txt
fa6e91f3b008e9d65d84ffe866ae396f
483acf78052e5dcabf01a8677a9b6f86f9426574
23740 F20101112_AAANGX yoder_t_Page_021.QC.jpg
8a570c3ba06dd819d575bc6e1444f54e
460e1a0d6e65b0383ef30997054b015836754318
71340 F20101112_AAANIA yoder_t_Page_047.jpg
4b7eadbc5d7f96b6721d8ef3e0a26e67
564d4686c8eb3820c51993a5d906f6bc30e71913
49628 F20101112_AAANHM yoder_t_Page_033.pro
692eaf055971fb0aae043db94810cce6
b5f579103967510d738fa54e4b816f67ea6dd668
F20101112_AAANGY yoder_t_Page_068.tif
7938086d423388bfaef1c2adc357149e
6aae9660f964d8d7892bf9fcd454e5ef14705dbb
54054 F20101112_AAANIB yoder_t_Page_032.pro
c84e829321a8debb22224fc8a05540b0
9c2ef52d798a67ad5ecc62dfdc3ef9ad6c0112c1
6547 F20101112_AAANHN yoder_t_Page_022thm.jpg
7a80b6947a85ac757812b07bce0f7752
329a2e6d6d5a7dcc95eaeeb948db78ed9e0a290c
88107 F20101112_AAANGZ yoder_t_Page_091.jpg
d3a63d54917a2edd7cded8ea65157c25
979f19046360809bd5f33f09f8a8050681148253
73275 F20101112_AAANIC yoder_t_Page_011.jpg
816c306076be16742e9949690f6016ee
64d652ec473c80934f80e0fbd8da1cdb71d5849d
126043 F20101112_AAANHO yoder_t_Page_046.jp2
4d64997a9a870da674c136128e1bf9ba
52cc9251bc2c706bfe072681a4cf28b656f88bb4
2059 F20101112_AAANID yoder_t_Page_071.txt
4f66242f98066efdadde38b7f512fe35
115dadf3b4fcaec613b18a4653be48006bf81bd4
1999 F20101112_AAANHP yoder_t_Page_100.txt
6c935f7bfb1b9be898081ca4cfeaad42
15fec1cc7d00398113b6f9c2689a419775c9cdb3
2024 F20101112_AAANIE yoder_t_Page_011.txt
be1f38f604db3899c2598cc075b31886
ef0acdb9b7732fdb8440d16fe7cf0e9472781d84
49668 F20101112_AAANHQ yoder_t_Page_047.pro
30a4d4f5c1f304c6b3a2a8a8b4315040
9bef6dd728a3aa8c30866a76727c330a1036ec89
51442 F20101112_AAANIF yoder_t_Page_019.pro
3111f9b97508d1d23dea2e1b63dac1e4
6b33ac406b510a4425715f41c465cacbed367a81
6312 F20101112_AAANHR yoder_t_Page_071thm.jpg
4f30d649c90984773fdac4ccb0400b23
8acf3f3501b4813cfaebbe8da716ddfd8c68cbe7
1945 F20101112_AAANIG yoder_t_Page_053.txt
7e736cb439875215b2763571140c3025
60485bbc9b9c1203dc1eade5c8e3153e6135d19d
6421 F20101112_AAANHS yoder_t_Page_081thm.jpg
59fab0e3185ac8c4246ba8982e6d12f0
a19b02c4225da46e5bb371a17cfef3dea13ad293
2029 F20101112_AAANIH yoder_t_Page_037.txt
1600a13dd33f88fb4c69de086c909956
31b355bdd78f00329028ff8672d93c04e11976b3
F20101112_AAANHT yoder_t_Page_066.tif
50802c26d32b82f9f066dd14aa165bf5
ddb54234b7e56a5430b8c7b660756e6333dc7a4a
2054 F20101112_AAANII yoder_t_Page_050.txt
89fbf54225709b46029e425c68505d51
49f38e8b9e59b42f7ea971a6a58ad5a99dd54616
55269 F20101112_AAANHU yoder_t_Page_073.pro
1ad2b9c64d3bc332de0a59544cf64fda
39845d4fc5810789488c744665bedbabe477de18
1881 F20101112_AAANIJ yoder_t_Page_013.txt
de6e374bc4508fe1d923dd5c2b27f103
5c06b2814d8666c4f042e6a9c8fc9068238772cc
2235 F20101112_AAANHV yoder_t_Page_035.txt
3067ca7396bd6cb634390e7a8a0f1977
fabe3d6fb442a5a0b4764a2a80f287af9352eeb1
109336 F20101112_AAANIK yoder_t_Page_049.jp2
f47a2ea7c0e21c9c199cfa8ecb3cf081
5e007eb62ec53664537baacccf8552b56c51f7c7
F20101112_AAANHW yoder_t_Page_044.tif
117aeae74a1de0c9edc7088c9c82f4a7
607312c0b858aac000d02eb3de09410bff9c2458
F20101112_AAANIL yoder_t_Page_024.tif
e16d405dcd9abcf20fb0bf9a408a71d2
510285790a0d63d428050ae1c8865126bc0f5dd9
72243 F20101112_AAANHX yoder_t_Page_039.jpg
fd7dbefe1358379d7578473ae7678662
fe4840ecc82b7395c132fad8e6cc36d5dbc689e5
23607 F20101112_AAANJA yoder_t_Page_060.QC.jpg
46c75d8225894205896184adc9feee0e
220d4aaddeed41894451bc52b09f0a52ca6e7f46
6635 F20101112_AAANIM yoder_t_Page_069thm.jpg
5a851694db0a058cd7bcb8e4fc751cf2
e694fa7b73f5baaaa62b3213e27d204ccfe390c0
2003 F20101112_AAANHY yoder_t_Page_074.txt
335f759db1fa1b2808bef7afa10f4683
8a063f3af4af6995193cb6a24845b499afc963c1
6034 F20101112_AAANIN yoder_t_Page_076thm.jpg
fca515396802f9f5e75b916faf5e9a43
9706eaa59ad87373026e4caec25d601748a8a7fd
23946 F20101112_AAANHZ yoder_t_Page_039.QC.jpg
68d305306ccbdccc070f439a7b9f3197
873f8a7d97cfc3bfcf7b51bad5e0eeac1089980a
F20101112_AAANJB yoder_t_Page_086.tif
938ecbcf506eb15fdbf3905800ef7de0
760c11398572e2594adf1b022eac7096ea05f59f
125342 F20101112_AAANIO yoder_t_Page_045.jp2
2e1b2839392122d7d35540244d18075d
529c9d638833cedc3eccee45cf71171cb9eadaa0
F20101112_AAANJC yoder_t_Page_040.tif
61ff8c8a9b2ef1b4987e11d5b719d4a1
ea08450abd8a2f048749761d2a6542e197924ef7
F20101112_AAANIP yoder_t_Page_012.tif
691ae6e3559262ed58381227e84baacd
fcf235e42ac8c9685a08a88fc1a29d4b6bbb54bf
51592 F20101112_AAANJD yoder_t_Page_011.pro
e023049dc3380c371741c54aa9729cb5
d13c2cf1da87d21fb9ee7f553420e95848ce66ca
F20101112_AAANIQ yoder_t_Page_036.tif
dea5293a925ab751669c87562c772f1a
c3b9065246dbc613dccee1caf33996848b912900
F20101112_AAANJE yoder_t_Page_076.tif
680fa99d3a05fa6e9c69efb0a07d936a
4628ec91197a669c32b391f2119a31ccb318d0e8
9261 F20101112_AAANIR yoder_t_Page_110.pro
299ca1c9ca1624610696a3786f32d1e3
a1d6b32039e1d180a1b37025029b840f6deed0f1
55506 F20101112_AAANJF yoder_t_Page_083.pro
07a5262289a5a77e9b5f281e11c94e82
39bafe5a1b5a4b28b133cec639b969a6e2b0e13e
19885 F20101112_AAANIS yoder_t_Page_004.QC.jpg
9ba00c4b1fb17fdbd1a57dd7d3899546
30b201a51c357d3868cdcf748e158d089bb0b664
51167 F20101112_AAANJG yoder_t_Page_058.pro
ff9e607ef3211a4b2c136d9d3234eb3a
c82e7091344d47db87c2a29b595fe4884db48501
F20101112_AAANJH yoder_t_Page_057.tif
e9e3549d431d3303f69909997ed339ae
38d1dc4475b8e785bfc58214f3b1e3d7f1854a10
F20101112_AAANIT yoder_t_Page_002.tif
492c7102d169a939b944464ff45b066d
83222f1329829d7f1ff9f2522cb65b3758f448b0
75417 F20101112_AAANJI yoder_t_Page_020.jpg
078f93cd66cf1387b4c1b06fa9fcf77c
c16c3c8b7714f3deeefcf1a832baeb964f273fdb
64600 F20101112_AAANIU yoder_t_Page_046.pro
af385a795a9100ff3bb32ca0e5a5b8ca
011953432c032394baacf439e7c2b2d062869f94
F20101112_AAANJJ yoder_t_Page_043thm.jpg
9967749f76a041be0a8f3fcdbae9ce93
e4391ef202474c8f98984d60a5f5848ae1416697
110168 F20101112_AAANIV yoder_t_Page_085.jp2
f041db4ada1a738c655325f18fe0e4bc
a442860b075cbd37de42ce05c0c9d8c61139304f
22361 F20101112_AAANJK yoder_t_Page_034.QC.jpg
1db7f924bee9584e510f1aebd9c34f01
3c07504e7dd26bde3446a80b5670261973713e81
2464 F20101112_AAANIW yoder_t_Page_064.txt
a58c75e17745fb5a09ab103fe431bcb4
1c042923110880d03203bfa64444848f783f19d5
110109 F20101112_AAANKA yoder_t_Page_104.jp2
30a2dc57a3503c01cf1e04afe37e6707
a1dcbc436fd4c42e67abb270cfe66a92d337e611
110793 F20101112_AAANJL yoder_t_Page_019.jp2
ecb693c5d3b8ae1d9a22ea7c25b41ffb
ec0e9ee80fa694b21517f00b4d84feea264450e9
72765 F20101112_AAANIX yoder_t_Page_067.jpg
7157b9f4b4c93f3ec5d1049e58d25cbe
ba3c286e1a382591a975c29f46345c3c2590aac9
6585 F20101112_AAANKB yoder_t_Page_024thm.jpg
11a9e7586f4cea02fc68a6d768fe9f00
cefd8d8c6a5cab6b72881e2fc9e3c7ba01bed895
114584 F20101112_AAANJM yoder_t_Page_032.jp2
36c6f34e0472f0bf144fa5c663e8dc82
9c7cc287bd1b7017f7be3fbc28e08ad90fddf50d
25835 F20101112_AAANIY yoder_t_Page_109.jpg
9bce5b3d67c5261d3ba86753cda45e20
cc1d4ff60607fd2133d08609bd8241e200580584
2092 F20101112_AAANJN yoder_t_Page_069.txt
72b8799f86e99139b45dd3c6d2f6773f
361052a0bf005aa1c35be54ffbd9ceb67e5dfcde
53744 F20101112_AAANIZ yoder_t_Page_043.pro
d41ec0b169eb5983a883d2b1dc54f657
ae0603275b8125e28f33141f00995481387085aa
60071 F20101112_AAANKC yoder_t_Page_045.pro
bf5ebb0ee55c039e0f076e78f8dbfcd8
e31b378f607198ee684ec0cacd5bf87c07667eaf
30218 F20101112_AAANJO yoder_t_Page_109.jp2
ac92e47c7f8ed28e996b990894bab2d9
b5ff42045562657372f7388c9ac788e51c57f37c
22713 F20101112_AAANKD yoder_t_Page_063.QC.jpg
6baa0914fcfd243e527d8301d75d2ede
dd1f5d3f77e0813f2cb9cb9426821e6d3b99c080
104907 F20101112_AAANJP yoder_t_Page_061.jp2
5ee2a3bc1c05dfa0c2b3989784163b3a
52808b585de01324d3d77797f98a0780a41f0b07
14250 F20101112_AAANKE yoder_t_Page_105.QC.jpg
a03c83b29d950f2a6b095aa8bc637d77
bb8c34bdd5c9b2948a81354a92ef49bdaf6be9ec
6793 F20101112_AAANJQ yoder_t_Page_051thm.jpg
4dd37db4042bdb883741dbe747d70bc2
b914a251df4d4536c13d7d8f994de45871fd2799
48220 F20101112_AAANKF yoder_t_Page_034.pro
1a6fdc2bfc47124f9618e7a991a80c89
18b1ff4cf6e9acb60156f4593f5ee7bb6d6d786f
57614 F20101112_AAANJR yoder_t_Page_106.jpg
1e1af9eeef4611107fdefb9074800264
6f73f83169fe16dd25232547d2ae839ef95e4c31
110353 F20101112_AAANKG yoder_t_Page_010.jp2
7dfd2d39dfaf37916cc55c137a6dc93f
ad064f801f42124cf7abe30054162a11f016b346
F20101112_AAANJS yoder_t_Page_090.tif
b36095ac811092708a46e4d2fc7bd054
e1f52a4714cfff8f1936fe0f854837da14ccbc04
F20101112_AAANKH yoder_t_Page_030.tif
a510c57229b9c276c4339ed3dd6db7db
cbeb3e0c2f70077baf29eec03496248775d2e68b
6742 F20101112_AAANJT yoder_t_Page_045thm.jpg
be0f68706c1d3beea5545bcd27425c2a
711b127a20b1239e7fc49c07504bd82e70312375
110309 F20101112_AAANKI yoder_t_Page_071.jp2
dc6ab2fe230ddbedf09200a604a90959
d50ed0b77233824f80d6814c9688ff21b3c5281b
2159 F20101112_AAANJU yoder_t_Page_055.txt
ecf4876697dbfc51b5a6dd54427312fb
99c68336c50027d4c34054ffa33f43c0922d1594
58765 F20101112_AAANKJ yoder_t_Page_072.pro
8c36a854ac7d7ee48b5fea839876a43a
822314dec7ef08d6f1178db6a735d95656b4dd5b
F20101112_AAANJV yoder_t_Page_016.tif
5f5da552be67fcaf4daf7640f5188e23
8758f292759d16a4bb8f9043f2ced755234f4513
17714 F20101112_AAANKK yoder_t_Page_101.QC.jpg
5af0bfb5dee39b8e15594a1c980ab2b7
c0d6325a89f1cb28d27696020bee6d2d532dcdab
375 F20101112_AAANJW yoder_t_Page_006.txt
8a599c3a8b5a48514f562004a685473b
0f0126cf822ce35895df051d724409bfb8cb0eb9
22700 F20101112_AAANKL yoder_t_Page_053.QC.jpg
58343578cd256773b989c545f277df33
7a41e731687f64826f509e6f4da1b472a6800595
F20101112_AAANJX yoder_t_Page_043.tif
927fe3a8506fe2b45bbf1b7071d545f8
d7fc9a997a3f18b80ce3f9f4d6648a76039e6bc4
F20101112_AAANLA yoder_t_Page_038.tif
9993293876e200517a3a459c0a9b8355
763472f11effc69610ab32cdf769d91d6a727733
106521 F20101112_AAANKM yoder_t_Page_098.jp2
e4034a1d5feed275cd24abb8dc0db99a
6fe314964a2435ff63555c4b705a408213c7ba28
110547 F20101112_AAANJY yoder_t_Page_096.jp2
0008e5b1e656a73acd03183f8443b539
93d471fa59ab519af3c42b67311dcf566ef31305
F20101112_AAANLB yoder_t_Page_105.tif
64fb9fc9579f9c9877a5222e11695eee
7705bfbccef00775c8af760d1202f50b5b5aa6af
24175 F20101112_AAANKN yoder_t_Page_095.QC.jpg
7fa87f885497dbb816983eea30fc8731
675136a9ede4ecc0f6942487a7e1e2bfa715ee39
5614 F20101112_AAANJZ yoder_t_Page_015thm.jpg
2047607033db2cc91d2984c6b5f49eaf
a9770b58f3eeee76d8d395ea9790cf74d6bc50a9
7827 F20101112_AAANLC yoder_t_Page_001.QC.jpg
2c5e673b9d7add9ba5ed0ce968af1686
50ef0ccf9bc0b6fded0753a44c90f87f3f1bc02f
F20101112_AAANKO yoder_t_Page_034.tif
008dfce37325c6ae8aaf7209ab436942
1f9ede0a7063aefce6f55d69622554904055a0cf
20043 F20101112_AAANKP yoder_t_Page_015.QC.jpg
d8990b52769566a449aae1633691a2cb
52bc9d0ac2a605932b2057caa4edf81c5e5bd504
77118 F20101112_AAANLD yoder_t_Page_084.jpg
74c68d7c3b29923551083c71ec90a8ef
dc2a63f504b885891d7c35eb50dbb6415c527acc
6699 F20101112_AAANKQ yoder_t_Page_044thm.jpg
4e545f297dee81f0fd7fd32ba64adb66
b38921b59512e49d80933ae97f9fc78d086f90ec
F20101112_AAANLE yoder_t_Page_028.tif
7f01802db3981a62c15008bdb896e5d3
26b2f6c9214f7411ef58475aeac50115cd2a89ac
49260 F20101112_AAANKR yoder_t_Page_053.pro
4f582adfafa343709eef4b2830402e3b
b400544e47f287351adc809a731ee4ae3dff10e2
3877 F20101112_AAANLF yoder_t_Page_005.QC.jpg
a399d3432c074582efae10d86601677e
9b55826d5f1e0af3414a39de495cce3a4d77b729
6388 F20101112_AAANKS yoder_t_Page_063thm.jpg
8ffc91db1cd7f57e0187074128bb1381
3e12d437997ae47ed7834353a2e17c7f4aa0055b
72274 F20101112_AAANLG yoder_t_Page_056.jpg
65b5e910975739f2035f76ea84919b86
e4afb080ebc9789273793ec60a92ed2ad04fbfe4
2237 F20101112_AAANKT yoder_t_Page_049.txt
3989898ab9a86040787d8b6590679467
aa750a03692789d143d8ae34cf72a07b3ea5b435
72164 F20101112_AAANLH yoder_t_Page_066.jpg
9bef4cc0033e78777c4b5cc196655687
ff6a448f8a35004fa449926d02298d556d532f52
12255 F20101112_AAANKU yoder_t_Page_109.pro
e3241c6bed60668c5a62b258ad9209a0
5590cdc4ea70abba7a36483c78982308ca8a66aa
2228 F20101112_AAANLI yoder_t_Page_073.txt
0fb5c6997213547bd3a93e0c6dcc1eec
d23cbee4fa59b23b4c3ef093272bdc9501e8dab4
2071 F20101112_AAANKV yoder_t_Page_040.txt
eb6cf94f9995bf0af5fd782669c0e188
bf5bd9cc0e6a632c8239ca5e5e0f2181fd5ffb89
2013 F20101112_AAANLJ yoder_t_Page_036.txt
a7efb70628c118f34c6541496675ed93
336b3d2b30d99cf79abec5116f24718b9ee7a5a9
23422 F20101112_AAANKW yoder_t_Page_022.QC.jpg
b347338da1b31d2f810becd822a9af23
8d5cc334a7c903e22232569cfd9b6e8c4abf22e9
45752 F20101112_AAANLK yoder_t_Page_102.pro
2faaddea97b09e489158b867a5fd9cb8
9bd6bc914f2d36853e89a90dfdd6798db81bb6c2
23831 F20101112_AAANKX yoder_t_Page_074.QC.jpg
302c9e3ce1ed212cde8f87a12e72b1a3
804bea64cc23e9694aea0c569e36eab3fb2496e1
1980 F20101112_AAANMA yoder_t_Page_060.txt
46ac5991161e22ecc34b9cbde51cb4e1
e04c7e48159c8f57ead55f3cd941b7a1d0d0f996
24111 F20101112_AAANLL yoder_t_Page_093.QC.jpg
9558cc792b0e9675363fd6175d807e2d
e0d8ce396011e4b20120491d7eea79874fe877cb
53831 F20101112_AAANKY yoder_t_Page_051.pro
632e4d6e9d5c298e5d1341804d16f07c
8b4ae6e56b2d2be51b100bed40da37be07c58953
23123 F20101112_AAANMB yoder_t_Page_059.QC.jpg
541e3412d08d8f7d134ca67cf110aad0
7b975fed57e3b65a0e415ef2d0b31f50b5f3943f
F20101112_AAANLM yoder_t_Page_023.tif
96840dfb5ce8f322cf7d11e3a74d639c
0711540ec1acc55bdbc6f77cff14700932da50df
F20101112_AAANKZ yoder_t_Page_020.tif
672f0e6a018f2af315bb388f8853c7ed
f5f32c8f1a442bf0250a5878b4b140cced5000ac
6566 F20101112_AAANMC yoder_t_Page_080thm.jpg
b73d10ac997e8cca38345b626b52d489
a1cbf0f28c534ab5e25c4204af77783046f4a295
49042 F20101112_AAANLN yoder_t_Page_038.pro
292fb9f1689713d143d8d9d805f081df
62fae1e75d1446809d697f5f150e69071e3c046a
7721 F20101112_AAANMD yoder_t_Page_109.QC.jpg
66ba242f0d92e3c800b1b3a59a9b4d66
273863d51875a46478ee8a125a90daa256da7602
6425 F20101112_AAANLO yoder_t_Page_052thm.jpg
a5ada7f6cf82625afbad5d8042e96346
d7bd34cbf01097a32bf56d0dab7feb569d792a49
1972 F20101112_AAANLP yoder_t_Page_056.txt
172c13e3fe2878a3f110f8e641274d87
5b4158bb2eae0f6c5815f1bdaada24cdc0ec2a00
2197 F20101112_AAANME yoder_t_Page_083.txt
6fdc620716c4a1adc20d550f15ca2ccf
f30519ff79c7c5bc86d3b97fd8096b091cc8cb88
362 F20101112_AAANLQ yoder_t_Page_075.txt
15c4c97399e67740492236cc29ea828f
d287e340290588eca0d546646ea5ec80e7b1ffef
6789 F20101112_AAANMF yoder_t_Page_035thm.jpg
a56ff060185a2761baaee9ff62af2863
3bc03993017014348beedb8d75f3ca7539a962f8
105406 F20101112_AAANLR yoder_t_Page_042.jp2
6e3e2addbb376970dd90a23e86de5637
3b7515660fc4f4a1d063b44007798085cdd7f873
6245 F20101112_AAANMG yoder_t_Page_013thm.jpg
bdbd81b220dcd30ba5166796f2a94a93
1775730e9e2d08d80848177c300cc2270f772e2f
F20101112_AAANLS yoder_t_Page_099.tif
b4737cb8ba0ca3c308f59cfa1544d052
3788f4ca66ff3a792c5f835826991c9a9783e9a3
F20101112_AAANMH yoder_t_Page_072.tif
35b4d6d6371c2cd133a751fa6cb43bb9
7b5ed4ce76f1c2eb6ce15206c6ef7fe5f628ed79
F20101112_AAANLT yoder_t_Page_008.tif
f0316e893ffed408039639898124815a
f664561d62bdf9b12e585e2c5ea8ff17c448792c
12735 F20101112_AAANMI yoder_t_Page_008.jp2
5c614f34a6023dc52c02225270868302
0fbdc05b0913f59976ab35b205f2bbc6fc6c9a68
69587 F20101112_AAANLU yoder_t_Page_061.jpg
e26e4b4379d8096c4711f775937394a9
3216a5a1685567e55910adfe81d061bd23f7e378
108472 F20101112_AAANMJ yoder_t_Page_059.jp2
1f29de84451cccc5952c43da6dc06dcc
afc8d427b4f1cc07b175ff109a53af1ff8f03cad
108706 F20101112_AAANLV yoder_t_Page_080.jp2
9227454bd90630bbd6503f098c9f9363
ee9e4914ff760d46b8d5981fd55e4c39e50871c9
F20101112_AAANMK yoder_t_Page_096.tif
f17741c1e296f398ea92a852be78b9fc
0a2e40b9bc56089b1ba4f12ef237b10f489dbc77
4025 F20101112_AAANLW yoder_t_Page_105thm.jpg
cea7d4358d58276aa59b9a56099f3c47
b14936131391612d19511c13f7ead1ea52140af7
110269 F20101112_AAANNA yoder_t_Page_022.jp2
4cf69586a5a0fe43a3e85876c456425a
a3ad5eef9fb413fdbd5cc279025d1bbfa23c4d69
48366 F20101112_AAANML yoder_t_Page_026.pro
66602d9641c47f3403107de1563eb557
589726efc00ca366a01434b5e90f9c05a48b8d2a
F20101112_AAANLX yoder_t_Page_025.tif
489386085ca744adb3dc82831a114fe4
7a6ce1121b15ae2fff5d5547fb014ea243bdb2c5
1737 F20101112_AAANNB yoder_t_Page_008thm.jpg
fb192dc2aa4af056b25e85b43cac6462
5411ee45841f2c0c17b8ad4af0a148037877be71
112278 F20101112_AAANMM yoder_t_Page_027.jp2
b9f548d7acd1770a383e1de02b9724ca
a6d607a1799c309d29f184c8933c641d9774cf71
114924 F20101112_AAANLY yoder_t_Page_044.jp2
db0b9900e086c90589b2c211bc53e40e
6b81eca13250d29c744919aaf73d2b87f10234fa
F20101112_AAANNC yoder_t_Page_054.tif
41647002c084ac19a1c1be79230d9f96
a82fa6c6622ee275dc446c4b5478e9caf3474da4
F20101112_AAANMN yoder_t_Page_041.tif
c0d6db689b8559fd02f450bac56c11bd
2e57be5c2084f3b47029b9d36dd1b0a6aaf70f0a
2101 F20101112_AAANLZ yoder_t_Page_006thm.jpg
a6322cd757bbdd1acbcf116a6b3684d9
75269e9098a892aad6606d6c9aa60be138d17954
6510 F20101112_AAANND yoder_t_Page_033thm.jpg
f52542d43f5823bda02b94436d75ca60
b6471327e17875856af4bee95e4b6176a9b37b63
1051 F20101112_AAANMO yoder_t_Page_105.txt
eef046d7800a1a6a8f4d7e44a2e6e531
09ad1cef801c45cb56469456851dff9d4981178a
F20101112_AAANNE yoder_t_Page_082.tif
95586392e53e40ff191dad884017f43a
83f0f1463cccb1064ec94fdb343461f387440a68
5363 F20101112_AAANMP yoder_t_Page_007thm.jpg
3930d87a790c13b0f8c52b75e42e4438
0a7bd256a75c50705d5ec96d1e13f339316d9316
6323 F20101112_AAANMQ yoder_t_Page_047thm.jpg
ac40cfde24df4363c2eb0fbcacd2421c
85d307b42eefcfd60dd11b5c45ac793229665f12
6565 F20101112_AAANNF yoder_t_Page_016thm.jpg
cb5c59612baa95cc645b4054cbde96dd
6769de6f623cdcbf930b5c2f558ae0659097ef9b
F20101112_AAANMR yoder_t_Page_104.tif
4973c5a2b16a9a011641116ce33a8f98
d5c1dc287bf3552a388ad05b020de013424cd2c6
1750 F20101112_AAANNG yoder_t_Page_007.txt
bd2cc9f61047dd80c5cdda5b832dc25f
152186a46fa634cb97d746eb49423ed227950a88
F20101112_AAANMS yoder_t_Page_018.tif
96bfa5732700020eda1fabbd06d0a448
267878ed269334a97a7b50611a6f61f377a7a01e
71799 F20101112_AAANNH yoder_t_Page_048.jp2
966deddfd3889a6cde08c77ec734843c
1207ed310602aeae0419721cf4088949a7a61c6f
1051929 F20101112_AAANMT yoder_t_Page_091.jp2
e35a7652d51b970805ed686102798815
90bba512db0759e4a854eb840539c4da5059199f
52304 F20101112_AAANNI yoder_t_Page_044.pro
d5af1c68da9e2352804a8bc495e27a7c
ae225ca2466af8d23331f3f2e1a268738b708654
110121 F20101112_AAANMU yoder_t_Page_052.jp2
9864204024fb9b77ccdd5bf8cf316e3d
4335e16667ffb274a3a3167558131b8aeac5cacf
52661 F20101112_AAANNJ yoder_t_Page_040.pro
86ee33f83c9f583a1a01901aa46c2662
ddeb337d4fbaf62e066686bd831b2cec0a57004b
25128 F20101112_AAANMV yoder_t_Page_023.QC.jpg
940feb36d83e11036f565d39488506e6
0ce2a7229968752d6c58678759c71585ce2f072b
1978 F20101112_AAANNK yoder_t_Page_057.txt
03e9f238b3eae8e9bbee73110847b73e
5e62eb78be69561c267a86545a3abe78cd710aeb
71331 F20101112_AAANMW yoder_t_Page_058.jpg
6e75ee2081366cfcf9b14b8dfcbbbbe3
5822d40ceb171c657b2d2f1f1babd2a02ede38c9
6572 F20101112_AAANNL yoder_t_Page_065thm.jpg
4f6c2f4f1c8666f9ecdc0c6027e0bf99
526f5a21de848210c94eb4ef0b1692ba19594cee
6716 F20101112_AAANMX yoder_t_Page_055thm.jpg
46d59b6f01f445703b6975a73a026767
2b69442ae91feb02d8380ed667aabbd5f49dbeb2
53473 F20101112_AAANOA yoder_t_Page_077.pro
acd6a01297b2ac73c1d793a9d98c62be
93afec185d466c891b6d65ce7de4085a91a1fc66
F20101112_AAANNM yoder_t_Page_075.tif
3d541bedc5d972a9f46a0a7e57f584b7
c216fb25c0e329008e3f2d4a1138a38442b2f017
73970 F20101112_AAANMY yoder_t_Page_028.jpg
587b46ea4c593a624785aa6332422165
eabd58a512c6b44b19491d0bfce4e05108fe5386
50110 F20101112_AAANOB yoder_t_Page_062.pro
44fe85d96bd345a20c2d4572f555ee21
fa04af5610b8ad5704adebc8d2590d23efb6608d
41067 F20101112_AAANNN yoder_t_Page_015.pro
266b74d0e6158cf8b9822b1a627b7ea7
084db21ac37408af8569e62d1614caf7d7f67a6a
74351 F20101112_AAANMZ yoder_t_Page_051.jpg
2efc291a7fa104219c1e179dcba9df12
476bd700efb131f3f46ba016576420a49cc8e1bc
24052 F20101112_AAANOC yoder_t_Page_030.QC.jpg
34afa62001c94f5dfaa7e076bf37014d
e42976931f9572eb7bcf2e8eb3de4217c110c0a7
F20101112_AAANNO yoder_t_Page_069.tif
1dda056b2d652e42ec216a28db47c1ce
86acebed94f5ad0187d64b25c391e2d7ba827abb
24331 F20101112_AAANOD yoder_t_Page_035.QC.jpg
d6f06d5d99c22172b573751a78118b94
6be5af7c5b9d9f5c0b33b66bec66b73ca02fd518
2012 F20101112_AAANNP yoder_t_Page_104.txt
ddaafc8462aa86a1240e2cb34e069630
8386e915415c96e40919fbd95e649273dcaa3baf
77770 F20101112_AAANOE yoder_t_Page_087.jpg
c08e4f05fb0ee80f813ace6a7e96b8dd
9b6559e5743055ca5033cfd66d347ec17414c9ef
F20101112_AAANOF yoder_t_Page_055.tif
0ec5e31f5e28f9faf3f32278fcae1ee4
b343231ccc12c538612b2ce5c28dd54766a22045
2342 F20101112_AAANNQ yoder_t_Page_084.txt
281e46f2df60ca67a13a8a56ea0a067e
5ed128e398a35f875b01adcdaa6648640b07cb8c
107857 F20101112_AAANNR yoder_t_Page_053.jp2
074413a348e479b45130b9d2f74871f9
b44140fa5ca054ee7e3f58b8aaf90aa9717ed2f8
2131 F20101112_AAANOG yoder_t_Page_032.txt
1fa3a040126d7e0714ea06cf13a8e3ae
f9cd37f9cab0a6f9045136415d955dc749018cca
75819 F20101112_AAANNS yoder_t_Page_040.jpg
4d9297307cb1ca4d210de2ed750407dc
63fa86cc50ef5e17949ffa64f719712f21217dfe
1996 F20101112_AAANOH yoder_t_Page_047.txt
df368d97816e88ee6e96226e13e9118a
c43e81220f9d56bff0a6a2177f3e2617e7271d0b
72530 F20101112_AAANNT yoder_t_Page_021.jpg
ab56b05d8899d8b43682e46b3e334ac7
d97a6eda7f822fcb329a7c2e46ea43f7628fedac
6440 F20101112_AAANOI yoder_t_Page_056thm.jpg
d9caae76d1608f7d5dc404512eac77d8
90002263ba7727369f2ae51ddf6523679fada0ca
22247 F20101112_AAANNU yoder_t_Page_094.QC.jpg
b7629a930299211f8807c61f21810197
9f4e63e71fe34abe0b7474d91126e0554c8d4bab
F20101112_AAANOJ yoder_t_Page_015.tif
50d08d43840451b9af0acd4da05a7df4
59417cecce8bc9a9b74f2774074388f99975fe14
62130 F20101112_AAANNV yoder_t_Page_107.jpg
4b96c70965247d995cdb8f34e9ab8a7a
b3db257a18e7b2b6454807b81df1a714554c5bdf
35321 F20101112_AAANOK yoder_t_Page_101.pro
8f16baae7301d53f719d15b7cbcb385b
56c8f2c83c78b92aa8acc362907799f544e6cf6e
69793 F20101112_AAANNW yoder_t_Page_098.jpg
ff83f3194694a2fa481d311e3e5059a6
6520cad6d741d5080ceb902cdfd742be59a994c9
23935 F20101112_AAANPA yoder_t_Page_020.QC.jpg
69c5a3d7eeba4d1858b77bc5b58c7e4d
22afd3855a12f50180ff0e3fe1ed27e3b844ab2c
73331 F20101112_AAANOL yoder_t_Page_036.jpg
548fe7c40412ca89fde9e7ea7ab42368
5879f9175d7819fd7bb5adcd3af0a9c679439a95
112679 F20101112_AAANNX yoder_t_Page_036.jp2
6f5179c1fdcac53593f71bd85325de62
02e52894bf906f98a1f6ba5f4f484f28830023bd
2052 F20101112_AAANPB yoder_t_Page_044.txt
1a95f1d76a8e78cb809f670ba10d81e8
5257fe0b445096f14cd522dff81a6a3e9658a3f3
23275 F20101112_AAANOM yoder_t_Page_056.QC.jpg
f55c5c2d006054741607e329e6f3538f
9ac895d0f2b5bfda970439edf0aacb1bf87c1681
112787 F20101112_AAANNY yoder_t_Page_093.jp2
7b0d21fc5d99d17972de9d3e2e6c3147
9280d78edae19fdfd67f916b5b480af9d6e70986
6578 F20101112_AAANPC yoder_t_Page_017thm.jpg
01e7afe2904b89e2dd246e141bf2730b
c13d672b7588549f77f8c406c9a2026b1bf12b2e
112849 F20101112_AAANON yoder_t_Page_088.jp2
623015b2d94c83dab70b66ed7a651380
8066aff32f7153fe22f085f2e93bcabf1dbfe145
16920 F20101112_AAANNZ yoder_t_Page_003.QC.jpg
934103756dc5f1beae50c24f78594e77
85841587c205fe605bef2052e87a904669056d44
68888 F20101112_AAANPD yoder_t_Page_013.jpg
e3a3d9313d2468c73165eadbec5a4c66
d1e7a9f0bb784af59143898b1d810685879340a6
50479 F20101112_AAANOO yoder_t_Page_021.pro
c888dc2de2f9d4944a619ffa3897fba8
20d47d63cf4b00dd61e1d8a867ee555b36090390
118503 F20101112_AAANPE yoder_t_Page_083.jp2
6a8a1f0070a2b108df530ae3a6e56757
4cd6d1c0f92df0ca8bc84a7e590348ae471adbe9
F20101112_AAANOP yoder_t_Page_024.txt
a119473e7f52fd4b41375634cefcfe6b
6b0d5a08b5d4e1eaa11a2fe98ebccb43ea78a683
1051976 F20101112_AAANPF yoder_t_Page_004.jp2
0ecf0022ee32669d10da90412e5f20eb
9cfe55d351ba7701861e53e55a6c4023ea612d9b
49368 F20101112_AAANOQ yoder_t_Page_081.pro
7f3bb9578f803b04587f2a5dfc4c863b
087825287f445d378156ef5713cb5bbb61593265
6447 F20101112_AAANPG yoder_t_Page_058thm.jpg
22b8e495e6f53e5ea8ac32ceb4a13599
83daf7368c7e7ec74dbafadddf210a870edc3a92
47949 F20101112_AAANOR yoder_t_Page_082.pro
d74db87d53ddd38d9085fc83ffce4bfa
2e44746183301c9f13031a2f10e09395d4185872
24077 F20101112_AAANOS yoder_t_Page_016.QC.jpg
1e37e61e6e3eb58dcef2f1274f3c8eac
8a41abd961b3a81aa537851dc803b6898d0e37ba
6448 F20101112_AAANPH yoder_t_Page_100thm.jpg
17f1ecac754aae34402b22473427e1dc
a904209097ff24040b59fa816d44f936d3361130
6759 F20101112_AAANOT yoder_t_Page_032thm.jpg
a056169da66de5c50bb27bf3f15c1341
2002b9d840e5e87822a8af738f917d456763a09b
F20101112_AAANPI yoder_t_Page_005.tif
c573476a8240a58159ab55616949dd5e
200b8511603582d96e7b3f192c59c47828165476
6382 F20101112_AAANOU yoder_t_Page_088thm.jpg
84165dc4d2140850a2dfc5e212f14123
aea41ea04fd18cabd00475aa3265be81b44f7b72
76533 F20101112_AAANPJ yoder_t_Page_077.jpg
e0f406d1ed99f458b380e0fa2cd00712
7dfe10b284ec877e4080c8f0367eb177e2e58980
111505 F20101112_AAANOV yoder_t_Page_017.jp2
90e25b6b939f01342ed01e533f0fb340
6888973999e8f8517ca638b9e6c3970c440f2900
F20101112_AAANPK yoder_t_Page_080.tif
012bdf657ccf75cbdf063ad0e1efc6c2
61cb4d367f7b2cc9db14e7ffeef1ea3191a77ede
F20101112_AAANOW yoder_t_Page_067.tif
5175c4f3808751779dc183862fc42f14
5f34bc61857140602ed6ad1b783328d5a498afbc
112953 F20101112_AAANPL yoder_t_Page_065.jp2
3c4c24ceff59b7dd53680ea2b94e2a36
900a20d7b17670a00dff6a9b1c1c6fae3789f820
F20101112_AAANOX yoder_t_Page_071.tif
9e45cb7ce90f29dc407027a70d3f42d2
17d0666ec05e06ef5689c4c0166b2c8f30b99da6
117191 F20101112_AAANQA yoder_t_Page_073.jp2
3cf2313ba70c35ebc21a91f624775063
c5cb8d042084dc3be56e9af1ab5d61892f52d6a7
122612 F20101112_AAANPM yoder_t_Page_023.jp2
2fee8f848591ce3e2644b5d890ccf4b2
90bc8d369362074cc5ce08f969df67956179bab4
50772 F20101112_AAANOY yoder_t_Page_078.pro
dd035f40a095c366f73b05192fab9b9b
ec9212425cc58480d9e29bea8b92a92fc8d65043
154706 F20101112_AAANQB yoder_t_Page_005.jp2
ff2c8f7af226f48a885e11d5eb08018e
ce5c259ec3ba3791e3790051500a4b627dccfae7
6976 F20101112_AAANPN yoder_t_Page_064thm.jpg
d9bb316476dc58c53a61f9846ea130a0
fd5c5ceaf910f0b06a986588e203b9ca14255f6a
6309 F20101112_AAANOZ yoder_t_Page_098thm.jpg
24deca950f8ff90058a4a1f72c3a6d6f
e044cb2b62b51ddd2981c9545d893a86801a2691
51093 F20101112_AAANQC yoder_t_Page_052.pro
218851b2de6a154298c45d866b600d9a
14bbd3dafb00c02f6989f77ecc7a69171b01b4f7
24550 F20101112_AAANPO yoder_t_Page_032.QC.jpg
c5c6f427350505d0a1cb4427a3ab3fbf
e52f2379565f95ac995b40ebdfafb792e57679b7
6517 F20101112_AAANQD yoder_t_Page_099thm.jpg
cabfac6a56d6535555c2c7d8f55442c5
d7bad60dd7c8a9f78c88c8aa81b28373d932df57
6629 F20101112_AAANPP yoder_t_Page_104thm.jpg
97ccb8e7277350d1b07f2582afe66cce
32623caab847a7e93fb097b1cef4731db3beae79
23055 F20101112_AAANQE yoder_t_Page_026.QC.jpg
0c9eeeeccff8689ecb6263ff8c5dcd7a
e8f13ceee4f4ef761fdcae98b640c03b832ef881
2266 F20101112_AAANPQ yoder_t_Page_004.txt
8d84219b0d876c130399d447fc5954b9
62b96befab4a736eec9ea23f414020ea96b78507
74746 F20101112_AAANQF yoder_t_Page_029.jpg
c6c50a4207fe07098d7afcd9c1ba39a4
9a7375d995eeb5a7febcb6b0b7997f9e7a576378
2290 F20101112_AAANPR yoder_t_Page_075thm.jpg
461537b20ed3385232abc1869030c01e
f501171310f373368b9153364af09c317d411949
63033 F20101112_AAANQG yoder_t_Page_064.pro
b382a9f94db411791c5702f7e2918d16
51e0b46910963788a54561ddc7c1f67fe1e2caca
75342 F20101112_AAANPS yoder_t_Page_032.jpg
7d4429c267a3658e841f91397e5c264d
f722ff30f695c101c5022dfbd55ef256b8ca4975
F20101112_AAANQH yoder_t_Page_084.tif
bd4cdd305825ee3ba79f2f066f3658b7
a320e4fa9f6f93b090d4ffefb223d92e51f441a2
6533 F20101112_AAANPT yoder_t_Page_012thm.jpg
8586a257b1bca37339adb9769fc94c8c
dc11a5a92e3b6431bdb4346d31d71ce6cf076a9c
F20101112_AAANPU yoder_t_Page_021.tif
ab21039baaa56f548c838069a36214f2
c92a40b4de172675478a0c3d1bc924fc931c221d
43480 F20101112_AAANQI yoder_t_Page_079.pro
31c988f73ded50b24ce9312403672af9
57c063e6f2055d5063f650c5ea70662bc8f81450
F20101112_AAANPV yoder_t_Page_018thm.jpg
22a18a8dc5e3ece9605dd6df3c231ca7
6fba22338ab0568d1786fb5399993a5265e71b0a
F20101112_AAANQJ yoder_t_Page_079.tif
1afb22cef8a258062106dab55292ce89
77bd45f95281203f1eabecbe4c905a7822c58b9b
6392 F20101112_AAANPW yoder_t_Page_010thm.jpg
0c3704abf3b83ff69fdf72657194b35b
b8dc6594ec64690387a6c54cd509b7f3e5bf20ea
F20101112_AAANQK yoder_t_Page_064.tif
8d6f2bd936595012d7c0c5f508cb2869
e095f48ad7f37cd420262426754ae55119dc3be0
5529 F20101112_AAANPX yoder_t_Page_004thm.jpg
a930ab3b792235c72aaf588218f1f176
8e8294a70f9df2cb8602f475a036d17a42a99f70
6482 F20101112_AAANRA yoder_t_Page_057thm.jpg
b6a026df4d5e24073c54d76cbf96b39b
26d885789f2ce2019d02360f212e4b927d2702b2
51545 F20101112_AAANQL yoder_t_Page_017.pro
e96a5dceed388c22b5bc7f958602252c
f29a67a9d025d274a1df23442fcd4513e38c9e23
73545 F20101112_AAANPY yoder_t_Page_065.jpg
a1d8714a23098ae32e767f3a61954605
1a149081f9769eb39844635b0dfa7cee09fcc955
54495 F20101112_AAANRB yoder_t_Page_063.pro
06280efb089cf53136f343edbfacceea
7f2c9a2661c066f263ab7f1c2a242b43434a281d
1992 F20101112_AAANQM yoder_t_Page_078.txt
29b651fac4dfd8181f3fba4b2f6d4f60
4530d853ba419fff0294f498a2822e2e3b0ee69c
50912 F20101112_AAANPZ yoder_t_Page_031.pro
9a0b87bd69fc32eee7c7b66080a2d746
461f578feaf75eafe0a785e7e5011cbcafb8986e
50508 F20101112_AAANRC yoder_t_Page_012.pro
7374e08466fb285f61e75ed27776c133
09933e91e42a95f482fe4ccacdcf49330c0b69e4
F20101112_AAANQN yoder_t_Page_063.tif
9d87a9e730be038ade63966773f5f8f8
60280ad12f0270a5c6b5742ee2a42e7947c3e0f5
56060 F20101112_AAANRD yoder_t_Page_024.pro
d4aed32a86cb13a5682c6143add77120
1d3543ee408274b3b222c435395aba6a527161e9
6438 F20101112_AAANQO yoder_t_Page_094thm.jpg
88dfa17b6eb73bc988beb7b1aa0e16c9
04a78c607529e70f69e219078ef56676419cd650
F20101112_AAANRE yoder_t_Page_101.tif
24774e99683019c1176c8b92ff8c354d
e1f51ef64b3ee9b050ef39e2e43711ee680decb9
106978 F20101112_AAANQP yoder_t_Page_026.jp2
25adb2bcfe3a596130ee4942d1b8cc87
8ced67db3333cf12cf82ce2d7cecf06fc6f25d92
F20101112_AAANRF yoder_t_Page_009.tif
52df5580c848e63c3dced632c93ef351
7e86ddc8d2d7f7311553aa717a7c60a38b62d34e
5264 F20101112_AAANQQ yoder_t_Page_106thm.jpg
e55b5200511b3a35e281de7b98bd4d75
ad826c767bf9f2acdea8cf186e648fffe429d3d6
61721 F20101112_AAANRG yoder_t_Page_015.jpg
e238c7d206031f7f8bbc2444da471db8
fbc161913375f8a0b61fe0132d25d85fb277f3cb
383 F20101112_AAANQR yoder_t_Page_005.txt
a9f581864694efe575fa3763439e6d2f
abcaee7b3e5db4f6c9b923f5755177a289ecea16
F20101112_AAANRH yoder_t_Page_019.QC.jpg
5059b2e1d19c009e5a78114eb226bc81
0606ad6da7d0ad09bbd64b8770e788bb5e2b0334
23568 F20101112_AAANQS yoder_t_Page_025.QC.jpg
a45861f7fa8673a26eb6097218952845
eb743b5e696dcd72c6202fc1ba0b241760203414
113135 F20101112_AAANRI yoder_t_Page_029.jp2
d4c41beb764acd325491d6f40d9a7fe1
714d3d5de2b1cad8aa8e5669d5d3c6c4f9a07b76
23937 F20101112_AAANQT yoder_t_Page_037.QC.jpg
7457fbd219ab8d9588122ccc0b1db095
d1bb1e69fc99157d22bd874b4e278b5eef910f69
105569 F20101112_AAANQU yoder_t_Page_034.jp2
8c6375e71a02ddcb0d37fec7fc931ac0
4c64a84f65548b686b0d36b6f6484c601c288fbe
F20101112_AAANRJ yoder_t_Page_060.tif
4177a5d266d1e375ee80f0857700cdbb
1131a2bd1b2b5edd69f5a3c8ea448c700994f1b8
80909 F20101112_AAANQV yoder_t_Page_064.jpg
4176a0da38cc360bdf3f512def632991
feb12d73e0f40e2eef0d69efda55a8a80ab5ebd1
107624 F20101112_AAANRK yoder_t_Page_094.jp2
d81cd77c61881127b9773acd69a9825f
86053a4a3524d92f0a9d4de00b06ea325259bc5c
2045 F20101112_AAANQW yoder_t_Page_067.txt
3e3f3774a8e67c5adc761e6db40e3f20
02f03ed71282b56516126e9e25fb273a29e14370
6555 F20101112_AAANSA yoder_t_Page_053thm.jpg
2b64d15f9408f9835ccaec2e2c474e51
b3ab4956aca2dafb2b7a1bb4ccd40a6ddb868088
F20101112_AAANRL yoder_t_Page_045.tif
cefad954120aa389cf0ef812fb970351
73b67c91de3ecdf3bb435523755c57401d286148
F20101112_AAANQX yoder_t_Page_098.txt
70ee86292e681bf837a65e232b943e97
c7bc61c90d06c2a93a1b2973b48c70aa81e036d9
74308 F20101112_AAANSB yoder_t_Page_099.jpg
31780c165be1ab5a6b65c7afbbb6ab1f
0a6109922255e0c0242335664af96f5f7b1707a6
99948 F20101112_AAANRM yoder_t_Page_076.jp2
8ad8ac134ea327d317b625a62cb27bf0
ad383cdde30118d5b455b4679f3b61e3a4fd6bce
2264 F20101112_AAANQY yoder_t_Page_063.txt
e70c72ea621dc9bb3ad06db1dd56fcd9
d7f5a9a99598aecfc6928113403706b3134bd683
1913 F20101112_AAANSC yoder_t_Page_026.txt
7873a6021bc351042e8177a8e2bd42e2
859c735b31dd36c02c3b0ccbb0b0bbe13f32d975
6483 F20101112_AAANRN yoder_t_Page_095thm.jpg
5cd6171c70b60d9e5e6c04bb678b0055
77b5545911133f2e9b7e1680b80d04625146b189
F20101112_AAANQZ yoder_t_Page_037.tif
7289743b5568599f949b1df2875557b9
92e0cfaaef515360d50289ad66d286d2972c7878
39435 F20101112_AAANSD yoder_t_Page_091.pro
93e2ca05f337c9525fc2f7ea812397f9
7bfe7487ec52ad6a45b6fd0e9e28bdb05e64df43
50082 F20101112_AAANRO yoder_t_Page_041.pro
adf771a1d35d9fba7f1e40d5d90a943c
b03565a3a74eb45789b974aa20993497184f4496
164763 F20101112_AAANSE UFE0014375_00001.xml FULL
7027d3893cf0bad1333b844d690cb493
b8b8eddccf391245ac9f93f584fd4086ef830ee3
66833 F20101112_AAANRP yoder_t_Page_076.jpg
0a7b0ddd4b8741f308ab4d434c0b391f
c036ac52ffe6670ea70962f7c3885c71edf595fa
82494 F20101112_AAANRQ yoder_t_Page_045.jpg
86b3eb60815a296382a5b6794c317f86
1d0ca97309e21064a4f04d9a702775153c938610
54179 F20101112_AAANRR yoder_t_Page_089.pro
1703fed508fb7328174e73491412de0f
c943ef6f6f0a74938d854445284a373dc17dab7a
25183 F20101112_AAANSH yoder_t_Page_001.jpg
0e060c3f7383fa9701cfd5cce0c7c6ec
7c96d58baaa59f7051ef44eadbb6805ff561c39b
2098 F20101112_AAANRS yoder_t_Page_029.txt
1026f46d9cc1ab11848045435b1f3a84
dabf6ba1412f700bca8cdc0e8463f8be3d8e0915
10222 F20101112_AAANSI yoder_t_Page_002.jpg
5b89db9e139f30395627e6fe6314d0ff
01fbb35aff74755e9ebf38b3207f62abdcecf692
33008 F20101112_AAANRT yoder_t_Page_003.pro
2a12fb9bf6542b656eb67011f2f0af0b
629a6afca2a3cd5149b7b3c68d8b5713c40f4553
51760 F20101112_AAANSJ yoder_t_Page_003.jpg
7a782f24abfb43e02b7179ac46c5639b
c0cbbf39dc4ec0dadc4d0f9258ea5fd76806ea53
1944 F20101112_AAANRU yoder_t_Page_081.txt
fc46272f4e3587bec4640efb62d52656
3148a92e25197551f3a009f59bfdf0969131a87c
109482 F20101112_AAANRV yoder_t_Page_062.jp2
a8a4624bc3a4f5fb53c6651a6f3e790d
a2ed68fd3bd017ecc04a4b0c8448a55519d54e28
74797 F20101112_AAANSK yoder_t_Page_004.jpg
3fd1f71334db107de473d6558faeaa82
2127d9ab53499c78b7a82a05fede5d7ff04c5fc1
F20101112_AAANRW yoder_t_Page_066thm.jpg
cd8774e34f962aec040e2f85af368b47
c0db87e59e1665ecf513b53b9414d7f6f04c0e7c
13014 F20101112_AAANSL yoder_t_Page_005.jpg
6316cb9ea1b204c94cbad9a2620a7f29
b82d55cd39f084fd7bdb9055fb643d23922be2fc
6615 F20101112_AAANRX yoder_t_Page_062thm.jpg
c546b4a340856769b38f0beb328ed28c
5067a3edc26cf92127485a0fc6a2e1c661d30c7f
71741 F20101112_AAANTA yoder_t_Page_033.jpg
464358ea61f4d04a8d0b5f4be661dbb1
d49e28b6ece9df2967d1cd581a581c240faae4cd
18624 F20101112_AAANSM yoder_t_Page_006.jpg
df7a77973d89b0ea9aa5add5a3ba0337
bf764668b6b3ee4855edcc5f81e6d28365b96e71
2106 F20101112_AAANRY yoder_t_Page_070.txt
2f7331716c45a790f9789d4be52b659a
39bfc86e0a21c285329b2da89886d8413be26a9d
77093 F20101112_AAANTB yoder_t_Page_035.jpg
1f289896f9fec375d2f40e52269d09a0
622e4b6848d82f62797ebceec1bdc3391037ffe4
1903 F20101112_AAANRZ yoder_t_Page_018.txt
87b6e7b9ab42e9395f48dbed07a66520
6d7a71b9ad08d66b9ac67c78e26717e4890df6d8
73604 F20101112_AAANTC yoder_t_Page_037.jpg
0f6ade789b772b0e282cdeb9906bfc7c
568a1d1dc90d5e2a51ab34396f5cd2067da76852
62192 F20101112_AAANSN yoder_t_Page_007.jpg
a68e159f9996d2bb96c891ef65534d9f
28fd421b7a84dcacf75b3253fe2eeae8b1192061
71368 F20101112_AAANTD yoder_t_Page_038.jpg
5f365b3c310a7631671f33f8f674cbd4
4fe8bfd59052019d5127ccc8723874d0a2d6000f
68341 F20101112_AAANSO yoder_t_Page_009.jpg
d55989fdb0fdc053edb12212e89f35e4
10232e53ef8f8c291cda46e83f92edb5b57ab86c
71424 F20101112_AAANTE yoder_t_Page_041.jpg
32cccad4d79d366d2ca3a95d6144e61e
eb48db14d06c397af6a470426969294f70726cb4
72336 F20101112_AAANSP yoder_t_Page_010.jpg
b7358cd5f86948447ff12687db35ff9b
95addc507f33a20a567c11c4382f8c6e3aeb65e5
69381 F20101112_AAANTF yoder_t_Page_042.jpg
6d4f78c682f1dd8d6a11d134222045c5
19a9dc331ea7e72935d8ef78f800da2220e06045
46033 F20101112_AAANSQ yoder_t_Page_014.jpg
f8e16f3e1b87fc8e7c130ac61c315346
45b139080441dd708c04575d576f7bda9c16d7f4
75069 F20101112_AAANTG yoder_t_Page_043.jpg
8d3388eda783a492027d3a8e3b6cf025
4f714a431ad2dafb63ef61e6429bfc2d932f41b7
73000 F20101112_AAANSR yoder_t_Page_017.jpg
8d3593526066e409b319caa6e0ae5ff3
7a192a9e9255bed7b6ab72d3c060a10f0fbbf7a0
75467 F20101112_AAANTH yoder_t_Page_044.jpg
c432bdba7c49bd95217e31e95c9a2683
8ee13d5c9c947d1b0e704c7f5e7407cedf982089
73669 F20101112_AAANSS yoder_t_Page_019.jpg
dfd4ea582f5eb87b205d5888c2246074
c784af4cb03a6dc5826e96f733626b879ccca583
48300 F20101112_AAANTI yoder_t_Page_048.jpg
d848dccecb2bbbfa0f676a12f91d9e35
1c7332cc98d274df4af5f8318655b6ac64332a8c
71973 F20101112_AAANST yoder_t_Page_022.jpg
b01820fd0a9584f4537f6101947bf58c
89dcb910d9f5f908c9490442efac7677398455a6
73395 F20101112_AAANTJ yoder_t_Page_050.jpg
9134341fdd9f89fc6758ed60b387f270
e1335fccb77d037669635891aa766c7bfde90753
80426 F20101112_AAANSU yoder_t_Page_023.jpg
3d78241beb507e42abee9fd7baf6ec17
f0aaf883cdd390897ed0932ad9b10220f5fcfc5e
71889 F20101112_AAANTK yoder_t_Page_052.jpg
ac4af789020ddcd27d19c8ee39443fd8
b1abdd9490a5dd678e19f8a8669d4379f3eba7dc
74900 F20101112_AAANSV yoder_t_Page_024.jpg
cd1ed908276732c9ae5f86ef3afe6fd7
b62939b04f918bcd51b833ad49189f90f9b7be4d
72798 F20101112_AAANSW yoder_t_Page_025.jpg
adc4cb794bcae3359b7839a672d892ac
57089593295e64df869d0c29178c2cc10406685a
75805 F20101112_AAANUA yoder_t_Page_088.jpg
91a13b38ff83915aaf9196fc7764d0cd
e534df944f6ea23dab56d21f262ef35a28345a28
77853 F20101112_AAANTL yoder_t_Page_054.jpg
c6e8aeb67eb342640e23416308b1566c
0a2bcf1c1d9538abc92eb6ed2784e50ad01d39ee
69825 F20101112_AAANSX yoder_t_Page_026.jpg
93c400d56e8ecb91d52d21f483896dba
6545b4440c9e70c68c90e8773800807b60585e1f
75596 F20101112_AAANUB yoder_t_Page_089.jpg
721fe2cef0089ca830d2d8026f32e867
3be17904327264de8c07a77fdce9053b5a1383c6
77149 F20101112_AAANTM yoder_t_Page_055.jpg
bf517fec6c61a7461461ddd6eb42cd81
caf4ab17e898b5dd7b329df9b319e4ee8f87e054
F20101112_AAANSY yoder_t_Page_027.jpg
be553674e91f40ddfd295cc6bdf1220a
74be108e890cd500d2239c9fe8f86925ea05a6da
83144 F20101112_AAANUC yoder_t_Page_090.jpg
3b752ce3d3dd19bf8475a278a56927a8
011981a8eefa456974f914221207ec48b7a7f59b
72323 F20101112_AAANTN yoder_t_Page_057.jpg
615ccac44510552e0b83306fc54823e5
442ec9ffad7fe6a23b9c4de780bb87edccf61b06
73240 F20101112_AAANSZ yoder_t_Page_031.jpg
bf399a4b7070aa6820740bf3bfc70d62
8d22b44b7a744f8246048efa2971d65a6189ce8c
93858 F20101112_AAANUD yoder_t_Page_092.jpg
a970b9b71c0165060f8a735bbce41f9e
b037622db942670b682db42099473edbeff8c5a4
71482 F20101112_AAANTO yoder_t_Page_060.jpg
18fe547840b5cd255dcc755ed0b804d7
f47a775dff1629c228dc57c8b1b3724b63648755
73725 F20101112_AAANUE yoder_t_Page_093.jpg
025b3a4e57b7358f474590e526310d53
da33e92ecc9014b2707fd0e7eea1de2339b64633
77540 F20101112_AAANTP yoder_t_Page_063.jpg
10dc94c0094e6403c47cdd9c4528f012
e93808426099924e48a17d7ea25f22888323bd57
71211 F20101112_AAANUF yoder_t_Page_094.jpg
5ced2273c3d888a511c55d0e5e2c84f4
9f0bb37304a5dcf9dc242ae2496a7dd6d06e36ad
72515 F20101112_AAANTQ yoder_t_Page_068.jpg
a1c00771b3026a3466c65f1b423adb48
4de544ad3ec94a6fa2e7e003311ea145f2591cd7
74839 F20101112_AAANUG yoder_t_Page_095.jpg
585a8a5a5e25238204674b1aad7e31b2
07fc104c122b61468fbd547f4cc3a7276c8810ea
73160 F20101112_AAANTR yoder_t_Page_069.jpg
f802603acdb09d9aab30310959759130
07e758fb6631792875e9ef601bdbfa925c4eba18
42327 F20101112_AAAOAA yoder_t_Page_107.pro
505095bd62821d3f05cb77d99611c6d6
fe69312753f18d95b601567a53bfad90f6177a1b
72046 F20101112_AAANUH yoder_t_Page_096.jpg
abe20ed258b753cd547a7f8158e6dd30
18f7df01834b0ea159a9a5eaf5196391d782cdc6
72757 F20101112_AAANTS yoder_t_Page_070.jpg
bdb4b24a4ba5b0332ae5662244565534
e0f5ede5e3f39254cbb532dd7b31e9a6b54c05cf
42347 F20101112_AAAOAB yoder_t_Page_108.pro
59d35dbaa0544f16aab7b9ad9118890c
a14c8d74bd6c87fc0e15748072ef87597b26782b
71176 F20101112_AAANUI yoder_t_Page_097.jpg
b6dd068b169f2e7f8ae85e998b6ee2fb
f4bd502b53fcb489ca87ba085b1b48188ff00233
72170 F20101112_AAANTT yoder_t_Page_071.jpg
60099de724ccb09bba5f13e5a900e379
fc8ac50c056bb62e010065f4ca5514dd17135024
516 F20101112_AAAOAC yoder_t_Page_001.txt
be6a681b0323572c348b3eeb0ddd5d6b
db7c625b168cf018d238263c1685e07484a01514
70118 F20101112_AAANUJ yoder_t_Page_100.jpg
c6b08202264910589dcc1a64331e50cf
7068735c176e1da3b9a65c86e960b66c8ac74704
76954 F20101112_AAANTU yoder_t_Page_072.jpg
d1f05dd7b37772568b0eaeaf31ddcee7
1884bbf6dfa721b6ec354d038bba2e7b0fa55147
108 F20101112_AAAOAD yoder_t_Page_002.txt
d544cb510873eeae45ed6cab639858f0
4e8ba43534e01d1051a4b0582cc3d5f43c436991
64970 F20101112_AAANUK yoder_t_Page_102.jpg
d2a14e3adfd444144694607e394fee05
933bbd9e72c49d1c8a97b8858a79858a6aab3574
75930 F20101112_AAANTV yoder_t_Page_073.jpg
84f9988f1bebc608f7a1df7b7eda03f5
fbc8eb4a6a439818f2166a155ef1342c14cdf931
174 F20101112_AAAOAE yoder_t_Page_008.txt
754621ddd0da9e7ef33d3fd0062f2ba1
879166efdb97677a3df2809302a82d924777498e
73632 F20101112_AAANUL yoder_t_Page_103.jpg
b8908b275a592fc07001997c976ac8b8
739f770488c759fceee765fee238cf220b9353cc
64310 F20101112_AAANTW yoder_t_Page_079.jpg
9043ed25ec22a749d75556ad057b0bfd
24821846ecaa9bbe2c86cefac3e7bfc011cfc323
2031 F20101112_AAAOAF yoder_t_Page_009.txt
8d89d0238b25843eba37e0dcc9eadac1
89acfc3ffdbd6d0262d3ddffb26f3c111288f78a
68372 F20101112_AAANTX yoder_t_Page_082.jpg
ab30d10fdf6b751875f34b22b408a730
40bba61e04d7048b5ba301165a629da3d49ec92e
2011 F20101112_AAAOAG yoder_t_Page_010.txt
1800c543f1e1c6544a609e24c80e91e2
298bef8f54e3a443e9c2ddbf92b6a4e425bfc702
110423 F20101112_AAANVA yoder_t_Page_021.jp2
425b64505bb431e4c263a992da4ac0ea
4b5415aa79b44e08e62d3ce5408ad825a13ca671
72376 F20101112_AAANUM yoder_t_Page_104.jpg
1fc22d04c13969ccf6a83f1b081793e6
ffe78bf35c6f9411e883f7268e2099badc6c273e
77273 F20101112_AAANTY yoder_t_Page_083.jpg
d1fa8aa0bc4b29b6ca1d052e416ea5b2
e906e0c8b5b524853b8765b9f9b85bf997a0abb8
1185 F20101112_AAAOAH yoder_t_Page_014.txt
21466dd9f94a27ac1482db2c6ef260db
518270e29da9a07dc672c94025cc994defa9c0d4
114872 F20101112_AAANVB yoder_t_Page_024.jp2
6e8a7312979b9c2c3234edfbd8e2201f
13b42c4eff55a975163482ddb28877674f23c619
42762 F20101112_AAANUN yoder_t_Page_105.jpg
fe1ca470cae3e146808ce0cfeb9b83f3
a034556ae441465297359a62fb8ee40204f7002c
70528 F20101112_AAANTZ yoder_t_Page_086.jpg
d135b87abd18a5cc857aac502cb9e481
6eb1ab235f92520dc7968ac3bd707df69a422fe7
2058 F20101112_AAAOAI yoder_t_Page_016.txt
f0ba210981252ecafc003263a6830403
dfaa66de303d1c95860043b2072e4c48785af0eb
110817 F20101112_AAANVC yoder_t_Page_025.jp2
39c098ea37cf605318436e12cfe93370
3b221be839175ed79fc93710c846a5804f2d0fd4
64661 F20101112_AAANUO yoder_t_Page_108.jpg
d99d7c5fe0b34181a9d09ac42cbc38c3
04d617b98838305ebe8dd7f6bb94abb5e5f8fcbf
F20101112_AAAOAJ yoder_t_Page_019.txt
b3daf2311e900e3ab350e40a8c015f52
be2462f1179d67ca68fb3d4f14c9bd4794621d53
112247 F20101112_AAANVD yoder_t_Page_028.jp2
03468ae1ad2637383f675b30d50cf2ba
f10331e4688da03a093618876045bd9e5d71ee1c
21477 F20101112_AAANUP yoder_t_Page_110.jpg
ed7852364cd5aba6438c36fab9093a86
3923da53606b6626be72f3a4a3617fddd92c27f9
1990 F20101112_AAAOAK yoder_t_Page_021.txt
e780da6e04c692a0af025df79e68b248
c9f4249b46dc40fe998f9143460756f72c77d59b
111328 F20101112_AAANVE yoder_t_Page_031.jp2
c738869712a38b2c912040aef2225a92
d4ada2497088d602a171964b0da81d834b88fe6f
27033 F20101112_AAANUQ yoder_t_Page_001.jp2
833e14a07a1c694489ca3277d4ba7f3a
cd99f544c0b4c3bfd866b6fac37e8fc7219cc6bd
2422 F20101112_AAAOAL yoder_t_Page_023.txt
9e3b89f5548d9ca903fb0433d78185ef
684c8a11ba805388eb5f18a56282271c6fd5625c
115931 F20101112_AAANVF yoder_t_Page_040.jp2
64a3b0736619680f136272022905954a
2058d116f51835b81b3f4dfcd95ea6606622183d
5444 F20101112_AAANUR yoder_t_Page_002.jp2
ff43310bd9409f69030c624175bb8aac
4c9fa60cb2edf299c8ed8039b4c0b7042091e02b
1729 F20101112_AAAOBA yoder_t_Page_079.txt
8f93f77674bd1e0a467f7ab7150ffdf7
cde98f8b1c6d617a8d75e878bd9d6eababae8c3b
2076 F20101112_AAAOAM yoder_t_Page_028.txt
882a9f1ad026f3c4181585115ccc97bb
c867a15332f38d4f8d2bad78a99b8867ffa5d6dd
113658 F20101112_AAANVG yoder_t_Page_043.jp2
dfa6951be609044ecd6059298c192617
fa376679d0a12d07e0796544083aba5022e7d896
320399 F20101112_AAANUS yoder_t_Page_006.jp2
d7625d86ec7ae9c88b51570a366cd412
ed29d079a774f9cf160878ec03d93690fceb416d
F20101112_AAAOBB yoder_t_Page_080.txt
528546859bfac53fc494c1af6b338870
f6c74ab88e554a24d27be415ba0fbe502641abbc
2001 F20101112_AAAOAN yoder_t_Page_031.txt
c0af292cf9fd912c543ba30c5c94b16d
29790411ae69e410a48a20812216724ea3efed7f
108650 F20101112_AAANVH yoder_t_Page_047.jp2
fd5682ce131841aa18de77d4eeee8c3c
47ced7db3544dbe3258284f92def637436e05795
102396 F20101112_AAANUT yoder_t_Page_009.jp2
146dd6dee60af92588eb5a5f38304b52
9e4a6b7da16ab09d21ade07280fd4b8f01122e6f
1998 F20101112_AAAOBC yoder_t_Page_085.txt
dee5a66836afc5c31956b1f7d125a8c9
5ab8bbacf410f218aee1e594b91470f0d0209093
1901 F20101112_AAAOAO yoder_t_Page_034.txt
4b489e486024d50cc589910b6201f2c9
fe027e1f9c5bb280a47b9382afc1814aa6e4462c
112036 F20101112_AAANVI yoder_t_Page_050.jp2
6603b50f79d7442cdf3b55c947ff2765
f22fa29e9ca7f681fc5262c756b39f99af2bc2fd
112451 F20101112_AAANUU yoder_t_Page_011.jp2
d8f575e9d7d7309912fe14aa75feb8b9
465934a61492e3fc0a0220c5ddd9cdd56da29a62
2246 F20101112_AAAOBD yoder_t_Page_087.txt
e7666e3f6d8ca46fbd57bffd7cc62241
7f2cddfa023b5d9bb22f78dbcecd90e7733ca7af
1985 F20101112_AAAOAP yoder_t_Page_039.txt
6198ce0514e486c415c5f710545036fb
bca1874af456a22bb5a1e0a607ae1bc41fb4ad82
113268 F20101112_AAANVJ yoder_t_Page_054.jp2
b4f25be031f760a4358a54558ddfbaf9
4dcac009e94ac66e1042903588fb8962fcc8bdf5
109014 F20101112_AAANUV yoder_t_Page_012.jp2
b83a75ae715bb99862279982c1d71c54
51cdc5ac1eece46e94d7ca33d861f5e61f9b7bda
2162 F20101112_AAAOBE yoder_t_Page_089.txt
c3ca62d7d2fe889edb8041b0bae6a929
fdd2c177d11c18a2c910dd01708f7d5a9f159c2e
F20101112_AAAOAQ yoder_t_Page_041.txt
ec80a3e29f90d5af11f29ec684a45e15
81382457583b4a59b13278689a89f0a242e5ca3f
116571 F20101112_AAANVK yoder_t_Page_055.jp2
30dd7a2fa5afa6081bab856829093e58
04e9eefda0e43883cd15cc2080043d666785d141
104063 F20101112_AAANUW yoder_t_Page_013.jp2
f3325b4857716c505d392686787eac33
e4b7d1c3c954f91e23dae5491597f25cdf0c6f75
2388 F20101112_AAAOBF yoder_t_Page_090.txt
6b32bacd526a670da25fb43b76dae200
8a1d92b8bdf58d92801498403a776d9c1c372ff1
2403 F20101112_AAAOAR yoder_t_Page_045.txt
6886159d05302f9206ceab5b5da448bd
fd9b5c28bcc93b3e83d3ee4482ad9f15bea333e8
108049 F20101112_AAANVL yoder_t_Page_056.jp2
0fbff6d8e33a67d0b482f31bea1abfcb
1ddd152fe9e64cfb014c3169904b52727f691a37
67528 F20101112_AAANUX yoder_t_Page_014.jp2
e3a9b29f23e24e93ce678f5ca07bb00b
b4353249475e798e72d472e2d1e1c0d75475cead
1703 F20101112_AAAOBG yoder_t_Page_091.txt
834661e38d155b9aba01f35d22f91abd
d8ca4d622caff751b19cf4bd363bfb0bbdf337c8
108731 F20101112_AAANWA yoder_t_Page_086.jp2
eff172b86770823b760c71130655a44a
ad21e39f13cf9506207d8533edf8b09916887b56
1235 F20101112_AAAOAS yoder_t_Page_048.txt
3e4e2016980356a551ac76e32808cad8
61ea835c3d8f5c01290a61cc3b5682de042c4767
108785 F20101112_AAANVM yoder_t_Page_057.jp2
adfc108ba3d59429cf0e47960c07711b
8bf1f349655f48ceb94336ce789f19483d3bfc30
112660 F20101112_AAANUY yoder_t_Page_016.jp2
7cb365951ccebc2d7c5ad71c077d2577
5bfbd89366d15585c6c6d53573314478414cab46
2037 F20101112_AAAOBH yoder_t_Page_093.txt
7f72b96760ce9169e3c742cd1f8f4b48
5d46bf29f8c0e0edbe0cf68f6bab2845ce0376df
124965 F20101112_AAANWB yoder_t_Page_090.jp2
79e8b3df115bbd5a8ea10d3cde9ab98c
05aeea13f91a95f92018d5c2f713c671a4bcab7f
2115 F20101112_AAAOAT yoder_t_Page_051.txt
10238f66f30632e268c015dffba795f3
7da49b0cac4d57f86c9d80fad13056828f087a7f
106274 F20101112_AAANUZ yoder_t_Page_018.jp2
5c461ed3fede448a5cb6c7edb3e3a9aa
b208dc952a688a98eca80e88291d41ec9229ffcd
1951 F20101112_AAAOBI yoder_t_Page_094.txt
a84c3198f93a3d8c9ff4b809ba57ad6e
2cd2c10926957fcaf92b6f50d93d90e6cadaf0a6
1051980 F20101112_AAANWC yoder_t_Page_092.jp2
54c14cb03838f29c4ea38ca89786a61e
fe97184c3527ed38b397d16a59ebf86abd8488b7
2040 F20101112_AAAOAU yoder_t_Page_052.txt
9ae1f30e914cc91283408ca8a4013bfe
b0dba64e0ceda0c8193f7a81b828f775a616f349
108545 F20101112_AAANVN yoder_t_Page_058.jp2
d09c8353d03e5d480833a8d8ce094df5
eabd49f89f2894222a7fe46e9086ebb9b7a0b9a6
2015 F20101112_AAAOBJ yoder_t_Page_096.txt
06a3e1f98dff49ec1d1a2a61fddbfe6d
d5538336ac1328caf5cfd7c3f54220fa10449999
112717 F20101112_AAANWD yoder_t_Page_099.jp2
a81eed017c4181e26152bdd7417f8d42
c199ac6b69eb6ca54552dc5a74ee549fca52f6aa
F20101112_AAAOAV yoder_t_Page_059.txt
56c0d20e808aee772c15253f2ea9b784
7bdfde03624ce3b161f6c7174a8c737f31f0d382
115013 F20101112_AAANVO yoder_t_Page_063.jp2
4d7ec35665161e967e753a68b5424f4d
7372094e7d9ad184855b6ce5fda6c5ad0e95b8a9
2154 F20101112_AAAOBK yoder_t_Page_099.txt
0704231838453d5f9f75a3574f2ae0b1
9a33447385fe97296fe268c83d42fa1d3295229d
107711 F20101112_AAANWE yoder_t_Page_100.jp2
bb877c48a2d61090492c2f5976b307da
d9b0f79410ca618de5857908ee38ef3f0dc853f4
1929 F20101112_AAAOAW yoder_t_Page_061.txt
4ef679983c57f569cda8909cd996ddba
26157294aa9248c7aca92e2efc5a954be39ef6e0
124995 F20101112_AAANVP yoder_t_Page_064.jp2
64219c0fbc286ddba8db431c9fd0e884
56ea0fd51c2215e9ac062c4f09b06d282e6a0e07
1401 F20101112_AAAOBL yoder_t_Page_101.txt
e075fe461588add8578cab48055cb12d
f1b521381ab77f64538f2969969e9891720f23ac
79249 F20101112_AAANWF yoder_t_Page_101.jp2
e6a9d8f753e4199f25fe90624c5de48c
e42327949b5aeb2d4ca05d7c7c0f208e033b9ba3
110194 F20101112_AAANVQ yoder_t_Page_066.jp2
60638845dcac7c40ee4116865787450b
45a3f592ef2d0507f3cb8c19c7c8e8c3e8953a1d
2113 F20101112_AAAOBM yoder_t_Page_103.txt
71bf66cb529b3e52d82aaa69c68a338d
0ed4799a5ed656c9aa74715f6c9bf09423e71b73
97203 F20101112_AAANWG yoder_t_Page_102.jp2
bc69368af299705e2cee3da103020f60
64bae59702b6d84ca5bb4f7c0e6fdb9ea3f22dc5
2039 F20101112_AAAOAX yoder_t_Page_065.txt
1dc048159736cb367a6fddd95e2c37eb
866979abb8169b34f2f10cce90c3716d24731b83
112988 F20101112_AAANVR yoder_t_Page_069.jp2
ed3db8bb245e5f0d07e193d358f979b0
603ee4566556817a6c5a93d5a9b94263cea10155
23429 F20101112_AAAOCA yoder_t_Page_012.QC.jpg
fc62ba2e15b30fa8fc4c6f9a125369b4
cf757cc068d171f0158d7a5c3cf467ecc8516d15
1565 F20101112_AAAOBN yoder_t_Page_106.txt
c05a91b881d7f26142f723b9710b826c
c8a3dc4bbe8d33ac4b56f19917c8b4df5c62d555
110929 F20101112_AAANWH yoder_t_Page_103.jp2
290d82c951deb73d50f8eb9655de5e1c
bb8e1346b43131ca0cc4071738aaa16e47366601
F20101112_AAAOAY yoder_t_Page_066.txt
b8f4d73cba32660def6a6aca2b052b85
df0bda5ab591d9a3db0de33800557440beb9dee6
112436 F20101112_AAANVS yoder_t_Page_070.jp2
cb2b4148cb5be156088d4264b3470ba7
fa30b0dd83c6ac3b6f113052db96c1b626fc8831
22476 F20101112_AAAOCB yoder_t_Page_013.QC.jpg
107292d3d261ec3df15b5c9ae71804ff
d7dce6a9f991e3894d7973823eeb21e2ff9f5b38
551 F20101112_AAAOBO yoder_t_Page_109.txt
0510f13ab77e94b9df540a60306422b2
9ef25ddd990d1b7cba9c7cf0869c328d99d8bf34
61133 F20101112_AAANWI yoder_t_Page_105.jp2
1e725349c7fd134766995a642e897620
6d2069e99e9dd956d6f2d9b47886da2772c5beba
2136 F20101112_AAAOAZ yoder_t_Page_068.txt
965f5a573a63427620abbfc42394e2b1
ba7b7c85f3a7fe589bd1d1aa714b95c668ba0ddc
118110 F20101112_AAANVT yoder_t_Page_072.jp2
6652224ea70cf308acd6a16d5e5a4cce
3d64248ec623d40030b7572546de1247acf9211a
15077 F20101112_AAAOCC yoder_t_Page_014.QC.jpg
ecd2c44bbb1fc4b08f293499a65cbf21
835f846fd72f968a3f1d54500ea7cdac6857a262
418 F20101112_AAAOBP yoder_t_Page_110.txt
9d8e8116336638847ae299ef17ba1fe9
112f729adb404f4018875a13677a371a1937e59e
84426 F20101112_AAANWJ yoder_t_Page_106.jp2
97eacbaefa35e73c824ab8bfc28e2fe6
de73bb9e32946e174f46067197ed6cf894f25c50
22878 F20101112_AAANVU yoder_t_Page_075.jp2
d0231fbc5e6b4073c32fae4d6f9330e8
7e2350cc95f1334bd37176d4024910a1013e34f0
4400 F20101112_AAAOCD yoder_t_Page_014thm.jpg
cd4d7a830899f13da8ab6c4c691065a3
d299652c8d2fd00a8ffad0ac2af1d3336681f419
623810 F20101112_AAAOBQ yoder_t.pdf
0ec5e565230d6bb0f3fcca0d6867af67
e9e6783ba7dfdbe8aab6bc0a372a3baecb224941
93086 F20101112_AAANWK yoder_t_Page_107.jp2
b5599193978e36bcfca0390b2606ab5d
c091788ceb60ba9a0bfadb88670d0bbef8c79b68
115976 F20101112_AAANVV yoder_t_Page_077.jp2
0ce429bd36690bac5fc2b2a75f95a6f3
e069798459911cfc009ae246d09c0c4487579a4e
23756 F20101112_AAAOCE yoder_t_Page_017.QC.jpg
85e8065a548cde9b592cb19a7c1f0b8d
6939604f006d2ffb117761568e554bf6baa80ee8
127220 F20101112_AAAOBR UFE0014375_00001.mets
225ec9923d4493e20fcdd51a1803e68a
e83b4c05db5d5a2d31588ac8ef21899c5aaa3c2d
24732 F20101112_AAANWL yoder_t_Page_110.jp2
e97f9e6f4c16a94aaebc4cfb3a88a231
92d78fa80ae22e361b21e0e9f07b2a1964373b21
96955 F20101112_AAANVW yoder_t_Page_079.jp2
a597a686bfcbe53d485ceef30233445f
423d86236dbac06587839971956214945890401e
6592 F20101112_AAAOCF yoder_t_Page_019thm.jpg
7cc7524e77897ff3afa30077ea943dc9
a7046328c9829d7b297e755432e1bb10b0194ba9
F20101112_AAANXA yoder_t_Page_039.tif
d281d9773f0993ca4e16262e1ea17f48
7e992941e31f18e9c0484f1f55ef9f93a2356a8a
2550 F20101112_AAAOBS yoder_t_Page_001thm.jpg
87ead8650101fdc1850df0be2bea483a
c1b571cfa58cdba887d8764283ad7d0df4350852
F20101112_AAANWM yoder_t_Page_001.tif
17b473fa4e8b2d80cf22fcedda60a3a7
4cc74d976e9546171f2f0a661c81e736c1330325
107279 F20101112_AAANVX yoder_t_Page_081.jp2
f0dc686d2f7520cf578b46a46c634cd6
1907fef57bb8c2352e6b35db622bf6d5ac7ad870
6494 F20101112_AAAOCG yoder_t_Page_020thm.jpg
4b206749e5330dfb25fc39940e21539a
056d0ba2f27eb425fb0b52bddbb72e5151598828
F20101112_AAANXB yoder_t_Page_042.tif
710fd43a30c876f36aa631af706437f6
ff37ac59534f085819141347c9049abbd415850d
4827 F20101112_AAAOBT yoder_t_Page_003thm.jpg
e4a810f031bf7ff7b4d51a13148b2588
28faa3875ea1da971b4214dc9eb0552c05848cab
F20101112_AAANWN yoder_t_Page_004.tif
6c69834fd7e9cce9a34d3ab2596366ca
bb15177f59a8f3c839d12b884802203c11a1e134
104003 F20101112_AAANVY yoder_t_Page_082.jp2
f4df6cb979cd4585ac58acc9659a1e3a
5376a4ef70dd0da201a50484d77a67243e7a277d
6378 F20101112_AAAOCH yoder_t_Page_021thm.jpg
3831f5801a1eda42a47ec6db6c977118
70b6facdafbed978f5403fd1ac13c4293bc050cd
F20101112_AAANXC yoder_t_Page_046.tif
6fed31af5379e41acfe21197940b674d
f2916e956a4f18fe7c989f1aa7fc0a5f6e88efff
19038 F20101112_AAAOBU yoder_t_Page_007.QC.jpg
86b7d7b2f1435b47a937e6cc4adc0c89
f97f9c11de5562ffb1c025001278be15f51eaef9
118419 F20101112_AAANVZ yoder_t_Page_084.jp2
da17525fbd6f52b82c1f721ad1842d64
cbe388dfe5909881898c3fb96cfc5fcc3e3d2828
6839 F20101112_AAAOCI yoder_t_Page_023thm.jpg
c77a53eb673f646191591e1087424eb8
6e797613fa6c067027a754cdffd67bc92d6251fe
F20101112_AAANXD yoder_t_Page_047.tif
59494e93a4f7acb4da8d98a09a2ded59
581079e23f004b25da547d18c17882b3b2610093
4758 F20101112_AAAOBV yoder_t_Page_008.QC.jpg
0e4ead43e40bebba6bff43d07acd720a
875445b93061282c76c5940bc2cfb600e9669d0d
F20101112_AAANWO yoder_t_Page_006.tif
6eade53b59802e1042ee018d6daaab37
87909d29439a41e74053b06eb0e253f0ec576d10
6491 F20101112_AAAOCJ yoder_t_Page_025thm.jpg
b69e67ee28b0964c823d8efd4c85f549
faf109c157118b2abbf7950bafdd0cedbf42213d
F20101112_AAANXE yoder_t_Page_049.tif
fffb7089fc31b7f9091251165069511b
c7d673629918312c7abf94cd8bc702e6691eccab
21242 F20101112_AAAOBW yoder_t_Page_009.QC.jpg
6bf57228e66126672afd9ca77d99140c
d4bbe39f18bb46fcbc859b48c913d137bcfe162e
F20101112_AAANWP yoder_t_Page_010.tif
56e375e4bc8c5a935416fa8b53894593
db6acaf8c5e7f22fb45f4b147b00b6dd7a13fffe
24145 F20101112_AAAOCK yoder_t_Page_027.QC.jpg
601dffd8c08d599204138ee762c3773a
3d1060e6fe3c3a4670dda4f8041ba065d7825ef0
F20101112_AAANXF yoder_t_Page_050.tif
bab16c41a02f80c85d085542a02b14cf
89967877506cfff892e982f5fe918706c66d7299
5921 F20101112_AAAOBX yoder_t_Page_009thm.jpg
1a0a614b1a4185173461de3991ed3015
2f15478f32227e6f5292856cea9012513578fe9c
F20101112_AAANWQ yoder_t_Page_011.tif
36930efffd49149756313461b2e8f311
5a0da38a4243e4d6f9da42c9995a94adb189905b
24006 F20101112_AAAOCL yoder_t_Page_028.QC.jpg
7eddd714284761cb0a8eefed502329ac
a194d1126cf1fb641ad67b561f4b6ebaf0f6aa7d



