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Women deans

University of Florida Institutional Repository
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PAGE 1

PATTERNS OF POWER: W OMEN DEA NS By CAROL A. I SAAC A DI SSER TATI ON PRESENTED TO THE G RADUATE SCHOOL OF T HE UNI VERSI TY OF FL ORI DA I N PARTI AL FUL FI L L MENT OF T HE REQUI REMENTS FOR THE DE GREE OF DOCTOR OF PHI L OSOPHY UNI VERSI TY OF FL ORI DA 2006

PAGE 2

Copy rig ht by Carol A. I saac

PAGE 3

I dedica te this dissertation to the memory of my sister, Kathry n I saac whose pre sence will alway s live in my soul.

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iv ACKNOWL EDGMENTS I am ver y g rate ful to Dr. L inda B ehar -Hore nstein in the Depa rtment of Educ ational L eade rship and Policy and to Dr. Mirka Koro-L jungbe rg in the Depa rtment of Educa tional Psy cholog y my committee cha irs and mentors a t the University of F lorida. I would also like to thank my other c ommitt ee me mbers, Dr Sevan Te rzian and Dr. L arr y Ty ree for their valuable g uidance and support. I also want to thank the D epar tment of Educa tional L eade rship for the inva luable g ift of an Alumni Gra duate F ellowship, which made my drea ms come true. Ma ny other fa culty staff, a nd students from the Colleg e of Ed uc a tio n h a ve su pp or te d me du ri ng so me ve ry dif fi c ult tim e s d ur ing the la st f ou r y e a rs ; I thank them all. Fina lly I would espec ially like to thank my partne r, whose untiring patience love, and humor ha ve sustained me thoug h some difficult times. Our pa rt ne rs hip ba la nc e s st ru g g le a nd c on te ntm e nt, c omm itm e nt a nd fr e e do m, a nd ha s tr uly enlar g ed my life.

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v TAB L E OF CONTENTS P age A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S ................................................ iv T A B L E .............................................................. vii F I G U R E ............................................................. vii i A B S T R A C T ........................................................... ix P R O L O G U E : T H E C A L L ................................................ xi CHAPTER 1 I N T R O D U C T I O N .................................................... 1 R e s e a r c h Q u e s t i o n s ................................................... 2 T h e o r e t i c a l F r a m e w o r k ................................................ 3 D e f i n i t i o n o f T e r m s ................................................... 5 S u b j e c t i v i t y S t a t e m e n t ................................................. 8 S i g n i f i c a n c e ......................................................... 9 L i m i t a t i o n s ......................................................... 10 2 L I T E R A T U R E R E V I E W .............................................. 12 I n t r o d u c t i o n ........................................................ 12 P r e d e c e s s o r s M y G r e a t A u n t H e l e n .................................... 12 D e a n s o f W o m e n .................................................... 14 W o m e n i n A c a d e m i a ................................................. 16 Women in Higher Educa tion Adminis tration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 L e a d e r s h i p ......................................................... 23 T h e B i n a r y o f F e m i n i s m .............................................. 29 Social Fe minism : Victimiz ation and Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 Kr ist e va s Pos tst ru c tur a l V ie w o f F e min ism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 S u m m a r y .......................................................... 36 3 M E T H O D O L O G Y................................................... 37 I ntroduction: Epistemology and The oretica l Fra mework . . . . . . . . . . 37 R h i z o m e ........................................................... 39 R e s e a r c h M e t h o d : I n t e r v i e w i n g ......................................... 41

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vi P o s t s t r u c t u r a l I n t e r v i e w i n g ............................................ 42 P a r t i c i p a n t s a n d S e t t i n g ............................................... 44 D a t a C o l l e c t i o n M e t h o d s .............................................. 45 V a l i d i t y a n d T r u s t w o r t h i n e s s ........................................... 45 S u m m a r y .......................................................... 47 4 I D E N T I T I E S B E C O M I N G ............................................ 48 I d e n t i t y o f t h e M a s c u l i n e .............................................. 51 I d e n t i t y o f t h e F e m i n i n e ............................................... 52 I d e n t i t y o f t h e F a t h e r ................................................. 53 I d e n t i t y o f t h e Q u i n t e s s e n c e ............................................ 56 I d e n t i t y o f t h e T h i r d G e n e r a t i o n ........................................ 58 5 L E A D E R S H I P B E C O M I N G ........................................... 64 U n f o l d i n g t h e M a s c u l i n e .............................................. 64 U n f o l d i n g t h e F e m i n i n e ............................................... 68 P o w e r ............................................................. 73 U n f o l d i n g P o w e r ................................................... 75 U n f o l d i n g P o w e r l e s s n e s s .............................................. 79 U n f o l d i n g A u t h o r i t y .................................................. 80 U n f o l d i n g S e r v i c e ................................................... 85 U n f o l d i n g S t e r e o t y p e s ................................................ 91 U n f o l d i n g D i f f e r e n c e ................................................. 99 Un fo ldi ng Re sis ta nc e thr ou g h A da pta bil ity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 6 C O N C L U S I O N .................................................... 106 I m p l i c a t i o n a n d F u r t h e r R e s e a r c h ...................................... 115 E p i l o g u e .......................................................... 116 A P P E N D I X R H I Z O M A P ............................................. 117 R E F E R E N C E S ....................................................... 118 B I O G R A P H I C A L S K E T C H ............................................. 126

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vii T A B LE T ab l e p age 1Participants pseudonyms and general attributes..........................44

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vii i F I GU RE Fi gu re p age 1 R h i z o M a p : L i n e s o f b e c o m i n g ...................................... 117

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ix AB STR AC T Abstrac t of Dissertation Prese nted to the Gra duate School of the Unive rsity of F lorida in Partial Fulf illment of the Requirements for the Deg ree of Doc tor of Philosophy PATTERNS OF POWER: W OMEN DEA NS By Carol A. I saac May 2006 Cha ir : L ind a B e ha rHo re ns te in Cochair: Mirka K oro-L jungbe rg Major De partment: Educa tional Administ ration and Policy L e a de rs hip dis c ou rs e ha s b e e n w ri tte n a nd pr a c tic e d b y wh ite ma le administrators, conse quently silencing the fe minine repre sentation. Most ge nder r esea rch takes a critica l view with a strict foc us on the hiera rchic al patter ns of power ; however po we r i s mu lti dim e ns ion a l a s me n a nd wo me n c on sc iou sly a nd un c on sc iou sly su sta in persistent inequa lities. This purpose of this study was to dec onstruct the ter m "le ader ship" a nd to examine patterns of discour se, subjectivity resistanc e, and pow er a nd k n o wl ed ge i n wo m en ad m i n i s t ra t o rs i n m al e a n d fe m al e d o m i n at ed fi el d s u s i n g a feminist postructural lens. Ten wome n administrators from a Southeastern univer sity wer e intervie wed using a semistructure d interview a pproac h. Bina ries within the text were unfolde d using Deleuze a nd Guattar i's r hizom e and w ere then dec onstructed using Der rida' s methods of dis ru pti ng the hie ra rc hy of op po sit ion a nd de mon str a tin g its ins ta bil ity M y re fl e xivit y influence d this study by my experience as a r eorg anized healthca re ma nag er, a nd by the

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x 2003 suicide of my sister, a c linical neurolog ist, who failed to g ain tenure in a top-tier medical sc hool. These e x perie nces disrupte d my previous conc epts of lea dership and provided impetus for this study My interest foc used on how the pa rticipants construc ted their identities within their surrounding discourses. T h ei r l an gu age u n fo l d ed a p re d o m i n an t m as cu l i n e d i s co u rs e, b u t t h es e w o m en 's identities resonate d within feminine prac tices which c rea ted interna l and external discomfort. These women desire d to produce power throug h deleg ation and shar ed g overna nce but a lso controlled power delibera tely Their stories va lidated that women can be both reproduc ers of the spec ies and produc ers of culture. The re w as evide nce tha t cre ating a counte rculture streng thens the oppositional binaries and e rase s individualit y The stories illustrated that g ender -bending ma y result in "f ailed assimilation" a s women re enac t masculine cha rac teristics of lea dership. These w omen' s discursive pra ctices shifte d betwee n the oppositional binaries of masculine/fe minine, powerf ul/powerless, ser vice/author ity stereoty pes/diffe renc e and resistanc e/ada ptability cre ating new c oncepts of le ader ship. Deleuze and G uattari' s "line of bec oming" passed throug h those binaries a nd multipl ied the lea dership possibiliti es of the se wo me n. Th is r e se a rc h g a ve the se wo me n v oic e b ut a s o the r w ome n id e nti fy wi th the stories of these participa nts, their ref lections and wr itings will unfold new "be coming s" f or lea dership.

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xi P R O LO G U E : T H E C A LL I reme mber the c hill of hearing the messag e at 7:00 a.m., Wednesda y This is the Sunny vale police depar tment, please g ive us a c all reg arding y our sister. T he police ha d left a me ssag e at 9:00 PM on Tuesday the nig ht before but we had g one to bed e arly and ha d n ot h e a rd it. B e fo re c a lli ng I we nt t o ta ke a sh ow e r. Som e ho w I wa s n ot r e a dy to deal with wha tever rea lity was c oming. Per haps I also knew intuitively that it was too late, bec ause, by that time, it was. My sister had c ommitt ed suicide Tue sday May 27, 2003. She was a clinical neur ologist working at a we ll-known rese arc h instit ution and ha d s pe nt t he la st s e ve ra l y e a rs a tte mpt ing to o bta in a te nu re d f a c ult y po sit ion T his instit ution alrea dy had a history of not promoting w omen, and thre e women phy sicians ha d b e e n f or c e d to le a ve in t he la st s e ve ra l y e a rs A s w ith ma ny pr e sti g iou s in sti tut ion s, fa c ult y a re re c ru ite d in to t e nu re d p os iti on s f or re se a rc h d oll a rs O ft e n ju nio r f a c ult y place the work e x perie nce on the ir resume and g o elsewhe re f or tenure Howeve r, for a va ri e ty of re a so ns my sis te r d id n ot l e a ve c ou ld n ot l e a ve a nd pla c e d th e e nti re bla me on the institut ion for her act. The question whether an instituti on can be blamed for such a dea th can be debate d; less debatable is the ominous effec t of a fe male collea g ue killing herse lf on other striving fema les in the profe ssion. I ntellectually I know that o r g a n i z a t i o n s d o n o t k i l l p e o p l e ; t h o s e p e o p l e m a k e t h e i r o w n c h o i c e s E m o t i o n a l l y, though, I knew my sister as a se nsitive, bright, a rticulate pe rson who ca red a bout her pa tie nts a nd me dic a l st ud e nts .

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xii I had seve ral c onversa tions with her over the last 6 months about her job. Having been a reor g anized healthca re ma nag er my self, she c alled me r eg arding conver sations sh e ha d w ith he r d ir e c t su pe rv iso r a nd de pa rt me nt c ha ir Sh e ha d b e e n h ir e d p re vio us ly by an interim cha ir who had liked he r work, but a new c hair wa s seeking to hire a te nured position t o bring in resea rch mone y ; his goa l was to repla ce he r. I had re commended tha t sh e ta ke no te s a ft e r e a c h me e tin g wi th h e r s up e rv iso r. On e do c ume nt I fo un d la te r r e a d: He [supervisor] said building a na tional reputation in hea dache would be benef icial, but I have not done that y et. Would Dr. [chairman] be willing to g ive me a fe w y e a rs to d o th a t, w ho kn ow s? I t is a c lin ic a l jo b a nd do e sn t br ing in mon e y to t he de pa rt me nt l ike so me on e wh o b ri ng s in g ra nts I a sk e d if my position was valued or ne eded. H e said, of c ourse, someone has to see the patients, but that could be a ny one. He said eve n tenure d fac ulty are not indispensable. Un de r t he be st c ir c ums ta nc e s th e se me e tin g s w ou ld h a ve be e n h or ri ble B e c a us e my sister had be en slee p-depr ived for se vera l y ear s, her de pression in her pr emenopa usal y ear s deepe ned and ma de these events intolera ble. By noon on Wednesday they found her car at a r oadside pa rk with cliffs that ov e rl oo k th e Pa c if ic Oc e a n. My sis te r l ov e d th e oc e a n. She c oll e c te d s e a g la ss i n Massac husetts where she lived y ear s befor e. She had ta ken fr iends and fa mily members over the Santa Monica Mountains on Hig hway 17 to Santa Cruz many times. She loved t h e c o as t al m o u n t ai n cl i ff s o f C al i fo rn i a; l at er I wa s t o l d b y fr i en d s t h at s h e w o u l d go there to g et awa y from it all. I n hindsight, this term provided ne w sig nificanc e. The police found her car Wednesday morning and later found her body crumpled a t th e ba se of a 27 5 f oo t c lif f a qu a rt e r o f a mil e no rt h o f t he pa rk T he y c a lle d my mot he r, a nd sh e c a lle d me Wed ne sd a y nig ht a ro un d 7 :30 ; my mot he r s w or ds ra ng in m y e a rs it s o ve r. B ut i t w a sn t ov e r; it h a d ju st b e g un M y pa rt ne r a nd I g ot t o h e r h ou se

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xiii on Thursday night. I t was chilling to walk into that house as my sister had lef t it. P aper s we re str e wn a ll o ve r h e r d ini ng ro om t a ble a nd c lot he s w e re e ve ry wh e re in h e r b e dr oo m, repr esenting to me the cha os of her mind during those la st few hour s. Two wee ks prior, my sister had re ceive d notification that her c hair, who ha d considere d leaving had de c ide d to sta y M y mot he r h a d b e e n o ut t he re jus t th e we e k b e fo re r e sp on din g to a c a ll for he lp from my shaken sister. My mother re ported that the house had bee n clea n when she g ot there, a nd my sister seeme d settled afte r her visit having found a new job and house. Her rea lity was not cle an and tidy as my mother had se en it. Suicide is a master of dis g uis e wh e re tr uth re ma ins hid de n. My sis te r, a s a ph y sic ia n, kn e w t ha t to te ll any one of he r fe eling s could enda ng er he r license to prac tice medicine My fathe r ca lled he r t he da y be fo re he r d e a th a nd re po rt e d th a t he r c on ve rs a tio n w a s sc a tte re d wi th o nly superf icial details; he said she did not want to talk. I talked to her 2 wee ks prior to her death f or 15 minutes reg arding her possible move to somewhe reshe did not know what to do. L ater I rea liz ed that her panicke d call wa s the date she found out her c hair wa s stay ing, a nd that she would have to leave. I have r eplay ed that phone c all and the se qu e nc e of e ve nts inc e ssa ntl y in m y he a d, a tte mpt ing to r e c on c ile a nd jus tif y my pa rt in her de ath. I have not f ound an answ er but just more que stions that dis solve into the insignifica nce of g rief. I t is a ma zing wh a t li ttl e we pr e se nt t o th e wo rl d, bu t e sp e c ia lly to o ur fa mil ie s in tim e s o f c ri sis I wa s in hy pe rdr ive fo r m on ths a ft e r h e r d e a th w ith the so le pu rp os e to take c are of my sister in death a s I had not bee n able to in life. I know now that I was endlessly attempting to r estore a semblance of orde r to my family and my world within.

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xiv That we ekend, I box ed up valua bles and meme ntoes to send to family while my partne r sorted my sisters financ ial matters for the attorne y My mother wa s arr iving on Monda y night so we clea ned and pic ked up. I did not want my mother to see the house in such dis a rr a y A se ns e of or de r t o a ll t his e xter na l c ha os wa s n e c e ssa ry to h e lp s oo the my internal wor ld. As we c leane d, we sa w more e vidence of my sisters inner tur moil. I n e e d e d t o h i d e e v i d e n c e o f h e r i n s a n i t y. I was be g inning a journey wher e a sur vivors g rief r ambles to the next memory of the ir lov e d o ne a nd the n th e ne xt. T his g ri e f h a s n o s tr uc tur e a nd fe e lin g s a nd tho ug hts meande r without rhy me or re ason. An unc overe d memory beg ins a train of thoug ht that constantly stops in the middl e and r efle cts to another. C. S. L ewis (1981) descr ibed g rief as a long va lley a winding valley wher e any bend may reve al a totally new landsc ape" (p. 69). A suic ide survivors g rief is diff ere nt in that, while survivors know how they died, we don t know why , thus the endle ss searc h of their lives a nd our own what could I have done . I n the months imm ediately following her de ath, fa mily talk focuse d on me mor ie s o f m y sis te r a nd the wh y qu e sti on ; pa inf ul a s so me of it w a s. Pe rh a ps my g uilt was driving the compulsion to touch every part of my sisters life. The fir st thing I did after enter ing he r house the f irst night wa s to put on her robe to smell her pre sence Her absenc e wa s unrea l. As the wee k unfolded, I looked ever y wher e for signs of my sister. Strang ely there wer e two re ntal video tapes w ith a note to return the m to such-andsuch store. The y wer e both lighthear ted moviesnot g ri m or da rk T ha t f ir st n ig ht I wo ke up a t 3: 00 a .m. a nd wh ile my pa rt ne r s le pt I wa nd e re d th e ho us e a iml e ssl y F ina lly th e re wa s st ill ne ss; a nd I wr ote a n e pit a ph a s I sensed he r pre sence and fe lt completeat lea st for a w hile. The e pitaph ref lected on he r

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xv char acte ristics: her love f or trave l, her pa tients, her fr iends and fa mily her pla nts, and her animals. I n the proc ess of wr iting, I found empa thy and compa ssion for my sister and wa s g iven a knowing that God loves the pa ined and a fflicted e ven more . I had not set ou t to wr ite my sis te r s e ulo g y b ut i t po ur e d o ut o f t he sti lln e ss. I se ns e d h ow muc h p a in my sister had be en in, and I sensed that he r pain wa s g onethe oppositional binary of hope and de spair. Other issues c lamored f or my attention. My sisters answe ring machine w as filled with messag es fr om worried c oworke rs and f riends. I went to her churc h when we g ot back f rom the coa st, and there was a need f or a me morial servic e. One by one, I called he r fr iends, shattering the silence and the hope that ever y thing wa s all rig ht. I went throug h her a ddress book c alling old f riends that I knew and having them call other s. The cha in of life is long and a sing le eve nt affe cts many I rea liz ed that while my sister had be en depr essed f or a long time, she was we ll-loved. Her friends told me stories, but mostly I listened to the shock a nd awe of the news of he r de a th i n th e ir vo ic e s. I he a rd the de pth of re mor se a nd c on c e rn We we re no t th e on ly ones who ha d lost; however, I felt strang ely detac hed fr om them as if I was wa tching from a distanc e. I could not g rieve with them fully ; I was listening to them closely for fra g ments of my sister and sea rching for pa rts of her in them. I perc eived that the int e ns ity of the ir pa in w a s d ir e c tly pr op or tio na l to the a mou nt o f l ov e the y ha d f or my sister. L ater in the wee k, we we nt to my sisters bank, me t with the probate a ttorney met with the minist er a bout the funer al, and f inally went to the medica l school to clear out her of fi c e of he r p e rs on a l it e ms. Of a ll t he e ve nts of thi s w e e k, thi s ta sk wa s th e mos t

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x vi sh oc kin g fo r m e M y mot he r, pa rt ne r, a nd I we re me t by tw o s e c re ta ri e s a nd le d b a c k to her of fice located be hind the copy room. The of fice had not bee n touched a nd appea red to be waiting for my sisters re turn. I started to cr y as we pulled down her diplomas and cer tificates, pa cked he r cur ios, and loaded some of her books. The secr etar ies wer e ver y sy mpathetic, but we w ere surprised that none of her colleag ues met us. The a bsence of their pre sence was de afe ning. A s we lef t, my ang er r ag ed towar d this inst itution t hat seeme d to have so little reg ard f or my sisters life. My sisters suicide note ha d said, I m so sorry to do this. But its all become too much. I dont blame a ny one except [i nstitut ion] ; they ripped up my life and ma de it impossibl e to cope . I n the context of her letter her de ath, and the la ck of pe rsonal intera ction with her colleag ues, my rag e wa s probably understanda ble. Perha ps staff kne w and a voided us lik e the pla g ue I n h ind sig ht, I m g la d I did no t me e t he r s up e rv iso r, a s I pr ob a bly wo uld have be haved ba dly Having been in mana g ement my self, I knew that the me dical school was proba bly alre ady circ ling the a ttorney s and had be en told to avoid any hint of responsibility I nstitut ions serve a nd protec t themselves. I nstitut ions can a ct anony mously while individual interac tions connect fa ces w ith actions; no wonder they did not want to meet us. Wit hin a wee k, my sisters picture and vitae disa ppear ed off the w e b s i t e o f t h e m e d i c a l s c h o o l In m y m i n d m y s i s t e r s m e m o r y w a s b e i n g w i p e d a w a y; suicide is unspoken but resounds e very wher e. He r abse nce w as pre sence The c hairman w rote a condolenc e letter to my mother af ter my sister' s death that sa id I write to express my profound sa dness at the pa ssing of y our daug hter, Ka thry n. She was a n outstanding ne urolog ist and teac her. I never met a phy sician who ha d more g enuine c oncer n for he r patients and f or their we ll being. T his quality and

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xvii her supe rior attributes a s a phy sician, ea rned he r the re spect of a ll of her colleag ues and he r students. . We honored Ka thry n at our y ear -end pa rty for the re sidents and fa culty I indicated that I hoped that Ka thry n' s leg acy would be a re ne we d a pp re c ia tio n w ith in t he De pa rt me nt o f t he e xtre me ly imp or ta nt r ole tha t r e sp e c t f or c oll e a g ue s a nd pa tie nts mus t pl a y K a thr y n w a s o ur ro le mod e l in thi s. When I compar ed this to the notes my sister had wr itten about her me eting s with her chair I cannot be g in to describe the fee lings of c onfusion. What was rea lity ? There are no words to desc ribe my fee lings re g arding the disparity betwee n my sister' s perc eption o f w h at wa s h ap p en i n g t o h er an d wh at t h e c h ai rm an wr o t e a b o u t h er W o u l d Ka t h ry n 's d e a t h i m p r o v e t h e a t m o s p h e r e o f r e s p e c t i n t h e m e d i c a l s c h o o l ? W a s m y s i s t e r a m a r t yr in her own r ight? We will never know. I do know of two wome n who left a cade mia who did not know my sister but knew of he r dea th. These wome n do not include seve ral women phy sicians who we re f orce d to leave this medica l insti tution in recent y ear s. I could not return f or her funer al the next Saturday but I rec orded a nd transcr ibed the eve nt so that other fa mily members a nd friends c ould participate As I listened to the tape, I was in aw e of he r contribution to the community and the medic al school. I had never understood the de pth of her c ommitm ent to her students a nd patients. One of her residents spoke of fee ling inade quate a nd alway s being able to re ach out to my sister who made him f eel incr edibly loved. Anothe r medica l student, who knew my sister first as a patient a nd then as a student, repor ted how important she ha d been to the stude nt community and that she ha d re ally touched so many students at the medic al school. One of her c olleag ues, who not only ref err ed patients to her but also sought he r imm e dia te ly wh e n h e him se lf ha d a tr a ns ie nt n e ur olo g ic a l e pis od e d e sc ri be d h e r a s a re al mensch. He de scribed he r as very kind and humane. Her e is an a ccount of how one student pe rce ived my sister:

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xviii I have know n Dr. I saac both as, I g uess, a student a t the medical sc hoolshe was my teac her f or, I g uess, 4 y ear s ag o. But I also g ot to know her a s my doctor. I was diag nosed with ca ncer back in 99. I had it at two place s, in my back, spina l cord c ance r, and I had bac k pain for 3 months, and the n finally I went to see her. I had 6 to 9 months left to live, most l ikely I amI wouldnt probably be her e today if it wasnt for her. She or dere d the MRI rig ht there a nd then, and I went throug h back sur g erie s and che mo and ra diation for about a y ear and a ha lf. And sh e c on tin ue d to c ome in a nd se e me in t he ho sp ita l w he n I wa s g oin g thr ou g h my trea tment. I saw he r love a s she would come a nd see me I saw he r ca ring and I am g rate ful to her f or the impac t she has had on my life and, a lthough she may no t be wi th u s to da y p hy sic a lly I fe e l th a t he r s ou l ha s b e c ome pa rt of my so ul, a nd I ho pe tha t in the pe op le tha t I c ome in c on ta c t w ith I c on tin ue to t ou c h th e ir lives throug h her love To be sure these c omments are in c ontext of a me morial servic e; howeve r, there is no better re fer ral than f or collea g ues or students to choose someone they work with for their medica l car e. He r collea g ues and students a dmired her but had no awa rene ss of her depre ssion and her pr oblems at work. The re w ere such diffe rent pe rce ptions of her life betwee n her f riends and c oworke rs. I understand tha t there w ill alway s be thing s that are spoken and w hispered. My mind floated betwe en comments made at her funer al, to her notes from the me eting s with her super visor, to my mothers c ondolence letter fr om the chair man. Reality is not easily understood and is swa y ed by the context. I also have a kn ow ing tha t my dif fi c ult y wi th c omp re he nd ing the fr a g me nts of he r l a st f e w d a y s, wer e not unlike her sear ch for a re ality she could live with . or c ould not. No matter how others may have love d and admire d her, she was isolated f rom that love; and that rea lity g uided her final dec ision. At so me po int I c a lle d my fa the r t o a sk if my br oth e r, a no the r p hy sic ia n, c ou ld help with the estate My fathe r said, Why he ca nt do that, he ha s to work. To be ho ne st, I did no t th ink a bo ut t ha t st a te me nt u nti l la te r. Why su re , I tho ug ht, my brother ha s to work to support his family . I knew that a s a g rad student I had more

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xix timeat least more f lexi ble time. My ang er simmere d off a nd on all summer evoke d by a h o s t o f e v e n t s b u t I r e a l i z e d a s n e v e r b e f o r e t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f m y f a t h e r s w o r d s In essenc e, that stateme nt repre sented to me my fathe rs a ttitude toward women. Tha t a t t i t u d e w a s t h e r e a s o n w h y h e a n d m y m o t h e r c o u l d n o t s t a y m a r r i e d I h a d a l w a ys known that my fathe r wa s conser vative. I reme mbere d my sister and fa ther a rg uing politics, he on the rig ht and she on the le ft. My sister seeme d to become mor e conser vative in her transition from being a six ties hippie to a phy sician, but not much. My phy sician mother wa s a strang e mix of fe minist and Republica n, a produc t of her Depr ession-er a upbring ing. As the mon ths pa sse d, I un de rs too d my sis te r s in ne r c on fl ic t a s I loo ke d a t my ow n. I lov e d b oth my pa re nts b ut t he re wa s a dr ive to wi n tha t st e mme d f ro m th e ir conflict. My persona l history as my sisters, wa s fra ug ht with attempts to gain a pproval of a ma le discourse ; this drive to win bac k my fathe rs a ttention (he had a new wif e and fa mily ) neve r ce ased a nd was lar g ely unconscious. I g radua lly had a knowing of why she died; she c ould not tolerate be ing the outca st of anothe r patria rcha l discourse, e ve n if it w a s a n in sti tut ion St ra ng e ly e no ug h, thi s kn ow ing wa s c on fi rm e d b y my sis te r s p sy c hia tr ist wh o s a id t ha t c hil dr e n r ou tin e ly se t up sc e na ri os to r e so lve pa st traumatic e vents. I cer tainly had done this in persona l and workrela ted re lationships, but w h a t m a k e s s o m e w o m e n g o o f f t h e c l i f f a n d o t h e r s p e r s e v e r e ? T h e r e a r e o t h e r w a ys women aba ndon themselves: not eng ag ing in their hear ts desire, sta y ing in a busive rela tionships, even ambushing their own succ ess. I now soug ht some of these a nswers via my dis se rt a tio n. He re wa s a le g iti ma te a ve nu e to f oc us my e ne rg ie s a nd re juv e na te my soul. I was drive n to understand how w omen neg otiate power in aca demia.

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1 CH APT ER 1 I NTRODUCTI ON Women leader s are rar ely studied in highe r educ ation since the a uthorial voice has bee n larg ely white male, a nd g ood prac tice has be en conside red to be the technique s and proc edure s of white male a dminist rators ( Grog an, 2003). H istorically the written curr icula and null curriculum se nd strong messag es about wha t is im portant (Da vidson, 19 94 p 3 35 ). Th e re a re ru le s w ith in o rg a niza tio ns c on c e rn ing wh o c a n ma ke sta te me nts and in what c ontext I n educa tional administration, male voices ha ve bee n the dominating a nd defining forc e. I n r e sp on se f e min ist the or y is f ou nd e d o n th e re c og nit ion of g e nd e r a s a leg itimate categ ory of ana ly sis (Scott, 1986). Feminist literature from the 1970s onwa rds is gr ounded in such disciplines as philosophy sociolog y psy cholog y and history that explored the signif icanc e of g ender rela tions (Be lenky Clinchy Goldberg er, & Tarule 1986). F lax (1990) arg ues that fe minist theory aims to ana ly ze ge nder r elations: how g e nd e r r e la tio ns a re c on sti tut e d a nd e xpe ri e nc e d a nd ho w w e thi nk or e qu a lly imp or ta nt, do no t th ink a bo ut t he m (p 4 0) I f w e a c c e pt g e nd e r a s a us e fu l c a te g or y of a na ly sis to help us understa nd administration better, then w e nee d to draw on the experience s of women in those positions. Biklen and Shake shaft (1985) call for scholarship on wome n tha t f oc us e s o n h ow wo me n p e rc e ive the ir ow n w or lds T he be lie f i s th a t th is s c ho la rs hip will contribute to a fuller compre hension of human be havior a nd society since inadequa te conc eption of the fe male experienc e distorts our per spectives on the huma n experience as a w hole ( Grog an, 2003, p. 18).

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2 Not only have w omens author ial voices be en excised, but womens char acte ristics in leader ship are not he ard. Most g ender rese arc h takes a critica l view from a bina ry us ve rsus them approa ch with a strict f ocus on the hier arc hical patter ns of po we r. Th e us e fu lne ss o f p os tst ru c tur a lis m, a po stm od e rn a pp ro a c h, is i n it s questioning a nd its insi stence on understanding the re lationship between know ledg e and power Men and w omen use powe r consc iously and unconsc iously sustaining pe rsistent and per vasive inequa lities. P ower is mult idimensional and once this is accepte d, a more compre hensive unde rstanding of the loca l context i s achie ved (G rog an, 2003). Qualitative re sear ch is not conce rned w ith ge nera liz ation, but emphasizes local context. This study s purpose is to examine patterns of discourse, subjec tivity resistanc e, and power and knowledg e betwe en women a dminist rators in male versus fe male dominated fields using a fe minist poststructural lens a nd discourse a naly sis. Re se ar c h Que st ion s I n a qualitative study the re sear cher seeks to discove r, under stand or desc ribe. Qualitative re sear ch is used to best desc ribe how something works ra ther than the quantitative per spective of how we ll something w orks (B org Gall, & Gall, 1993). Qualitative re sear ch questions amplify the par ticipants culture s, relationships, qualities o f p ra ct i ce an d b el i ef s Fo r t h i s s t u d y re s ea rc h q u es t i o n s i n cl u d e t h e f o l l o wi n g: Ho w d o w ome n le a de rs c on str uc t le a de rs hip a nd the ir ide nti tie s w ith in l e a de rs hip discourse? How do these women neg otiate and pr oduce pow er in hig her e ducation? These que stions form the basis of the re sear ch; howeve r, they do not repre sent an e xha us tiv e lis t.

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3 Theoretic al F ram ework Although po stm od e rn ism and po sts tru c tur ali sm are terms often use d intercha ng eably postmodernism is more encompa ssing ( Schwandt, 2001). To un de rs ta nd po stm od e rn ism o ne mus t un de rs ta nd mod e rn ism F or mod e rn ist or po sit ivi st re se a rc he rs th e re is a re a l" re a lit y ou t th e re (D e nzin & L inc oln 2 00 0, p. 17 6) a nd thi s re a lit y is t o b e un c on ta min a te d b y hu ma n f la ws M od e rn ism ha s g re a t f a ith in t he a bil ity of re ason to discover absolute for ms of knowledg e. Howe ver, po stm od e rn ism re fuses all semblance of the totalizing and e ssentialist orientations of modernist sy stems and tho ug ht. . I ns te a d o f r e pr e se nti ng c la ri ty w ho le ne ss, a nd c on tin uit y p os tmo de rn ism is committ ed to ambig uity rela tivity fra g mentation, particula rity and discontinuity . . One is the a ntithesis of the other (Crotty 1998, p. 185). Adopting a postmodern theore tical position invol ves deny ing the exis tence of founda tional knowledg e on the g rounds that no knowa ble social re ality exis ts bey ond the sig ns of lang uag e, imag e, and discourse (Ha rg rea ves, 1994, p. 39). The methods and me thodology of this resea rch a re e mbedded in the theor etical fra mework of poststructural fe minism Historically feminist resea rch ha s stemmed from the binary perspe ctive of c ritical inquiry Fe minist theories a rising f rom this body of lit e ra tur e dif fe r f ro m e a c h o the r, bu t w ha t lo os e ly lin ks the m is the ir a tte nti on to dis tin c tiv e ly fe min ist iss ue s [w hic h a re ] the sit ua tio n o f w ome n a nd the a na ly sis of ma le domination (F lax, 1990, p. 40). Although the c ritical per spective is a c ommon way of viewing feminism, poststructural theory is another a pproac h. Mace y define s po sts tru c tur ali sm as a reluc tance to gr ound discourse in a ny theory of metaphy sical orig ins, an insistence on the ine vitable plurality and instability of mea ning, a distrust of sy stematic scientific ity and the a bandoning of the old enlig htenment projec t (2000, p.

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4 309). Schwa ndt adds to this ambiguity by defining poststructuralism as the de cente ring of the notion of the individual, selfawa re c ondition of being a subjec t. . The I is not imm e dia te ly a va ila ble to i tse lf be c a us e it d e ri ve s it s id e nti ty on ly fr om i ts p os iti on in lang uag e or its involvement in various sy stems of signif ication ( 2001, p.203). Schwa ndt (2 00 1) a lso de sc ri be s th e the me of pa nte xtua lis m w he re e ve ry thi ng is a te xta nd a ll text s are interre lated ( p. 203). Th e the or e tic a l f ra me wo rk of po sts tr uc tur a lis m w hic h e mph a size s th e ins ta bil ity of me a nin g a nd sy ste ma tic me tho ds le nd s it se lf to t he us e of the rh izom e T he rh izom e examines the contextual int era ctions of women in lea dership throug h the unce asing conne ctions betwee n semiotic chains, org anizations of power, a nd circ umstances rela tive to the arts, scie nces, a nd social strug g les (D eleuze & Guattar i, 1980/1987, p. 7). Rhiz oanaly sis, like searc hing f or re lated topics on the I nterne t, starts in one are na and trave ls to differe nt plateaus within diverse lay ers of strata unc overing and discove ring new vistas of know ledg e. As bin a ri e s w e re un c ov e re d th ro ug h th e rh izom e th e y un de rw e nt deconstruction, which is a poststructural strate g y for r eading text s that unmasks the supposed truth or meaning of text by undoing, r ever sing, a nd displacing takenforg rante d binary oppositions t hat structure text s (e.g ., rig ht over wr ong subject over object, re ason over na tur e me n o ve r w ome n, sp e e c h o ve r w ri tin g a nd re a lit y ov e r a pp e a ra nc e ) (S c hw a nd t, 2001, p. 203-4). I n place of an oppr essive hier arc hy the emphasis is on the conte x tual interac tion between individuals and institutions. Fe minist postructura l writings a re built on critica l feminist traditions that probe fo r r e se a rc h p os sib ili tie s th a t mig ht, pe rh a ps n ot b e so c ru e l to so ma ny pe op le (S t. Pie rr e & Pill ow 2 00 0, p. 1) Po sts tr uc tur a lis m a s a su bs e t of po stm od e rn ism is l ink e d to

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5 the work of the Fr ench w riters F oucault, L y otard, De rrida, a nd Kristeva ( Craib, 1992; Gr og a n, 20 03 ; Sa ru p, 19 88 ). Th e sig nif ic a nt c on tr ibu tio n o f p os tst ru c tur a lis m is tha t it enable s us to understand administration in differ ent terms fr om those that have be en used in the past. These terms include discour se, subjectivity power and knowledg e, and resistanc e (G rog an, 2003). De f i n i ti o n o f T er ms Di sc ou rse is an intersubjec tive phenomenon, whe re discour se is not a direct pr od uc t of su bje c tiv ity a nd ha s a c on sti tue nt r ole in t he pr od uc tio n o f t he sy mbo lic sy stems that gove rn human e x istence" (Mac ey 2000, p. 101). F oucault (1977/1980) us e s th e te rm d isc ou rs e to h e lp u s u nd e rs ta nd ho w w e a re po sit ion e d a s su bje c ts i n dif fe re nt r e la tio ns hip s w ith oth e rs T his un de rs ta nd ing of the wa y we a re po sit ion e d is de pe nd e nt o n o ur re la tiv e po we r i n e a c h d isc ou rs e F ur the rm or e th e se sy mbo lic sy ste ms a r e o r d e r e d th r o u g h o u r li n g u is ti c d e s c r ip ti o n ( M il ls 2 0 0 4 p 4 7 ) H o w o u r te xt descr ibes the world c rea tes our discourse This evolving de finition of discourse wa s influence d by Fouc ault' s "discur sive fo rm a tio n, wh ic h h e de sc ri be d a s ho mog e ne ou s f ie lds of e nu nc ia tiv e re g ula ri tie s" (F oucault, 1972/2002, p. 117). Discur sive forma tion has also been de fined a s a g roup of statements in which it is possibl e to find a pa ttern of r eg ularity define d in terms of orde r, corr elation, position and function" (Mac ey 2000, p. 101). An e x ample of discur sive formation would be the varie ty of phenome na that include the roles men a nd women assume that produc e the c oncepts of nor malcy and devia tion. To understa nd su bje c tiv ity is to understand that discourse s sy stematically form the objects of w hich they speak ( Sarup, 1988, p. 70). The ref ore, a man or woma n who become s an administrator is shape d or subjectifie d by that discourse. Subjec tivity ref ers

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6 to the consc ious and unconscious thoug hts and emotions of the individual, her se nse of herse lf and he r wa y s of under standing her r elation to the world (Weedon, 1997, p. 32). For Fouc ault, "r elations of for ce a nd power are involved at eve ry level of a discursive for mation; . because knowledge is alway s a for m of power ( Mace y 2000, p. 101). As F oucault sug g ests, there is an interdepe ndence of powe r and know ledg e; what counts a s knowledg e is the re lative power of those who c laim it; one hy pothesis of power is that the mec hanisms of power are those of re pression ( 1977/1980, p. 91). There are rules within a discourse conce rning who ca n make state ments and in what c o n t e x t a n d t h e s e r u l e s e x c l u d e s o m e a n d i n c l u d e o t h e r s ( C r a i b 1 9 9 2 p 1 8 6 ) In a na ly zing g e nd e r r ole s, se xism c ome s to fe e l na tur a l or do min a nt w ith in a c ult ur e it does not allow us any rea l sense of how it would be possible to intervene a nd chang e that proce ss (Mills, 2004, p. 39). Howeve r g ender differ ence s are understood, most feminist leader ship analy ses slips int o an oppositional discourse be tween ma sculine and f eminine leade rship. I n the construction of g ender ed lea dership discourse s, the literature prese nts masculine leade rship as competitive, hiera rchic al, ra tional, unemotional, analy tic, strateg ic and c on tr oll ing a nd fe min ine le a de rs hip a s c oo pe ra tiv e te a m w or kin g in tui tiv e /r a tio na l, focuse d on high pe rfor mance empathic a nd collabora tive" ( Court, 2005, p. 5). L eade rship char acte ristics such as ag g ression, vision, streng th, determination, and c ou ra g e a re c on sis te nt w ith a nd us ua lly po sit ive ly a sso c ia te d w ith the ma sc uli ne tr a its t h a t r e s u l t f r o m t h e w a ys b o ys a r e c o m m o n l y s o c i a l i z e d w i t h i n A m e r i c a n s o c i e t y" (N i d i ff er 2 0 0 1 p 1 0 3 ). J o s ep h C ro wl ey (1 9 9 4 ), i n a h i s t o ri ca l s t u d y o n co l l ege presidents, a ssociated with lea dership metaphor s such as boss, super man, fa ther, titan, he ro g la dia tor a nd qu a rt e rb a c k. I n th e dis c ou rs e of e du c a tio na l a dmi nis tr a tio n, tho se

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7 with the power to define g ood prac tice ar e the male administrators whose e x perie nces form the ba sis of most tex ts and much of the r esea rch of the profe ssion. The diff ere nces in discour se spar k conflict. The theor etical pa radig m of differ ence is obsessed with the construc tion of identities rather tha n rela tions of power and domination, and conc entra tes on the ef fec t of this differe nce" (Gordon, 2001, p. 189) Educa tion thus reproduce s exi sting g ender inequalities; howeve r, fe minist studies assert that all people ha ve the c apac ity to resist oppression (Weiler, 2003) I f the de finition of knowledg e is expanded to include other s voices, the n it is t o be expected tha t such new knowledg e will include a resistance to the former ly acc epted knowle dg e cla im (Grog an, 2 0 0 3 ) F o u c a u l t t h o u g h t t h a t a l t h o u g h t h e s u b j e c t i s a f f e c t e d b y knowledge and power it is ir re du c ibl e to t he se , so the su bje c t a c tua lly fu nc tio ns a s a po c ke t of re sis ta nc e to established for ms of power /knowledg e, in the pre sent ag e ( Alvesson & Skoldberg 2001, p. 230). These insights wa rn us to expect conflict, a nd, secondly allow us to question takenforg rante d assumptions, particularly about the implications of local policies a nd prac tices ( Grog an, 2003, p. 20). I n apply ing the postmodern conc epts of discourse subjectivity power and knowledg e, and r esistance to women administrators, we can se e how these conce pts can expand and contribute to the e ducational lea dership fie ld. Administ rators ha ve bee n encour ag ed to think and beha ve in way s that have be en dictate d by a white, male dominated discourse shaped by a diffe rent a g e. This phenomenon is ve ry simil ar to the example that Fouca ult gives w here TV a nd cinema a ct as a n eff ective me ans . of repr og ramming popular memory in which people a re shown not wha t they wer e but what the y mus t r e me mbe r h a vin g be e n (Wo od s, 19 99 p 1 97 ). Wome n a dmi nis tr a tor s a re so few that their pre sence rema ins the exception, not the rule. Certainly their pra ctices ha ve

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8 rar ely had a voic e in administration rese arc h beca use they have be en excised (B ehar & Gordon, 1995). Subj e c ti vit y St at e m e nt I g rew up as a c hild of the 60s, the daug hter of two phy sicians. I had bee n a proponent of the feminist movement for y ear s until I joined a funda mentalist movement du ri ng my 20 s. I n my 30 s, my lif e e xpe ri e nc e s le d me to r e je c t bin a ry thi nk ing to espouse more modera te re actions. I n g radua te school, I beca me fa scinated w ith the critica l works of F reire and those of the poststructuralist, Fouc ault. Culture is linked with the shaping of social g roups cr eating a theor etical pa radox and opposition between culture a nd society I n previous qualitative studies while inter viewing fac ulty I had no tic e d d if fi c ult y dis ta nc ing my se lf fr om t he c on te nt o f t he int e rv ie ws du e to m y pr e vio us e xpe ri e nc e in m a na g e me nt, my int e re st i n f utu re e mpl oy me nt, a nd e sp e c ia lly my interest in power structure s. During this study I journaled my thoughts to help c larify my rese arc her bia s and delinea te my ideas for peer debrie fing and external a udits. As a pre vious corpora te manag er in a larg e hea lthcare org anization, I have se en ho w a ne w C EO inf lue nc e s th e c ult ur e of a n o rg a niza tio n. L ike he a lth c a re e du c a tio n is fac ing a budg et cr isis and dealing with the new na tional neolibera l philosophy of eff iciency acc ountability and mea surement of outcomes, the wa tchwords of cultural chang e in educ ation. Wit h this neoliberal influenc e come s a hiera rchic al sy stem that intensifies competition and a pa triarc hal discourse The hospital administration broug ht in a consultant for a ser ies of pre sentations emphasizing a n org anizational focus on t ra n s i t i o n o f e m p l o y ee s (i n cl u d i n g m an age rs ) a n d co s t -c u t t i n g, ra t h er t h an b u i l d i n g l o n gte rm or g a niza tio na l lo y a lty T his ide olo g y wa s in sh a rp c on tr a st t o my va lue s o f l oy a lty a nd c omm itm e nt. I slo wl y c ha ng e d my ma na g e me nt s ty le ov e r t he y e a rs fr om a

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9 pa tie nt/ e mpl oy e e se rv ic e fo c us to a c os tc utt ing fo c us wi th d isa str ou s lo ng -t e rm re su lts I n the short-ter m, I rec eived pr aise fr om administration as I slashed my expenses by imp ro vin g e ff ic ie nc y a nd pr od uc tiv ity ; ho we ve r, y e a rs la te r u nd e r d if fe re nt m a na g e me nt, the depa rtment still has gre at difficulty reta ining pr ofessional staf f. S o h o w c o u l d I h a v e s o l d o u t n o t o n l y o t h e r s b u t e v e n m o r e i m p o r t a n t l y, my self? Ex pecta tions were hig h and conse quence s were appar ent with the number of manag ers that ha d been reor g anized out of the or g anization. The institut ional dis c ou rs e sh a pe d my be ha vio r, a nd my ro le wi th e mpl oy e e s b e c a me inc re a sin g ly binary us ve rsus them. My manag eria l experience g ives me a unique perspe ctive of lea dership as hig her e ducation tra nsitions i nto a cor porate model. Although w omen le a de rs a re se e n to pr omo te c oo pe ra tio n a nd c oll a bo ra tio n in or g a niza tio ns in c on tr a st t o competitive and hier arc hical sy stems, this post structura l study soug ht new patter ns of discourse, r esistance subjectivity power and knowledg e in hig her e ducation administration. Sign if icance The c ontribution of poststructuralist theoretica l perspec tive is in it s questioning and its insist ence on understanding the re lationship between know ledg e and pow er. Also, people unde rg o particula r conf lict and fra g mentation if the discourse s within which they are immersed ar e not alig ned with ea ch other For instance, a woman administrator may experience tension and stress a s she tries to re concile the discourse of educa tional administration with that of mothering beca use the two make differ ent demands on he r (Grog an, 2003). This study attempted to asc erta in patterns of pow er a nd differ ence of the se wo me n le a de rs .

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10 Lim it at ion s B e sid e s th e inh e re nt l imi ta tio ns of sma ll s a mpl e size s a nd the ina bil ity to g ener alize that stem from using a qualitative re sear ch desig n, there are other limitations fr om a po sts tr uc tur a l pe rs pe c tiv e O ne pr ob le m a sso c ia te d w ith po sts tr uc tur a lis m involves a complica ted view of power beca use its nature c an be de trimental to the social po lit ic s o f r e sis ta nc e T his vie w o f p oli tic s o f d if fe re nc e is n ot op po sit ion a l in contesting the mainstrea m" ( St. P ierre & Pillow, 2000, p. 67). Poststructuralists do not fo c us on a sim ple hie ra rc hic a l vi e w o f m e n o pp re ssi ng wo me n, bu t a vie w o f s y ste ma tic g e nd e ri zed dis c ou rs e s w he re e ve n ide nti ty dis so lve s in a se a of me a nin g le ss d if fe re nc e s, no thi ng sta ble a nd se c ur e wi ll r e ma in u po n w hic h a po lit ic s o f r e sis ta nc e c a n b e bu ilt (St. Pi err e & Pill ow, 2000, p. 64). Waug h stated that, f eminism cannot sustain itself as an ema ncipatory movement unless it acknowle dg es its foundation in the discourses of modernity (Crotty 1998, p. 195). F eminism as a political movement is depende nt on a critica l binary state of us and them, and historica lly feminist resea rch ha s stemmed from the binar y perspe ctive of c ritical inquiry Howeve r, instead of a hier arc hical py ramid whe re the top tier oppresse s the others, the f ocus of poststructura lism i s the c on te xtua l in te ra c tio n b e tw e e n in div idu a ls a nd ins tit uti on s. Another diff iculty with poststructuralism is the impl icit epistemologic al stance of subjectivism. I n subjectivism, "mea ning doe s not come out of an inter play betwee n subject and obje ct but is imposed on the object by the subject" (Crotty 1998, p. 9). The rea der of the text i s the cre ator of me aning (Crotty 1998); thus, people for m their own interpre tation of the text based on their own e x perie nces, pe rce ptions, and expectations. As a re se a rc he r, my int e rp re ta tio n o f t he da ta wa s d if fu se d th ro ug h th e le ns e s o f m y subjectivity making even g ener al conc lusions and impli cations diffic ult. W hat g rounded

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11 the re sults is the support of the litera ture, a nd my persistent adhe renc e to the theor etical pe rs pe c tiv e B e fo re da ta a na ly sis I wo uld sp e nd ho ur s im me rs ing my se lf in deconstruc tive thought a nd then clar ify my bias with peer revie w and de briefing During my a na ly sis th e se pr a c tic e s a ve rt e d my ini tia l im pr e ssi on s to sim ply c on fo rm my da ta to c a te g or ie s a nd c ult iva te d th e de c on str uc tiv e c omp le xity thr ou g h r e pe a te d f a ilu re T his "pr actice of fa ilure" transfor med, my "impossibility into possibi lity wher e a f ailed a c c ou nt o c c a sio ns ne w k ind s o f p os iti on ing (L a the r, 19 96 p 3 ). Th e se fa ilu re s" stimul ated me to a lway s look outside my own discourse I n this way my prac tices confr onted the dang erous illusion of conventional sc ientific method that conc ludes that the world is much simpler than it truly is, thus enlarg ing the text ual re prese ntation (De nzin & L incoln, 2000). Whil e no t a ll a nti c ipa te d c ri tic ism c a n b e c on sid e re d, a no the r l imi ta tio n o f t his stu dy lie s in the la c k o f c omp a ri so n o f t he se wo me n' s v oic e s to me n in le a de rs hip positions. M en we re not intervie wed be cause of the pre pondera nce of men' s views in the leade rship discourse. The majority of the lea dership and ma nag ement litera ture ha ve been w ritten by male author s and re sear cher s. Whi le male pe rspec tives might have widened the results, the empha sis of this resear ch wa s on women' s repr esenta tion of leade rship in highe r educ ation. Adding male par ticipants would have pr omoted further delineation betwe en g ender s thus lessening the benef its of a fe minist postructura l perspe ctive which e ncoura g es the a voidance of absolutes a nd an expanding of cur rent rea lity

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12 CH APT ER 2 L I TERATURE REVI EW Introduction This chapter revie ws the pre vious resea rch done conce rning the aspe cts of womens identity as lea ders, lea dership itself, desc riptions of power, a nd how women neg otiate power Postst ructura lism i s a philosophical movement that examines the p ro d u ct i o n an d n ego t i at i o n o f p o we r. T h e t er m f em i n i s m h as m an y l ay er s o f m ea n i n g, which ar e cla rified by J ulia Kristeva, a poststructuralist with a feminist focus. Much rese arc h has bee n done on women in a cade mia. Much less has be en wr itten on women leade rs in highe r educ ation, althoug h there are some historical writing s about the beg innings of w omen dea ns at the turn of the centur y Adding to this hi story wer e family memoirs about my g rea t aunt who was one of the fir st deans of w omen in the ear ly twentieth ce ntury This story beg ins the rhizome. P redec essorsM y Gr eat A unt Helen A f t e r m y s i s t e r s d e a t h I l o n g e d t o k n o w t h o s e s h e h a d l o v e d W h e n K a t h r yn would visit our hometown, she would alwa y s g o visit our Grea t Aunt Helen. Since I was 7 y e a rs y ou ng e r, I ne ve r r e a lly un de rs too d h e r a ttr a c tio n to a n o lde r w ido w w ho liv e d in an old clapboa rd house ne x t to the campus of B ethel, the loca l Mennonite colleg e. She was born in 1890 a nd died in 1981, but her son wa s still alive and ha d some arc hives fr om h e r l if e I int e rv ie we d h im a nd tr a ns c ri be d th e te xt. I n th is i nte ra c tio n, I c a me to understand pa rts of my leg acy from a f emale pr edec essor a s I develope d my own voice.

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13 I rec eived a n inheritanc e fr om a fe male kin who lef t signs of streng th, autonomy or coura g e that she w ill need in daring to aspire to a liter ary vocation ( Obrie n, 1987, p. 16). Although she was a faithful Mennonite w ho stopped working as soon as she marrie d, my Gre at Aunt Hele n g ave those who knew he r a f amilial resourc e for the social co n s t ru ct i o n o f ge n d er Au n t He l en wa s t h e f i rs t wo m en t o gra d u at e f ro m Be t h el C o l l ege in 1912, and later beca me Dea n of Women until she married in 1920. She had ta ug ht at the hig h s c ho ol a c a de my a nd ta ug ht G e rm a n a nd El oc uti on a nd Phy sic a l Cu ltu re to women colleg e students during her y ear s as dea n. Aunt Helen w as a c harte r member of the Womens I nterna tional L eag ue for Peace and F ree dom and cor responde d with J ane Ad da ms i n Ch ic a g o, a pr omi ne nt s oc ia l r e fo rm e r. As a Me nn on ite s he he ld t o a pa c if ist position and was ver y active in the le ag ue on a loc al level. Aunt He len was a lso involved in T he I ns tit ute fo r I nte rn a tio na l Re la tio ns a mov e me nt f or pe a c e w hic h b ro ug ht M a rt in L uther King to speak a t Be thel College in 1961. Her son wa s proud of he r conne ction with these org anizations and her pr omotion of world peac e. Be sides having a pr actica l Christi an fa ith which promoted pe ace she inherited an intellec tual curiosity fr om her fa ther Jacob. Gre at Aunt Hele n had g rown up in the same house w ith her two aunts, Susan and Elizabeth I saac who wer e the f irst women doctors in the state of Kansa s during the late 19th and e arly 20th centurie s. My fathe rs memoirs tell of how his fathe r, Arnold I saac beca me a doc tor bec ause he wanted to be a ble to o wn a c a r t o ma ke ho us e c a lls (a 19 12 B uic k) lik e his a un ts d id. Th e re fo re my g rea t, gr eat a unts were the beg inning of a long line of phy sicians. Aunt Helen w as known to provide thoughtf ul and attentive listening and counseling , espe cially to new women c oming to B ethel. He r son re minisced how she

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14 ha d thi s e a sy n a tur a l w a y of ta lki ng (p ro ble ms) thr ou g h. He r s on de sc ri be d h e r a s a consta nt presenc e in the colleg e community who wa s involved in campus ac tiviti es for 70 y ear s. He a lso describe d her a s having devout, ba sic Christian convictions, a tol e ra nt s pir it a nd a s a n in div idu a l w ho wa s n ot r ig id. I n a tr a ns c ri be d in te rv ie w i n 1979, Aunt Helen spoke eloquently and conside rate ly of others. F or example, she spoke highly of her one hig h school teac her, Prof essor Richer t, who she said students, g ot along very well with him and appre ciated him ver y much. Aunt He len was r emember ed by her f amily as having a f org iving spirit and f aith in the essential g oodness of pe rsons even w hen they disappointed her. No wonder my sister liked visiting her Deans of Wome n The imag e of the prudish, dowdy matrons or house mother s often come s to mind when e nvisioning the wome n deans of the past. I nitially Ober lin and Antioch colleg es had boar ding house s for wome n students in the mid-1900s and to protect wome n from the terr ible dang ers of male students with a f emale supe rvisor (Nidiff er & Ba shaw, 2001, p. 136). Charle s Finney president of Ober lin, recommende d to the University of Michig an that they hire a wise a nd pious matron to supervise women students bef ore adding coeduc ation (Holmes, 1939, p. 109). The pattern of hiring dea ns of women beg an in the 1890s in Midwestern c oeduca tional colleg es to cha perone the influx of women students. This position pl ay ed a historica l role by being the f irst sy stemic, a dmi nis tr a tiv e re sp on se in h ig he r e du c a tio n to c op e wi th a ne w, a nd e sse nti a lly unwelcome population (Nidiff er & Ba shaw, p. 136). T his beg an the tre nd in highe r educa tion of hiring a dminist rators f or new marg inalized populations. The ba ttle of coe ducation wa s a ca use take n up for e ducational r efor mers who wanted te ache rs, a lar g ely fema le occ upation. Howeve r, the c ampus environment wa s at

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15 times openly hostile; therefor e administrators soug ht deans of w omen. Will iam Rainey Har per s desire to make the Univer sity of Chicag o a we stern Ya le prompted him to hire Alice F ree man Palmer, the f ormer pr esident of Wellesley College as a history profe ssor and dea n of women ( Nidiffer & B ashaw 2001). Palmer a dded Mar ion Talbot as her assistant and in 1895 Talbot bec ame de an whe n Palmer re tired. Talbot wa s instrumental in cre ating the National Assoc iation of Dea ns of Women (NADW) in 1916, which tr a ns fo rm e d th e ho us e mot he r r ole int o a pr of e ssi on T he se wo me n w ho we re hir e d to c on du c t be d c he c ks a nd c ha pe ro ne wo me n a c tua lly we re e a rl y a dv oc a te s f or fe ma le s, re pr e se nti ng we lle du c a te d, we llqu a lif ie d, a nd int e lli g e nt w ome n w ho c ou ld e xer c ise administrative skills and professional lea dership ( Treic hler, 1985, p. 24). D eans of women provide d leade rship to help fema le students cope w ith the chilly climate of the c oe du c a tio na l e nv ir on me nt a ro un d 1 90 0. I nit ia lly f ind ing ho us ing fo r w ome n s tud e nts wa s th e pr ima ry wo rk of the se de a ns F a mil ie s w e re re luc ta nt t o s e nd the ir da ug hte rs to campuse s that provided no housing and so boar ding house s were used. As the number s of fe male students incre ased, w omen dea ns were able to proc ure dor mitories and sc ho la rs hip ha lls fo r s tud e nts A s f e ma le stu de nts be c a me c omm on pla c e on Mid we st campuse s, highe r educ ation provided opportunities whe re e ducate d women could f ind a dmi nis tr a tiv e po sit ion s; h ow e ve r, so me de a ns of wo me n p os iti on s w e re a na log ou s to ho me e c on omi c s d e pa rt me nts fo r a c a de mic s wh e re it be c a me a fe ma le g he tto of so rt s with the inevitable g lass ceiling (N idiffer 2000, p. 4). The most influential women c ontributing to the e volution of the profe ssion were Mar ion Talbot, University of Chicag o, 1892-1925; Mary Bidwe ll Bre ed, I ndiana Un ive rs ity 1 90 16; A da Com sto c k, Un ive rs ity of Min ne so ta 1 90 612 ; a nd L ois Mathews, Unive rsity of Wisconsin, 1911-18 (Nidiff er & Ba shaw, 2001, p. 139). T albot

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16 founded the Association of Colleg iate Alumnae (ACA), the prede cessor of the Ame rica n Association of Unive rsity Women (AAUW), and wa s the main proponent of the profe ssionaliz ation of women de ans. B ree ds entra nce to I ndiana Unive rsity met rese ntment from male f aculty and students, and f rom women students who thoug ht they did not need disciplining. B ree d reve rsed these sentiments throug h collabora tion and self-g overnme nt in an era that did not recog nize womens contributions. Ada Comstock helped wome n deans de velop expertise and a scientific a pproac h by articula ting ne eds a n d i n i t i a t i v e s C o m s t o c k w a s d e d i c a t e d t o p r o v i d i n g w o m e n a s e n s e o f c o m m u n i t y, leade rship roles, employ ment and intellectua l opportunities (Nidiffe r & Ba shaw, 2001, p. 146). She devote d much ene rg y in finding g ainful employ ment and deve loping c are er a sp ir a tio ns fo r w ome n s tud e nts L ois Ma tth e ws w ho wa s th e fi rs t w oma n to pa ss Har vard s Ph.D. ex amination in history soug ht equal status for w omen dea ns as me mbe rs of the fa c ult y Sh e ne g oti a te d h a vin g the tit le of de a n a nd the ra nk of a sso c ia te profe ssor at Wisconsin. Matthews, who published article s and a book on N ew Eng land, br ou g ht t he de a ns hip to t he sa me int e lle c tua l he ig ht a s h e r a c a de mic c a re e r. Al l th e se women tra nsformed the deanship fr om the role of house -mother to a pr ofession that eventua lly beca me student aff airs. Wo m e n in A c ade m ia Th e re is a ple tho ra of fe min ist sc ho la rl y wr iti ng s w ith a c ri tic a l bi na ry e mph a sis with themes of subser vience and silence J oan Ac ker s (1990) theor y of g ender ed org anizations rec og nized that org anizational hierar chies a re not g ender neutra l. Park (1996) de scribed a g ender ed division of labor whe re se x -neutra l corpora tions and burea ucra cies a re dominate d by masculine struc tures that lea d to advantag es for males and disadva ntag es for fema le employ ees. The se conc epts serve as re flec tions of

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17 Fouc aults tec hnologie s of the self, which ar e conc rete socially and historically located ins tit uti on a l pr a c tic e s w hic h c on str uc t ou r s e ns e of wh o w e a re H ig he r e du c a tio n is constituted of patria rcha l hierar chies whe re w omens status is considere d marg inalized and equa ted with lesser c ompetence and cr edibility ; women per ceive difficulty obtaining rese arc h funds, conduc ting c ollaborative r esea rch w ith men, having their scholar ly work seen a s inferior a nd devalue d, and being rate d more ne g atively by students than men on student evalua tions (Carroll, Ellis, & McCre a, 1991). Acke r and F euer verg er ( 1996) sug g est that it is what the univer sity stands for, and wha t it rewar ds and wha t it ignore s, that is at issue (p. 417). Women per ceive a g ender ed re war d structure wher e re sear ch and a dminist ration ar e see n as masculine, highly compensa ted skills, and teaching as an emotional labor that is considere d feminine a nd non-esse ntial (Be llas, 1999). Park (1996) stated that r esea rch se para tes the men fr om the boy sand the wome n (p. 50) I n 1990, one study found that 43% of male fa culty but only 36% of f emale f aculty taug ht 8 or less hours a w eek, w hile 11% of fema le and 8% of male f aculty spent g rea ter than 17 hour s per we ek tea ching (Park, 1996). Diff ere nces in re sear ch produc tivity are explained by womens struc tural position in depar tments where they car ry heavie r tea ching loads, bea r g rea ter re sponsibili ty for un de rg ra du a te e du c a tio n, ha ve mor e se rv ic e c omm itm e nts a nd le ss a c c e ss t o g ra du a te teac hing a ssistants, as well as trave l funds, rese arc h monies, and equipment. Women spend more time on pe dag og ical ef forts than men, c rea ting c ollaborative le arning opportunities for students. Promotion and tenure c rea te consider able stre ss for women, a lthough they often publish more than their male counter parts to ensure promotion. Toutkoushian (1999) found that women spe nd more time tea ching and less doing rese arc h. They produce

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18 lower le vels of re sear ch output than men, but no diffe renc e wa s noted in the number of citations rec eived pe r ar ticle; less rese arc h output does not mean lower quality Women are less likely than men to be f ound among tenure d fac ulty /full professors be cause they prog ress a t slower ra tes than men. While doctoral de g ree s g rante d to women have inc re a se d f ro m 14 % i n 1 97 0 to 39 % i n 1 99 5, the y e a rn low e r s ha re s o f d oc tor a te s in eng ineer ing, ma thematics, phy sical scienc es, and business. Women obtained 21% of e du c a tio na l do c tor a te s in 19 70 a nd 62 % i n 1 99 5; w ome n c omp os e d 3 3% of fa c ult y a t a ll instit utions in 1992, but 45% of pa rt-time fa culty (Toutkoushian, 1999). I n 1992, women c omp os e d 2 5% of fu lltim e a nd 52 % o f p a rt -t ime fa c ult y in a g ri c ult ur e 5 0% of fu lltim e a nd 57 % o f p a rt -t ime in h e a lth sc ie nc e s, a nd 28 % o f f ull -t ime a nd 43 % o f p a rt -t ime fac ulty in the social scienc es (Toutkoushian, 1999) J ean B aker Miller coined a phrase doing g ood and fe eling bad to de scribe womens e x perie nce in a cade mia (Ac ker & Fe uerve rg er, 1996, p. 401) Acke r and Fe uerve rg er inter viewed 27 f ull and associate profe ssors to ga in an under standing of women who ha d at least one promotion in higher educa tion. These tra nscripts, full of disill usionment, describe d women as w orking excessively hard, ta king r esponsibility for supporting othe rs (c olleag ues and students), be ing g ood depar tment citiz ens, a nd fee ling ba d (p. 408). The se women pe rce ived an une qual division of labor with women working harde r, and a n expectation that women will take g rea ter re sponsibili ty for the nurturing and houseke eping side of ac ademic life They descr ibed a g ender ed division of labor whe re the fa ct that women ha ve bee n seen a s natura lly suited to [t eac hing] has serve d to disguise its potential for e x ploitation and to discourag e women f rom expressing outlaw e motions such as envy and re sentment that might be at odds with the ca ring script ( Acke r & Fe uerve rg er, p. 402) This ge ndere d division of labor assumes that

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19 women will have pr imary responsibility for nur turing the y oung and ser ving me n but re c e ive lit tle c re dit fo r d oin g so (A c ke r & F e ue rv e rg e r, p. 40 3) T he se wo me n se ns e that the ac ademic r ewa rd sy stem is out of sy nc with their pre fer ence s, that they are working harde r than they should and that they have a disproportionate shar e of responsibilities for the mundane service side of univer sity work a nd for the e motional well-be ings of the students (A cker & F euer verg er, p. 404) The re petitive themes of inequality of workloa d, the expectation of c aring for other s, being g ood depar tment citizens and not fee ling g ood enoug h in a r ewa rd sy stem of constant a ssessment are considere d part of house wife r oles, similar to those found in the historical discourse Wome n h a ve to b e nu rt ur ing or be c on sid e re d f a ilu re s o r p e rf e c tio nis ts a nd fa c e c hil ly c lim a te sto ri e s (A c ke r & F e ue rv e rg e r, p. 40 9) M e n a re no t f a c e d w ith the sa me e xpe c ta tio ns Wome n, dis c ou ra g e d f ro m pu rs uin g the ir sc ho la rl y int e re sts a nd wo rk loa d, wi sh to speak for women' s equity in acts of r esistance ; however outspoken women c oncer ned about the nee ds of fe male students will jeopardize their positions at the university They are expected to advoc ate f or women s issues, but this place s them in a position of vulnera bility wher e they may find themselves ridicule d, ignor ed, and disre specte d (Carr oll, Elli s, & Mc Crea, 1991) Afra id of being perc eived a s bitchy and a targ et of g ossip and ridicule, these women find little other re course but silence. I n response to internalized sexi st messag es, women te nd to silence themselve s and ac commodate other s, rather than asser ting their own opinions and fee lings; howe ver, much of the bur den for cre ating chang e has r ested on the w omen fa culty themselves (B ro ns te in & F a rn sw or th, 19 98 ). Th os e fe ma le pr of e sso rs wh o a c hie ve d s uc c e ss

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20 sometimes distance themselve s as a queen be e, or in the best scena rio, transition into a womens a dvocate (L incoln, 1986, p. 116). I nappropr iate sexual attention was re ported sig nificantly more ofte n by women than by men re g ardle ss of their leng th of time at the university Women ex perie nced direc t incidents of ha rassing and discriminatory behavior s in their day -to-day interac tions more than did men ( Br onstein & F arnswor th, 1998, p. 565). Sex ual hara ssment is defined as verba l or phy sical conduc t of a sexual nature imposed on the ba sis of se x . tha t de nie s, lim its or pr ov ide s d if fe re nt . tr e a tme nt (P a lud i & B a ri c kma n, 19 91 a s c ite d in De y K or n, & Sa x, 19 96 p 1 51 ). With re g a rd to a c a de mic rank, pr ofessors a nd assistant profe ssors repor ted har assment at a r ate of one-ha lf to onethird of that re ported by full profe ssors. The study specula ted that these r esults might ha ve oc c ur re d b e c a us e the se pr of e sso rs ha d lo ng e r e mpl oy me nt a t th e ins tit uti on s; howeve r, they conclude d that sexual harassment has ma ny inhere nt complexi ties with the int e rp la y be tw e e n th e c on c e pts of po sit ion po we r (p 1 69 ). Wha t w a s n ot s ug g e ste d is that as women a scend the ranks of status, they also bec ome a g rea ter c halleng e to the men ar ound them and a g rea ter tar g et for inter play s of power Wom en in Hi gher Education Administration Women in higher educa tion administ ration have achie ved a g rea ter he ight of sta tus a nd pr e sti g e H ow e ve r, Sa nd le r r e po rt e d th a t f e ma le a dmi nis tr a tor s re ma in conce ntrated in a small number of low-sta tus area s that are traditionally viewed a s womens f ields (nursing home ec onomics, educa tion), or in car e-ta king r oles (student a ff a ir s) o r i n o the r a c a de mic su pp or t r ole s (P a rk 1 99 6, p. 54 ). Mo re wo me n a sp ir e d to lowerlevel administrative positions than men. Aspirations bec ame ne arly equal whe n considering the position of university vice pr esident, but few fema les aimed for the

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21 position of university president. Ma ny women wa nted to serve as cha ir, or direc tor/coordinator of depa rtments. This resea rch se ems to show that fema les perc eive a g lass ceiling , sensing obstacles that did not af fec t men in their climb up the ca ree r la dd e r; fe ma le s r e po rt e d h ome ma kin g a nd c hil d c a re a s th e tou g he st s oc ia l ba rr ie rs to advanc ement (Shultz & Easter 1997). I n this same study not one male out of 93 me n cited fa mily responsibilities as a bar rier to c are er a dvance ment. Women also perce ived instit utional barrie rs: heavy workloads, bur eauc rac y highe r educ ation require ments and la c k o f f un ds to m e e t th e m, c omm itt e e de ma nd s, lim ite d te nu re tr a c ks rese arc h/publication demands, and the g ood old boy s networ k. Ver y few males or f emales r eg arde d opportunities for males a nd fema les as equa l. Marsha ll and J ones (1990) found no statistically signific ant re lationship between womens sa laries, c hildbearing and administrative leve ls in higher educa tion; however, qualitative re sponses from 147 pa rticipants had 63% repor ting that c hildbearing had a neg ative ef fec t while only 30% re ported a positive effe ct. Fa mily roles interr upt the car eer s of women se eking administrative ca ree rs. Althoug h women per ceive d that they can be g in families when they wish to and find that the satisfa ction outweig hs car eer problems, women a dminist rators pa y a hig h persona l price in maintaining their ca ree rs (Mar shall & Jones, 1990). Wit h reg ard to wome n in primarily male-dominate d fields, women ha ve historically alway s play ed a subse rvient role, e specia lly in medical fie lds as nurses a nd technicia ns taking order s from the male" phy sician. I n 1949, women compr ised 12% of postwar medic al school g radua tes. By the mid-50s this number dropped to 5%; this was e ve n lo we r t ha n in 19 41 I n 1 96 0, 75 8 w ome n r e pr e se nte d 5 % o f m e dic a l st ud e nts (M a rt in e t a l., 19 88 ). Th is n umb e r h a s g ra du a lly inc re a se d s inc e tha t ti me to 4 9. 6% in

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22 2005, and while these perc entag es g ive the appe ara nce of a positive trend, in 2005 wo me n r e pr e se nte d 1 5% of a ll f ull pr of e sso rs te a c hin g c lin ic a l me dic ine (A AM C D a ta Book, 2005) I ncre ased g radua tion rates have not reduc ed the pr evale nce of sexi sm, and 47% of wome n phy sicians have experience d g ender -base d hara ssment (hara ssment rela ted to being fema le in a male e nvironment), and 37% repor ted sexual harassment that included a phy sical compone nt (Fr ank et a l., 1998). I n her book, W alking Out on the Boys Fr ance s Conley (1998), a Stanford neur osurg eon, wr ote that medical sc hool is and r e m a i n s a n i n s t i t u t i o n o f r i g i d h i e r a r c h i e s a l m o s t a n a r c h e t yp a l p a t r i a r c h a l s o c i e t y" (p 4 ). Th e e ve ry da y wo rl d o f p hy sic ia ns is s ha pe d a ro un d a ri g id h ie ra rc hy of a uth or ity and powe r, a nd lea rn to normalize their experienc es of mistrea tment and abuse (Hinze, 2004, p. 103). Hig her e ducations statistics are slightly better. I n the ea rly 40s, women re pr e se nte d 2 7. 7% of a ll a c a de mic pe rs on ne l. T his nu mbe r f e ll t o 2 4. 5% in 1 95 0 th e n to 22 % i n 1 96 0. Wome n e a rn ing PhD s d ro pp e d to 10 % t o 1 2% in t he 19 50 s f ro m 16 % t o 18% in the 1930s (Solomon, 1985). Historically males have predominate ly comprised mos t of hig he r e du c a tio n f a c ult y F ro m 19 25 to 2 00 0, the pe rc e nta g e of fe ma le fu lltim e fac ulty has incre ased f rom 19% to 24%; in 1989, 22% of te nured f aculty wer e fe male, and in 1998, the number incre ased to 26% ( Wennige r & Conroy 2001). While women hold 39% of all fa culty positions, t hese positions are primarily adjunct and pa rt-time. Wit h educa tional cutbacks, f ewe r tenure -trac k positions, and more restric tive criter ia for tenure there is a new c lass of g y psy scholars, a n intellectual pr oletaria t who ar e predominate ly fema le (Park, 1996, p. 50) I n s a la ri e s, wo me n f a c ult y a re pa id 7 7% of wh a t th e ir ma le c ou nte rp a rt s e a rn ju st a lit tle mor e tha n th e tw othi rd s le ve l a t w hic h w ome n w e re pa id i n th e 50 s. Pa rt of thi s

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23 differ ence is secondar y to women being conce ntrated in the lowe r-pa y ing f ields such as nursing and educ ation. Gende r has a statistically signific ant direc t, indirect, and total eff ect on sa lary attainment, with men ac ademics ha ving hig her e arning s than women c oll e a g ue s w he n c on tr oll ing fo r o the r v a ri a ble s (S ma rt 1 99 1, p. 52 0) I n 1 96 9 me n in aca demia ea rned 30% more than w omen, in 1984 men ea rned 23% more, a nd in 1991 wo me n e a rn e d 7 % l e ss ( To utk ou sh ia n, 19 99 ). Th e se stu die s a mon g ma ny oth e rs ind ic a te tha t hi g he r e du c a tio n d isc ri min a te s a g a ins t w ome n ( Wen nig e r & Con ro y 2 00 1) So me have a rg ued that women e x pect too much a nd should be socialized to cope with the situation as it is I n rea lity women ac commodate to ac ademia a s it is; they are shaped by and assimilate into its culture. Le ade r ship Dec onstructing the term leade rship re quires under standing its definition and ho w i t s u se d. I n th is s e c tio n, a n o ve rv ie w o f t he va ri ou s c ha ra c te ri sti c s o f l e a de rs hip wi ll b e ou tli ne d w ith its a sso c ia te d s kil ls, a tti tud e s, a nd be ha vio rs L e a de rs hip is a term that eve ry one see ms to understand but have difficulty in defining (Perino & Perino, 1988). The te rms lea dership a nd the closely rela ted term manag ement a re e mbedded in a masculine discur sive voice. L eade rship has broa der implications than mana g ement and includes the achie vement of or g anizational goa ls. One def inition i s whene ver one person a ttempts to influence the behavior of an individual or g roup re g ardle ss of rea son (He rshey Bla nchar d, &Johnson, 2001, p. 9). Warren B ennis, a lea dership schola r, differ entiated be tween ma nag ement and le ader ship which furthe r delinea ted the ter m lea dership. L eade rs conque r the c ontext -the volatile, turbulent, a mbiguous surr oundings tha t sometimes seem to conspire ag ainst us and will surely suffoc ate us if we let themwhile manag ers surr ender to it. The manag er a dminist rate s; the leade r