PAGE 1

IS USE OF COSMETICS ANTI-SOCIA LIST?: GENDERED CONSUMPTION AND THE FASHIONING OF URBAN WOMA NHOOD IN DAR ES SALAAM, TANZANIA, 1975-1990 By TRACI L.YODER A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2006

PAGE 2

Copyright 2006 by Traci L. Yoder

PAGE 3

iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to offer thanks and gratitude to Stacey Langwick, Sue OBrien, and Florence Babb for their invaluable advice a nd unwavering encouragement throughout this project. I would also like to extend my apprec iation to Faith Warner and the rest of the Department of Anthropology at Bloomsburg University. I am grateful to Peter Malanchuk for helping me to gain access to the archival newspapers that became the foundation of my study. I would also like to thank the Center for African Studies for providing me with Foreign Language and Ar ea Studies Scholarships for the study of Swahili. Rose Lugano in particular has helped me with the Swahili translations in this paper. I would additionally lik e to thank Dr. Ruth Meena of the University of Dar es Salaam for her insights about the changing lands cape of media in Ta nzania over the last twenty years. I also thank all of my friends and classmates who have helped me to shape my ideas for this study. I want to offer my gratitude to my mother for her careful reading of this paper and to my father for his unwav ering confidence. Finally, I thank Shelly for his patience, encouragement, and support thr oughout this project. Any shortcomings of this study are, of course, my own.

PAGE 4

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.................................................................................................iii LIST OF FIGURES...........................................................................................................vi ABSTRACT......................................................................................................................vii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................1 2 HISTORY AND METHODS.......................................................................................7 Production and Consumption in Coloni al and Postcolonial Tanzania.........................7 Media History and Newspapers as Evidence..............................................................19 Fashioning Urban Womanhood: The Emer gence of the Consuming Woman........32 Conclusion..................................................................................................................39 3 DOMINANT REPRESENTATIONS OF URBAN WOMANHOOD IN THE DAILY NEWS AND THE SUNDAY NEWS 1975-1981............................................41 Dar es Salaam in the 1970s.........................................................................................44 Women, Do Thy Share: Womens Libe ration and the Construction of the Socialist Superwoman Through National Production........................................46 Prostitute or Girlfriend?: Sexuality Liberation, and the Consuming Woman....55 Conclusion..................................................................................................................65 4 BODIES, BEAUTY, AND DESIRE: THE CONSUMING WOMAN IN DAR ES SALAAM, 1982-1990..........................................................................................68 State Discourses in the 1980s: Fr om Economic Sabotage to Economic Liberalization.........................................................................................................69 Beauty is Natural: Women s Bodies and the Body Politic.....................................76 Cost of Living, Cost of Loving: Consuming Women, Sugar Daddies, and Gender Relations in Dar es Salaam in the 1980s...................................................83 Conclusion..................................................................................................................92 5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS......................................................................94

PAGE 5

v LIST OF REFERENCES...................................................................................................98 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...........................................................................................102

PAGE 6

vi LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 4.1 Dezo, by James Gayo ( Daily News Aug. 4, 1989)..................................................83 4.2 Dezo, by James Gayo ( Daily News Oct. 3, 1989)...................................................84 4.3 Dezo, by James Gayo ( Daily News Nov. 17, 1989)................................................84

PAGE 7

vii Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts IS USE OF COSMETICS ANTI-SOCIA LIST?: GENDERED CONSUMPTION AND THE FASHIONING OF URBAN WOMA NHOOD IN DAR ES SALAAM, TANZANIA, 1975-1990 By Traci L. Yoder May 2006 Chair: Stacey Langwick Major Department: Anthropology This study examines the shifting meanings and practices of gendered consumption in the city of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania through an analysis of the state-owned newspapers printed between 1975-1990. In th is analysis I draw upon both political economy and cultural studies approaches by linki ng practices of consumption in colonial and postcolonial Tanzania to shifting patte rns of production and labor as well as by examining the symbolic significance of cons umer practices and showing how certain commodities became imbued with meaning at different historical moments. Specifically, I analyze discussions in the state-owned ne wspapers regarding urban womens use of certain controversial cosmetic products, incl uding skin-bleaching formulas, make-up, and hair straightening, curling, and dying kits. I argue that defi nitions of appropriate urban womanhood were defined and c ontested through womens practi ces of consumption and I use the figure of the consuming woman to trace representations of womens consumption in urban Tanzania through the 1970s and 1980s as well as to show how

PAGE 8

viii differences of gender, race, class, and age were implicated in state-sanctioned constructions of legitimate consump tion and respectable urban womanhood.

PAGE 9

1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION One ought to accept the fact that after food and shelte r, man needs objects and pleasures including cars, TVs, and fashionable dresses. It is this hierarchy of needs which sustains mans acquisitive instincts, which in turn makes him work harder. Thus those who condemn importation of pe rfumes on the grounds of Socialism are doing a disservice to the very cause they purport to advance. I am sure Karl Marx himself would have shuddered at the s uggestion that use of cosmetics is antiSocialist. -Jumbe S. Ibrahim (Is Use of Cosmetics Anti-Socialist? Daily News Aug. 27, 1987) Jumbe Ibrahim wrote this letter to stateowned newspaper in 1987, as people living in Tanzania experienced rapid social, polit ical, and economic changes. In the mid-1980s, the government began revising th e socialist policies which had structured state rhetoric and practice since 1967. Although President Ali Hassan Mwinyi initiated neoliberal adjustments in 1986 to ease the growing economic crisis, the government did not officially abandon socialism as the state id eology until 1992. Ibrahim s letter, therefore, was written at a time when the political a nd economic status of the country seemed ambiguous. I have chosen to begin with this letter printed in the state newspaper to highlight some of the main arguments of this study. The first argument is that the transition from socialist to neoliberal ec onomic structures was not as neat or easy as most economic and political accounts portray. Rather, as this excerpt shows, in the late 1980s, Tanzanians were themselves debating wh at practices and ideas identified people as socialist, or in this case, anti-sociali st. I contend throughout th is study that the state newspapers provide a rich s ource of information for examining the shift from socialism

PAGE 10

2 to postsocialism from the intersection of postcolonial political power and everyday life in urban Tanzania. My second argument is that highlighting c onsumption offers a useful analytical lens for examining for examining the relatio nship between changes in political economy and the fashioning of new subjectivities. Be cause consumption has only recently become the object of analytical gaze, there remains a lacuna in anthropological literature describing the meanings and practices of cons umption in postcolonial and postsocialist locations. However, Ibrahims letter indicates that while socialism is generally described in popular and academic literature as a mode of production, in this piece and others, Tanzanians discussed socialism and capitalism as distinct modes of consumption Therefore, I contend that everyday practices of consumption were crucial to the ways that people defined and contested the meanings of socialism and capitalism on a daily basis. In this analysis I draw on recent theories of consumption situated between political economy and cultural studies approaches. I rewrite the history of colonial and postcolonial Tanzania, foregrounding changing practices of consumption over the course of the twentieth century and linking changing notions of legi timate consumption to the changing patterns of production de sired by the colonial and pos tcolonial states. However, I also remain attentive to the symbolic signi ficance of consumption practices and the way that certain commodities became imbued with m eanings at specific historical moments. Finally, the question that Ibrahim asks and answers in his letter, Is Use of Cosmetics Anti-Socialist? brings me to my th ird argument. This letter was not written in isolation, but rather was a cont ribution to an on-going debate in the late 1980s over the pleasures and dangers of certain cosmetic products and the rapidly expanding flow of

PAGE 11

3 commodities entering the country more gene rally. More than any other commodity, beauty products like make-up, skin-bleaching creams, and hairkits dominated discussions of consumption in the state-owned newspa pers during the 1980s. However, cosmetics were distinctly gendered commodities and therefore it was womens bodies and practices of consumption that became the center of discussions over the intensified flows of commodities and capital entering Tanzanian in the years after the implementation of structural adjustments. In this analysis, I examine how womens prac tices of consumption were treated in the state newspapers and ar gue that gendered cons umer practices became central to definitions of respectable urban womanhood. This study, then, explores the politics of gendered consumption in the capital city of Dar es Salaam during the 1970s and 1980s. In th e first chapter, I situ ate my analysis of the state newspapers in the post-indepe ndence era by examining the politics of consumption, print media, and urban wo manhood through the colonial and early postcolonial periods. Throughout the chapter, I contend that the sharp ruptures usually assumed to separate colonialism and postc olonialism are blurred and complicated by rigorous historical analysis. I offer a set of overlapping histories to contextualize the conversations taking place in the state pape rs in the 1970s and 1980s First, I explore changing meanings and practices of consum ption through the colonial, socialist, and postsocialist periods, paying particular atte ntion to how shifting patterns of production and labor were accompanied by changes in consumer practices. Secondly, I examine the history of print media in Tanzania during the twentieth century. By placing the state newspapers within a longer media landscape of Tanzania, I attemp t to show why these papers are a useful source for exploring the intersections of state power and everyday life

PAGE 12

4 in Dar es Salaam. Thirdly, I discuss the emergence of the urban consuming woman in the late colonial pe riod, arguing that this figure provide s a unique lens for examining anxieties surrounding urban womens sexuality and practices of consumption in Dar es Salaam. In the second chapter, I turn to articles, features, letters to the editor, stories, and poems in the state newspapers to examine constructions of urban womanhood in Dar es Salaam during the period when socialist ideo logy dominated state discourses. While other studies of gender in Tanzania have examined the relations hips between rural and urban women, in my analysis I focus on how j ournalists and contri butors to the state newspapers articulated differences between gr oups of urban women. I describe the figure of the socialist superwoman who exemplifie d state discourses of respectable urban womanhood through her role in domestic and na tional production. I argue that this figure of the ideal socialist woman wa s defined through and against the other dominant trope of urban femininity in Dar es Salaam, the cons uming woman. Furthermore, I contend that despite state discourses of legitimate urban womanhood that highlighted womens role in production, it was womens practices of consumption that determined their respectability. By comparing and contrasting o fficial articles with pieces from the public forums of the papers (including letters, st ories, and poems), I attempt to show the contradictions, ambiguities, and plurality of state discourses of proper womanhood. After describing the construction of th ese dominant representations of womanhood in the state newspapers during the 1970s I return to the debate over imported commodities that Ibrahims letter was addressi ng in 1987. In the third chapter, I examine discussions in the papers of a few controvers ial beauty products that became the center of

PAGE 13

5 heated conversations in the 1980s. First, I ex amine changing state rhetoric in the papers over the course of the decade, paying particular attenti on to the way the government portrayed the shift from socialist to neolib eral economic policies. Then I use letters, comics, stories, and poems from the papers to describe the anxietie s and desires produced by the rapid influx of imported commodities entering Dar es Salaam in the late 1980s. I argue that the body of the consuming woman wh o used products such as skin bleaching creams, cosmetics, and hair curling, dying, and straightening kits became a site where people (mostly men) expressed concern over the changes taking place in Tanzanias political economy. I examine how womens bodi es were described through metaphors of health and disease and how these metaphors were conflated with concerns for the health of the body politic. Then, I examine representati ons of gender relations in Dar es Salaam, using narratives about the relationshi ps between consuming women and their relationships with older a nd wealthier sugar daddies. In the conclusion, I return to Ibrahims letter to show why his question and his response caught my attention and my imagin ation. While the disc ussions of womens consumption of cosmetic products in the st ate-owned newspapers were predominately negative, by the late 1980s new viewpoints were beginning to appear that challenged socialist definitions of legitimate consump tion and defended the use of beauty products. In the last section, then, I offer these em erging voices from the late 1980s. However, Ibrahims letter goes beyond any other viewpoi nt printed in the papers, and to me, represented a radical shift fr om the discourses that had dominated the state newspapers for the previous fifteen years.

PAGE 14

6 The major goal of this study is to explor e how meanings and practices of gendered consumption shaped and were shaped by ch anging political economic structures in Tanzania during the 1970s and 1980s. The c onversations I present in the following chapter concerning the mean ings of womens liberati on, the problem of urban prostitution, womens use of imported commod ities, and the illicit sexual relationships between young urban women and sugar daddies were not tangential to official state discourses, but rather became central to the governments efforts to fashion (and refashion) appropriately gendere d subjects. I argue that trac ing the complex relationships between perceptions of gender and consump tion can provide a method of examining the continuities, paradoxes, and c ontradictions that marked th e shift from socialism to postsocialism in Tanzania. Specifically, I c ontend that narratives of consuming women in the state-owned media provide an ideal site to explore why and how womens bodies, sexuality, and practices of consumption becam e matters of national concern at different historical moments.

PAGE 15

7 CHAPTER 2 HISTORY AND METHODS Production and Consumption in Colo nial and Postcolonial Tanzania The central role of everyday practices of consumption in the creation of colonial subjects and postcolonial citizen s has only recently emerged in anthropological literature after decades of being overshadowed by an emphasis on issues of production and labor (Miller 1995a). In the postwar period, modern ization models as well as Marxist critiques of modernization and functionalism assume d a distinction betw een economics (i.e. production) and culture (i.e., exchange and consumption). In the 1980s, this assumption was challenged in anthropology and other di sciplines, resulting in new attempts to integrate cultural analysis and political economy (Ferguson 1 988). It is important to note that the reemergence of studies of comm odities and consumption during the last two decades has been fueled by th eoretical engagements with questions of modernity and globalization. Heralded as a key feature of Western modernit y, theories of consumption and its role in a globalizing wo rld proliferated in the 1990s.1 However, as Frank Trentmann has observed, this increased inte rest in theorizing consumption was not necessarily accompanied by empi rical reassessments of the historical dynamics of consumption (2004: 373). Therefore, it is my objective to trace the practices and meanings of consumption in relation to ch anging social structur es in colonial and postcolonial Tanzania. 1 See, for example, Appadurai 1996; Miller 1995b; Breckenridge 1995

PAGE 16

8 This section, then, will examine historic al shifts in consumption practices in twentieth century Tanzania with a focus on how the production and labor needs of the colonial and postcolonial states were intric ately interwoven with new practices and ideas of consumption. My analysis is guided by several questions: How, when, and why do practices of consumption change? What is considered legitimate consumption during different historical moments? What projects do definitions of legitimate and illegitimate consumption serve? Tanzania provides an ideal setting to explore these questions. Throughout the twentieth century, missionaries capitalists, coloni al and postcolonial state officials, and Africans in Tanzania ha ve all attempted to define what counts as legitimate consumption in relation to changing social, political, and economic formations. Tanzania is a particularly useful si te for examining changing notions of consumption for several reasons. First, th e territory was coloni zed by two different European powers, first Germany and later Britain. As I will show, these two colonial governments varied in their policies regardi ng African consumers and set the stage for the policies enacted by the postcolonial st ate. Secondly, unlike many other African locations (including Zambia, Kenya, Uganda, R hodesia, and West Africa), Tanzania did not undergo intensive industrialization and urba nization after WWII. In stead, shortly after independence in 1961, the first elected Presiden t, Julius Nyerere, declared Tanzania a socialist nation and pronounced rural produc tion the key to modern development. Socialist rhetoric was pervasive in everyday li fe in Tanzania for the next twenty years, but in practice Nyereres so cialist development strategies were marked by economic failure, resulting in Tanzanias increased dependence on the aid offered by international monetary funds. In the 1980s, there was a no ticeable shift in government policy towards

PAGE 17

9 neoliberal structural adjustme nts at the request of the Inte rnational Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. President Ali Hassan Mw inyi, Nyereres successor, officially abandoned socialism as a national ideology in 1992. I argue here that twentieth century Tanzania, which has emerged through German and British colonial rule, nationalism, socialism, and neoliberalism proves an ideal setting for exploring ch anging meanings and practices of consumption. In this section, I ou tline the history of co lonial and postcolonial Tanzania with a focus on consumer practices and the shifting boundaries of legitimate consumption during the twentieth century. Part of my argument is that using consumption as an analytical lens can disrupt the shar p historical ruptures characteristic of modernization and Marxist models and problem atize the transitions from colonial to postcolonial and socialist to postsocialist. Germany was the first European power to officially colonize the area today known as Tanzania. Although the German coloni al period was short (1890-1922), German colonial officials and German capitalists crea ted the infrastructure necessary to exploit the colony, including schools, hospitals, railways, roads, and a system of plantation cultivation for export to Europe (Koponen 1994). The Germans struggled to mobilize a labor force of indigenous males to devel op the colony, but found that most Africans were unwilling to cooperate with colonial ag endas. The imposition of taxation and forced plantation labor failed to inspire African males to engage in wage labor, and therefore the German colonial state devised a new stra tegy designed to reorie nt African personhood through the creation of new need s and desires. Karl Peters, founder of the German East Africa Company, described this project as an impetus to encourage lazy and unproductive African males to offer their labo r: An unsatisfied need creates a lack,

PAGE 18

10 and this is a compulsion to action . .Our task is therefore to create needs, which can be done by making known the obvious pleasures of civilization (Quoted in Koponen 1994: 325-326). As in other colonial locations, schooling became a key site for the inculcation of civilized values and manners, and both mission and colonial schools sought to assimilate Africans to European tastes and manners (Comaroff and Comaroff 1997; Burke 1996). By the end of the German col onial occupation, many changes in consumer practices were already in pr ocess in the colony. By 1913, a ll wages to African workers were paid in cash and new consumer items fr om Europe were available as never before. Favorite items included cotton cloth, oil lamp s, matches, soap, and tobacco and were mostly available in urban areas, although th ese commodities increasingly penetrated inland during German rule (Koponen 1994) Wage labor, the beginning of a cash economy, the importation of consumer goods, an d the creation of new needs and desires intersected to restructure the precolonia l economy toward market principles. Through education, missionaries and coloni al officials alike attempted to inculcate the benefits of civilization as an impetus to turn African s subjects into desiring consumers dependent on wage labor. These efforts were disrupted by the begi nning of World War I. Battles between Germany and Britain in East Africa destroyed much of the infrastructure imposed by the Germans and after the war, Germany lost th e colony altogether wh en the League of Nations mandated the territory to the British government, which renamed it Tanganyika. The initial British policy of indirect rule introduced by Sir Donald Cameron was marked by an ambivalence regarding African consump tion. According to the ideology of indirect

PAGE 19

11 rule, Africans should be encour aged to return to a tradi tional way of life. Cameron imagined that German colonial rule had destro yed precolonial social structures and he set out to rewrite the history of the colony, em phasizing the tribal na ture of African life (Iliffe 1979). During the period when indirect rule dominated the British policies towards Tanganyika (1925-1940), the dichotomy between rural and urban lifes tyles and social formations crystallized (Ivaska 2003). Camer on and other British colonial authorities imagined that Africans were physically and ideologically suited to rural conditions, and urban Africans engaged in wage labor cause d much concern for both colonial officials and elder Africans. Most Af ricans living in towns were young, single men drawn to urban life by the promises of wage labor and the b right lights of the towns and cities. The capital city of Dar es Salaam epitomized the lure of excitement and material advancement, offering the opportunities for a wi de variety of leisure activities, including going to cinemas, bars and clubs and the chance to purchase and flaunt the latest fashions in music, dancing, and clothing (Burton 2001). Co lonial authorities rega rded this trend of urban migration with ambivalence. On the one hand, the labor of African males was a necessary component of the colonial economic structure, yet on the other hand, these young Africans were under the threat of d etribalization that is losing their Africanness as they consumed European commodities and images. An older generation of Africans also disapproved of the aspects of urban life that attr acted youth, regarding these as evidence that the younger generation was under the risk of moral degeneration. For both colonial authorities and older Africans, the city came to be imagined as a site of conspicuous, feminized consumption defi ned against the wholesome, productive countryside (Ivaska 2003).

PAGE 20

12 The end of World War II brought noticeable changes in the relationships between the British metropole and Tanganyika. With the British government facing an economy exhausted by war efforts, growing debts, a nd the disintegration of the British Empire, Tanganyika rose in importance in the colonial agenda and was subjected to a number of changes in the postwar period. These cha nges were epitomized in the Colonial Development and Welfare Act of 1940, which made development the new strategy for urban policy and colonial rule more generally.2 Detribalization, which was regarded with such ambivalence in the 1930s, became a n ecessary, if difficult, stage of modern development under these new shifts in po licy. Colonial offici als hoped to create permanent settlements of educated Africans in towns and cities. Educational initiatives were expanded to prepare Africans for a grea ter involvement in the cash economy and the colonial Social Welfare Department opened cen ters in urban areas to inculcate African men and women with middle class skills a nd values. During the 1940s, migration to urban centers and especially Dar es Salaam skyrocketed and colonial authorities were soon concerned to stabilize urban populations for fear of disorder or insubordination (Burton 2001).3 Colonial urban policy during the 1940s and1950s, therefore, took a twopronged approach: first, the creat ion of a stable middle class of an educated African elite living in nuclear families, and secondly, th e removal of unproductive people from the city to the rural countryside. 2 The Colonial Development and Welfare Act promoted the concept of socio-economic advancement of the colonized and was enacted due to British recognition that self-governance and possibly independence was approaching. This change in policy resulted from both economic burdens on the British Empire as well as the emerging nationalist movements in Asia and Africa. 3 Between 1948 and 1957, the rate of growth in Dar es Salaam increased by 9 percent and rose again to 14 percent between 1961-1967 (Ivaska 2003; Lugalla 1997).

PAGE 21

13 Despite the efforts to maintain cont rol over the urban popul ation, by the 1950s, African intellectuals were beginning to ar ticulate a distinctly African nationalist sentiment. Understanding the nationalist Afri can movement requires an understanding of the stratified nature of economic conditions especially in Dar es Salaam. Since the German colonial period, Europeans and Asia ns had dominated the productive and retail sectors, leaving Africans to work mainly in wage labor. The ci ty itself was divided economically and spatially along racial line s designated by native vs. non-native status (Brennan 2002). Urban Africans ch afed under the econo mic power held by European and Asian entrepreneurs and theref ore articulated a nationalist platform that centered on African liberation from e xploitation. Under thes e conditions, Julius Nyerere, an educated, Catholic schoolte acher founded the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) and within less than a decad e, the colony gained independence from British rule and became a nation-state. Before and immediately after independence, economic advice coming from Europe and North America encouraged a focus on agricultural development combined with privately owned industries. Although Tanganyi ka remained open to capitalist investment in the early independence years, by 1967 Nyer ere and TANU declared that the nation was to follow a specifically African socialist deve lopment based on the nationalization of key industries, import substitution, and rural agricu lture. In the Arusha Declaration of 1967, Nyerere outlined his plan for modern so cialist development around the concepts of Ujamaa na Kujitegemea (Socialism and Self-reliance). While the majority of studies examining this period focus on the changes in production Nyerere envisioned under Ujamaa here I want to discuss his intentions for changes in consumer practices. In the

PAGE 22

14 early independence years, Nyerere expressed co ncern over the rise of a class of African petty bourgeoisie, including many of his contemporary T ANU nationalist supporters. The Arusha Declaration was in many ways an e ffort to curb this trend of conspicuous consumption, most obviously through the Lead ership Code included in the declaration. The Leadership Code stipulated that all gove rnment members must fall into the category of peasant or worker and forbade government officials (and their s pouses) to hold shares in companies, own a private business, receive more than one salary, or act as a landlord. The Leadership Code was not the only measure taken by Nyerere to define the boundaries of legitimate consumption. Like his colonial predecessors, Nyerere was concerned with the number of young people li ving in cities and consuming media, fashion, and other commodities readily availabl e in Dar es Salaam and other urban areas. However, urban consumption took on new m eanings in the postindependence period. Shortly after the Arusha Decl aration, the government brought most key industries under state control and import substitution becam e the solution to the overdependence on foreign commodities. Legitimate consumption in this context was limited to the products produced in Tanzania by Tanzanian workers. Therefore, to Nyerere and the other TANU party members who dominated the governme nt after independence, the imported commodities and images circulating in Dar es Salaam were in direct contradiction to the state project of na tional self-reliance. The concept of Ujamaa central to Nyereres vision of Tanzanian national culture, can also be read as an ideological criti que of certain commodities and practices of consumption, especially in the urban contex t. In the post-Arusha climate, national culture took on a distinctly rural, soci alist appearance in state discourses of Ujamaa

PAGE 23

15 (Blommaert 1997). However, as James Bre nnan has observed, the rural emphasis of Ujamaa was not accompanied by any definition of a proper urban subject. Indeed, the very idea of urban Ujamaa was an oxymoron (Brennan 2002). In Nyereres narrative, Ujamaa was articulated in opposition to the mate rialistic and indivi dualistic qualities of capitalism brought to Tanga nyika by colonialists. Ideas of capitalism and socialism, in post-Arusha discourses, were placed in productive oppositio n, with socialism being defined as all the things that capitalism was not.4 Capitalism here came to mean more than a certain mode of production; it was also equated with a mode of consumption based upon the individual accumulation of wealth. In this context, imported commodities were symbolic of a rejection of state sanctioned consumption and prompted a series of initiatives by the government to contro l urban consumers. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, the postcolonial state in its different figurations attempted to eliminate the widespread use of certain Western comm odities, including films, music, clothing, cosmetics, and novels. These campaigns were marked by failure time and again as citizens continued to purchase and use comm odities defined as modern, urban, and Western. In the 1970s, TANU government officials dr afted the first official constitution, joining TANU and the Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP) of Zanzibar to form Chama cha Mapinduzi (Revolutionary Party), th e party that has since maintained control over the government apparatus. Nyerere was re-elected as President for a third and fourth term in 4 In his semiotic analysis of Ujamaa Jan Blommaert (1997) argues th at the concept contained a celebration of a pre-colonial rural Af rica, which was pictured as consis ting of small-scale, intrinsically socialist communitiesthese communities had, as part of their culture a deeply rooted sense of communalism and solidarity, which, to Nyerere, equated with socialism (139). He contrasts this to the way that capitalism was represented by Nyerere, as a clus ter of concepts and phenomena which were absent from traditional African societies, such as class concepts, individual ownership of land, forms of exploitation, meritocracy instead of respect for elders, individual accumulation of wealth, etc (140).

PAGE 24

16 1970 and 1975, and CCM continued to promote the same ideology of Socialism and SelfReliance outlined in the Ar usha Declaration. However, by the end of the 1970s the economic situation was steadily worsening. Ny ereres plan to resettle people into communal development villages never achie ved the rural-centered nation he had imagined.5 The situation was compounded by the infl ation of oil prices in 1973 and again in 1979-80 as well as the war with Idi Am in in Uganda in 1979-80. By 1980, Nyerere was under pressure by foreign donors and the IMF to accept structural adjustment policies designed to liberalize the economy. He refused, arguing that privatizing the economy would compromise the values of Ujamaa As a result of d eclining agricultural production and increasing foreign debt, even basic commodities were absent from store shelves in the early 1980s. U nder these conditions, an informal sector flourished and imported items were frequently smuggled into the country. To combat this trend, Prime Minister Edward Sokoine initiated a nati onwide campaign against economic sabotage. The police began to arrest people who were accused of hoarding luxury items when basic necessities such as soap, salt, sugar, and cooking oil were unavailable. Others were targeted for failing to contribute to nati onal production by living in urban areas while unemployed. In this context, people violati ng the sanctions of consumption or remaining unproductive were literally enemies of the st ate, charged with economic treason and often sent to jail or repatriated to rural areas.6 5 See Hyden 1980, for a detailed description of why and how Nyereres villagization projects failed to inspire peasants to work for national self-reliance. 6 Sokoine initiated the Economic Sabotage Campaign on March 18, 1983. On April 22, the National Executive assembly passed the Economic Crimes Bill that authorized tribunals, searches, property seizures, and arrests. Between 1983 and 1984, the government arrested 4,363 people and seized about US$5 million in property and currency (Ofcansky and Yeager 1997).

PAGE 25

17 The economic sabotage campaign never offi cially ended, but Nyereres efforts to retain the policies of Social ism and Self-Reliance slowly failed. In 1981, the government implemented the National Economic Survival Programme (NESP), followed by the introduction of the Structural Adjustme nt Program (SAP) in 1982. By 1985, Nyerere could hold out no longer and he chose to step down as President to allow his successor, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, to accept the liberal economi c policies in an effort to alleviate the worsening economic conditions. In 1986, Mwinyi initiated another phase of liberalization as Tanzania officially adopted the Ec onomic Recovery Programme (ERP). The conditions of the structural adjustment polic ies stipulated removi ng import restrictions, devaluing the shilling, increas ing producer prices for food and export crops, and privatizing state farms and parastatals. This reorientation of the economy toward s neoliberal policie s facilitated the importation of commodities that had been unavailable or illega l for the previous 20 years. The initial results appeared to be positive. After years of empty sh elves and food queues, in the late 1980s, shops were full of food, cl othing, and other items. However, within a short period of time, it became obvious that not everyone was going to benefit from structural adjustment policies equally. Th e devaluation of the shilling pushed up the prices of both locally made and imported commodities, making these items difficult to obtain for most Tanzanians. The privatizations of parastatals meant that many Tanzanian state workers lost their jobs as private investors downsi zed for better efficiency. Furthermore, health and social services offere d by the state declined at the same time that AIDS was rapidly spreading throughout the co untry. While some Tanzanians were able to use hidden capital to take advantage of the new climate of priv atization, most people

PAGE 26

18 found themselves surrounded by new commoditie s that they were unable to purchase, creating a visible division between those w ho were able to consume, and those whose desires remained unmet. It is under these c onditions that many Tanzanians turned to the informal economy to meet their everyday needs. With the stat e unable to provide ad equate wages in the formal employment sector, many urban dwelle rs began to operate small-scale income generating projects, referred to as miradi midogo midogo (little projects) or biashara ndogo ndogo (small businesses), which ranged from sewing, food vending, petty hawking, carpentry, and hairdressing. The pro liferation of informal sector activities compensated for the goods and services the state wa s unable or unwilling to supply. While the informal sector had been operating in Dar es Salaam since the late colonial period, the shifting urban lands cape of the 1980s resulted in several changes in this parallel economy. Through the 1960s and 1970s, th is sector consisted mainly of locally made products (Lugalla 1997). By the late 1980s the nature of the informal economy had changed drastically, and imported commodities could be found on most streets in Dar es Salaam, and included second hand clothing, electronic equipment, music cassettes, cameras, household appliances, suitcases, a nd petroleum products for motor vehicles. Moreover, this influx of new commodities incl uded new products associated with beauty and fashion, such as cosmetics, hair curl ing chemicals, perfumes, creams, and skin bleaching formulas. These changes in available commodities were accompanied by new consumer practices as well as new per ceptions of urban citizenship, and were central to the way Tanzanians redefined their posit ion at the local, national, an d international levels. While

PAGE 27

19 the shift from socialism to neoliberal policies and ideologies is treated as relatively unproblematic in most political and economic accounts, I argue that tracing ideas and practices of consumption complicates teleol ogical narratives th at posit Tanzanias acceptance of neoliberal policies as an inevitable stage in its trajectory of development. Using archival newspaper data, I take the va ntage point of the ever yday to explore how perceptions of gender, age, class, and r ace were implicated in changing ideas and practices of urban consumption. In partic ular, I focus on the figure of the urban consuming woman as a way to explore th e links between morality and material accumulation. Practices of consumption, I argue, were crucial to shifting boundaries of proper and improper womanhood in Dar es Salaam and connected anxieties about womens sexuality and mobility with concerns over the precarious position Tanzania held in the global political economic order. The Daily News and the Sunday News both state-owned newspapers, offer a view of urban Tanzania in the 1970s and 1980s th at captures the mutu al constitution of postcolonial political power and the dynamics of everyday urban life. Therefore, my analysis attempts to examine the relations hips between state di scourses of gendered consumption and everyday struggles taking plac e in Dar es Salaam. Before I explore the way that the consuming woman was constructe d in these newspapers, I first situate the Daily News and the Sunday News within the larger print medi a landscape of colonial and postcolonial Tanzania. I then describe my use of these newspapers as evidence and examine how womens consumption wa s represented in state media. Media History and Newspapers as Evidence I began my reading the Daily News and the Sunday News with the year 1975, when these two English speaking newspapers, accompanied by two Swahili dailies, Uhuru

PAGE 28

20 (Freedom) and Mazalendo (Patriotism), were the only dail y papers printed and circulated in Tanzania. These four papers were na tionalized by the postcol onial government to promote the socialist development outlined in the Arusha Declaration and remained firmly under government control from 1972 un til 1993. However, I want to begin my history of Tanzanias media with the Germ an and British colonial periods, following Sturmers argument that the colonial policies of both Eu ropean powers had a severe impact on Africas media landscapes so that ma ny particularities of the continent's actual communications are considered a colonial heri tage (1998: 9). Therefore, to contextualize my analysis of postcolonial state newspapers I describe the changi ng landscape of print media through colonialism, nationalism, socialis m, and neoliberalism. It is important to note that throughout the colonial and postcol onial periods, the pub lication, circulation, and reception of newspapers took place mainly in urban areas, and Dar es Salaam in particular. Access to print media in rural ar eas was hindered by lack of transport for distribution and the centrali zation of an educated African elite in the cities. Missionaries and German colonial offici als published the first newspapers in German East Africa in the late nineteenth century. For the German colonial government, newspapers served to enable the communi cation necessary to begin implementing the colonial economic infrastruc ture. The British colonial government, on the other hand, used newspapers as a means of communica tion as well as propaganda tool for the colonial regime, making British colonial mass media a mouthpiece of the colonial government. By the British colonial peri od, the existence of a new group of elite, educated African males made newspapers a usef ul forum for the colonial state to promote and defend its policies. The Tanganyikan Standard the precursor to the Daily News

PAGE 29

21 began circulating in 1930 a nd gained a wide African audience, increasing from 720-8,000 copies in circulation between 1933 and 1944 (Sturmer 1998). The Tanganyikan Standard was initially owned by the Kenyan East Af rican Standard Ltd. and was the most influential publication during the British ad ministration, indicated by its popularity and longevity (the paper ran from 1930 until 1967, when Nyerere changed it to the Standard ). While missionaries and German and British co lonialists had trained Africans living in Dar es Salaam to type and operate prin ting presses, the first independent African newspaper did not actually emerge until 1937. Erika Fiah, a political activist and organizer who founded the Tanganyikan We lfare and Commercial Association, established the territorys first African owned paper, Kwetu (Our Place). Through Kwetu Fiah and other contributors criticized the actions and polices of British colonial officials. The paper raised questions concerning raci al discrimination, economic exploitation, and European political control. According to Sc otton, Fiahs message could be described as urban radicalism (1978: 3). Indeed, Fiah directly challenged the British policies of indirect rule and the return to a traditiona l African past, instead advocating indigenous political control accompanied by educational and economic advancement. During WWII Fiah continued to criticize colonial polices through Kwetu but in the post-war era a lack of resources made furt her publication of the newspaper impossible. Between 1948 and 1952, there were no indepe ndent African produ ced publications circulating in the territory (Scotton 1978). The British colonial government published a series of Swahili newspapers with the hope of satisfying the demands of urban African readers, but by 1952 an independent African press had reemerged. The nationalist sentiments being articulated by African elites in the 1950s concerned colonial

PAGE 30

22 administrators and resulted in policies designed to control th e expanding African press. In 1952, the colonial government passed News paper Ordinance 35, making all African periodicals contingent on state approval through a pro cess of registration and an expensive bond price. When TANU formed in 1954, the organization published a series of Swahili newspapers critiquing the reluctan ce of the British government to give the colony political and economic independence. In response to these publications, the British colonial government amended the News paper Ordinance in 1955 to prohibit the publication of any statements likely to raise the discontent amongst any of the inhabitants or to promote feelings of ill will among the different communities (Quoted in Sturmer 1998). This amendment corresponded with the colonial a lternative to TANUs demands for self-rule, the multiracial policie s promoted by Governor Edward Twining (1949-1958). Twining argued for racial parity in government between Europeans, Asians, and Africans and organized a counter-party to TANU, called the United Tanganyika Party (UTP). However, as I described earlier African elites were articulating a nationalist sentiment heralding lib eration from the continued econom ic control of Europeans and Asians in the commercial and retail sectors a nd their newspapers reflected these conflicts between colonial and African imag inings of Tanganyikas future. Print media played an important role in the nationalist movement, as British officials were well aware. When TANU in troduced the partys official paper, Sauti ya TANU (Voice of TANU), Nyerere also encouraged Africans to boycott all British newspapers (Scotton 1978). The colonial authorities responded by arresting and convicting Nyerere of libel after he printed a critique (in Englis h) of two colonial officials in Sauti ya TANU Nyerere was offered the choice of paying a 3,000-shilling fine or

PAGE 31

23 spending six months in jail. He chose to pay the fine, but did not stop publishing Sauti ya TANU and in 1959, TANU established its own pub lishing house. After independence, Sauti ya TANU became Uhuru (Freedom) and TANU renamed its printing house Mwananchi (Citizen) Printing and Pu blishing Company. The first decision of the new publishing house was to make Uhuru a daily newspaper and to add an English periodical called the Nationalist This move by TANU had a twofold objective. First, the continuation of a Swahili newspaper was de signed to promote Swahili as the national language and to begin the process of estab lishing a centralized Sw ahili press. Secondly, the introduction of an English state daily wa s a strategic move to legitimize the new nation in the eyes of the international comm unity and to make outsiders aware of and sympathetic to Nyereres policies. While Uhuru and the Nationalist acted as the voice of TANU, there were two other popular daily newspapers circulating in the early independence ye ars. Both of these papers, one Swahili ( Ngurumo ) and one English (The Standard ), competed with the Party papers for an African readership (C ondon 1967). By 1967, Nyerere was touting the benefits of bringing mass media directly unde r state control to promote the unity and development of the nation. Even before th e Arusha Declaration, Nyerere had commented upon the necessity of state-controlled media, pointing to the damaging effect foreign media could have upon the development of a n ational culture. He remained dissatisfied with the presence of foreign owned papers in the 1960s, but due to a lack of trained African journalists and proper equipment, he was unable to nationalize mass media institutions. However, in 1968, the postcoloni al government announced that the colonial Newspaper Ordinance Bill was being retained and amended to give the President the

PAGE 32

24 power to prohibit any newspaper that went against public intere st (Sturmer 1998). In 1970, Nyerere successfu lly nationalized the Standard which was owned at the time by the multi-national London-Rhodesian compa ny (LONRHO). Nyerere appointed Frene Ginwala, a Marxist South African woman w ho had been working in London, to be the first African editor of the Standard In a Presidents Charter published on the front page on Feb. 5, 1970, Nyerere described the Standard as a socialist paper designed to serve the interests of the people and to spread an unde rstanding of national development. Nyerere further solidified state control over news paper media in the early 1970s. Ginwala was replaced by Sammy Mdee in 1971 and by that time the Standard (the government paper) and the Nationalist (the Party paper) were in dire ct competition, leading TANU to merge these two papers to create the Daily News The Sunday News which had accompanied the Standard since 1954, was retained an d these two English papers were mobilized to promote the agenda of the TANU Party. Uhuru also continued to be published and circulated as well as Mazalendo, which became the Sunday edition. However, unlike the English papers, which included international news, the Swahili newspapers dealt mostly with local and national issu es, leading Condon to comment that the Swahili reader received a very limited view of th e world outside Tan zania (1967: 343). Despite the governments efforts to prom ote the state newspapers, the privately owned newspaper Ngurumo (Thunder or Roar), was still th e most popular paper in Dar es Salaam in 1970s. The government again mobilized colonial tactics, introducing a Newspaper Act in 1973 that gave the President and the Information Minister the power to control, prohibit, or ban the publication or importation of papers (Sturmer 1998). The last issue of Ngurumo was published in 1976, clearing the wa y for almost twenty years of

PAGE 33

25 state-controlled print news media. In 1975, th e state run Tanzanian Sc hool of Journalism (TSJ) opened. All students in the school had to be recommended by TANU and later CCM party leaders, and until 1990 almost ninety percent of all journalists working for the state papers were CCM Party member s (Sturmer 1998). Even though all major newspapers were under state control by 1977, the government again amended the Newspaper Act that year to allow the arrest of any person critici zing the state through print media. In 1977, several people who had been publishing small, sporadic papers were arrested and fined by the state. Theref ore, aside from state-owned newspapers and occasional missionary publications, almost no other news print media was available in Dar es Salaam and the rest of Tanzania from the late 1970s until the 1990s. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the Daily News and the Sunday News followed the creed of journalism articu lated by Nyerere in his 1970 Pr esidents Charter. According to Nyerere, national news media should serv e the interests of th e people of Tanzania, support the socialist ideology of the Arusha Declaration, initi ate discussions relevant to the development of a socialist democracy, criticize the government and its policies, supply readers with domestic and world news, and spread an understanding of socialism. I explore the content and structure of these two papers from1975-1995 in more detail in the next section. Here I want to move to the late 1980s to discuss the effects of the structural adjustment policies enacted by Pr esident Mwinyi on news media. After the liberalization of the economy, the government was urge d by money lending institutions and human rights organizations to allow th e publication of private papers. The first private paper to appear in 1988 was called Business Times and focused on economic and

PAGE 34

26 political issues, but it was not until 1992 that the government officia lly legalized private newspapers. Within less than a decade, the Tanzanian media landscape changed drastically. The dailies that emerged after the legali zation of private media often published sensationalized news stories and explicit critiques of CCM, the ruling party. In a last attempt to regain control over the news medi a, Mwinyi urged the government to pass the Media Professions Regulations Bi ll, which required that all jour nalists be registered with the state and which had the power to de-re gister any offending journalists. Mwinyi banned several papers after this pronouncemen t, but the Bill was not successful. In 1991, the United Nations announced the Windhoek Decl aration, which labeled censorship as a violation of human rights and he ralded a pluralistic press as a crucial tool in the process of development and democratization. By th e 1990s, several groups of independent media professionals had emerged, including th e Tanzanian Media Womens Association (TAMWA) and the Independent Media Counc il of Tanzania (IMCT) and these media professionals mobilized international human ri ghts discourses to argue for the repeal of the Newspaper Ordinance and increased freedom of the press. However, as the first multiparty elections approached in 1995, th e government continued to strongly warn private journalists and editors to maintain an ethical standpoint and to not encourage division along religious and ethnic lines. Despite the effo rts of the state to control the private media, by 1996 the Daily News and the Sunday News were competing with at least nine other daily newspapers. Circulati on of the state newspapers fell from 50,000 copies per day in 1986 to only 15,000 by 1996 (S turmer 1998). The loss of both readers

PAGE 35

27 and journalists to the private newspapers aff ected the layout, struct ure, and tone of the state newspapers as they str uggled to maintain legitimacy in a changing media landscape. As this media history indicates, late col onial and postcolonial policies towards print media were strikingly similar. It is note worthy that although Nyer ere was only arrested once during the nationalist movement for his cr iticisms printed in the TANU newspaper, he continued and even strengthened the censorship policies initiated by the British colonial government by nationalizing all mass media institutions in the postindependence period. Nyereres decision to ba n other daily papers stemmed from his belief that freedom of opinion was less impor tant than political and economic goals such as the abolishment of povert y, disease, and ignorance (S turmer 1998), and the state newspapers were explicitly designed to act as tools of national development. Because almost all editors and journa lists were trained in the Ta nzanian School of Journalism (TSJ) and therefore indoctrinate d in CCM party doctrine, the paper strongly reflected the desires and projects of the state. As a result of Nyereres post-Arus ha media policies, the Daily News and the Sunday News during the years 1972-1993 not only acted as the voice of the state, but were also the only dail y source of local, national, and international news for most people in Dar es Salaam and other urban areas. Obviously the heavy censorship policies of the postcolonial state make it necessary to point out that the discourses in the state newspapers certainl y do not cover the broad range of positions taken by Tanzanians.7 However, as Ivaska has pointe d out, even though state rhetoric may have failed to completely interpolate citizen s politically or economically into 7 It is also important to note that the Daily News and the Sunday News were both written in English in a nations where English is not the first language of most people. I suspect that an analysis of the Swahili state papers during this same period might offer very different perspectives of the topics I take up in this study.

PAGE 36

28 Nyereres imagining of a soci alist country, this does not necessarily mean that state rhetoric did not strongly a ffect the everyday lives of pe ople who came of age during the period of Ujamaa Rather, he contends that state rh etoric provided a powerful vocabulary through which other generational, gendered, r acial, and classed struggles in Dar es Salaam were mediated (2003). What, then, can these state newspapers tell us about shifting perceptions of gendered consumption during the periods of socialism and neoliberalism? How, when, and where was womens consumption addressed in these state dailies? Who was speaking in these conversations and what was being sa id? To begin to answ er these questions, I want to describe how the shifting content a nd structure of these tw o newspapers shaped discussions and representations of gende red consumption between the years 1975-1990. My reading of the state newspapers takes a somewhat unique methodol ogical approach in that I follow discussions of womens consumption across diff erent sections and genres within the paper. The Daily News and the Sunday News like most newspapers, consisted of not only articles, but also f eatures, letters to the editor, poems, stories, humor columns, cartoons, and opinion pieces. Trac ing discourses of urban wome n and their practices of consumption, I move back and forth between pieces considered fact and fiction, official and unofficial, arguing that within the context of state control, all of the pieces printed in these papers were desi gned to promote state policies of modern development as well as to fashion proper ge ndered identities. Therefore, I attempt to highlight the contradictions and tensions betw een the official rhetor ic of the front page and the variety of viewpoints expressed in publ ic forums, stories, poems, humor columns, cartoons, and opinion pieces. Comparing the re presentations of women within these

PAGE 37

29 different genres, I argue, reveals how defi nitions of proper urban womanhood were constituted through practices of gendered consumption. The layout and structure of the papers th emselves contributed to what kinds of representations of women were possible. From 1975 until the late 1980s, the Daily News and the Sunday News were composed of about 8-12 pages following a basic structure. Page 1 was generally dedicated to governme nt related news, page 2 to international affairs, page 3 to local incide nts, and last to page sports. The rest of the issues were usually interchangeable and include some assort ment of classifieds, advertisement pages, opinions, commentaries, technical reports, and features. The Sunday News also included a Society/Entertainment section, which included short stories, articles about health care and the law, wedding announcements, and humor columns. Supplemental sections were also added to commemorate national events or holidays, such as May Day, Workers Day, and the anniversary of CCM. During th is period, there were two public forums available for public contributions. These include d the Letters to the Editor page and a column called Action Line, which allowed pe ople to write in with specific grievances that were addressed the following week along with an official response. By the late 1980s, however, I began to no tice several changes taking place in the structure and content of both pa pers. While the public forums had taken up a large place in the newspaper throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the Letters to the Editor and Action Line sections began to slowly decrease in size until eventually the opinion section of the Daily News was almost completely removed from the paper. Opinion sections became increasingly sporadic throughout the 1990s eventually being limited to the Sunday News alone. While staff writers still wrote opinion columns on various topics, the Letters to

PAGE 38

30 the Editor page was no longer the kind of public forum it had been in earlier years (most likely because people found the newly emerging private papers a more conducive place to voice complaints and concerns). New sec tions were also adde d to the state-owned papers during the late 1980s and early 1990s Weekly pages dedicated to Science and Technology, Business and Finance, and Economic Development emerged after 1992 in an attempt to keep up with Tan zanias changing politi cal and economic environment and to compete with private news papers. The Letters to the Editor that were published increasingly focused on political and economic issues; some days in the early 1990s all of the letters in the opinion section were abou t the benefits and limitations of multipartyism. As I read through the years 1975-1990 looki ng for pieces pertaining to women, I began to learn when and where to find representations of women in the pages of the Daily News and the Sunday News. During the period when socialism was promoted as the national ideology, conversations about women in these newspapers were almost always framed by the government womens organi zation, the Union of Tanzanian Women (UWT), and generally took the form of what I call Women Told ar ticles. These articles invoked a tone of exhortation wi th headlines that gave dir ect orders such as Women Told to Defend Socialism, Women Told to Work Harder, Women Told to Form Coops, Be Productive, Women Told, or Wives Told: Respect Your Husbands. Women Told articles were complemented by features presenting what I call Exemplary Women, which told the story of individual women who exemplified the ideal of socialist womanhood. With titles like Why I Find Happiness in UWT Life, Love of Figures Made Margaret an Engin eer, and Meet the First Women Auditor,

PAGE 39

31 these features highlight women whose work and sexuality remain firmly within the boundaries of domestic and nationa l obligations. What is striki ng about these pieces is the consistency with which womens political, e ducational, and economic achievements are compared with their marital status and domestic duties. Almost all of these featured women were married and these articles ofte n dealt with how well they balanced their work with their domestic obligations. Howeve r, both Women Told articles and features of Exemplary Women rarely addressed issu es of consumption, but rather attempted to define womens role in the na tion in terms of domestic a nd national production. In fact, the state papers rarely pub lished official articles dea ling with womens consumption. However, within the Letters to the Editor, poems, stories, cartoons, and humor columns, journalists and letter writers alike consisten tly, and often heatedly, discussed issues of womens consumption, specifically womens consumption of cer tain fashions defined as Western, foreign, decadent, and modern. It is these discussions that I take up and explore in the remainder of this study Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, concerns over young urban womens autonomy, work, mobility, and sexuality were expressed through discussions about mini-skirts, cosmetics, pe rfumes, hair kits, and skin bleaching creams. The immoral consuming woman who emerges in these pieces shares many of the same characteristics of the Exemplary Women herald ed by the newspapers: she is an educated worker living in an urban area. However, unlike the ideal socialist woman, her productive efforts are perceived as negated by her overwhelming desire for conspicuous consumption. However, the changes in the content and structure of the Daily News and the Sunday News in the late 1980s and 1990s also m eant changes in representations of

PAGE 40

32 women. Issues of womens consumption of fashion were not abandoned completely, but during the change to neoliberal policies st ate discourses concerning women began to be framed mostly in terms of womens relations hip to political and economic development. The loss of audience to private newspapers re sulted in increasing debts that forced state newspapers to allow private interest groups to buy space in the newspaper. For example, TAMWA, the womens media organization, bega n to buy space in the state newspapers to campaign against violence against women. In 1992, members of TAMWA, in conjunction with intellectuals at the University of Dar es Salaam, held a workshop on women in media. The consensus of the meeti ng was that women were portrayed in most media as greedy, deceitful, manipulative, and overly sexualized and the participants demanded an improved image of women in medi a. As a result of these changes, the immoral city woman who domi nated discussions of consum ption in the 1970s and 1980s became less explicit in state discourses in the 1990s. By following discourses about the urban consuming woman through the periods of socialism and neoliberalism, I hope to situate anxieties over womens conspicuous consumption within the changi ng political, economic, and soci al context of postcolonial Tanzania. First, however, I examine the em ergence of the figure of the urban woman within the specific historical context of la te colonial and early postcolonial Tanzania. Fashioning Urban Womanhood: The Em ergence of the Consuming Woman Discussions of the African urban woman proliferated during the late colonial period, although women had long lived in Dar es Salaam and other cities. However, during the German and early British colonial periods, urban spaces remained dominated by African males engaged in temporary wage la bor. Colonial official s and elder Africans alike expected African women to remain in rural areas to grow f ood and take care of

PAGE 41

33 children and elderly family members. Those wo men who did live in ci ties were generally ignored by colonial authorities or else tacitly accepted for their abili ty to provide the comforts of home (White 1990) to wage laborers through various forms of prostitution and co-habitation. Prior to the 1940s, then, the city was imagined by Africans and colonialists as a place wh ere African men only belonged according the varying labor requirements of the colonial state and African women remained shadow figuresanomalous creatures inhabiting invisible sp aces in a male domain (Geiger 1997: 22). The shift in urban colonial policies af ter WWII redefined the place of African women in towns and cities. Determined to cr eate a stable middle class of African elites, British colonialists began to encourage the permanent establishment of nuclear families in Dar es Salaam. Missionaries and colonia lists alike assumed that women, through their roles as wives and mothers, were best suited to teach their families about the values of personal and social hygiene, hoping that women s influence in the domestic sphere would contribute to colonial efforts to stabilize urban areas in the midst of rapidly increasing rural-urban migration. Through mission and co lonial schools as well as urban womens clubs, African women learned new patterns of consumption as well as new notions of cleanliness and domesticity. Women were taught by missiona ries and the wives of colonial officials to practice discerning consumption, limiting their purchases to commodities which would contribute to the he alth and hygiene of their families (Burke 1996). It is interesting to note that during the same period when British colonialists and Africans were attempting to negotiate the meanings of legitimate urban womanhood, the figure of the urban prostitu te rose from the shadows and became an issue which,

PAGE 42

34 according to Iliffe, obsessed African men after 1945 (1979: 301). I argue that this sudden proliferation of discussions surroundi ng womens sexuality in urban areas during the 1940s was not so much a castigation of act ual sex work, but rather an indication of the anxieties felt by colonial officials and African men rega rding the place of women in urban spaces. Practices of consumption became crucial to definitions of legitimate urban female personas. According to colonial di scourses, proper wo men constrained their sexuality and material consumption within the domestic realm, purchasing necessary items for their families and limiting their sexu al relations to the bonds of marriage. But colonial officials could not completely contro l the increasing number of female migrants in Dar es Salaam. Young rural women, de nied access to a Western education and excluded from new cash crop initiatives introduc ed by the colonial state, began migrating to urban areas to escape the control of ma le relatives as well as to experience the pleasures of city life. These women rare ly engaged in wage labor, but found better economic incentives in the informal economy: brewing beer, selli ng food, and practicing various forms of sex work. This situation re sulted in male anxieties over the actions and attitudes of town women, w ho were seen as poor marriages partners compared to rural women. In his 1963 Survey of Dar es Salaam, Leslie found that African men thought urban women were taken with town life, less easy to please, more liable to demand that water be carried by a servant, and wanting to be we ll-dressed and fed and to go to dances and cinemas. Moreover, within this context, almost any unmarried urban African woman was regarded suspiciously a nd risked being identif ied as a prostitute (Geiger 1997).

PAGE 43

35 This figure of the promiscuous and dema nding urban woman is not limited to Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Rita Felski has show n how the figure of the consuming woman was mobilized to critique th e growth of consumption and female autonomy in the public sphere in nineteenth century Britain. She ar gues that while consumption was perceived as a necessary familial and civic duty of the middle-class woman, the growth of consumerism was perceived by many as morally degenerative, raisi ng concerns about the ability of consumer practices to disrupt soci al hierarchies. As in Tanzania, young, single women migrating to cities were especially su spect. Felski descri bes the way that young unmarried urban women in Britain were perceived: Young women who moved to the city in search of work were considered to be highly susceptible to promiscuity and ultimately prostitution, because their appetites for luxury, once awakened by their proximity to an alluring profusion of material goods, could only be satisfied by selling their bodies for financial gain (Felski 1995: 72) The links between female desire for materi al accumulation and female sexuality are intricately intertwined in this descripti on of single urban women. However, what is surprising is the degree to which Felskis description of the nineteenth century consuming woman resonates with anxietie s about womens autonomy, mobility, work, consumption, and sexuality in diverse postcoloni al locations. Whether it is the good time girl in Ghana (Newell 2000), the society girl in Nigeria,8 the shebeen queen of Zimbabwe (Burke1996), or the b ig sister of the city in Tanzania (Stambach 2000), the urban woman has been associated with pr omiscuity, greediness, and an overwhelming desire for conspicuous consumption. 8 I came across this term while examining archival ne wspapers from Nigeria in the 1960s and 1970s. This term was used pejoratively to describe single urban working women who enjoyed the pleasures of city life, especially bars and dance clubs.