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24 i n n o v a t e s . . T h e m a n a g e r h a s h i s e ye o n t h e b o t t o m l i n e ; t h e l e a d e r h a s h i s e ye on the horizon. The manag er imitates; the lea der or igina tes. The mana g er a c c e pts the sta tus qu o; t he le a de r c ha lle ng e s it . . Ma na g e rs do thi ng s r ig ht; leade rs do the rig ht things. (c ited in CarterScott, 1994, p. 12) Embedded phr ases use d such as challeng e, conquer the context, ey e on the bottom li ne or horizon, and do the rig ht things not only distinguish betwee n the terms lea dership a nd mana g ement but por tray a pra g matic, hiera rchic al discourse I nh e re nt i n th e se ph ra se s a re a n id e olo g y of be st a nd wo rs t. Th is i de olo g y a lso echoe s the scientific ma nag ement appr oach of Fr edric k Tay lor, the produc tion of e f f i c i e n c y. Severa l authors identify and def ine cha rac teristics of g ood leade rs. Passow (1 98 8) vie we d le a de rs hip a s a g ro up int e ra c tio n w ith sit ua tio na l g oa ls a nd wi th t he a bil ity to help others ac hieve g oals. Serg iovanni (1990) identifie d four sty les of lea dership: barg aining building, bonding and banking He de fines a suc cessf ul leader as one w ho strives to become a lea der of leade rs, has the a bility to cre ate other leade rs, and e mbodies a c omm itm e nt t o id e a s, va lue s, a nd be lie fs ins te a d o f p ow e r a nd c on tr ol; the se c ha ra c te ri sti c s a llo w f or a mor a l r a the r t ha n in sti tut ion a l or ps y c ho log ic a l a uth or ity (S e rg iov a nn i, 1 99 0) K a rn e s a nd Cha uv in ( 20 05 ) p ro po se d th a t le a de rs sh ou ld p os se ss a fundame ntal understanding of lea dership as w ell as skills for speec h, written communication, cha rac ter-building decision-making problem-solving persona l, gr oup dy na mic s, a nd pla nn ing T he se a uth or s a lso believe tha t these skills are tea chable and ar e assessed thr oug h their lea dership tra ining pr og rams. Porter (1989) viewed the promotion of owne rship by leade rs cr eate d eff ective e mpo we rm e nt. Th e se le a de rs mus t li ste n a nd re c og nize the va lue in o the rs c re a te op po rt un iti e s f or pr og re ssi ve ro le s f or oth e rs r e wa rd c omp e te nc y n e g oti a te ba rr ie rs ,

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25 promote colleg ial interac tion, and cre ate tea ms for org anizational problem solving, a nd he lp i nd ivi du a ls u nd e rs ta nd ho w t he ir ro le s c on tr ibu te to t he c oll e c tiv e wh ole A ll t he se behavior s are to be done without manag ing a nd controlling Power , an importa nt structure in lea dership discourse is defined a s influenc e po te nti a l, wh e re dif fe re nt t y pe s o f p ow e r a re e mph a size d to ma ximize e ff e c tiv e ne ss (He rshey Bla nchar d, & Johnson, 2001, p. 204). L eade rs use powe r to cre ate c hang e. These a uthors distinguish betwee n differ ent ty pes of powe r using lang uag e such a s c oe rc ive , c on ne c tiv e , re wa rd , le g iti ma te , re fe re nt, inf or ma tiv e , a nd e xpe rt power (p. 213). Power is defined a nd identified, but also seg mented into strata f or a hiera rchic al leade rship discourse. How men a nd women ena ct power illust rate s the oppositional discourse betwe en masculine a nd feminine lea dership. I n a 1998 study Br unner a nd Schumaker found that m al e s u p er i n t en d en t s t en d ed t o u s e p o we r t o ac h i ev e t h ei r o wn v i ew o f a co m m u n i t y 's common g ood rathe r than using their position to pursue the collec tive common g ood. T h e "p o we ro v er co n ce p t wa s t h o u gh t t o b e a m as cu l i n e c o n ce p t o f p o we r; al t h o u gh B ru nn e r r e po rt e d th a t th e po we rov e r i s n ot t he c on c e pt o f p ow e r t ha t e ve ry ma n h old s. There has bee n less rese arc h on the power -with" conce pt of power which is consider ed feminine in nature Whil e not exclusively feminine, this conce pt of power is ill ustrated in t op ic s su c h a s c oll a bo ra tiv e de c isi on -m a kin g s ite -b a se d ma na g e me nt, a nd a uth e nti c participa tion where power is collective (H arstock, 1987; Ha berma s, 1986; I saac 1993; Kanter 1977, 1979; Mill er, 1993; Wartenbe rg 1990). Ha nnah Ar endt (1972) de scribed thi s c on c e pt o f p ow e r a s a c ts o f c oo pe ra tio n to e sta bli sh re la tio ns hip s a mon g pe op le to solve difficult social c onditions. Mi ller (1993) sug g ested that wome n' s identities demand that power is used to benef it the broade r community and not used self ishly or

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26 destructively I n a study of women in state le g islatures, Kirkpa trick (1974) found women se a rc he d f or so lut ion s to se rv e the c omm on g oo d w he re me n c omp e te d to a dv a nc e the ir own intere sts. The power -over a nd "pow erwith" c oncepts of pow er a re r eminiscent of Jane Roland Martin' s (1985) de scription of the produc tive/reproduc tive dichotomy of societa l proce sses. Martin believe d that these socie tal proce sses are g ender rela ted as we ll as the traits our culture associate s with them. Accor ding to Ame rica n stereoty pes, men a re "obje ctive, ana ly tical, ra tional, interested in idea s and thing s; they have no inter persona l orientation; they are not nurturant or suppor tive, empathic or sensitive" ( Martin, 1985, p. 193). The pr oductive proc esses include political, cultural, and e conomic tasks and functions, wher e the r eproduc tive proce sses include c aring for the f amily helping the sick, and running the household. Kirkpa trick' s finding tha t women leade rs ar e motivated to serve the common g ood is a trait g ender ization t hat extols the fe minine virtues of nurturanc e and c are These vir tues have historically motivated women to cr eate solutions for soc ietal problems and thus a spire to leade rship. The a uthorial voice a nd prac tice of white male a dminist rators ha s cre ated a productive discour se re leg ating the re productive proce sses of ser vice a nd nurturing to the "ontolog ical base ment" ( Martin, 1985, p. 15). Exa min ing the e xten siv e lit e ra tur e on le a de rs hip a lso pr ov ide s a wi nd ow int o the authoria l voice. Ty pical lea dership book titles include Le ad ing with So ul, Le ad e rsh ip on the Line, Managing by Values, and Dare to Lead. When the rea der ope ns the cove r of these books, the table of conte nts revea ls sensationalized phrases a s its own discursive prac tice. A table of conte nts of a ty pical book, 100 W ays to Motivate Othe rs, uses phrase s such as cre ating a dy namic wor k place , c oach the outcome, be the c ause not the e ff e c t, a c c e le ra te c ha ng e , sc or e the pe rf or ma nc e , le a d f ro m th e fr on t, us e

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27 y ou r b e st t ime fo r y ou r b ig g e st c ha lle ng e , c oa c h y ou r p e op le to c omp le te , ma ke it ha pp e n to da y , pu mp u p y ou r e -m a ils , de liv e r t he re wa rd , a nd de c ide to b e g re a t (C ha nd le r & Ric ha rd so n, 20 05 ). Th is l a ng ua g e is u se d to de ve lop le a de rs hip sk ill s a nd to mot iva te pe op le s ug g e sti ng tha t a ll p e op le c a n b e c ome le a de rs (P a sso w, 19 88 ). Th e se embedde d sy mbols portray a pra g matic, hiera rchic al discourse These a uthors emphasize the g ame aspec t of leade rship. Winni ng is whats important to the play ers a nd superc edes c ollaboration and c oopera tion, ty pically a more feminine a pproac h to leader ship. L eade rship is ty pically a ver tical proc ess, a top-dow n mentality wher e a hor izont al appr oach to lea dership builds teamwork a nd unity in an org anization. The intersec tion between the vertica l and horizontal balance helps define the sty le of lea dership in the org anization. A horizont al leade rship promotes collabora tion and empower ment of follower s, but can slow the de cision-making proce ss. Aca demia historically has bee n an instituti on wher e prof essors with tenure have the power of job secur ity These a cade mic elites ca n be ver y vocal in their de mands of leade rship without direct impunity Howeve r, g rea ter a ccounta bility cre ates pre ssure within inst itutions to perfor m, and fa culty sense with disillusionm ent the ver tical movement of powe r assoc iated with a loss of de cision-making and owne rship of the g oals of the institution. Metaphors a re use d as a device of the poe tic imag ination and the rhe torical flourisha matter of extraordinar y rathe r than ordina ry lang uag e ( L akoff & Johnson, 1980, p. 3). The me taphor re prese nts the ever y day functioning and def ines perc eptual rea lities. Metaphorica l lang uag e is an important sourc e of e vidence of wha t is the lived experience of people To understa nd subjectivity is to understand that discourse s sy stematically form the objec ts of which they speak ( Sarup, 1988, p. 70). The ref ore, a

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28 man or woma n who bec omes an a dminist rator is shape d or subjectifie d by that discourse. Be cause poststructuralism sugg ests that discourse f orms the objects of w hich they speak, it was important to examine the lang uag e of the se women le ader s. Ac ad em i c l ea d er s h av e gr ea t er p re s s u re t o co n s er v e r es o u rc es an d m an age personne l more ef fec tively than eve r bef ore. Since the 1980s, the cha ng ing c ulture of ne oli be ra lis m me a ns fe we r w or ke rs mus t pr od uc e mor e fo r l e ss; g lob a liza tio n is wi de ly invoked as the ine x orable forc e that make s this im pera tive rational (Peters, 2001, p.316). This umbrella of neo-liber alism sees cor porate and g overnme nt involvement as repla cing priva cy and fr eedom f rom interfe renc e with passivity depende nce, the colonization of indivi dual wills, and a dvocate s policies promoting privatization, consumer sove reig nty userpay s, self-r eliance and individual enter prise, as the solution to all economic a nd social ills (p.125). F or many worke rs the re sult is whit e and blue collar jobs that ar e bene fit-fre e, tempora ry and ea sily repla cea ble; far few er jobs ar e perma nent, full-time positions. Hig her e ducation is not exempt from these trends. The Org anization for Economic Cooper ation and De velopments (O ECD, 1987) publication, Universities Under Sc rutiny, rec ommended that existi ng instit utions adapt: more c are eroriented co u rs es ; gre at er em p h as i s o n ap p l i ed re s ea rc h an d d ev el o p m en t ; p l an n i n g fo r t ec h n o l o gy transfe r and know ledg e diffusion; g rea ter a ccounta bility and re sponsiveness of instit utions; i ncre ased pr oductivity and ef ficienc y (p. 3) Henr y Giroux (2001) descr ibes the new hidde n curr iculum of hig her e ducation as the cr eeping vocationalization and subordination of lea rning to the dictates of the marke t (p. 34). I n this climate of a c c o u n t a b i l i t y, p e r f o r m a n c e b e c o m e s a k i n d o f o n t o l o g y i n t h e d i s c o u r s e o f q u a l i t y (L uke, 2001, p. 62). L y otard (1979/1984) called this instituti onal re prese ntation

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29 pe rf or ma tiv ity . Ad min ist ra tio n a nd fa c ult y a re be ing dr ive n to g re a te r a c c ou nta bil ity and ef ficienc y as neve r bef ore. The Bina r y o f F e m inis m Fe minism means essentially that a women' s or g ender perspe ctive is applied to a varie ty of social phe nomena (Alvesson & Skoldberg 2001, p. 209). Ther e have been multipl e bra nds of fe minism rang ing f rom liberal f eminism that primarily seeks se x e qu a lit y to r a dic a l f e min ism tha t dis ta nc e s it se lf fr om t he ma le -d omi na te d s oc ie ty in i ts e n t i r e t y ( p 2 0 9 ) M a l e d o m i n a t e d s o c i e t y i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y i n d i v i d u a l i s m h i e r a r c h y, lack of fee ling, imper sonality the competitive mentality etc (p. 212). The thesis that supports this brand of fe minism is that the relationship betwe en the se x es is one of inequa lity and oppre ssion (Mac ey 2000, p. 123). The ter m fe minism wa s first used in the 1830s. Socialist Charles Four ier stated that, the de g ree of women' s emanc ipation was the mea sure of the emanc ipation of society as a w hole ( Mace y 2000, p. 123). The te rm bec ame more widely used in the 1890s during the suffr ag ette movement in B ritain and the U nited States. Most hist orians would ag ree that modern fe minism emer g ed fr om the Fr ench a nd Americ an re volutions. I n Fr ance Oly mpe de Goug es published Dec laration of the rights of w omen and of the female c itizen, and in Eng land, Mary Woll stonecra ft published The Vindication of the Rights of W oman. The c ampaig n to obtain the vote was c onsidered the first wave of fe min ism a nd the se c on d w a s th e wo me n' s li be ra tio n mo ve me nt o f t he 19 70 s, wi th Simone de Be auvoir a nd Be tty Fr iedan a s cata ly sts of the women' s movement. Since the 1980s, there ha s been a backla sh of cr iticism aga inst feminism fought lar g ely by the media which sta ted fe minism had g one too fa r ( Mace y p. 124). Howe ver, in the 90s, a ne w g e ne ra tio n o f f e min ist s c on te nd e d th a t w ome n mu st a ba nd on the old vic tim

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30 fe min ism in f a vo r o f po we r f e min ism (p 1 24 ), wh ic h p ro mot e s e c on omi c e qu a lit y with men, and a f ocus on libera tion for both g ender s. Social Fe m inis m : Vict im ization and P ower The sec ond wave of fe minism emphasized the g ender differ ence s in power. F e min ist re pr od uc tio n th e or ist s sh a re a be lie f in t he po we r o f m a te ri a l hi sto ri c a l a na ly sis a nd a fo c us on the re la tio ns hip of c la ss a nd g e nd e r (We ile r, 20 03 p 2 72 ). F e min ist repr oduction theory focuse s on how schooling repr oduces e x isting g ender inequalities g rounded in Mar x ist ideology of a c onnection betwe en schooling and the pa id labor fo rc e Wo me n' s o pp re ssi on is r e pr od uc e d in sc ho ols a nd is r e pr e se nte d in the pa id workfor ce a nd domestic work. Social r eproduc tion is defined as the re production of rela tionships t o and contr ol over e conomic produc tion and work (p. 273). The conce rn here is with how schools work ideolog ically to prepa re g irls to acce pt their role a s low paid or unpa id worker s in capitalism (p. 273). Rosema ry Dee m (1980) ec hoed this by stating, it is clear f rom almost all the chapte rs that the re production in schooling of g ender c a t e g o r i e s o f c l a s s o f t h e s e x u a l d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r o f t h e r e l a t i o n s o f p a t r i a r c h y, play s a sig nificant pa rt in the maintenanc e of the subordinate position of women in our society whether in paid work, public life or the fa mily ( p. 11) I n their re sear ch on author ity patterns a nd staffing Kelly and Nihlen ( 1982) found a dec line of women in hig her pa y ing a nd highe r status jobs from the 1950s throug h the 1970s. Kelly and Nihlen de scribe g irls' display of re sistance by enrolling in highe r educa tion, although pr imarily in community colleg es. Women construct their ide ntities thr ou g h d if fe re nt d e fi nit ion s o f w ha t it me a ns to b e a wo ma n f ro m th e ir fa mil ie s, the ir pe e rs th e sc ho ol, the me dia . a nd tha t th is i nv olv e s b oth c on tr a dic tio ns a nd c on fl ic t (Weiler, 2003, p. 279). A ny on (1983) a rg ued that women e mploy a simultaneous

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31 pr oc e ss o f a c c omm od a tio n a nd re sis ta nc e (C ite d in Wei le r, 20 03 p 2 89 ). Th e lin e is not alway s clea r whe ther exagg era ted fe minine behavior or acquie scenc e to school authority can be viewed a s acc ommodation or resistance (p. 289) Cloward and Piven (1979) sug g ested that the fa ilure of g irls and women to par ticipate in public antisocial g roups and a ctivities is the result of a c erta in psy cholog ical tende ncy to turn opposition and ang er inwa rd in private, se lf-destruc tive activities (Cited in Weiler, 2003, p. 290). Women ga in power by utiliz ing dif fer ent roles. To e x cel in hig her e ducational leade rship, there must be a cr eative inter play of powe r betwe en lea ders, pe ers, a nd subordinates, c oordinating the diffe rent role s. Al tho ug h th e c ri tic a l pe rs pe c tiv e is a c omm on wa y of vie wi ng fe min ism p o s t s t r u c t u r a l t h e o r y a d d s d e p t h t o t h e n a t u r e o f c o n s t r u c t i o n o f g e n d e r i d e n t i t y. Postst ructura lism sugg est that within org anizations, sy stems of speec h, sy mbols and prac tices divide and provide a cultural c urriculum that disciplines par ticipants to the meaning of instituti onal ca teg ories ( Davidson, 1994, p. 336). Da vidson asserts that mea nings a re e nforc ed in the conte x t of rela tionships as indi viduals, and in the attempt to make sense of ea ch other attempt to force others into patterns of normative be havior (p. 336). Juli a Kr isteva, a F renc h psy choana ly st philosopher, descr ibed these suc cee ding g ener ations of fe minism in light of poststructura lism. K r ist e va s P os ts tr uc tu r al V ie w of F e m inis m Julia Kr ist e va wa s th e on ly wo ma n p hil os op he r i n th e 19 60 s a nd 19 70 s to us he r i n po sts tr uc tur a lis m a lon g sid e F ou c a ult a nd De rr ida Po sts tr uc tur a lis m lo ok e d a t sy ste ms diachr onically throug h proce ss and time using history proce ss, chang e, and e vents, and Kr i s t ev a s wr i t i n gs fo cu s ed o n i s s u es o f ge n d er an d p o s t m o d er n i s m Kr i s t ev a s wr i t i n gs we re ov e rs ha do we d b y the wo rk s o f Ja c qu e s D e rr ida w ho c re a te d a wa y to

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32 dec onstruct lang uag e, but Kristeva s unique contr ibution was to dy namize the structure by considering the spe aking subject and its unconsc ious ex perie nce on the one hand and, on the other, the pr essure s of other soc ial structure s (Mc Afe e, 2004, p. 7). Kristeva f ocused on subjec tivity wher e the subjec t is shaped by all kinds of phenomena : their culture, r elationships, lang uag e, history and conte x ts. Subj ects a re not awa re of these phe nomena a nd that dimension is called the unc onscious (Mc Afe e, 20 04 p 2 ). Mc Af e e sta te d th a t ins te a d o f s e e ing la ng ua g e a s a too l us e d b y se lve s, tho se wh o u se the te rm subjectivity understand tha t lang uag e helps produc e subjec ts (p. 2). Kr ist e va be lie ve d th a t li ng uis tic a lly the sig nif y ing pr oc e ss h a s tw o mo de s: t he se mio tic and the sy mbolic. The semiotic is the extra-ver bal way in which bodily ener g y including the subjects dr ives, is refle cted throug h lang uag e. Althoug h much of the nonve rbal c omm un ic a tio n o f b od y po sit ion g e stu re s, a nd vis c e ra l e ne rg y tha t is a sso c ia te d w ith movement was not a vailable via r ecor ded tape in this resear ch (B ehar -Hore nstein & Sigel, 1999) the semiotic in lang uag e is emotive and ma kes itself fe lt. The transc ribed data is a r epre sentation of the sy mbolic, which is the sign sy stem complete with g rammar and sy ntax; howeve r, the semiotic ca n be discha rg ed into the sy mbolic and thus the dic ho tom ie s a re int e rt wi ne d ( Mc Af e e 2 00 4) T he sy mbo lic is t he sig n s y ste m c omp le te wi t h gra m m ar an d s y n t ax S ci en t i s t s at t em p t t o co m m u n i ca t e t h ro u gh s y m b o l i c l an gu age with as littl e ambig uity as possible while ar tists us e expressions that exemplify the semiotic (McAf ee, 2004) The semiotic and sy mbolic in combination produces ty pes of dis c ou rs e a nd c ult ur a l pr a c tic e s. I n W omen s Time, Kristeva de scribes thre e g ener ations of Europe an fe minism By g ener ations, Kristeva me ans le ss a chr onology than a sig nify ing spa ce, a mental space that is at once c orpore al and de sirous (1995, p. 222) The fir st space is loca ted

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33 prior to 1968, wher e women soug ht all the rig hts and privileg es that men ha d. Women deser ved equa l rig hts beca use they wer e just like me n; there w ere no important differ ence s betwee n g ender s. These f eminists' g oal was to inhabit the time of linear history wher e women s acc omplishm ents could be inser ted in the linear timeline of human history (Mc Afe e, 2004, p. 93). Womens time in the household wa s not linear bu t c y c lic a lc le a nin g s le e pin g a nd bir thi ng w he re no thi ng ne w i s c re a te d, jus t r e c r e a t e d K r i s t e v a s w o m e n s t i m e i s a r e f l e c t i o n o f M a r t i n s r e p r o d u c t i v e p r o c e s s e s In 19 80 K ri ste va sta te d th a t w ome n' s p ro te st m us t be mor e tha n f or the e qu a lit y of ri g hts but must consist "in de manding that attention be paid to the subjec tive, particula rly that a n in div idu a l r e pr e se nts in t he so c ia l or de r, of c ou rs e b ut a lso a nd a bo ve a ll i n r e la tio n to what esse ntially differ entiates that individual which is the individual' s sexual differe nce" (G ub e rm a n, 19 96 p 1 16 ). Wha t di sti ng uis he s w ome n f ro m me n is no t ju st b iol og ic a l, but it is also the social a nd sy mbolic orders tha t cre ate the dimensions of a larg er sy stem. Kristeva sug g ests that "w omen' s demands ca nnot be met by identify ing w ith the sy stem or by asking the sy stem to identify with them" ( McAfe e, 2004, p. 96). After 1968, feminists looked to clarify the diffe renc es betwe en men a nd women in respec t to power, lang uag e, and me aning (Kristeva 1995). While the first g ener ation dim ini sh e d d if fe re nc e th e se c on d g e ne ra tio n b e g a n to e mph a size re va lui ng a ll t ha t is fe min ine T his inc lud e d a re je c tio n o f m a le lin e a r t ime lin e a nd a re tur n to c y c lic a l ti me and an e mbrac e of mother hood but with continued demands for equality The da ng er of the se c on d g e ne ra tio n s r e vo lt l ie s in the fa c t th a t so me tim e s, by fi g hti ng a g a ins t e vil we r eproduc e it, this ti me at the c ore of the social bond the bond betwee n men and wo me n (K ri ste va 1 99 5, p. 21 4) Cr e a tin g a c ou nte rc ult ur e le a ds to a kin d o f r e ve rs e s e x i s m t h a t e r a s e s w o m e n s i n d i v i d u a l i t y.

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34 Wit h a re jection of the e ssentialist first and second w aves of feminism, came the e mbr a c e of po sts tr uc tur a l th e or y thr ou g ho ut t he 19 80 s a nd 19 90 s. Th is e sse nti a lis t construction of f eminine subjectivity g ave w ay to one ce lebra ting identity politics based on kaleidoscopic differ ence and diver sity hy bridity and multiplicity (L uke, 2001, p. 11 ). Th e int e nti on of the thi rd g e ne ra tio n is to c omb ine the se xua l w ith the sy mbo lic in order to discove r first the spe cificity of the fe minine and then the spe cificity of ea ch woman ( Kristeva, 1995, p. 210) This ge nera tion gives ba lance to the repr oductive and productive de sires of wome n wher e they can r econc ile the nee d to have c hildren and a car eer Women can be both reproduc ers of the spec ies and produc ers of culture (McAf ee, 2004, p. 100) I n the first two g ener ations, the choice alway s seemed to be the self-a bneg ating activity of motherhood ve rsus the selfaff irming a ctivity of culture Now I f mater nity is to be g uilt-free this journey needs to be underta ken without masochism and without annihilating one s af fec tive, intellectual, and pr ofessional persona lity either. I n this way maternity become s a true c rea tive act, something that we ha ve not y et bee n able to imag ine. (Kr isteva, 1995, p. 220) Th e g oa l is to i nte rn a lize the ri va lr ie s o f t he dif fe re nc e thu s c e le br a tin g the ind ivi du a lis m of e a c h p e rs on s ide nti ty tha t pa tc he s to g e the r a div e rs ity of e thn ic r e g ion a l, s e xua l, pr of e ssi on a l, a nd po lit ic a l id e nti fi c a tio ns (M c Af e e 2 00 4, p. 10 2) T his pr a c tic e is consistent with the poststructural foc us of Kristeva on diversity of identifica tion and the re la tiv ity of ou r s y mbo lic a nd bio log ic se lve s. I n c on c lus ion th e thi rd g e ne ra tio n is le ss about g aining rig hts and more a bout ga ins for all humans. This re jection of me ta na rr a tiv e s a nd un ive rs a lis ms c oin c ide s w ith the c ult ur a l c ha ng e s e vid e nt i n g lobalization (L uke, 2001). I nstead of patriar chy being the culprit for oppression of wo me n, the re sp on sib ili ty lie s e qu a lly on a ll h uma n b e ing s w ho a re bo th e qu a lly g uil ty and equa lly capa ble of bring ing a bout a new e thics (McAf ee, 2004, p. 102) Gende r

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35 differ ence become s not masochistic or c onstraining but, rather productive a nd fre eing for wome n and their se x uality (Mc Afe e, 2004, p. 103). Rathe r than foc using on the hiera rchie s of male ve rsus fema le, the g oal is to recog nize our internal riva lries and swee p off our side of the stre et first. Kristeva s important works included a book about political philosopher Hanna h Ar e nd t, w ho a na ly zed the lif e of Jew e ss R a he l V a rn ha g e n. Ra he l ( 17 71 -1 83 3) wa s a product of Jewish social af fluenc e, bene fiting f rom the philo-Semitism of F redr ic I I of Prussia and later fac ing the hostili ty of the nobility class. The new r eg ime of 1810, which prof essed Enlig htenment ideals of e quality also rekindled la tent anti-Semitism. Ra he l w a s p a ssi on a te a bo ut l ite ra tur e a nd ph ilo so ph y a nd ma int a ine d o ne of the mos t fa sc ina tin g ro ma nti c sa lon s, fr e qu e nte d b y su c h f a mou s p e op le a s Pr inc e L ou isFe rdinand of Russia, the H umbolt brothers, and e ven Goe the. Kristeva s book, Hannah Arendt attempted to show aspe cts of the manner in which assimilation to the intellectual and soc ial life of the e nvironment works out conc rete ly in the history of an individuals life, thus shaping a per sonal destiny (K risteva, 2001, p. 53) Are ndt interpre ted Rahels f ate a s a view of a f ailed assimilation (p. 53). T his failure w as from the pe rspec tive of being J ewish in a c ultural era of Catholicism and Enlighte nment universalism. Are ndt sugg ested that Rahe ls strug g le ag ainst the fac t of being born J ewish bec ame a strug g le ag ainst herse lf, and that Rahe l's illusion is her belief that her g uests authe nticate he r eve n though in truth they are utterly indiffer ent to her (p. 57). Rahel eve ntually chang ed to a Ge rman na me and wa s baptized; however, a ll her social actions fa iled to integr ate he r into the Ger man nation, and pa nicked by her la ck of a ssi mil a tio n, Ra he l a sk e d, Ca n o ne g e t e nti re ly a wa y fr om w ha t on e tr uly is? ( Ar e nd t, 1958/1997, p. 243)

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36 This psy chosocia l depiction demonstrates the impact when pe ople deviate outside the cultura l norm. Wom en in leade rship positions assim ilate into a masculine w orld. An example of the ef fec ts of assimilation is reve aled by profe ssional women who suff er f rom internal c onflict reg arding family obliga tions. W omen dec ide whethe r to prioritize care er over othe r pursuits such as mother hood and ca ring for their family choice s that do not traditionally impact men. Kr istievas contribution on how women ne g otiate power and t h e e f f e c t o n t h e i r i d e n t i t i e s i s i m p o r t a n t t o t h e c o n t e x t o f t h i s s t u d y. Summ ary Re se a rc h h a s tr a dit ion a lly be e n c on du c te d p ri ma ri ly by me n, a nd the re su lts to some extent bear the imprint of c erta in male-tinted assumptions, priorities, foci and e ven scientific idea s and methodolog ies (A lvesson & Skoldber g 2001, p. 212). The dominating r ules of scie nce a re pa rt of patr iarc hal domination, and a f eminist standpoint of re sear ch is leg itimated by women' s concr ete e x perie nces of discrimination and repr ession (A lvesson & Skoldber g p. 230). F eminism as a Western socia l movement has had a profound influe nce on the daily lives of women a nd men by challeng ing patriar chy at eve ry turn (St. Pierre & Pillow, 2000, pg 2). Discr imination and patriar chy influence the environme nt that women leade rs must neg otiate.

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37 CH APT ER 3 METHODO L OGY Introduction: Ep istem ology and Theoretic al F ram ework The litera ture re view provide d an over view of f eminism and its his torical foundations that has for med sy stems of power and knowledg e in educ ational institut ions. The a mbiguous na ture of f eminist posts tructura lism requires a r eview of the theore tical fo un da tio ns a nd me tho ds tha t f or m th e ba sis of thi s r e se a rc h. Pos tst ru c tur a lis m a do pts differ ence heter og eneity fra g mentation, shifting identities of subjec ts and the abse nce of c e rt a int y ; th e re is a la c k o f d e c ida bil ity of int e rp re ta tio n ( Sc hw a nd t, 2 00 1) T his theore tical per spective e mbrac es abstra ct methodolog ies such as r hizoanaly sis and de c on str uc tio n a s r e se a rc h s tr a te g ie s. Al tho ug h p os tst ru c tur a lis m la c ks the de fi nit ive ne ss of modernist appr oache s, the methodolog y and methods using this perspec tive can be g r o u n d e d t h e o r e t i c a l l y. Th e re a re fo ur e le me nts in d e ve lop ing a re se a rc h p ro po sa l. T he re se a rc he r m us t use appr opriate me thodologies a nd methods that are justified in the theoretica l p er s p ec t i v e. E p i s t em o l o gy (h o w w e k n o w w h at we k n o w) i s t h e t h eo ry o f k n o wl ed ge embedde d in the theore tical per spective a nd thus in the methodology (Crotty 1998). Modernism has g rea t faith in the ability to rea son to discover a bsolute forms of kn ow le dg e w hil e po stm od e rn a pp ro a c he s r e fu se a ll a pp e a ra nc e of e sse nti a lis t or ie nta tio ns of mod e rn ist tho ug ht. Th e qu e st f or c e rt a int y c ha ra c te ri sti c of a n o bje c tiv ist epistemolog y has not only been f ound wanting but also is thought to be a f utile and dy sf un c tio na l se a rc h. A s ub je c tiv ist e pis te mol og y ve rs us ob je c tiv ism is c omm itt e d to

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38 ambig uity rela tivity fra g mentation, particula rity and discontinuity (Crotty 1998, p. 185). Ha rg rea ves (1994) sug g ests that using subjec tivism involves deny ing the e xiste nc e of fo un da tio na l kn ow le dg e on the g ro un ds tha t no kn ow a ble so c ia l r e a lit y exis ts bey ond the sig ns of lang uag e, imag e, and disc ourse (p. 39). L ang uag e for g es the immersion of discourse. T he key to using a poststructuralist approa ch is cha rac terizing the diffe renc es found in sig ns of lang uag e, imag e and disc ourse. Postst ructura lism emerg ed out of a n intellectual movement that wa s dissatisfied wi th t he c on fi ne s o f s tr uc tur a lis m, a mov e me nt b a se d o n Sa us su re a n li ng uis tic s, a nd is linked to the work of the Fr ench w riters, F oucault, L y otard, De rrida, a nd Kristeva ( Craib, 1 9 9 2 ; Gr o gan 2 0 0 3 ; S ar u p 1 9 8 8 ). P o s t -s t ru ct u al i s t s b el i ev e t h at l an gu age m ea n i n g, social instituti ons and the self are destabilized (Palmer, 1998, p. 145) Discourse is the vehicle tha t guide s this process. Discour se is descr ibed as a n intersubjective phenomenon that is not a direct pr oduct of subjec tivity and has a constituent role in the production of the sy mbolic sy stems that gove rn human e x istence (Mac ey 2000, p.100). This definition of discourse w as base d on Fouc ault' s discursive for mation, which he descr ibed as homoge neous fields of e nunciative r eg ularities ( Fouc ault, 1972/2002, p. 117). F or F oucault (1972/2002), rela tions of force and powe r ar e involved at e very level of a discursive for mation; . knowledg e is alwa y s a for m of power (p. 101) Discursive pr actice s are a body of anony mous, historical rules, alwa y s determined in the time a nd space that have de fined a g iven per iod, and for a g iven social, e conomic, g eog raphic al, or lin g uis tic a re a th e c on dit ion s o f o pe ra tio n o f t he e nu nc ia tiv e fu nc tio n. (F ou c a ult p. 117) Dec onstructionism is a poststructural strate g y for r eading text s that unmasks the supposed truth or meaning of text by undoing, r ever sing, a nd displacing takenfor-

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39 g ra nte d b ina ry op po sit ion s th a t st ru c tur e te xts ( e .g ., ri g ht o ve r w ro ng s ub je c t ov e r o bje c t, rea son over na ture, men ove r women, spe ech ove r writing and re ality over a ppear ance ) Schwandt, 2001, p. 203-4) Whil e ther e ar e inher ent dualisms in the tex t, deconstruc tion destabilizes the binaries. I nstead of a hiera rchic al py ramid whe re the top tier oppresse s the others, the f ocus is the contextual interac tion between individuals and institutions. Rh i zo me This study examined the conce pt of womens le ader ship using rhizoanaly sis and the n d e c on str uc tin g un fo lde d b ina ri e s. Th e rh izom e ha s n o b e g inn ing or e nd ; it is a lw a y s in the mid dle b e tw e e n th ing s, int e rv e nin g in te rm e zzo (D e le uze & Gu a tta ri 1980/1987, p. 25). A rhizome is an underg round tuber tha t diverg es into new plac es. A r hizo me c e a se le ssl y e sta bli sh e s c on ne c tio ns be tw e e n s e mio tic c ha ins org anizations of power, a nd circ umstances r elative to the a rts, scienc es, and soc ial strug g les. A semiotic cha in is li ke a tube r ag g lomerating very diverse a cts, no only linguistic, but also per ceptive, mimetic, g estural, a nd cog nitive. (Dele uze & Guattar i, 1980/1987, p. 7) Rhiz oanaly isis emphasiz es on how texts function outside of themselves as they connec t with other conte x ts, beliefs, and r eade rs. The imag e is of the nomad de territoria liz ing consciously structure d striated spac e. De leuze and Gua ttari use these space s toge ther; smooth space is constantly being translated, tr ansver sed into a striated spa ce; striate d space is constantly being reve rsed, r eturne d into a smooth space (1980/1987, p. 474). Nomadic r esea rche rs trave l to smoot h space s as they alway s possess a g rea ter powe r of deter ritorialization than the striated ( p. 480). As a r esea rche r, my persona l experience s a nd re a din g s c on ne c te d th e fi nd ing s in to n e w a re a s o f t ho ug ht. St. Pie rr e e xpla ine d th a t, a noma dic ethnog raphe r spee ding w ithin connections and c onduits and multi plicities might g naw a smooth space to extend her te rritory (St. Pierre & Pillow, 2000, p. 264).