PAGE 44

36 The immoral town women of the British colonial period did not disappear in the post-independence era. Despite th e negative connotations of city life in state narratives of socialism, migration to Dar es Salaam increased exponentially in the postcolonial period, including a rapid influx of wo men migrating from rural areas for the first time. These women were the first generation of educated and single women living in Dar es Salaam and they gained new degrees of social aut onomy unavailable in their rural homes. Urban women no longer needed to marry to maintain economic security and this new dynamic caused considerable tension between men a nd women as many men failed to make the same kind of economic progress that seem ed to come easily to young urban women (Ivaska 2004). Moreover, during the early independence years, new commodities and fashions became available as never before as former colonial powers attempted to refashion the colonies into markets for Eur opean made commodities. In the 1960s, Dar es Salaam became imbricated in flows of inte rnational cosmopolitan fashions and products, offering Tanzanians a wide array of forei gn commodities, including clothing, cosmetics, films, books, and music. At the same time as these products were becoming readily available and increasingly popular among young Tanzanians, the new government under TANU leadership was attempting to define a Tanzanian national culture by collecting those aspects of a rural African past which c ould provide an national identity able to unite over 120 different ethnic groups. In this cont ext, the consumption of foreign commodities by young men and women caused great concern for Nyerere and other leaders. After the Arusha Declaration, the condemnation of ur ban youth who were embracing international fashions increased and urban woman in partic ular became a target for these anxieties. According to Ivaska, women were consid ered the worst of the citys unproductive

PAGE 45

37 masses, and the city itself was gendered femi nine, a site of excess, consumption, illicit leisure, and thus a target of the new polit ics of frugality and hard work (2003: 147). Audrey Wipper offers a sketch of the how the urban Tanzanian woman was portrayed in East African media in the 1960s which exposes many of the anxieties surrounding womens mobility, wo rk, sexuality, and consumpti on. I quote in full here as her description resonates with the way ur ban women were represented in the state newspapers through the 1970s and1980s She writes, The urban woman, like fashion, is regarded as superficial, pretentious, sensuous, and fickle. Having no crops to tend, she has a much easier life and much free time which she idles away visiting friends and looking for the latest fashion. She tends to be lazy, likes a good time, and neglects her duties to her children, parents, and relatives. She no longer shows the respect due to her relatives a nd older people. She is arrogant, demanding, and grasping. Her excessive taste for material luxuries combined with her dislike of hard work draws her towards men who give her gifts. A gold-digger and a fortune seeker, she stays with men only as long as they provide for her material wants. If single she is undoubtedly a prostitute. (Wipper 1972: 339) This category of the urban woman should be read as a heuristic device rather than an actual personality or individua l. The description of the c onsuming urban women laid out by Wipper does not encapsulate a ny one woman, but ra ther represents a certain kind of feminine identity associated with urban life, modern fashions, and Western institutions. Central to this category of urban woma nhood was the figure of the prostitute, the ambiguous and manipulative char acter who at any one time could refer to actual sex workers as well as any single woman living in the city, including the secretary, the bargirl, the schoolgirl, and the girlfriend of the sugar daddy. These multiple figurations of the urban woman all share certain characteri stics. They are associated with Western education, wage labor, and a particular urba n style of consumption. Moreover, as Wipper points out, the urban woman held a special relationship with fashion. Not only did her

PAGE 46

38 own personality seem to be as fickle and uns table as fashion, but also her sexuality and desire for material accumulation were displa yed by the foreign and decadent style she embodied. The anxieties surrounding urban womens work, sexuality, and consumption were exacerbated by the types of commodities which were becoming popular in Dar es Salaam in the 1960s, including miniskirts, skin lightener s, cosmetics, and chemical hair kits. As in other postcolonial locations, commodities as sociated with fashion, style, and beauty were the subject of heated and occasionally vi olent struggles in Dar es Salaam. I noted in the previous section that the postcolonial state enacted several campaigns against the purchase and use of certain co mmodities after the Arusha De claration. One of the first and most violent of these initiatives was Oper ation Vijana, a state-or ganized ban initiated in 1968 on all commodities deemed Western or decadent, which resulted in several months of public attacks on women by ma le members of the TANU Youth League (TYL).9 This campaign, I argue, highlights the ge ndered, racial, generational, and class struggles taking place in Dar es Salaam in the post-Arusha years. Operation Vijana, as Ivaska points out, was largely a campai gn initiated by young men against young urban women who were gaining a new degree of economic autonomy. Women who wore the banned fashions were accused by young men of gaining a market, that is, using these 9 Operation Vijana ( vijana translates as youth) was announced October 3, 1968 and consisted of a national ban on miniskirts, wigs, womens bleaches, an d tight males trousers. The initiative was aimed at defending national culture and advancing the socialist aims of the Arusha Declaration. The campaign was planned and designed by Party Youth (TYL) league members and enforced by Chairman L.N. Sijaona (the first Minister of Culture and Youth) and Chief Commander Rajabu Diwani. 500 TYL cadres took to the streets in October 1968 and put up posters describing decent dress. Over the next three months women and girls wearing banned fashions were harassed at bus stations, carried off buses, and chased and stripped naked by men in the street. Strangely, the campaign wa s not supposed to officially begin until January 1, 1969, but after the attacks in late 1968, the initiative was quietly abandoned and by February 1969, the attacks had stopped.

PAGE 47

39 commodities to enhance their beauty with th e hopes of competing for sugar daddies, the older men who had the resources to give them gifts and cash. Many young urban men, who found themselves without money or the chance of material accumulation due to the lack of wage labor in the city, deeply resent ed the older generation of men who seemed to have easy access to multiple sexual partners (Ivaska 2004). The banned fashions of Operation Vijana continued to be purchased and used by young women in Dar es Salaam despite the effort s of the state to define the boundaries of legitimate consumption. However, products su ch as short dresses, cosmetics, skinbleaching chemicals, and hair kits evoke d strong reactions in post-independence Tanzania, not only for the reasons listed a bove, but also because many thought that they were symbolic of the colonial oppression which Tanzanian had just overthrown. By dressing like Western wome n, many young urban females felt that they were going with the times and defended their right to use such commodities. Others, however, perceived these commodities quite differentl y, arguing that African women were literally trying to become white through the use of such fashions (Ivaska 2003). In post-Arusha Tanzania, therefore, practices of consumption were central to defining proper citizens and proper womanhood. However, the desire of Nyerere and other state leaders to curb urban consumption through campaigns like Operat ion Vijana resulted in failure time and again. Conclusion I have presented these overlapping historie s of consumption, print media, and urban womanhood in an attempt to challenge and problematize standard historical metanarratives of Tanzanias political, economic, and soci al history, rejecting the tendency to present unproblematized transiti ons between colonial and postcolonial and

PAGE 48

40 socialism and postsocialism. In the remainder of my analysis, I turn to my evidence from the Daily News and the Sunday News to examine issues of gendered consumption in Dar es Salaam between the years 1975-1990. Us ing the figure of the urban consuming woman, I trace discourses of womens sexuali ty, work, mobility, and consumption at the intersection of postcol onial political power and everyda y struggles in urban Tanzania. How did the state use media to inculcate ideas of legitimate gendered consumption during the periods of socialism and neo liberalism? How were state sanctioned perceptions of consumpti on challenged by young urban women? Why did issues of womens fashion become such a long-running and vigorously discussed topic in these state dailies? What was at stake for th e postcolonial government and citizens who castigated womens use of miniskirts, cosmetic s, perfumes, hairkits and skin bleaching creams? How were differences of gender, gene ration, class, and race articulated in these discourses? And most importa ntly, how did definitions of proper and improper female urban citizenship emerge through these discu ssions of womens consumption of fashion?

PAGE 49

41 CHAPTER 3 DOMINANT REPRESENTATIONS OF URBAN WOMANHOOD IN THE DAILY NEWS AND THE SUNDAY NEWS 1975-1981 Although state campaigns in the1960s failed to completely control urban consumption of foreign imports, this did not deter the Tanzanian government from attempting to define and control the boundari es of legitimate consumption in Dar es Salaam. After the failure of Operation V ijana in 1969, the state made several more concerted efforts to stop urban women from desiring and obtaining imported fashions. From 1970-71, the police force initiated a campa ign that harassed and arrested women wearing indecent clothing in Dar es Salaam.1 Other official attempts to control urban consumption included an order in 1975 that women wearing short sk irts would not be allowed on city buses, a ban on the sale of imported second hand clothing throughout the 1970s, and an increased sales tax on luxury items in 1981.2 The state-owned media reinforced these legislative initiatives and became a key tool for inculcating a sense of what kind of consumption was appropriat e for Tanzanian urban women (or more specifically, what kind of c onsumption was definitely not appropriate). In this chapter, I examine the years 1975-1981 of the Daily News and the Sunday News tracing 1 This initiative took the form of periodic police raids, in which women found in downtown areas of Dar after dark were arrested or sent to rural villages. 2 The ban on miniskirts in buses was announced on the front page of the Daily News Friday, Jan. 14, 1975. The article reports that the Peoples Militia rounded up 39 women wearing short dresses. These women were forced to do manual labor and then released afte r promising not to wear short dresses in the future. The ban on imported second-hand clothing began in 1974, but the state continued to threaten and arrest street vendors found selling these items throughout the 1970s. The increased tax of luxury items went into effect Feb. 1, 1981 and included all imported beers, spirits, tobaccos, soaps, khanga and kitenge (the last two are cloth worn by women).

PAGE 50

42 conversations about urban women through offi cial and unofficial pieces in these state newspapers. I will argue that discussions in the newspapers about gendered practices of production and consumption offe r a unique window into the anxieties experienced by many Tanzanians as young, single urban wo man began to challenge gendered and generational hierarchies in Dar es Salaam. In the beginning of 1975, two issues do minated discussions of women in the Daily News and the Sunday News and both of these discussions addressed urban women in particular. First, the United Nations Decl aration that 1975 would be recognized as International Womens Year and the first year in the UN Decade for Women sparked debates in the state-owned newspapers that lasted for several years. The Declaration came as a result of the World Conference of In ternational Womens Year in Mexico City, when issues of women and development in Sub-Saharan Africa were brought to the attention of the international community for the first time by participants from underdeveloped nations. The new awareness of the condition of women in postcolonial locations resulted in an increased effort among feminist scholars, womens rights advocates, and NGOs to include women in the development process. This international declaration also provoked livel y conversations about the m eaning of womens liberation in Tanzania, as state leaders and citizens str uggled to define women s status in the home and in the nation. State leaders, I argue, attempted to harness the womens liberation movement to the liberation of the nation as a whole and to define the meanings of women's liberation in a way that ensured that urban women did not abandon their traditional domestic responsibilities.3 3 I have claimed that these discourses of womens liberation were primarily concerned with urban women for several reasons. First, my reading of the pape r indicated that most co nversations about womens

PAGE 51

43 The second issue that received a great deal of attention in the state newspapers in 1975 was a perceived increase in the number of prostitutes in urban areas, and Dar es Salaam in particular. While I have shown that th e city prostitute had long been a target of anxieties in Dar es Salaam, this particular discussion of urban prostitution in1975 was initiated by a series of features written by Roving Reporters Scholastica Kimaryo and Nestas Kageuka, in which they interviewed va rious people in Dar es Salaam about their opinions on prostitution and invi ted readers to give their t houghts in the Le tters to the Editor column of the paper (called Peoples Forum ). As a result, dozen s of letters were printed over the next several y ears addressing what people perceived to be the causes and effects of prostitution in the city. What surprised me as I read through th ese pieces was the frequency with which journalists and contributors to the newspapers alike assumed a connection between the womens liberation movement and increased urban prostitution. I was also initially bewildered by the contradicti ons between state discourses of womens liberation (which heralded the importance of education and wage -labor for urban women) and the hostility and anxieties directed at sc hoolgirls and working women (i ncluding explicit accusations that these women were most likely prostitu tes). However these tensions become less contradictory when examined as discussi ons about urban womens modes of production and consumption. While front page articles and official pieces framed urban womens liberation in terms of productiv ity in the home and nation, in le tters to the editor, stories, and humor columns a wider spectrum of interpretations could be found, including liberation addressed women in Dar es Salaam. Secondl y, as Geiger (1982) has shown that a lack of resources and poor transportation limit ed the national womens organization, Umoja wa Wanawake wa Tanzania (UWT) to working in or around urban centers.

PAGE 52

44 frequent accusations that wo mens new roles in production were the reason behind the increase in urban prostitution. Practices of consumption became a key component in distinguishing respectable women from those who used education and wage labor as a means to benefit themselves rather than their families or the nation. In these public forums, womens liberation through access to education and work was often seen as a catalyst toward a certain style of consumpti on (namely of products labeled as decadent and foreign) which drove women to engage in sex work. Therefore, I argue in this chapter that these discussions in the stat e newspapers about womens liberation and increased urban prostitution should not be read as two distinct issues, but rather as a related set of discourses about women s production and consumption through which perceptions of urban womanhood were defi ned and contested on a daily basis. In this chapter, then, I examine these di scussions of womens liberation and urban prostitution in the state newspapers during th e socialist period. I begin by describing the changing conditions of Dar es Salaam dur ing the 1970s, most notably the increased migration of single and educated women to th e city. I then turn to articles, features, stories, and letters in the state newspapers to explore how notions of proper and improper urban womanhood were negotiated through thes e discourses of wome ns liberation and prostitution. Dar es Salaam in the 1970s Although Nyereres policies of Socialism and Self-Relian ce called for a return to rural agriculture as the key to Tanzanias de velopment, migration to urban areas steadily increased throughout the socialist period. By 1971, women migrants were the majority of new arrivals in Dar es Salaam (Ivaska 2003). This group of women migrants differed from the women who had migrated to the city during the 1950s and 1960s. Among this

PAGE 53

45 generation of women, many had received some education and came to the city with the expectation of attaining work in the formal sector. However, the growth of the urban population in the early 1970s strained the ur ban infrastructure, which was ill equipped to absorb the number of new migrants. Jobs, housing, and social services lagged behind population growth, resulting in an urban e nvironment where material resources were constantly the catalyst of struggles between differently placed groups and individuals. Many of the women who moved to Dar es Sa laam in the 1970s were both educated and unmarried. They represent what Marjorie Mbilinyi referred to as the new Tanzanian women (1972), the generation of educated fe male wage earners who took advantage of opportunities for work in urban areas duri ng the postcolonial pe riod. The Maternity Leave Bill passed by the government in 1975 facilitated womens entry into wage employment, but despite the increased number of women working in the formal economy in the 1970s, most of these jobs were rela tively low paying and lo w-status. Those women who were able to secure wage labor generally worked as factory workers, secretaries, or bargirls. Although more women were engaged in wage labor by the 1970s than ever before, the majority of women living in urban areas still relied on the informal economy (Tripp 1989). In 1974, workers in the formal sector in Dar es Salaam experienced a decline in real wages, a trend which continued thr oughout the decade and into the mid-eighties. This decrease in wages was one manifestati on of the economic crisis taking place in Tanzania as a result of poor performances in agriculture and industry, the declining international prices of coffee and other e xports, the rising price of imports, recurring droughts, and a costly war w ith Uganda (Tripp 1989).

PAGE 54

46 The competition for wage labor, housing, social services, and commodities among people in Dar es Salaam crea ted a context in which social struggles over wealth and resources took place on a daily basis. In the ne xt two sections, I argue that discourses of womens liberation and urban pr ostitution provide an entry point into these everyday struggles and highlight the differences of gender, generation, race, and class which emerged as the postcolonial state and ur ban men and women negotiated the urban landscape. I begin by examining how these st ate newspapers constructed an ideal socialist urban woman defined by her productiv ity in the household and the nation. I then turn to discussions of urban prostitution to explore perceptions of the consuming woman who, for many, repr esented the darker side of the womens liberation movement. Women, Do Thy Share: Womens Liberation and the Construction of the Socialist Superwoman Through National Production4 Total liberation of the African woman would depend on thei r understanding of Africas problems as spelled out by revol utionary forces in the continentIn Tanzania, women can only achieve their goa l if they fully understand the policies of the Party. -Quote from Party Secretary Abulnuru Se lefman (Work With Men, Women Told Daily News Jan. 12, 1975) Equality between men and women will be achieved only if women involve themselves fully in productive work and genuinely cooperate to build socialism. -Quote from National Vice-Chairman of UWT Salome Kisusi (Work for Equality Women Advised, Daily News July 12, 1975) Women need to liberate themselves menta lly and physically and to participate in the countrys development and the rest of societyWomen should consider themselves equal members of society in th eir places of work, while also fulfilling their domestic obligations. 4 Women, Do Thy Share was the title of a poe m written by M.S. Mathi and published in the Peoples Forum section of the Daily News (Apr. 15, 1975).

PAGE 55

47 -Quote from Delegate at the 1975 UWT General Council meeting (Liberate Yourselves, Women Told Daily News March 13, 1980) Women have the power to encourage posit ive economic and social development in the country, but if not properly oriented, they are also capable of doing the opposite and bringing about economic and so cial destruction to the nation. -Quote from Minister of Education Shar iff Hamad (Be Diligent, UWT Urged Daily News, Oct. 8, 1980) In Tanzania, the concept of womens liber ation took on specific meanings in state discourses and became an idiom through which st ate officials and citizens negotiated the boundaries of respectable urban womanhood. Th e post-Arusha government officially embraced the idea of womens liberation, a nd Nyerere mobilized this international discourse to support his own plans for social ist transformation. He conceived of womens liberation as a two-part struggle. First, he proposed, doing away with loopholes and laws that prevent equality between men and women and secondly, he urged women to overcome mental attitudes imposedby so cial orders (Geiger 1982). These two objectives outlined by Nyerere, changing laws that perpetuate inequality and inculcating a new attitude among women, framed many of the conversations concerning womens liberation in the state papers. Over the next several years, the government made several attempts to increase the number of women in education and formal employment. Policy initiatives such as universal primary school education for all children and a mandatory maternity leave for female workers were am ong the states efforts to change womens status through legal avenues. Despite official definitions of womens liberation that de clared education and work as the solution to womens subordinate social status, not all educat ed or working women were perceived as properly liberated. The second aspect of Nyer eres articulation of womens liberation, the perceived need for wo men to change their detrimental mental

PAGE 56

48 attitudes, naturalized the concept that it was women themselves who were hindering their own liberation and opened up a space for the state to define how a liberated woman should think and act. How did the pos tcolonial government use state media to define the meaning of womens liberation ? What did a properly liberated woman look like in the state dailies? In this section, I be gin to answer these questions using examples from the state newspapers of women who embodied state sanctioned discourses of national development through hard work. The Women Told and Exemplary Women pieces I described in the previous chapter exemplify government attempts to fa shion a particular kind of urban female identity. These articles draw explicit c onnections between the womens liberation movement and postcolonial political agendas. As a result, these official declarations of womens duties and responsibilities are almo st always framed in terms of womens productive role in the family and the nation. Take for example, the following headlines printed between 1975 and 1981: Work for Equality, Women advised, Work With Men, Women Told, Women Told to Work Harder, Flex Your Muscles, Women Told.5 As the quote by Party Secretary Selefman at the beginning of this section indicates, official discussions of women s liberation constantly reminded women to combine their individual efforts for liberation wi th the national project of socialism. In this context, womens liberation is equated w ith their right to receive an education and participate in wage labor. In these Womens Told pieces, the government womens association, Umoja wa Wanawake wa Tanzania (Union of Tanzanian Women, UW T), is charged time and again 5 These articles were printed in the Daily News on July 1, 1975, January 12, 1976, August 9, 1976, and December 4, 1980, respectively.

PAGE 57

49 with the responsibility of teaching urban wo men to combine their efforts for liberation with the development of the nation while maintaining their roles as wives and mothers. Women were frequently warned against al lowing their liberation to alter gendered hierarchies, especially within the househol d. Another revealing W omen Told article printed in 1975 advised women to balance their desire for liberation with respect for their husbands. In this article, UWT member Asha Ngoma warned women of the danger of misusing the 1975 International Womens Y ear to breed misconduct and disrespect towards their husbands. She urged women to educate themselves fully on the policies of the country and to identify themselves with the countrys aspirations. Ngoma also told women that it was inappropriate to m isbehave in front of your husbands just because this year has been declared yours.6 Articles such as these highlight the ambi valence state officials experienced when trying to define womens liberation; on the one hand, the Arusha declaration had promised equality to all Tan zanian citizens, regardless of ge nder, race, religion, or class and state leaders were eager to promote e quality between men and women as a way to legitimate the nation in the eyes of the international community. Moreover, Nyerere recognized and frequently commented that wo mens productive efforts were absolutely critical to the construction of a stable so cialist economy. On the other hand, the same leaders were concerned to define womens liberation in a way that would not disrupt existing hierarchies. Therefore, urban women were repeatedly reminded of the boundaries of their liberation. To be a liberat ed urban woman, according to the official discourses in the state newspaper, was not to change gendered asymmetries within the 6 Wives Told: Respect Your Husbands Daily News May 13, 1970

PAGE 58

50 household, but rather to enter into the wage economy and work for the benefit of the nation. These views were not entirely limited to o fficial pieces in the paper. Many letter writers and contributors also expressed concern that wo mens liberation was causing women to forget their proper place in th e home. One letter, written by George Makusi, accuses women of abandoning their motherly obligations, arguing that contact with big bureaucrats makes women identify themselves with the superior positions of their bosses at their working places, so that, back home, they begin to look down upon their fellow workerstheir husbandsas inferior.7 Anxieties about wome ns changing social status were particularly evident in the multip le meanings which were attributed to the UWT slogan, Wanawake Juu . Wanawake translates as women, but the use of the word juu caused problems for severa l journalists and readers. Juu is a locative term and can be translated in several ways depending on the context. Litera lly, it means up or above, so it roughly translates to Western feminist discours es of uplifting women or raising womens status. However, many me n and women interpreted this slogan to mean that women were literally trying to position themselves above men.8 This is clearly illustrated in a feature by Scholastica Ki maryo entitled, Is it Womankind Against Mankind? In the article, her grandmother comes to stay with her and offers her opinions of International Womens Y ear. The grandmother describes going to a UWT meeting during which UWT members told women: This is our year. This is when we shoul d tell men the hell with them. They have oppressed us, made us beasts of burden a nd done all the mean things to us. This 7 Womens Motherly Obligations Letter from George Makusi, Sunday News Oct. 30, 1977 8 Dr. Rose Lugano helped me to explore the multiple interpretations of this slogan.

PAGE 59

51 year they will know that women are really equal to men, even if it means them having to carry us around physically shoulder high to prove the point.9 She goes on to describe how the women had fo rced men to pick them up and carry them around the meeting hall while they yelled, Wanaume zii ! (Men, Boo!). A male letter writer cited a similar experience of going to a UWT meeting only to be told that the point of womens liberation is to humiliate me n and prove to him that women are now entering a new phase of being superiors. 10 UWT leaders responded to these accusations by claiming that many women simply did not understand the true meaning of International Womens Year. Anna Abdallah, a UWT District Secretary, was quoted as saying, This year is not dedicated to a wa r between men and womenOur intentions are to seek ways through which women can more effectively be involved in our countrys struggle against all types of oppression and for building socialism and self-reliance.11 Women Told articles primarily used e xhortation to convince women to change their behavior to be more in line with offi cial definitions of wo mens liberation. On the other hand, Exemplary Women features o ffered examples of wo men who managed to successfully embody state imaginings of pr oper urban womanhood. The women in these features can be compared to the socialist superwomen discussed by Susan Gal and Gail Kligman (2000). In their examination of statecontrolled womens magazines in socialist Europe, Gal and Kligman describe the para doxical images of ideal socialist womanhood, in which one woman was expected to effortle ssly perform the roles of educated worker, 9 Is it Womankind Against Mankind? Scholastica Kimaryo, Sunday News Aug. 17, 1975 10 Men Have Never Oppressed Women Daily News May 28, 1975 11 UWT Fights for Womens Affairs Commission Daily News July 23, 1975

PAGE 60

52 attractive wife, dedicated mother, and political activist. Exemplary Women features in the Daily News and the Sunday News also promote a similar socialist superwoman figure. Take for example, one such piece entitled First Women Labor Officer.12 In this feature, readers are introduced to Flora Manjonda, a former teacher who became the nations first female labor officer. The author of this piece, James Mpinga, remarks that Manjonda carries with her an air of determin ation, which is one of the qualities that allows her to work full-time as a Registra r in the Labor Tribunal, maintain a healthy relationship with her husband (also a trade unionist), run a smooth and efficient household, and take care of their three childre n. Mpinga writes that Manjonda has succeeded in what most women find difficult to dodivide her time between work and household choresand still take care of her darling children. Manjonda, he points out, does not allow her work to interfere with the smooth running of her home, as she believes the two always go together. Accordin g to this feature, she lives by the motto, An efficient housewife is essentially a good work er and apparently is able to execute her duties both at home and work with the utmo st belief that she can combine them to the advantage of society. Other Exemplary Women pieces echo this theme of balancing work and domestic duties. Another piece, called Why I Find Ha ppiness in UWT Life de scribes the life of Beatrice Mhango, then Secretary General of UWT and a worker in the Ministry of Community Development.13 As in Manjongas article, Mhangos performance in her formal employment position is compared with her ability to run her household. She 12 First Woman Labour Officer James Mpinga, Daily News Sept. 20, 1975 13 Why I Find Happiness in UWT Life Mangengesa Mdimi, Sunday News Apr. 11, 1976

PAGE 61

53 claims that despite the long hours she work s, her husband and two children are very, very happy. While Mhango expresses some re morse over the lack of time she has to spend with her children, she contends, This is not much of a problem to distract my attention and concern to serve the nation. Another featur e concentrates on the life of Martha Mvungi, a teacher who at the time of the article was not only teaching, but also taking classes, raising three ch ildren, and preparing an Englis h novel. The author of this piece, Mike Sikawa, describes Mvungi as a remarkable person marked by her courage and lack of aversion to hard work.14 The women who were featured in these piec es share several characteristics. They are all educated working women living in urba n areas, they are all married with children, and they are all portrayed as dedicated to combining their roles in national production with their domestic duties. However, while it is not made explicit in these articles, these women are all also among the relatively sm all group of elite women who were able to acquire well-paying jobs in the government a nd service sectors and therefore represent a minority of the women working in Dar es Sala am in the 1970s. It wa s this group of elite educated working women that primarily made up the national womens organization, UWT, and who came the closest to embodying the ideal of socialist womanhood. Therefore, I argue that it is important to examine how structures of class shaped definitions of the womens liberation movement in Tanzania. Despite the claims of the postcolonial government that socialism could cr eate a society free of class inequalities, state discourses of womens liberation articulated a mode l of ideal socialist womanhood 14 Love of Children Made Her a Teacher Mike Sikawa, Sunday News July 10, 1977

PAGE 62

54 based on the experiences of a small group of ur ban elites. In this context, the idea of womens liberation itself emerged as part of th e class structure of the postcolonial state. The role of UWT, as the branch of the postcolonial government dedicated to womens affairs, was to educate other wo men about the proper meaning of liberation through exhortation and example. But who ex actly ended up being the targets of UWTs efforts? In most cases, not the rural women who lived fa r from the urban areas where most elite women resided and worked. Rather, it was other urban women who were seen as needing education on thei r liberation, especially th e generation of young, single, women who were migrating to Dar es Sa laam in increasing numbers throughout the 1970s. Leading members of UWT, however, we re concerned to distinguish themselves from other urban women by emphasizing their ha rd work and dedication to Socialism and Self-Reliance as well as by castigating wome n who failed to conform to this style of womanhood. Even a glance at newspaper h eadlines indicates that UWT members hoped to maintain a firm boundary between them selves and other less productive women, specifically those outside the wage-earning sector. Take for example, these headlines printed between 1975 and 1979: UWT W ont Defend Lazy Women, UWT Chief Castigates Loiterers, UWT Wont Protec t Dishonest Women, and UWT To Evict Jobless Girls.15 These articles and others not on ly warn urban woman against their natural tendencies towards la ziness, deceit, negligence, decadence, irresponsibility, gossip, backbiting, and competitiveness, but al so promote a certain kind of socialist womanhood defined by hard work for the benefit of the family and the nation. 15 These articles were printed in the Daily News on August 25, 1975, March 3, 1976, March 20, 1976, and February 16, 1979, respectively.

PAGE 63

55 It is important to point out that these positive examples of Exemplary Women appeared far less frequently in the state pape rs than discussions about women who did not meet the standards of the soc ialist superwoman. UWT officials saw these other urban women as both a threat and a target for rehabilitation. The tensions between these differently positioned women becomes more obvious when the hard-working socialist women described in these features are comp ared with the discussions about consuming women that dominated the public forums of these papers. Prostitute or Girlfriend?: Sexuality, Liberation, and the Consuming Woman Prostitution is a deadly cancer which must be removed from our society at any cost if we are to build a nation truly imbued with socialist morality. But before that can be done, the disease itself must be pr operly diagnosed and the reasons for its occurrence exposed. -Scholastica Kimaryo (Roving Reporter, Part 2 Daily News March 21, 1975) Currently many men are being exploited by the unequal women especially the educated and working girlsa man will be expected to meet all the bills, she will just sit there and bleed him to economic death. Young girls find sugar daddies; he has more money to lavish on her. He has got a car. He has got everything to satisfy her luxurious needs. Such girls undermine the aspirations of women to equality. -Letter from Concerned Youngman (Libe rate Womens Exploi tive Attitudes Daily News Mar. 24, 1975) The new styles of the Western world have been spreading like the winds of fire to support prostitution. The clothes perpetuate d by Western fashions all lay emphasis on soliciting in public for sex. -Letter from A.E. Khatri (Br ing Up Your Daughters Properly Daily News Apr. 3, 1975) Many people tend to confuse girlfriends and prostitutes. A girl demanding money from her boyfriend is not only corrupt but also a prostitute. Money turns friendship into prostitution. -Letter from Charles Kaganda (Prostitute or Girlfriend? Daily News May 7, 1976)

PAGE 64

56 In the beginning of 1975, two female reporters for the state newspapers, Scholastica Kimaryo and Nestas Kageuka, wrote a series of f eatures on the problem of urban prostitution.16 In one of these pieces, Kageuka writes that prostitution is a subject nobody really wants to talk about. We all feel it is too embarrassing to be discussed.17 However despite her claim that prostitution wa s a taboo subject, my own reading of these state newspapers indicates that prostitution wa s actually discussed with great frequency, and invoked to comment upon other debates, in cluding, but not limited to, the meaning of womens liberation, young womens relations hips with older sugar daddies, and womens consumption of Western fashions. In the years after these first features were printed, dozens of letters were printed in the state newspapers as people offered their own answers to the questions posed by Kimaryo and Kageuka: What is the root cause of prostitution? Who is to blame? What can be done? I argue that th is proliferation of discussions of urban prostitution in 1975 was not arbitrary, but rather emerged at a time when the state was concerned to control the definitions and effects of womens liberation. If the socialist superwomen described above represented a statesanctioned example of the liberated woman, then the urban prostitute can be said to repres ent another, if less desirable, result of the womens liberation movement. It is interesting to note that conversa tions about urban prostitution took place primarily in the public forums of the news papers rather than the front pages, and therefore offer another perspective on ur ban womanhood in postcolonial Dar es Salaam 16 This series of features was composed of four articles. The first was written by Kimaryo and entitled Why Do Some Dar School Girls Roam the Streets? ( Daily News Jan. 10, 1975). Kageuka wrote the second and third pieces, called The Night Trotters: Twilight Girls Tell Their Own Tragic Story ( Daily News March 17, 1975) and Prostitution: What Can Be Done? Who Is To Blame? ( Daily News March 24, 1975). The fourth and final piece was written by Kima ryo and called Are Men the Patrons of Prostitution? Women Made Objects of Pleasure ( Daily News April 3, 1975). 17 The Night Trotters: Twilight Girls Tell Their Own Tragic Tale Daily News March 17, 1975

PAGE 65

57 that looks very different from the self-s acrificing superwoman who embodied state discourses of Socialism and Self-Reliance. Le tters to the editor, stories, poems, and humor columns focused on issues of women s sexuality and practices of consumption that official articles rarely addressed. While Exemplary Women were described almost exclusively in terms of their dome stic and national pro ductivity, the dangerous urbanity of consuming women was critiqued with accusati ons that laziness and greed produced an urban woman who was both adverse to hard work and obsessed with material accumulation (both ant ithetical to state projects of production and consumption). In these conversations, then, conspicuous cons umption was equated with prostitution and any woman who practiced a style of capitalis t consumption risked being labeled as a sex worker. Kageuka, for example, wrote in one of her pieces on urban prostitution that every woman she interviewed talked of mone y and the need to make more money to enable them to make a good living and afford ex tra articles that they want. One of the women interviewed, Esther, admitted that she ha d failed to secure even the simplest job in town and refused to return home to do farming. When asked by Kageuka why she could not return to her rural home, she repl ied that there were other, easier ways of earning good money without much sweating because she was brought up to like material things it was imperative to de mand money from men for her services. Kageukas description of Esther resonates strongly with social ist state discourses that equated unemployment with laziness a nd exploitation. However, what is more striking is how often the very women who we re successfully taking advantage of state initiatives in education and wage labor were also called prostitu tes. One male letter writer, Alex Njunji, offered these four categor ies of prostitutes: str eet trotters, doorstep

PAGE 66

58 waiters, schoolgirls, an d working secretaries.18 Why are schoolgirls and secretaries included in this list of potential prostitutes ? If education and formal employment were central to a state-sanctioned model of liberated urban womanhood, then why where these groups of women imagined to be e ngaging in sex work? One answer to these questions can be found in the quotes offered at the beginning of th is section. The three male letter writers all pointed to certain practices of consumption that distinguished prostitutes from respecta ble urban women. Anxieties a bout single womens sexuality and their presumed desire for material accu mulation are interwoven in these letters, and indicate that an examination of state discourses of women s liberation through their role in production offers only a partial view of the postcolonial governments attempts to fashion proper female urban personas. In many cases, then, definitions of pr oper womanhood were dependent on how and what women consumed and those women who used education and wage labor to gain access to luxurious and decadent commodities rather than to help their families or the nation became particularly suspect. In ot her words, although these consuming women actively pursued the educationa l and employment opportunities that Nyerere stressed as central to womens liberation, they fell shor t of meeting the standard of liberated women because they had failed to overcome the mental attitudes he attributed to previous social orders (i.e. the introducti on of capitalist economi c relations through colonialism). In this context, it did no t matter whether these women were actual sex workers or simply urban women who receiv ed financial support from boyfriends and sugar daddies, they all became suspected of prostitution due to their capitalist style of 18 This Social Cancer Must Go Letter from Alex Njunji, Daily News, Apr. 22, 1975

PAGE 67

59 individual consumption. Therefore, I refer in this section to the consuming woman as a figure that represents any single urban wo men perceived to be using their sexual relationships as a means of gaining access to certain illegitimate fashions. Womens sexuality and postcolonial economic structures are tied together in this figure of the consuming woman and offer unique insights in to government anxietie s over the capitalist relations still affecting the nation as well as everyday gendered str uggles taking place in Dar es Salaam. With this in mind, it becomes useful to return to the series of f eatures that initiated these conversations about urba n prostitution in 1975. The purpose of these pieces, as the quote from Kimaryo at the beginning of th e section indicates, was to diagnose the causes of the deadly cancer th at was prostitution in order to eradicate the practice from society. Kimaryos use of me dical language to discuss prostitution was shared by many others who wrote into the pa per and reveals a great deal about how the figure of the consuming woman embodied anxieties about th e place of Tanzania is the larger economic order. Letter writers responding to the features used a sim ilar language of disease to discuss prostitution. Take for example, this lett er entitled This Social Cancer Must Go. The writer, Alex Njunji, calls prostitution a deadly cancer which must be removed from our society at any cost if we are to build a socialist and self-reliant society in Tanzania.19 Other letter writers evoked a similar narrativ e of disease, calling prostitution a social malady and a menace to the healthy developmen t of society. Not surprisingly, the cure offered to this social disease was socialis m. The general consensus among journalists and letter writers was that only a change in economic structures could end prostitution. 19 This Social Cancer Must Go Letter from Alex Njunji, Daily News, Apr. 22, 1975

PAGE 68

60 One male letter writer, Freddie Macha, poi nted out that prostitution could not be examined as simply a sexual problem, cont ending, it is socio-economic relations that determine how people liveOnly socialism will end it! 20 Another letter claimed, Prostitution is based on private pr operty and bound to fall with it! 21 These letters assume that prostitution is linked to a certa in economic structure (i.e. capitalism) and therefore a result of colonial occupation. This is clearly illu strated in this letter from Rommel Mauma: I strongly believe that one reason why this unbecoming behavior manifests itself is because of the commercialization of se x. Sex among the culprits has formed an economic exchange of relations. This is the result of a Western economic system which has brought with it money civilizat ionProstitutes bodies get embedded in nothing but economic supply and demand!22 The articulation of prostitution as a sp ecifically capitalist phenomenon meant that womens practices of consumption were an important indication of how they were perceived in relation to state definitions of socialist woma nhood. In this context, women who purchased and wore Western fashions be came the target of hostility because their actions signaled that they did not support the socialis t claims of the state. Whether or not these women were actually sex workers was not necessarily the point. Rather, it was their style of consumption and their perceived desi re for Western commodities that resulted in accusations of prostitution, for despite the post colonial governments attempts to make a clean break with pre-independence colonial structures, single urban women who desired Western fashions and commodities were pe rceived to be perpetuating the colonial 20 Only Social Justice Will End Prostitution Letter from Freddie Macha, Daily News May 8, 1975 21 Womens Liberation Letter from Simark Mwakalomba, Sunday News Aug. 31,1980 22 Sex Trade Letter from Rommel Mauma, Sunday News Feb. 2, 1975

PAGE 69

61 mentality that was blamed for many of the country problems in the postcolonial period. The rather vague mental attitudes of wome n Nyerere cited as an obstacle to womens liberation become more specific when situated within discussions of womens practices of consumption. One such mental attitud e frequently invoked to explain womens susceptibility to Western fashions was an inherent inferiority complex (which is interesting when compared to the fears I described above that women were suffering from a superiority complex). Letter writers (almost all male) accused women of lacking the self-confidence to resist the temptations of foreign styles of clothing and cosmetics, which made them resort to prostitution as a means of satisfying their excessive desires. As one man wrote in a letter to the editor: These women hoping they will be more attractive when they wear heavy make-up, wigs, and micro-minis need society desper ately to cure them from their mental conditions of acute inferiority complex and socio-economic insecurity.23 Temba goes on to argue that socialism is the only way we can diminish prostitution and other social evils. In his letter and others that discuss prostitution through a narrative of disease, womens mental conditions and socio-economic insecurity can only be cured by the eradication of inequality th rough the national project of socialism. In light of these discussions that indicate socialism and prostitution were essentially incompatible, one would expect that the pos tcolonial government would have taken legal action to limit prostitution. However, throughout the entire socialist period and despite the negative portrayal of ur ban prostitution in these st ate papers, no law was passed making prostitution officially illegal. How can this be discrepancy be explained? Why would the government take action against women who wore indecent dress (as in the 23 Men Miss the Point Letter from Peter Temba, Daily News May 5, 1975

PAGE 70

62 case of Operation Vijana) while neglecting to pass laws against prostitution (which was described as a social cancer that was deadly to socialist society)? The answer to these questions can perhaps be found when we take into account the men who were engaged in sexual relationships with these consum ing women. In the final part of the Roving Reporter series, Kimaryo asks, Are Men the Pa trons of Prostitution? She describes discussing the series of articles about pros titution with a governmen t official who asked her rather skeptically if the Daily News really wanted to eradi cate prostitution. According to Kimaryo, this government official cl aimed that he thought prostitution was a necessary social service. He argued that he saw no need to get rid of urban prostitutes, for it was to them that men turn to after thei r frustrations with their wives and even their jobs. Kimaryo also interview an anonymous UWT member about her thoughts on men and prostitution. While UWT refused to take any official stance on prostitution, this woman gave her personal thoughts on the re lationship between prostitutes and their patrons: Who are the customers of these prostitu tes? Men, of course. There can be no market that involves the exchange of goods and services for money without customers with money to exchange! Peopl e with cars lure women to nightspots, away from the town and the eyes of the public. They have the money to buy women expensive clothes and dinners. Women fall easy prey to this because it is the way some of us were brought up.24 Who were these men with money in Dar es Salaam? In most cases, they were the older generation of men who benefited from the nationalist movement and received jobs in government offices or civil service positions after independence. These notorious sugar daddies who lured vulnerable women into se xual relationships with expensive cars, 24 Are Men the Patrons of Prostitution? Scholastica Kimaryo, Daily News Apr. 21, 1975

PAGE 71

63 clothes, and food were often the very same men who were in positions of high authority in the postcolonial state, an irony not lo st on many contributors to the paper. The relationships between young single women and sugar daddies received a great deal of attention in the public forums of the state newspapers, especially from the younger men who were trying to compete with these wealthier men for sexual partners. Many among this younger generation of urban me n lacked the financial resources to offer women the kinds of gifts they received from older men and resented what they saw as womens excessive desires for money and ma terial accumulation. It was not that there was necessarily anything necessarily wrong w ith men giving gifts of cash and personal items to their girlfriends. However, when wo men were suspected of desiring these gifts too much, or when they were accused of havi ng relationships for money and not for love, then their role as girlfriend seemed to fade into prostitution. For exam ple, in a letter titled Some Girls Sabotaging Wome ns Liberation, Moses Paul complains about urban women who place unreasonable demands upon their boyfriends: Girls, dont you think this is sheer exploitation of your boyfriends? If this is the trend, then what liberation are you shouti ng about? You are slaves of money and you are betraying your own cause Money is not everything!25 Another male letter writer, Abby Sekidunga, accu sed women of being interested only in material wealth, and questioned why work ing women expected their boyfriends to support their demandi ng lifestyles: It is a pity that most of our girls are not willing to spend even ten cents on their boyfriends. Some of these girls earn much more than their boys, but they always expect the boys to pay for everythingdance, drinks, and cinemaSome of these 25 Some Girls Sabotaging Womens Liberation Letter from Moses Paul, Daily News Oct. 10, 1975

PAGE 72

64 girls do not have steady boyfri ends and the reason is that they are so demanding and expensive that few boys can afford to go along with them for even a month.26 Letters like these from Paul and Sekidunga reveal many of the anxieties and tensions surrounding everyday gender relations in Dar es Salaam at this particular historical moment. While in the 1960s, the average ur ban wage had been relatively high, by the 1970s, many workers were experiencing difficu lty as wages declined. Between the years 1976 and 1984, real wages dropped si xty-five percent at the same time that consumer prices increased tenfold in Dar es Salaam (Tripp 1989). After a decade of men being able to support a family on one wage, in the 1970s th eir role as breadwi nner was challenged if they were unable to satisfy the material need s of their sexual partners. Take, for example, a humor column written by Freddie Macha in1981. The column, entitled What Manhood is All About, describes one of his former l overs who constantly ca stigated him for being broke, mocking him and asking, What kind of man are you? In the end of the story, Macha tells the girl that sh e is employed too and that sh e can buy things for herself, which results in her leaving him, after she laughs and says, What woman is ready to go around with a man like you? Alwa ys broke, always broke, eh?27 I close this section with a story written by popular fiction writer Anduru Agoro and printed in the Sunday News in 1981.28 The story, called Wretched Love, was composed as a letter from a young man to a woman who ha s denied his advanc es. In the letter, 26 Our Girls Are After Material W ealth Letter from Abby Sekidunga, Sunday News Aug. 10, 1975 27 What Manhood is All About Freddie Macha, Sunday News Sept. 20, 1981 28 Agoros stories were printed in The Sunday News for several years from the end of the 1970s until the middle of the 1980s. He was enormously popular and often letters to the editor would commend his stories and his ability to capture the reality of life in Tanzania. He eventually went on to make a book out of his short stories, called Temptations. His stories were known for dealing with issues of relationships and love.

PAGE 73

65 Agoro laments the kind of women who value material accumulation over romantic love. He accuses this woman of abusing her liberati on by living in the city and walking erect in her high-heeled shoes while her sisters work in the millet fields. He writes to her that Despite the blessing education has brought you, there is also a curse lurking behind you. The artificial glitter of urban lif e is destroying youthe only human whose existence you recognize is your godfather and that is simply because he foots the bill for your cosmetics, not because you love himMoney is the only thing that can arouse human sentiments from you now. Sister, you are dead! Agoros story not only indicates the way th at womens liberation and prostitution were tied together in the figure of the consuming woman but also reveals the frustrations felt by young men who were trying to maintain re lationships with women while competing with older, wealthier sugar da ddies. As this excerpt indica tes, many men felt that urban womens education and access did not liberate th em so much as make them slaves to their material desires. Conclusion In this chapter, I have outlined the political economy of Dar es Salaam in the 1970s, and examined how the figures of the hard-working socialist superwoman and the consuming woman were placed in pr oductive opposition in st ate discourses during the socialist period. By juxtaposing the inte rwoven discourses of womens liberation and urban prostitution, I have attempted to show the everyday work that went into defining respectable urban womanhood. However as I have already mentioned, the womens liberation movement was a distinctly classed project, despite the claims of the socialist government which promoted equality for all wo men. While issues of class were rarely addressed explicitly in the state-owned newspa pers because of the governments attempts to elide class differences, these conversa tions about womens liberation and urban prostitution provide interesting insights into the paradoxical na ture of the state project of

PAGE 74

66 socialism. Because people did not address cla ss inequalities directly, these discussions of different groups of urban women became a s ite where class differences were discussed and critiqued. What is interes ting about these conve rsations is that it was not the elite group of women who received criticism in the state papers, but rath er a lower class of working women who had recently migrated to the city. As I have been arguing throughout this chapter, it was womens practices of consumption that defined their place in relation to the state project of socialis m. Although women accused of prostitution were generally of a lower class than the Exemp lary Women heralded by the state, their consumption of Western commodities identified them as part of a consumer culture that directly contradicted state discourses of Socialism and Se lf-Reliance. Therefore, in socialist Tanzania, practices of consumption often became more important than income in perceptions of class differences. While some women made more money than others, they were not perceived as a threat to the socialist myth of a soci ety without class inequalities because they did not display their wealth through extravagant acts of consumption. On the other hand, women who made less money, but still consumed clothing and other bodily adornments that signaled their desi re for individual accumulation became the target of derision and criticism. The intersections of age a nd class in discussions of womens liberation and urban prostitution resulted in two dominant constructions of ur ban femininity in the stateowned newspapers: the hard-working soc ialist superwomen and the consuming woman. The group of elite older women main tained their respectab ility because their work, consumption, and sexuality remained firmly anchored in their domestic and national duties. On the other hand, the young si ngle women migrating to Dar es Salaam

PAGE 75

67 to find wage labor were percei ved by older women and men alike as a threat to national claims of gender and class equality. The bodi es of urban prostitutes and other consuming women embodied the inequalities that structur ed the nation and acted as reminder to the postcolonial government that the socia list project remained incomplete.

PAGE 76

68 CHAPTER 4 BODIES, BEAUTY, AND DESIRE: THE CONSUMING WOMAN IN DAR ES SALAAM, 1982-1990 In the last chapter, I explored dominan t representations of urban womanhood in Dar es Salaam during the 1970s by using disc ourses of womens liberation and urban prostitution in the state newspapers to de lineate the figure of the consuming woman against her counterpart, the ha rd-working socialist superwoma n. I have laid out this history of the consuming woman in socialist Tanzania to contextualize the discussions that I take up in this chapter of urban wo mens consumption of imported beauty products during the period of structural adjustment I will discuss the years 1982-1990 of the Daily News and the Sunday News the period during which Tanzan ia gradually shifted from a nationalized to a libe ralized economy at the insisten ce of international monetary organizations. I argue in this chapter that c onversations in the stat e papers about womens consumption offer a useful analytical lens for describing the changes taking place in Tanzanias political economy in the 1980s and contend that gendered consumer practices became a crucial site where people negotiated the transition from socialism to postsocialism on an everyday basis. Therefore, in this chapter I follow the figure of the consuming woman through the state newspa pers to trace how conversations about womens consumption were linked to broader shifts in political economic structures. Many of the attributes associated with the consuming woman of the 1960s and 1970s continue to define this figure in the 1980s particularly the association of this style of womanhood with practices of conspic uous consumption and unchecked sexuality.

PAGE 77

69 However, what is different about discussi ons of womens consumption in the 1980s was the marked increase in articles, features, letters, poems, and cartoons concerning a few very specific commodities, including skin-b leaching creams, cosmetics, and hairkits. Within these discussions, the figure of th e consuming woman who purchased and used these products was often mobilized as a critique against emerging practices of consumption based on the individual accumulati on of wealth as well as a commentary on everyday gender relations in Dar es Salaam. In this chapter, I begin by examining cha nging state rhetoric ove r the course of the decade, paying close attention to how the govern ment presented the shift from socialist to neoliberal economic policies in the state-owned media. I then turn to the discussions of womens consumption of cosmetic products, specifically those associated with a distinctly white, Western, or foreign st yle of beauty. First, I describe how womens bodies and practices of consumption became idioms through which people (mostly men) expressed concern over the economic, politic al, and social changes taking place in Tanzania. Secondly, I examine how discussions of certain beauty products were used to comment upon the relationships between cons uming women and suga r daddies in Dar es Salaam. In this chapter, I draw on features, letters, stor ies, poems, and cartoons printed in the state papers, arguing throughout that the figure of the consuming woman in these debates offers an entry point into the mu ltiple desires and anxieties produced by the intensified flow of capital, goods, and st yles into Tanzania during the 1980s. State Discourses in the 1980s: From Econom ic Sabotage to Economic Liberalization Whereas during the 1970s discourses of pr oduction dominated official discourses in the state papers, in the early 1980s discus sions of urban consumption came to the front page as state leaders struggled to curb the increasing flows of illegally obtained

PAGE 78

70 commodities in Dar es Salaam. Several years before the Economic Saboteur Campaign was officially initiated, Nyerere and other st ate officials were already using the state newspapers as a medium to warn urban residents against their tendency toward conspicuous consumption of imported goods. However, in 1985 Nyerere stepped down and his successor, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, began the process of economic liberalization and privatization. How was this change repr esented in the state papers? How did the government justify its decision to abandon so cialist policies afte r twenty years of attempting to indoctrinate Tanzanians into a socialist mindset? Ho w were practices of consumption implicated in these changes? By the 1980s, international monetary orga nizations began to strongly urge the Tanzanian government to reorient the ec onomy toward open market policies. Among the suggested changes in policy was a call for remo ving the strict limitations on imports that had been instituted in the post-Arusha pe riod. In negotiations with the IMF in 1980, Nyerere refused to accept these economic policies, claiming they were incompatible with the state project of socialism. However, over the next several years, the Tanzanian government enacted a series of internal polices designed to alleviate the economic crisis, including the National Economic Survival Plan (NESP) in 1981 and The Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) in 1982. These policies laid emphasis on increasing food production, promoting exports, and limiti ng domestic consumption. However, the economic crisis meant that the state was unabl e to provide the social services promised by the government. With the price of agri cultural exports drop ping, the government lacked the financial capability to import basic commodities such as fuel, clothing, sugar, soap, and cooking oil. Steadily increasing inflat ion combined with a higher cost of living

PAGE 79

71 eroded the purchasing power of urban reside nts (Lugalla 1997). Scarcity became the norm in Dar es Salaam in the early 1980s as people struggled to obtain basic commodities in any way possible, includi ng hoarding consumer goods, buying imported products on the black market, and using conne ctions to influential friends and relatives to get money and commodities. These strategies used by urban resident s to gain access to commodities were met with alarm by the Tanzanian government a nd Nyerere and other state officials took measures to bring urban consumption under st ate control. The state-owned newspapers became a medium used by the government to wa rn urban residents against their tendency toward a distinctly cap italist stlye of consumption. For ex ample, a front-page article with the headline Capitalists Face Fire quoted a speech gi ven by President Nyerere in 1982. In this speech, Nyerere warned capitalists a nd their allies from any acts intended to compromise the nations values of Socialis m and Self-Reliance. He also criticized Tanzanians whom he saw as becoming victi ms of greed, craving wealth in the most untoward manner. He goes on to argue that the only legitimate way of gaining wealth was through hard work, and castigated people w ho violated this dictum. He is quoted as saying, Instead of seeking wealth through work, as most Tanzanians did in their villages and at work places, others wanted to ge t wealth without working. It was these unproductive people that Nyerere singled out as thieves an d racketeers who cashed in on shortages of consumer goods.1 1 Capitalists Face Fire Daily News Jan. 26, 1982

PAGE 80

72 Exhortation was not the only strategy used by the state to define and control urban consumption. In addition to speeches and articles such as this, the state also initiated two campaigns during 1983 to curb urban cons umption. The first initiative was called Kazi Nguvu (Hard Work), a campaign to move unpr oductive people from Dar es Salaam to rural areas to farm. The second was the Economic Sabotage Campaign, in which urban residents were arrested and fined if they were caught purchasing or selling imported commodities. However, despite these official interventions, urban consumption practices constantly escaped state control. During th e early 1980s, the informal economy (which had long existed in Dar es Salaam) rapidly expa nded to meet the needs of urban residents that the state was unable to pr ovide. This parallel economy caus ed a great deal of concern for state leaders and was cited as one of th e reasons that Tanzania was experiencing an economic crisis. In the 1984 Economic Outlook printed in the Daily News the Minister of Planning and Economic Affairs blamed pe ople involved in the informal economy for the countrys problems, claiming, one of the scourges of many developing countries today is the proliferation as well as mushro oming growth of petty hawkers and sellers who eke a sterile existence by changing hands a small quantity of what is produced, each time substantially jerking up the prices.2 In state rhetoric, then, it was not the government that was to blame for the economic crisis, but rather those people who made a profit as middlemen between producers and co nsumers, a role that was supposed to be the domain of the state alone. By the mid-1980s, however, the tide wa s beginning to turn. In 1985, Nyerere announced that he would not be running in that years election. His replacement, Ali 2 84 Economic Outlook Daily News Jan. 1, 1984

PAGE 81

73 Hassan Mwinyi, was far more willing to ma ke the changes in economic policy that Nyerere had been refusing. Nicknamed Rais Ruksa (President Permit) Mwinyi began the process of liberalizing the economy to meet the standards of inte rnational monetary lenders. In the years after he was electe d, Mwinyi opened up the economy to foreign investment, began to sell state farms and parastatals, officially acknowledged and registered self-employment projects in the in formal sector, and facilitated the importation of previously unavailable commodities. While he did not officially abandon the state project of socialism until 1992, in the latter half of the 1980s, Tanzanias ideological and economic status seemed ambiguous as state leaders and citizens alike attempted to (re)define the meanings of socialism and cap italism and Tanzanias place in the global economic order. Despite the obvious changes in economic policy, state leaders continued to proclaim socialism as the national ideol ogy, claiming that trade liberalization policies were designed as a temporary measure, a ne cessary stage in the project of socialist development. In 1987, a front-page article en titled Socialism Here to Stay quoted Prime Minister Rashid Kawawa as saying, the people who thought that the period for building Ujamaa was gone were wasting their time.3 In 1988, an article warned people that Tanzanias Western oriented consump tion pattern must be checked to allow the nation to move successfully through the transiti on period towards soci alism. An official quoted in the article, a memb er of SHIHATA (the Tanzania n news agency), criticized Tanzanians who continued to import a lot of consumer goods from the capitalist camp instead of the socialist camp. 4 3 Socialism Here to Stay Daily News Mar. 19, 1987 4 Check Capitalist Patterns Daily News May 5, 1988

PAGE 82

74 The state newspapers became a site where people expressed multiple views on the economic changes taking place. Some journalis ts and contributors to the paper supported official discourses that claimed neoliberal policies and socialis t ideology were not necessarily incompatible. In an essay on the P otentials of Privatization, Patrick Cardiff encouraged readers to consider the benefits of the role of the private sector. He argued, In the African context, hea lthy competition between privat e traders and state monopolies could be encouraged, leading to beneficial results, without co mpromising ideological commitments. He urged Tanzanians to cul tivate a better attitude towards profit and entrepreneurial achievement, while still qualifying his stat ements by claiming, This is not to imply a negation of social equity as a primary national goal. Quite the contrary, privatization will emphasize a strengthening of the social productive base through a concerted, pragmatic approach to development.5 An editorial by Joseph Mihangwa expressed similar sentiments. He argued that socialism is not against private property, per se, only when such is institutionalized and has become a hindrance to the basic objectives of socialism.6 However, not all Tanzanians expressed optimism about policies of trade liberalization and privatization. Some felt that despite official reassurances, the acceptance of structural adjustme nt policies compromised the values of socialism. In one feature, Guido Magome argued that neoliber alism was a betrayal of socialism. He wrote, An important factor which can dest roy the development of socialism in new 5 Potentials of Privatization Patrick Cardiff, Daily News Apr. 10, 1987 6 Some Hitches on the Road to Socialism Joseph Mihangwa, Sunday News Oct. 30, 1988

PAGE 83

75 nations is a disease known as lib eralism . .It is a killer dise ase for socialism especially at the nascent stages. We must wage a constant wa r to combat liberalism or else we are all dead ideologically.7 Others agreed with this pers pective and challenged official declarations that these policies were simply a period of transiti on toward a socialist future. For example, in a feature printed in the Daily News Attilio Tagalile wrote Trade liberalization policies were supposed to be a temporary measure! Imports were supposed to be monitored, but they ar e not. Local importers have thus literally turned the country into a dumping gr ound of commodities from countries which could not have otherwise found markers anywhere under the sun.8 While many of the pieces discussing Tanzanias economic status tended to use abstract or metaphorical terms, Tagalile describes the effects of neoliberal policies through the changing landscape of commodities in Dar es Salaam. To him, the failure of the state to control the flow of imports was an indication of Tanzania s vulnerable position in the global economic order as a place for w ealthier countries to dump unwanted commodities. What exactly were these commodities entering Tanzania that could not be sold anywhere under the sun? Who was th e market for these products? What made certain commodities so dangerous? To begin to answer these quest ions, I move from these articles and features to the public foru ms of the state papers, where discussions of controversial commodities took on a distinctly gendered appearance. I discovered that many of the imported commodities considered hazardous to the nation were purchased and used primarily by urban women, especially beauty products such as skin-bleaching creams, cosmetics, and hair-kits. The figur e of the urban consuming woman, who had long been associated with foreign fashions and standards of beauty, was once again 7 Betrayal of Socialism Guido Magome, Daily News Mar. 7, 1986 8 Trade Liberalization and the Ef fect on Economy Attilio Tagalile, Daily News Dec. 10, 1987

PAGE 84

76 mobilized in these conversati ons to comment upon the potential pleasures and dangers of the intensified flows of ideas and capita l entering Dar es Salaam in the 1980s. Beauty is Natural: Womens Bodies and the Body Politic Young women tell me They quarrel when asked Young men help me They say this is civilization Can one beautify oneself Is frying hair civilization? And become like another person? And destroying skin, development? Can adornments beautify This is wizards language And make a woman the most The answer of unwise persons beautiful? Dont soil our Africanness My opinion is different Beauty is natural I say beauty is natural. Sisters tell me Young women curl hair What do you want to look like? They want it to be soft Can a hyena change into a wolf? Like ostrich plumes Or a lion into a leopard? Others use medicines That wont be possible To change their skin colour Think of your origin What is it all about? Dont betray your culture To be like white women A graceful giraffe cannot become a I say beauty is natural monkey Africans have black skin Adornments cannot beautify you They possess black hair Your original elegance is enough Which is soft and short Black colour is beautiful Our sisters do not like that Colour of our skin and hair To them black skin is bad What you do lets you down Short hair is not attractive Remember my sisters They want imported hair Whether back or white They wear dead persons ha ir Beauty is natural -Julius Kam Mganga (Beauty is Natural Poem printed in the Daily News August 16, 1987) Over the course of the 1980s, the genr e of Exemplary Women features I described in the previous chapter began to disappear.9 One reason for this is perhaps 9 Women Told articles continued to appear throughout the 1980s. Most of these articles addressed the themes I discussed in the previous chapter. Women were encouraged to work hard, improve their selfconfidence, and fight for So cialism and Self-Reliance. For example, the following headlines were printed between 1982 and 1990: Be Confident, Women Told ( Daily News Dec. 31, 1982), Be Productive, Women Told ( Daily News Aug. 1, 1984), Double Efforts, Women Told ( Daily News Oct. 5, 1984),

PAGE 85

77 because few urban women during the 1980s were engaged in the kind of productive labor sanctioned by the state. During this period of economic crisis, many urban women began to seek alterative sources of income in the informal ec onomy. According to Aili Tripp, beginning in the early 1980s, women increasingly left their positions in the formal employment sector in favor of personal in come generating projects referred to as miradis midogo (little projects). She estimates th at by the mid-1980s, women made up only 9 percent of the formal sector wage labor fo rce in Dar es Salaam (1989). In 1984, Marjorie Mbilinyi pointed out that th e largest proportion of wage earning women were employed in the informal sector and depended upon stre et trade, beer brew ing, agro-processing, and prostitution.10 While the socialist superwoman began to fade from state discourses in the 1980s, discussions of the urban c onsuming woman proliferated. Narratives of the consuming woman during the 1980s were framed around a few controversial products, specifically those associated with a dis tinctly white style of beau ty. Skin-bleaching formulas, cosmetics, and hair dying, curl ing, and straitening kits becam e the center of debates over womens practices of consumption and resp ectable urban womanhood in Dar es Salaam. Amy Stambach (1999) has examined these debates over imported fashions in the Letters to the Editor page of Tanzanian state ne wspapers and argued that womens fashions objectified opposing viewpoints of the economic political, and social changes taking place in Dar es Salaam in the 1980s. She point s out that for some Tanzanians, products Women Told To Rally Strongly ( Daily News Apr. 16, 1985), Be in Forefront, Women Told ( Daily News Oct. 5, 1985), Strive for Self-Reliance, Sophia Tells Women ( Daily News Mar. 6, 1989). 10 Equal Opportunities for Women Urged Daily News, Aug. 22, 1984

PAGE 86

78 like skin-bleaching creams, cosmetics, and ha irkits represented increased corruption and a loss of cultural identity, while at the same time indicating for others the progress of personal and national development. Within thes e debates, Stambach notes, letter writers frequently conflated anxieties over young wo mens bodies and practices of consumption with concerns over the health of the body politic. In this section, I build on her observations by analyzing how th ese debates over skin-bleach ing creams, cosmetics, and hairkits emerged in the early 1980s and were mobilized throughout the decade to comment upon womens bodies and practices of consumption. However, while Stambachs analysis of the state-owned papers begins in 1988, I found that these intensified debates over cosm etic products began as early as 1982. I argue here that for almost the entirety of the 1980s, representa tions of these commodities and the women who used them remained predominantly negativ e. Therefore, in the next two sections, I examine these dominant perspectives in the st ate papers. In the conc lusion, I discuss the emerging voices in the late 1980s that offered alternative readings of these products and their users. The beauty products that became the cen ter of debates in the 1980s were not necessarily new to Tanzania. Many had been available in the country since before independence and some had been banned during Operation Vijana in the 1960s. However, the discussions of these commodities in the 1980s were in some ways markedly different than those of the previ ous decades. Perhaps the most immediately noticeable difference is the tendency by th e 1980s to question the impact of these products on womens bodies. Journa lists, letter writers, and other contributors to the papers often described the effects of cosmetic products in terms of h ealth and disease. For

PAGE 87

79 example, one of the first extensive pieces published concerning imported beauty products was a feature written by female journalist Halima Shariff called Skin Bleaching Hazards.11 Shariff begins her feature by argui ng that it was becoming increasingly common for women in Dar es Salaam to use sk in-bleaching creams to change the color of their faces. She urges women to rethink this pr actice and lists the detrimental side effects that accompany these products. She argues that after a temporary change of color, the skin softened, causing even a minor scratc h to result in profuse bleeding. Other features and letters also commented upon the physical dange rs of cosmetic products, claiming that use of skin bleaches, curlkits and make-up caused a myriad of medical problems including sores, rashes, bleeding sk in, hypertension, premature aging, softened bones, itchy lesions, broken ha ir, prematurely grey hair, sc alp cancer, skin disease, and heart, chest, and kidney problems.12 Other letter writers also used narratives of disease to describe the bodies of women who used cosmetic products, although many di d not list medical symptoms, but rather accused women of destroying their bodies and transforming into something ugly and unrecognizable. One opponent of lipstick warned women that they were blindly imitating a foreign culture, and that while women ma y have thought that cosmetics made them more attractive, in fact they resembled creatures who cannot ev en be classified by biologists.13 Another man called cosmetics a colonial cultural mentality that spoils the natural beauty of African girl s and claimed he felt nothing but disgust when he saw a 11 Skin Bleaching Hazard s Halima Shariff, Sunday News Dec. 12, 1982 12 I gathered this list of symptoms from several di fferent pieces, including Skin Bleaching Hazards ( Sunday News Dec. 12, 1982), When the Head Gets Wet ( Sunday News Oct. 14, 1984), Curl Your Hair and Die Soon ( Daily News, Oct. 30, 1988), and Cosmetics Are Health Hazards, Warns Expert ( Daily News Sept. 25, 1989). 13 Lipstick Makes Girls Ugly Letter from Jafari Kdeghesho, Daily News May 3, 1987

PAGE 88

80 woman who smeared herself pink-red wh en her complexion is black or brown.14 Perhaps the most graphic description of wo men who used cosmetic products was a letter to the editor written by J ohnny Makoroma in 1984. In the letter, he castigates The species of women who ar e so sophisticated that they dont mind fumigating their hair of its black sh ame with chemicals from America and Europe so that it approximates the more up to date hair of the Caucasiansthe species of our daughters and sisters who are e ducated just to the right le vel to be able to operate the famous curlkit and use it to manhandl e their beautiful natural African hair until it cringes and curls into cadaverous wisps of humiliation.15 Makoroma goes on to describe a woman who us es lipstick as a vampire who has been having her lunch, women who bleach thei r faces as cadaverously beautiful, and women who use curlkits as ha ving funny looking debris of hair on their skulls. The imagery of diseased female bodies used by these men to critique womens consumption and use of these products highlights the for eign nature of these commodities. These letters accuse women of destroying their nat ural bodies in an attempt to imitate the appearance of white women. The dichotomy of natural (read: blac k/African) versus artificial (read: white/Western) beauty framed many of the de scriptions of consuming women. As the poem in the beginning of the chapter indicates, many Tanzanians feared that women were trying to use beauty products to change in to something else, namely white women. Skinbleaching creams, cosmetics, and hairkits in th is context became antithetical to natural African beauty. Many Tanzanians in the st ate newspapers who opposed these products cited the idea that beauty was natural and co smetic adornment was a foreign and artificial 14 Whats in Lipstick? Letter from James Maiyolo, Daily News Sept. 11, 1985 15 On Curling and the Wet Look, Letter from Johnny Makoroma, Sunday news, Oct. 21, 1984

PAGE 89

81 attractiveness. Take for example, this letter entitled Artificial Beauty by Aziz Varda in which he describes the modern girl living in Dar es Salaam: The modern girl has fallen far below th e ideals of womanhoodShe is over busy with physical adornment. Lipstick and rouge powder and cream, up-to-date maxis and blouses are her obsessions. One of her gr eatest ambitions is to be well-dressed and to look beautiful not by her natural charms but with the help of artificial aids to beauty.16 Another man compared cosmetics to a neoc olonial dose taking root in our cultural minds. He called upon women to stop ap ing the white mans appearance and mannerismspreserve our natural blackness.17 Shariffs piece echoes these sentiments. According to her, urban women used skin bleaching creams and other cosmetic products because of their supposed lack of self-confiden ce, dwindling African pr ide, and desire to emulate Western women. She writes that sk in lightening clearly shows the inferiority complex harbored by most of our womenthey be lieve that dark skin is unattractive and that one should struggle to get rid of it. 18 The idea that woman suffer from an inferiority complex is not new here, but ra ther emerged from decades of state rhetoric that blamed women for their own subordinate social status by claiming womens mental attitudes were somehow lacking. Like the ot her letters quoted above, Shariff encouraged women to overcome these attitudes by embr acing their authentic Africanness. She writes that the solution to the increase in sk in bleaching was for women to fight this complex and remain as natural as they are. These pieces in the state newspapers di scussing the dangers of certain beauty products can be read as more than just concern over womens bodies and appearance. 16 Artificial Beauty Letter from Aziz Varda, Daily News, Feb. 21, 1983 17 Why Defend the Curlkit? Letter from Joe Masome, Daily News, Dec. 11, 1988 18 Skin Bleaching Hazard s Halima Shariff, Sunday News Dec. 12, 1982

PAGE 90

82 Rather, I contend that these commodities we re perceived by many Tanzanians (especially men) as the material manifestation of Tan zanias increasingly vulnerable position in the global economic and political order. Tagali les comment that Tanzania was becoming a dumping ground for more developed nations ta kes on new meanings in this context. Compare his statements with the following pieces discussing the importation of beauty products: A lot of African hairdressers are using cheap and dangerous chemicals passed off by manufacturers in developed countries to the Third World countries. Some of these chemicals have been declared dangerous abroad and even banned. The capitalist countries are so lust ful for profits that they sell their trash to the Third World (Chemi Che-Mponda When the Head Gets Wet Sunday News Oct. 14, 1984). Some women think by curling their hair they enhance th eir beauty. They ignore the myriad of medical problems that underl ie the practice. But why should women jump for artificial beauty-even at the expense of their health?Our shops are stocked to the ceiling with chemicals and cosmetics which have been banned in Europe and AmericaWho authorizes th e importation of such chemicals, cosmetics, and associated gadgets when our hospitals go without medicine, when we go without clean water, when our tran sport system in diabolical? Who issues the foreign exchange to the businessmen who import such junk?The government should stand up and take noti ce. Our women do not need the trash we see in shops (Dionister Temba Curl Your Hair and Die Soon Daily News Oct. 30, 1988). In these pieces, the body of the consumi ng woman who purchases and uses imported beauty products becomes symbolic of the health of the body politic. Womens supposed desire for artificial as oppos ed to natural beauty makes them and therefore the nation vulnerable to the dangerous chemicals a nd waste being imported from wealthier countries. Women who used skin bleaches to lighten their skin, curl kits to change the texture of their hair, and cosme tics to change the color of their skin were seen as quite literally embodying a white/Western stlye of b eauty that was unnatu ral, and therefore dangerous.

PAGE 91

83 While many of the pieces from the stat e papers describe womens bodies as unattractive and in various states of disease and decay, this perspec tive is only a partial truth. As Burke (1996) has shown in his anal ysis of cosmetic products in Zimbabwe, women who used these products became object s of desire as much as subjects of criticism. As I show in the next sectio n, one of the reasons consuming women were portrayed so negatively in these pieces wa s that their practices of consumption and beauty made them simultaneously desirable and unattainable for many men living in Dar es Salaam. Again the body of the consuming woman can be read as a metaphor for the changing landscape of commodities in Dar es Salaam. While more products were available than ever before, the distinction between who could take advantage of these new commodities only became more pronounced in the 1980s. Many of the consumer goods desired by urban dwellers seemed to be out of their reach. In the next section, I explore this notion of desire through narrativ es of consuming wome n and sugar daddies, focusing specifically on how womens consump tion of beauty products was implicated in their sexual relationshi ps with older men. Cost of Living, Cost of Loving: Co nsuming Women, Sugar Daddies, and Gender Relations in Dar es Salaam in the 1980s Figure 4.1. Dezo, by James Gayo ( Daily News Aug. 4, 1989)

PAGE 92

84 Figure 4.2. Dezo, by James Gayo ( Daily News Oct. 3, 1989) Figure 4.3. Dezo, by James Gayo ( Daily News Nov. 17, 1989) These three comics printed in 1989 begin to gesture towards some of the tensions surrounding urban relationships in Da r es Salaam during the late 1980s.19 Each cartoon touches upon different (but related) issues concerning sexual rela tionships and womens practices of consumption. The first scene takes place in a bar (a spot frequently associated with immoral women) between a young man and a young woman with curled hair. The woman is confidently informing the man that her ration comes from 19 The Dezo comic strip appeared in 1988 and was printed in the Daily News for no more than a year or two. Unlike more explicitly political cartoons that fre quently appeared on the second page of the paper, Dezo commented upon everyday life in Dar es Salaam and often portrayed relationships between men and women. Another similar comic strip appeared around the same time and was called Leo Kivumbi. Both of these cartoons were centered on the life of a young man living in Dar es Salaam.

PAGE 93

85 cosmetics, clearly alluding to her ability to get money from rich male admirers. Women who used cosmetic products were assumed to be doing so for the sake of attracting men, as indicated by the jealous husband in the sec ond cartoon who suspicio usly asks his wife who she is trying to impress by using a cu rlkit to change her hair. The final cartoon captures one of the most pervasive fears expressed by men writing to the paper; the concern that women were only dating them for their money and that women would leave the relationships when men were no longe r able to satisfy their desires. As this series of cartoons indicates, urban womens consumption of imported beauty products in the 1 980s provoked anxieties not only about Tanzanias weak economic position, but also about changing gender relations in Dar es Salaam. The tensions surrounding the relationship between mo ney and sexuality in urban relationships emerged here as a critique of young wome ns consumption and desires. The most common theme in these conversations was th e relationship between consuming women and sugar daddies. The sugar daddy is th e unspoken figure elude d to in the three Dezo cartoons. In the first, he is the rich man w ho gives Shangingi her ration, in the second the potential lover of the mans wife, and in the third, the man w ho is now most likely dating this angry young mans ex-girlfriend. Narratives about sugar daddies and their girlfriends were not new to the 1980s, as I ha ve shown in the previous chapter. However, during the 1980s, the number of pieces in the state papers addressing these sexual relationships between young wome n and older men increased subs tantially. As this series of comics indicate, cosmetic products app eared time and again in discussions of consuming women and their godfathers. Acco rding to most journalists and contributors to the newspapers, women who had relationships with sugar daddies used their sexuality

PAGE 94

86 to maintain an expensive beauty regime that was designed to lure men into their cycle of conspicuous consumption. The portrayal of consuming women who had relationships with older men is almost always negative in the state papers, sin ce it was assumed that these women were employing illegitimate strategies for economic survival, namely, prostituting themselves to get money and gifts. One feature written by female journalist Chemi Che-Mponda in 1984 captures many of the themes structuri ng narratives about consuming women and sugar daddies, especially the articulation be tween female sexuality and urban womens desire for material accumulation. Entitled Whe n Sugar Daddies Meet Sugar Babies, the piece begins with a description of Ruth, a si ngle secretary working in Dar es Salaam who embodies what I have been referring to as the consuming woman. According to CheMponda's description, Ruths salary is very small, but she lives beyond her means. One would not know Ruth is just a typist seeing the way she dr esses. She is also after a husband who can maintain her expensive living ha bits. The kind of man Ruth desires, in other words, is a sugar daddy. Che-Mponda offe red this definition of the sugar daddy for readers: A sugar daddy is a married man of any age who runs around with young women and girls who are not married. They come in all shapes and sizes. However the older ones are more permanent and more no ticeableAt some point in their lives all men can become sugar daddies.20 Womens desire for conspicuous consump tion is cited by Che-Mponda as the reason women and girls fall victim to these men. Ar guing that the lust for money among urban girls is great, she describe s schools, hostels, and work places as the spaces where 20 When Sugar Daddies Meet Sugar Babies Chemi Che-Mponda, Sunday News Jan. 20, 1984

PAGE 95

87 womens competitiveness emerges and drives them to engage in questionable relationships with married men. She writes, Young women are always competing with each other when it comes to dresses, shoes, make-up, perfumes, and various ha irstyles, including the wet look. They compete as to who eats at the most e xpensive hotels through lunch and dinner offers. They meet with e ach other and compare notes about their Sugar Daddies, then go to the Sugar Daddies and demand more from them. Che-Mpondas description captures the cycle of sex and material accumulation structuring narratives of the consuming woma n and her older sexual partners. However, as the title of this section indicates, many young men felt that the cost of loving was at odds with the cost of living in Dar es Sa laam. The author, Wilson Kaigarula, pointed out that only some people were earning enough mone y to give girls money and presents.21 The distinction between men who could afford to have relationships with young women and those who could not became even more pronounced during the late 1980s. In 1985, Mwinyi implemented the Open Funds Import Scheme, which allowed people who had been hiding foreign capital during the period of the Economic Sabotage Campaign to purchase licenses for import busin esses and make a large profit. Urban men who had the resources were able to increas e their wealth substantially through import contracts, giving them access to both money and gifts to entice women. However, this group of wealthy entrepreneurs remained a minority. Most men in the 1980s found themselves in a difficult situation as a resu lt of increasing infla tion, rising prices in consumer goods, and escalating unemploym ent, making the idea of satisfying a demanding girlfriends a daunti ng prospect. Men writing to th e paper often discussed the excessive desires of urban women with hostili ty. In another feature, Kaigarula describes 21 Cost of Loving, Cost of Living Wilson Kaigarula, Daily News Feb. 15, 1987

PAGE 96

88 young mens concerns that they are dealing with lovers who are likely to switch loyalties according to the heaviness or lightness of the items dished out.22 Cosmetic beauty products were perceived by young men as an indication of womens desire to attract older wealthy men. In a letter to the editor, Alex Mwakanyamale castigates women who use lipstick, arguing Most of our sisters use thes e things only to be embellished, hence to compete in netting sugar daddies with their good earni ngs and as a result th ese girls cant get married because many young men are dismayed with their character.23 The frustration felt by Mwakanyamale and ot her men writing to the papers concerning womens seemingly impossible demands i ndicate the anxiety many young men as they envisioned the difficulty of marrying and ra ising a family on their steadily decreasing wages. Only older, wealthier men, with thei r good earnings are pe rceived as able to satisfy the desires of these lipstick-wearing women. The accusations directed at single urban women by urban men are interesting when compared to womens actual role in the economy during the 1980s. While many of these pieces portrayed women as completely dependent on older, wealthier men, in actuality women in Dar es Salaam were beginning to gain a new degree of economic autonomy through their projects in the informal s ector. According to Tripp, womens income generating projects allowed them to earn an independent income and often increased their autonomy and power within the household (198 9). However, despite (or perhaps because of) womens increased mobility and economic independence, they were still frequently accused of making most of their money thr ough sexual relationships with wealthy men. 22 Love Relationships Wilson Kaigarula, Sunday News Oct. 28, 1984 23 Lipstick Poor Choice Letter from Alex Mwakanyamale, Daily News Oct. 1, 1985

PAGE 97

89 To further explicate these fears surro unding womens practices of consumption, sexuality, and beauty, I turn to a story printed in 1990. This story, written by Henry Muhanika, was called Anas Money Spinning Project .24 This brief narrative ties together many of the anxieties surrounding urban c onsuming women that I have been discussing: womens preferen ce for artificial beauty, wo mens perceived desire for material accumulation, womens sexual rela tionships with sugar daddies, womens susceptibility to foreign products, and womens participation in the informal economy. In the story, Muhanika describes his female protagonist, Ana Sheba, as year old spinster who was a beauty to reckon with. She lives in the city and works as a telephone operator at the National Garment Li mited. However, what makes Ana unique is her expensive lifestyle, which is incompatible with the salary she makes at the garment company. Muhanika gives detailed descriptions of Anas practices of consumption. For example, we are told that Ana visits a fanc y hair salon every month to have her hair roasted and twisted so that in the end of th e process it looks artificial and un-African. She also spends large amounts of money buying make-up, perfumes, creams, lotions, soaps, and other products read ily available in the era of free trade. Ana is also known for her expensive and fashionable clothing a nd she has a preference for imported clothing rather than the local clothing made at he r place of employment. She owns over 100 pairs of shoes so that she does not have to wear a pair more than a few times a year and wears gold jewelry everyday. Her apartment is in the whites only section of town and she also rents another apartment in the middle-class section of town. She eats well and will 24 Anas Money Spinning Project Story by Henry Muhanika, Sunday News June 10, 1990

PAGE 98

90 inform dates that it is better not to take her to lunch if they cannot afford to buy her whatever she wants. Before Ana became so wealthy, however, she lived an ordinary life. She had been expelled from secondary school for indisciplin e and moved to the city to find work. She got her job as a telephone ope rator through an uncle who wo rked there and lived with him and his family for two years. During the mid-1980s, however, the economic situation strained her uncles family and she decided to move out since she was now comfortable in the city. At first, she rented a simple r oom and lived like any ot her single girl, but soon her standard of living began to rise as she steadily embarked on the road to elegance and accumulation of worldly possessions. Her fellow workers were baffled by her ability to spend so much money on her limited budget and they began to ask what sort of mradi Ana had discovered. Because normal miradi activities, such as cooking or selling in the streets, were not for Ana (who was too sophist icated), people began to wonder if she had found a rich sugar daddy, although there was no evidence for this. Finally it is discovered that she has been earning her money by hunting dollar-loaded tourists in expensive hotels. She told colleagues that this money making project wa s so successful that she stopped having any dealings with poor black men including self-styled local millionaires. After confessing her money-spinning project, it is discovered that one of the men she had been sleeping with died of AIDS and Ana learned the hard way that her apparently lucrative project was actually a deadly one. In the end we are told that Ana deeply regrets her previous actions and sh e wants to spend the time before her death teaching others about the dangers of re sorting to part-time prostitution as an mradi in

PAGE 99

91 this world of strange and lethal Sexually Transmitted Diseases. The last paragraph in the story is an explicit warning to other women and especially th ose who had been jealous of her elegant lifestyle. Muhani ka writes, Ana Shebas st ory is itself a warning to thousands of girls who have been envying he r for her lifestyle all along and have even been tempted to follow her footsteps. On learning that she is now on the death queue, sensible ones might retreat. Ana Sheba is perhaps the ideal example of the urban consuming woman: she is a single, working woman living in Dar es Sa laam, she is in love with conspicuous consumption, she prefers imported products to locally made commodities, and she has relationships with wea lthy men to support her luxurious li festyle. However, what makes Ana different from other descriptions of urban consuming women from the 1970s and 1980s was that she was not satisf ied to date poor black men or even self-styled local millionaires. Instead, her appetite for conspicuous consumption led her to the newly built tourist hotels where she could find fo reign men to accommodate her desires. However, in the end her disdain for African men resulted in her contracting a deadly disease from the other with whom sh e was so enamored (i.e. white, wealthy capitalists). AIDS here is used as a moral punishment not only for Anas refusal to date black men, but also to critique her uncontro lled sexuality and her de cadent practices of consumption.25 The reference to her sexual exploits as an mradi indicates some of the tension that surrounded these new enterprises for women and shows the suspicions that 25 For more on the AIDS as a moral discourse of womens mobility and consumption, see Weiss 1996. In his ethnographic study of Haya mens perspectives on women, AIDS and consumption, he discovered that many men perceived women who had sex to get access to money and gifts as buy ing their own graves. The narratives of the men he interviews resonate strongly with the kinds of opinions I found in the state papers.

PAGE 100

92 miradis could lead to prostitution and a thirst for more wealth. Far from making women more independent, in this narrative, miradis lead them into dange rous and uncontrollable patterns of sexuality and consumption. This narrative about Ana Sheba ties into my earlier arguments concerning the relationship between images of diseased fe male bodies and anxiet ies over the political, economic, and social changes taking place in Dar es Salaam in the late 1980s. I have argued in this chapter that womens bodies and practices of consumption became idioms through which people expressed concern over th e health of the body politic at a time when socialist rhetoric and practice were slowly losing legitimacy. However, it is important to note that these metaphorical connections between individual womens bodies and the national body were not merely symbolic, but rather fully imbricated in techniques of power and control. Women who purchased and used imported cosmetic products to attain a distinctly white/Wester n style of beauty literally made national boundaries porous and allowed the disease of neoliberalism to en ter the nation. Under these circumstances, curbing womens c onsumption and desire through exhortation, criticism, name-calling, and th e threat of disease became mechanisms through which to maintain control of individual bod ies as well as the political body.26 Conclusion As I have noted before, narratives of women like Ruth and Ana Sheba did not necessarily reflect the attitudes and actions of urban woman in Dar es Salaam in the 1980s. While there were most likely women who used sexual relationships as a strategy for gaining access to money and goods, my di scussion of the cons uming woman should 26 For other works discussing the relationships between individual bodies and the body politic, see Lock and Scheper-Hughes (1987) and Martin (1994)

PAGE 101

93 not be read as a descripti on of any individual woman, but rather as an idiom through which definitions of legitimate consum ption and urban womanhood were defined and negotiated. While narratives of consuming women reveal much about the anxieties surrounding the rapid changes taking place in the 1980s, they can obscure as much as they reveal about the lives of urban women. While descriptions of urban women in the state papers remained distinctly negative th roughout the 1980s, in reality women in Dar es Salaam actively creating strategies to take care of themselves and their families. In many cases, these discussions about consumi ng women are initiated by men speaking to other men about womens attitudes and be havior. However, as I discuss in the conclusion, by the end of the 1980s, these nega tive portrayals of the consuming woman in the state papers were beginning to be challenged by people who questioned the definitions of legitimate consumption offered by the state. In this chapter, I offered perspectives that equated consumption of cosm etics with a loss of natural Africanness and a betrayal of socialism. In the conclusion, I offer exam ples of the few voices that were beginning to challenge state definitions of socialist consumpti on in favor of a style of consumption based on the individual accumulation of wealth.

PAGE 102

94 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS While during the 1970s and early 1980s, most contributors to th e state newspapers portrayed womens consumption negatively, by the end of the 1980s, a wider spectrum of opinions were being printed in the Daily News and the Sunday News Some people began to question state definitions of legitimate consumption and to argue for their right to purchase and use commodities labeled as d ecadent or luxurious by the socialist government.1 In regards to the discussions taking place concerning womens consumption of beauty products, some peopl e argued that there was nothing inherently problematic about consuming these importe d commodities. In one letter, entitled Nothing Wrong With Lipstick, Montanus Lila nzi claimed that cosmetics should not be considered a new or modern product. He ar gued, the so-called make-ups were also applied in the past. They were locally made and they were known even before modern lipstick.2 Here Lilanzi situates cosmetic products within a longer history of beauty and adornment. From this perspective, make -up and other cosmetics did not appear threatening because they were not linked to a foreign and dangerous culture, but were rather part of Tanzanias cultural histor y. Several other letter s defended the use of cosmetic beauty products as well. Some conte nded that practices like hair curling were 1 It is also important to note that while discussions of womens consumption practices had been dominated by men throughout the 1970s and most of the 1980s, by 1987 womens voices began to appear in the public forums of the state-owned papers. 2 Nothing Wrong With Lipstick Letter from Montanus Lilanzi, Sunday News July 12, 1987

PAGE 103

95 fine and okay or just a fad.3 A letter from two girls in se condary school ar gued that if cosmetics were really dangerous, the WHO woul d have banned them before they entered the country.4 In this case, these girls are appeali ng to a power above and outside of the Tanzanian state and mobilizing internationa l discourses to defend their right to use certain products. Other people living in Dar es Salaam in the late 1980s also offered positive assessments of increased imports and trade liberalization more generally. In a feature called Fashion: Is it Affordable? Pudencia na Temba interviewed women about their views of the recent influx of imported fashions.5 While some people she interviewed claimed that life was better in the days befo re trade liberalization, others took a different point of view. One girl said that she and he r friends thank trade li beralization. She went on to say that the whole issue was not of paramount importan celet the things be in the shops, those who can afford to buy will buy and those who cannot, leave. Moreover, by the late 1980s, women were writing to the papers to challenge the stereotypical views of wome n as the ones who destroyed relationships through their practices of consumption. In a letter entitled Some Men Ar e Selfish, Nellie Kidela accuses men of being chauvinists.6 She argued that men enc ouraged their wives to consume because having an attractive se xual partner made men look good. She also pointed out that mens practices of consum ption were not above criticism, and argued 3 No. Hair Curling is Fine and Okay Le tter from Lucy Herman and Jacqueline Yunge, Sunday News Oct. 30, 1988 and Hair Curling is Just a Fad Letter from Harry Pungu ( Daily News Jan 22, 1989). 4 No. Hair Curling is Fine and Okay Le tter from Lucy Herman and Jacqueline Yunge, Sunday News Oct. 30, 1988 5 Fashion: Is It Affordable? Pudenciana Temba, Sunday News May 19, 1988 6 Some Men Are Selfish Letter from Nellie Kidela, Sunday News July 19, 1987

PAGE 104

96 that in most situations it was men who s quandered money. Accordi ng to Kidela, if men did not give money to their wives to buy clothes and beau ty products, men would just have gone to spend it on booze. All of these pieces defend womens consump tion of beauty products from different perspectives. While some argue that cosme tics are not dangerous or not foreign, other contend that these commodities are just a fad or even not of paramount importance. Others, like Kidela, defend wo mens consumption and challenge male views that women are in love with conspicuous consumption. However, as I stated in the introduction, Ibrahims letter differed from these other res ponses from defenders of cosmetics. Ibrahim was one of the first and only people in the la te 1980s to defend peopl es right to purchase and use luxury items like cosmetics for their own personal pleasure His suggestion that after food and shelter, man needs objects and pleasures including cars, TVs, and fashionable dresses only becomes striking wh en compared with the previous fifteen years of state rhetoric. A statement like Ibra hims that people should consume decadent products to fulfill individual desires would ne ver have appeared in the state newspapers even a few years earlier. Indeed, in the early 1980s, this statement would have identified Ibrahim as an economic saboteur and a traitor to the nation. This returns me to Ibrahims initial questio n: Is use of cosmetics anti-socialist? Throughout this paper, I have engaged this que stion, not so much to provide an answer (because there were multiple opinions on the matter), but rather to explore why and how this question emerged at a partic ular historical mome nt. I have attempted to show that the shift from socialist to neo liberal economic policies in Tanzania during the 1980s was often negotiated through convers ations long regarded as tr ivial or tangential within

PAGE 105

97 academic theorizing, such as the political a nd economic status of lipstick. I have argued that viewing socialism and capitalism as m odes of consumption can offer new insights into how people actually expe rienced political, economic, and social changes in their everyday lives. In this study, I have used gendered consumption as an analytical perspective to trouble teleological narratives of the transition from socialism to postsocialism by showing how important contin uities were embodied in the figure of the urban consuming woman. Moreover, I have attempted to show that the figure of the consuming woman was shaped by perceptions of gender, race, class, and age and became at many times a site where the boundaries between respectable and immoral womanhood were defined and contested. Finally, bringing the consuming woman to the forefront of my analysis has allowed me to examine the complicated ways that political economy is always powerfully shaped by gende red discourses and practices.

PAGE 106

98 LIST OF REFERENCES Appadurai, Arjun 1996 Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Blommaert, Jan 1997 Intellectuals and Ideological Leadership in Ujamaa Tanzania. African Languages and Cultures Vol. 10, No. 2: 129-144. Breckenridge, Carol A. 1995 Consuming Modernity: Public Cultu re in a South Asian World. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Brennan, James 2002 Nation, Race, and Urbanization in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 1916-1976. PhD Dissertation: Northwestern University. Burke, Timothy 1996 Lifebuoy Men, Lux Women: Commodifi cation, Consumption, and Cleanliness in Modern Zimbabwe. Durham: Duke University Press. Burton, Andrew 2001 Urchins, Loafers, and the Cult of the Cowboy: Urbanization and Delinquency in Dar es Salaam, 1919-61. The Journal of African History Vol. 42, No. 2: 199-215. Comaroff, John, and Jean Comaroff 1997 Of Revelation and Revolution: The Dialectics of Modernity on a South African Frontier. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Condon John 1967 Nation Building and Image Build ing in the Tanzanian Press. The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 5, No. 3: 335-354. Felski, Rita 1995 The Gender of Modernity. Ca mbridge: Harvard University Press. Ferguson, James 1988 Cultural Exchange: New Developments in the Anthropology of Commodities. Cultural Anthropology Vol. 3, No. 4: 488-513.

PAGE 107

99 Gal, Susan and Gail Kligman 2000 The Politics of Gender After Socialis m. Princeton: Princet on University Press. Geiger, Susan 1997 TANU Women: Gender and Cultu re in the Making of Tanganyikan Nationalism, 1955-1965. Portsmouth: Heinemann. 1982 Umoja wa Wanawake and the Needs of the Rural Poor. African Studies Review, Vol. 25, No. 2/3: 46-65. Hyden, Goran 1980 Beyond Ujamaa in Tanzania: Unde rdevelopment and an Uncaptured Peasantry. Berkeley: Universi ty of California Press. Iliffe, John 1979 A Modern History of Tanganyika. Cambridge University Press. Ivaska, Andrew 2004 Anti-Mini Militants Meet Modern Misses: Urban Style and the Politics of National Culture in 1960s Dar es Salaam. In Fashioning Africa: Power and the Politics of Dress. Jean Allman, ed. Pp 104-121. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. 2003 Negotiating Culture in a Cosmopolitan Capital: Urban Style and the Tanzanian State in Colonial and Postcolonial Dar es Salaam. PhD Dissertation: Ann Arbor: University of Michigan. Koponen, Juhani 1994 Development for Exploitation: German Colonial Policies in Mainland Tanzania, 1884-1914. Finnish Historical Societ y Studia Historica, No 49. Helsinki/Hamburg. Leslie, J.A.K 1963 A Survey of Dar es Salaam. London: OUP. Lugalla, Joe L.P. 1997 Development, Change, and Poverty in the Informal Sector during the Era of Structural Adjustments in Tanzania. Canadian Journal of African Studies Vol. 31, no. 3: 424-451. Martin, Emily 1994 Flexible Bodies: The Role of Immun ity in American Culture from the Days of the Polio to the Age of AIDS. Boston: Beacon Press.

PAGE 108

100 Mbilinyi, Marjorie 1972 The New Woman and Traditional Norms in Tanzania. The Journal of Modern African History, Vol. 10, No.1: 57-72. Miller, Daniel 1995a Consumption and Commodities. Annual Review of Anthropology Vol. 24: 141-161. 1995b Acknowledging Consumption: A Revi ew of New Studies. London: Routledge. Newell, Stephanie 2000 Ghanaian Popular Fiction: Thrilli ng Discoveries in Conjugal Life and Other Tales. Athens: Ohio University Press. Ofcansky, Thomas and Rodger Yeager 1997 Historical Dictionary of Tan zania. London: The Scarecrow Press, Inc. Scotton, James 1978 Tanganyikas African Pre ss, 1937-1960: A Nearly Forgotten Pre-Independence Forum. African Studies Review Vol. 21, No. 1: 1-18. Scheper-Hughes, Nancy and Margaret Lock 1987 The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology. Annual Review of Anthropology Vol. 1, No. 1: 6-41. Stambach, Amy 2000 Lessons From Mount Kilimanjaro: Schooling, Community, and Gender in East Africa. New York: Routledge. 1999 Curl up and Dye: Civil Society and the Fashion-Minded Citizen. In Civil Society and the Political Imagination in Africa. Comaroff, John and Jean Comaroff, eds. Pp. 251-266. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Sturmer, Mark 1998 The Media History of Tanzania. Salzburg: Afro-Asiatisches Institut. Trentmann, Frank 2004 Beyond Consumerism: New Hist orical Perspectives on Consumption. Journal of Contemporary History Vol. 39, No. 3: 373-401. Tripp, Aili 1989 Women and the Changing Urban Household Economy in Tanzania. The Journal of Modern African Studies Vol. 27, No. 4: 601-623.

PAGE 109

101 Weiss, Brad 1996 The Making and Unmaking of th e Haya Lived World: Consumption, Commodification, and Everyday Practice. Durham: Duke University Press. White, Louise 1990 Comforts of Home: Prostitution in Col onial Nairobi. Chi cago: University of Chicago Press. Wipper, Audrey 1972 African Women, Fashion, and Scapegoating. Canadian Journal of African Studies Vol. 6, No. 2, Special Issue: The Role s of African Women: Past, Present, and Future: 329-349.

PAGE 110

102 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Born and raised in Pennsylvania, Traci L. Yoder received her bachelor 's degree in anthropology from Bloomsburg University in 2002. She is now a graduate student in the Department of Anthropology at the Univer sity of Florida and plans to conduct ethnographic research working with women and media in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.


Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0014375/00001

Material Information

Title: 'Is use of cosmetics anti-socialist?' : gendered consumption and the fashioning of urban womanhood in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania, 1975-1990
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Language: English
Creator: Yoder, Traci L. ( Dissertant )
Langwick, Stacey ( Thesis advisor )
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2006
Copyright Date: 2006

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: Dissertations, Academic -- Anthropolgy -- UF
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )

Notes

Abstract: This study examines the shifting meanings and practices of gendered consumption in the city of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, through an analysis of the state-owned newspapers printed between 1975-1990. In this analysis I draw upon both political economy and cultural studies approaches by linking practices of consumption in colonial and postcolonial Tanzania to shifting patterns of production and labor as well as by examining the symbolic significance of consumer practices and showing how certain commodities became imbued with meaning at different historical moments. Specifically, I analyze discussions in the state-owned newspapers regarding urban women’s use of certain controversial cosmetic products, including skin-bleaching formulas, make-up, and hair straightening, curling, and dying kits. I argue that definitions of appropriate urban womanhood were defined and contested through women’s practices of consumption and I use the figure of the “consuming woman” to trace representations of women’s consumption in urban Tanzania through the 1970s and 1980s as well as to show how differences of gender, race, class, and age were implicated in state-sanctioned constructions of legitimate consumption and respectable urban womanhood.
Subject: Anthropology, consumption, cultural, gender, studies, Tanzania
General Note: Title from title page of source document.
General Note: Document formatted into pages; contains 110 pages.
General Note: Includes vita.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2006.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.