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40 The imag e of the fold helps the re sear cher think differe ntly (St. Pi err e, 1997). The fold disrupts the notion of interiority since it define s the inside as the opera tion of the ou tsi de (D e le uze 1 98 6/1 98 8, p. 97 ). Th e fo lds fu nc tio n is to a vo id t he sim pli sti c r e v e r s a l o f b i n a r i e s a n d i t s f u n c t i o n i s t o a v o i d d i s t i n c t i o n o p p o s i t i o n f a t a l b i n a r i t y (B adiou, 1994, p. 61). The fold seeks the middle and avoids extremes and opposites. Although the participa nts disti ng uished their binar ies, my task was to sea rch f or contra dictions and discre pancie s in the tex t as they collapsed on e ach othe r. What ma tte rs is f old ing u nf old ing r e fo ldi ng (D e le uze 1 98 8/1 99 3, p. 13 7) I n th is c on te xt, this study looked for how the identities of the par ticipants unfolded within the hiera rchic al binarie s of the socia l strata. Der rida e x panded the se post-structura l conce pts with deconstruction. The very me a nin g a nd mis sio n o f d e c on str uc tio n is to s ho w t ha t th ing s te xts, i ns tit uti on s, traditions, societies, belief s, and pra ctices of whateve r size and sort y ou needdo not have de finable me aning s and dete rminable missions, that they are alway s more than a ny mission would i mpose, that they exceed the bounda ries they curr ently occupy (Caputo, 1997, p. 31). De rrida be lieved that log ocentr ic re asoning privileg es one of two sides of binary opposites, and that, the pr ioritiz ing of one pole ove r the other display s mere c ult ur a l ma nip ula tio ns of po we r, a nd to s ho w t ha t, u nd e r d e c on str uc tiv e sc ru tin y th e se oppositions break down a nd collapse into ea ch other (Palmer 1998, p. 134). F or example, democra cies a re c onstantly evolving and may repr esent the be st form of g overnme nt, but they are corr upted by money politicians, and the media, of ten undermining the poor a nd defe nseless via the hy pocrisy under the g uise of re form (Caputo, 1997). De construction see ks to question those rever ed thing s by exposi ng the most venera ble to attack. D econstruc tion is nourished by a dre am of the inve ntion of

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41 the other, of something to c ome, something absolutely unique and idiomatic, the invention, the in-coming of an a bsolute surprise (Caputo, 1997, p. 70). Such re sistance is d e c on str uc tio n s mi ssi on D e c on str uc tio n d e sir e s str a ig ht me n to g e t in tou c h w ith their fe minine side, and stra ight women g et in touch with their masculine side (Caputo, 19 97 p 1 04 ). I n D e rr ida s vie w, ma le a nd fe ma le a re fi xed c on ta ine rs p ri so ns trapping men no less than women w ithin one place, one role, c losing off the possibilit y of inn ume ra ble g e nd e rs n ot j us t tw o (C a pu to, 19 97 p 1 04 -5 ). Whil e fe min ism provides a nece ssary moment of re versa l, a sa lutary overturning that purg es the sy stem of its present masc ulinist heg emony it must g ive way to displace ment, and g ender bending in which the w hole masc uline/feminine sche ma is skewed (Caputo, 19 97 p 1 05 ). So D e rr ida s te rm diffrance is the interplay of diffe renc e whe re a s re se a rc he rs se a rc h f or me a nin g th e re fo re w e a re se nt t o d if fe re nc e a nd me a nin g is defe rre d (Crotty 1998, p. 207). Diffrance captur es the twin sig nificanc e of diff ere nce a nd de fe rr a l. E ve ry e le me nt o f d isc ou rs e is b e a rs the tr a c e wi thi n it of oth e r e le me nts in the c ha in, so tha t e ve ry wh e re the re a re dif fe re nc e s o f d if fe re nc e s a nd tr a c e s o f t ra c e s (De rrida, 1981, p. 26) Re se ar c h M e th od: Int e r vie wing The method used to g ain under standing of par ticipants identity construction wa s the int e rv ie w. We a re in a n int e rv ie w s oc ie ty (S ilv e rm a n, 19 98 p 1 26 ), wh e re ma ss m ed i a, re s ea rc h er s an d s er v i ce p ro v i d er s gen er at e e n d l es s i n fo rm at i o n t h ro u gh interviewing Historically individuality did not ex ist in a recog nizable social form (Gubrium & Holstein, 2003). Afte r WW I I the interview chang ed with the eme rg ence of the sta nd a rd ize d s ur ve y wh e re ind ivi du a ls b e c a me a c c us tom e d to of fe ri ng inf or ma tio n to str a ng e rs I t w a s r e c og nize d th a t e a c h p e rs on ha d a vo ic e th us the re wa s a

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42 democ ratization of opinion (Gubrium & Holstein, 2003, p. 22). This view stemmed fr om Wi lli a m Jam e s w ho in 18 92 n ote d th a t e ve ry ind ivi du a l ha s a se ns e of se lf tha t is ow ne d a nd c on tr oll e d b y him e ve n if the se lf is s oc ia lly fo rm ula te d a nd int e rp e rs on a lly responsive ( Holstein & G ubrium, 2003). All interviews a re inter actional c onversa tions that vary from hig hly structure d survey interviews to fr eeflowing exchang es (Silverman, 1998). P os ts tr uc tu r al I nt e r vie wing The outcome to resea rch on the democr atization of opinion t hroug h the survey was pa rt of a tr end of incre ased sur veillance in ever y day life ( Gubrium & Holstein, 2003, p. 24). F oucaults studies on the discur sive forma tion chang ed the c oncept of individuality The institutional contex ts rang ing f rom the medica l clinic to the prison showed us how the technolog ies of the se lf tra nsformed the view of subjec tivity Subjectivity sug g ests a mora lly responsible a g ent behind the pa rticipants wor ds and actions, such a s the family community or instituti on (Gubrium & Holstein, 2003). Fouc aults tec hnologie s of the self are the conc rete socially and historically located instit utional prac tices which c onstructs our individuality Postm odernists trea t interviewing as a pla ce in whic h knowledg e is construc ted, and sug g est that the interview is not a neutral conduit, but a place of produc ing r eporta ble knowledg e itself (Silverman, 1998, p. 114). The postmodern pe rspec tive sug g ests that the re sear cher and par ticipants have multipl e intentions and desire s, some of which a re c onscious and some of w hich ar e not. The poststructura l perspec tive sees lang uag e as slipper y and ambig uous; sign and signific ation are only loosely linked (Saussure, 1949/1983) What a question or answe r me a ns to t he int e rv ie we e ma y c ha ng e a nd wh a t oc c ur s in a sp e c if ic int e rv ie w i s

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43 conting ent on the spec ifics of individuals, place and time (Mishler, 1986) Chang ing the interviewe r cha ng es the re sults, even if the ne w interview er a sks the same que stions. Scheuric h (1995) a g ree s that interviewing is chara cter ized by asy mmetries of power but sugg ests an alter native view. With the power inequities, there is re sistance a s descr ibed by critica l theorists such as Apple, G iroux Weiler, and F reire Howeve r, the l e s s p o w e r f u l f i n d i n n u m e r a b l e c r e a t i v e e v e n p o w e r f u l w a ys t o r e s i s t i n e q u i t y (Weiler, 1988, p. 21). Weiler sug g ests that individuals are not simpl y acte d upon by abstrac t structure s but neg otiate, strug g le, and c rea te meaning of their own (p. 21). I nterview ees c ontrol part of the interview a nd use the interviewe r as much a s the interviewe r uses the inter viewee s (Sche urich, 1995, p. 247). Sche urich re place s the critica l binary with an openended third spa ce he calls c haos. Resistanc e per sists as long a s dominance pe rsists, therefor e in the inter view the a ims of the rese arc her ma y not be met by the par ticipants (Sche urich, 1995, p. 248). The intervie w intera ction is a complex play of consc ious and unconscious thoughts, fe eling s, fea rs, and ne eds on the pa rt of both the intervie wer and intervie wee tha t c a nn ot b e c a te g or ize d no sta ble re a lit y c a n b e re pr e se nte d ( p. 24 9) T his interpre tive moment occur s throug hout the rese arc h proce ss as a plethora of bag g ag e (p 2 49 ). Th is i nte rp re tiv e mom e nt i s w hy a re a so na ble c omp re he ns ive su bje c tiv ity statement re g arding this bag g ag e is ne cessa ry During the interview with women administrators, there wer e allowa nces f or the uncontrollable pla y of powe r within the interac tion, (p. 250) a nd the jux taposition of power tha t occur red. A lthough they have power as g iven by their positions, the power inter chang e wa s equalized by the pre sence of my ta pe re c or de r a nd the ir kn ow ing tha t my a na ly sis mig ht b e dif fe re nt t ha n th e ir own per spective of themselves.

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44 P ar ti c ipa nt s a nd Se tt ing Te n w ome n a dmi nis tr a tor s w e re int e rv ie we d in the ir of fi c e s o n c a mpu s a t a rese arc h one univer sity in the Southeastern United States. I nterview ees w ere selec ted using the criter ion sampling method on the ba sis of their leng th of servic e as administrators and willing ness to participa te. I nterview ees a ll had been in a supervisory position i n highe r educ ation for a t least three y ear s. Five inter viewee s were full deans and five wer e assoc iate dea ns. Five w omen wer e fr om historically male-dominate d fields and the f ive others f rom fema le-dominated f ields and/or colleg es. A male versus fema ledominated fie ld is defined as a colleg e within the university sy stem with gr eate r tha n 5 0% ma le or fe ma le fa c ult y re sp e c tiv e ly T a ble 1 d e pic ts t he pa rt ic ipa nts ps e ud on y ms a nd g e ne ra l a ttr ibu te s. Table 1. Participants pseudony ms and g ener al attributes Pse ud on y ms Col le g e De a n o r A sso c ia te Ab e MD As so c ia te B e nn e tt F D As so c ia te Dar e MD Dea n Du nla p F D As so c ia te Emmett FD Dea n Hig he MD Dea n L ang er FD Dea n Sa sse r MD As so c ia te Vitalia MD Dea n Wils on F D As so c ia te Con fi de nti a lit y wa s a dh e re d to a c c or din g to t he Un ive rs ity of F lor ida s I RB g uidelines and policies. Par ticipants privac y and anony mity was re specte d and protec ted by the re sear cher by using pse udony ms in all writings. Corre spondence was lim ite d to dir e c t c on ta c t w ith pa rt ic ipa nts via ma il, te le ph on e o r e -m a il. Th e se proce dures r efle ct the re sear cher s sensitivity toward inter viewee s and pre vented a ny harm fr om their participa tion in thi s study I had no pre vious contact with the

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45 interviewe es to ave rt prejudg ment and to cr eate an unbiase d prese nce dur ing the int e rv ie ws Da ta Co lle c ti on M e th ods Using a semi-struc tured intervie w appr oach, c ampus-base d interviews r ang ed from 45 to 100 minutes in duration. Writt en conse nt was obtained. A ll tapes wer e transcr ibed by profe ssional transcr ibers, and the n revie wed a nd corr ecte d by the rese arc her. The transcr iptions were membe r che cked by the par ticipants for va lidation pu rp os e s. I nte rv ie w q ue sti on s in c lud e d th e fo llo wi ng : Can y ou g ive me some ba ckg round informa tion? What made y ou a lea der? What is l eade rship? How has y our self be en cha ng ed as a result of y our lea dership? What differe nces doe s being a woman ma ke in y our lea dership? Desc ribe the influe nces of power on y our lea dership? How do y ou use and pr oduce pow er? How has y our lea dership cha ng ed? Desc ribe a situation that best ill ustrates y our lea dership. I s t h e r e a n y t h i n g t h a t y o u w o u l d l i k e t o a d d ? Va lidi ty and T r ust wor th ine ss Validity has also bee n ref err ed to as trustworthiness (D enzin & L incoln, 2000, p. 230). Mea ns of assessing trustworthiness or re sear ch validity is, however an issue tha t sh ou ld b e tho ug ht a bo ut d ur ing re se a rc h d e sig n a s w e ll a s in the mid st o f d a ta c oll e c tio n, a s it is o ft e n a dd re sse d in on e s re se a rc h p ro po sa l. S ome too ls u se d to en h an ce t h e v al i d i t y i n t h i s s t u d y i n cl u d ed t ri an gu l at i o n p ee r r ev i ew an d d eb ri ef i n g, neg ative ca se ana ly sis, clarifica tion of rese arc her bia s, member c hecking sear ch for neg ative ca ses, rich, thick de scription, and external a udit (Creswell, 1998). H oweve r, a feminst poststructural per spective r equire s unique consider ations. Richardson (1997)

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46 proposed a transg ressive f orm of validity by examining the prope rties of a cry stal in a metaphoric sense: I propose that the c entra l imagina ry for validity for postmodernist tex ts is not the triang lea r igid, f ix ed, two-dimensional objec t. Rather the c entra l imagina ry is the cry stal, which combines sy mmetry and substance with an infinite varie ty of shapes, substanc es, transmutations, multidim ensionalities, and ang les of approa ch. Cry stals gr ow, cha ng e, alter but are not amorphous. Cry stals are prisms that refle ct externalities and re fra ct within themselves, cr eating differ ent colors, patter ns, arr ay s, casting off in diffe rent dire ctions. . Cry stalliz ation, without losi ng structure deconstruc ts the traditional idea of validity (w e fe el how there is no single truth, we see how text s validate themselve s); and cry stalliz ation provides us with a de epene d, complex, thoroughly partial understanding of the topic. Para dox ically we know mor e and doubt wha t we know. (p. 92) L ather (1993) a lso seeks a transg ressive validity that is disruptive for the status quo which purpose s to rupture validity as a r eg ime of truth, to displace its historical ins c ri pti on . v ia a c a ta ly tic va lid ity or a pr oli fe ra tio n o f c ou nte rpr a c tic e s o f a uth or ity tha t ta ke the c ri sis of re pr e se nta tio n in to a c c ou nt (p 6 74 ). L a the r a lso po se d v a lid ty a s a Der ridea n rig or/rhizomatic validity via r elay multipl e opening s; networks, and c omp le xitie s o f p ro ble ma tic s; a nd a vo lup tuo us /si tua te d v a lid ity wh ic h e mbo die s a situated, partial tenta tiveness, constructs a uthority via pra ctices of eng ag ement and self-r efle x ivity , and bring s ethics and e pistemology toge ther (p. 686). The c risis of repr esenta tion conceive s that no interpre tive acc ount can c apture liv e d e xpe ri e nc e w hic h c omb ine d w ith the c ri sis of le g iti ma tio n c ha lle ng e s th e a uth or ity of the interpr etive text, crea ting a crisis of pra x is-conclusion (De nzin & L incoln, 2000). The de finition of this l ast crisis is that if society is only and alwa y s a text, no definitive conclusions ca n be made to cre ate soc ial and political re form. This triple cr isis occurre d in the 1980s where validity verific ation proce dures suc h as Creswe lls were rethe orized

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47 to include those of Richa rdson and L ather These ide as cha lleng e belief s in eac h social scienc e discipline about the f rame works that g uide empirica l resea rch. My su bje c tiv e re fl e xivit y inf lue nc e d th is s tud y by my ow n e xpe ri e nc e a s a re or g a nize d ma na g e r i n th e fo rpr of it h e a lth c a re se c tor a nd by the 20 03 su ic ide of my sis te r, a c lin ic a l ne ur olo g ist w ho fa ile d to g a in t e nu re in a top -t ie r m e dic a l sc ho ol. Th e se e xpe ri e nc e s d isr up te d my pr e vio us vie ws of the le a de rs hip re g ime of tr uth (F ou c a ult 1984, p. 74) and pr ovided impetus for this study My interpre tations of the data w ere tr a ns fo rm e d b y my ow n b e re a ve me nt, bu t my ow n ma na g e me nt e xpe ri e nc e s a lso unfolded the c omplex ities of leade rship. As the fold see ks the middle and avoids extremes and opposites, my task was to sea rch f or contra dictions and discre pancie s in the te xt as the y c oll a ps e d o n e a c h o the r. Ho we ve r, the pu rp os e of thi s st ud y wa s c le a r; I have be en drive n to understand how w omen neg otiate power in larg e hier arc hical ins tit uti on s. Summ ary Fi n d i n g t h e p at t er n s o f d i s co u rs e, s u b j ec t i v i t y re s i s t an ce p o we r, an d k n o wl ed ge was the pur pose for this feminist post structura l study There has bee n littl e wr itten about women administrators in hig her e ducation using this theoretical f rame work. Postst ructura lism l ends a pe rspec tive of questioning emphasizes the nee d for the understanding betwee n power and knowledg e, and f ocuses on the micr ohistories of individual lives. This st udy unfolded the bina ries within the text, t hen these binaries wer e dec onstructed to see k the path throug h the middle, thus ex panding the understanding of lea dership to include diff ere nt dimensionaliti es and c ounter-pr actice s of a u t h o r i t y.

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48 CH APT ER 4 I DENTI TI ES BECOMI NG Bina ry oppositions (men/women, best/worst) ar e common in modern soc iety Deleuze a nd Guattar i (1987) see humans as assig ned to diffe rent stra ta in play work, so c ia l st ru c tur e a nd ho us e ho ld t a sk s. Or g a niza tio ns c omp a rt me nta lize the mse lve s in to an entire burea ucra cy that is rigidly seg mented and c entra liz ed and r esembles a n arbor esce nt hierar chica l sy stem that disciplines and controls the a ppendag es (or divisions) attached to it. These appenda g es re prese nt personnel with a multiplicity of de pa rt me nta l du tie s th a t in te rc on ne c t to g e the r a s a rh izom e St Pi e rr e (2 00 0) sta te d th a t, it is the outside that folds us into i dentity and we can ne ver c ontrol the forc es of the ou tsi de (p 2 60 ). My int e re st f oc us e d o n h ow the se wo me n c on str uc te d, the ir subjectivititi es within the limit s and possibilit ies of the discour ses and c ultural prac tices that are available to them (p. 258). I n rese arc h, the question commonly raised is What did y ou find? The rese arc her is then c ompelled to discuss his or her r esea rch in sea rch of oppositions i n a py ramidal struc ture of r esults. I strug g led for months to avoid these struc tured striate d space s that perva de the dominant positivisti c re alm of scientific inquiry Howeve r, I repe atedly returne d to sedentar y striated spac es that ar e code d, bounded, and limited (S t. P ie rr e 2 00 0) us ing pa rt ic ipa nts t e rm s su c h a s de fi ne , mos t, a nd ty pic a l to produce cate g ories. As a former administrator, I identified with the lang uag e of the p a r ti c ip a n ts a n d s o w h e n a n a ly zi n g th e in te r v ie w s I w a s d r a w n to c a te g o r iz e

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49 participa nts distinguishing c hara cter istics. The ty pical intervie wee was Cauc asian, ha d children, w as divorce d, and wa s remar ried in a stable rela tionship. S ever al had mar ried y oung and then, a s their educ ation advanc ed, had divor ced a nd now had a very su pp or tiv e sp ou se T he te xt illu str a te d th a t th e ide nti tie s o f t he se wo me n a s le a de rs wer e embe dded in the masc uline discursive voice Howeve r, this ty pe of a naly sis of these inside/outside binaries le d to failure w hen attempting to find the dec onstructive mid dle . Th is pr a c tic e of fa ilu re tr a ns fo rm e d, my imp os sib ili ty int o p os sib ili ty wher e a f ailed ac count occ asions new kinds of positioning (L ather 1996, p. 3). Ove r the c ou rs e of se ve ra l mo nth s, I slo wl y de c od e d th e str ia te d s pa c e s a nd re a lize d smo oth space and striated spa ce do not e x ist in opposi tion but in m ix ture (St. Pi err e, 2000, p. 26 4) D e le uze a nd Gu a tta ri us e the se sp a c e s to g e the r; smo oth sp a c e is c on sta ntl y being translated, tr ansver sed into a striated spa ce; striate d space is constantly being reve rsed, r eturne d into a smooth space" (1980/1987, p. 474). This sec tion will describe how the par ticipants identities comply deviate, a nd shift in their social re alms as leade rs in t he ir or g a niza tio ns Using the rhizome to analy ze the meaning of the textual lang uag e extends the boundarie s of what is consider ed knowledg e. Jul ia Kristeva a psy choana ly st and poststructuralist, also made a unique contribution in considering the spea king subje ct and their unconsc ious ex perie nce a nd compar ed that to the pre ssures of othe r social struc tures (McAf ee, 2004) I n this study women dea ns are shaped by their subjectivities, which include their c ulture, re lationships, langua g e, history and conte x ts. Kristeva be lieved that linguistically the sig nify ing pr ocess include d the semiotic, which is the extraver bal way in which bodily ener g y including the subjects drive s, is reflec ted throug h lang uag e. B e c a us e of my int e re st i n p os tst ru c tur a l th e or ie s, I v e us e d th e te xts of the se de a ns to

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50 explore these w omens ar ts of exis tence or pra ctices of the self, the thing s they do ever y da y tha t ma ke the m w ho the y a re (S t. P ie rr e 2 00 5, p. 1) T he te xtua l f oc us wa s to consider the speaking subjects and de termine their unc onscious experience s in the social structure of educ ational leade rship. Deter ritorialized identities, becoming masculine, be coming feminine, be coming po we rf ul, be c omi ng po we rl e ss, be c omi ng ste re oty pe s, a nd be c omi ng dif fe re nc e tha t is what multiplicity is (De leuze & G uattari, 1987, p. 32). T he be coming multipliciti es are rea l eve n if that something othe r it become s is not (p. 32). F or cla rifica tion, a becoming lacks a subject distinct from itself. Dele uze and Guattar i compare it to the r h i z o m e i n t h i s w a y: B e c omi ng is a rh izom e n ot a c la ssi fi c a tor y or g e ne a log ic a l tr e e B e c omi ng is ce rt ai n l y n o t i m i t at i n g, o r i d en t i fy i n g wi t h s o m et h i n g: n ei t h er i s i t re gre s s i n gpr og re ssi ng ; ne ith e r i s it c or re sp on din g e sta bli sh ing c or re sp on din g re la tio ns ; neither is it producing producing a filiation or produc ing thr oug h filiation. Be coming is a verb w ith a consistency all its own; it does not reduc e to, lead ba ck to, appe aring , be ing, equa ling, or pr oducing . (D eleuze & Guattar i, 1987, p. 239) Th is e xce rp t de mon str a te s th a t it is e a sie r t o u nd e rs ta nd wh a t be c omi ng is n ot, rathe r than wha t it is A line of becoming is not defined by points that it connec ts, or by po int s th a t c omp os e it; . it pa sse s between points, it comes up throug h the middle . (and) has only a middle ( Deleuze a nd Guattar i, 1987, p. 293). The lines of be coming are the shade s of g ray betwee n black a nd whitenot either/or, but the middle of a ny extreme. The middle is a par t of ea ch which unf olds to the nex t middle. The rh izom e fo r t his se c tio n is fo un d in the Ap pe nd ix. B e c a us e of my su bje c tiv ity re la te d to the term leade rship, the imag e of the fold helped me view the lea dership binar ies differ ently The fold disrupts the notion of interiority since it define s the inside as the opera tion of the outside (D eleuze, 1986/1988, p. 97). The folds func tion is t o avoid the

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51 simpli stic reve rsal of bina ries. What matter s is folding, unfolding ref olding (De leuze, 19 88 /19 93 p 1 37 ). I n th is s e c tio n, I e xami ne d h ow the ide nti tie s o f t he pa rt ic ipa nts unfolded be tween the hiera rchic al binarie s of the socia l strata. Ide nt it y o f the M as c uline I n a so c ia l st ra ta of the ma sc uli ne bin a ry Po rt e r ( 19 89 ) v ie we d le a de rs a s p e op le who cr eate d followers roles, re war ded prof iciency neg otiated obstacle s, promoted int e ra c tio n, a nd c re a te d c oa lit ion s f or ins tit uti on a l pr ob le m so lvi ng T he de a ns us e d th e se char acte ristics to describe themselves eve n at a y oung ag e. As c hildren these w omen org anized their fr iends to do all kinds of activities. Most were outgoing but even if the y wer e shy individuals, they had an inc essant nee d to coordinate tasks to achieve some g oal a nd the y lov e d d oin g it. O n e d e a n i n a m a l e d o m i n a t e d c o l l e g e d e s c r i b e d t h i s t r a i t t h i s w a y: Gi ve n a se t of c ir c ums ta nc e s, I c a n o rg a nize pe op le I c a n g e t us to d o th ing s a s a team, thats wha t I like to do, and in the hopes of a chieving something a nd I think that piec e is alwa y s important. You know I wasnt g oing to be a baton twirle r if we c ou ldn t be sta te c ha mpi on s. . A t th e sa me (t ime ) . if y ou do n t w a nt t o pr a c tic e th e n y ou r e no t g oin g to b e on my te a m be c a us e y ou r e no t g oin g to share that drea m of being a state c hampion. The lang uag e of the text was filled with the masc uline discourse of achie vement and hie ra rc hy o f r isi ng hig he r t ha n o the rs E ve n in a tr a dit ion a l f e ma le -d omi na te d a c tiv ity of baton twirling this participant desire d her te ammates to join in her dre am of be ing state cha mpions or fac e exclusion. Year s later, she beca me a de an of a male-dominate d c oll e g e A no the r d e a n il lus tr a te d th is n e e d f or a c hie ve me nt a s loo kin g to g o u p wi th reg ard to he r ca ree r. Associa te Dea n Abe de scribed he r asc ension into leader ship as "some times y ou have to just pick up the ba ll and run y ourself." This tex t resembles the g a me me ta ph or s th a t Jose ph Cr ow le y (1 99 4) in a his tor ic a l st ud y on c oll e g e pr e sid e nts ,

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52 associate d with leader ship including wor ds such as titan, her o, g ladiator, a nd quarte rbac k. T h e d e a n s o r g a n i z e d o t h e r s t o w a r d a g o a l t o b e t h e b e s t i n w h a t e v e r t h e y w e r e d o i n g If others did not have the same g oal, they neede d to go e lsewher e. Ide nt it y o f the F e m inine Th e se wo me n r os e to t he top of the ir pr of e ssi on a l or g a niza tio ns e a rl y in t he ir car eer s and honed the ir leade rship skills. Dean Hig he spoke of being on, ca mpus wide committees on budg et and pe rsonnel and pla nning . y ou know, I loved it. This love of or g a niza tio n a nd pla nn ing wa s a c omm on de sc ri pto r u se d b y the de a ns T he se womens use of the ter m love implied a f eminine desc riptive of their e nthusiasm for their roles tha t perva ded the masc uline discourse. A nother de an desc ribed he r interac tions with people as sea rching the e nvironment of wha ts the sort of e motional c on te nt, wh a t s r e so na tin g a g a ins t the sit ua tio n. He r s c ru tin y of the e mot ion a l a sp e c ts of situations, and then the use of the lang uag e of resona te r epre sents an applica tion of feminine lang uag e into the text. Another dean pe rce ived her position as a ser vice job wher e she w as promoted be cause of her drive towa rd the g rea ter g ood. F eminine descr iptors like servic e a nd g rea ter g ood ar e interpose d within the masculine le a de rs hip dis c ou rs e of the se de a ns Subjectivity stems from the conc ept that discourse s sy stematically for m the objects of whic h they speak (Sarup, 1988, p. 70) There fore a man or woman who become s an administrator is shape d or subjectifie d by that discourse. The se women use d predominate ly masculine lang uag e with some inclusion of fe minine lang uag e. Eve n the deans in wome n-dominated c olleg es we re sur rounded by male-me ntors who direc ted them. Although the se women g rew up during the time of the sec ond wave of the womens moveme nt, their primary mentors and pr edec essors we re ma le. These womens

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53 la ng ua g e re fl e c te d th e dis c ou rs e of the ir e nv ir on me nt a s th e ou tsi de fo lde d th e m in to their identities. These w omen construc ted their subjectivititi es within the limit s and possibili ties of the discourse s and cultura l prac tices that ar e ava ilable to them (St. Pierre 2000, p. 258). Identity of th e F ather These w omen identified their f amilies as an important pa rt of their c ultural pr a c tic e s. De a n L a ng e r t a lke d a bo ut h ow fo rt un a te sh e wa s b e c a us e he r f a mil y ce lebra tes he r succ esses by putting her press re lease s on their re frig era tors. This kind of enc ourag ement fr om their families sustained the de ans e nthusiasm about their work. Although the se women spoke of childre n, husbands, and other rela tives, most gave an acc ount about their par ents. Reg arding this Dean L ang er state d, it may be has g otten me into trouble sometimes. I m a bit too outspoken. . I a c tua lly thi nk it c a me fr om a c omb ina tio n o f m y mot he r a nd my fa the r. B e c a us e I can se e par ts of their per sonalities that I g ot and I m not sort of a c lone of e ither one of the m, but I g ot some, . remar kably positive chara cter istics from eac h of them and I was lucky in that reg ard. This dean be lieved that her streng th comes fr om positi ve cha rac teristics from both her pare nts. Her identity is not cloned, but is a mix ture of the irs. Although she apolog ized initially for he r boldness, she then de scribed this attribute a s re marka bly positive eve n a s h e r h us ba nd re c oil e d. He r i de nti ty wa s n ot e nti re ly sh a pe d b y he r i mme dia te environment, but evolve d from her pare nts. Of the ir pa re nts th e se wo me n s po ke a t le ng th a bo ut t he ir fa the rs a s th e ir fi rs t mentors who be lieved that educ ation was the ticke t to a better life . The se women un de rs too d h ow fo rt un a te the y we re to h a ve fa the rs wh o b e lie ve d in e du c a tio n e qu a lly fo r t he ir da ug hte rs a s w e ll a s f or the ir so ns D e a n V ita lia de sc ri be d h e r f a the r i n th is w a y:

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54 My fathe r wa s my first mentor. . He did treat my sister and I differ ent than he tr e a te d o ur br oth e r. (L a ug hte r) I t s ju st h e c ou ldn t he lp i t. Y ou kn ow ? . B ut, Daddy was ve ry alway s very very encour ag ing a nd supportive and . wha tever y ou put y our mind to, y ou can do. Dea n Vitalia attributed he r succ ess to her f ather but rec og nized that her fa ther tre ated he r br oth e r d if fe re ntl y Wh e n s he de c ide d to g o in to e du c a tio n, he re ma rk e d th a t it wa s a g ood prof ession for wome n. Her fathe r enc ourag ed her to develop her car eer and become well-e ducate d; however he still had g ender roles tied to ca ree rs. Women deans at the turn of the 20th century historically had strong rela tionships wit h their fa thers and o t h er m al e r el at i v es wh o we re wi l l i n g ed u ca t e t h ei r d au gh t er s d u ri n g a t i m e w h en co l l ege a tte nd a nc e wa s n ot c omm on pla c e fo r w ome n; t he se re la tio ns hip s g a ve the se e a rl y pioneer s alliance s for their le ader ship positi ons (B rown, 2001). T he importanc e of f a t h e r s w a s e v i d e n t i n t h i s a s s o c i a t e d e a n s s t o r y. And I adore d my fathe r. My fathe r wa s wonderf ul as far as enc ourag ing me He, he wa s the one who r eally supported women. . H ed be come a n office r in the Navy but hed ne ver g radua ted from hig h school. And so re cog nized, he had alway s felt infer ior, being in the position and not having the educa tional backg round. That s why educa tion was so important to him and why he wa s willing to pay for me to g o to (profe ssional) school. This dean wor e her fathe rs ring during the interview and re ported that the foundation fo r h e r l if e wa s h e r f a the r. He r m oth e r s r ole a s a ho me ma ke r a nn oy e d h e r i n h e r e a rl y adult y ear s during the fe minist 70s. L ater she re alized that her mother s job was to car e of he r f a the r, wh ic h h e lpe d h e r g a in a n a c c e pta nc e of he r m oth e r s f a mil ia l r ole T his was one of the ra re moments that a mother was mentioned in the te x t. The women s movement g ave the se dea ns other choic es, but their lives we re inc ong ruent with those of the ir mot he rs a nd a so ur c e of c on fl ic t. T he se de a ns la c ke d w ome n r ole mod e ls a t a ll levels as they asce nded into their ca ree rs, and their ear ly identities were imprinted by

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55 their fa thers. Thus, their inter actions within the masculine discour se we re influe nced by their male r elationships. On the other hand, a suppor tive family did not alway s make a leade r. Sometimes their neg ative experienc es in the fa mily g ave the m leader ship abiliti es. One dean repor ted that she lea rned r esponsibility ear ly in her life be cause of ca ring for he r infirm mother that compe lled her to take c harg e of the household. This duty was for ced on her a lso beca use of be ing the first-born c hild. One dea n expressed extreme dislike for her f ather and this disdain influence d her le ader ship. Associate De an B ennetts f ather was c ontrolling, a nd in rea ction she wa s determined ne ver to be like him. Well, y ou know, I still bristle at that word pow er. . I dont think I ve e ver ha d a ny on e be dic ta tor ia l so I m tr y ing to t hin k w he re it c ome s f ro m a nd it p ro ba bly comes fr om the family My fathe r wa s a ca ree r military We had to say y es, sir, no, sir, without question. I f we didnt we we re slappe d, phy sically // And so, as soon as I was 18 I left home. I wasnt g onna be told wha t to do nor was I g onna fit into a box that my fathe r thoug ht I should fit into. Her rea ction to her fa ther ha d a big impact on her leade rship and her perc eptions of p o we r. De an Be n n et t as s o ci at ed t h e t er m p o we r wi t h b ri s t l e i n v er y s t ro n g l an gu age tha t si g nif ie d h e r d ic ta tor ia l f a the r. She sta te d th a t he r s ty le of le a de rs hip e vo lve d in opposition t o what her fathe r re prese nted to her. I n another text Dea n Be nnett was dr a wn to a dmi nis tr a tio n b e c a us e of the po we r p os iti on wh e re pe op le wo uld ta ke my c a ll b e c a us e the y kn e w w ho I wa s, a nd wh ic h s he c a lle d fu n. She lik e d b e ing a ble to se le c t f a c ult y a nd the po we r t ha t c ome s w ith tha t a uth or ity Su rp ri sin g ly D e a n B e nn e tt later r efe rs to herse lf as a control fr eak, a ter m that is reminiscent of her fathe rs control of he r. Perha ps unknowing ly she cr eate d in herself what she disdaine d in her fathe r. The stria ted spac e of the importance of her fathe r wa s reve rsed to a smooth spac e but then unconsciously returne d.

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56 Identity of th e Quintessence Th e Am e ri c a n H e ri ta g e Di c tio na ry de fi ne s qu int e sse nc e a s th e pu re st, mos t essential ele ment of a thing (1994, p. 677) Although the se women w ere influence d by the ir e nv ir on me nt, the ir jou rn e y int o le a de rs hip wa s n ot e nc ou ra g e d b y the ir ma le ro le mod e ls, bu t un fo ldi ng e xten sio ns of the mse lve s. On ly on e pa rt ic ipa nt t old he r d e a n th a t, someda y I would like to be dea n, as she was looking to g o up. This sole par ticipant knew she desired the deanship e arly in her c are er. A lthough these women in this study wer e ambitious, most did not set out to become de ans or e ven lea ders. Anothe r int e rv ie we e sta te d, I did n t c ome int o le a de rs hip by de sig n a nd so me tim e s p e op le with voices of c hang e move into leade rship positions because tha ts wher e y ou can probably have the bigg est impact. The seg mented le ader ship discourse is c lear in the text and being an a g ent of c hang e thr ust her into leade rship, but these women move d into their roles by happensta nce. De a n H ig he e xpla ine d h e r e vo lut ion int o th e de a ns hip Sh e inv olv e d h e rs e lf in pr of e ssi on a l or g a niza tio ns ou tsi de he r a c a de mic job a nd so on re a lize d s he be lon g e d in administration. I wa s a de pa rt me nt c ha ir fo r 4 y e a rs a nd I kn e w t he da y I be c a me w ith in t he fi rs t wee k that I beca me a de partment c hair I rea liz ed I had wa ited too long to do that job. . But this job is really fun bec ause it taps into all kinds of cre ative abilities as we ll as org anizational and administrative abilities bec ause this is the level, a t least for me, other pe ople have differ ent levels, for me this has been the level wher e I rea lly have ha d a cha nce to make a diffe renc e in way s that y ou can ultimately see the impact. Dea n Hig he loved the dive rsity of re sponsibili ties and the c rea tivity it entailed, and wa s motivated by the opportunity to cre ate a n impact. These participa nts used masculine de sc ri pti ve la ng ua g e lik e imp a c t a nd ma kin g a dif fe re nc e wi th r e g a rd to t he ir

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57 motivation to become leade rs. This lang uag e cor responde d to the productive dire ctional desires of these wome n which have traditionally been the rea lm of men. Howe ver, the deans a lso rever sed the masc uline discourse w ith words such as love, cre ative, a nd fun that illust rate d a fe minine contribution to the discourse. I nitially Dea n Hig he had never thought a bout wanting a lea dership position, and no one he lped her identify her potential ear ly in her c are er or sug g ested that she e nter a dminist ration, not surprising g ive n th e pa tr ia rc ha l na tur e of hig he r e du c a tio n. Th is p a rt ic ipa nt w a s n ot d ir e c tly mentored into lea dership; howeve r, she did the tasks that she loved doing and that un fo lde d h e r r ole Wh ile the se wo me n h a d ma le me nto rs th e y we re no t me nto re d in to the leade rship and y et they still beca me dea ns in an intensely male-dominate d environment. De an Hig he see med to have ne ver r efle cted a bout being a women de an until thi s interview. He r conc ern w as the job and he r colleg e, not the fig ht to ge t there. As with all of the intervie wee s, Dea n Hig hes identity as a le ader started be fore she bec ame a leade r. De an Hig he, like other deans, did not se t out to become a leade r, and this tex t impli es her attitude reg arding what ma de her a le ader Other pe ople putting a label on it. . I just got an ide a in my mind about how I wanted to live my life, wha t I wanted to do with it, how I wanted to r elate to other people in the wor ld and at the e nd of the da y people, y ou know, tell me y ou are a leade r, wha t y ou do as a le ader . . But it isnt beca use I set out to become a leade r. I think thats an illusive tit le in some way s any way just by ever y leade r I ve se en or know n is differe nt from eve ry other one // and ever y wee k now when I g o to a bookstore a nd there s y et another book on leade rship, there s y et another va ri a tio n o n a the me a no the r d e fi nit ion on ho w t o b e a le a de r, wh a t a le a de r i s, and ther e ar e some c ommonalities I mean that se em to be in the def initions and descr iptions of leader ship, but it wasnt that I set out to do it. These de ans did not rea d leade rship books to look for their lea dership identities. Dea n Hig he re cog nized the illus ive nature of the title, and the diff ering leade rship sty les of

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58 those leade rs ar ound her. H er r esponses we re ve ry ambig uous reg arding stereoty ping leade rs into male and f emale ty pes. This text sug g ested that she w as not trained f or leade rship but emerg ed into her ow n identity She had a vision of wha t she wante d to be a nd be c a me tha t. F or the se wo me n, be ing c a me be fo re do ing ; a nd le a de rs hip is a labe l for w hat they wer e alr eady doing. I n ref lection, these w omen wer e people who org anized others, they wer e surr ounded by male role models who enc ourag ed educ ation but not ascension into leade rship, but it was the essential e lements of their ide ntities that un fo lde d th e m in to l e a de rs T he str ia te d s pa c e s tr a ns la te d in to s moo th s pa c e s. Identity of th e Third Gener ation De a n H ig he us e d a ve ry ma sc uli ne dis c ou rs e in h e r r e sp on se s; h ow e ve r, sh e a lso added multiple dimensions and complexiti es bey ond a seg mented re ality The third g ener ation of fe minism repr esents bala nce to the pr oductive and r eproduc tive desires of wo me n. Wome n c a n b e bo th re pr od uc e rs of the sp e c ie s a nd pr od uc e rs of c ult ur e , bo th the body and the soc ial (McAf ee, 2004, p. 100) I n the first two g ener ations, the choice alway s seemed to be the selfabneg ating activity of motherhood ve rsus the selfaff irming activity of culture Kristeva spoke of the thre e g ener ations of fe minism that are more a mindset than a chr onologic al orde r. B efor e 1968, the f irst ge nera tion of women wa nted equality with men, the sec ond embra ced the feminine, a nd the third focuse d on the balanc e betwe en the pr oductive and r eproduc tive desires of women. De an Hig hes lang uag e also re flec ted complexiti es bey ond the masculine w ith words such as c re a tiv e , lov e , a nd int ro du c e d w a y s o f c re a tin g a fe min ine ba la nc e I n a so c ie ty wher e the masc uline model of lea dership per meates e very instit ution, these women invented their ow n smooth spaces a nd produce d innovative way s to balance their lives.

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59 Th e se wo me n s po ke of the imp or ta nc e of fa mil y re la tio ns hip s, a nd De a n V ita lia pr e se nte d a dif fe re nt d e sc ri pti on of su c c e ss: I c a n g ive y ou e xamp le s o f s uc c e ssf ul m ome nts . . I wo uld sa y tha t my th e my g rea test acc omplishm ent in life is my children. I ts not, its, because my job and my car eer is not really who I am. I ts something tha t I do. I n the pre vious section, it was sug g ested that these womens lea dership identities sprang up from their being . I n this ex cer pt, Dean V italia separ ates he r doing job from who she is. This unfolds another dimension of he r identity wher e she ba lance d her pr oductive a nd re pr od uc tiv e ro le s. Th e se wo me n s e e me d c on te nt w ith the ir pe rs on a l li ve s, a nd mos t sp ok e of be ing in l on g -t e rm re la tio ns hip s a t th is p oin t in the ir c a re e r. Th os e wo me n w ith children spoke proudly of them, no diffe rently than other mother s. Their identities wer e multidi mensional and not pre occupie d entirely with work. Howeve r, not all women spoke of family rela tionships, and some were not un ha pp y a bo ut b e ing pr e oc c up ie d b y wo rk D e a n H ig he wa s c on te nt w ith ou t a fa mil y beca use she did not have the pulls and the r esponsibiliti es outside of work, a nd y et, she did not feel overly unbalanc ed in he r ea rly work-life The wome ns enjoy ment of work g rew out of an e x tension of their pe rsonalities. Both De an Vitalia a nd Dea n Hig he expressed conte ntment and balanc e, althoug h for diff ere nt rea sons. The literatur e ofte n speaks of the difficulties that wome n might have manag ing f amily and ca ree rs, or portray s focuse d car eer women in a ne g ative lig ht (Marsha l & Jones, 1990). For example, Shult z and Easter ( 1997) re ported that wome n administrators have repor ted homemaking and child ca re a s social bar riers to a dvance ment. Howeve r, these de ans e njo y e d a nd dir e c te d th e ir bu sy liv e s. Th e y did no t c omp la in a bo ut t he ir fa mil y ro le s; their lives wer e wha t they wanted a nd wer e an e x tension of who they wer e as individuals.