Record Information

Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 475551052
aleph - 003589586
System ID: UFE0014375:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0014375/00001

Material Information

Title: 'Is use of cosmetics anti-socialist?' : gendered consumption and the fashioning of urban womanhood in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania, 1975-1990
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Language: English
Creator: Yoder, Traci L. ( Dissertant )
Langwick, Stacey ( Thesis advisor )
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2006
Copyright Date: 2006

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: Dissertations, Academic -- Anthropolgy -- UF
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )

Notes

Abstract: This study examines the shifting meanings and practices of gendered consumption in the city of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, through an analysis of the state-owned newspapers printed between 1975-1990. In this analysis I draw upon both political economy and cultural studies approaches by linking practices of consumption in colonial and postcolonial Tanzania to shifting patterns of production and labor as well as by examining the symbolic significance of consumer practices and showing how certain commodities became imbued with meaning at different historical moments. Specifically, I analyze discussions in the state-owned newspapers regarding urban women’s use of certain controversial cosmetic products, including skin-bleaching formulas, make-up, and hair straightening, curling, and dying kits. I argue that definitions of appropriate urban womanhood were defined and contested through women’s practices of consumption and I use the figure of the “consuming woman” to trace representations of women’s consumption in urban Tanzania through the 1970s and 1980s as well as to show how differences of gender, race, class, and age were implicated in state-sanctioned constructions of legitimate consumption and respectable urban womanhood.
Subject: Anthropology, consumption, cultural, gender, studies, Tanzania
General Note: Title from title page of source document.
General Note: Document formatted into pages; contains 110 pages.
General Note: Includes vita.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2006.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.

Record Information

Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 475551052
aleph - 003589586
System ID: UFE0014375:00001


This item has the following downloads:


Full Text











"IS USE OF COSMETICS ANTI-SOCIALIST?": GENDERED CONSUMPTION AND
THE FASHIONING OF URBAN WOMANHOOD INT DAR ES SALAAM,
TANZANIA, 1975-1990













By

TRACI L.YODER


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2006

































Copyright 2006

by

Traci L. Yoder
















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to offer thanks and gratitude to Stacey Langwick, Sue O'Brien, and

Florence Babb for their invaluable advice and unwavering encouragement throughout this

proj ect. I would also like to extend my appreciation to Faith Warner and the rest of the

Department of Anthropology at Bloomsburg University. I am grateful to Peter

Malanchuk for helping me to gain access to the archival newspapers that became the

foundation of my study. I would also like to thank the Center for African Studies for

providing me with Foreign Language and Area Studies Scholarships for the study of

Swahili. Rose Lugano in particular has helped me with the Swahili translations in this

paper. I would additionally like to thank Dr. Ruth Meena of the University of Dar es

Salaam for her insights about the changing landscape of media in Tanzania over the last

twenty years. I also thank all of my friends and classmates who have helped me to shape

my ideas for this study. I want to offer my gratitude to my mother for her careful reading

of this paper and to my father for his unwavering confidence. Finally, I thank Shelly for

his patience, encouragement, and support throughout this proj ect. Any shortcomings of

this study are, of course, my own.



















TABLE OF CONTENTS


page

ACKNOWLEDGMENT S ................. .............. iii........ ....

LI ST OF FIGURE S .............. .................... vi

AB STRAC T ................ .............. vii

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION ................. ...............1.......... ......

2 HISTORY AND METHODS .............. ...............7.....


Production and Consumption in Colonial and Postcolonial Tanzania .........................7
Media History and Newspapers as Evidence..................... ...................1
Fashioning Urban Womanhood: The Emergence of the "Consuming Woman"........32
Conclusion ................ ...............39.................

3 DOMINANT REPRESENTATIONS OF URBAN WOMANHOOD IN THE
DAILY NEWS AND THE SUNDAY NEWS, 1975-1981 .............. .....................4

Dar es Salaam in the 1970s ................... ...... ....... ..... .. ...... ...........4
"Women, Do Thy Share": Women' s Liberation and the Construction of the
"Socialist Superwoman" Through National Production ................. .................. ..46
"Prostitute or Girlfriend?": Sexuality, Liberation, and the "Consuming Woman" ....55
Conclusion ................ ...............65.................

4 BODIES, BEAUTY, AND DESIRE: THE "CONSUMING WOMAN' IN DAR
ES SALAAM, 1982-1990 .............. ...............68....

State Discourses in the 1980s: From Economic Sabotage to Economic
Liberalization ............. .. ........ __ ..... ........_ ....... .........6
"Beauty is Natural": Women' s Bodies and the Body Politic ................ ........._.._... .76
"Cost of Living, Cost of Loving:" Consuming Women, Sugar Daddies, and
Gender Relations in Dar es Salaam in the 1980s .....__.___ ........___ ..............83
Conclusion ............ _...... ._ ...............92....

5 DISCUS SION AND CONCLUSIONS .............. ...............94....












LIST OF REFERENCES ................. ...............98................


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................. ...............102......... ......












































































v

















LIST OF FIGURES

Figure pg

4.1 Dezo, by James Gayo (Daily News, Aug. 4, 1989) ................. ....._ .............83

4.2 Dezo, by James Gayo (Daily News, Oct. 3, 1989) ................ ....__ ..............84

4.3 Dezo, by James Gayo (Daily News, Nov. 17, 1989) ..........._.... ....__...........84
















Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

"IS USE OF COSMETICS ANTI-SOCIALIST?": GENDERED CONSUMPTION AND
THE FASHIONING OF URBAN WOMANHOOD INT DAR ES SALAAM,
TANZANIA, 1975-1990

By

Traci L. Yoder

May 2006

Chair: Stacey Langwick
Maj or Department: Anthropology

This study examines the shifting meanings and practices of gendered consumption

in the city of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, through an analysis of the state-owned

newspapers printed between 1975-1990. In this analysis I draw upon both political

economy and cultural studies approaches by linking practices of consumption in colonial

and postcolonial Tanzania to shifting patterns of production and labor as well as by

examining the symbolic significance of consumer practices and showing how certain

commodities became imbued with meaning at different historical moments. Specifically,

I analyze discussions in the state-owned newspapers regarding urban women's use of

certain controversial cosmetic products, including skin-bleaching formulas, make-up, and

hair straightening, curling, and dying kits. I argue that definitions of appropriate urban

womanhood were defined and contested through women's practices of consumption and I

use the Eigure of the "consuming woman" to trace representations of women' s

consumption in urban Tanzania through the 1970s and 1980s as well as to show how










differences of gender, race, class, and age were implicated in state-sanctioned

constructions of legitimate consumption and respectable urban womanhood.















CHAPTER 1
INTTRODUCTION

One ought to accept the fact that after food and shelter, man needs obj ects and
pleasures including cars, TVs, and fashionable dresses. It is this hierarchy of needs
which sustains man's acquisitive instincts, which in turn makes him work harder.
Thus those who condemn importation of perfumes on the grounds of Socialism are
doing a disservice to the very cause they purport to advance. I am sure Karl Marx
himself would have shuddered at the suggestion that use of cosmetics is anti-
Socialist.

-Jumbe S. Ibrahim ("Is Use of Cosmetics Anti-Socialist?" Daily News, Aug. 27,
1987)

Jumbe Ibrahim wrote this letter to state-owned newspaper in 1987, as people living

in Tanzania experienced rapid social, political, and economic changes. In the mid-1980s,

the government began revising the socialist policies which had structured state rhetoric

and practice since 1967. Although President Ali Hassan Mwinyi initiated neoliberal

adjustments in 1986 to ease the growing economic crisis, the government did not

officially abandon socialism as the state ideology until 1992. Ibrahim's letter, therefore,

was written at a time when the political and economic status of the country seemed

ambiguous. I have chosen to begin with this letter printed in the state newspaper to

highlight some of the main arguments of this study. The first argument is that the

"transition" from socialist to neoliberal economic structures was not as neat or easy as

most economic and political accounts portray. Rather, as this excerpt shows, in the late

1980s, Tanzanians were themselves debating what practices and ideas identified people

as socialist, or in this case, anti-socialist. I contend throughout this study that the state

newspapers provide a rich source of information for examining the shift from socialism










to postsocialism from the intersection of postcolonial political power and everyday life in

urban Tanzania.

My second argument is that highlighting consumption offers a useful analytical

lens for examining for examining the relationship between changes in political economy

and the fashioning of new subj activities. Because consumption has only recently become

the obj ect of analytical gaze, there remains a lacuna in anthropological literature

describing the meanings and practices of consumption in postcolonial and postsocialist

locations. However, Ibrahim's letter indicates that while socialism is generally described

in popular and academic literature as a mode of production, in this piece and others,

Tanzanians discussed socialism and capitalism as distinct modes of consumption.

Therefore, I contend that everyday practices of consumption were crucial to the ways that

people defined and contested the meanings of socialism and capitalism on a daily basis.

In this analysis I draw on recent theories of consumption situated between political

economy and cultural studies approaches. I rewrite the history of colonial and

postcolonial Tanzania, foregrounding changing practices of consumption over the course

of the twentieth century and linking changing notions of legitimate consumption to the

changing patterns of production desired by the colonial and postcolonial states. However,

I also remain attentive to the symbolic significance of consumption practices and the way

that certain commodities became imbued with meanings at specific historical moments.

Finally, the question that Ibrahim asks and answers in his letter, "Is Use of

Cosmetics Anti-Socialist?" brings me to my third argument. This letter was not written in

isolation, but rather was a contribution to an on-going debate in the late 1980s over the

pleasures and dangers of certain cosmetic products and the rapidly expanding flow of









commodities entering the country more generally. More than any other commodity,

beauty products like make-up, skin-bleaching creams, and hairkits dominated discussions

of consumption in the state-owned newspapers during the 1980s. However, cosmetics

were distinctly gendered commodities and therefore it was women's bodies and practices

of consumption that became the center of discussions over the intensified flows of

commodities and capital entering Tanzanian in the years after the implementation of

structural adjustments. In this analysis, I examine how women's practices of consumption

were treated in the state newspapers and argue that gendered consumer practices became

central to definitions of respectable urban womanhood.

This study, then, explores the politics of gendered consumption in the capital city

ofDar es Salaam during the 1970s and 1980s. In the first chapter, I situate my analysis of

the state newspapers in the post-independence era by examining the politics of

consumption, print media, and urban womanhood through the colonial and early

postcolonial periods. Throughout the chapter, I contend that the sharp ruptures usually

assumed to separate colonialism and postcolonialism are blurred and complicated by

rigorous historical analysis. I offer a set of overlapping histories to contextualize the

conversations taking place in the state papers in the 1970s and 1980s. First, I explore

changing meanings and practices of consumption through the colonial, socialist, and

postsocialist periods, paying particular attention to how shifting patterns of production

and labor were accompanied by changes in consumer practices. Secondly, I examine the

history of print media in Tanzania during the twentieth century. By placing the state

newspapers within a longer media landscape of Tanzania, I attempt to show why these

papers are a useful source for exploring the intersections of state power and everyday life










in Dar es Salaam. Thirdly, I discuss the emergence of the urban "consuming woman" in

the late colonial period, arguing that this figure provides a unique lens for examining

anxieties surrounding urban women's sexuality and practices of consumption in Dar es

Salaam.

In the second chapter, I turn to articles, features, letters to the editor, stories, and

poems in the state newspapers to examine constructions of urban womanhood in Dar es

Salaam during the period when socialist ideology dominated state discourses. While other

studies of gender in Tanzania have examined the relationships between rural and urban

women, in my analysis I focus on how j ournalists and contributors to the state

newspapers articulated differences between groups of urban women. I describe the figure

of the "socialist superwoman" who exemplified state discourses of respectable urban

womanhood through her role in domestic and national production. I argue that this figure

of the ideal socialist woman was defined through and against the other dominant trope of

urban femininity in Dar es Salaam, the "consuming woman." Furthermore, I contend that

despite state discourses of legitimate urban womanhood that highlighted women's role in

production, it was women' s practices of consumption that determined their respectability.

By comparing and contrasting "official" articles with pieces from the public forums of

the papers (including letters, stories, and poems), I attempt to show the contradictions,

ambiguities, and plurality of state discourses of proper womanhood.

After describing the construction of these dominant representations of womanhood

in the state newspapers during the 1970s, I return to the debate over imported

commodities that Ibrahim's letter was addressing in 1987. In the third chapter, I examine

discussions in the papers of a few controversial beauty products that became the center of









heated conversations in the 1980s. First, I examine changing state rhetoric in the papers

over the course of the decade, paying particular attention to the way the government

portrayed the shift from socialist to neoliberal economic policies. Then I use letters,

comics, stories, and poems from the papers to describe the anxieties and desires produced

by the rapid influx of imported commodities entering Dar es Salaam in the late 1980s. I

argue that the body of the consuming woman who used products such as skin bleaching

creams, cosmetics, and hair curling, dying, and straightening kits became a site where

people (mostly men) expressed concern over the changes taking place in Tanzania's

political economy. I examine how women's bodies were described through metaphors of

health and disease and how these metaphors were conflated with concerns for the health

of the body politic. Then, I examine representations of gender relations in Dar es Salaam,

using narratives about the relationships between consuming women and their

relationships with older and wealthier "sugar daddies."

In the conclusion, I return to Ibrahim's letter to show why his question and his

response caught my attention and my imagination. While the discussions of women' s

consumption of cosmetic products in the state-owned newspapers were predominately

negative, by the late 1980s new viewpoints were beginning to appear that challenged

socialist definitions of legitimate consumption and defended the use of beauty products.

In the last section, then, I offer these emerging voices from the late 1980s. However,

Ibrahim's letter goes beyond any other viewpoint printed in the papers, and to me,

represented a radical shift from the discourses that had dominated the state newspapers

for the previous fifteen years.










The maj or goal of this study is to explore how meanings and practices of gendered

consumption shaped and were shaped by changing political economic structures in

Tanzania during the 1970s and 1980s. The conversations I present in the following

chapter concerning the meanings of women' s liberation, the "problem" of urban

prostitution, women's use of imported commodities, and the illicit sexual relationships

between young urban women and "sugar daddies" were not tangential to "official" state

discourses, but rather became central to the government' s efforts to fashion (and

refashion) appropriately gendered subj ects. I argue that tracing the complex relationships

between perceptions of gender and consumption can provide a method of examining the

continuities, paradoxes, and contradictions that marked the shift from socialism to

postsocialism in Tanzania. Specifically, I contend that narratives of"consuming women"

in the state-owned media provide an ideal site to explore why and how women's bodies,

sexuality, and practices of consumption became matters of national concern at different

historical moments.















CHAPTER 2
HISTORY AND METHODS

Production and Consumption in Colonial and Postcolonial Tanzania

The central role of everyday practices of consumption in the creation of colonial

subj ects and postcolonial citizens has only recently emerged in anthropological literature

after decades of being overshadowed by an emphasis on issues of production and labor

(Miller 1995a). In the postwar period, modernization models as well as Marxist critiques

of modernization and functionalism assumed a distinction between economics (i.e.

production) and culture (i.e., exchange and consumption). In the 1980s, this assumption

was challenged in anthropology and other disciplines, resulting in new attempts to

integrate cultural analysis and political economy (Ferguson 1988). It is important to note

that the reemergence of studies of commodities and consumption during the last two

decades has been fueled by theoretical engagements with questions of modernity and

globalization. Heralded as a key feature of "Western modernity," theories of consumption

and its role in a globalizing world proliferated in the 1990s. However, as Frank

Trentmann has observed, this increased interest in theorizing consumption was not

necessarily accompanied by "empirical reassessments of the historical dynamics of

consumption" (2004: 373). Therefore, it is my obj ective to trace the practices and

meanings of consumption in relation to changing social structures in colonial and

postcolonial Tanzania.




SSee, for example, Appadurai 1996; Miller 1995b; Breckenridge 1995









This section, then, will examine historical shifts in consumption practices in

twentieth century Tanzania with a focus on how the production and labor needs of the

colonial and postcolonial states were intricately interwoven with new practices and ideas

of consumption. My analysis is guided by several questions: How, when, and why do

practices of consumption change? What is considered legitimate consumption during

different historical moments? What proj ects do definitions of legitimate and illegitimate

consumption serve? Tanzania provides an ideal setting to explore these questions.

Throughout the twentieth century, missionaries, capitalists, colonial and postcolonial

state officials, and Africans in Tanzania have all attempted to define what counts as

legitimate consumption in relation to changing social, political, and economic formations.

Tanzania is a particularly useful site for examining changing notions of

consumption for several reasons. First, the territory was colonized by two different

European powers, first Germany and later Britain. As I will show, these two colonial

governments varied in their policies regarding African consumers and set the stage for

the policies enacted by the postcolonial state. Secondly, unlike many other African

locations (including Zambia, Kenya, Uganda, Rhodesia, and West Africa), Tanzania did

not undergo intensive industrialization and urbanization after WWII. Instead, shortly after

independence in 1961, the first elected President, Julius Nyerere, declared Tanzania a

socialist nation and pronounced rural production the key to modern development.

Socialist rhetoric was pervasive in everyday life in Tanzania for the next twenty years,

but in practice Nyerere' s socialist development strategies were marked by economic

failure, resulting in Tanzania's increased dependence on the aid offered by international

monetary funds. In the 1980s, there was a noticeable shift in government policy towards









neoliberal structural adjustments at the request of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)

and the World Bank. President Ali Hassan Mwinyi, Nyerere's successor, officially

abandoned socialism as a national ideology in 1992. I argue here that twentieth century

Tanzania, which has emerged through German and British colonial rule, nationalism,

socialism, and neoliberalism proves an ideal setting for exploring changing meanings and

practices of consumption. In this section, I outline the history of colonial and postcolonial

Tanzania with a focus on consumer practices and the shifting boundaries of legitimate

consumption during the twentieth century. Part of my argument is that using consumption

as an analytical lens can disrupt the sharp historical ruptures characteristic of

modernization and Marxist models and problematize the transitions from colonial to

postcolonial and socialist to postsocialist.

Germany was the first European power to officially colonize the area today known

as Tanzania. Although the German colonial period was short (1890-1922), German

colonial officials and German capitalists created the infrastructure necessary to exploit

the colony, including schools, hospitals, railways, roads, and a system of plantation

cultivation for export to Europe (Koponen 1994). The Germans struggled to mobilize a

labor force of indigenous males to "develop" the colony, but found that most Africans

were unwilling to cooperate with colonial agendas. The imposition of taxation and forced

plantation labor failed to inspire African males to engage in wage labor, and therefore the

German colonial state devised a new strategy designed to reorient African personhood

through the creation of new needs and desires. Karl Peters, founder of the German East

Africa Company, described this proj ect as an impetus to encourage "lazy" and

"unproductive" African males to offer their labor: "An unsatisfied need creates a lack,









and this is a compulsion to action .Our task is therefore to create needs, which can be

done by making known the obvious pleasures of civilization" (Quoted in Koponen 1994:

325-326).

As in other colonial locations, schooling became a key site for the inculcation of

"civilized" values and manners, and both mission and colonial schools sought to

assimilate Africans to European tastes and manners (Comaroff and Comaroff 1997;

Burke 1996). By the end of the German colonial occupation, many changes in consumer

practices were already in process in the colony. By 1913, all wages to African workers

were paid in cash and new consumer items from Europe were available as never before.

Favorite items included cotton cloth, oil lamps, matches, soap, and tobacco and were

mostly available in urban areas, although these commodities increasingly penetrated

inland during German rule (Koponen 1994). Wage labor, the beginning of a cash

economy, the importation of consumer goods, and the creation of new needs and desires

intersected to restructure the precolonial economy toward market principles. Through

education, missionaries and colonial officials alike attempted to inculcate the benefits of

"civilization" as an impetus to turn Africans subj ects into desiring consumers dependent

on wage labor.

These efforts were disrupted by the beginning of World War I. Battles between

Germany and Britain in East Africa destroyed much of the infrastructure imposed by the

Germans and after the war, Germany lost the colony altogether when the League of

Nations mandated the territory to the British government, which renamed it Tanganyika.

The initial British policy of indirect rule introduced by Sir Donald Cameron was marked

by an ambivalence regarding African consumption. According to the ideology of indirect










rule, Africans should be encouraged to return to a "traditional" way of life. Cameron

imagined that German colonial rule had destroyed precolonial social structures and he set

out to rewrite the history of the colony, emphasizing the "tribal" nature of African life

(Iliffe 1979). During the period when indirect rule dominated the British policies towards

Tanganyika (1925-1 940), the dichotomy between rural and urban lifestyles and social

formations crystallized (Ivaska 2003). Cameron and other British colonial authorities

imagined that Africans were physically and ideologically suited to rural conditions, and

urban Africans engaged in wage labor caused much concern for both colonial officials

and elder Africans. Most Africans living in towns were young, single men drawn to urban

life by the promises of wage labor and the "bright lights" of the towns and cities. The

capital city of Dar es Salaam epitomized the lure of excitement and material

advancement, offering the opportunities for a wide variety of leisure activities, including

going to cinemas, bars and clubs and the chance to purchase and flaunt the latest fashions

in music, dancing, and clothing (Burton 2001). Colonial authorities regarded this trend of

urban migration with ambivalence. On the one hand, the labor of African males was a

necessary component of the colonial economic structure, yet on the other hand, these

young Africans were under the threat of detribalizationn" that is losing their

"Africanness" as they consumed European commodities and images. An older generation

of Africans also disapproved of the aspects of urban life that attracted youth, regarding

these as evidence that the younger generation was under the risk of moral degeneration.

For both colonial authorities and older Africans, the city came to be imagined as a site of

conspicuous, feminized consumption defined against the wholesome, productive

countryside (Ivaska 2003).










The end of World War II brought noticeable changes in the relationships between

the British metropole and Tanganyika. With the British government facing an economy

exhausted by war efforts, growing debts, and the disintegration of the British Empire,

Tanganyika rose in importance in the colonial agenda and was subj ected to a number of

changes in the postwar period. These changes were epitomized in the Colonial

Development and Welfare Act of 1940, which made "development" the new strategy for

urban policy and colonial rule more generally.2 Detribalization, which was regarded with

such ambivalence in the 1930s, became a necessary, if difficult, stage of modern

development under these new shifts in policy. Colonial officials hoped to create

permanent settlements of educated Africans in towns and cities. Educational initiatives

were expanded to prepare Africans for a greater involvement in the cash economy and the

colonial Social Welfare Department opened centers in urban areas to inculcate African

men and women with middle class skills and values. During the 1940s, migration to

urban centers and especially Dar es Salaam skyrocketed and colonial authorities were

soon concerned to "stabilize" urban populations for fear of disorder or insubordination

(Burton 2001).3 COlonial urban policy during the 1940s andl950s, therefore, took a two-

pronged approach: first, the creation of a stable middle class of an educated African elite

living in nuclear families, and secondly, the removal of "unproductive" people from the

city to the rural countryside.



2 The Colonial Development and Welfare Act promoted the concept of socio-economic advancement of the
colonized and was enacted due to British recognition that self-governance and possibly independence was
approaching. This change in policy resulted from both economic burdens on the British Empire as well as
the emerging nationalist movements in Asia and Mfrica.

3 Between 1948 and 1957, the rate of growth in Dar es Salaam increased by 9 percent and rose again to 14
percent between 1961-1967 (Ivaska 2003; Lugalla 1997).










Despite the efforts to maintain control over the urban population, by the 1950s,

African intellectuals were beginning to articulate a distinctly African nationalist

sentiment. Understanding the nationalist African movement requires an understanding of

the stratified nature of economic conditions, especially in Dar es Salaam. Since the

German colonial period, Europeans and Asians had dominated the productive and retail

sectors, leaving Africans to work mainly in wage labor. The city itself was divided

economically and spatially along racial lines designated by "native" vs. "non-native"

status (Brennan 2002). Urban Africans chafed under the economic power held by

European and Asian entrepreneurs and therefore articulated a nationalist platform that

centered on "African" liberation from exploitation. Under these conditions, Julius

Nyerere, an educated, Catholic schoolteacher founded the Tanganyika African National

Union (TANU) and within less than a decade, the colony gained independence from

British rule and became a nation-state.

Before and immediately after independence, economic advice coming from Europe

and North America encouraged a focus on agricultural development combined with

privately owned industries. Although Tanganyika remained open to capitalist investment

in the early independence years, by 1967 Nyerere and TANU declared that the nation was

to follow a specifically African socialist development based on the nationalization of key

industries, import substitution, and rural agriculture. In the Arusha Declaration of 1967,

Nyerere outlined his plan for modern socialist development around the concepts of

Ujamaa na Kujitegemea (Socialism and Self-reliance). While the maj ority of studies

examining this period focus on the changes in production Nyerere envisioned under

Ujamaa, here I want to discuss his intentions for changes in consumer practices. In the










early independence years, Nyerere expressed concern over the rise of a class of African

petty bourgeoisie, including many of his contemporary TANU nationalist supporters. The

Arusha Declaration was in many ways an effort to curb this trend of conspicuous

consumption, most obviously through the Leadership Code included in the declaration.

The Leadership Code stipulated that all government members must fall into the category

of peasant or worker and forbade government officials (and their spouses) to hold shares

in companies, own a private business, receive more than one salary, or act as a landlord.

The Leadership Code was not the only measure taken by Nyerere to define the

boundaries of legitimate consumption. Like his colonial predecessors, Nyerere was

concerned with the number of young people living in cities and consuming media,

fashion, and other commodities readily available in Dar es Salaam and other urban areas.

However, urban consumption took on new meanings in the postindependence period.

Shortly after the Arusha Declaration, the government brought most key industries under

state control and import substitution became the solution to the overdependence on

foreign commodities. Legitimate consumption in this context was limited to the products

produced in Tanzania by Tanzanian workers. Therefore, to Nyerere and the other TANU

party members who dominated the government after independence, the imported

commodities and images circulating in Dar es Salaam were in direct contradiction to the

state proj ect of national self-reliance.

The concept of Ujamaa, central to Nyerere's vision of Tanzanian national culture,

can also be read as an ideological critique of certain commodities and practices of

consumption, especially in the urban context. In the post-Arusha climate, "national

culture" took on a distinctly rural, socialist appearance in state discourses of Ujamaa










(Blommaert 1997). However, as James Brennan has observed, the rural emphasis of

Lya~nza was not accompanied by any definition of a proper urban subj ect. Indeed, the

very idea of "urban Uja~nza" was an oxymoron (Brennan 2002). In Nyerere's narrative,

Lya~nza was articulated in opposition to the materialistic and individualistic qualities of

capitalism brought to Tanganyika by colonialists. Ideas of capitalism and socialism, in

post-Arusha discourses, were placed in productive opposition, with socialism being

defined as all the things that capitalism was not.4 Capitalism here came to mean more

than a certain mode of production; it was also equated with a mode of consumption based

upon the individual accumulation of wealth. In this context, imported commodities were

symbolic of a rej section of state sanctioned consumption and prompted a series of

initiatives by the government to control urban consumers. Throughout the 1960s and

1970s, the postcolonial state in its different figurations attempted to eliminate the

widespread use of certain "Western" commodities, including films, music, clothing,

cosmetics, and novels. These campaigns were marked by failure time and again as

citizens continued to purchase and use commodities defined as "modern," "urban," and

"Western."

In the 1970s, TANU government officials drafted the first official constitution,

joining TANU and the Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP) of Zanzibar to form Cha~na cha

Mapinduzi (Revolutionary Party), the party that has since maintained control over the

government apparatus. Nyerere was re-elected as President for a third and fourth term in

SIn his semiotic analysis of Ujamaa, Jan Blommaert (1997) argues that the concept "contained a
celebration of a pre-colonial rural Africa, which was pictured as consisting of small-scale, intrinsically
socialist communities...these communities had, as part of their 'culture' a deeply rooted sense of
communalism and solidarity, which, to Nyerere, equated with socialism" (139). He contrasts this to the way
that capitalism was represented by Nyerere, as a "cluster of concepts and phenomena which were absent
from traditional African societies, such as class concepts, individual ownership of land, forms of
exploitation, meritocracy instead of respect for elders, individual accumulation of wealth, etc" (140).










1970 and 1975, and CCM continued to promote the same ideology of Socialism and Self-

Reliance outlined in the Arusha Declaration. However, by the end of the 1970s the

economic situation was steadily worsening. Nyerere's plan to resettle people into

communal development villages never achieved the rural-centered nation he had

imagined. The situation was compounded by the inflation of oil prices in 1973 and again

in 1979-80 as well as the war with Idi Amin in Uganda in 1979-80. By 1980, Nyerere

was under pressure by foreign donors and the IMF to accept structural adjustment

policies designed to liberalize the economy. He refused, arguing that privatizing the

economy would compromise the values of Ujamaa. As a result of declining agricultural

production and increasing foreign debt, even basic commodities were absent from store

shelves in the early 1980s. Under these conditions, an informal sector flourished and

imported items were frequently smuggled into the country. To combat this trend, Prime

Minister Edward Sokoine initiated a nationwide campaign against "economic sabotage."

The police began to arrest people who were accused of hoarding luxury items when basic

necessities such as soap, salt, sugar, and cooking oil were unavailable. Others were

targeted for failing to contribute to national production by living in urban areas while

unemployed. In this context, people violating the sanctions of consumption or remaining

unproductive were literally enemies of the state, charged with economic treason and often

sent to jail or repatriated to rural areas. 6




5 See Hyden 1980, for a detailed description of why and how Nyerere's villagization projects failed to
inspire peasants to work for national self-reliance.

6 Sokoine initiated the Economic Sabotage Campaign on March 18, 1983. On April 22, the National
Executive assembly passed the Economic Crimes Bill that authorized tribunals, searches, property seizures,
and arrests. Between 1983 and 1984, the government arrested 4,363 people and seized about US$5 million
in property and currency (Ofcansky and Yeager 1997).









The economic sabotage campaign never officially ended, but Nyerere' s efforts to

retain the policies of Socialism and Self-Reliance slowly failed. In 1981, the government

implemented the National Economic Survival Programme (NESP), followed by the

introduction of the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) in 1982. By 1985, Nyerere

could hold out no longer and he chose to step down as President to allow his successor,

Ali Hassan Mwinyi, to accept the liberal economic policies in an effort to alleviate the

worsening economic conditions. In 1986, Mwinyi initiated another phase of liberalization

as Tanzania officially adopted the Economic Recovery Programme (ERP). The

conditions of the structural adjustment policies stipulated removing import restrictions,

devaluing the shilling, increasing producer prices for food and export crops, and

privatizing state farms and parastatals.

This reorientation of the economy towards neoliberal policies facilitated the

importation of commodities that had been unavailable or illegal for the previous 20 years.

The initial results appeared to be positive. After years of empty shelves and food queues,

in the late 1980s, shops were full of food, clothing, and other items. However, within a

short period of time, it became obvious that not everyone was going to benefit from

structural adjustment policies equally. The devaluation of the shilling pushed up the

prices of both locally made and imported commodities, making these items difficult to

obtain for most Tanzanians. The privatizations of parastatals meant that many Tanzanian

state workers lost their j obs as private investors downsized for better efficiency.

Furthermore, health and social services offered by the state declined at the same time that

AIDS was rapidly spreading throughout the country. While some Tanzanians were able

to use hidden capital to take advantage of the new climate of privatization, most people










found themselves surrounded by new commodities that they were unable to purchase,

creating a visible division between those who were able to consume, and those whose

desires remained unmet.

It is under these conditions that many Tanzanians turned to the informal economy

to meet their everyday needs. With the state unable to provide adequate wages in the

formal employment sector, many urban dwellers began to operate small-scale income

generating proj ects, referred to as miradi midogo midogo (little proj ects) or bia~shara

ndogo ndogo (small businesses), which ranged from sewing, food vending, petty

hawking, carpentry, and hairdressing. The proliferation of informal sector activities

compensated for the goods and services the state was unable or unwilling to supply.

While the informal sector had been operating in Dar es Salaam since the late colonial

period, the shifting urban landscape of the 1980s resulted in several changes in this

parallel economy. Through the 1960s and 1970s, this sector consisted mainly of locally

made products (Lugalla 1997). By the late 1980s, the nature of the informal economy had

changed drastically, and imported commodities could be found on most streets in Dar es

Salaam, and included second hand clothing, electronic equipment, music cassettes,

cameras, household appliances, suitcases, and petroleum products for motor vehicles.

Moreover, this influx of new commodities included new products associated with beauty

and fashion, such as cosmetics, hair curling chemicals, perfumes, creams, and skin

bleaching formulas.

These changes in available commodities were accompanied by new consumer

practices as well as new perceptions of urban citizenship, and were central to the way

Tanzanians redefined their position at the local, national, and international levels. While









the shift from socialism to neoliberal policies and ideologies is treated as relatively

unproblematic in most political and economic accounts, I argue that tracing ideas and

practices of consumption complicates teleological narratives that posit Tanzania's

acceptance of neoliberal policies as an inevitable stage in its trajectory of development.

Using archival newspaper data, I take the vantage point of the "everyday" to explore how

perceptions of gender, age, class, and race were implicated in changing ideas and

practices of urban consumption. In particular, I focus on the figure of the urban

"consuming woman" as a way to explore the links between morality and material

accumulation. Practices of consumption, I argue, were crucial to shifting boundaries of

"proper" and "improper" womanhood in Dar es Salaam and connected anxieties about

women's sexuality and mobility with concerns over the precarious position Tanzania held

in the global political economic order.

The Daily News and the Sundcay News, both state-owned newspapers, offer a view

of urban Tanzania in the 1970s and 1980s that captures the mutual constitution of

postcolonial political power and the dynamics of everyday urban life. Therefore, my

analysis attempts to examine the relationships between state discourses of gendered

consumption and everyday struggles taking place in Dar es Salaam. Before I explore the

way that the "consuming woman" was constructed in these newspapers, I first situate the

Daily News and the Sundcay News within the larger print media landscape of colonial and

postcolonial Tanzania. I then describe my use of these newspapers as evidence and

examine how women' s consumption was represented in state media.

Media History and Newspapers as Evidence

I began my reading the Daily News and the Sundcay News with the year 1975, when

these two English speaking newspapers, accompanied by two Swahili dailies, Uhuru










(Freedom) and Mazalendo (Patriotism), were the only daily papers printed and circulated

in Tanzania. These four papers were nationalized by the postcolonial government to

promote the socialist development outlined in the Arusha Declaration and remained

firmly under government control from 1972 until 1993. However, I want to begin my

history of Tanzania' s media with the German and British colonial periods, following

Sturmer' s argument that "the colonial policies of both European powers had a severe

impact on Africa' s media landscapes so that many particularities of the continent's actual

communications are considered a colonial heritage" (1998: 9). Therefore, to contextualize

my analysis of postcolonial state newspapers, I describe the changing landscape of print

media through colonialism, nationalism, socialism, and neoliberalism. It is important to

note that throughout the colonial and postcolonial periods, the publication, circulation,

and reception of newspapers took place mainly in urban areas, and Dar es Salaam in

particular. Access to print media in rural areas was hindered by lack of transport for

distribution and the centralization of an educated African elite in the cities.

Missionaries and German colonial officials published the first newspapers in

German East Africa in the late nineteenth century. For the German colonial government,

newspapers served to enable the communication necessary to begin implementing the

colonial economic infrastructure. The British colonial government, on the other hand,

used newspapers as a means of communication as well as propaganda tool for the

colonial regime, making British colonial mass media a mouthpiece of the colonial

government. By the British colonial period, the existence of a new group of elite,

educated African males made newspapers a useful forum for the colonial state to promote

and defend its policies. The Tangany~~TTT~~~~TTT~~~ikan Standard~~ddddddddd~~~~ the precursor to the Daily News,









began circulating in 1930 and gained a wide African audience, increasing from 720-8,000

copies in circulation between 1933 and 1944 (Sturmer 1998). The TaTnganyik ankkkkkk~~~~~~~ Standard~~~dddddddddddd

was initially owned by the Kenyan East African Standard Ltd. and was the most

influential publication during the British administration, indicated by its popularity and

longevity (the paper ran from 1930 until 1967, when Nyerere changed it to the Standard~~dd ).ddddd~~~~~~

While missionaries and German and British colonialists had trained Africans living

in Dar es Salaam to type and operate printing presses, the first independent African

newspaper did not actually emerge until 1937. Erika Fiah, a political activist and

organizer who founded the Tanganyikan Welfare and Commercial Association,

established the territory's first African owned paper, Kwetu (Our Place). Through Kwetu,

Fiah and other contributors criticized the actions and polices of British colonial officials.

The paper raised questions concerning racial discrimination, economic exploitation, and

European political control. According to Scotton, Fiah's message could be described as

"urban radicalism" (1978: 3). Indeed, Fiah directly challenged the British policies of

indirect rule and the return to a "traditional" African past, instead advocating indigenous

political control accompanied by educational and economic advancement.

During WWII Fiah continued to criticize colonial polices through Kwetu, but in the

post-war era a lack of resources made further publication of the newspaper impossible.

Between 1948 and 1952, there were no independent African produced publications

circulating in the territory (Scotton 1978). The British colonial government published a

series of Swahili newspapers with the hope of satisfying the demands of urban African

readers, but by 1952 an independent African press had reemerged. The nationalist

sentiments being articulated by African elites in the 1950s concerned colonial









administrators and resulted in policies designed to control the expanding African press. In

1952, the colonial government passed Newspaper Ordinance 35, making all African

periodicals contingent on state approval through a process of registration and an

expensive bond price. When TANU formed in 1954, the organization published a series

of Swahili newspapers critiquing the reluctance of the British government to give the

colony political and economic independence. In response to these publications, the

British colonial government amended the Newspaper Ordinance in 1955 to prohibit the

publication of any statements "likely to raise the discontent amongst any of the

inhabitants or to promote feelings of ill will among the different communities" (Quoted

in Sturmer 1998). This amendment corresponded with the colonial alternative to TANU' s

demands for self-rule, the multiracial policies promoted by Governor Edward Twining

(1949-195 8). Twining argued for racial parity in government between Europeans, Asians,

and Africans and organized a counter-party to TANU, called the United Tanganyika

Party (UTP). However, as I described earlier, African elites were articulating a nationalist

sentiment heralding liberation from the continued economic control of Europeans and

Asians in the commercial and retail sectors and their newspapers reflected these conflicts

between colonial and African imaginings of Tanganyika' s future.

Print media played an important role in the nationalist movement, as British

officials were well aware. When TANU introduced the party's official paper, Sauti ya

TANU(Voice of TANU), Nyerere also encouraged Africans to boycott all British

newspapers (Scotton 1978). The colonial authorities responded by arresting and

convicting Nyerere of libel after he printed a critique (in English) of two colonial officials

in Sauti ya TANU. Nyerere was offered the choice of paying a 3,000-shilling fine or









spending six months in j ail. He chose to pay the fine, but did not stop publishing Sauti ya

TANU and in 1959, TANU established its own publishing house. After independence,

Sauti ya TANU became Uhuru (Freedom) and TANU renamed its printing house

M~wananchi (Citizen) Printing and Publishing Company. The first decision of the new

publishing house was to make Uhuru a daily newspaper and to add an English periodical

called the Nationalist. This move by TANU had a twofold obj ective. First, the

continuation of a Swahili newspaper was designed to promote Swahili as the national

language and to begin the process of establishing a centralized Swahili press. Secondly,

the introduction of an English state daily was a strategic move to legitimize the new

nation in the eyes of the international community and to make outsiders aware of and

sympathetic to Nyerere's policies.

While Uhuru and the Nationalist acted as "the voice of TANU," there were two

other popular daily newspapers circulating in the early independence years. Both of these

papers, one Swahili (Ngurumo) and one English (The Standard~~dd ),ddddd~~~~~~ competed with the Party

papers for an African readership (Condon 1967). By 1967, Nyerere was touting the

benefits of bringing mass media directly under state control to promote the unity and

development of the nation. Even before the Arusha Declaration, Nyerere had commented

upon the necessity of state-controlled media, pointing to the damaging effect foreign

media could have upon the development of a "national culture." He remained dissatisfied

with the presence of foreign owned papers in the 1960s, but due to a lack of trained

African j journalists and proper equipment, he was unable to nationalize mass media

institutions. However, in 1968, the postcolonial government announced that the colonial

Newspaper Ordinance Bill was being retained and amended to give the President the










power to prohibit any newspaper that went against "public interest" (Sturmer 1998). In

1970, Nyerere successfully nationalized the Standard~~ddddddddd~~~~ which was owned at the time by

the multi-national London-Rhodesian company (LONRHO). Nyerere appointed Frene

Ginwala, a Marxist South African woman who had been working in London, to be the

first African editor of the Standard~~ddd.dddddd~~~~ In a President' s Charter published on the front page

on Feb. 5, 1970, Nyerere described the Standarddddd~~~~~~dddddd as a socialist paper designed to serve the

interests of the people and to spread an understanding of national development. Nyerere

further solidified state control over newspaper media in the early 1970s. Ginwala was

replaced by Sammy Mdee in 1971 and by that time the Standarddddd~~~~~~dddddd (the government paper)

and the Nationalist (the Party paper) were in direct competition, leading TANU to merge

these two papers to create the Daily News. The Sundcay News, which had accompanied the

Standarddddd~~~~~~ddddd since 1954, was retained and these two English papers were mobilized to

promote the agenda of the TANU Party. Ghuru also continued to be published and

circulated as well as Mazalendo, which became the Sunday edition. However, unlike the

English papers, which included international news, the Swahili newspapers dealt mostly

with local and national issues, leading Condon to comment that "the Swahili reader

received a very limited view of the world outside Tanzania" (1967: 343).

Despite the government's efforts to promote the state newspapers, the privately

owned newspaper Ngurumo (Thunder or Roar), was still the most popular paper in Dar es

Salaam in 1970s. The government again mobilized colonial tactics, introducing a

Newspaper Act in 1973 that gave the President and the Information Minister the power to

control, prohibit, or ban the publication or importation of papers (Sturmer 1998). The last

issue of Ngurumo was published in 1976, clearing the way for almost twenty years of









state-controlled print news media. In 1975, the state run Tanzanian School of Journalism

(TSJ) opened. All students in the school had to be recommended by TANU and later

CCM party leaders, and until 1990 almost ninety percent of all journalists working for the

state papers were CCM Party members (Sturmer 1998). Even though all maj or

newspapers were under state control by 1977, the government again amended the

Newspaper Act that year to allow the arrest of any person criticizing the state through

print media. In 1977, several people who had been publishing small, sporadic papers

were arrested and fined by the state. Therefore, aside from state-owned newspapers and

occasional missionary publications, almost no other news print media was available in

Dar es Salaam and the rest of Tanzania from the late 1970s until the 1990s.

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the Daily News and the Sundcay News followed

the creed of journalism articulated by Nyerere in his 1970 President' s Charter. According

to Nyerere, national news media should serve the interests of the people of Tanzania,

support the socialist ideology of the Arusha Declaration, initiate discussions relevant to

the development of a socialist democracy, criticize the government and its policies,

supply readers with domestic and world news, and spread an understanding of socialism.

I explore the content and structure of these two papers froml1975-1995 in more detail in

the next section. Here I want to move to the late 1980s to discuss the effects of the

structural adjustment policies enacted by President Mwinyi on news media. After the

liberalization of the economy, the government was urged by money lending institutions

and human rights organizations to allow the publication of private papers. The first

private paper to appear in 1988 was called Business Times and focused on economic and










political issues, but it was not until 1992 that the government officially legalized private

newspapers.

Within less than a decade, the Tanzanian media landscape changed drastically. The

dailies that emerged after the legalization of private media often published

sensationalized news stories and explicit critiques of CCM, the ruling party. In a last

attempt to regain control over the news media, Mwinyi urged the government to pass the

Media Professions Regulations Bill, which required that all journalists be registered with

the state and which had the power to de-register any offending j journalists. Mwinyi

banned several papers after this pronouncement, but the Bill was not successful. In 1991,

the United Nations announced the Windhoek Declaration, which labeled censorship as a

violation of human rights and heralded a pluralistic press as a crucial tool in the process

of development and democratization. By the 1990s, several groups of independent media

professionals had emerged, including the Tanzanian Media Women' s Association

(TAMWA) and the Independent Media Council of Tanzania (IMCT) and these media

professionals mobilized international human rights discourses to argue for the repeal of

the Newspaper Ordinance and increased freedom of the press. However, as the first

multiparty elections approached in 1995, the government continued to strongly warn

private j journalists and editors to maintain an ethical standpoint and to not encourage

division along religious and ethnic lines. Despite the efforts of the state to control the

private media, by 1996 the Daily News and the Sundcay News were competing with at

least nine other daily newspapers. Circulation of the state newspapers fell from 50,000

copies per day in 1986 to only 15,000 by 1996 (Sturmer 1998). The loss of both readers










and j ournalists to the private newspapers affected the layout, structure, and tone of the

state newspapers as they struggled to maintain legitimacy in a changing media landscape.

As this media history indicates, late colonial and postcolonial policies towards print

media were strikingly similar. It is noteworthy that although Nyerere was only arrested

once during the nationalist movement for his criticisms printed in the TANU newspaper,

he continued and even strengthened the censorship policies initiated by the British

colonial government by nationalizing all mass media institutions in the post-

independence period. Nyerere's decision to ban other daily papers stemmed from his

belief that freedom of opinion was less important than political and economic goals such

as the abolishment of poverty, disease, and ignorance (Sturmer 1998), and the state

newspapers were explicitly designed to act as tools of national development. Because

almost all editors and j journalists were trained in the Tanzanian School of Journalism

(TSJ) and therefore indoctrinated in CCM party doctrine, the paper strongly reflected the

desires and proj ects of the state. As a result of Nyerere' s post-Arusha media policies, the

Daily News and the Sundcay News during the years 1972-1993 not only acted as "the

voice of the state," but were also the only daily source of local, national, and international

news for most people in Dar es Salaam and other urban areas. Obviously the heavy

censorship policies of the postcolonial state make it necessary to point out that the

discourses in the state newspapers certainly do not cover the broad range of positions

taken by Tanzanians.7 However, as Ivaska has pointed out, even though state rhetoric

may have failed to completely interpolate citizens politically or economically into


SIt is also important to note that the Daily News and the Sunday News were both written in English in a
nations where English is not the first language of most people. I suspect that an analysis of the Swahili
state papers during this same period might offer very different perspectives of the topics I take up in this
study.










Nyerere's imagining of a socialist country, this does not necessarily mean that state

rhetoric did not strongly affect the everyday lives of people who came of age during the

period of Ujamaa. Rather, he contends that state rhetoric provided a powerful vocabulary

through which other generational, gendered, racial, and classed struggles in Dar es

Salaam were mediated (2003).

What, then, can these state newspapers tell us about shifting perceptions of

gendered consumption during the periods of socialism and neoliberalism? How, when,

and where was women's consumption addressed in these state dailies? Who was speaking

in these conversations and what was being said? To begin to answer these questions, I

want to describe how the shifting content and structure of these two newspapers shaped

discussions and representations of gendered consumption between the years 1975-1990.

My reading of the state newspapers takes a somewhat unique methodological approach in

that I follow discussions of women' s consumption across different sections and genres

within the paper. The Daily News and the Sundcay News, like most newspapers, consisted

of not only articles, but also features, letters to the editor, poems, stories, humor columns,

cartoons, and opinion pieces. Tracing discourses of urban women and their practices of

consumption, I move back and forth between pieces considered "fact" and "fiction,"

"official" and "unofficial," arguing that within the context of state control, all of the

pieces printed in these papers were designed to promote state policies of modern

development as well as to fashion proper gendered identities. Therefore, I attempt to

highlight the contradictions and tensions between the official rhetoric of the front page

and the variety of viewpoints expressed in public forums, stories, poems, humor columns,

cartoons, and opinion pieces. Comparing the representations of women within these









different genres, I argue, reveals how definitions of "proper" urban womanhood were

constituted through practices of gendered consumption.

The layout and structure of the papers themselves contributed to what kinds of

representations of women were possible. From 1975 until the late 1980s, the Daily News

and the Sundcay News were composed of about 8-12 pages following a basic structure.

Page I was generally dedicated to government related news, page 2 to international

affairs, page 3 to local incidents, and last to page sports. The rest of the issues were

usually interchangeable and include some assortment of classified, advertisement pages,

opinions, commentaries, technical reports, and features. The Sundcay News also included a

"Society/Entertainment" section, which included short stories, articles about health care

and the law, wedding announcements, and humor columns. Supplemental sections were

also added to commemorate national events or holidays, such as May Day, Worker's

Day, and the anniversary of CCM. During this period, there were two public forums

available for public contributions. These included the "Letters to the Editor" page and a

column called "Action Line," which allowed people to write in with specific grievances

that were addressed the following week along with an official response.

By the late 1980s, however, I began to notice several changes taking place in the

structure and content of both papers. While the public forums had taken up a large place

in the newspaper throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the "Letters to the Editor" and "Action

Line" sections began to slowly decrease in size until eventually the opinion section of the

Daily News was almost completely removed from the paper. Opinion sections became

increasingly sporadic throughout the 1990s, eventually being limited to the Sundcay News

alone. While staff writers still wrote opinion columns on various topics, the "Letters to









the Editor" page was no longer the kind of public forum it had been in earlier years (most

likely because people found the newly emerging private papers a more conducive place

to voice complaints and concerns). New sections were also added to the state-owned

papers during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Weekly pages dedicated to "Science and

Technology," "Business and Finance," and "Economic Development" emerged after

1992 in an attempt to keep up with Tanzania's changing political and economic

environment and to compete with private newspapers. The "Letters to the Editor" that

were published increasingly focused on political and economic issues; some days in the

early 1990s all of the letters in the opinion section were about the benefits and limitations

of multipartyi sm.

As I read through the years 1975-1990 looking for pieces pertaining to women, I

began to learn when and where to find representations of women in the pages of the Daily

News and the Sundcay News. During the period when socialism was promoted as the

national ideology, conversations about women in these newspapers were almost always

framed by the government women's organization, the Union of Tanzanian Women

(UWT), and generally took the form of what I call "Women Told" articles. These articles

invoked a tone of exhortation with headlines that gave direct orders such as "Women

Told to Defend Socialism," "Women Told to Work Harder," "Women Told to Form Co-

ops," "Be Productive, Women Told," or "Wives Told: Respect Your Husbands."

"Women Told" articles were complemented by features presenting what I call

"Exemplary Women," which told the story of individual women who exemplified the

ideal of socialist womanhood. With titles like "Why I Find Happiness in UWT Life,"

"Love of Figures Made Margaret an Engineer," and "Meet the First Women Auditor,"










these features highlight women whose work and sexuality remain firmly within the

boundaries of domestic and national obligations. What is striking about these pieces is the

consistency with which women's political, educational, and economic achievements are

compared with their marital status and domestic duties. Almost all of these featured

women were married and these articles often dealt with how well they balanced their

work with their domestic obligations. However, both "Women Told" articles and features

of "Exemplary Women" rarely addressed issues of consumption, but rather attempted to

define women's role in the nation in terms of domestic and national production. In fact,

the state papers rarely published "official articles" dealing with women's consumption.

However, within the Letters to the Editor, poems, stories, cartoons, and humor columns,

journalists and letter writers alike consistently, and often heatedly, discussed issues of

women's consumption, specifically women's consumption of certain fashions defined as

"Western," "foreign," decadent," and "modern." It is these discussions that I take up and

explore in the remainder of this study. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, concerns over

young urban women's autonomy, work, mobility, and sexuality were expressed through

discussions about mini-skirts, cosmetics, perfumes, hair kits, and skin bleaching creams.

The immoral "consuming woman" who emerges in these pieces shares many of the same

characteristics of the Exemplary Women heralded by the newspapers: she is an educated

worker living in an urban area. However, unlike the "ideal" socialist woman, her

productive efforts are perceived as negated by her overwhelming desire for conspicuous

consumption.

However, the changes in the content and structure of the Daily News and the

Sunday News in the late 1980s and 1990s also meant changes in representations of









women. Issues of women' s consumption of fashion were not abandoned completely, but

during the change to neoliberal policies state discourses concerning women began to be

framed mostly in terms of women' s relationship to political and economic development.

The loss of audience to private newspapers resulted in increasing debts that forced state

newspapers to allow private interest groups to buy space in the newspaper. For example,

TAMWA, the women's media organization, began to buy space in the state newspapers

to campaign against violence against women. In 1992, members of TAMWA, in

conjunction with intellectuals at the University of Dar es Salaam, held a workshop on

women in media. The consensus of the meeting was that women were portrayed in most

media as greedy, deceitful, manipulative, and overly sexualized and the participants

demanded an improved image of women in media. As a result of these changes, the

immoral city woman who dominated discussions of consumption in the 1970s and 1980s

became less explicit in state discourses in the 1990s.

By following discourses about the urban "consuming woman" through the periods

of socialism and neoliberalism, I hope to situate anxieties over women's conspicuous

consumption within the changing political, economic, and social context of postcolonial

Tanzania. First, however, I examine the emergence of the figure of the urban woman

within the specific historical context of late colonial and early postcolonial Tanzania.

Fashioning Urban Womanhood: The Emergence of the "Consuming Woman"

Discussions of the African "urban woman" proliferated during the late colonial

period, although women had long lived in Dar es Salaam and other cities. However,

during the German and early British colonial periods, urban spaces remained dominated

by African males engaged in temporary wage labor. Colonial officials and elder Africans

alike expected African women to remain in rural areas to grow food and take care of









children and elderly family members. Those women who did live in cities were generally

ignored by colonial authorities or else tacitly accepted for their ability to provide "the

comforts of home" (White 1990) to wage laborers through various forms of prostitution

and co-habitation. Prior to the 1940s, then, the city was imagined by Africans and

colonialists as a place where African men only belonged according the varying labor

requirements of the colonial state and African women remained "shadow Eigures-

anomalous creatures inhabiting invisible spaces in a male domain" (Geiger 1997: 22).

The shift in urban colonial policies after WWII redefined the place of African

women in towns and cities. Determined to create a stable middle class of African elites,

British colonialists began to encourage the permanent establishment of nuclear families

in Dar es Salaam. Missionaries and colonialists alike assumed that women, through their

roles as wives and mothers, were best suited to teach their families about the values of

personal and social hygiene, hoping that women' s influence in the domestic sphere would

contribute to colonial efforts to "stabilize" urban areas in the midst of rapidly increasing

rural-urban migration. Through mission and colonial schools as well as urban women's

clubs, African women learned new patterns of consumption as well as new notions of

cleanliness and domesticity. Women were taught by missionaries and the wives of

colonial officials to practice discerning consumption, limiting their purchases to

commodities which would contribute to the health and hygiene of their families (Burke

1996).

It is interesting to note that during the same period when British colonialists and

Africans were attempting to negotiate the meanings of legitimate urban womanhood, the

Eigure of the urban prostitute rose from the shadows and became an issue which,










according to Iliffe, "obsessed African men after 1945" (1979: 301). I argue that this

sudden proliferation of discussions surrounding women's sexuality in urban areas during

the 1940s was not so much a castigation of actual sex work, but rather an indication of

the anxieties felt by colonial officials and African men regarding the place of women in

urban spaces. Practices of consumption became crucial to definitions of legitimate urban

female personas. According to colonial discourses, "proper" women constrained their

sexuality and material consumption within the domestic realm, purchasing necessary

items for their families and limiting their sexual relations to the bonds of marriage. But

colonial officials could not completely control the increasing number of female migrants

in Dar es Salaam. Young rural women, denied access to a Western education and

excluded from new cash crop initiatives introduced by the colonial state, began migrating

to urban areas to escape the control of male relatives as well as to experience the

pleasures of city life. These women rarely engaged in wage labor, but found better

economic incentives in the informal economy: brewing beer, selling food, and practicing

various forms of sex work. This situation resulted in male anxieties over the actions and

attitudes of "town women," who were seen as "poor marriages partners" compared to

rural women. In his 1963 Survey of Dar es Salaam, Leslie found that African men

thought urban women were "taken with town life, less easy to please, more liable to

demand that water be carried by a servant," and "wanting to be well-dressed and fed and

to go to dances and cinemas." Moreover, within this context, almost any unmarried urban

African woman was regarded suspiciously and risked being identified as a prostitute

(Geiger 1997).










This figure of the promiscuous and demanding urban woman is not limited to Dar

es Salaam, Tanzania. Rita Felski has shown how the figure of the "consuming woman"

was mobilized to critique the growth of consumption and female autonomy in the public

sphere in nineteenth century Britain. She argues that while consumption was perceived as

a necessary "familial and civic duty of the middle-class woman," the growth of

consumerism was perceived by many as morally degenerative, raising concerns about the

ability of consumer practices to disrupt social hierarchies. As in Tanzania, young, single

women migrating to cities were especially suspect. Felski describes the way that young

unmarried urban women in Britain were perceived:

Young women who moved to the city in search of work were considered to be
highly susceptible to promiscuity and ultimately prostitution, because their
appetites for luxury, once awakened by their proximity to an alluring profusion of
material goods, could only be satisfied by selling their bodies for financial gain
(Felski 1995: 72)

The links between female desire for material accumulation and female sexuality are

intricately intertwined in this description of single urban women. However, what is

surprising is the degree to which Felski's description of the nineteenth century

"consuming woman" resonates with anxieties about women's autonomy, mobility, work,

consumption, and sexuality in diverse postcolonial locations. Whether it is the "good time

girl" in Ghana (Newell 2000), the "society girl" in Nigeria,s the "shebeen queen" of

Zimbabwe (Burkel996), or the "big sister of the city" in Tanzania (Stambach 2000), the

urban woman has been associated with promiscuity, greediness, and an overwhelming

desire for conspicuous consumption.



SI came across this term while examining archival newspapers from Nigeria in the 1960s and 1970s. This
term was used pejoratively to describe single urban working women who enjoyed the pleasures of city life,
especially bars and dance clubs.









The immoral "town women" of the British colonial period did not disappear in the

post-independence era. Despite the negative connotations of city life in state narratives of

socialism, migration to Dar es Salaam increased exponentially in the postcolonial period,

including a rapid influx of women migrating from rural areas for the first time. These

women were the first generation of educated and single women living in Dar es Salaam

and they gained new degrees of social autonomy unavailable in their rural homes. Urban

women no longer needed to marry to maintain economic security and this new dynamic

caused considerable tension between men and women as many men failed to make the

same kind of economic progress that seemed to come easily to young urban women

(Ivaska 2004). Moreover, during the early independence years, new commodities and

fashions became available as never before as former colonial powers attempted to

refashion the colonies into markets for European made commodities. In the 1960s, Dar es

Salaam became imbricated in flows of international cosmopolitan fashions and products,

offering Tanzanians a wide array of foreign commodities, including clothing, cosmetics,

films, books, and music. At the same time as these products were becoming readily

available and increasingly popular among young Tanzanians, the new government under

TANU leadership was attempting to define a Tanzanian "national culture" by collecting

those aspects of a rural African past which could provide an national identity able to unite

over 120 different ethnic groups. In this context, the consumption of foreign commodities

by young men and women caused great concern for Nyerere and other leaders. After the

Arusha Declaration, the condemnation of urban youth who were embracing international

fashions increased and urban woman in particular became a target for these anxieties.

According to Ivaska, "women were considered the worst of the city's unproductive









masses, and the city itself was gendered feminine, a site of excess, consumption, illicit

leisure, and thus a target of the new politics of frugality and hard work" (2003: 147).

Audrey Wipper offers a sketch of the how the urban Tanzanian woman was

portrayed in East African media in the 1960s which exposes many of the anxieties

surrounding women's mobility, work, sexuality, and consumption. I quote in full here as

her description resonates with the way urban women were represented in the state

newspapers through the 1970s andl980s She writes,

The urban woman, like fashion, is regarded as superficial, pretentious, sensuous,
and fickle. Having no crops to tend, she has a much easier life and much free time
which she idles away visiting friends and looking for the latest fashion. She tends
to be lazy, likes a good time, and neglects her duties to her children, parents, and
relatives. She no longer shows the respect due to her relatives and older people. She
is arrogant, demanding, and grasping. Her excessive taste for material luxuries
combined with her dislike of hard work draws her towards men who give her gifts.
A 'gold-digger' and a 'fortune seeker,' she stays with men only as long as they
provide for her material wants. If single, she is undoubtedly a prostitute. (Wipper
1972: 339)

This category of the "urban woman" should be read as a heuristic device rather than an

actual personality or individual. The description of the consuming urban women laid out

by Wipper does not encapsulate any one woman, but rather represents a certain kind of

feminine identity associated with urban life, modern fashions, and Western institutions.

Central to this category of urban womanhood was the figure of the prostitute, the

ambiguous and manipulative character who at any one time could refer to actual sex

workers as well as any single woman living in the city, including the secretary, the

bargirl, the schoolgirl, and the girlfriend of the sugar daddy. These multiple figurations of

the urban woman all share certain characteristics. They are associated with Western

education, wage labor, and a particular urban style of consumption. Moreover, as Wipper

points out, the urban woman held a special relationship with fashion. Not only did her










own personality seem to be as fickle and unstable as fashion, but also her sexuality and

desire for material accumulation were displayed by the foreign and "decadent" style she

embodied.

The anxieties surrounding urban women's work, sexuality, and consumption were

exacerbated by the types of commodities which were becoming popular in Dar es Salaam

in the 1960s, including miniskirts, skin lighteners, cosmetics, and chemical hair kits. As

in other postcolonial locations, commodities associated with fashion, style, and beauty

were the subj ect of heated and occasionally violent struggles in Dar es Salaam. I noted in

the previous section that the postcolonial state enacted several campaigns against the

purchase and use of certain commodities after the Arusha Declaration. One of the first

and most violent of these initiatives was Operation Vij ana, a state-organized ban initiated

in 1968 on all commodities deemed "Western" or "decadent," which resulted in several

months of public attacks on women by male members of the TANU Youth League

(TYL).9 This campaign, I argue, highlights the gendered, racial, generational, and class

struggles taking place in Dar es Salaam in the post-Arusha years. Operation Vij ana, as

Ivaska points out, was largely a campaign initiated by young men against young urban

women who were gaining a new degree of economic autonomy. Women who wore the

banned fashions were accused by young men of "gaining a market," that is, using these



9 Operation Vijana (vijana translates as "youth") was announced October 3, 1968 and consisted of a
national ban on miniskirts, wigs, women's bleaches, and tight males trousers. The initiative was aimed at
defending "national culture" and advancing the socialist aims of the Arusha Declaration. The campaign was
planned and designed by Party Youth (TYL) league members and enforced by Chairman L.N. Sijaona (the
first Minister of Culture and Youth) and Chief Commander Rajabu Diwani. 500 TYL cadres took to the
streets in October 1968 and put up posters describing "decent" dress. Over the next three months women
and girls wearing banned fashions were harassed at bus stations, carried off buses, and chased and stripped
naked by men in the street. Strangely, the campaign was not supposed to officially begin until January 1,
1969, but after the attacks in late 1968, the initiative was quietly abandoned and by February 1969, the
attacks had stopped.










commodities to enhance their beauty with the hopes of competing for sugar daddies, the

older men who had the resources to give them gifts and cash. Many young urban men,

who found themselves without money or the chance of material accumulation due to the

lack of wage labor in the city, deeply resented the older generation of men who seemed to

have easy access to multiple sexual partners (Ivaska 2004).

The banned fashions of Operation Vij ana continued to be purchased and used by

young women in Dar es Salaam despite the efforts of the state to define the boundaries of

legitimate consumption. However, products such as short dresses, cosmetics, skin-

bleaching chemicals, and hair kits evoked strong reactions in post-independence

Tanzania, not only for the reasons listed above, but also because many thought that they

were symbolic of the colonial oppression which Tanzanian had just overthrown. By

dressing like "Western" women, many young urban females felt that they were "going

with the times" and defended their right to use such commodities. Others, however,

perceived these commodities quite differently, arguing that African women were literally

trying to become "white" through the use of such fashions (Ivaska 2003). In post-Arusha

Tanzania, therefore, practices of consumption were central to defining "proper" citizens

and "proper" womanhood. However, the desire of Nyerere and other state leaders to curb

urban consumption through campaigns like Operation Vij ana resulted in failure time and

agamn.

Conclusion

I have presented these overlapping histories of consumption, print media, and urban

womanhood in an attempt to challenge and problematize standard historical

metanarratives of Tanzania' s political, economic, and social history, rej ecting the

tendency to present unproblematized transitions between colonial and postcolonial and









socialism and postsocialism. In the remainder of my analysis, I turn to my evidence from

the Daily News and the Sumdcay News to examine issues of gendered consumption in Dar

es Salaam between the years 1975-1990. Using the figure of the urban "consuming

woman," I trace discourses of women' s sexuality, work, mobility, and consumption at the

intersection of postcolonial political power and everyday struggles in urban Tanzania.

How did the state use media to inculcate ideas of legitimate gendered consumption

during the periods of socialism and neoliberalism? How were state sanctioned

perceptions of consumption challenged by young urban women? Why did issues of

women's fashion become such a long-running and vigorously discussed topic in these

state dailies? What was at stake for the postcolonial government and citizens who

castigated women's use of miniskirts, cosmetics, perfumes, hairkits, and skin bleaching

creams? How were differences of gender, generation, class, and race articulated in these

discourses? And most importantly, how did definitions of proper and improper female

urban citizenship emerge through these discussions of women' s consumption of fashion?















CHAPTER 3
DOMINANT REPRESENTATIONS OF URBAN WOMANHOOD IN THE DAILY
NEWS AND THE SUNDAY NEWS, 1975-1981

Although state campaigns in thel1960s failed to completely control urban

consumption of foreign imports, this did not deter the Tanzanian government from

attempting to define and control the boundaries of legitimate consumption in Dar es

Salaam. After the failure of Operation Vij ana in 1969, the state made several more

concerted efforts to stop urban women from desiring and obtaining imported fashions.

From 1970-71, the police force initiated a campaign that harassed and arrested women

wearing "indecent" clothing in Dar es Salaam. Other official attempts to control urban

consumption included an order in 1975 that women wearing short skirts would not be

allowed on city buses, a ban on the sale of imported second hand clothing throughout the

1970s, and an increased sales tax on "luxury" items in 1981.2 The state-owned media

reinforced these legislative initiatives and became a key tool for inculcating a sense of

what kind of consumption was appropriate for Tanzanian urban women (or more

specifically, what kind of consumption was definitely not appropriate). In this chapter, I

examine the years 1975-1981 of the Daily News and the Sundcay News, tracing

SThis initiative took the form of periodic police raids, in which women found in downtown areas of Dar
after dark were arrested or sent to rural villages.

SThe ban on miniskirts in buses was announced on the front page of the Daily News Friday, Jan. 14, 1975.
The article reports that the People's Militia rounded up 39 women wearing short dresses. These women
were forced to do manual labor and then released after promising not to wear short dresses in the future.
The ban on imported second-hand clothing began in 1974, but the state continued to threaten and arrest
street vendors found selling these items throughout the 1970s. The increased tax of luxury items went into
effect Feb. 1, 1981 and included all imported beers, spirits, tobaccos, soaps, khanga, and kitenge (the last
two are cloth worn by women).










conversations about urban women through official and unonfcial pieces in these state

newspapers. I will argue that discussions in the newspapers about gendered practices of

production and consumption offer a unique window into the anxieties experienced by

many Tanzanians as young, single urban woman began to challenge gendered and

generational hierarchies in Dar es Salaam.

In the beginning of 1975, two issues dominated discussions of women in the Daily

News and the Sundcay News, and both of these discussions addressed urban women in

particular. First, the United Nations Declaration that 1975 would be recognized as

International Women's Year and the first year in the UN Decade for Women sparked

debates in the state-owned newspapers that lasted for several years. The Declaration

came as a result of the World Conference of International Women' s Year in Mexico City,

when issues of women and development in Sub-Saharan Africa were brought to the

attention of the international community for the first time by participants from

"underdeveloped" nations. The new awareness of the condition of women in postcolonial

locations resulted in an increased effort among feminist scholars, women's rights

advocates, and NGOs to include women in the development process. This international

declaration also provoked lively conversations about the meaning of women' s liberation

in Tanzania, as state leaders and citizens struggled to define women's status in the home

and in the nation. State leaders, I argue, attempted to harness the women's liberation

movement to the liberation of the nation as a whole and to define the meanings of

women's liberation in a way that ensured that urban women did not abandon their

"traditional" domestic responsibilities.3


SI have claimed that these discourses of women' s liberation were primarily concerned with urban women
for several reasons. First, my reading of the paper indicated that most conversations about women' s










The second issue that received a great deal of attention in the state newspapers in

1975 was a perceived increase in the number of prostitutes in urban areas, and Dar es

Salaam in particular. While I have shown that the city prostitute had long been a target of

anxieties in Dar es Salaam, this particular discussion of urban prostitution inl975 was

initiated by a series of features written by Roving Reporters Scholastica Kimaryo and

Nestas Kageuka, in which they interviewed various people in Dar es Salaam about their

opinions on prostitution and invited readers to give their thoughts in the Letters to the

Editor column of the paper (called People 's Forum). As a result, dozens of letters were

printed over the next several years addressing what people perceived to be the causes and

effects of prostitution in the city.

What surprised me as I read through these pieces was the frequency with which

journalists and contributors to the newspapers alike assumed a connection between the

women's liberation movement and increased urban prostitution. I was also initially

bewildered by the contradictions between state discourses of women' s liberation (which

heralded the importance of education and wage-labor for urban women) and the hostility

and anxieties directed at schoolgirls and working women (including explicit accusations

that these women were most likely prostitutes). However these tensions become less

contradictory when examined as discussions about urban women' s modes of production

and consumption. While front page articles and "official" pieces framed urban women's

liberation in terms of productivity in the home and nation, in letters to the editor, stories,

and humor columns a wider spectr-um of interpretations could be found, including



liberation addressed women in Dar es Salaam. Secondly, as Geiger (1982) has shown that a lack of
resources and poor transportation limited the national women's organization, Umoja wa Wanawake wa
Tanzania (UWT) to working in or around urban centers.










frequent accusations that women's new roles in production were the reason behind the

increase in urban prostitution. Practices of consumption became a key component in

distinguishing respectable women from those who used education and wage labor as a

means to benefit themselves rather than their families or the nation. In these public

forums, women's liberation through access to education and work was often seen as a

catalyst toward a certain style of consumption (namely of products labeled as "decadent"

and "foreign") which drove women to engage in sex work. Therefore, I argue in this

chapter that these discussions in the state newspapers about women' s liberation and

increased urban prostitution should not be read as two distinct issues, but rather as a

related set of discourses about women' s production and consumption through which

perceptions of urban womanhood were defined and contested on a daily basis.

In this chapter, then, I examine these discussions of women' s liberation and urban

prostitution in the state newspapers during the socialist period. I begin by describing the

changing conditions of Dar es Salaam during the 1970s, most notably the increased

migration of single and educated women to the city. I then turn to articles, features,

stories, and letters in the state newspapers to explore how notions of proper and improper

urban womanhood were negotiated through these discourses of women' s liberation and

prostitution.

Dar es Salaam in the 1970s

Although Nyerere's policies of Socialism and Self-Reliance called for a return to

rural agriculture as the key to Tanzania's development, migration to urban areas steadily

increased throughout the socialist period. By 1971, women migrants were the maj ority of

new arrivals in Dar es Salaam (Ivaska 2003). This group of women migrants differed

from the women who had migrated to the city during the 1950s and 1960s. Among this










generation of women, many had received some education and came to the city with the

expectation of attaining work in the formal sector. However, the growth of the urban

population in the early 1970s strained the urban infrastructure, which was ill equipped to

absorb the number of new migrants. Jobs, housing, and social services lagged behind

population growth, resulting in an urban environment where material resources were

constantly the catalyst of struggles between differently placed groups and individuals.

Many of the women who moved to Dar es Salaam in the 1970s were both educated

and unmarried. They represent what Marj orie Mbilinyi referred to as the 'new Tanzanian

women" (1972), the generation of educated female wage earners who took advantage of

opportunities for work in urban areas during the postcolonial period. The Maternity

Leave Bill passed by the government in 1975 facilitated women's entry into wage

employment, but despite the increased number of women working in the formal economy

in the 1970s, most of these j obs were relatively low paying and low-status. Those women

who were able to secure wage labor generally worked as factory workers, secretaries, or

bargirls.

Although more women were engaged in wage labor by the 1970s than ever before,

the maj ority of women living in urban areas still relied on the informal economy (Tripp

1989). In 1974, workers in the formal sector in Dar es Salaam experienced a decline in

real wages, a trend which continued throughout the decade and into the mid-eighties.

This decrease in wages was one manifestation of the economic crisis taking place in

Tanzania as a result of poor performances in agriculture and industry, the declining

international prices of coffee and other exports, the rising price of imports, recurring

droughts, and a costly war with Uganda (Tripp 1989).










The competition for wage labor, housing, social services, and commodities among

people in Dar es Salaam created a context in which social struggles over wealth and

resources took place on a daily basis. In the next two sections, I argue that discourses of

women's liberation and urban prostitution provide an entry point into these everyday

struggles and highlight the differences of gender, generation, race, and class which

emerged as the postcolonial state and urban men and women negotiated the urban

landscape. I begin by examining how these state newspapers constr-ucted an "ideal"

socialist urban woman defined by her productivity in the household and the nation. I then

turn to discussions of urban prostitution to explore perceptions of the "consuming

woman" who, for many, represented the darker side of the women' s liberation

movement.

"Women, Do Thy Share": Women's Liberation and the Construction of the
"Socialist Superwoman" Through National Production4

Total liberation of the African woman would depend on their understanding of
Africa' s problems as spelled out by revolutionary forces in the continent...In
Tanzania, women can only achieve their goal if they fully understand the policies
of the Party.

-Quote from Party Secretary Abulnur-u Selefman ("Work With Men, Women Told "
Daily News, Jan. 12, 1975)

Equality between men and women will be achieved only if women involve
themselves fully in productive work and genuinely cooperate to build socialism.

-Quote from National Vice-Chairman of UWT Salome Kisusi ("Work for Equality"
Women Advised, Daily News, July 12, 1975)

Women need to liberate themselves mentally and physically and to participate in
the country's development and the rest of society...Women should consider
themselves equal members of society in their places of work, while also fulfilling
their domestic obligations.

4 Women, Do Thy Share" was the title of a poem written by M.S. Mathi and published in the People 's
Forum section of the Daily News (Apr. 15, 1975).










-Quote from Delegate at the 1975 UWT General Council meeting ("Liberate
Yourselves, Women Told" Daily News, March 13, 1980)

Women have the power to encourage positive economic and social development in
the country, but if not properly oriented, they are also capable of doing the opposite
and bringing about economic and social destruction to the nation.

-Quote from Minister of Education Shariff Hamad ("Be Diligent, UWT Urged"
Daily News, Oct. 8, 1980)

In Tanzania, the concept of women' s liberation took on specific meanings in state

discourses and became an idiom through which state officials and citizens negotiated the

boundaries of respectable urban womanhood. The post-Arusha government officially

embraced the idea of women' s liberation, and Nyerere mobilized this international

discourse to support his own plans for socialist transformation. He conceived of women' s

liberation as a two-part struggle. First, he proposed, "doing away with loopholes and laws

that prevent equality between men and women" and secondly, he urged women to

"overcome mental attitudes imposed...by social orders" (Geiger 1982). These two

obj ectives outlined by Nyerere, changing laws that perpetuate inequality and inculcating

a new attitude among women, framed many of the conversations concerning women' s

liberation in the state papers. Over the next several years, the government made several

attempts to increase the number of women in education and formal employment. Policy

initiatives such as universal primary school education for all children and a mandatory

maternity leave for female workers were among the state's efforts to change women's

status through legal avenues.

Despite official definitions of women' s liberation that declared education and work

as the solution to women's subordinate social status, not all educated or working women

were perceived as "properly" liberated. The second aspect of Nyerere's articulation of

women's liberation, the perceived need for women to change their detrimental "mental










attitudes," naturalized the concept that it was women themselves who were hindering

their own liberation and opened up a space for the state to define how a "liberated

woman" should think and act. How did the postcolonial government use state media to

define the meaning of"women' s liberation"? What did a properly liberated woman look

like in the state dailies? In this section, I begin to answer these questions using examples

from the state newspapers of women who embodied state sanctioned discourses of

national development through hard work.

The "Women Told" and "Exemplary Women" pieces I described in the previous

chapter exemplify government attempts to fashion a particular kind of urban female

identity. These articles draw explicit connections between the women's liberation

movement and postcolonial political agendas. As a result, these "official" declarations of

women' s duties and responsibilities are almost always framed in terms of women' s

productive role in the family and the nation. Take for example, the following headlines

printed between 1975 and 1981: "Work for Equality, Women advised," "Work With

Men, Women Told," "Women Told to Work Harder," "Flex Your Muscles, Women

Told."s As the quote by Party Secretary Selefman at the beginning of this section

indicates, official discussions of women' s liberation constantly reminded women to

combine their individual efforts for liberation with the national proj ect of socialism. In

this context, women's liberation is equated with their right to receive an education and

participate in wage labor.

In these "Women' s Told" pieces, the government women' s association, Thnoja wa

Wanawa~ke wa TaTnzania (Union of Tanzanian Women, UWT), is charged time and again

5 These articles were printed in the Daily News on July 1, 1975, January 12, 1976, August 9, 1976, and
December 4, 1980, respectively.









with the responsibility of teaching urban women to combine their efforts for liberation

with the development of the nation while maintaining their roles as wives and mothers.

Women were frequently warned against allowing their liberation to alter gendered

hierarchies, especially within the household. Another revealing "Women Told" article

printed in 1975 advised women to balance their desire for liberation with respect for their

husbands. In this article, UWT member Asha Ngoma warned women of the "danger of

misusing the 1975 International Women's Year to breed misconduct and disrespect

towards their husbands." She urged women to "educate themselves fully on the policies

of the country" and to "identify themselves with the country's aspirations." Ngoma also

told women that it was inappropriate to "misbehave in front of your husbands just

because this year has been declared yours."6

Articles such as these highlight the ambivalence state officials experienced when

trying to define women's liberation; on the one hand, the Arusha declaration had

promised equality to all Tanzanian citizens, regardless of gender, race, religion, or class

and state leaders were eager to promote equality between men and women as a way to

legitimate the nation in the eyes of the international community. Moreover, Nyerere

recognized and frequently commented that women' s productive efforts were absolutely

critical to the construction of a stable socialist economy. On the other hand, the same

leaders were concerned to define women's liberation in a way that would not disrupt

existing hierarchies. Therefore, urban women were repeatedly reminded of the

boundaries of their liberation. To be a liberated urban woman, according to the official

discourses in the state newspaper, was not to change gendered asymmetries within the


6 -11\ ie Told: Respect Your Husbands" Daily News, May 13, 1970










household, but rather to enter into the wage economy and work for the benefit of the

nation.

These views were not entirely limited to "official" pieces in the paper. Many letter

writers and contributors also expressed concern that women' s liberation was causing

women to forget their "proper" place in the home. One letter, written by George Makusi,

accuses women of abandoning their "motherly obligations," arguing that "contact with

big bureaucrats makes women identify themselves with the superior positions of their

bosses at their working places, so that, back home, they begin to look down upon their

fellow workers- their husbands- as inferior."' Anxieties about women's changing social

status were particularly evident in the multiple meanings which were attributed to the

UWT slogan, Wanawake Juu." Wanawa~ke translates as "women," but the use of the

word juu caused problems for several journalists and readers. Juu is a locative term and

can be translated in several ways depending on the context. Literally, it means "up" or

"above," so it roughly translates to Western feminist discourses of "uplifting women" or

"raising women's status." However, many men and women interpreted this slogan to

mean that women were literally trying to position themselves above men.8 This is clearly

illustrated in a feature by Scholastica Kimaryo entitled, "Is it Womankind Against

Mankind?" In the article, her grandmother comes to stay with her and offers her opinions

of International Women' s Year. The grandmother describes going to a UWT meeting

during which UWT members told women:

This is our year. This is when we should tell men the hell with them. They have
oppressed us, made us beasts of burden and done all the mean things to us. This

7 Women's Motherly Obligations" Letter from George Makusi, Sunday News, Oct. 30, 1977

SDr. Rose Lugano helped me to explore the multiple interpretations of this slogan.










year they will know that women are really equal to men, even if it means them
having to carry us around physically shoulder high to prove the point.9

She goes on to describe how the women had forced men to pick them up and carry them

around the meeting hall while they yelled, Wanaume zii!" (Men, Boo!). A male letter

writer cited a similar experience of going to a UWT meeting only to be told that the point

of women' s liberation is to "humiliate men and prove to him that women are now

entering a new phase of being superiors." 10 UWT leaders responded to these accusations

by claiming that many women simply did not understand the true meaning of

International Women's Year. Anna Abdallah, a UWT District Secretary, was quoted as

saying, "This year is not dedicated to a war between men and women...Our intentions are

to seek ways through which women can more effectively be involved in our country's

struggle against all types of oppression and for building socialism and self-reliance."ll

"Women Told" articles primarily used exhortation to convince women to change

their behavior to be more in line with official definitions of women' s liberation. On the

other hand, "Exemplary Women" features offered examples of women who managed to

successfully embody state imaginings of proper urban womanhood. The women in these

features can be compared to the "socialist superwomen" discussed by Susan Gal and Gail

Kligman (2000). In their examination of state-controlled women's magazines in socialist

Europe, Gal and Kligman describe the paradoxical images of ideal socialist womanhood,

in which one woman was expected to effortlessly perform the roles of educated worker,


9 "IS it Womankind Against Mankind?" Scholastica Kimaryo, Sunday News, Aug. 17, 1975

'0 "Men Have Never Oppressed Women" Daily News, May 28, 1975

11 UWT Fights for Women's Affairs Commission" Daily News, July 23, 1975










attractive wife, dedicated mother, and political activist. "Exemplary Women" features in

the Daily News and the Sundcay News also promote a similar "socialist superwoman"

Eigure. Take for example, one such piece entitled "First Women Labor Officer."12 In this

feature, readers are introduced to Flora Manj onda, a former teacher who became the

nation' s first female labor officer. The author of this piece, James Mpinga, remarks that

Manj onda carries with her an air of determination, which is one of the qualities that

allows her to work full-time as a Registrar in the Labor Tribunal, maintain a healthy

relationship with her husband (also a trade unionist), run a smooth and efficient

household, and take care of their three children. Mpinga writes that Manj onda "has

succeeded in what most women find difficult to do- divide her time between work and

household chores- and still take care of her darling children." Manj onda, he points out,

does not allow her work to "interfere with the smooth running of her home, as she

believes the two always go together." According to this feature, she lives by the motto,

"An efficient housewife is essentially a good worker" and apparently is able to "execute

her duties both at home and work with the utmost belief that she can combine them to the

advantage of society."

Other "Exemplary Women" pieces echo this theme of balancing work and domestic

duties. Another piece, called "Why I Find Happiness in UWT Life" describes the life of

Beatrice Mhango, then Secretary General of UWT and a worker in the Ministry of

Community Development. 13 As in Manj onga' s article, Mhango' s performance in her

formal employment position is compared with her ability to run her household. She



12 "First Woman Labour Officer" James Mpinga, Daily News, Sept. 20, 1975

13 "(Why I Find Happiness in UWT Life" Mangengesa Mdimi, Sunday News, Apr. 11, 1976










claims that despite the long hours she works, her husband and two children are "very,

very happy." While Mhango expresses some remorse over the lack of time she has to

spend with her children, she contends, "This is not much of a problem to distract my

attention and concern to serve the nation." Another feature concentrates on the life of

Martha Mvungi, a teacher who at the time of the article was not only teaching, but also

taking classes, raising three children, and preparing an English novel. The author of this

piece, Mike Sikawa, describes Mvungi as a remarkable person marked by her "courage"

and lack of aversion to "hard work."14

The women who were featured in these pieces share several characteristics. They

are all educated working women living in urban areas, they are all married with children,

and they are all portrayed as dedicated to combining their roles in national production

with their domestic duties. However, while it is not made explicit in these articles, these

women are all also among the relatively small group of elite women who were able to

acquire well-paying j obs in the government and service sectors and therefore represent a

minority of the women working in Dar es Salaam in the 1970s. It was this group of elite

educated working women that primarily made up the national women's organization,

UWT, and who came the closest to embodying the ideal of socialist womanhood.

Therefore, I argue that it is important to examine how structures of class shaped

definitions of the women' s liberation movement in Tanzania. Despite the claims of the

postcolonial government that socialism could create a society free of class inequalities,

state discourses of women' s liberation articulated a model of ideal socialist womanhood


' Love of Children Made Her a Teacher" Mike Sikawa, Sunday News, July 10, 1977










based on the experiences of a small group of urban elites. In this context, the idea of

women' s liberation itself emerged as part of the class structure of the postcolonial state.

The role of UWT, as the branch of the postcolonial government dedicated to

"women' s affairs," was to educate other women about the proper meaning of liberation

through exhortation and example. But who exactly ended up being the targets of UWT' s

efforts? In most cases, not the rural women who lived far from the urban areas where

most elite women resided and worked. Rather, it was other urban women who were seen

as needing education on their liberation, especially the generation of young, single,

women who were migrating to Dar es Salaam in increasing numbers throughout the

1970s. Leading members of UWT, however, were concerned to distinguish themselves

from other urban women by emphasizing their hard work and dedication to Socialism and

Self-Reliance as well as by castigating women who failed to conform to this style of

womanhood. Even a glance at newspaper headlines indicates that UWT members hoped

to maintain a firm boundary between themselves and other "less productive" women,

specifically those outside the wage-earning sector. Take for example, these headlines

printed between 1975 and 1979: "UWT Won't Defend Lazy Women," UWT Chief

Castigates Loiterers," UWT Won't Protect Dishonest Women," and "UWT To Evict

Jobless Girls." These articles and others not only warn urban woman against their

"natural" tendencies towards laziness, deceit, negligence, decadence, irresponsibility,

gossip, backbiting, and competitiveness, but also promote a certain kind of socialist

womanhood defined by hard work for the benefit of the family and the nation.



15These articles were printed in the Daily News on August 25, 1975, March 3, 1976, March 20, 1976, and
February 16, 1979, respectively.









It is important to point out that these positive examples of "Exemplary Women"

appeared far less frequently in the state papers than discussions about women who did not

meet the standards of the "socialist superwoman." UWT officials saw these "other" urban

women as both a threat and a target for rehabilitation. The tensions between these

differently positioned women becomes more obvious when the "hard-working" socialist

women described in these features are compared with the discussions about "consuming

women" that dominated the public forums of these papers.

"Prostitute or Girlfriend?": Sexuality, Liberation, and the "Consuming Woman"

Prostitution is a deadly cancer which must be removed from our society at any cost
if we are to build a nation truly imbued with socialist morality. But before that can
be done, the disease itself must be properly diagnosed and the reasons for its
occurrence exposed.

-Scholastica Kimaryo ("Roving Reporter, Part 2" Daily News, March 21, 1975)

Currently many men are being exploited by the unequal women especially the
educated and working girls...a man will be expected to meet all the bills, she will
just sit there and bleed him to economic death. Young girls find sugar daddies; he
has more money to lavish on her. He has got a car. He has got everything to satisfy
her luxurious needs. Such girls undermine the aspirations of women to equality.

-Letter from "Concerned Youngman" ("Liberate Women's Exploitive Attitudes"
Daily News, Mar. 24, 1975)

The new styles of the Western world have been spreading like the winds of fire to
support prostitution. The clothes perpetuated by Western fashions all lay emphasis
on soliciting in public for sex.

-Letter from A.E. Khatri ("Bring Up Your Daughters Properly" Daily News, Apr. 3,
1975)

Many people tend to confuse girlfriends and prostitutes. A girl demanding money
from her boyfriend is not only corrupt but also a prostitute. Money turns friendship
into prostitution.

-Letter from Charles Kaganda ("Prostitute or Girlfriend? Daily News, May 7,
1976)










In the beginning of 1975, two female reporters for the state newspapers,

Scholastica Kimaryo and Nestas Kageuka, wrote a series of features on the "problem" of

urban prostitution. 16 In One of these pieces, Kageuka writes that prostitution "is a subj ect

nobody really wants to talk about. We all feel it is too embarrassing to be discussed.""

However despite her claim that prostitution was a taboo subj ect, my own reading of these

state newspapers indicates that prostitution was actually discussed with great frequency,

and invoked to comment upon other debates, including, but not limited to, the meaning of

women's liberation, young women's relationships with older "sugar daddies," and

women' s consumption of "Western fashions." In the years after these first features were

printed, dozens of letters were printed in the state newspapers as people offered their own

answers to the questions posed by Kimaryo and Kageuka: What is the root cause of

prostitution? Who is to blame? What can be done? I argue that this proliferation of

discussions of urban prostitution in 1975 was not arbitrary, but rather emerged at a time

when the state was concerned to control the definitions and effects of women' s liberation.

If the "socialist superwomen" described above represented a state-sanctioned example of

the "liberated woman," then the urban prostitute can be said to represent another, if less

desirable, result of the women' s liberation movement.

It is interesting to note that conversations about urban prostitution took place

primarily in the public forums of the newspapers rather than the front pages, and

therefore offer another perspective on urban womanhood in postcolonial Dar es Salaam

16 This series of features was composed of four articles. The first was written by Kimaryo and entitled
"Why Do Some Dar School Girls Roam the Streets?" (Daily News, Jan. 10, 1975). Kageuka wrote the
second and third pieces, called "The Night Trotters: Twilight Girls Tell Their Own Tragic Story" (Daily
News, March 17, 1975) and Prostitution: What Can Be Done? Who Is To Blame?" (Daily News, March 24,
1975). The fourth and final piece was written by Kimaryo and called "Are Men the Patrons of Prostitution?
Women Made 'Objects of Pleasure'" (Daily News, April 3, 1975).
"7 The Night Trotters: Twilight Girls Tell Their Own Tragic Tale" Daily News, March 17, 1975









that looks very different from the self-sacrificing "superwoman" who embodied state

discourses of Socialism and Self-Reliance. Letters to the editor, stories, poems, and

humor columns focused on issues of women' s sexuality and practices of consumption

that "official" articles rarely addressed. While "Exemplary Women" were described

almost exclusively in terms of their domestic and national productivity, the dangerous

urbanity of "consuming women" was critiqued with accusations that laziness and greed

produced an urban woman who was both adverse to hard work and obsessed with

material accumulation (both antithetical to state proj ects of production and consumption).

In these conversations, then, conspicuous consumption was equated with prostitution and

any woman who practiced a style of "capitalist" consumption risked being labeled as a

sex worker. Kageuka, for example, wrote in one of her pieces on urban prostitution that

every woman she interviewed "talked of money and the need to make more money to

enable them to make a good living and afford extra articles that they want." One of the

women interviewed, Esther, admitted that she had failed to "secure even the simplest j ob

in town" and refused to "return home to do farming." When asked by Kageuka why she

could not return to her rural home, she replied that there were "other, easier ways of

earning good money without much sweating ...because she was brought up to like

material things it was imperative to demand money from men for her services."

Kageuka' s description of Esther resonates strongly with socialist state discourses

that equated unemployment with laziness and exploitation. However, what is more

striking is how often the very women who were successfully taking advantage of state

initiatives in education and wage labor were also called prostitutes. One male letter

writer, Alex Njunji, offered these four categories of prostitutes: "street trotters, doorstep









waiters, schoolgirls, and working secretaries." x Why are schoolgirls and secretaries

included in this list of potential prostitutes? If education and formal employment were

central to a state-sanctioned model of "liberated" urban womanhood, then why where

these groups of women imagined to be engaging in sex work? One answer to these

questions can be found in the quotes offered at the beginning of this section. The three

male letter writers all pointed to certain practices of consumption that distinguished

"prostitutes" from respectable urban women. Anxieties about single women's sexuality

and their presumed desire for material accumulation are interwoven in these letters, and

indicate that an examination of state discourses of women' s liberation through their role

in production offers only a partial view of the postcolonial government' s attempts to

fashion proper female urban personas.

In many cases, then, definitions of proper womanhood were dependent on how and

what women consumed, and those women who used education and wage labor to gain

access to "luxurious" and "decadent" commodities rather than to help their families or the

nation became particularly suspect. In other words, although these "consuming women"

actively pursued the educational and employment opportunities that Nyerere stressed as

central to women's liberation, they fell short of meeting the standard of "liberated"

women because they had failed to overcome the "mental attitudes" he attributed to

previous "social orders" (i.e. the introduction of capitalist economic relations through

colonialism). In this context, it did not matter whether these women were actual sex

workers or simply urban women who received financial support from boyfriends and

"sugar daddies," they all became suspected of prostitution due to their "capitalist" style of


's "This Social Cancer Must Go" Letter from Alex Njunji, Daily News, Apr. 22, 1975










individual consumption. Therefore, I refer in this section to the "consuming woman" as a

Eigure that represents any single urban women perceived to be using their sexual

relationships as a means of gaining access to certain illegitimate fashions. Women's

sexuality and postcolonial economic structures are tied together in this figure of the

consuming woman and offer unique insights into government anxieties over the capitalist

relations still affecting the nation as well as everyday gendered struggles taking place in

Dar es Salaam.

With this in mind, it becomes useful to return to the series of features that initiated

these conversations about urban prostitution in 1975. The purpose of these pieces, as the

quote from Kimaryo at the beginning of the section indicates, was to "diagnose" the

causes of the "deadly cancer" that was prostitution in order to eradicate the practice from

society. Kimaryo's use of medical language to discuss prostitution was shared by many

others who wrote into the paper and reveals a great deal about how the Eigure of the

consuming woman embodied anxieties about the place of Tanzania is the larger economic

order. Letter writers responding to the features used a similar language of disease to

discuss prostitution. Take for example, this letter entitled "This Social Cancer Must Go."

The writer, Alex Njunji, calls prostitution "a deadly cancer which must be removed from

our society at any cost if we are to build a socialist and self-reliant society in Tanzania." 19

Other letter writers evoked a similar narrative of disease, calling prostitution a "social

malady" and a "menace to the healthy development of society." Not surprisingly, the cure

offered to this social "disease" was socialism. The general consensus among j journalists

and letter writers was that only a change in economic structures could end prostitution.


19 "This Social Cancer Must Go" Letter from Alex Njunji, Daily News, Apr. 22, 1975









One male letter writer, Freddie Macha, pointed out that prostitution could not be

examined as simply a "sexual problem," contending, "it is socio-economic relations that

determine how people live...Only socialism will end it!" 20 Another letter claimed,

"Prostitution is based on private property and bound to fall with it!" 21 These letters

assume that prostitution is linked to a certain economic str-ucture (i.e. capitalism) and

therefore a result of colonial occupation. This is clearly illustrated in this letter from

Rommel Mauma:

I strongly believe that one reason why this unbecoming behavior manifests itself is
because of the commercialization of sex. Sex among the culprits has formed an
economic exchange of relations. This is the result of a Westemn economic system
which has brought with it "money civilization"... Prostitutes bodies get embedded
in nothing but economic supply and demand! 22

The articulation of prostitution as a specifically capitalist phenomenon meant that

women' s practices of consumption were an important indication of how they were

perceived in relation to state definitions of socialist womanhood. In this context, women

who purchased and wore "Western" fashions became the target of hostility because their

actions signaled that they did not support the socialist claims of the state. Whether or not

these women were actually sex workers was not necessarily the point. Rather, it was their

style of consumption and their perceived desire for Westemn commodities that resulted in

accusations of prostitution, for despite the postcolonial government' s attempts to make a

clean break with pre-independence colonial structures, single urban women who desired

"Western" fashions and commodities were perceived to be perpetuating the colonial


20 "Only Social Justice Will End Prostitution" Letter from Freddie Macha, Daily News, May 8, 1975

21 "Women's Liberation" Letter from Simark Mwakalomba, Sunday News, Aug. 31,1980

22"Sex Trade" Letter from Rommel Mauma, Sunday News, Feb. 2, 1975









mentality that was blamed for many of the country problems in the postcolonial period.