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60 At on e po int D e a n H ig he de sc ri be d h ow sh e me nta lly ba la nc e d th e se div isi on s in he r l if e : I m content a bout, the job that I m at, I m neve r conte nt about how well we re doing be cause once y ou become content, . then I think that contentment can lead to a c omplacenc y that means y oure not rea lly raising the bar for wha t can be g a the re d in B ut t he re a re tw o b ro mid e s th a t I sa y to m y se lf e ve ry da y o ne is nothing s perf ect a nd then to help kee p me from g oing nuts, the othe r is, nobody can do it all. This tex t repre sents an interc hang e of la ng uag e betwe en a ma sculine discourse of ra isi ng the ba r ve rs us c on te ntm e nt wh ic h D e a n H ig he e qu a te d c omp la c e nc y T he se women used a ctive ver bs in their lang uag e such a s ac complish, and make it happe n, and then use d lang uag e to soften the e x tremes to kee p from g oing nuts. The de ans lived in an environme nt of hiera rchic al ver tical thinking, a nd modera ted those extremes by reminding themselves that nobody can do it all. T he lang uag e re prese nted a f olding and unfolding of the striate d binaries to the smooth space of the middle. Dea n Dar es inter view wa s a g ood example of the folding and unfolding betwee n the produc tive and re productive ne eds of these women. She re flec ted on the dichotomies that motivated her life Well what drives me . I mean I think I m just kind of a compulsive overa chieve r, just . y ou know we a ll have those pe rsonal af flictions, but I think what drive s me in terms of being . doing this job or any of my administrative service oriented jobs, // I think its jus t seeing the // shaping the institut ion or try ing to c rea te a g rea ter g ood and having the opportunity to do that in a position t h a t a l l o w s m e t o d o t h a t w h i c h w o u l d n o t h a v e o c c u r r e d b e i n g i n a l a b o r a t o r y, doing my own re sear ch. De a n D a re de sc ri be d h e r c omp uls ive ne ss f or a c hie ve me nt a s a pe rs on a l a ff lic tio n; howeve r, she sa y s that administration is a service -oriente d job to crea te a g rea ter g ood. This is reminiscent of Kirkpa trick' s (1974) study of women in state le g islatures whe re women sea rche d for solutions to serve the c ommon good. When desc ribing what drive s

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61 her, she first used the wor d being then doing; she does the job, but her being wa s driven by shaping the institut ion for the g rea ter g ood. D riven repr esente d her productive de sires that see med to conflict with her repr oductive sense of ser vice. The lang uag e is fra ug ht with paradoxes: compulsive, overa chieve r, per sonal aff lictions, serviceoriented, sha ping the instit ution for the g rea ter g ood. She splits her lang uag e and thus he r identity into posit ive and ne g ative tra its. W omen being drive n to excel in the cultural ar ena c onflict with womens re productive, nur turing values cre ating neg ative fe eling s. Perhaps be ing dr iven to cre ate a g rea ter g ood sanc tions their ambition, or an a ttitude of service quiets their produc tive desires so they can ba lance the pr od uc tiv e a nd re pr od uc tiv e po rt ion s o f t he ir liv e s. De a n D a re s le a de rs hip ide nti ty was ba lance d by her ne ed for prac ticality impact and mea ning. H er de scribed motivation, li ke the other participa nts, was for se rvice and not for domination in the hiera rchy These w omen re ported that money did not moti vate them but desc ribed a motivating desire to shape their pr ofession. De an Da re e ven re ports that I dont know that any one would do this job for the a mount of money they pay y ou; y ou have to be driven by something more than tha t. Dur ing the interview, the more than that wa s spoken quietly as an a fterthoug ht, as if she wa s not sure wha t motivated her. De an Da re later la ug hed at not being the hig hest paid in her ma le-dominated c olleg e with a hint of rese ntment. Signs of her need to a chieve wer e alwa y s prese nt, but balance d by her re pr od uc tiv e de sir e s. I n a no the r e xce rp t, D e a n D a re sp ok e of ne ve r i n a mil lio n y e a rs that she would be a dean, but be came one bec ause of her motivation towa rd the g rea ter g oo d. Th is p hr a se is r e min isc e nt o f t he un fo ldi ng jou rn e y tha t th e se wo me n h a d in becoming deans, but De an Da re a lso reporte d that her c are er pa th was that of just being

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62 prepa red a s being asked to do thing s. I n a maledominated colleg e, De an Da re perf ormed tasks that men did not wa nt to do and was motivated for the g rea ter g ood. Associate D ean A be fr om a maledominated colleg e wa s promoted bec ause she chair ed the c urriculum committee be cause I usually didnt volunteer f or thing s, but wh e ne ve r I wa s a sk e d to do so me thi ng I d a lw a y s d o it . She ha d f e lt t ha t th e old curr iculum was a disservice for our students. I n the ea rly 20th century women who did not see the ne ed for suffra g e soug ht the vote to alleviate the social ills of society Dea n Hig he ec hoed this emphasis on servic e by say ing, our first job is to make sure that this is a really g ood lear ning e x perie nce f or students. The nurturing repr oductive desires of women have historically motivated them to act for the g rea ter g ood. De a n V ita lia e c ho e d th is s e nti me nt o f a c tin g fo r t he g re a te r g oo d e ve n w he n it w o u l d b e d e t r i m e n t a l t o h e r p e r s o n a l l y: I f I se e me ste pp ing up to s a y so me thi ng a s g oin g to p os sib ly be de tr ime nta l to me, but helpful for the colleg e, then I would have, the n I d, I ll have to, I ll have to s a y it, be c a us e tha t s my re sp on sib ili ty is t o n ot b e loo kin g ou t f or me b ut t o be looking out for the g ood and the ne eds of the c olleg e. . I think that we have some people in positions of authority now that may be a little too conce rned a bout themselves, and so the y re not nece ssarily looking out for the g rea ter g ood. Dea n Vitalia distinguishes be tween le ader s and authority by examining their motivation; whether they have c oncer n for themse lves or for the g rea ter g ood. The deans w ere acute ly awa re of those in authority who they considere d to be too conc erne d in re g ards to t he mse lve s. B ru nn e r ( 20 05 ) r e po rt e d th a t w ome n s up e ri nte nd e nts we re un c omf or ta ble using pow er ove r other pe ople and de sired empowe rment for the g rea ter g ood. The motivation of these women r ever bera ted ar ound the re productive de sires of the f eminine. Al tho ug h th e se wo me n li ve d a nd fu nc tio ne d w ith in s tr ia te d ma sc uli ne dis c ou rs e s, this space wa s constantly reve rsed a nd shifted by their nurturing repr oductive desire s.

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63 These arts of e x istence, or prac tices of the se lf, we re the things the y do ever y day that make them who the y are (St. Pierre 2005, p. 1). The ide ntities of these women w ere an unfolding of bec oming masc uline, becoming feminine, be coming their fa thers, bec oming the qu int e sse nc e a nd a be c omi ng of the thi rd g e ne ra tio n o f f e min ism T he se de te rr ito ri a lize d id e nti tie s r e pr e se nt t he mul tip lic iti e s o f t he se wo me n. As the ir identities bec oming passed throug h the middle of ea ch of the se strata the line of be c omi ng un fo lde d in to l e a de rs hip I n th e pr e vio us se c tio n, I e xami ne d h ow the se womens identities spra ng up from their being . I n the next section, I will ex amine the int ima te un fo ldi ng of the ir ide nti tie s in to t he ir pe rs pe c tiv e s o n le a de rs hip in m or e de ta il.

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64 CH APT ER 5 L EADERSHI P BECOMI NG Th e te rm s le a de rs hip a nd the c los e ly re la te d ma na g e me nt a re se g me nte d in the ma sc uli ne dis c ur siv e vo ic e T hu s in the hie ra rc hic a l st ru c tur e th e fe ma le vo ic e is s u b s e r v ie n t t o th e ma le v o ic e ; m a s c u li n e la n g u a g e o v e r s h a d o w s th e f e mi n in e D e le u ze a nd Gu a tta ri (1 98 7) su g g e st t ha t th e qu e sti on is n ot w he the r t he sta tus of wo me n is b e t t e r o r w o r s e b u t t h e t y p e o f o r g a n i z a t i o n f r o m w h i c h t h a t s t a t u s r e s u l t s ( p 2 1 0 ) In place of an oppr essive hier arc hy the emphasis her e is on the conte x tual interac tion betwee n individuals and instit utions. I n this section, the oppositions wit hin leader ship and power and we re deconstruc ted from the bina ries within the data. A s binaries we re unc overe d, they beca me dec onstructed whic h is a poststructura l strateg y for r eading text s that unmasks the supposed truth or mea ning of text by undoing, r ever sing, a nd displacing takenforg ra nte d b ina ry op po sit ion s th a t st ru c tur e te xts ( e .g ., ri g ht o ve r w ro ng s ub je c t ov e r o bje c t, rea son over na ture, men ove r women, spe ech ove r writing and re ality over a ppear ance ) (Schwa ndt, 2001, p. 203-4). L eade rship becoming has unf olded betwe en the masculine a nd feminine, powe r and pow erle ssness, authority and ser vice, ster eoty pe and differ ence and re sistance a nd adapta bility I n the final sec tion, I examined the binaries draw n by the par ticipants, and how they also blurre d them. Unfo lding th e M as c uline Eac h participa nt was aske d to define leade rship. The lang uag e of the deans a nd the associa te dea ns exempli fied a manag eria l, patriarc hal discourse wher e the de ans fr om

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65 male-dominate d profe ssions more fre quently used words suc h as outc omes, ac hievement, and suc cess to describe leade rship, indicative of the ir environment. The dominanc e of ma sculine lang uag e cor responde d with Fouca ult's discursive fo rm a tio n, wh ic h h e de sc ri be d a s ho mog e ne ou s f ie lds of e nu nc ia tiv e re g ula ri tie s" (F oucault, 1972/2002, p. 117). As e ach pa rticipant def ined lea dership, a repe titive pattern of manag eria l rhetoric r esounded w ith only slight var iation. One de an desc ribed lea dership as, g etting pe ople to do what y ou think they need to d o to he lp y ou a c c omp lis h y ou r g oa ls j us t be c a us e the g oa ls a re imp or ta nt, no t be c a us e y ou r e jus t in the bu sin e ss o f g e tti ng pe op le to d o w ha t y ou wa nt t he m to do . Th is associate dean de scribed le ader ship using lang uag e such a s produc tive, busine ss, ac complishing, and g oals. Particula rly for the a ssociate de ans, lea ding w as completing tasks, attending to details, and coe rcing others into the business. Rather than leading associate deans orientation wa s more ma nag ing. This associate de an from a f emaledominated colleg e illustrated the de lineation betwee n associate deans a nd de a ns wi th t his c omm e nt: I m not void of the visionary part but I dont find that of intere st. And somebody like [t he dea n] really finds that of intere st. And so we ar e nice ly matched, beca use I love oper ations. I like her to say okay now we ve g ot this si tuation. H o w a r e w e g o n n a m a k e i t h a p p e n ? Associate de ans try to make thing s happen for their bosses while full dea ns have a dif fe re nt r e a lit y a s th e fa c e of the c oll e g e . Th e a sso c ia te de a ns fu nc tio n a s ma na g e rs in tha t th e y mon op oli ze a ll r e le va nt k no wl e dg e wi thi n a n o rg a niza tio n, tha t in c lud e s a shar p divide betwee n thinking and doing ( McKinlay & Star key 2000, p. 111). The full women de ans lang uag e wa s filled with a cor porate discourse, but with a vis ion a ry mot iva tio na l e mph a sis D e a n D a re de fi ne d le a de rs hip a s g e tti ng fo llo we rs

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66 excited about a ce rtain direc tion, motivated and willing to f ollow y ou throug h . toward tha t goa l whateve r that mig ht be. De an Da re w as one of the full dea ns who re c e ntl y tr a ns iti on e d f ro m a sso c ia te de a n. He r l a ng ua g e e mph a size d o utc ome s, g oa ls, and eng ag ing pe ople but also motivation, a view that delinea tes the divide betwe en the dean s missi on to eng ag e people and the doing of the a ssociate de ans. The de ans dis c us se d th e de sir e to i ns pir e oth e rs a nd the a sso c ia te de a ns a llu de d to be ing a ro le model. The deans, like the associate deans, still want to make it happen, but they are interested in br oadening people s views. Dea n Emmett, a dea n from a f emaledominated colleg e, used the phrase lar g er tha n the self to describe her le ader ship role for expansion of fac ulty perspe ctive within the org anizational discourse. Well leadership is helping people se e a big picture a nd seeing that they can become part of some thing lar g er tha n the self be cause if y ou only focus on the self, and one of the proble ms I think about leader ship and hig her e d. is that when y ou work with fa culty its an intensely narc issist ic profe ssion, because . y oure alway s focuse d on the self. And le ader ship is about how do y ou brea k down that wall and g et fa culty to commit to s omething la rg er tha n the self. I nhere nt in leade rship is the existence of f ollowers. As De an Da re sa id, y ou can t have a leade r without followers. All the participa nts started as a cade mics and seg ued into leader ship; they understand how fac ulty are rew arde d and the diff iculty of expanding fac ulty s per ceptions of their role in the institution. There is intense compe tition for resour ces be tween f aculty that neg ates the f ocus on something larg er tha n the self. An oth e r d e a n s ta te d th a t no ind ivi du a l c a n b e su c c e ssf ul o n th e ir ow n. Ev e n th e se fema le-dominated c olleg e dea ns utili zed masculine metaphor s such as brea king dow n the wall. Still the goa l of this dean wa s to persuade fac ulty to follow the g oals of the dean or instit ution.

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67 Th e fi ve fu ll d e a ns de sc ri be d mo tiv a tin g a nd ins pir ing oth e rs to se e a big picture and move in that dire ction. These de ans adde d a visionary dimension of leade rship to the prag matic org anizational lang uag e that ec hoed the lea dership litera ture in that discourse. Warr en B ennis distinguished lea ders using lang uag e such a s cha lleng e, conquer the context, ey e on the hor izon, and do the r ight thing s, which portra y s a pra g matic, visionary discourse ( cited in Carter -Scott, 1994, p. 12). Al tho ug h th e ir la ng ua g e pa ra lle le d th e le a de rs hip lit e ra tur e dis c ou rs e th e se wo me n d id not understand f ormally delineate d leade rship sty les or cited le ader ship lit era ture. As so c ia te De a n B e nn e tt r e po rt e d a tte nd ing a su mme r l e a de rs hip c ou rs e b ut s ta te d th is: I ve ne ver studied ( leade rship sty les) so its just comes to me. (laug hs) You know? (laug hs). So I think its one of those things tha ts in y our g ut that y ou have it to do to do a lea dership kind of job. . You know, le ading could be, here s the task, y ou do it and y ou do it in thi s way Although she had not studied leade rship, she desc ribed lea dership as something i n n a t e In r e t r o s p e c t D e a n B e n n e t t u n d e r s t o o d t h a t t a s k s a r e t o b e d o n e i n a c e r t a i n w a y, but she disclosed ambig uity about whethe r this is leadership. She spoke of leade rship as completing tasks, but in response to w hat made y ou a lea der, she re ported that she br ist le d a t th e te rm le a de r. L e a de rs hip wa s d e fi ne d b y the de a ns a s g e tti ng pe op le to work towa rd the g oals of the or g anization. W hile these wome ns lang uag e re flec ted the masculine, hier arc hical discourse the term leade rship wa s loaded in the e motional context of ex perie nce a s demonstrated by Dea n Be nnett. What unfolded in the text was discomfort with the masculine bina ry as will later be reve aled. A m o n g t h e h e a l t h r e l a t e d p r o f e s s i o n s p a r t i c i p a n t s d e s c r i b e d t h e h i e r a r c h y In this ex ample, the masc uline colleg es, dee med supreme over the feminine c olleg es, shows the pe rv a siv e ne ss o f t he se pa tte rn s:

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68 The a cce pted hiera rchy there is medicine is the big dog dentistry is the next one and then ther es e very body else. . B ut I rea lly think its alway s medicine, dentistry poor nursing is alway s dead la st, and nobody knows what to think of public health and he alth profe ssions, y ou know, they re emer g ing a s a conc ept. (laug hter) The hier arc hy is evident at the univer sity espec ially in the health fie lds. This dean later po int e d o ut t ha t th is h ie ra rc hic a l st ru c tur e is e qu a te d w ith sa la ry ; th os e wi th t he hig he st salarie s have the most prestige L ater the dea n pondere d on how these c oncepts a ffe cted he r d a ug hte r a s w e ll a s a ll w ome n. Th e se de a ns we re a wa re a nd re fl e c te d o n h ow the se attitudes translate to the ne x t ge nera tion of women and w hat roles they themselves play Although the se women use d rhetoric al lang uag e whe n defining leade rship, as the int e rv ie ws c on tin ue d, e a c h w oma n s v ie wp oin t be c a me inc re a sin g ly mul tid ime ns ion a l. Unfo lding th e F e m inine Wha te ve r t he un de rs ta nd ing of g e nd e r r ole s in le a de rs hip mo st f e min ist perspe ctives launc h into an oppositional discourse of masculine ve rsus feminine le a de rs hip , in w hic h ma sc uli ne le a de rs hip is p re se nte d a s c omp e tit ive h ie ra rc hic a l, rational, une motional, analy tic, strateg ic and c ontrolling, a nd feminine lea dership as c oo pe ra tiv e te a m w or kin g in tui tiv e /r a tio na l, f oc us e d o n h ig h p e rf or ma nc e e mpa the tic and collabor ative ( L oden, 1985, cited in Court, 2005, p. 4-5) The masc uline discursive voice wa s evident in the par ticipants lang uag e def ining lea dership. Howe ver, the vertica l hierar chy of the lea dership lang uag e unfolde d subtle feminine cha rac teristics that we re ho ri zon ta l, o r c oll a bo ra tiv e in na tur e A ma sc uli ne vie w o f c oll a bo ra tio n is tha t it undermines one s power thus crea ting we akness ( Br unner, 2005) One a ssociate de an confirme d that her c ollaborative le ader ship sty le was se en as w eakne ss beca use she se ldo m ma de a de c isi on wi tho ut t a lki ng to o the r p e op le ; a tr a it s e e n a s in de c isi ve ne ss

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69 to her super iors. Collaboration in a hiera rchic al structure does not lead to powe rful positions; howeve r, this study illust rate d that collabora tion can also be power ful. Although the deans use d a hier arc hical discourse when de fining leade rship, the definitions reve aled e lements of collabor ation and ser vice. But lea dership is rea lly about, its, its about succe ss. . You know, we a ll, take from one a nother, we g ain streng th from one a nother, . a nd, thats what I have a lw a y s b e lie ve d w a s my g re a te st s tr e ng th i s h e lpi ng oth e r p e op le to, to r e a c h th e ir po te nti a l. F i r s t D e a n V i t a l i a e q u a t e d l e a d e r s h i p w i t h s u c c e s s a p o s i t i o n a t t h e t o p o f t h e h i e r a r c h y, bu t th e n e mph a size d th e ne c e ssi ty fo r i nd ivi du a ls t o g a in s tr e ng th f ro m e a c h o the r. Th is expands Dean Emmetts larg er tha n the self text wher e fa culty need to f ocus outside themselves, but then conne cts individuals to each other not only committing to the instit ution. The dea ns lang uag e empha siz ed motivation and inspiration of others a nd he lpi ng fo llo we rs re a c h th e ir po te nti a l in the ir dis c ou rs e ; he lpi ng pe op le re a c h th e ir potential is service Th e dis c ou rs e of c oll a bo ra tio n le nd s r e a dil y to o ne of se rv ic e Se rv ic e c on ne c ts individuals to each other and lea dership has a n element of fulfilling ne eds in others. Wome n h ist or ic a lly pa rt ic ipa te d a s d e a ns in s tud e nt a ff a ir s to fi rs t se rv e wo me n s tud e nts and later acc epted this expanded role to se rve ma le students (Nidiffe r & Ba shaw, 2001). These service positions were deeme d appropr iate role s which aide d the asc ension of w o m e n i n t o h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n d u r i n g t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e 2 0 t h c e n t u r y, and this has continued to the pr esent. De an Sasser from a ma le-dominated c olleg e, ill us tr a te d th is c on c e pt b y sa y ing a lot of tim e s le a de rs hip is s ome bo dy ste pp ing up to t h e p l a t e . s e e i n g a n e e d a n d f i l l i n g i t b e i n g w i l l i n g t o s a y, ye s a l o t o f p e o p l e s a y, n o. Th e se wo me n o ft e n a sc e nd e d to the ir po sit ion s b e c a us e the y we re wi lli ng to

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70 perf orm duties that their male pe ers did not want to do; these w omen said y es instea d of no. This discourse of se rvice was e specia lly prese nt in the lang uag e of the women fr om t he ma le -d omi na te d c oll e g e s. De a n D a re ill us tr a te d th is: I ve only been a dean f or 2 1/2 y ear s. I was a ssociate de an for 7 y ear s and thats truly a ser vice. . B eca use as a n associate dean, I mean I rea lly felt more like a serva nt of the colleg e in the sense that, . my job was to make sur e I was assisting e ducation and ma ke sure that y ou know eve ry thing r an rig ht, ever y thing wa s f a ir a nd a pp ro pr ia te a nd I su pp os e I ha d p ow e r i n th e se ns e tha t w e wo uld judge student case s, and I did have the pow er to a dmit and dismi ss students and I suppose those ar e powe rful thing s, but they wer e re ally just the business of the colleg e. The business of the colleg e is wha t associate de ans do; howeve r, fulfilling needs is par t of the c olleg e business. De an Da re s attitudes about service helped pr opel her into the deanship. On e e l em en t o f d ec o n s t ru ct i o n i n cl u d es a c o n s t an t s el fre v i s i n g, s el fco rr ec t i n g, continual re aff irmation of itself, taking responsibility from moment to moment for itself, if it is to have a self, a y es f ollowed by a y es a nd then ag ain another y es (Caputo, 1997, p. 200). These assistant deans a lso constantly look outside of themselves and say y es to the ne eds of students and f aculty ; however this attit ude stay s within the boundarie s of the univer sity s g oals. Historically women lea ders ha ve bee n known for their ability to cre ate c ollaboration and build conse nsus in org anizations (Brunne r, 2005). These w omen dea ns motivate others, but also their a bility to inspire motivated the mse lve s. I ns pir a tio n a nd mot iva tio n a dh e re s th e ins tit uti on tog e the r t o a c hie ve its mission, and the deans la ng uag e is immersed with this discourse. De an L ang er, a dean i n a f em al ed o m i n at ed co l l ege i l l u s t ra t ed t h i s b y s ay i n g, I rea lly think that leader ship, involves being a ble to inspire other pe ople. . You know, paint the picture make pe ople excited about itg et them to say wow! Y ou know, that would be ne at.

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71 This leader inspired people to think diffe rently about the cor porate strateg y and to make it happen, but use d unique lang uag e such a s paint the picture to inspire other s. Consensus, cooper ation, and collabor ation are all the watc hwords of pa rticipatory ma na g e me nt, te rm s f re qu e ntl y us e d in c or po ra te dis c ou rs e ; ho we ve r, thi s la ng ua g e is seconda ry to hierar chica l discourse. L eade rship is primarily a ver tical fra mework a nd superc edes the horizontal adhesive that holds followe rs tog ether D e a n H i g h e s p o k e o f t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f a d i v e r s e f a c u l t y, d i v e r s e s t u d e n t b o d y that she admitted wa s harde r to do in this environment, a lluding to a hier arc hical environment that she implied wa s the antithesis of a hor izont al collabor ative repr esenta tion. Shared g overna nce and ow nership a re te rms these de ans used; ho we ve r, the y a re blu rr e d in a pr e do min a te ly ve rt ic a l e nv ir on me nt w he re a c c ou nta bil ity a nd su rv e ill a nc e e xist. Although the se dea ns emphasized collabora tion, the deans a cknowledg ed that they have te chniques to move their a g enda by selling the ir ideas to a f ew be fore taking them to the whole. I f y ou wa nt a de c isi on to g o y ou r w a y . be st t hin g to d o is y ou g o a nd y ou sta rt y ou have a conver sation, with a couple of people a nd y ou see w here they are and y ou kn ow y ou ma y tw e a k y ou r i de a s a lit tle bit a nd y ou se e oh I re a lly thi nk thi s would be re ally g ood for us so, they start talking about it, . then y ou alre ady ha ve a c a dr e of pe op le tha t a re on bo a rd . . Th e n y ou kn ow se ll i t, i n e ff e c t to the ir . c oll e a g ue s. I n th is w a y the de a ns ma ssa g e d the ir a g e nd a T he de a ns us e d th e c on ve rs a tio ns to g aug e the suc cess of their venture but also directe d what they deeme d as important to the colleg e. This was a method by which the de ans direc ted all re levant knowledg e within an org anization (McKinlay & Star key 2000). Althoug h the dea ns all talked about collabora tion, the deans used the ir hiera rchic al position to di rec t decisions. The de ans

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72 s h ar ed t h ei r i d ea s t o em p l o y ee s p ri o r t o i m p l em en t at i o n t o i n s u re s u cc es s Al t h o u gh there may be times wher e the c onversa tions crea te employ ees input, many employ ees are war y to disag ree with supervisors. This is a deliber ate method of producing consensus to direc t knowledg e. De a n E mme tt d isc us se d th is t he me of c on se ns us : You want to shar e it. And also whe n y ou have pow er y oure also thinking a bout how to distribute it, so t hat other pe ople have it. So t hat, and then y ou g ive them the fre edom to make their decisions, . I say look, if y ou make mistakes that s okay I mean, I dont mind if people make mistakes beca use thats a lear ning experience I only mind when y ou make the sa me mistake twice Dea n Emmett wants to share pow er to c rea te owner ship and consensus to move he r a g e nd a F re e do m is g ive n w he n p e op le wo rk wi th thi s d e a n, bu t th e de a n a lso deter mines what qualifies a s mistakes. There is a tension betwee n the g ift of f ree dom in decision-making and making mistakes. I n this contex t, decision-making is not e mpo we rm e nt a nd is s til l ha rn e sse d b y the de a n. Th e de a ns de te rm ine a nd sh a pe wh a t is knowledg e and pow er. The de an contr ols the re g ime of truth ( Fouc ault, 1984, p. 74) for the colleg e. Both male -dominated a nd fema le dominated dea ns illust rate d both consensus-building and dire cting the knowledg e of the ir colleg e. I n cer tain personne l matters, administrators cannot r evea l details thus keeping rele vant information shroude d and rumors e scala ting. Controlled meaning s can tra nsform into chaos a nd destabilize the org anization. The deans succe ss may be dete rmined by how well the truth is veiled unde r cloa k and smoke. Be ca u s e o f t h es e f ac t o rs s h ar ed go v er n an ce m ay b e a m i s n o m er ; t h er e a re m an y t h i n gs that must remain hidden. How the de an portra y s truth affe cts the powe r of he r colleg e. Althoug h the feminine side of leade rship exemplifies collaboration, the de ans ar e the top of the

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73 hiera rchy and dire ct what knowle dg e is dee med important and c orre ct. Where the intersec tion lies between the vertica l hierar chy and the hor izont al collabor ation of an instit ution determines the c ulture of that institution. Both the masculine a nd feminine binaries a re ne eded f or the institution t o exis t; neither for m is altoge ther a bsolute. The intersec tion of the stratified ve rtical a nd horizontal nature of le ader ship can be blurred by things hidden. This blurr ing f unctions as a f old which avoids the simplisti c re versa l of binaries a nd seeks the middle ( Ba diou, 1994). Althoug h the par ticipants lang uag e ca n be dis tin g uis he d in to b ina ri e s, c on tr a dic tio ns a nd dis c re pa nc ie s in the te xt co lla ps e int o eac h other. P ower Pow e r i n w e ste rn c ult ur e ha s b e e n c on c e ptu a lize d a s do min a nc e c on tr ol, authority and influenc e over others and thing s (B runner 2005, p. 126). The power over conce pt has bee n heavily rese arc hed and a naly zed by Etzi oni (1961) as c oerc ive, remune rative, a nd normative (pr estig e) pow er, a nd delineate d by Fr ench a nd Raven (1979) a s rewa rd, coe rcive leg itimate, refe rent, a nd expert power. Within the conce pt of powe r-ove r is the notion of its oppositepowerle ssness (B runner 2005). I n a 1998 study Br unner a nd Schumaker found that men tende d to use power to achieve their own view of a community s common g ood rathe r than using their position to pursue the c oll e c tiv e c omm on g oo d. Th e po we rov e r c on c e pt i s th ou g ht t o b e ma sc uli ne wh ile powe r-with is c onsidered a feminine c hara cter istic. W omen tend to g ener ate powe r by empower ing othe rs and c rea ting c hang e via their roles as mother s and tea cher s (Miller, 1993). Howe ver, f eminine power still has a dire ctional pull as women func tion in a nurturing role, c aring for those subor dinate to them.

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74 T h e n at u re o f p o we r i n p o s t s t ru ct u ra l i s m i s d es cr i b ed u s i n g d i ff er en t l an gu age and strate g ies. For Fouc ault, Power must be ana ly zed as something tha t circula tes. . I t is never loca liz ed here or there never in any body s hands, ne ver a ppropriate d as a c ommodity or piece of we alth. Power is employ ed and e x erc ised throug h a netlike org anization. And not only do individuals circulate be tween its threa ds; they are alway s in the position of sim ultaneously underg oing a nd exercising this power. Th e y a re no t on ly its ine rt or c on se nti ng ta rg e t; t he y a re a lw a y s a lso the e le me nts of its a rt ic ula tio n. I n o the r w or ds in div idu a ls a re the ve hic le s o f p ow e r, no t it s points of application. (F oucault, 1976, p. 98). I ndividuals do not hold power, but power resides w ithin an org anization of relationships within the discourse. F oucault used the term discour se a s an inclusionary /exclusi onary sy stem to help us understand how w e ar e positioned as subjec ts which cre ates our r elative power in eac h discourse. The re a re r ules within a discourse c oncer ning w ho can ma ke sta te me nts a nd in w ha t c on te xt, a nd the se ru le s e xclu de so me a nd inc lud e oth e rs (Craib, 1992, p. 186). D iffer ence s in discourse spar k conflict, a nd feminist studies assert that all people ha ve the c apac ity to resist oppression (Weiler, 2003) Fouc ault thought that althoug h the subject is af fec ted by knowledg e and pow er, it is "ir reduc ible to these, so the subject ac tually functions as a pocket of resistanc e to established f orms of power /knowledg e ( Alvesson & Skoldberg 2001, p. 230). Power is pa ssed bac k and forth fr om leader /subject and male /female depending on the discourse Whil e po we r i n th e Wes te rn tr a dit ion se g me nts re a dil y int o b ina ri e s, po we r i n poststructuralism examines the circula r nature of powe r. I n the next section, I examined response s pertaining to questions about the production and ne g otiation of power, a nd the lang uag e illustrated the r evolving rela tionship between lea dership and pow er.

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75 Unf oldin g P ower Pow e r a nd le a de rs hip a re c los e ly c on ne c te d in the se le a de rs s pe e c h. As F ou c a ult sug g ests, what counts a s knowledg e is the re lative power of those who c laim it, and "r elations of for ce a nd power are involved at eve ry level of a discursive for mation" (M a c e y 2 00 0, p. 10 1) Wh e n a sk e d h ow the y pr od uc e po we r, mos t pa rt ic ipa nts immediately transitioned into a traditional lea dership discourse I us e po we r . to b uil d e nte rp ri se s to bu ild pr og ra ms o f e xce lle nc e to m oti va te people, // to let them take their passion to the next l evel //with a strate g ic ag enda, so // t ha t s h ow I us e it. I so rt a se t ou t th e vis ion a nd g ive pe op le the op po rt un ity to execute it. Dunlaps text beg an with an a mbiguous I dont know, but then immediate ly seg ued into words such as build, passion, vision, execute and pr og rams of e x cellenc e. Her words re flec ted the g oals of the univer sity in the hiera rchic al discourse of lea dership. L e a de rs hip a nd po we r r e fl e c t e a c h o the r i n th e te xt. De a n D a re de sc ri be d p ow e r a s th e a bil ity to m a ke de c isi on s th a t a re me a su ra ble throug h resour ce a llocation. Dea n Dar es r esponse to neg otiating powe r see med e nig ma tic a t f ir st, bu t th e n s he qu ic kly tr a ns iti on e d in to h ow po we r i s ma nif e ste d in the se c on c re te te rm s. I think a lot of power c omes from y our per sonal conne ctions from other pow erf ul people, a nd I ve be en, impresse d by that. I mpressed by how, // how positive interper sonal rela tionships wit h say the pre sident or the provost or the vice president a ctually g ets y ou stuff. (laug hter) . A nd I g uess that stuff is what y ou might ca ll power. . B ut y ou know I still believe de ans ar e middle manag ement in this environment. Dea n Dar e stated tha t power is der ived from c onnections with other powe rful people who are in the hiera rchy above the deans. D ean D are prese nted the importanc e of de veloping rela tionships wit h those above her to g et y ou stuff. I n my own experienc e, employ ees fre quently forg et those re lationships above their a dminist rators, a nd Dea n Dar e wa s

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76 cog nizant of her status in the hiera rchy and conside red he r position middl e mana g ement. Dea n Dar es husba nd advised he r; job one is kee p y our bosses happy . B roker ing power wa s a lea rned skill for this dea n. Most women have dif ficulty culturally in selfpromoting, but De an Da re le arne d this skil l in order to se rve the colleg e. The deans g ained powe r by mana g ing up as we ll as mana g ing dow n. Ke eping y our boss happy is ex pecte d for he r and by her, a nd that attitude become s the expectation for the colleg e. Stu ff is c on c re te e vid e nc e of po we r a llo c a tio n th ro ug ho ut t he un ive rs ity wh e the r i t is ne w h ir e s, e qu ipm e nt, or bu ild ing s. Th e fu ll d e a ns me nti on e d b uil din g s a nd up g ra de s to the ph y sic a l pl a nt t ha t w e re ma de to t he ir c oll e g e s d ur ing the ir te nu re a s e vid e nc e of the ir productive de sires. De an Hig he ec hoed this theme, but descr ibed how she g ives power throug h providing budg ets to depar tment chairs to g ive them power to make a dif fer ence in their environment. The budg et is a sourc e of pow er, but money is often alloca ted by the utiliz ation from the pr ior y ear which diminishes the g ift of powe r by the dea ns and to t he de a ns Th e de a ns de sc ri be d d e le g a tin g de c isi on -m a kin g b ut t he de a ns on ly de le g a te those opportunities in situations that they deem a ppropriate Every body doesnt g et to share in ever y decision. Ther e ar e ce rtain thing s that a r e m y d e c i s i o n s I k n o w t h e m o s t a b o u t t h e m I s h o u l d m a k e t h e m . . If the y r e re c omm e nd ing so me thi ng tha t do e sn t ma ke se ns e be c a us e the y do n t un de rs ta nd it, the n I ha ve to a ssu me I did n t do a ve ry g oo d jo b o f e xpla ini ng it well. . I think y ou distribute that power in a very delibera te way I t doesnt happen a ccide ntally Dea n L ang er pr eviously had desc ribed he r conse nsus-building lea dership sty le as something she was proud of but she distributed power de liberate ly Howeve r, she state d that not ever y body g ets to share in all decisions beca use she ha s the knowledg e base and the dec isions are he rs. Dea n L ang er took re sponsibili ty if the fa culty made a

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77 rec ommendation that contra dicted her rea lity This dean a rticulated how issues are explained to control the establishment of truth. He r re ality monopoliz es all re levant kn ow le dg e wi thi n a n o rg a niza tio n ( Mc Ki nla y & Sta rk e y 2 00 0) A lth ou g h th is c or po ra te d i s co u rs e w as p er v as i v e t h ro u gh o u t t h e t ex t t h e d ea n s al s o t ra n s i t i o n ed i n t o l an gu age that ref lected dif fer ent forms of pow er. Hig he had be en a de an for over 10 y ear s in a male-dominate d colleg e, and she de sc ri be d p ow e r b e ing c re a te d th ro ug h d ive rs ity I n th is c a se p ow e r w a s n ot j us t ins tit uti on a l bu t a lso mul tid ime ns ion a l. L e a de rs hip to m e is, ha vin g a se ns e of dir e c tio n a nd br ing ing pe op le tog e the r t o he lp m ov e in t ha t di re c tio n . tha t th e re a re dif fe re nt w a y s to a c hie ve tho se g oa ls and . to help make sure ther e is enoug h diversity in methods of achie vement which mea ns differ ent kinds of people to be involved in the whole proc ess so that y ou c a n r e a lly us e the po we r o f e ve ry bo dy y ou ha ve to m ov e a n e nte rp ri se forwa rd if its big enoug h. Although D ean H ighe was in a ma sculine-dominated c olleg e, her text emphasized diffe renc e a nd diver sity that re sonates with the discourse of the third wa ve of feminism. This practice is consistent with the postst ructura l focus of K risteva on diversity of identifica tion, where rathe r than foc using on the hiera rchie s of male ve rsus fema le, the g oal is to internalize the rivalries of the diffe renc e thus ce lebra ting the individualism of ea ch per sons identity that patc hes tog ether a diver sity of ethnic, reg ional, sexual, professional, and political identifica tions (McAf ee, 2004, p. 102) She encour ag ed diffe renc e that in turn is using the power of eve ry body to exemplify expanding bounda ries and br oadening views. B ring ing pe ople tog ether included the conce pt of share d g overna nce tha t to the deans ma de a c olleg e more power ful as a w hole. One de an fr om a fe male-dominate d colleg e stated tha t the power was not her s, but beca use of sha red g overna nce the power

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78 belong s to this college . and this colleg e has be come more power ful. She be lieved that cre ating share d g overna nce g ave he r colleg e more power in the vertica l frame work of the univer sity Severa l deans re iterate d that the power belong ed to the instituti on, and their job was to support the institution. Alt houg h diversity and shar ed g overna nce ma y enhanc e the leve l of power the institut ion stil l owns it, not t he fa culty or the de an. The re is a c ir c ula r e xpa ns ion /c on tr a c tio n a nd inc lus ion /e xclu sio n o f p ow e r t ha t e xists wi thi n this orga nization. On the other hand, seve ral wome n discussed the lac k of powe r in their colleg e. Th e a sso c ia te de a ns de sc ri be d th e ir su pp or tiv e ro le a nd un de rs too d th a t th e ir po we r c a me from their position and proximi ty to the dean. O ne assoc iate dea n who only supervised a few staff, r eporte d that she did not have much power in the org anization, ex cept wha t people g ive to me in their own bra ins. . I t is only when I am standing in for the de an that I then have the power of her chair behind some of these interac tions in which I eng ag e. T his is reminiscent of the F oucaultian view that truth a nd knowledg e a re so c ia lly c on str uc te d p ro du c ts o f i nte re sts a nd po we r r e la tio ns (H ine s, 19 88 ). Th is s a me a sso c ia te de a n in a fe ma le -d omi na te d c oll e g e tol d a sto ry a bo ut h ow he r l un c h g ro up is c a lle d th e po we r l un c h by fa c ult y T his lun c h g ro up is i nf or ma l, m a de up of pa st a dmi nis tr a tor s w ho ra re ly dis c us s w or k; h ow e ve r, sh e a ttr ibu te d p ow e r g ive n to thi s g roup as fanta sies about what g oes on behind c losed doors. H er de scription showed the ill us ive na tur e of po we r, a nd tha t po we r g ive n to oth e rs ma y no t be re a lit y in t he ir vie w. Kn ow le dg e tha t a pp e a rs to b e hid de n b e c ome s p ow e rf ul, a nd the po we rl e ss be c ome po we rf ul.