The rather vague "mental attitudes" of women Nyerere cited as an obstacle to women' s

liberation become more specific when situated within discussions of women' s practices

of consumption. One such "mental attitude" frequently invoked to explain women's

susceptibility to "Western" fashions was an inherent inferiority complex (which is

interesting when compared to the fears I described above that women were suffering

from a superiority complex). Letter writers (almost all male) accused women of lacking

the self-confidence to resist the temptations of foreign styles of clothing and cosmetics,

which made them resort to prostitution as a means of satisfying their excessive desires.

As one man wrote in a letter to the editor:

These women hoping they will be more attractive when they wear heavy make-up,
wigs, and micro-minis need society desperately to cure them from their mental
conditions of acute inferiority complex and socio-economic insecurity.2

Temba goes on to argue that socialism "is the only way we can diminish prostitution and

other social evils." In his letter and others that discuss prostitution through a narrative of

disease, women's "mental conditions" and "socio-economic insecurity" can only be

"cured" by the eradication of inequality through the national project of socialism.

In light of these discussions that indicate socialism and prostitution were essentially

incompatible, one would expect that the postcolonial government would have taken legal

action to limit prostitution. However, throughout the entire socialist period and despite

the negative portrayal of urban prostitution in these state papers, no law was passed

making prostitution officially illegal. How can this be discrepancy be explained? Why

would the government take action against women who wore "indecent dress" (as in the

23 Men Miss the Point" Letter from Peter Temba, Daily News, May 5, 1975










case of Operation Vij ana) while neglecting to pass laws against prostitution (which was

described as a social cancer that was deadly to socialist society)? The answer to these

questions can perhaps be found when we take into account the men who were engaged in

sexual relationships with these consuming women. In the final part of the Roving

Reporter series, Kimaryo asks, "Are Men the Patrons of Prostitution?" She describes

discussing the series of articles about prostitution with a government official who asked

her rather skeptically if the Daily News really wanted to eradicate prostitution. According

to Kimaryo, this government official claimed that he thought prostitution was a

"necessary social service." He argued that he saw no need to get rid of urban prostitutes,

for it was to them that men turn to "after their frustrations with their wives and even their

jobs."

Kimaryo also interview an anonymous UWT member about her thoughts on men

and prostitution. While UWT refused to take any official stance on prostitution, this

woman gave her personal thoughts on the relationship between prostitutes and their

patrons:

Who are the customers of these prostitutes? Men, of course. There can be no
market that involves the exchange of goods and services for money without
customers with money to exchange! People with cars lure women to nightspots,
away from the town and the eyes of the public. They have the money to buy
women expensive clothes and dinners. Women fall easy prey to this because it is
the way some of us were brought up.24

Who were these "men with money" in Dar es Salaam? In most cases, they were the older

generation of men who benefited from the nationalist movement and received j obs in

government offices or civil service positions after independence. These notorious "sugar

daddies" who lured vulnerable women into sexual relationships with expensive cars,

2 Are Men the Patrons of Prostitution?" Scholastica Kimaryo, Daily News, Apr. 21, 1975









clothes, and food were often the very same men who were in positions of high authority

in the postcolonial state, an irony not lost on many contributors to the paper.

The relationships between young single women and sugar daddies received a great

deal of attention in the public forums of the state newspapers, especially from the

younger men who were trying to compete with these wealthier men for sexual partners.

Many among this younger generation of urban men lacked the financial resources to offer

women the kinds of gifts they received from older men and resented what they saw as

women's excessive desires for money and material accumulation. It was not that there

was necessarily anything necessarily wrong with men giving gifts of cash and personal

items to their girlfriends. However, when women were suspected of desiring these gifts

too much, or when they were accused of having relationships for money and not for love,

then their role as girlfriend seemed to fade into prostitution. For example, in a letter titled

"Some Girls Sabotaging Women's Liberation," Moses Paul complains about urban

women who place unreasonable demands upon their boyfriends:

Girls, don't you think this is sheer exploitation of your boyfriends? If this is the
trend, then what liberation are you shouting about? You are slaves of money and
you are betraying your own cause. Money is not everything! 25

Another male letter writer, Abby Sekidunga, accused women of being interested only in

"material wealth," and questioned why working women expected their boyfriends to

support their demanding lifestyles:

It is a pity that most of our girls are not willing to spend even ten cents on their
boyfriends. Some of these girls earn much more than their boys, but they always
expect the boys to pay for everything- dance, drinks, and cinema... Some of these


2 Some Girls Sabotaging Women's Liberation" Letter from Moses Paul, Daily News, Oct. 10, 1975










girls do not have steady boyfriends and the reason is that they are so demanding
and expensive that few boys can afford to go along with them for even a month.26

Letters like these from Paul and Sekidunga reveal many of the anxieties and tensions

surrounding everyday gender relations in Dar es Salaam at this particular historical

moment. While in the 1960s, the average urban wage had been relatively high, by the

1970s, many workers were experiencing difficulty as wages declined. Between the years

1976 and 1984, real wages dropped sixty-five percent at the same time that consumer

prices increased tenfold in Dar es Salaam (Tripp 1989). After a decade of men being able

to support a family on one wage, in the 1970s their role as breadwinner was challenged if

they were unable to satisfy the material needs of their sexual partners. Take, for example,

a humor column written by Freddie Macha inl981. The column, entitled "What Manhood

is All About," describes one of his former lovers who constantly castigated him for being

broke, mocking him and asking, "What kind of man are you?" In the end of the story,

Macha tells the girl that she is employed too and that she can buy things for herself,

which results in her leaving him, after she laughs and says, "What woman is ready to go

around with a man like you? Always broke, always broke, eh?"27

I close this section with a story written by popular fiction writer Andur-u Agoro and

printed in the Sunda~y News in 1981.28 The story, called "Wretched Love," was composed

as a letter from a young man to a woman who has denied his advances. In the letter,


2 Our Girls Are After Material Wealth" Letter from Abby Sekidunga, Sundqv Kews, Aug. 10, 1975

2 What Manhood is All About" Freddie Macha, Sundqv Kews, Sept. 20, 1981

28Agoro's stories were printed in The Sundqv Kews for several years from the end of the 1970s until the
middle of the 1980s. He was enormously popular and often letters to the editor would commend his stories
and his ability to capture the reality of life in Tanzania. He eventually went on to make a book out of his
short stories, called Temptations. His stories were known for dealing with issues of relationships and love.










Agoro laments the kind of women who value material accumulation over romantic love.

He accuses this woman of abusing her liberation by living in the city and "walking erect"

in her high-heeled shoes while her sisters work in the millet fields. He writes to her that

Despite the blessing education has brought you, there is also a curse lurking behind
you. The artificial glitter of urban life is destroying you...the only human whose
existence you recognize is your godfather and that is simply because he foots the
bill for your cosmetics, not because you love him...Money is the only thing that
can arouse human sentiments from you now. Sister, you are dead!

Agoro's story not only indicates the way that women's liberation and prostitution were

tied together in the Eigure of the consuming woman but also reveals the frustrations felt

by young men who were trying to maintain relationships with women while competing

with older, wealthier sugar daddies. As this excerpt indicates, many men felt that urban

women's education and access did not liberate them so much as make them slaves to

their material desires.

Conclusion

In this chapter, I have outlined the political economy of Dar es Salaam in the

1970s, and examined how the Eigures of the "hard-working socialist superwoman" and

the "consuming woman" were placed in productive opposition in state discourses during

the socialist period. By juxtaposing the interwoven discourses of women' s liberation and

urban prostitution, I have attempted to show the everyday work that went into defining

respectable urban womanhood. However as I have already mentioned, the women's

liberation movement was a distinctly classed proj ect, despite the claims of the socialist

government which promoted equality for all women. While issues of class were rarely

addressed explicitly in the state-owned newspapers because of the government' s attempts

to elide class differences, these conversations about women's liberation and urban

prostitution provide interesting insights into the paradoxical nature of the state proj ect of









socialism. Because people did not address class inequalities directly, these discussions of

different groups of urban women became a site where class differences were discussed

and critiqued. What is interesting about these conversations is that it was not the elite

group of women who received criticism in the state papers, but rather a lower class of

working women who had recently migrated to the city. As I have been arguing

throughout this chapter, it was women's practices of consumption that defined their place

in relation to the state proj ect of socialism. Although women accused of prostitution were

generally of a lower class than the "Exemplary Women" heralded by the state, their

consumption of Western commodities identified them as part of a consumer culture that

directly contradicted state discourses of Socialism and Self-Reliance. Therefore, in

socialist Tanzania, practices of consumption often became more important than income in

perceptions of class differences. While some women made more money than others, they

were not perceived as a threat to the socialist myth of a society without class inequalities

because they did not display their wealth through extravagant acts of consumption. On

the other hand, women who made less money, but still consumed clothing and other

bodily adornments that signaled their desire for individual accumulation became the

target of derision and criticism.

The intersections of age and class in discussions of women' s liberation and urban

prostitution resulted in two dominant constructions of urban femininity in the state-

owned newspapers: the hard-working "socialist superwomen and the "consuming

woman." The group of elite older women maintained their respectability because their

work, consumption, and sexuality remained firmly anchored in their domestic and

national duties. On the other hand, the young single women migrating to Dar es Salaam









to find wage labor were perceived by older women and men alike as a threat to national

claims of gender and class equality. The bodies of urban prostitutes and other consuming

women embodied the inequalities that structured the nation and acted as reminder to the

postcolonial government that the socialist proj ect remained incomplete.















CHAPTER 4
BODIES, BEAUTY, AND DESIRE: THE "CONSUMING WOMAN' INT DAR ES
SALAAM, 1982-1990

In the last chapter, I explored dominant representations of urban womanhood in

Dar es Salaam during the 1970s by using discourses of women' s liberation and urban

prostitution in the state newspapers to delineate the Eigure of the "consuming woman"

against her counterpart, the hard-working "socialist superwoman." I have laid out this

history of the consuming woman in socialist Tanzania to contextualize the discussions

that I take up in this chapter of urban women' s consumption of imported beauty products

during the period of structural adjustment. I will discuss the years 1982-1990 of the Daily

News and the Sundcay News, the period during which Tanzania gradually shifted from a

nationalized to a liberalized economy at the insistence of international monetary

organizations. I argue in this chapter that conversations in the state papers about women's

consumption offer a useful analytical lens for describing the changes taking place in

Tanzania's political economy in the 1980s and contend that gendered consumer practices

became a crucial site where people negotiated the "transition" from socialism to

postsocialism on an everyday basis. Therefore, in this chapter I follow the Eigure of the

consuming woman through the state newspapers to trace how conversations about

women's consumption were linked to broader shifts in political economic structures.

Many of the attributes associated with the consuming woman of the 1960s and

1970s continue to define this figure in the 1980s, particularly the association of this style

of womanhood with practices of conspicuous consumption and unchecked sexuality.









However, what is different about discussions of women' s consumption in the 1980s was

the marked increase in articles, features, letters, poems, and cartoons concerning a few

very specific commodities, including skin-bleaching creams, cosmetics, and hairkits.

Within these discussions, the figure of the consuming woman who purchased and used

these products was often mobilized as a critique against emerging practices of

consumption based on the individual accumulation of wealth as well as a commentary on

everyday gender relations in Dar es Salaam.

In this chapter, I begin by examining changing state rhetoric over the course of the

decade, paying close attention to how the government presented the shift from socialist to

neoliberal economic policies in the state-owned media. I then turn to the discussions of

women's consumption of cosmetic products, specifically those associated with a

distinctly "white," "Western," or "foreign" style of beauty. First, I describe how women's

bodies and practices of consumption became idioms through which people (mostly men)

expressed concern over the economic, political, and social changes taking place in

Tanzania. Secondly, I examine how discussions of certain beauty products were used to

comment upon the relationships between consuming women and "sugar daddies" in Dar

es Salaam. In this chapter, I draw on features, letters, stories, poems, and cartoons printed

in the state papers, arguing throughout that the Eigure of the consuming woman in these

debates offers an entry point into the multiple desires and anxieties produced by the

intensified flow of capital, goods, and styles into Tanzania during the 1980s.

State Discourses in the 1980s: From Economic Sabotage to Economic Liberalization

Whereas during the 1970s discourses of production dominated onfcial discourses

in the state papers, in the early 1980s discussions of urban consumption came to the front

page as state leaders struggled to curb the increasing flows of illegally obtained









commodities in Dar es Salaam. Several years before the Economic Saboteur Campaign

was officially initiated, Nyerere and other state officials were already using the state

newspapers as a medium to warn urban residents against their tendency toward

conspicuous consumption of imported goods. However, in 1985 Nyerere stepped down

and his successor, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, began the process of economic liberalization and

privatization. How was this change represented in the state papers? How did the

government justify its decision to abandon socialist policies after twenty years of

attempting to indoctrinate Tanzanians into a socialist mindset? How were practices of

consumption implicated in these changes?

By the 1980s, international monetary organizations began to strongly urge the

Tanzanian government to reorient the economy toward open market policies. Among the

suggested changes in policy was a call for removing the strict limitations on imports that

had been instituted in the post-Arusha period. In negotiations with the IlVF in 1980,

Nyerere refused to accept these economic policies, claiming they were incompatible with

the state proj ect of socialism. However, over the next several years, the Tanzanian

government enacted a series of internal polices designed to alleviate the economic crisis,

including the National Economic Survival Plan (NESP) in 1981 and The Structural

Adjustment Program (SAP) in 1982. These policies laid emphasis on increasing food

production, promoting exports, and limiting domestic consumption. However, the

economic crisis meant that the state was unable to provide the social services promised

by the government. With the price of agricultural exports dropping, the government

lacked the financial capability to import basic commodities such as fuel, clothing, sugar,

soap, and cooking oil. Steadily increasing inflation combined with a higher cost of living










eroded the purchasing power of urban residents (Lugalla 1997). Scarcity became the

norm in Dar es Salaam in the early 1980s as people struggled to obtain basic

commodities in any way possible, including hoarding consumer goods, buying imported

products on the "black market," and using connections to influential friends and relatives

to get money and commodities.

These strategies used by urban residents to gain access to commodities were met

with alarm by the Tanzanian government and Nyerere and other state officials took

measures to bring urban consumption under state control. The state-owned newspapers

became a medium used by the government to warn urban residents against their tendency

toward a distinctly capitalist stlye of consumption. For example, a front-page article with

the headline "Capitalists Face Fire" quoted a speech given by President Nyerere in 1982.

In this speech, Nyerere warned "capitalists and their allies" from any acts intended to

compromise the nation's values of Socialism and Self-Reliance. He also criticized

Tanzanians whom he saw as becoming "victims of greed, craving wealth in the most

untoward manner." He goes on to argue that the only legitimate way of gaining wealth

was through hard work, and castigated people who violated this dictum. He is quoted as

saying, "Instead of seeking wealth through work, as most Tanzanians did in their villages

and at work places, others wanted to get wealth without working." It was these

"unproductive" people that Nyerere singled out as "thieves and racketeers who cashed in

on shortages of consumer goods."l


1 Capitalists Face Fire" Daily News, Jan. 26, 1982









Exhortation was not the only strategy used by the state to define and control urban

consumption. In addition to speeches and articles such as this, the state also initiated two

campaigns during 1983 to curb urban consumption. The first initiative was called Kazi

Nguvu (Hard Work), a campaign to move "unproductive" people from Dar es Salaam to

rural areas to farm. The second was the Economic Sabotage Campaign, in which urban

residents were arrested and Eined if they were caught purchasing or selling imported

commodities. However, despite these official interventions, urban consumption practices

constantly escaped state control. During the early 1980s, the informal economy (which

had long existed in Dar es Salaam) rapidly expanded to meet the needs of urban residents

that the state was unable to provide. This parallel economy caused a great deal of concern

for state leaders and was cited as one of the reasons that Tanzania was experiencing an

economic crisis. In the 1984 Economic Outlook printed in the Daily News, the Minister

of Planning and Economic Affairs blamed people involved in the informal economy for

the country's problems, claiming, "one of the scourges of many developing countries

today is the proliferation as well as mushrooming growth of petty hawkers and sellers

who eke a sterile existence by changing hands a small quantity of what is produced, each

time substantially jerking up the prices."2 In State rhetoric, then, it was not the

government that was to blame for the economic crisis, but rather those people who made

a profit as middlemen between producers and consumers, a role that was supposed to be

the domain of the state alone.

By the mid-1980s, however, the tide was beginning to turn. In 1985, Nyerere

announced that he would not be running in that year' s election. His replacement, Ali


2 1984 Economic Outlook" Daily News, Jan. 1, 1984









Hassan Mwinyi, was far more willing to make the changes in economic policy that

Nyerere had been refusing. Nicknamed Rais Ruksa (President Permit) Mwinyi began the

process of liberalizing the economy to meet the standards of international monetary

lenders. In the years after he was elected, Mwinyi opened up the economy to foreign

investment, began to sell state farms and parastatals, officially acknowledged and

registered self-employment proj ects in the informal sector, and facilitated the importation

of previously unavailable commodities. While he did not officially abandon the state

proj ect of socialism until 1992, in the latter half of the 1980s, Tanzania' s ideological and

economic status seemed ambiguous as state leaders and citizens alike attempted to

(re)define the meanings of socialism and capitalism and Tanzania's place in the global

economic order. Despite the obvious changes in economic policy, state leaders continued

to proclaim socialism as the national ideology, claiming that trade liberalization policies

were designed as a temporary measure, a necessary stage in the proj ect of socialist

development. In 1987, a front-page article entitled "Socialism Here to Stay" quoted

Prime Minister Rashid Kawawa as saying, "the people who thought that the period for

building Ujamaa was gone were wasting their time."3 In 1988, an article warned people

that "Tanzania's Western oriented consumption pattern must be checked to allow the

nation to move successfully through the transition period towards socialism." An official

quoted in the article, a member of SHIHATA (the Tanzanian news agency), criticized

Tanzanians who "continued to import a lot of consumer goods from the 'capitalist camp'

instead of the 'socialist camp."' 4


3 Socialism Here to Stav" Daily News, Mar. 19, 1987

4 Check Capitalist Patterns" Daily News, May 5, 1988









The state newspapers became a site where people expressed multiple views on the

economic changes taking place. Some journalists and contributors to the paper supported

official discourses that claimed neoliberal policies and socialist ideology were not

necessarily incompatible. In an essay on the "Potentials of Privatization," Patrick Cardiff

encouraged readers to consider the benefits of the role of the private sector. He argued,

"In the African context, healthy competition between private traders and state monopolies

could be encouraged, leading to beneficial results, without compromising ideological

commitments." He urged Tanzanians to cultivate a "better attitude towards profit and

entrepreneurial achievement," while still qualifying his statements by claiming, "This is

not to imply a negation of social equity as a primary national goal. Quite the contrary,

privatization will emphasize a strengthening of the social productive base through a

concerted, pragmatic approach to development."' An editorial by Joseph Mihangwa

expressed similar sentiments. He argued that "socialism is not against private property,

per se, only when such is institutionalized and has become a hindrance to the basic

obj ectives of socialism."6

However, not all Tanzanians expressed optimism about policies of trade

liberalization and privatization. Some felt that despite official reassurances, the

acceptance of structural adjustment policies compromised the values of socialism. In one

feature, Guido Magome argued that neoliberalism was a "betrayal of socialism." He

wrote, "An important factor which can destroy the development of socialism in new





5 Potentials of Privatization" Patrick Cardiff, Daily News, Apr. 10, 1987

6 "Some Hitches on the Road to Socialism" Joseph Mihangwa, Sunday News, Oct. 30, 1988









nations is a disease known as liberalism .It is a killer disease for socialism especially at

the nascent stages. We must wage a constant war to combat liberalism or else we are all

dead ideologically."' Others agreed with this perspective and challenged official

declarations that these policies were simply a period of transition toward a socialist

future. For example, in a feature printed in the Daily News, Attilio Tagalile wrote

Trade liberalization policies were supposed to be a temporary measure! Imports
were supposed to be monitored, but they are not. Local importers have thus literally
turned the country into a dumping ground of commodities from countries which
could not have otherwise found markers anywhere under the sun.8

While many of the pieces discussing Tanzania' s economic status tended to use abstract or

metaphorical terms, Tagalile describes the effects of neoliberal policies through the

changing landscape of commodities in Dar es Salaam. To him, the failure of the state to

control the flow of imports was an indication of Tanzania' s vulnerable position in the

global economic order as a place for wealthier countries to "dump" unwanted

commodities. What exactly were these commodities entering Tanzania that could not be

sold "anywhere under the sun?" Who was the market for these products? What made

certain commodities so dangerous? To begin to answer these questions, I move from

these articles and features to the public forums of the state papers, where discussions of

controversial commodities took on a distinctly gendered appearance. I discovered that

many of the imported commodities considered hazardous to the nation were purchased

and used primarily by urban women, especially beauty products such as skin-bleaching

creams, cosmetics, and hair-kits. The figure of the urban "consuming woman," who had

long been associated with foreign fashions and standards of beauty, was once again


7 Betrayal of Socialism" Guido Magome, Daily News, Mar. 7, 1986

8 Trade Liberalization and the Effect on Economy" Attilio Tagalile, Daily News, Dec. 10, 1987










mobilized in these conversations to comment upon the potential pleasures and dangers of

the intensified flows of ideas and capital entering Dar es Salaam in the 1980s.

"Beauty is Natural": Women's Bodies and the Body Politic


Young women tell me
Young men help me
Can one beautify oneself
And become like another person?
Can adornments beautify
And make a woman the most
beautiful?
My opinion is different
I say beauty is natural.

Young women curl hair
They want it to be soft
Like ostrich plumes
Others use medicines
To change their skin colour

What is it all about?
To be like white women
I say beauty is natural

Africans have black skin
They possess black hair
Which is soft and short
Our sisters do not like that
To them black skin is bad
Short hair is not attractive
They want imported hair
They wear dead person's hair


They quarrel when asked
They say this is civilization
Is frying hair civilization?
And destroying skin, development?
This is wizard's language
The answer of unwise persons
Don't soil our Africanness
Beauty is natural

Sisters tell me
What do you want to look like?
Can a hyena change into a wolf!
Or a lion into a leopard?
That won't be possible
Think of your origin

Don't betray your culture
A graceful giraffe cannot become a
monkey

Adornments cannot beautify you
Your original elegance is enough
Black colour is beautiful
Colour of our skin and hair
What you do lets you down
Remember my sisters
Whether back or white
Beauty is natural


-Julius Kam Mganga ("Beauty is Natural" Poem printed in the Daily News, August 16,
1987)

Over the course of the 1980s, the genre of "Exemplary Women" features I

described in the previous chapter began to disappear.9 One reason for this is perhaps


9 "Women Told" articles continued to appear throughout the 1980s. Most of these articles addressed the
themes I discussed in the previous chapter. Women were encouraged to work hard, improve their self-
confidence, and fight for Socialism and Self-Reliance. For example, the following headlines were printed
between 1982 and 1990: "Be Confident, Women Told" (Daily News, Dec. 31, 1982), "Be Productive,
Women Told" (Daily News, Aug. 1, 1984), Double Efforts, Women Told" (Daily News, Oct. 5, 1984),










because few urban women during the 1980s were engaged in the kind of productive labor

sanctioned by the state. During this period of economic crisis, many urban women began

to seek alterative sources of income in the informal economy. According to Aili Tripp,

beginning in the early 1980s, women increasingly left their positions in the formal

employment sector in favor of personal income generating projects referred to as miradis

midogo (little proj ects). She estimates that by the mid-1980s, women made up only 9

percent of the formal sector wage labor force in Dar es Salaam (1989). In 1984, Marj orie

Mbilinyi pointed out that the largest proportion of wage earning women were employed

in the informal sector and depended upon street trade, beer brewing, agro-processing, and

prostitution. 10

While the "socialist superwoman" began to fade from state discourses in the 1980s,

discussions of the urban consuming woman proliferated. Narratives of the consuming

woman during the 1980s were framed around a few controversial products, specifically

those associated with a distinctly "white" style of beauty. Skin-bleaching formulas,

cosmetics, and hair dying, curling, and straitening kits became the center of debates over

women's practices of consumption and respectable urban womanhood in Dar es Salaam.

Amy Stambach (1999) has examined these debates over imported fashions in the Letters

to the Editor page of Tanzanian state newspapers and argued that women's fashions

obj ectified opposing viewpoints of the economic, political, and social changes taking

place in Dar es Salaam in the 1980s. She points out that for some Tanzanians, products


Women Told To Rally Strongly" (Daily News, Apr. 16, 1985), "Be in Forefront, Women Told" (Daily
News, Oct. 5, 1985), "Strive for Self-Reliance, Sophia Tells Women (Daily News, Mar. 6, 1989).

10"Equal Opportunities for Women Urged" Daily News, Aug. 22, 1984










like skin-bleaching creams, cosmetics, and hairkits represented increased corruption and

a loss of cultural identity, while at the same time indicating for others the progress of

personal and national development. Within these debates, Stambach notes, letter writers

frequently conflated anxieties over young women's bodies and practices of consumption

with concerns over the health of the body politic. In this section, I build on her

observations by analyzing how these debates over skin-bleaching creams, cosmetics, and

hairkits emerged in the early 1980s and were mobilized throughout the decade to

comment upon women's bodies and practices of consumption. However, while

Stambach' s analysis of the state-owned papers begins in 1988, I found that these

intensified debates over cosmetic products began as early as 1982. I argue here that for

almost the entirety of the 1980s, representations of these commodities and the women

who used them remained predominantly negative. Therefore, in the next two sections, I

examine these dominant perspectives in the state papers. In the conclusion, I discuss the

emerging voices in the late 1980s that offered alternative readings of these products and

their users.

The beauty products that became the center of debates in the 1980s were not

necessarily new to Tanzania. Many had been available in the country since before

independence and some had been banned during Operation Vij ana in the 1960s.

However, the discussions of these commodities in the 1980s were in some ways

markedly different than those of the previous decades. Perhaps the most immediately

noticeable difference is the tendency by the 1980s to question the impact of these

products on women's bodies. Journalists, letter writers, and other contributors to the

papers often described the effects of cosmetic products in terms of health and disease. For










example, one of the first extensive pieces published concerning imported beauty products

was a feature written by female journalist Halima Shariff called "Skin Bleaching

Hazards."" Shariff begins her feature by arguing that it was becoming increasingly

common for women in Dar es Salaam to use skin-bleaching creams to change the color of

their faces. She urges women to rethink this practice and lists the detrimental side effects

that accompany these products. She argues that after a temporary change of color, the

skin "softened," causing even a minor scratch to result in "profuse bleeding." Other

features and letters also commented upon the physical dangers of cosmetic products,

claiming that use of skin bleaches, curlkits, and make-up caused a "myriad of medical

problems" including sores, rashes, bleeding skin, hypertension, premature aging, softened

bones, itchy lesions, broken hair, prematurely grey hair, scalp cancer, skin disease, and

heart, chest, and kidney problems. 12

Other letter writers also used narratives of disease to describe the bodies of women

who used cosmetic products, although many did not list medical symptoms, but rather

accused women of destroying their bodies and transforming into something ugly and

unrecognizable. One opponent of lipstick warned women that they were blindly imitating

a "foreign culture," and that while women may have thought that cosmetics made them

more attractive, in fact they resembled "creatures who cannot even be classified by

biologists."13 Another man called cosmetics "a colonial cultural mentality that spoils the

natural beauty of African girls" and claimed he felt nothing but disgust when he saw a

II "Skin Bleaching Hazards" Halima Shariff, Sunday News, Dec. 12, 1982

12I gathered this list of symptoms from several different pieces, including "Skin Bleaching Hazards"
(Sunday News, Dec. 12, 1982), "When the Head Gets Wet" (Sunday News, Oct. 14, 1984), "Curl Your Hair
and Die Soon" (Daily News, Oct. 30, 1988), and "Cosmetics Are Health Hazards, Warns Expert" (Daily
News, Sept. 25, 1989).
13 "Lipstick Makes Girls Ugly" Letter from Jafari Kdeghesho, Daily News, May 3, 1987










woman who "smeared herself pink-red when her complexion is black or brown."14

Perhaps the most graphic description of women who used cosmetic products was a letter

to the editor written by Johnny Makoroma in 1984. In the letter, he castigates

The species of women who are so 'sophisticated' that they don't mind fumigating
their hair of it' s 'black shame' with chemicals from America and Europe so that it
approximates the more up to date hair of the Caucasians...the species of our
daughters and sisters who are 'educated' just to the right level to be able to operate
the famous 'curlkit' and use it to manhandle their beautiful natural African hair
until it cringes and curls into cadaverous wisps of humiliation. 1

Makoroma goes on to describe a woman who uses lipstick as "a vampire who has been

having her lunch," women who bleach their faces as "cadaverously beautiful," and

women who use curlkits as having "funny looking debris of hair on their skulls." The

imagery of diseased female bodies used by these men to critique women's consumption

and use of these products highlights the "foreign" nature of these commodities. These

letters accuse women of destroying their "natural" bodies in an attempt to imitate the

appearance of white women.

The dichotomy of natural (read: black/African) versus artificial (read:

white/Western) beauty framed many of the descriptions of consuming women. As the

poem in the beginning of the chapter indicates, many Tanzanians feared that women were

trying to use beauty products to change into something else, namely white women. Skin-

bleaching creams, cosmetics, and hairkits in this context became antithetical to "natural"

African beauty. Many Tanzanians in the state newspapers who opposed these products

cited the idea that beauty was natural and cosmetic adornment was a foreign and artificial




14 "What's in Lipstick?" Letter from James Maiyolo, Daily News, Sept. 11, 1985

I' "On Curling and the Wet Look," Letter from Johnny Makoroma, Sunday news, Oct. 21, 1984










attractiveness. Take for example, this letter entitled "Artifieial Beauty" by Aziz Varda in

which he describes the "modern girl" living in Dar es Salaam:

The modern girl has fallen far below the ideals of womanhood... She is over busy
with physical adornment. Lipstick and rouge powder and cream, up-to-date maxis
and blouses are her obsessions. One of her greatest ambitions is to be well-dressed
and to look beautiful not by her natural charms, but with the help of artificial aids
to beauty. 16

Another man compared cosmetics to "a neocolonial dose taking root in our cultural

minds." He called upon women to stop "aping the white man's appearance and

mannerisms... preserve our natural blackness."" Shariff~ s piece echoes these sentiments.

According to her, urban women used skin bleaching creams and other cosmetic products

because of their supposed lack of self-confidence, dwindling African pride, and desire to

emulate "Western women." She writes that skin lightening "clearly shows the inferiority

complex harbored by most of our women...they believe that dark skin is unattractive and

that one should struggle to get rid of it." I The idea that woman suffer from an

"inferiority complex" is not new here, but rather emerged from decades of state rhetoric

that blamed women for their own subordinate social status by claiming women's "mental

attitudes" were somehow lacking. Like the other letters quoted above, Shariff encouraged

women to overcome these attitudes by embracing their authentic "Africanness." She

writes that the solution to the increase in skin bleaching was for women to "Hight this

complex and remain as natural as they are."

These pieces in the state newspapers discussing the dangers of certain beauty

products can be read as more than just concern over women' s bodies and appearance.


16 "Artificial Beauty" Letter from Aziz Varda, Daily News, Feb. 21, 1983
17 "(Why Defend the Curlkit?" Letter from Joe Masome, Daily News, Dec. 11, 1988

's "Skin Bleaching Hazards" Halima Shariff, Sunday News, Dec. 12, 1982










Rather, I contend that these commodities were perceived by many Tanzanians (especially

men) as the material manifestation of Tanzania' s increasingly vulnerable position in the

global economic and political order. Tagalile's comment that Tanzania was becoming a

dumping ground for more developed nations takes on new meanings in this context.

Compare his statements with the following pieces discussing the importation of beauty

products :

A lot of African hairdressers are using cheap and dangerous chemicals passed off
by manufacturers in developed countries to the Third World countries. Some of
these chemicals have been declared dangerous abroad and even banned. The
capitalist countries are so lustful for profits that they sell their trash to the Third
World (Chemi Che-Mponda" When the Head Gets Wet" Sundcay News, Oct. 14,
1984).

Some women think by curling their hair they enhance their beauty. They ignore the
myriad of medical problems that underlie the practice. But why should women
jump for artificial beauty-even at the expense of their health?...Our shops are
stocked to the ceiling with chemicals and cosmetics which have been banned in
Europe and America...Who authorizes the importation of such chemicals,
cosmetics, and associated gadgets when our hospitals go without medicine, when
we go without clean water, when our transport system in diabolical? Who issues
the foreign exchange to the businessmen who import such junk?... The government
should stand up and take notice. Our women do not need the trash we see in shops
(Dionister Temba "Curl Your Hair and Die Soon" Daily News, Oct. 30, 1988).

In these pieces, the body of the consuming woman who purchases and uses imported

beauty products becomes symbolic of the health of the body politic. Women' s supposed

desire for "artificial" as opposed to "natural" beauty makes them and therefore the nation

vulnerable to the dangerous chemicals and waste being imported from wealthier

countries. Women who used skin bleaches to lighten their skin, curlkits to change the

texture of their hair, and cosmetics to change the color of their skin were seen as quite

literally embodying a white/Western stlye of beauty that was "unnatural," and therefore

dangerous.






























































Figure 4.1i. Dezo, by James Gayo (Daily News, Aug. 4, 1989)


L


While many of the pieces from the state papers describe women' s bodies as

unattractive and in various states of disease and decay, this perspective is only a partial

truth. As Burke (1996) has shown in his analysis of cosmetic products in Zimbabwe,

women who used these products became obj ects of desire as much as subj ects of

criticism. As I show in the next section, one of the reasons consuming women were

portrayed so negatively in these pieces was that their practices of consumption and

beauty made them simultaneously desirable and unattainable for many men living in Dar

es Salaam. Again the body of the consuming woman can be read as a metaphor for the

changing landscape of commodities in Dar es Salaam. While more products were

available than ever before, the distinction between who could take advantage of these

new commodities only became more pronounced in the 1980s. Many of the consumer

goods desired by urban dwellers seemed to be out of their reach. In the next section, I

explore this notion of desire through narratives of consuming women and sugar daddies,

focusing specifically on how women's consumption of beauty products was implicated in

their sexual relationships with older men.

"Cost of Living, Cost of Loving:" Consuming Women, Sugar Daddies, and Gender
Relations in Dar es Salaam in the 1980s


I d e e by james gaylo


B~ T~3E u~lA-7~~SH~~cS~~1
t-fO\"I ISD Y;DU SPE~-I~
~cluP sAtAT24t(z


























I


These three comics printed in 1989 begin to gesture towards some of the tensions

surrounding urban relationships in Dar es Salaam during the late 1980s. 19 Each cartoon

touches upon different (but related) issues concerning sexual relationships and women's

practices of consumption. The first scene takes place in a bar (a spot frequently

associated with "immoral women) between a young man and a young woman with curled

hair. The woman is confidently informing the man that her "ration" comes from

19 The Dezo comic strip appeared in 1988 and was printed in the Daily News for no more than a year or
two. Unlike more explicitly political cartoons that frequently appeared on the second page of the paper,
Dezo conunented upon everyday life in Dar es Salaam, and often portrayed relationships between men and
women. Another similar comic strip appeared around the same time and was called Leo Kivumbi. Both of
these cartoons were centered on the life of a young man living in Dar es Salaam.


Figure 4.2. Dezo, by James Gayo (Daily News, Oct. 3, 1989)


or by jaes garyo


dezo


YOw LOtitG 4AS~E Cp13U UtSi~
54~3 ~ pz~e~ GleL-F~I~-I~ ?

Q~s" ~


SihX~.~~rUY~IIE~))~O~


;53~Y-
~i~r


Figure 4.3. Dezo, by James Gayo (Daily News, Nov. 17, 1989)









cosmetics, clearly alluding to her ability to get money from rich male admirers. Women

who used cosmetic products were assumed to be doing so for the sake of attracting men,

as indicated by the jealous husband in the second cartoon who suspiciously asks his wife

who she is "trying to impress' by using a curlkit to change her hair. The final cartoon

captures one of the most pervasive fears expressed by men writing to the paper; the

concern that women were only dating them for their money and that women would leave

the relationships when men were no longer able to satisfy their desires.

As this series of cartoons indicates, urban women's consumption of imported

beauty products in the 1980s provoked anxieties not only about Tanzania's weak

economic position, but also about changing gender relations in Dar es Salaam. The

tensions surrounding the relationship between money and sexuality in urban relationships

emerged here as a critique of young women' s consumption and desires. The most

common theme in these conversations was the relationship between "consuming women"

and "sugar daddies." The sugar daddy is the unspoken figure eluded to in the three Dezo

cartoons. In the first, he is the rich man who gives Shangingi her "ration," in the second

the potential lover of the man' s wife, and in the third, the man who is now most likely

dating this angry young man's ex-girlfriend. Narratives about sugar daddies and their

girlfriends were not new to the 1980s, as I have shown in the previous chapter. However,

during the 1980s, the number of pieces in the state papers addressing these sexual

relationships between young women and older men increased substantially. As this series

of comics indicate, cosmetic products appeared time and again in discussions of

consuming women and their "godfathers." According to most j ournalists and contributors

to the newspapers, women who had relationships with sugar daddies used their sexuality










to maintain an expensive beauty regime that was designed to lure men into their cycle of

conspicuous consumption.

The portrayal of consuming women who had relationships with older men is almost

always negative in the state papers, since it was assumed that these women were

employing illegitimate strategies for economic survival, namely, prostituting themselves

to get money and gifts. One feature written by female journalist Chemi Che-Mponda in

1984 captures many of the themes structuring narratives about consuming women and

sugar daddies, especially the articulation between female sexuality and urban women's

desire for material accumulation. Entitled "When Sugar Daddies Meet Sugar Babies," the

piece begins with a description of Ruth, a single secretary working in Dar es Salaam who

embodies what I have been referring to as the "consuming woman." According to Che-

Mponda's description, "Ruth's salary is very small, but she lives beyond her means. One

would not know Ruth is just a typist seeing the way she dresses. She is also after a

husband who can maintain her expensive living habits." The kind of man Ruth desires, in

other words, is a sugar daddy. Che-Mponda offered this definition of the sugar daddy for

readers:

A sugar daddy is a married man of any age who runs around with young women
and girls who are not married. They come in all shapes and sizes. However the
older ones are more permanent and more noticeable... At some point in their lives
all men can become sugar daddies.20

Women's desire for conspicuous consumption is cited by Che-Mponda as the reason

women and girls fall victim to these men. Arguing that "the lust for money among urban

girls is great," she describes schools, hostels, and work places as the spaces where


20 When Sugar Daddies Meet Sugar Babies" Chemi Che-Mponda, Sunday News, Jan. 20, 1984









women's competitiveness emerges and drives them to engage in questionable

relationships with married men. She writes,

Young women are always competing with each other when it comes to dresses,
shoes, make-up, perfumes, and various hairstyles, including the wet look. They
compete as to who eats at the most expensive hotels through lunch and dinner
offers. They meet with each other and compare notes about their Sugar Daddies,
then go to the Sugar Daddies and demand more from them.

Che-Mponda' s description captures the cycle of sex and material accumulation

structuring narratives of the consuming woman and her older sexual partners. However,

as the title of this section indicates, many young men felt that the "cost of loving" was at

odds with the "cost of living" in Dar es Salaam. The author, Wilson Kaigarula, pointed

out that only "some people were earning enough money to give girls money and

presents."21 The distinction between men who could afford to have relationships with

young women and those who could not became even more pronounced during the late

1980s. In 1985, Mwinyi implemented the Open Funds Import Scheme, which allowed

people who had been hiding foreign capital during the period of the Economic Sabotage

Campaign to purchase licenses for import businesses and make a large profit. Urban men

who had the resources were able to increase their wealth substantially through import

contracts, giving them access to both money and gifts to entice women. However, this

group of wealthy entrepreneurs remained a minority. Most men in the 1980s found

themselves in a difficult situation as a result of increasing inflation, rising prices in

consumer goods, and escalating unemployment, making the idea of satisfying a

demanding girlfriends a daunting prospect. Men writing to the paper often discussed the

excessive desires of urban women with hostility. In another feature, Kaigarula describes


21(Cost of Loving, Cost of Living" Wilson Kaigarula, Daily News, Feb. 15, 1987










young men's concerns that they are "dealing with lovers who are likely to switch

loyalties according to the 'heaviness' or 'lightness' of the items dished out."22 COSmetic

beauty products were perceived by young men as an indication of women' s desire to

attract older wealthy men. In a letter to the editor, Alex Mwakanyamale castigates

women who use lipstick, arguing

Most of our sisters use these things only to be embellished, hence to compete in
netting sugar daddies with their good earnings and as a result these girls can't get
married because many young men are dismayed with their character.23

The frustration felt by Mwakanyamale and other men writing to the papers concerning

women's seemingly impossible demands indicate the anxiety many young men as they

envisioned the difficulty of marrying and raising a family on their steadily decreasing

wages. Only older, wealthier men, with their "good earnings" are perceived as able to

satisfy the desires of these lipstick-wearing women.

The accusations directed at single urban women by urban men are interesting when

compared to women' s actual role in the economy during the 1980s. While many of these

pieces portrayed women as completely dependent on older, wealthier men, in actuality

women in Dar es Salaam were beginning to gain a new degree of economic autonomy

through their proj ects in the informal sector. According to Tripp, women' s income

generating proj ects allowed them to eamn an independent income and often increased their

autonomy and power within the household (1989). However, despite (or perhaps because

of) women's increased mobility and economic independence, they were still frequently

accused of making most of their money through sexual relationships with wealthy men.



" Love Relationships" Wilson Kaigarula, Sunday News, Oct. 28, 1984

2 Lipstick Poor Choice" Letter from Alex Mwakanyamale, Daily News, Oct. 1, 1985










To further explicate these fears surrounding women's practices of consumption,

sexuality, and beauty, I turn to a story printed in 1990. This story, written by Henry

Muhanika, was called Ana 's 2oney Spinning Project. 24 This brief narrative ties together

many of the anxieties surrounding urban "consuming women" that I have been

discussing: women's preference for "artificial" beauty, women's perceived desire for

material accumulation, women's sexual relationships with sugar daddies, women's

susceptibility to foreign products, and women's participation in the informal economy. In

the story, Muhanika describes his female protagonist, Ana Sheba, as "27 year old

spinster" who was "a beauty to reckon with." She lives in the city and works as a

telephone operator at the National Garment Limited. However, what makes Ana unique is

her expensive lifestyle, which is incompatible with the salary she makes at the garment

company. Muhanika gives detailed descriptions of Ana' s practices of consumption. For

example, we are told that Ana visits a fancy hair salon every month to "have her hair

roasted and twisted so that in the end of the process it looks artificial and un-African."

She also spends large amounts of money buying make-up, perfumes, creams, lotions,

soaps, and other products "readily available in the era of free trade." Ana is also known

for her expensive and fashionable clothing and she has a preference for imported clothing

rather than the local clothing made at her place of employment. She owns over 100 pairs

of shoes so that she does not have to wear a pair more than a few times a year and wears

gold j ewelry everyday. Her apartment is in the "whites only" section of town and she also

rents another apartment in the "middle-class" section of town. She eats well and will


2 Ana's Money Spinning Project" Story by Henry Muhanika, Sundav News, June 10, 1990









inform dates that it is better not to take her to lunch if they cannot afford to buy her

whatever she wants.

Before Ana became so wealthy, however, she lived an ordinary life. She had been

expelled from secondary school for indiscipline and moved to the city to find work. She

got her j ob as a telephone operator through an uncle who worked there and lived with

him and his family for two years. During the mid-1980s, however, the economic situation

strained her uncle's family and she decided to move out since she was now comfortable

in the city. At first, she rented a simple room and lived like any other single girl, but soon

her standard of living began to rise as she "steadily embarked on the road to elegance and

accumulation of worldly possessions." Her fellow workers were baffled by her ability to

spend so much money on her limited budget and they began to ask what sort of mradi

Ana had discovered. Because normal miradi activities, such as cooking or selling in the

streets, were not for Ana (who was too sophisticated), people began to wonder if she had

found a rich sugar daddy, although there was no evidence for this. Finally it is discovered

that she has been earning her money by "hunting dollar-loaded tourists in expensive

hotels." She told colleagues that this money making project was so successful that "she

stopped having any dealings with poor black men including self-styled local

millionaires."

After confessing her money-spinning proj ect, it is discovered that one of the men

she had been sleeping with died of AIDS and "Ana learned the hard way that her

apparently lucrative project was actually a deadly one." In the end we are told that Ana

deeply regrets her previous actions and she wants to spend the time before her death

teaching others "about the dangers of resorting to part-time prostitution as an mradi in










this world of strange and lethal Sexually Transmitted Diseases." The last paragraph in the

story is an explicit warning to other women and especially those who had been j ealous of

her elegant lifestyle. Muhanika writes, "Ana Sheba's story is itself a warning to

thousands of girls who have been envying her for her lifestyle all along and have even

been tempted to follow her footsteps. On learning that she is now on the death queue,

sensible ones might retreat."

Ana Sheba is perhaps the ideal example of the urban consuming woman: she is a

single, working woman living in Dar es Salaam, she is "in love" with conspicuous

consumption, she prefers imported products to locally made commodities, and she has

relationships with wealthy men to support her luxurious lifestyle. However, what makes

Ana different from other descriptions of urban consuming women from the 1970s and

1980s was that she was not satisfied to date "poor black men" or even "self-styled local

millionaires." Instead, her appetite for conspicuous consumption led her to the newly

built tourist hotels where she could find foreign men to accommodate her desires.

However, in the end her disdain for African men resulted in her contracting a deadly

disease from the "other" with whom she was so enamored (i.e. white, wealthy

capitalists). AIDS here is used as a moral punishment not only for Ana' s refusal to date

black men, but also to critique her uncontrolled sexuality and her decadent practices of

consumption. 25 The reference to her sexual exploits as an mradi indicates some of the

tension that surrounded these new enterprises for women and shows the suspicions that


25For more on the AIDS as a moral discourse of women's mobility and consumption, see Weiss 1996. In
his ethnographic study of Haya men' s perspectives on women, AIDS and consumption, he discovered that
many men perceived women who had sex to get access to money and gifts as "buying their own graves."
The narratives of the men he interviews resonate strongly with the kinds of opinions I found in the state
papers.









miradis could lead to prostitution and a thirst for more wealth. Far from making women

more independent, in this narrative, miradis lead them into dangerous and uncontrollable

patterns of sexuality and consumption.

This narrative about Ana Sheba ties into my earlier arguments concerning the

relationship between images of diseased female bodies and anxieties over the political,

economic, and social changes taking place in Dar es Salaam in the late 1980s. I have

argued in this chapter that women's bodies and practices of consumption became idioms

through which people expressed concern over the health of the body politic at a time

when socialist rhetoric and practice were slowly losing legitimacy. However, it is

important to note that these metaphorical connections between individual women's

bodies and the national body were not merely symbolic, but rather fully imbricated in

techniques of power and control. Women who purchased and used imported cosmetic

products to attain a distinctly white/Western style of beauty literally made national

boundaries porous and allowed the "disease" of neoliberalism to enter the nation. Under

these circumstances, curbing women's consumption and desire through exhortation,

criticism, name-calling, and the threat of disease became mechanisms through which to

maintain control of individual bodies as well as the political body.26

Conclusion

As I have noted before, narratives of women like Ruth and Ana Sheba did not

necessarily reflect the attitudes and actions of urban woman in Dar es Salaam in the

1980s. While there were most likely women who used sexual relationships as a strategy

for gaining access to money and goods, my discussion of the consuming woman should

26 For other works discussing the relationships between individual bodies and the body politic, see Lock
and Scheper-Hughes (1987) and Martin (1994)