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79 Unfo lding P owe r le ssn e ss The five full deans use d words such a s motivating and inspiring to def ine how to produce power in others. The a ssociate de ans for the most part, did not even addre ss producing power except for De an Wilson, an associate de an fr om a fe maledominated colleg e, who discusse d power in context wit h another dean she worke d for. She stated that, the term pr oduce pow er just doesnt ring a bell for me. She late r repor ted that power was building conse nsus, but she had ne ver r efle cted a bout cre ating power The five full deans unde rstood how to answe r this question beca use they are at the hea d of their r espec tive colleg es and must deleg ate. Assoc iate De an Wilson had been a n in te g ra l pa rt of c oll e g e op e ra tio ns fo r o ve r 2 0 y e a rs a nd he r d e a n h a d d e sc ri be d th e ir colleg e as power less and often discounted a s . not a rea l aca demic discipline. Whil e De an Wilson personally had diffic ulty with the term pr oduce pow er, her response illust rate d how women lea ders wie ld power, r elative to her experience with two differ ent dea ns. (T his pr e se nt d e a n) if a ny thi ng s he s g oe s th e oth e r s ide of ke e pin g pe op le inf or me d a nd in t he loo p. . ( Th e pr e vio us de a n) jus t di d it A nd (t his de a n s) very much not like that. . But I m in the loop, I have know ledg e, I understand wher e we re heade d, and those thing s make me f eel more confide nt, and there fore in terms of knowledg e, powe r, and in ter ms of association, powe r, and so on. Then I do have, a nd I do fee l that I have mor e powe r, now than I did with a differ ent boss, . beca use (the pr evious dea n) we nt to the things she c onsidered to b e imp or ta nt. (T he c ur re nt d e a n) do e s mo re de le g a tio n o f t ha t ki nd of thi ng s o more of us ha ve had tha t experience The pre vious dean did not communicate her know ledg e about c olleg e business, thus cre ating a sense of powe rlessness in others. The implication was that communication cre ates powe r. De an Wilson further stated tha t the colleg e had mor e powe r with the new dean s leade rship. Dea n Wil son discussed the produc tion of power in c ontext of her previous dea n whom had hoar ded powe r by not deleg ating or kee ping he r assoc iate dea ns

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80 in the loop. De leg ation in this contex t was a pa rt of produc ing pow er in e mploy ees a nd in the org anization. The previous de an g ave D ean Wilson the impression that she liked hoarding the important tasks, thus making little attempt to produce or g ive power Der rida de constructs the ide a of g iving in re lation to just ice. A g ift is something that cannot be rea ppropriate d and ne ver a ppear s as such a nd is never e qual to g ratitude (Caputo, 1997, p. 18). I f a pe rson say s thank y ou for a g ift, the g ift starts being destroy ed; thus a g ift is bey ond the circ le of g ratitude. Giftg iving ne eds to g o bey ond calc ulation beca use there is a point where calc ulation must fail. A politi cs ca lculated without justice and the g ift, would be a te rrible thing and this is often the ca se (Caputo, 1997, p. 19). De leg ation is a leade rs g ift to employ ees; howe ver, the para dox is that this gift is directe d by the g oals of the de an and the university The fa ilure re sides wher e the de ans wa nt to g ive powe r, but control it as we ll. However Dea n Wil son appre ciated the intent of deleg ation as she wa s immersed in the discourse of the org anization. The g ift is impos sible, y et possible in the circ le of de construction. Unf oldin g Authority De a n V ita lia sp ok e of dif fu sin g po we r a nd g ivi ng pe op le re sp on sib ili ty wi th authority but then outlined that middle manag ement fa ces the para dox of having responsibility with no authority Be st way to produce power is to empower the pe ople. . (laug hter) G ive them responsibility and author ity to, now they what is it, the definition of a c oordinator is a ll t he re sp on sib ili ty a nd no ne of the a uth or ity ( ) I do n t th ink y ou re a lly have pow er if . y ou want to be the only one with power I g uess thats a u t h o r i t y. De a n V ita lia sta te d th a t th e be st w a y to p ro du c e po we r i s to e mpo we r, y e t if e mpl oy e e s h a ve no a uth or ity th e n th e y do no t le a d b ut c on tr ol. Th e te ns ion in t his para dox is that employ ees c annot be e mpowere d without the free dom to own their power

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81 and vision. Dea n Vitalia outlined that to have a uthority is to be the only one with power De a n H ig he su mma ri zed tha t pr od uc ing po we r, is t o e na ble oth e r p e op le to a c hie ve the ir g oals that are consistent with the mission and goa ls of the colleg e and unive rsity . Moving a n enter prise utiliz es the powe r of e very body and De an Hig he re cog nized the ne e d f or div e rs ity o r a mul tip lic ity of me tho ds a nd pe op le to a c hie ve g oa ls, bu t th e se g oals must be consistent with the university Enterpr ises and instituti ons are not democr acie s. Dea n Hig he re minded us that power is only g iven to acc omplish t he mission of the university and is not the people s power; thus, the lea der c ontrols the rules of discourse The de ans g oal is to convince othe rs that they own the vision when the org anization actually does. Dea n L ang er, w ho had one of the hig hest fac ulty satisfac tion rating s in the university tried to prepa re e mploy ees, to fee l ownership of w hat the re quirements ar e for the pr ocess . se nse of g rea ter owne rship in the things that a ffe ct them. He r job was to per suade the fac ulty to buy into the insti tutions visi on, but this create s an oppositional binary of re sistance whe n fac ulty cannot a lign themse lves to the institut ion. The us ver sus them powe r strug g le is born. Dea n L ang er r ecog nized the tension inhere nt in the term power I do n t r e a lly lik e the no tio n o f p ow e r. I lik e the no tio n o f s tr e ng th. Pow e r t o me t en d s t o co n v ey co n t ro l l i n g o t h er p eo p l e. . I t ry n o t t o u s e p o we r. Al t h o u gh I ll bet y ou that people who se e me a s very power ful, . I think y ou, y ou know, if we w ant to try to cast powe r as something positive, . y ou know, I think that y ou use and pr oduce ma y be influenc e. I m more c omfortable w ith that word (laug hs). B y . g etting pe ople eng ag ed in proc esses. Ge tting them to fe el that they can ha ve owne rship // of things. Perha ps initi ally starting out by rew arding or praising people f or ac complishments, but eventually g etting it so that it doesnt de pe nd on me to r e wa rd it o r t o p ra ise it. This dean liked the te rm influenc e instea d of pow er, to refr ame this coe rcion or mana g ement of pe oples beha vior. Dea n L ang er s power r esided in convinc ing othe rs

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82 that they have ow nership and a cknowledg ed that powe r come s from how other s view her I n e sse nc e h e r p ow e r w a s h e r e mpl oy e e s g if t to he r, no t so me thi ng sh e ow ne d. Th is distinguishes the ter m power fr om authority , which is something soug ht, not given. Stil l th e te xt exe mpl if ie d th e ne e d o f t he de a n to c or ra l he r f a c ult y int o a c oh e siv e un it throug h praise a nd rew ard. A t least in her r eality there is a diffe renc e betwe en pow er and stre ng th, which is distinguished by the pre sence or abse nce of control. He re, the re was a blurring of def initions wher e these terms so closely rese mble eac h other, but connote a n entirely differ ent meaning to the speake r ac cording to that persons perspe ctive and e x perie nce. Associate D ean Sasse r, like De an L ang er, did not like the ter m power , but pref err ed the wor d influenc e. Be cause power outside, I mean, a nd the ene rg y can t, I can t control somebody else. . And tha ts been a hard le sson for me to lea rn bec ause I m rea lly like, controlling . . And its been a hard le sson for me to re cog nize that I could have inf lue nc e on oth e r p e op le a nd I re a lly do n t ha ve po we r o ve r t he m, b ut I obviously I do have pow er ove r the students her e, so there are some way s I do have pow er he re. A nd in that way I g uess I try to exercise that powe r in a c aring manner rathe r than a n absolute powe r. Dea n Sasser e quated powe r with control, and w as ver y uncomforta ble with the idea of power over othe rs. Dea n Sasser de sired a nurturing powe r that re veale d her re pr od uc tiv e va lue s. Pe rh a ps De a n Sa sse r w a s u na ble to g o f ur the r u p th e le a de rs hip la dd e r b e c a us e sh e c on tr ols ins te a d o f l e a ds H e r p ow e r o ve r s tud e nts ma y be be c a us e she ser ves them we ll in that posi tion. However the main point is that although the wo me n le a de rs e qu a te d p ow e r w ith c on tr ol, the y dis lik e d th a t c on c e pt. Th e y tr y to c re a te owne rship and sha red g overna nce w hich is discursive lang uag e for control. F or Fouc ault, "r elations of for ce a nd power are involved at eve ry level of a discursive

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83 formation" (Mac ey 2000, p. 101). Howe ver, the se women know that there are tensions betwee n what they do and who they are Em po we rm e nt i s n ot t he sa me a s D e rr ida s g if t be c a us e the pe op le a re on ly empower ed if their g oals coincide with administrations goa ls, then that is refr amed a s ow ne rs hip . Con tr ol c a nn ot g ive po we r a s le a de rs hip c a n. Th e g if t of le a de rs hip is o nly g iven when the re is not control, a nd thus the deans a re unc omfortable w ith using a uth or ity to m ov e the ir a g e nd a s. Th e se de a ns re pe a te dly de sc ri be d th e str ug g le wi th t his para dox cre ated by leade rship. I n this ex ample, De an Sasser was torn by her a mbition and the powe r she wie lded. I am driven by power and I dont like to think about that. . You have to ha ve po we r i n a le a de rs hip po sit ion . . did Ga nd hi h a ve po we r? Did Mo the r T he re sa have pow er? Yet they wer e g rea t leader s. . But they had powe r in some way So I think y ouve g ot to have powe r in order . to be truly eff ective. . I hope I use powe r compa ssionately . more to mee t a g rea ter ne ed and to se rve othe rs. Dea n Sassers position was a form of w hat Her shey Bla nchar d, and Johnson (2001) would call le g itimate power y et by her dia logue its appar ent that kind of powe r is not what she e mulates. Mother Te resa s and Ga ndhis power falls in the re alm of per sonal power individuals with t he cha risma, political skills, energ y and ability to articulate a vision that is i ndepende nt of other sourc es of powe r (He rshey Bla nchar d, & Johnson, 20 01 ). Ho we ve r, bo th M oth e r T e re sa a nd Ga nd hi e xemp lif ie d p ow e r t ha t w a s d e vo te d to service Certainly her dia logue ref lected G ree nleaf s (1979) serva nt leader kind of power that she desire d, and the kind of le ader she desire d to be. Dea n Sasser wa s torn by the contra dictions inherent in her role a s a lea der in a male-dominate d colleg e, and he r ow n p e rs on a l va lue s r e fl e c tin g he r f e min ine re pr od uc tiv e de sir e s. Her perspe ctive coinc ided with Br unner a nd Schumaker s (1998) study wher e men tended to use power to achieve their own view of a c ommunity s common g ood

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84 ra the r t ha n u sin g the ir po sit ion to p ur su e the c oll e c tiv e c omm on g oo d. Wha t th is d e a ns stu dy re ve a le d w a s th e a mou nt o f d isc omf or t w ome n h a ve wh e n u sin g po we r. Th e se women disliked the masculine power -over contr ol conce pt while emulating the powe r-with f eminine cha rac teristic. These women wa nted to g ener ate powe r by e mpo we ri ng oth e rs a nd c re a tin g c ha ng e via the ir re pr od uc tiv e ro le s. De a n D a re a lso sh a re d s ome of De a n Sa sse r s c on fl ic ts a bo ut p ow e r: Power sca res me to some e x tent beca use I know that I do have pow er in ter ms of hiring decisions, firing decisions, re source allocation. B ut I try to have a healthy respe ct for tha t and almost a fe ar ( chuckle ) of that powe r to make sur e that its used prope rly to advanc e the or g anization or know that we re doing something g oo d f or the pr of e ssi on or fo r t he c oll e g e a nd so I tr y to t re a t it y ou kn ow w ith healthy respe ct . and not with, y ou know, aba ndon or . y ou know I think its very easy to misuse power a nd so I try to . rea lly be thoug htful about how y ou use it. Dea n Dar e desc ribed the judicious use of power with healthy respe ct so to adher e to the g oals of the univer sity Her dialog ue re veale d that she had r efle cted a g rea t deal about her use of powe r. He r text reflec ted her repr oductive value s of doing g ood but also her c aution to not misuse power, by using w ords such a s fe ar, re spect, and thoug htful. These women desc ribed the mantle of a uthority "be ing c are ful how they us e the ir wo rd s a nd the po we r i t im pli e s. Th e se de a ns c a nn ot s pe a k of f t he c uf f" in t he ir profe ssional life. Dea n Sasser said he r lang uag e bec ame amplified a nd took on a life of its own, and a s a re sult, she learne d to rec og nize the ext ent of he r powe r. Howe ver, Dea n Sasser, a n associate dean in a male-dominate d colleg e, said that she did not identify first with her position, but with being he rself; she sug g ested that powe r wa s g iven to her by her position and not soug ht by her. A s Fouc ault (1976) r eminds us, power must be analy zed as something tha t circula tes, . and not only do individuals circulate be tween

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85 its threads; they are alway s in the position of sim ultaneously underg oing a nd exercising this power ( p. 98). These women used pow er, but a re a lso acted on by power Som e of the int e rv ie we e s f ro m th e fe ma le -d omi na te d c oll e g e s e xpre sse d th e ir perspe ctives about powe r diffe rently Dea n Emmett, from a fe male-dominate d colleg e, believed tha t for a le ader to pretend the y do not have powe r make s them ineffe ctive, bec ause othe r people around y ou know per fec tly well y ou have it. D ean E mmett spoke of be ing c a re fu l y e t be ing tr a ns pa re nt w he n u sin g po we r, a lth ou g h th e re wa s a c on tr a dic tor y me ssa g e in b e ing jus t so tr a ns pa re nt t o a c hie ve tr us t, y e t ke e pin g so me thi ng s h idd e n. Pow e r r e sid e s in the le a de rs a c tio ns y e t a lso in t he le a de r s d isc re tio n to c on c e a l or be tr a ns pa re nt. I n th e ne xt se c tio n, so me dis c re pa nc ie s a nd c on tr a dic tio ns in the utiliz ation of powe r ar e fur ther e x plored. Unf oldin g Service I started r eviewing and cor rec ting the te x t of the dea ns from maledominated (MD) c olleg es and the n of the de ans fr om female -dominated (F D) c olleg es. I noticed tha t I g ot p ro g re ssi ve ly mor e me la nc ho ly wh ile wo rk ing on the fe ma le -d omi na te d d e a ns text As I explored my own subjectivity in this process, I perc eived the la ng uag e of the MD dea ns emphasized "se rvice to students and the university while the F D dea ns focuse d more on g aining power and author ity To understa nd my rea ction, I examined the text of Dr. Dunlap, who ha d rec ently underg one a c atac ly smic experience with the leade rship in her c olleg e. She wa s a lea der w ho ran a larg e ce nter, a nd for y ear s had bee n extremely succe ssful in her pre dominately fema le profe ssion. I n the last few y ear s, she ha d w or ke d in a c oll e g e wi th a llma le c oll e a g ue s. He r t e xt illu str a te d th e tr a ns iti on : Wherea s the depa rtment cha irs are // led and incentivized by differ ent ag endas thats not consistent with this and I m not in a position of power to set the a g enda and dire ct it. . (chuc kle, sig h) I ve be en a total f ailure// in try ing to g et the

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86 depar tment chairs to buy into this vision and to be a pa rtner in it. I t has bee n a ve ry ho sti le e nv ir on me nt. Rece ntly Dr. Dunla p had bee n pulled into a room for thre e and a half hours by her c olleag ues for what she c alled a witch hunt. She stated the y ca lled me eve ry jerk that y ou can na me, eve ry thing that I value a nd ever y thing that I am proud that I am, was ra pe d. Th e re ha d b e e n a sta ble c oll e g e c ult ur e fo r a lon g tim e a nd Dr D un la p c a me wi th h e r o wn re so ur c e s, a g e nd a a nd vis ion of ho w t he un ive rs ity c ou ld b e c ome wo rl d class. H er vie w was tha t the purpose of her ma le collea g ues wa s to build their empire wi tho ut c on c e rn of the br oa de r c omm on g oo d, bu t f or the ir re fl e c tiv e g lor y . She sa id s h e h a d le a r n e d to h a v e a to u g h s k in a n d th e im p o r ta n c e o f r e f le c ti o n T h is te xt illust rate d her pr ocess of the re flec tive ref raming of her experience You know we lose sight of the fa ct, g rea t leader s, // remember that they are stewar ds of re source s, they are stewar ds of talent and the commitment is t o the co m m u n i t y . . I f y o u co u n t wh at t h i s en t er p ri s e i s h er e a n d wh at we r e d o i n g, tha t is su c c e ss. . B ut w a s it re a lly su c c e ss / / in oth e r p e op le s e y e s, of c ou rs e not, beca use it wasnt a bout them or it wasnt about their a g enda. . I t was never about me. Gr eat lea ders a re ne ver a bout themselves. Dunlap stated tha t succe ssful leade rship is not about the leade r but the mission of the community The succ ess was not he rs, but the enter prise. She survived by focusing on being a stewa rd and he r ser vice to the c ommunity Another e lement was he r f ailure that the men did not buy into her a g enda. B eca use of he r contribution of re source s, she ex p ec t ed t h i s en v i ro n m en t t o co n fo rm t o h er v i s i o n T h e p ro ce s s o f fo l d i n g, u n fo l d i n g, ref olding (De leuze, 1988/1993, p. 137) was diff icult in the emotional context of her story She inferr ed that she w as a g rea t leader beca use her ag enda w as the corr ect one. On the other hand, lea dership is about holding onto values in the fa ce of opposition. The dichotomy was c erta in and in this case, f ormidable.

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87 The outcome of this conflict wa s moving he r and he r re source s to another a rea of the university Dunlap under stood that the university wanted pr og rams of e x cellenc e, but in t he ne xt se nte nc e sh e sta te d, I m br ing ing lot s o f m on e y to t he un ive rs ity . . I f i t wer e about me, the y would have loc ked me in that room a nd thrown the ke y awa y . The m o n e y k e e p s h e r i n h e r o r g a n i z a t i o n n o t o n l y h e r c o m m i t m e n t t o h e r m i s s i o n In a no the r t e xt she sta te d th a t, us ing po we r t o in tim ida te pe op le or us ing po we r t o manipulate people or using power to just m ake mor e money is short lived. Elsewhe re she talked a bout the resour ces she broug ht to the insti tution: that is success if y ou can count the number s. These contra dictory statements re prese nt her proc ess of re fra ming the context. During her c risis, the tex t illus trated the wide ra ng e of e x tremes of thinking sh e e xpe ri e nc e d. I n h e r p ro c e ss o f be c omi ng , sh e wa s no t de fi ne d b y po int s th a t it co n n ec t s o r b y p o i n t s t h at co m p o s e i t ; . i t p as s es b et we en p o i n t s i t co m es u p t h ro u gh the middle (D eleuze & Guattar i, 1987, p. 293). During this vulnerable pe riod, Dr. Dunla p was unde rg oing he r own de construction of he rself a s she went throug h the p ro ce s s o f u n fo l d i n g an d re fo l d i n g. I n th is n e xt sta te me nt, Du nla p s pe a ks of the c on tr a dic tio ns of su c c e ss. You know, succ ess ca n be toxi c, y ou know. . B ut good thing s happen a nd y ou los e sig ht o f t he ba la nc e in l if e tha t y ou ne e d to be in t he mom e nt. Yo u n e e d to sto p a nd be in t he mom e nt. . if y ou do n t ta ke tim e to . we ll, to r e juv e na te y our own soul, y ou can t be ef fec tive for a ll the people who a re c ounting on y ou. I n times of conflict, pe ople re fra me the text in order to survive. Dunlap ha s been ve ry succe ssful in the hierar chy y et spea ks of the toxi city of succ ess. The bina ries betwe en g ood and bad a re ba lance d by ref lection of the middle. He r dimensions of life e x panded and contr acte d as she sorte d her thoug hts. Several times she r efe rre d to herself as the Eve rea dy Bunny who ha s been a ble to fulfill expectations and make it happen.

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88 Howeve r, she f ound that by not keeping in contact with her self and he r fa mily in rec ent y ear s, she hit the wa ll and now the Evere ady Bunny has be en se nt down a diffe rent path. At the e nd of the intervie w she stated, I wont be the Evere ady Bunny any more. She survived wha t she consider ed abusive power beca use she r efr amed the c ircumstance s to fit her value sservice for the c ommunity Throug h this process, Dr Dunlap tra nsformed he r sense of self a nd was not destroy ed. Perha ps her pe rspec tive on empire -building and the g rea ter g ood wa s only her r eality Howeve r, her story illust rate s how, for some w omen, a mission of selfprese rvation does not prote ct them in times of crisis. I ndividuals ge t washed a way and destroy ed as the ir sense of self disappe ars. Dr Dunlaps va lues of ser vice ke pt her g oing in the midst of the crisis, and helpe d her rejuve nate he r soul. My subjective re ading of the te xt unf old e d th e se c on tr a dic tor y sta te me nts a s h e r p ro c e ss o f r e fr a min g thi s c a ta str op hic e ve nt i nto a re a lit y sh e c ou ld l ive wi th. Du ri ng dif fi c ult tim e s, thi s p ro c e ss is nece ssary until the soul i s rejuvena ted and r enew al occ urs. Her previous colleg e may have not be en w rong or evil, but may have not rec og nized her ag enda a s complementar y to their discourse. She w as the outsider coming in and disrupting the status quo. On the other ha nd, women who e nact the masculine c onceptions of powe r make others ver y uncomforta ble ar ound them (B runner 2005). Dr. D unlap re cog nized on some level that g ender bending wa s occur ring by pondering Am I some self-a g g randizing bitch or am I rea lly here to do something g rea t or g ood. She had sta ted elsew here in the text that she knew she had be en ca lled a bit c h be hin d h e r b a c k. B ru nn e r ( 20 00 ) r e po rt e d th a t w ome n w ho do no t ho ld t o feminine c onceptions of powe r we re not liked a nd considere d unsucce ssful, were not la be le d a s po we rf ul, a nd we re c a lle d bit c he s (p 1 34 ). Th e se fi nd ing s r e so na te d w ith

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89 the text. Dr. Dunlap understood that she failed to influence the colleg es a g enda; on t h e o t h e r h a n d s h e e n v i s i o n e d h e r c o n t i n u e d s u c c e s s i n a n o t h e r r e a l m o f t h e u n i v e r s i t y. After rea ding this interview transcr ipt, I ref lected on my dislike of the texts of the participa nts from the fe male-dominate d colleg es, and se nsed an a ura of inadequa cy that perme ated their text s. The fe male-dominate d deans se em to be e mpire-building as the y attempted to hoar d their powe r. As I looked at the text of the fema le-dominated de ans, I pe rc e ive d a pe rv a siv e ne e d f or po we r w hic h tr a ns la te d in to a se ns e of ins e c ur ity tha t I did not perc eive in the male -dominated de ans. He re is an e x ample fr om one interview ee: To be a g ood leade r, . y ou have to unde rstand that y ou have pow er a nd y ou have to be not afra id to use it. . Bec ause if y ou act a s if y ou dont have it, . y ou are nt g oing to be eff ective, be cause its inherent in y our role. // I have a lot of powe r. This participant sing ularly stated that she ha d a lot of pow er. Other inter viewee s who had bee n in their positions for many y ear s never descr ibed themselves in this way Her int e rv ie w w a s f ill e d w ith nu a nc e s o f c on tr ol. Un lik e oth e r p a rt ic ipa nts wh o u se d th e ir power cautiously this int ervie wee decla red tha t to be cautious with power makes y ou ine ff e c tiv e M y su bje c tiv e re a din g of the te xt int e rp re te d a se ns e of ins e c ur ity be c a us e people who sa y they have pow er of ten do not. Another inter viewee from a f emaledominated colleg e liked having the opportunity to select ne w hires be cause it was ve ry power ful. L ater in another se ction, she re ported that she liked w orking with other people around c ampus bec ause of her position, and they would take my call bec ause the y knew who I was; its a powe r position, but I call it funcle arly its power. This interviewe e liked the powe r g ained fr om h e r r ole a s a n a dmi nis tr a tor Ce rt a inl y c on ne c tio ns wi th o the r p ow e rf ul p e op le g a in

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90 po we r, bu t th is p ow e r r he tor ic wa s le ss a pp a re nt w ith ma le -d omi na te d d e a ns wh os e discourse c enter ed on ser vice. I n another interview, a participa nt disparag ingly said that in her f emaledominated colleg e the focus is that eve ry body should feel g ood. He r re sponse to one stu de nt w a s, I m so rr y s ome tim e s, y ou c a n t f e e l g oo d a bo ut w ha t y ou wr ote be c a us e what y ou wrote w as cr ap, and it nee ds to ge t better. She also complained tha t her colleg e suff ere d from intellec tual flabbiness. Her deg rada tion of her c olleg e wa s evident throug hout her intervie w, and a theme in the fe male-c olleg e intervie ws. Perhaps these wome n in female -dominated c olleg es ar e e x pressing outlaw e motions such as envy and re sentment that might be at odds with the ca ring script ( Acke r & Fe uerve rg er, 1996, p. 402). Perha ps the fema le-dominated c olleg e dea ns and assoc iate dea ns are compensa ting f or not fee ling va lued within the aca demy The re asons wer e not clea r as was my subjective unde rstanding of these te x ts. Howeve r, a discour se of de sire for power and pre stige was e vident throug hout the interviews. One de an wa s place d in a provisional prog ram be fore being allowed into a PhD trac k in a top rese arc h instit ution because they said, I ts a little too rigor ous for y ou, dear . She re ported that he r prof ession has bee n historically re latively power less. The attitude of an a ssociate de an in a f emaledominated colleg e wa s, I mean if somebody s g oing to g ive me a little power I ll take it. (laug hter) . the n I will use it, I hope, judiciously . All of these women we re e x tremely brig ht and ar ticulate; howeve r, the neg ative aur a of be ing f rom a fe male-dominate d profe ssion influenced the ir speec h and attitudes about their own pr ofessions. Attitudes of selfprese rvation re sembled the empire -building fra mework de scribed by Dr. Dunla p. Their mission was to seek pow er a nd se lf -p re se rv a tio n. L ike Dr D un la p, the se wo ma n s po ke of a c tin g lik e me n in t he ir

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91 car eer s. How these w omen re ported their inter actions with men and w omen is the focus of the ne x t section. Unf oldin g Stere otypes I n d ec o n s t ru ct i o n t h e o p p o s i t i o n al b i n ar i es ar e r ed u ce d t o d i ff er en ce Al t h o u gh the masculine supe rsede s the feminine in lea dership, both masculine a nd feminine aspec ts are ne eded f or the org anization. Power is very prese nt in the hierar chica l structure of the institution, but the power less can be come powe rful as dive rse voice s e nte r t he la nd sc a pe I n th is s e c tio n, the a sp e c ts o f l e a de rs hip a nd g e nd e r a re vie we d in the wa y tha t th e se wo me n in te ra c t w ith oth e rs ma le a nd fe ma le I e xami ne d h ow the se women use both re sistance a nd adapta tion in their interactions with others in the fina l section. Power a nd g ender are intimately rela ted. Sever al of the w omen dre w lines about how they differ from men then a utomatically discussed how powe r wa s used by men and women. The y share the per spectives of the first wa ve of f eminism where w omen soug ht all the rig hts and privileg es that men ha d, and women de serve d equal r ights be cause they wer e just like me n. One a ssociate de an fr om a fe male-dominate d colleg e had a bumper sticker in her office that said, Well-beha ved women r are ly make history by L aure l Thatche rs Ulrich ( 1976, p. 20). She admitted to not daring to put it on her car when she first ca me to her job a nd then broug ht up this st ory about power and g ender So power is an inter esting thing. . whe n I first interviewe d for a n associate dean position at (a university ) a ve ry elder ly powe r man, not powerf ul, but loved po we r . a sk e d, Wh a t w ou ld I do wi th t he po we r t ha t I ha d? A nd I ha d to answe r it three or four times, and he never acc epted my answe r. . B ut what was intere sting is that he wa snt listening to me. . Now he neve r viewe d the fac t that I would be over him but in t he hier arc hy I was. And a s it turned out other thing s happene d and . he r etired . a nd I still survived. (la ug hs)

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92 This associate de an identified this man who loved pow er, but a lso enjoy ed her power over him. During these intervie ws, there was a lot of laug hter whe n talking a bout mens be ha vio r, a nd la ug hte r w he n th e se wo me n d isc us se d su rv ivi ng or wi nn ing in d if fi c ult situations. This associate dea n believed tha t she was hire d for that job bec ause of her response to the powe r man. She later r eporte d that she finally told the committee that they would just have to diffe r in their opinions; however she wa s exuberant that she survived. This sugg ests an inher ent fe ar of not surviving that wa s perva sive in the deans voices. She then r einforc ed the f act that wome n are under more scrutiny compar ed to male c olleag ues. The men tha t I have w orked w ith have neve r ac knowledg ed that they dont know so me thi ng // Th e y wi ll t a ke a job th e y wi ll t a ke a pr omo tio n b e c a us e of c ou rs e the y c a n d o it We ll, the y do n t ha ve to d o it T he y ha ve wo me n w ho wi ll actua lly do it for them. Wherea s women will say I dont know. . Oh, y es. You ha ve to s e e the pe op le tha t I do I thi nk wo me n a re mor e re fl e c tiv e T he y wa nt t o be succ essful. They know they re being observe d. And their slig htest failure become s a big failure A mans little failure is really not his. . I see tha t men dont ac cept r esponsibility easily . . They rar ely do the jobtheir job. The a ng er in the te x t was cle ar, w ith laughte r direc ted at diffic ult interactions. This associate de an complaine d about the many incompetent men pr omoted and the su bo rd ina te wo me n w ho did the ir wo rk fo r t he m. Wh a t th is a sso c ia te de a n in fe rr e d is that her f emaledominated colleg e promoted inc ompetent men. This g ender ed division of labor a ssumes that women will have pr imary responsibility for nur turing the y oung and ser ving me n, but re ceive littl e cr edit for doing so (Ac ker & Fe uerve rg er, 1996, p. 403). Another dean f rom a fe male-dominate d colleg e stated tha t male students respond in c la sse s b y sa y ing wh a te ve r s tup id t hin g tha t s in the ir he a d, a nd tha t me n o utta lk women by a mile de spite what e very body thinks. These w omen dra w distinctions

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93 betwee n men and wome n. Even in fe male-dominate d colleg es, there still was a ng er direc ted towar d men who dire ct the conve rsation, and ther efor e the discour se. Al tho ug h w ome n in ma le -d omi na te d c oll e g e s d id n ot s pe a k o f t he ir pr of e ssi on s in derog atory terms, Dea n Dar e desc ribed the c halleng es of be ing in a male-dominate d profe ssion, and the re sponsibili ty she fe els to not mess it up for othe r women. I think its harder to be a lea der in . my profe ssion which is a very . y ou know its a ver y male prof ession. . I ve trie d to alway s compensate by being twice a s g ood and hoping to ge t half the c redit, thats a clich, but I think its true. (chuc kle) . I think that, y ou know, women a re sc rutiniz ed more and cr itiqued more a nd the expectations are highe r and its just, // easier f or, y ou know, something g ets messed up for the g uy s to say See I told y ou so, kind of thing So I thi nk it j us t r e qu ir e s a le ve l of c omp e te nc e tha t . y ou wo uld n t ne c e ssa ri ly expect of eve ry male collea g ue. I n th is p se ud oso lil oq uy s he re ve a le d h e r f e a r o f s c ru tin y a nd he r a tte mpt to o ve rc ome that fea r by being twice as g ood. The fea r of f ailure a lso stemmed from a se nse of responsibility to succe ed for other wome n coming behind her The fe ar of failure exis ted in both the female or maledominated colleg es. De an Da re suspe cts that the g uy s wa nt her to fa il without s ounding ove rly drama tic: thats how it is. I think these g uy s, almost I sometimes think, would find joy in failure ( chuckle ) and so y ou have to e nsure that that ne ver ha ppens and tha ts y ou know . I wouldnt ca ll it a burden, but its an important re sponsibili ty that y ou have to be awa re of all the time. And I think the rules ar e diffe rent for women than f or men and I . think every thing y ou do, how y ou look, how y ou dress, how y ou behave is a lw a y s su bje c t to sc ru tin y A nd I m no t tr y ing to p a int a n o ve rl y dr a ma tic picture, but I think y ou just have to be hone st about that and know that, thats how it i s. This dean pe rce ived that eve ry intimate detail is observed, a nd felt pre ssure to per form at a leve l that failure never happens. This dean r eporte d handling the treme ndous pr e ssu re by be ing he rs e lf p re pa ra tio n, a c c e pta nc e of mis ta ke s, a nd wo rk ing thr ou g h it ever y day but alway s added a g lint of humor when desc ribing g rim circumstanc es. The re sil ie nc e a nd pe rs ist e nc e wa s e vid e nt, a nd ma ny wo me n w ill no t su bje c t th e mse lve s to

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94 thi s le ve l of sc ru tin y T he se wo me n f e e l th e re sp on sib ili ty to n ot me ss u p fo r t ho se women coming behind them. They do not just have pressur e to per form their ta sks, but the per ception of intense scrutiny Howeve r, these w omen do their job bec ause it is who they are and they have the streng th to be who they are Women were perc eived in seve ral diff ere nt way s by the par ticipants. An a sso c ia te de a n in a ma le -d omi na te d c oll e g e e xpla ine d th a t w ome n a re mor e c omp lia nt, and the y dont have a lot of powe r. She state d that she wa s speaking so liberally here beca use she wa s near the end of her c are er a nd had re ache d a point whe re I dont ca re, I m g oing to sa y what I m g oing to sa y . She thoug ht women wer e compliant and without power in this male-dominated c olleg e. Women are primarily in the nontenure d trac ks. On the other ha nd, one intervie wee perc eived the dif fer ence s betwee n men and women lea ders sug g esting that women would wa nt conseque nces f or mistakes whe re, rathe r, me n make e x cuses f or one a nother. This dean se es men a s buddies w ho protec t eac h other. Women do not nece ssarily protec t eac h other a nd none of the participa nts specifica lly discussed mentoring other wome n for lea dership. De an Hig he even told a story about an unplea sant experience working for a woman. I n this case, she deter mined that the woman wa s new to the c ampus and re acte d to her insec urity by being able to sta nd my g round. H er de scribed se lf-conf idence also dec onstructs the ste re oty pe tha t w ome n a re we a kwi lle d a nd ind e c isi ve Sh e be lie ve d th a t th e ina bil ity to admit ignor ance identified a la ck of se lf-conf idence in another w oman leade r. Another de a n d e sc ri be d h e r e xpe ri e nc e s w ith wo rk ing wi th w ome n a s w e ll: Some women ar e toug her on women // t ha n me n a re too O f c ou rs e tha t s a n o ld s yn d r o m e . . W e l l s o m e o f i t i s b e c a u s e yo u k n o w b y god I had to suffe r and you will too // kind of model instead of mentoring and building c apac ity its about, and some pe ople ar e just punitive.

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95 This dean identifie d rese ntment of why women do not like other w omen in leade rship. Th e no tio n th a t w ome n tr e a t ot he r w ome n f a ir ly is n ot a c c ur a te Wo me n d o te nd to compete w ith each othe r. Another dean spe cifica lly discussed the re perc ussions of firing two women whose spouses wer e on the f aculty and said, I dont like not supporting women, but . they wer e dec isions that needed to be ma de. B esides a f ew wome n colleag ues, none of the dea ns or associa te dea ns specific ally mentioned helpful rela tionships wit h other wome n in leader ship. Although the distinguishing of g ender roles in the data was e vident, much of the te xt did no t st e re oty pe me n in dis pa ra g ing te rm s. Th e se de a ns ha d to le a rn the se too ls a nd sk ill s f ro m me n, a s th e se wo me n h a d ma le me nto rs n ot f e ma le F e w o f t he se wo me n me nti on e d th e ir mot he rs inf lue nc ing the ir c a re e r d e c isi on s o r s e rv ing a s r ole models in that respec t. All of these women g rew up in the 70s during the re birth of feminism and ac knowledg ed that bec ause of their ag e most of their mentors w ere men. On e wo me n d e a n f ro m a ma le -d omi na te d c oll e g e sta te d th a t, I ha ve no t ha d w ome n r ole mod e ls. Th e se wo me n d e pe nd e d o n me n f or the ir pr og re ssi on thr ou g h a c a de mic administration. Even de ans in fema le-dominated pr ofessions had male mentors. Dea n L ang er discussed that in her y outh, her mentors w ere mostly women bec ause of her pr ofession; howeve r, she late r mentioned that a s a dea n her me ntors beca me men. So m y da d w a s a n im po rt a nt p e rs on a nd the n mo st o f m y me nto rs te a c he rs people who e ncoura g ed me we re w omen, teac hers a nd women, re ally peer s. . Most of the men that I ve ha d as mentors ha ve come much later in my life, actua lly since I ve c ome to (this university ). . And ther e have been some men who have been r emar kably helpful and influe ntial in my car eer // But that didnt happen until well into it.

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96 This dean mentioned how important her f ather was a nd sug g ested that he was he r fi rs t m en t o r. W h i l e s h e h as b ee n p ro u d o f h er ca re er s h e a l s o p er ce i v ed t h at b ei n g a dean of a fe male-dominate d colleg e wa s not a prestig ious thing; she desc ribed the stereoty pical dea n in a fe male-dominate d colleg e as a n old, dowdy . dean of wo me n. Ra re ly did the de a ns ta lk a bo ut o the r w ome n le a de rs a nd tho se we re pr ima ri ly c oll e a g ue s, no t me nto rs O ne de a n, fr om a fe ma le -d omi na te d c oll e g e w a nte d to be in a dmi nis tr a tio n b e c a us e sh e a dmi re d a ma le ro le mod e l. S o, wh ile dr a wi ng the lin e th e se women blurre d the boundar ies by wanting to be like men. De an Emmett and the de ans from fe male-dominate d are as often de scribed the mselves as male-like. I have thoug ht about this a lot, it cre ates a lot of conflict bec ause e ven thoug h I can w ork we ll with men, but, a lot of men rese nt me beca use I dont ac t like a woman. I ts a ver y male sty le of lea dership. Althoug h y ou know I think that we sh ou ld s top thi nk ing a bo ut t his a s ma le a nd fe ma le a nd jus t sa y th is i s th is pe rs on s sty le a nd do n t w or ry a bo ut t he g e nd e r p ie c e a tta c he d to it. B ut I thought a lot about it. Dea n Emmett considere d herse lf to be nurturing in her pe rsonal life, y et did not experience that in her prof essional life a nd believed it wa s beca use of he r male sty le of leade rship. Ag ain there is the thread of laug hter e very wher e in the g ender text Another a sso c ia te de a n in a fe ma le -d omi na te d c oll e g e de sc ri be d h e rs e lf a s ma le in a fe ma le bo dy , a nd sa id, I ha ve the str e ng th a nd the hu tsp a tha t of te n me n h a ve bu t I we a r i t dif fe re ntl y . Al tho ug h th is d e a n p e rc e ive s h e r b e ha vio r a s ma le , sh e is c a re fu l to distinguish herse lf as diffe rent fr om men by say ing, I dont think I know eve ry thing. I n other text she seemed to de mean he r fe male-dominate d colleg e by say ing, And didnt quite understand w hy I was in a Colleg e of ( X) a ny way but I fig ured, w ell, what the heck! He r bac helors de g ree was not fr om that colleg e, of w hich she is now an administrator, and in he r interview she routinely separ ated he r intere st in resea rch f rom

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97 the under g radua te mission of her colleg e. While these women disting uished themselves fr om m e n, the y a lso de sc ri be d th e mse lve s a s me n. B y dis tin g uis hin g the bin a ry th e se women bec ome that which they stereoty pe. Th e pa rt ic ipa nts fr om f e ma le -d omi na te d c oll e g e s d e sc ri be d th e ne e d to le a rn to p ay at t en t i o n t o o t h er p eo p l e s fe el i n gs O n e i n t er v i ew ee s t at ed I do n 't s co re re al h i gh in those aff ective a rea s of leade rship, while the pa rticipants from the ma le-dominated colleg es neve r did; they spoke of protec ting a nd developing a r eal thick skin so they dont fe el so much any more. Perhaps those w omen in fema le-dominated c olleg es fa ce e ve n h ig he r e xpe c ta tio ns to m a nif e st t he nu rt ur ing ro le or fa c e c on fl ic t w ith fe ma le colleag ues. Women are expected to be nur turing or be c onsidered f ailures a nd fac e chilly climate stories (Ac ker & Fe uerve rg er, 1996, p. 409) These c are taking roles ar e not just ex pecte d by men, but also by other wome n. Another inter viewee from a f emaledominated colleg e desc ribed he rself a s masculine in beha vior: And I m gu tsy e n o u g h a n d I always la y the c a rd s o n th e ta ble Wh a t s o n my min d I sa y ; I m not a manipulative person . . Thats a very masculine tra it. People like J ack Welch [CEO of Ge nera l Motors] did it all their lives, but women wh o d o it a re c on sid e re d b itc he s. . T his is t he wa y it i s, it s . thi s is wh a t I do n t a g re e wi th, thi s is wh a t I a g re e wi th a nd I m c e rt a inl y wr on g a lot of tim e s, but lets lay it on the table, lets discuss it and lets move f orwa rd. That s a ver y masculine c hoice; its not a fe minine choice. The wor d bitch is not found in the litera ture wr itten by men as a descr iptive term for women lea ders, a nd is a term diffic ult to define. I n one g ender study when wome n leade rs do not adher e to the conc eptions of power that are considere d feminine, they are vie we d a s u ns uc c e ssf ul ( no t w e ll l ike d) d isa llo we d th e la be l po we rf ul by c omm un ity me mbe rs a nd c a lle d bit c he s by ma ny pa rt ic ipa nts du ri ng tr ia ng ula tio n in te rv ie ws (B ru nn e r, 20 05 p 1 34 ). Th is p he no me no n w a s in te rp re te d in thi s st ud y a s if the se

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98 women we re g ender bending something e x tremely uncomforta ble for othe rs ar ound the m (p 1 34 ). Th e se wo me n a re e na c tin g the ir ma sc uli ne c on c e pti on s o f p ow e r, a ro le appropr iate for their position, but not for their own g ender I n another study women superintende nts that acted like me n and disrupted g ender constructions, suffe red dim ini sh e d a c c e ss, po or su pp or t, p e rs on a l a tta c ks u nf a ir c ri tic ism a nd sh or t te nu re s compar ed to other supe rintendents (pp. 134135). Dr. D unlap experienc ed conse quence s for he r masculine e mbodiment of power. T hose g ender -bende rs may fac e more difficulties bec ause the ir masculine tra its may stand out in femaledominated colleg es. Howeve r, those same women may have be en promoted be cause of their male-like qualities in the hierar chica l masculine discourse The g ender -bending strate g ies are circ ular a nd cannot be seg mented into simpli stic binaries of soc ial strata. Be ing de scribed in de rog atory terms is difficult for a ny one; howeve r, women fr om f e ma le -d omi na te d c oll e g e s o ft e n d e sc ri be d th e mse lve s o r p ro fe ssi on in t he se derog atory terms. As pre viously mentioned, one de an desc ribed he r colleg e as suf fer ing fr o m i n t el l ec t u al fl ab b i n es s A n o t h er d ea n ad m i t t ed t h at h er fe m al ed o m i n at ed co l l ege was power less and discounted as not a r eal a cade mic discipline compa red to the other c olleg es. These comments illustrate leade rs who ar e not comfor table with what t h ey re p re s en t an d t h u s t h em s el v es T h e r ea l cr u x o f t h es e w o rd s l i es i n t h e k n o wl ed ge that these de ans bec ome that of which they speak (Sarup, 1988, p. 70) These w omen place themselves in Adrie nne Richs ontologica l basement beca use a ma sculine ide olo g y do min a te s th e dis c ou rs e fr om w he nc e the y c a me (M a rt in, 19 85 p 1 5) T his su g g e sts tha t th e se wo me n a re no t e na mor e d w ith the ir fe min ine ide nti tie s in the ir car eer s, which ar e influenc ed pre dominately from their f ather s and male me ntors.

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99 Unf oldin g Diff ere nce I n the pre vious section, those dea ns and assoc iate dea ns delineate d themselves from men or compar ed themselve s to men; however not all deans diff ere ntiated themselves throug h g ender Stereoty pical absolutes we re e vident, but also reve aled we re the blurring of the masc uline and fe minine. Dean H ighe seeme d to have not re flec ted on how g ender aff ecte d her le ader ship although she was in a ma le-dominated c olleg e. As we talke d, she would mention the sig nificanc e of g ender only as an a fterthoug ht. When a sk e d h ow be ing a wo ma n c ha ng e d h e r l e a de rs hip D e a n H ig he re sp on de d w ith thi s: You know its har d for me to a nswer tha t beca use since I ve ne ver be en a ma n, I dont know in those re al way s. . You know one of my . one of the people I lear ned most about in terms of administering was a g uy . and, I rea lly lear ned a lot from him, but . my persona lity was diff ere nt from his. For e x ample, he w as mor e a pt t o p ro ba bly be mor e a br up t in c e rt a in w a y s th a n I wo uld be a nd I wo uld . listen a littl e bit longe r . just to be sure I was fully understanding the betwee n-the-lines e lements of wha t I m hea ring and see ing a nd in an environme nt of wha ts the sort of e motional content, whats r esonating ag ainst. . I dont know if thats be cause I m a woma n or not thoug h. I know its differ ent from the wa y (t he pr e vio us de a n) be ha ve d . it s d if fe re nt f ro m th e wa y (p re vio us ma le pr e sid e nt) be ha ve d, dif fe re nt a c tua lly fr om t he wa y (p re vio us fe ma le pr ov os t) behave d. De a n H ig he wa s r e luc ta nt t o d ra w a lin e be tw e e n w ha t w a s ma le or fe ma le ; sh e a c tua lly blu rr e d th e g e nd e r l ine wi th t his dis c us sio n. Wha t sh e e mph a size d w a s d if fe re nc e in individual leader ship. Dean H ighe repor ted that she ha d not refle cted on g ender dif fe re nc e s u nti l th is i nte rv ie w. He r p re vio us me nto r w a s ma le a nd sh e a pp re c ia te d h is contribution to her deve lopment but was not enticed to imitate his leade rship sty le. Howeve r, De an Hig he chose to re sonate to the emotional context of persona litiesseemingly a more feminine tra it, although not identified a s one by her. Dea n Hig he pointed out that g ender stereoty pes did not fit leader s beha vior. Dea n

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100 Wil son, a 20-y ear veter an assoc iate dea n from a f emaledominated colleg e, ende d her interview w ith this ref lection: I was thinking ag ain just about the whole g ender issue and lea dership or pow er. Sometimes I think that men and women do tend to ha ve more g ender rela ted sty les. And other times I dont think so at all. (laug h) Sometimes I think that the private ve rsus the public sec tor had diff ere nt leader ship power, sty les, and other tim e s I do n t th ink so a t a ll. Som e tim e s p e op le wi ll s a y Wel l y ou kn ow it s ju st beca use we re a bunch of women that we do fill in the blank. And I look around me and some of the men I know ar e in positions of y ou know, fa irly much authority and I think, They do that too! (la ug h) . Sometimes I just thi nk its just very individual. Very individual. . And so there s some hesitancy sometimes (for w omen) to dra w a line of expectations. But I dont find nece ssarily that men ar e ver y g ood at dra wing lines either. Dea n Wil son spoke with ambig uity about the lea dership sty les betwe en men a nd women. She mentioned late r in the text t hat men also do not like to fire and women leade rs do not alway s show compassion for e mploy ees. A lthough se vera l of the women wer e ver y vocal a bout differ ence s betwee n men and wome n, others we re muc h more a mbi g uo us a bo ut e mph a sizi ng dif fe re nc e s. Al tho ug h th e se g e nd e ri zed dis c ou rs e s sh if t in ambig uity poststructuralism does delinea te the func tion of resistance in discourse. Diffe renc es in discourse ine vitably spark c onflict, and F oucault thoug ht that although the subject is aff ecte d by knowledg e and pow er, the subjec t actually functions as a pocket of re sistance to esta blished forms of powe r/knowledg e ( Alvesson & Skoldberg 2001, p. 230). I n the next section, I descr ibe how these women re sisted the established masc uline discourse. Unf oldin g Resistance through Adap tability Fr iere believed tha t there a re c ontradictions betwe en the wa y the oppre ssed and the dominant culture pe rce ives the world. Educ ation repr oduces e x isting g ender ine qu a lit ie s, bu t f e min ist stu die s a sse rt tha t a ll p e op le ha ve the c a pa c ity to r e sis t oppression (Weiler, 2003) Fr iere (1998) thoug ht resistance was ne cessa ry for the

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101 proce ss of humanization as we know how to resist so as to rema in alive ( p. 74). F riere descr ibed his own exil e whe re he lear ned a r esistance throug h adapta bility that produce d nonconfor mity of not g iving up hope Whil e r esistance and adapta bility may seem to be opposing binaries, this section illustrates how they unfolded within the data After Dea n Dunlap re veale d a re cent c onfrontation with six male collea g ues, she used the wor ds witch hunt a nd ra pe to de scribe this shock to her identity The e ntire interview r ecor ded how he r inner w orld neg otiated this conflict. The te x t reve aled that she had ne ver thoug ht about her g ender in leader ship until this confrontation. But I never [t houg ht] about my g ender They . misjudged me They though I was a wea k woman. The y thought I would cry they thought I would ball up and be emotional // and they attacke d me. I . went home f or 48 hours a nd did that. And I strug g led with it, but . I didnt shrivel up and die. Y ou know, when women re spond, the first re sponse is Oh, she s just being e motional. I m not being emotional, I m being damn rig ht. (L aug hter) Emotionalism has been equa ted with women as f ar ba ck as Plato who de scribed it as womanish. Her e Dunlap de scribed e motion as weakne ss, but as she desc ribed he r tr a ns fo rm a tio n, e mot ion a lis m be c a me re de fi ne d a s c e rt a int y B e c a us e of thi s in c ide nt, she had to fa ce he r motives for he r ac tions. I n ref lection, she de cided that he r motives wer e for the g rea ter g ood and the n expressed the fe minine attributes of love a nd understanding toward he r a ttacker s. L ater in the interview, she repor ted that she commande d the stag e f or a na tional meeting with two of these attacke rs in the audienc e. She desc ribed that a s a moment of le ader ship. Althoug h she wa s over being ang ry about the conf rontation, she enjoy ed her moment in the spotli g ht in the fac e of her attacke rs, the spotlight of r esistance Most of the dea ns descr ibed difficult situations with men but not women, but wer e ca ref ul not to identify these a s fe male boss ve rsus male employ ee difficulties.

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102 Often the difficulties with male e mploy ees w ere detailed only when the ta pe re corde r wa s turned off I n this ex ample, one de an fr om a maledominated colleg e desc ribed a situation where she had to promote someone she did not trust. I ha ve a lot of tr us t is su e s w ith a nd I do n t ne c e ssa ri ly wa nt t o w or k w ith him (l a ug hte r) So, . I ha ve thi s d ile mma ri g ht n ow a nd . h ow do I . b e tr ue to my fee lings a nd I fee l, y ou know, as one of my basic re quirements, I have to be able to trust people tha t work closely with me. . I persona lly have tr ust issues with y ou and if I m g oing to g ive y ou this task, y ou need to tell me r ight now how we re g oing to wor k toge ther a nd how I m g oing to trust y ou and how I m g onna, . I m prac ticing this spee ch, . (la ug hter) I n this soli loquy Dea n Dar e re flec ted on how to neg otiate this situation. Dean Dar e wa s debating betwee n her f eeling s and the e conomic nec essity of promoting someone she believed unde rmined her leade rship. L aug hter re curr ed to lighte n the conve rsation as the participa nt proce ssed this situation. Dean Dar e knew that she had to be true to her self, y et had to promote someone she did not trust. There was a para dox in the text wher e she stated that she ha s to trust those she works closely with, y et her lang uag e illustrated her lack of trust. Dean D are suspected tha t this m ale f aculty member did not re spect he r be c a us e of he r g e nd e r, ma kin g thi s si tua tio n e ve n mo re dif fi c ult to a ssu a g e in r e g a rd to her r ole. Her desire to wor k collabora tively was a ppare nt, y et this tex t illus trated the dif fi c ult y sh e wi ll h a ve if sh e ne g le c ts h e r f e e lin g s in de c isi on -m a kin g Co lla bo ra tio n is imp or ta nt t o w ome n ( B ru nn e r, 20 05 ), a nd the fa c t th a t sh e ha d to pr a c tic e he r h a rd ba ll speec h illust rate d her inne r conf lict. This ex ample illustrated her perspe ctive re g arding how she intera cts with men. I think theres more scrutiny . I think if I was 6 ta ll and silver g ray hair, g ood looking g uy I think people (laug h) would either be more afr aid of me or more automatically respe ctful. And I think . I think y ou have to e arn it a little more, yo u k n o w i f yo u r e a . w o m a n Y o u k n o w i f yo u r e a g o o d l o o k i n g g u y, y ouve just g ot ahea d start. B ut I walk fa st (laug hter) a nd I catc h up. . I mean I could not use that kind of imposing, // ag g ressive stra teg y to manag e somebody tha t w or ks fo r m e or tha t I m in c ha rg e of or ne e d to g e t my . I ha ve to g e t my

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103 point across in a muc h differ ent manner beca use I m not phy sically overbe aring . . I would have, me ntor students 6 a nd I d say have a seat (la ug h). Dea n Dar e per ceive d a powe r adva ntag e of he ight, but used w hat streng ths she has to her advanta g e. She neg otiated power differ ently but found methods that work for her. Ha ve a se a t wa s a ve ry po we rf ul s tr a te g y tha t g ive s h e r c on tr ol, bu t sh e a lso ha s to wa lk fast, and c atch up to stay ahea d in the hiera rchy Although le ader ship strateg ies do no t e nc ou ra g e le a de rs to tow e r o ve r e mpl oy e e s a nd te ll t he m of f, me n c a n d o th is succe ssfully and rise to the top of the hiera rchy Dea n Dar e neve r uses a g g ressive strateg ies to neg otiate power beca use of unspoke n social mores f or women, a nd even joked about using a step stool to ga in power. Studies have shown that women a re c on sid e re d s uc c e ssf ul w he n th e y be ha ve lik e a la dy , a pa tte rn of he te ro no rm a tiv ity (B ru nn e r, 20 05 ). Th e y mus t c on sta ntl y a da pt t o th e so c ia l mo re s to g a in a nd ma int a in power Certainly Dea n Dar e under stood where she standsor c annot stand. Collaboration in a hiera rchic al structure has bee n seen by men as we akness. Howeve r, collabor ation is a para dox collabora tion can be pow erf ul. Associate De an Wil son, from a f emaledominated colleg e, desc ribed he r cur rent de an as someone who had g ained much pow er f or their c olleg e and w as ver y collabora tive compar ed to the pr e vio us de a n: I ve be en an a dminist rator in this colleg e with two dea ns, // who could not have been mor e diffe rent pe ople. (the pr evious dea n) kind of re lied on the boy s, meaning that cadr e of me n that I descr ibed ea rlier who w ere older, more traditional and so on to bail her and the c olleg e out in cer tain circ umstances . but her sty le of mana g ement and le ader ship is very differ ent from ( the cur rent dean w ho) is much more, . if a ny thing, she s g oes the other side of kee ping people infor med and in the loop. This associate de ans r efle ction contra sts two ideologies of power The c urre nt dean portray ed an imag e of suc cess by keeping her w omen collea g ues in the loop and

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104 deleg ating well to others in contra st to the other who re ndere d her subor dinates power less. The for mer de an would re ly on her ma le collea g ues to resc ue her when she n ee d ed t h em an d t h ey o b l i ged b u t d i d n o t gra n t h er o r t h e c o l l ege p o we r. Al t h o u gh De a n Wil so n s ta te d th a t th e pr e vio us de a n c ou ld p us h h e r a g e nd a e ff e c tiv e ly s he re a dil y ag ree d that the cur rent de an had va stly improved the phy sical conditions and the perc eived powe r of the c olleg e that had tr aditionally been se en as power less. De an L a ng e r, the c ur re nt d e a n, de sc ri be d h e r r e la tio ns hip s w ith he r m a le de a n c oll e a g ue s: And there s the g uy s. Thats wha t I used to ca ll them. L ook, g uy s, y ou know. An d th e y v e be e n w on de rf ul c oll e a g ue s a nd a t ti me s I thi nk I v e be e n a ble to u se h u m o r t o h el p t h em s ee wh en t h ey h av e p er h ap s b ee n d i s co u n t i n g s o m et h i n g I sa id e ith e r b e c a us e I wa s a wo ma n o r a (f e ma le pr of e ssi on a l) . . B e c a us e I jus t ha ve n t se e n b e ing a wo ma n a s st a nd ing in t he wa y of wh a t I wa nte d to do Pa rt ly I g uess, bec ause if some body had said to me my entire life y ou can t do that. I ve sa id, watc h me. Th is d e a n in a fe ma le -d omi na te d c oll e g e did no t th ink be ing a wo ma n w a s a disadvantag e althoug h she ac knowledg ed that the g uy s would discount her at times beca use she wa s a woman in a fema le profe ssion; however, the re w as no appa rent a ng er in the text She g ained the g uy s trust by working hard a nd being an a ssertive c omm un ic a tor . She br ou g ht d a ta to p re se nt h e r p oin ts b ut ne ve r b e c a me o h, my g oo dn e ss, he re c ome s th a t sh re w t o y e ll a t us a g a in. De a n L a ng e r u se d h umo r a nd did not become e mbittered, and thus g ained r espec t and power for he r colleg e. She empower ed her employ ees throug h collabora tion, however with her male colleag ues, she ne g oti a te d w ith se e min g ly ma le c ha ra c te ri sti c s o f a sse rt ive ne ss a nd log ic H umo r w a s a tool of neg otiation even in the fa ce of being discounted. He r assoc iate dea n descr ibed the chang e in culture betwee n the pre vious dean a nd Dea n L ang er a s a re sult of new leade rship:

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105 But 10 y ear s ag o, wher e I would be complete ly discounted // in a conve rsation, and I ve f elt like it was bec ause I was a woman. // I was a lso y oung er, w hich the men tend to be older so there c ouldve be en some re verse d ag eism (laug h) if y ou will there, // but at that point the g uy s were running that show. Dea n L ang er pla y ed by the g uy s r ules; she broug ht data, wa s an asse rtive communicator, ma nag ed her ang er, a nd thus ga ined power for he r colleg e. I n the long run, her methods of g aining power for the c olleg e made a diffe renc e for her f aculty and staff. While feminists may see he r methods as a cquiesc ing to the g uy s, her methods are a for m of resistanc e throug h adapta bility the term F riere used. De an L ang er w as in a fe ma le -d omi na te d e nv ir on me nt, bu t a t th e de a n s le ve l, s he mus t be a ble to n e g oti a te power with male collea g ues and a dminist rators. D ean L ang er unde rstood that she wa s discounted, but stated that being a woman ne ver hinde red he r. I n her inter view, she repor ted losing some ba ttles, but sti ll won the war on a prof essional and pe rsonal leve l. She did no t us e me n li ke the pr e vio us de a n to ba il h e r o ut a nd e a rn e d h e r m a le colleag ues r espec t over time. De an L ang er did not for sake he r selfrespe ct. This dean ha d a fa ther who suppor ted her educa tion and her ide ntity This link wi th t he pa st h e lpe d h e r m a na g e he r r e la tio ns hip s w ith he r m a le wo nd e rf ul c oll e a g ue s, and thus lessen bitterne ss in her neg otiations with t hem. I n her y oung er y ear s, her pe rs on a l li fe re fl e c te d h e r c omp e tit ive ne ss w ith he r b ro the r b ut a lw a y s u sin g a lig hthe a rt e d h umo r t ha t se rv e d a s a tr a ini ng g ro un d f or he r i nte ra c tio ns wi th m e n. She wo uld compete w ith him unt il he g ot stronge r and the n fig ure out wa y s to be more c unning. Unfolding resistanc e throug h adapta bility taug ht her how to ne g otiate power This line of becoming that connec ted her identity and her leade rship helped he r pass throug h the middle of the binarie s of the socia l strata. Avoiding the edg es, unfolds the proc ess.

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106 CH APT ER 6 CONCL USI ON The oppositions within i dentity leade rship, and powe r we re de constructe d from bin a ri e s w ith in t he da ta M y int e re st f oc us e d o n h ow the se wo me n c on str uc te d, the ir subjectivititi es within the limit s and possibilit ies of the discour ses and c ultural prac tices tha t a re a va ila ble to t he m (S t. P ie rr e 2 00 0, p. 25 8) T he ide nti tie s o f t he pa rt ic ipa nts shifted contextually within binaries of the soc ial strata, becoming the identities of the m as cu l i n e, fe m i n i n e, fa t h er t h i rd gen er at i o n an d t h e q u i n t es s en ce I n b ec o m i n g le a de rs the se wo me n u nf old e d w ith in t he ma sc uli ne th e fe min ine p ow e r, po we rl e ssn e ss, authority service stereoty pes, diffe renc e, and, f inally resistanc e and a daptability The lines of be coming passe d throug h these c onnecting points and cre ated a multidi mensional and multidirectional lea dership per sona. The identities of these women as leade rs we re e vident in their descr iptions of the mse lve s a nd we re e mbe dd e d in a ma sc uli ne dis c ur siv e vo ic e H ow e ve r, the ir descr iptions also embodied the feminine a nd other c hara cter istics not so easily seg mented tha t in te rp la y e d w ith in t he ma sc uli ne dis c ou rs e T he te xts e xplor e d th e se wo me n s a rt s of existence, or pr actice s of the self, the things they do ever y day that make them who the y a re (S t. P ie rr e 2 00 5, p. 1) T he te xtua l f oc us wa s to c on sid e r t he sp e a kin g su bje c ts and dete rmine their unc onscious experience s in the social structure of educ ational le a de rs hip T he se de a ns did no t ha ve wo me n r ole mod e ls a s th e y a sc e nd e d in to t he ir po sit ion s, a nd the ir e a rl y ide nti tie s d e sc e nd e d f ro m th e ir fa the rs w hic h s us ta ine d th e ir

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107 interac tions with m en throug hout their life. B esides a f ew wome n colleag ues, none of the deans or associate deans spe cifica lly mentioned being mentored by women or me ntoring oth e r w ome n. Th e se wo me n s le a de rs hip ide nti tie s w e re de ri ve d f ro m th e ir fa the rs whether positive or neg ative, bec oming the identity of the fa ther. The lang uag e of the text was filled with a disc ourse of achie vement and hie ra rc hy ; th us fu lf ill ing the pr op he c y tha t a wo me n w ho be c ome s a n a dmi nis tr a tor is sh a pe d o r s ub je c tif ie d b y the la ng ua g e of tha t di sc ou rs e Pa rt ic ula rl y fo r t he a sso c ia te deans, the lang uag e of le ading was c ompleting tasks, a ttending to de tails, and coe rcing others into the business; r ather than leading their orienta tion was more manag ing. Th e ma sc uli ne ide nti tie s o f t he de a ns he lpe d th e m a sc e nd thi s h ie ra rc hic a l e nv ir on me nt; howeve r, there was lang uag e that blurre d the masculine bina ry Whil e the de ans we re int e nt o n s uc c e ss, the y lov e d the div e rs ity of re sp on sib ili tie s a nd the c re a tiv ity in t he ir positions. The womens movement provide d these de ans with other c hoices be sides motherhood, but often their feminine va lues wer e incong ruent with the masc uline discourse a nd cre ated a source of conf lict. This incongr uence split t heir lang uag e and identities into l abele d positive and neg ative tra its where the masculine super cede d the feminine. Perha ps being driven to cr eate a g rea ter g ood sanc tioned their ambition; or an attitude of se rvice quieted their pr oductive desire s so they could balanc e the productive a nd repr oductive portions of their lives. Women ca n be both re produce rs of the spec ies and produc ers of culture, but the nur turing repr oductive desire s of women have historica lly motivated them for the g rea ter g ood. I n this hierarc hical structur e, masc uline lang uag e pre dominated over the feminine. De leuze and Gua ttari sug g est that the question is not about the status of w o m e n b u t w h a t t y p e o f o r g a n i z a t i o n f r o m w h i c h t h a t s t a t u s r e s u l t s ( 1 9 8 7 p 2 1 0 ) In

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108 a so c ie ty wh e re the ma sc uli ne mod e l of le a de rs hip pe rm e a te s e ve ry ins tit uti on th e se wo m en fi n d wa y s t o b al an ce t h ei r l i v es Al t h o u gh t h es e w o m en u s ed rh et o ri ca l l an gu age when de fining leade rship as the intervie ws continued, without exception eac h womans vie wp oin t be c a me inc re a sin g ly mul tid ime ns ion a l. L eade rship was de fined by these wome n as g etting pe ople to work towa rd the g oals of the or g anization, but the term lea dership w as loade d with the emotional context of ex perie nce. T he dea ns discussed their de sire to inspire other s and broa den vie ws w hil e the a sso c ia te de a ns de sc ri be d th e mse lve s so le ly a s r ole mod e ls. L e a de rs hip for these women wa s something not lea rned f rom books, but something innate Perhaps thi s is no t su rp ri sin g sin c e mos t of the le a de rs hip lit e ra tur e pa rr ots a ma sc uli ne dis c ou rs e that may not re sonate with women. L eade rship was not lea rned throug h course s and the me c ha nis ms o f s oc ie ty bu t r e su lte d f ro m th e ide nti tie s a nd int ri ns ic dr ive s o f t he se individuals. W hile the outside folds us into identity (St. Pierre 2000, p. 260) and g ave these wome n the discursive pr actice s to ascend into lea dership, their ow n constructions resulted in who they beca me as individuals. Deleuze a nd Guattar i use these spa ces toge ther: smooth space is constantly being translated, tr ansver sed into a striated spa ce; striated spac e is constantly being reve rsed, r eturne d into a smooth space" (1980/1987, p. 474). The outside a nd the inside identities of the par ticipants folded and r efolde d. Th e de a ns sp ok e of hie ra rc hic a l ve rt ic a l th ink ing a nd the n mo de ra te d th os e extremes with family and their inter ests. Whil e re sear ch shows that women ha ve difficulty balanc ing f amily and ca ree rs, these de ans enjoy ed and dir ecte d their busy lives and we re not unha ppy about being preoc cupied with wor k. Their lives we re a n extension of wh o th e y we re a s in div idu a ls, the qu int e sse nc e or int ri ns ic c on sti tue nt o f t he ir char acte rs. Most of the dea ns did not come into leader ship by desig n but had a vision of

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109 wh o t h ey wa n t ed t o b e a n d em er ged i n t o t h o s e p o s i t i o n s Fo r t h es e w o m en b ei n g came long be fore doing ; and lea dership wa s a la bel f or their identities. The ve rtical hier arc hy of the lea dership lang uag e had subtle f eminine char acte ristics that were horizontal, or collabora tive, in nature. The culture of an instit ution can be de scribed a s the intersec tion between the vertica l hierar chy and the horizontal collaboration. This intersec tion may be blurre d, but both the masculine and feminine binar ies are neede d for the institution to ex ist; neither form is altog ether absolute. B runner and Schumake r (1998) found that men tende d to use power to achieve their own view of a c ommunity s common g ood rathe r than using their position to pursue the collec tive common g ood. A masculine vie w is that collabora tion undermines power thus crea ting we akness ( Br unner, 2005) These service positions were deeme d appropr iate role s which enha nced the historical asc ension of women into hig her e du c a tio n a dmi nis tr a tio n. I n th is s tud y s e ve ra l w ome n b e lie ve d th a t pa rt of the ir asce nsion was bec ause of their commitment to the g rea ter g ood. An el em en t o f d ec o n s t ru ct i o n i n cl u d es a c o n s t an t s el fre v i s i n g, s el fco rr ec t i n g, continual re aff irmation of itself, . if it is to have a se lf, a y es f ollowed by a y es a nd then ag ain another y es (Caputo, 1997, p. 200). The se women looke d outside themselves and say y es to the ne eds of students and f aculty ; however this attit ude sta y s w ith in t he bo un da ri e s o f t he un ive rs ity s g oa ls. I n th is c on te xt, de c isi on -m a kin g is not empower ment but is sti ll harnesse d by the dea n. The de ans dete rmine and sha pe what is knowledg e and pow er, a nd monopolize all releva nt knowledg e within an org anization (McKinlay & Star key 2000, p. 111). This is reminiscent of the Fouc aultian view that truth and knowledg e a re soc ially constructe d products of interests and pow er r elations (Hines, 1988) Knowledg e that appe ars to be hidde n

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110 be c ome s p ow e rf ul t hu s th e po we rl e ss b e c ome po we rf ul. Th e re is p ow e r t ha t r e sid e s in the leade rs a ctions y et also in the lea der s discretion to conc eal or rema in hidden. One de an def ined power as the a bility to make dec isions and was mea sured t h ro u gh re s o u rc e a l l o ca t i o n An o t h er d ea n d es cr i b ed p o we r a s b ei n g cr ea t ed t h ro u gh diversity Power is cr eate d in multi dimensional approa ches. A lthough diver sity and share d g overna nce c rea te power the dea ns understood that the institution owns t he power not the fac ulty or the de an. L ike share d g overna nce, de leg ation was de scribed a s a pa rt of pr od uc ing po we r i n e mpl oy e e s a nd in o rg a niza tio ns The c ontrasting story of the de an who liked hoa rding the important tasks ill us tr a te d th e ne g a tio n o f t he g if t of po we r. De le g a tio n is a le a de r s g if t to e mpl oy e e s; ho we ve r, the pa ra do x is th a t th is g if t is dir e c te d b y the de a n w he re the de a ns wa nt t o g ive po we r, bu t c on tr ol i t a s w e ll. Th e re is a te ns ion be tw e e n th e g if t of fr e e do m in decision-making and the de ans c ontrol of mistakes. The de ans re cog nized the dil e mma in a tte mpt ing to e mpo we r y e t no t g ivi ng a uth or ity w hic h th e n tu rn s in to control. The te nsion in thi s para dox is that employ ees c annot be e mpowere d without the fre edom of their ow n decision-making and vision. Empowerme nt is not t he same as De rr ida s g if t be c a us e the pe op le a re on ly e mpo we re d if the ir g oa ls c oin c ide wi th administrations g oals. This is then refr amed by administration as owne rship. Th e de a n s r ole is t o s ha pe a joi nt o rg a niza tio na l vi sio n. Th e le a de r s jo b is to persua de the f aculty to own the institut ions vision, but t his crea tes an oppositional bin a ry of re sis ta nc e wh e n f a c ult y c a nn ot a lig n th e mse lve s to the ins tit uti on T he us ve rs us the m po we r s tr ug g le is b or n a nd be c ome s a mpl if ie d th ro ug h c oe rc ion via pr a ise and re war d. The de ans powe r re sided in the convincing of others tha t they have owner ship, but the deans ac knowledg ed that their pow er c omes from how othe rs view

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111 them. A dea ns power is her employ ees g ift to her, not something she owns. What distinguished the ter m power f rom authority is that authority is something soug ht and ta ke n, no t g ive n. L e a de rs hip is a g if t, a nd pe rh a ps le a de rs hip do e s n ot e xist in thi s c on te xt of hig he r e du c a tio n. On the oth e r h a nd th e fa c ult y s ide nti ty a nd pr e sti g e in a c a de mia re sts on the ir a lig nme nt w ith the ins tit uti on T he fa c ult y c a nn ot e xist a s f a c ult y without the insti tution. Th e se wo me n li ke d th e te rm inf lue nc e ins te a d o f po we r, to r e fr a me thi s coer cion of pe oples beha vior. The g ift of leade rship is only g iven when the re is no control, and thus the de ans ar e uncomf ortable in using authority to move their ag endas and strug g led with this paradox crea ted by leade rship. They wer e torn by the contra dictions inherent in their role s as leade rs in a masc uline hiera rchy and their ow n persona l values re flec ting their feminine re productive de sires. This study reve aled the amount of discomfort the w omen had whe n using pow er. The se women dislike the masculine power -over contr ol conce pt while emulating the powe r-with f eminine char acte ristic. The de ans liked the powe r inhere nt in their positions but were uncomforta ble with power seeking behavior These w omen wante d to ge nera te power by empower ing othe rs and c rea ting c hang e via their repr oductive role s. I n Western culture power is seg mented into differ ent forms but has be en conc eptualized as dominanc e, c on tr ol, a uth or ity a nd inf lue nc e ov e r o the rs a nd thi ng s (B ru nn e r, 20 05 p 1 26 ); a nd in these wome ns re alities, power w as something they strug g led with internally I n another context, the femaledominated dea ns seem to be empirebuilding a s they attempted to hoar d their powe r. As I looked at the text of the fema le-dominated deans, I perc eived a perva sive theme of a need f or powe r which tra nslated into a perva sive sense of insecurity My subjective re ading of the text recog nized a theme of

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112 de g ra da tio n o f t he ir c oll e g e s po sit ion in t he a c a de my tha t ha d b e e n tr a dit ion a lly considere d powe rless. The lang uag e of the deans f rom fema le-dominated c olleg es ref lected nua nces of control. I n contra st, the power r hetoric w as much less pre valent with male-dominated de ans and c enter ed on ser vice to students and f aculty All of the women intervie wed we re e x tremely brig ht and ar ticulate; howeve r, the ne g ative aur a of being from a f emaledominated profe ssion influenced those de ans spe ech a nd attitudes about their own pr ofessions. Stereoty pical absolutes a re e vident, but also reve aled a re the blurring of the g ender lines. Power and g ender are intimately rela ted. Surprising ly most of the deans did not speak of men in ster eoty pical or dispar ag ing te rms; although c onversa tions about conflict with men provoke d laug hter. I n spite of g rowing up during the re birth of feminism in the 70s, they did not have women r ole models. These deans ha d to develop le a de rs hip sk ill s o n th e ir ow n a nd de pe nd e d o n ma le me nto rs fo r t he ir ri se in a dmi nis tr a tio n. Whil e the se wo me n d ist ing uis he d th e mse lve s f ro m me n, the y a lso descr ibed themselves a s men. By distinguishing the binary these wome n beca me that which they stereoty ped. De ans fr om female -dominated a rea s often desc ribed themselve s as ma le-like who we ar it diffe rently . The ang er in the te x t was cle ar, w ith laughte r int e rs pe rs e d w ith in t he ste re oty pe s. Th e se wo me n s ha re the pe rs pe c tiv e s o f t he fi rs t wave of fe minism wher e women soug ht all the rig hts and privileg es that men ha d, and women dese rved e qual rig hts beca use they wanted to be just like men. These w omen from f emaledominated colleg es desc ribed themselve s as men. These w omen ar e ena cting their masculine c onceptions of powe r, a r ole appr opriate f or their position, but not for their own g ender Perhaps those w omen in fema le-dominated colleg es fa ce e ven hig her e x pecta tions to m anife st the nurturing role or fa ce c onflict

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113 wi th f e ma le c oll e a g ue s. Th os e g e nd e rbe nd e rs ma y fa c e mor e dif fi c ult ie s b e c a us e their masculine tr aits may stand out in femaledominated colleg es. As these deans become that of w hich they speak (Sarup, 1988, p. 70) they rise in the patr iarc hal sy stem and distance themselves fr om their fema le collea g ues. I n contra st, those women fr om m a le -d omi na te d c oll e g e s n e ve r d e sc ri be d th e mse lve s a s ma le -l ike , bu t f re qu e ntl y talked about c rea ting a thick skin so they dont fe el so much any more. Both g roups of women plac e themselve s in Adrienne Rich s ontolog ical base ment (Ma rtin, 1985, p. 15) bec ause the masculine ideolog y dominates their discourse and they distance themselves fr om their feminine se lves Howeve r, not all dea ns differ entiated themse lves by g ender Severa l were much more a mbiguous a bout disti ng uishing de finite cha rac teristics betwe en men a nd women emphasizing individual diffe renc es. Ther e wa s a lac k of stere oty ping, a nd identification of g ender char acte ristics. These de ans re sonated to the e motional context of sit ua tio ns a mor e fe min ine tr a it, a lth ou g h n ot i de nti fi e d a s su c h. I n th is p oli tic th e re is no t a sim ple hie ra rc hic a l vi e w o f m e n o pp re ssi ng wo me n, bu t a vie w o f s y ste ma tic g ender ized discourses wher e identity dissolves into di ffe renc e. These w omen unfolded a discourse of resistanc e throug h adapta bility A shifting understanding of re sistance throug h adapta bility was illustrated by the story of the for mer de a n f ro m a fe ma le -d omi na te d c oll e g e wh o w ou ld r e ly on he r m a le de a n c oll e a g ue s to resc ue her when she neede d them. I n this case, men oblig ed her needs, but did not g rant power to her or to he r traditionally powe rless c olleg e. This was in c ontrast to the curr ent dea n who had a pprec iably improved the pe rce ived power of the c olleg e. Although this dea n acknow ledg ed that the g uy s would discount her at times beca use of her status, ther e is no ang er in the te x t. She ga ined the g uy s trust by working hard,

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114 showing asser tiveness, and br inging data to pre sent her position, there fore avoiding ag g ressive stra teg ies and following a patter n of hete ronormativity (B runner 2005). Humor wa s a tool of neg otiation in the face of being discredited w ithout forsaking selfrespe ct. I n this case, the de an had a fathe r who supporte d her e ducation and he r identity as well as a training g round of lig ht-hea rted c ompetitiveness with her brothe r. This link with the past helped he r mana g e her rela tionships wit h her ma le wonde rful c olleag ues and lessen bitter ness in her ne g otiations with t hem. While a feminist may see he r m et h o d s as ac q u i es ci n g t o t h e gu y s h er m et h o d s ar e a fo rm o f r es i s t an ce t h ro u gh a da pta bil ity N o ma tte r t he c oll e g e a ll p a rt ic ipa nts ha d to le a rn to n e g oti a te po we r w ith male collea g ues and a dminist rators. U nfolding resistanc e throug h adapta bility helped these wome n neg otiate power Although le ader ship strateg ies do not encour ag e lea ders to towe r over employ ees a nd tell them off, men c an do this succe ssfully and rise to the top of the hiera rchy Women who use ag g ressive stra teg ies to neg otiate power will suffer conseque nces be cause of unspoken soc ial mores. Women who ena ct the masc uline conce ptions of power ma ke other s very uncomforta ble ar ound them (B runner 2005). One pa rticipant ena cted a masculine c onception of pow er disrupting g ender constructions a nd su ff e re d f ro m f e e lin g ra pe d a nd wa s r e or g a nize d. She de c on str uc te d th is ca t as t ro p h i c e v en t an d b al an ce d h er l i fe t h ro u gh re fl ec t i o n S h e r ef ra m ed t h e m ea n i n gs of the e vent and he ld to her mission of service and survived. T he dimensions of her life e xpa nd e d a nd c on tr a c te d a s sh e so rt e d h e r t ho ug hts du ri ng he r c a ta str op hic re a rr a ng e me nt. Al tho ug h s he su ff e re d c on se qu e nc e s f ro m us ing a g g re ssi ve str a te g ie s,

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115 unlike the pre vious ex ample, she r ecove red throug h ref raming and tra nsformation. She t o o w a s u n f o l d i n g t h r o u g h r e s i s t a n c e a n d a d a p t a b i l i t y. Im plication an d Furt her Re searc h Deter ritorialized identities, becoming masculine, be coming feminine, be coming po we rf ul, be c omi ng po we rl e ss, be c omi ng ste re oty pe s, a nd be c omi ng dif fe re nc e : tha t is what multiplicity is (De leuze & G uattari, 1987, p. 32). T hese thing s are not imit ations beca use these de ans ar e not play ing men in a r eal wa y The becoming multipliciti es are rea l eve n if that something othe r it become s is not (p. 32). F or cla rifica tion, bec oming lacks a subject distinct from itself. Ther e is difficulty in drawing any conclusions or implications except to understand that within ea ch individual there are mul tip le ide nti tie s th a t a re re ve a le d in dif fe re nt s oc ie ta l c on te xts. T he re is n oth ing sta ble or sec ure in this politics of poststructuralism and dec onstruction. Howeve r, this study illumi nated the c ontext ual interplay of these w omen specific ally in their patriar chal, hier arc hical re alms, and the implications include the ne ed for their stories to be told. Their stories r evea led that women lea ders ne ed to expect conflict a nd fra g mentation, not only in their external lives, but in their internal lives as well. Their storie s validated that wome n can be both reproduc ers of the spec ies and produce rs of c ulture. Ther e wa s evidenc e that cr eating a counte rculture streng thens the oppositional binaries and e rase s individualit y The stories illustrated that "g ender -bending ma y result in "f ailed assimilation" a s women re enac t masculine c ha ra c te ri sti c s o f l e a de rs hip T his re se a rc h g a ve the se wo me n v oic e b ut, mos t imp or ta ntl y a s o the r w ome n id e nti fy wi th t he sto ri e s o f t he se pa rt ic ipa nts th e ir ref lections and wr itings will unfold new becoming s" f or lea dership.

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116 Fur ther re sear ch should include the silent voice s of those who a re e mploy ed by these wome n. How do these administrative assistants view lea dership? What are the voices of the powe rless w ho can be come powe rful by their ac tion or inaction? As Wei le r ( 19 88 ) s ug g e ste d, the le ss p ow e rf ul f ind c re a tiv e a nd e ve n p ow e rf ul w a y s to resist, and individuals strug g le to cre ate their own meaning Historically the re sear ch amply shows that men oppre ss women, but there is need for further study on how women op pr e ss a nd lim it t he mse lve s. Ge nd e rbe nd ing wa s sh ow n to no t be a n a llo wa ble social more, a nd more re sear ch is nee ded on how wome n perc eive a nd act towa rd other w o m e n H o w c a n w o m e n n e g o t i a t e o p p r e s s i o n f r o m o t h e r w o m e n a n d t h e m s e l v e s ? W h a t a r e t h e a l l o w a b l e b e c o m i n g s f o r w o m e n ? Epil og ue I n times of conflict, pe ople re fra me the text in order to survive. A mission of self-pr eser vation does not protec t us in ti mes of cr isis. I ndividuals ge t washed a way and destroy ed as the ir sense of self disappe ars. F or my self, this writing ha s been a bec oming, and a method of inquiry ; wr iting is also a wa y of knowing -a method of dis c ov e ry a nd a na ly sis (R ic ha rd so n, 20 00 p 9 23 ). As I re fl e c te d o n th e se de a ns my mind incessantly roame d to my sister who could not re fra me her text could not hold to a mis sio n to dir e c t he r l if e a nd wh os e lif e ha d b e e n w a sh e d a wa y L oo kin g thr ou g h my sis te r' s le ns c ha ng e d th e te xtur e a nd de pth of my inq uir y A his tor ic a l pe rs pe c tiv e re ve a ls the tedious repe tition of themes; women still have c oncer ns of g ender discrimination and sex role socialization. W omen' s attitudes themselves ca n be the most problematic. L oo kin g a t th e se de a ns u nf old ing s r e ple nis he s th e so ul; ho we ve r, ma ny wo me n a re sti ll vo ic e le ss. We m us t ne ve r f or g e t th os e wh o lo st t he ir s.

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117 A P P E N D IX RHI Z O-MAP Fig ure 1. Rhizo-Map: L ines of bec omingf ollow the shades of g ray

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125 St. P ierre E. A. (1997) Methodolog y in the fold and the irr uption of transg ressive da ta. Qualitative Studies in Education, 10 (2), 175189. St. P ierre E. A. (2005, January ). W riting as a method of nomadic inquiry. Paper pr e se nte d a t th e a nn ua l c on fe re nc e on I nte rd isc ipl ina ry Qu a lit a tiv e Stu die s, Athens, GA. St. P ierre E. A., & Pill ow, W. S. (Eds.). (2000). W or k ing the ru ins : F e mi nis t poststructural t heory and m ethods in education. New Y ork: Routledge Toutkoushian, R. K. (1999). The status of ac ademic w omen in the 1990s: No long er outsiders, but not y et equa ls. The Quarterly Re view of Economic s and Finance, 39 679-698. Tr e ic hle r, P. A ( 19 85 ). Al ma ma te r s so ro ri ty : Wom e n a nd the Un ive rs ity of I lli no is, 1890-1925. I n P. A. Treichle r, C. Kra mara e, & B. Staff ord (Eds.) For alma ma te r: The or y an d p ra c tic e in f e mi nis t sc ho lar sh ip (p p. 24 ). Ur ba na : U niv e rs ity of I lli no is Pr e ss. Urlich, L T. (1976). V ertuous women f ound: New Eng land ministerial literature 1668-1735. American Q uarterly, 28 (1), 2040. Wartenber g T. E. (1990). The forms of power: From domination to trans formation. Phi la de lph ia : T e mpl e Un ive rs ity Pr e ss. Weedon, C. (1997). Feminist practice and poststructuralist theory (2nd ed.) New Y ork: B a sil B la c kw e ll. Weiler, K. (1988) W omen teac hing for change: Ge nder, class and power. New Y ork: B e r g i n & G a r v e y. Wei le r, K. (2 00 3) F e min ist a na ly se s o f g e nd e r a nd sc ho oli ng I n A D a rd e r, M. Ba ltodano, & R. D. Tor res ( Eds.), The critical pedagogy re ader (pp. 269-295) New Y ork: Routledge falmer Wennige r, M. D., & Conroy M. H. (Eds.). ( 2001). Ge nd e r e qu ity or bu st: On the ro ad to campus leade rship wi th women in higher education. Sa n F ra nc isc o: Jos se y -B a ss. Woods, T. (1999). Beginning postmodernism. Ma nc he ste r, UK : Ma nc he ste r U niv e rs ity Pr e ss.

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126 B I OG RA PHI CA L SKE TCH Carol A. I saac was born in Centra l Kansas a nd g radua ted with a music educ ation deg ree from the Unive rsity of Ka nsas. B eing broug ht up in a medical f amily she transitioned into teaching scienc e and e ventually returne d to school where in 1988 she ear ned a B ache lor of He alth Science in phy sical thera py from the Unive rsity of F lorida. As a ph y sic a l th e ra pis t, C a ro l pu rs ue d c lin ic a l e du c a tio n, de ve lop ing stu de nts int o profe ssionals. Eventually she wa s promoted into hospital administ ration, whe re she lear ned firstha nd the alluring and ar duous challeng es of lea dership. While a depar tmental manag er, Car ol beg an her master s in educa tional leader ship at the University of F lorida. That c ourse of study beg an her fasc ination with womens history and lea dership. Dur ing tha t period, Carol lea rned tha t her g randmother had initiated a student aff airs prog ram whe re she found jobs for c olleg e students during the Depr ession a nd Wor ld Wa r I I Ca ro l a lso le a rn e d th a t he r g re a t a un t w a s th e fi rs t w oma n d e a n a t a sma ll M e nn on ite c oll e g e in t he 19 20 s. Th is g re a t a un t ha d g ro wn up wi th h e r t wo a un ts wh o w e re the fi rs t w ome n d oc tor s in the sta te of Ka ns a s d ur ing the la te 19 th a nd e a rl y 20th centurie s. Carols ac ademic inter ests are a continuation of he r pre dece ssors leg acy Currently she lives with her pa rtner a nd two dog s on L ake Swa n in North Central F lorida and plans to pursue an ac ademic c are er.


Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0013760/00001

Material Information

Title: Women deans : patterns of power
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Language: English
Creator: Isaac, Carol A. ( Dissertant )
Behar-Horenstein, Linda S. ( Thesis advisor )
Koro-Ljungberg, Mirka E. ( Thesis advisor )
Terzian, Sevan ( Reviewer )
Tyree, Larry ( Reviewer )
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2006
Copyright Date: 2006

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: Educational Administration and Policy thesis, Ph. D.
Dissertations, Academic -- UF -- Educational Administration and Policy

Notes

Abstract: Leadership discourse has been written and practiced by white male administrators, consequently silencing the feminine representation. Most gender research takes a critical view with a strict focus on the hierarchical patterns of power; however, power is multidimensional as men and women consciously and unconsciously sustain persistent inequalities. This purpose of this study was to deconstruct the term "leadership" and to examine patterns of discourse, subjectivity, resistance, and power and knowledge in women administrators in male and female dominated fields using a feminist postructural lens. Ten women administrators from a Southeastern university were interviewed using a semistructured interview approach. Binaries within the text were unfolded using Deleuze and Guattari's rhizome and were then deconstructed using Derrida's methods of disrupting the hierarchy of opposition and demonstrating its instability. My reflexivity influenced this study by my experience as a reorganized healthcare manager, and by the 2003 suicide of my sister, a clinical neurologist, who failed to gain tenure in a top-tier medical school. These experiences disrupted my previous concepts of leadership and provided impetus for this study. My interest focused on how the participants constructed their identities within their surrounding discourses. Their language unfolded a predominant masculine discourse, but these women's identities resonated within feminine practices which created internal and external discomfort. These women desired to produce power through delegation and shared governance but also controlled power deliberately. Their stories validated that women can be both reproducers of the species and producers of culture. There was evidence that creating a counterculture strengthens the oppositional binaries and erases individuality. The stories illustrated that "gender-bending" may result in "failed assimilation" as women reenact masculine characteristics of leadership. These women's discursive practices shifted between the oppositional binaries of masculine/feminine, powerful/powerless, service/authority, stereotypes/difference and resistance/adaptability creating new concepts of leadership. Deleuze and Guattari's "line of becoming" passed through those binaries and multiplied the leadership possibilities of these women. This research gave these women voice, but as other women identify with the stories of these participants, their reflections and writings will unfold new "becomings" for leadership.
Subject: deans, deconstruction, feminist, gender, higher, leadership, poststructuralism, qualitative, rhizoanalysis, women
General Note: Title from title page of source document.
General Note: Document formatted into pages; contains 145 pages.
General Note: Includes vita.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 2006.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
General Note: Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format.

Record Information

Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 003589400
System ID: UFE0013760:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0013760/00001

Material Information

Title: Women deans : patterns of power
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Language: English
Creator: Isaac, Carol A. ( Dissertant )
Behar-Horenstein, Linda S. ( Thesis advisor )
Koro-Ljungberg, Mirka E. ( Thesis advisor )
Terzian, Sevan ( Reviewer )
Tyree, Larry ( Reviewer )
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2006
Copyright Date: 2006

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: Educational Administration and Policy thesis, Ph. D.
Dissertations, Academic -- UF -- Educational Administration and Policy

Notes

Abstract: Leadership discourse has been written and practiced by white male administrators, consequently silencing the feminine representation. Most gender research takes a critical view with a strict focus on the hierarchical patterns of power; however, power is multidimensional as men and women consciously and unconsciously sustain persistent inequalities. This purpose of this study was to deconstruct the term "leadership" and to examine patterns of discourse, subjectivity, resistance, and power and knowledge in women administrators in male and female dominated fields using a feminist postructural lens. Ten women administrators from a Southeastern university were interviewed using a semistructured interview approach. Binaries within the text were unfolded using Deleuze and Guattari's rhizome and were then deconstructed using Derrida's methods of disrupting the hierarchy of opposition and demonstrating its instability. My reflexivity influenced this study by my experience as a reorganized healthcare manager, and by the 2003 suicide of my sister, a clinical neurologist, who failed to gain tenure in a top-tier medical school. These experiences disrupted my previous concepts of leadership and provided impetus for this study. My interest focused on how the participants constructed their identities within their surrounding discourses. Their language unfolded a predominant masculine discourse, but these women's identities resonated within feminine practices which created internal and external discomfort. These women desired to produce power through delegation and shared governance but also controlled power deliberately. Their stories validated that women can be both reproducers of the species and producers of culture. There was evidence that creating a counterculture strengthens the oppositional binaries and erases individuality. The stories illustrated that "gender-bending" may result in "failed assimilation" as women reenact masculine characteristics of leadership. These women's discursive practices shifted between the oppositional binaries of masculine/feminine, powerful/powerless, service/authority, stereotypes/difference and resistance/adaptability creating new concepts of leadership. Deleuze and Guattari's "line of becoming" passed through those binaries and multiplied the leadership possibilities of these women. This research gave these women voice, but as other women identify with the stories of these participants, their reflections and writings will unfold new "becomings" for leadership.
Subject: deans, deconstruction, feminist, gender, higher, leadership, poststructuralism, qualitative, rhizoanalysis, women
General Note: Title from title page of source document.
General Note: Document formatted into pages; contains 145 pages.
General Note: Includes vita.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 2006.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
General Note: Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format.

Record Information

Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 003589400
System ID: UFE0013760:00001


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PATTERNS OF POWER: WOMEN DEANS


By

CAROL A. ISAAC

















A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2006

































Copyright

by

Carol A. Isaac


































I dedicate this dissertation to the memory of my sister,
Kathryn Isaac,
whose presence will always live in my soul.















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am very grateful to Dr. Linda Behar-Horenstein in the Department of Educational

Leadership and Policy, and to Dr. Mirka Koro-Ljungberg in the Department of

Educational Psychology, my committee chairs and mentors at the University of Florida.

I would also like to thank my other committee members, Dr. Sevan Terzian and Dr. Larry

Tyree, for their valuable guidance and support. I also want to thank the Department of

Educational Leadership for the invaluable gift of an Alumni Graduate Fellowship, which

made my dreams come true. Many other faculty, staff, and students from the College of

Education have supported me during some very difficult times during the last four years;

I thank them all. Finally, I would especially like to thank my partner, whose untiring

patience, love, and humor have sustained me though some difficult times. Our

partnership balances struggle and contentment, commitment and freedom, and has truly

enlarged my life.















TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............... ................. .......... iv

TABLE .............................................. ..... ....... vii

FIGURE ................... .............. ................. ....... viii

ABSTRACT ................. ...................................... ix

PROLOGUE: THE CALL ........................................... xi

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION .......................................... 1

Research Questions ............................... ............. 2
Theoretical Framework .............................................. 3
D definition of Term s ................................... ......... .... 5
Subjectivity Statement .............. ............................. 8
Significance .......... .... ...................... ..... ........ 9
Limitations .................................................... 10

2 LITERATURE REVIEW ........... ................... ......... 12

Introduction ................................................. 12
Predecessors-My Great Aunt Helen .............................. 12
Deans of W omen ............. ...................... ............ 14
Women in Academia ................... ............................ 16
Women in Higher Education Administration ............................. 20
Leadership ........... ........................................... 23
The Binary of Feminism .................. ........................... 29
Social Feminism: Victimization and Power ............................ 30
Kristeva's Poststructural View of Feminism ............................ 31
Summary ............ ............................................ 36

3 METHODOLOGY .................................................37

Introduction: Epistemology and Theoretical Framework ..................... 37
Rhizome .................. .. .............. ...... ...... ......... 39
Research Method: Interviewing ........... ..... .................. ... 41


v









Poststructural Interviewing ............... ......................... 42
Participants and Setting ............... ............................ 44
Data Collection Methods ............... ........................... 45
Validity and Trustworthiness ............... ........................ 45
Summary ............ ............................................ 47

4 IDENTITIES BECOMING ...........................................48

Identity of the M asculine ................ .... .......... ........... 51
Identity of the Feminine .............. ............. .... ......... 52
Identity of the Father .......................................... 53
Identity of the Quintessence ............... ......................... 56
Identity of the Third Generation .................................... 58

5 LEADERSHIP BECOMING .......................................... 64

Unfolding the M asculine ............................................. 64
Unfolding the Feminine ................................ ............. 68
Power ........... ................................................ 73
Unfolding Power ..................................... ............. 75
Unfolding Powerlessness ............... ........................... 79
Unfolding Authority ................. ............................ 80
Unfolding Service .................................... ............. 85
Unfolding Stereotypes ..................................... .......... 91
Unfolding Difference ............................................. 99
Unfolding Resistance through Adaptability ............................ 100

6 CONCLUSION ....................................................106

Implication and Further Research .................................. 115
Epilogue ............ ................................. ............ 116

APPENDIX RHIZO-MAP ................................ ........ 117

REFERENCES ........................................... 118

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ........................................ 126












vi















TABLE

Table page

1 Participants' pseudonyms and general attributes ........................ 44















FIGURE

Figure page

1 Rhizo-Map: Lines of becoming ................................... 117















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

PATTERNS OF POWER: WOMEN DEANS

By

Carol A. Isaac

May 2006

Chair: Linda Behar-Horenstein
Cochair: Mirka Koro-Ljungberg
Major Department: Educational Administration and Policy

Leadership discourse has been written and practiced by white male

administrators, consequently silencing the feminine representation. Most gender research

takes a critical view with a strict focus on the hierarchical patterns of power; however,

power is multidimensional as men and women consciously and unconsciously sustain

persistent inequalities. This purpose of this study was to deconstruct the term

"leadership" and to examine patterns of discourse, subjectivity, resistance, and power and

knowledge in women administrators in male and female dominated fields using a

feminist postructural lens.

Ten women administrators from a Southeastern university were interviewed using

a semistructured interview approach. Binaries within the text were unfolded using

Deleuze and Guattari's rhizome and were then deconstructed using Derrida's methods of

disrupting the hierarchy of opposition and demonstrating its instability. My reflexivity

influenced this study by my experience as a reorganized healthcare manager, and by the









2003 suicide of my sister, a clinical neurologist, who failed to gain tenure in a top-tier

medical school. These experiences disrupted my previous concepts of leadership and

provided impetus for this study. My interest focused on how the participants constructed

their identities within their surrounding discourses.

Their language unfolded a predominant masculine discourse, but these women's

identities resonated within feminine practices which created internal and external

discomfort. These women desired to produce power through delegation and shared

governance but also controlled power deliberately. Their stories validated that women

can be both reproducers of the species and producers of culture. There was evidence that

creating a counterculture strengthens the oppositional binaries and erases individuality.

The stories illustrated that "gender-bending" may result in "failed assimilation" as

women reenact masculine characteristics of leadership.

These women's discursive practices shifted between the oppositional binaries of

masculine/feminine, powerful/powerless, service/authority, stereotypes/difference and

resistance/adaptability creating new concepts of leadership. Deleuze and Guattari's "line

of becoming" passed through those binaries and multiplied the leadership possibilities of

these women. This research gave these women voice, but as other women identify with

the stories of these participants, their reflections and writings will unfold new

becomingg" for leadership.















PROLOGUE: THE CALL

I remember the chill of hearing the message at 7:00 a.m., Wednesday, "This is the

Sunnyvale police department, please give us a call regarding your sister." The police had

left a message at 9:00 PM on Tuesday the night before, but we had gone to bed early and

had not heard it. Before calling, I went to take a shower. Somehow I was not ready to

deal with whatever reality was coming. Perhaps I also knew intuitively that it was too

late, because, by that time, it was. My sister had committed suicide Tuesday, May 27,

2003.

She was a clinical neurologist working at a well-known research institution and

had spent the last several years attempting to obtain a tenured faculty position. This

institution already had a history of not promoting women, and three women physicians

had been forced to leave in the last several years. As with many prestigious institutions,

faculty are recruited into tenured positions for research dollars. Often junior faculty

place the work experience on their resume and go elsewhere for tenure. However, for a

variety of reasons, my sister did not leave-could not leave, and placed the entire blame

on the institution for her act. The question whether an institution can be blamed for such

a death can be debated; less debatable is the ominous effect of a female colleague killing

herself on other striving females in the profession. Intellectually I know that

organizations do not kill people; those people make their own choices. Emotionally,

though, I knew my sister as a sensitive, bright, articulate person who cared about her

patients and medical students.









I had several conversations with her over the last 6 months about her job. Having

been a reorganized healthcare manager myself, she called me regarding conversations

she had with her direct supervisor and department chair. She had been hired previously

by an interim chair who had liked her work, but a new chair was seeking to hire a tenured

position to bring in research money; his goal was to replace her. I had recommended that

she take notes after each meeting with her supervisor. One document I found later read:

He [supervisor] said building a national reputation in headache would be
beneficial, but I have not done that yet. Would Dr. [chairman] be willing to give
me a few years to do that, who knows? It is a clinical job and doesn't bring in
money to the department like someone who brings in grants. I asked if my
position was valued or needed. He said, of course, someone has to see the
patients, but that could be anyone. He said even tenured faculty are not
indispensable.

Under the best circumstances these meetings would have been horrible. Because my

sister had been sleep-deprived for several years, her depression in her premenopausal

years deepened and made these events intolerable.

By noon on Wednesday, they found her car at a roadside park with cliffs that

overlook the Pacific Ocean. My sister loved the ocean. She collected sea glass in

Massachusetts where she lived years before. She had taken friends and family members

over the Santa Monica Mountains on Highway 17 to Santa Cruz many times. She loved

the coastal mountain cliffs of California; later I was told by friends that she would go

there to "get away from it all." In hindsight, this term provided new significance.

The police found her car Wednesday morning and later found her body crumpled

at the base of a 275 foot cliff a quarter of a mile north of the park. They called my

mother, and she called me Wednesday night around 7:30; my mother's words rang in my

ears, "it's over." But it wasn't over; it had just begun. My partner and I got to her house









on Thursday night. It was chilling to walk into that house as my sister had left it. Papers

were strewn all over her dining room table and clothes were everywhere in her bedroom,

representing to me the chaos of her mind during those last few hours. Two weeks prior,

my sister had received notification that her chair, who had considered leaving, had

decided to stay. My mother had been out there just the week before, responding to a call

for help from my shaken sister. My mother reported that the house had been clean when

she got there, and my sister seemed settled after her visit having found a new job and

house.

Her reality was not clean and tidy as my mother had seen it. Suicide is a "master

of disguise" where truth remains hidden. My sister, as a physician, knew that to tell

anyone of her feelings could endanger her license to practice medicine. My father called

her the day before her death and reported that her conversation was "scattered" with only

superficial details; he said she did not want to talk. I talked to her 2 weeks prior to her

death for 15 minutes regarding her possible move to somewhere-she did not know what

to do. Later I realized that her panicked call was the date she found out her chair was

staying, and that she would have to leave. I have replayed that phone call and the

sequence of events incessantly in my head, attempting to reconcile and justify my part in

her death. I have not found an answer but just more questions that dissolve into the

insignificance of grief.

It is amazing what little we present to the world, but especially to our families in

times of crisis. I was in hyper-drive for months after her death with the sole purpose to

take care of my sister in death as I had not been able to in life. I know now that I was

endlessly attempting to restore a semblance of order to my family and my world within.









That weekend, I boxed up valuables and mementoes to send to family while my partner

sorted my sister's financial matters for the attorney. My mother was arriving on Monday

night so we cleaned and picked up. I did not want my mother to see the house in such

disarray. A sense of order to all this external chaos was necessary to help soothe my

internal world. As we cleaned, we saw more evidence of my sister's inner turmoil. I

needed to hide evidence of her insanity.

I was beginning a journey where a survivor's grief rambles to the next memory of

their loved one and then the next. This grief has no structure, and feelings and thoughts

meander without rhyme or reason. An uncovered memory begins a train of thought that

constantly stops in the middle and reflects to another. C. S. Lewis (1981) described grief

as a "long valley, a winding valley where any bend may reveal a totally new landscape"

(p. 69). A suicide survivors' grief is different in that, while survivors' know "how" they

died, we don't know "why," thus the endless search of their lives and our own-"what

could I have done." In the months immediately following her death, family talk focused

on memories of my sister and the "why" question; painful as some of it was. Perhaps my

guilt was driving the compulsion to touch every part of my sister's life.

The first thing I did after entering her house the first night was to put on her robe

to smell her presence. Her absence was unreal. As the week unfolded, I looked

everywhere for signs of my sister. Strangely, there were two rental video tapes with a

note to return them to such-and-such store. They were both light-hearted movies-not

grim or dark. That first night I woke up at 3:00 a.m., and while my partner slept I

wandered the house aimlessly. Finally, there was stillness; and I wrote an epitaph as I

sensed her presence and felt complete-at least for a while. The epitaph reflected on her









characteristics: her love for travel, her patients, her friends and family, her plants, and her

animals. In the process of writing, I found empathy and compassion for my sister and

"was given a knowing that God loves the pained and afflicted even more." I had not set

out to write my sister's eulogy, but it poured out of the stillness. I sensed how much pain

my sister had been in, and I sensed that her pain was gone-the oppositional binary of

hope and despair.

Other issues clamored for my attention. My sister's answering machine was

filled with messages from worried coworkers and friends. I went to her church when we

got back from the coast, and there was a need for a memorial service.

One by one, I called her friends, shattering the silence and the hope that

everything was all right. I went through her address book calling old friends that I knew

and having them call others. The chain of life is long and a single event affects many. I

realized that while my sister had been depressed for a long time, she was well-loved. Her

friends told me stories, but mostly I listened to the "shock and awe" of the news of her

death in their voices. I heard the depth of remorse and concern. We were not the only

ones who had lost; however, I felt strangely detached from them as if I was watching

from a distance. I could not grieve with them fully; I was listening to them closely for

fragments of my sister and searching for parts of her in them. I perceived that the

intensity of their pain was directly proportional to the amount of love they had for my

sister.

Later in the week, we went to my sister's bank, met with the probate attorney, met

with the minister about the funeral, and finally went to the medical school to clear out her

office of her personal items. Of all the events of this week, this task was the most









shocking for me. My mother, partner, and I were met by two secretaries and led back to

her office located behind the copy room. The office had not been touched and appeared

to be waiting for my sister's return. I started to cry as we pulled down her diplomas and

certificates, packed her curios, and loaded some of her books. The secretaries were very

sympathetic, but we were surprised that none of her colleagues met us. The absence of

their presence was deafening. As we left, my anger raged toward this institution that

seemed to have so little regard for my sister's life. My sister's suicide note had said,

"I'm so sorry to do this. But it's all become too much. I don't blame anyone except

[institution]; they ripped up my life and made it impossible to cope."

In the context of her letter, her death, and the lack of personal interaction with her

colleagues, my rage was probably understandable. Perhaps staff knew and avoided us

like the plague. In hindsight, I'm glad I did not meet her supervisor, as I probably would

have behaved badly. Having been in management myself, I knew that the medical school

was probably already circling the attorneys and had been told to avoid any hint of

responsibility. Institutions serve and protect themselves. Institutions can act

anonymously while individual interactions connect faces with actions; no wonder they

did not want to meet us. Within a week, my sister's picture and vitae disappeared off the

website of the medical school. In my mind, my sister's memory was being wiped away;

suicide is unspoken but resounds everywhere. Her absence was presence.

The chairman wrote a condolence letter to my mother after my sister's death that

said

I write to express my profound sadness at the passing of your daughter, Kathryn.
She was an outstanding neurologist and teacher. I never met a physician who had
more genuine concern for her patients and for their well being. This quality, and









her superior attributes as a physician, earned her the respect of all of her
colleagues and her students. We honored Kathryn at our year-end party for
the residents and faculty. I indicated that I hoped that Kathryn's legacy would be
a renewed appreciation within the Department of the extremely important role
that respect for colleagues and patients must play. Kathryn was our role model in
this.

When I compared this to the notes my sister had written about her meetings with her

chair, I cannot begin to describe the feelings of confusion. What was reality? There are

no words to describe my feelings regarding the disparity between my sister's perception

of what was happening to her and what the chairman wrote about her. Would Kathryn's

death improve the atmosphere of respect in the medical school? Was my sister a martyr

in her own right? We will never know. I do know of two women who left academia who

did not know my sister but knew of her death. These women do not include several

women physicians who were forced to leave this medical institution in recent years.

I could not return for her funeral the next Saturday, but I recorded and transcribed

the event so that other family members and friends could participate. As I listened to the

tape, I was in awe of her contribution to the community and the medical school. I had

never understood the depth of her commitment to her students and patients. One of her

residents spoke of feeling inadequate and always being able to reach out to my sister who

made him "feel incredibly loved." Another medical student, who knew my sister first as

a patient and then as a student, reported how important she had been to the student

community and that she had "really touched so many students" at the medical school.

One of her colleagues, who not only referred patients to her but also sought her

immediately when he himself had a transient neurological episode, described her as a

"real mensch." He described her as "very kind" and "humane." Here is an account of

how one student perceived my sister:


xvii









I have known Dr. Isaac both as, I guess, a student at the medical school-she was
my teacher for, I guess, 4 years ago. But I also got to know her as my doctor. I
was diagnosed with cancer back in '99. I had it at two places, in my back, spinal
cord cancer, and I had back pain for 3 months, and then finally I went to see her.
I had 6 to 9 months left to live, most likely. I am-I wouldn't probably be here
today if it wasn't for her. She ordered the MRI right there and then, and I went
through back surgeries and chemo and radiation for about a year and a half. And
she continued to come in and see me in the hospital when I was going through my
treatment. I saw her love as she would come and see me. I saw her caring, and I
am grateful to her for the impact she has had on my life and, although she may
not be with us today, physically, I feel that her soul has become part of my soul,
and I hope that in the people that I come in contact with, I continue to touch their
lives through her love.

To be sure, these comments are in context of a memorial service; however, there

is no better referral than for colleagues or students to choose someone they work with for

their medical care. Her colleagues and students admired her but had no awareness of her

depression and her problems at work. There were such different perceptions of her life

between her friends and coworkers. I understand that there will always be things that are

spoken and whispered. My mind floated between comments made at her funeral, to her

notes from the meetings with her supervisor, to my mother's condolence letter from the

chairman. Reality is not easily understood and is swayed by the context. I also have a

"knowing" that my difficulty with comprehending the fragments of her last few days,

were not unlike her search for a reality she could live with ... or could not. No matter

how others may have loved and admired her, she was isolated from that love; and that

reality guided her final decision.

At some point I called my father to ask if my brother, another physician, could

help with the estate. My father said, "Why he can't do that, he has to work." To be

honest, I did not think about that statement until later. "Why sure," I thought, "my

brother has to work to support his family." I knew that as a grad student I had more


xviii









time-at least more flexible time. My anger simmered off and on all summer evoked by

a host of events, but I realized as never before, the complexity of my father's words. In

essence, that statement represented to me my father's attitude toward women. That

attitude was the reason why he and my mother could not stay married. I had always

known that my father was conservative. I remembered my sister and father arguing

politics, he on the right and she on the left. My sister seemed to become more

conservative in her transition from being a sixties hippie to a physician, but not much.

My physician mother was a strange mix of feminist and Republican, a product of her

Depression-era upbringing.

As the months passed, I understood my sister's inner conflict as I looked at my

own. I loved both my parents, but there was a drive to "win" that stemmed from their

conflict. My personal history, as my sister's, was fraught with attempts to gain approval

of a male discourse; this drive to "win" back my father's attention (he had a new wife

and family) never ceased and was largely unconscious. I gradually had a "knowing" of

why she died; she could not tolerate being the "outcast" of another patriarchal discourse,

even if it was an institution. Strangely enough, this "knowing" was confirmed by my

sister's psychiatrist who said that children routinely set up scenarios to resolve past

traumatic events. I certainly had done this in personal and work-related relationships, but

what makes some women "go off the cliff" and others persevere? There are other ways

women abandon themselves: not engaging in their heart's desire, staying in abusive

relationships, even ambushing their own success. I now sought some of these answers

via my dissertation. Here was a legitimate avenue to focus my energies and rejuvenate

my soul. I was driven to understand how women negotiate power in academia.















CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

Women leaders are rarely studied in higher education since the authorial voice

has been largely white male, and good practice has been considered to be the techniques

and procedures of white male administrators (Grogan, 2003). Historically, the written

curricula and "null curriculum" send strong messages about what is important (Davidson,

1994, p. 335). There are rules within organizations concerning who can make statements

and in what context. In educational administration, male voices have been the

dominating and defining force.

In response, feminist theory is founded on the recognition of gender as a

legitimate category of analysis (Scott, 1986). Feminist literature from the 1970s onwards

is grounded in such disciplines as philosophy, sociology, psychology, and history that

explored the significance of gender relations (Belenky, Clinchy, Goldberger, & Tarule,

1986). Flax (1990) argues that feminist theory aims "to analyze gender relations: how

gender relations are constituted and experienced and how we think or, equally important,

do not think about them" (p. 40). If we accept gender as a useful category of analysis to

help us understand administration better, then we need to draw on the experiences of

women in those positions. Biklen and Shakeshaft (1985) call for scholarship on women

that focuses on how women perceive their own worlds. The belief is that this scholarship

will contribute to a fuller comprehension of human behavior and society "since

inadequate conception of the female experience distorts our perspectives on the human

experience as a whole" (Grogan, 2003, p. 18).







2

Not only have women's authorial voices been excised, but women's

characteristics in leadership are not heard. Most gender research takes a critical view

from a binary "us" versus "them" approach with a strict focus on the hierarchical patterns

of power. The usefulness ofpoststructuralism, a postmodern approach, is in its

questioning and its insistence on understanding the relationship between knowledge and

power. Men and women use power consciously and unconsciously, sustaining persistent

and pervasive inequalities. Power is multidimensional and once this is accepted, a more

comprehensive understanding of the local context is achieved (Grogan, 2003).

Qualitative research is not concerned with generalization, but emphasizes local context.

This study's purpose is to examine patterns of discourse, subjectivity, resistance, and

power and knowledge between women administrators in male versus female dominated

fields using a feminist poststructural lens and discourse analysis.

Research Questions

In a qualitative study, the researcher seeks to discover, understand or describe.

Qualitative research is used to best describe "how" something works rather than the

quantitative perspective of "how well" something works (Borg, Gall, & Gall, 1993).

Qualitative research questions amplify the participants' cultures, relationships, qualities

of practice, and beliefs. For this study, research questions include the following:

* How do women leaders construct leadership and their identities within leadership
discourse?
* How do these women negotiate and produce power in higher education?

These questions form the basis of the research; however, they do not represent an

exhaustive list.









Theoretical Framework

Although postmodernism and poststructuralism are terms often used

interchangeably, postmodernism is more encompassing (Schwandt, 2001). To

understand postmodernism, one must understand modernism. For modernist or positivist

researchers, there is a "real" reality "out there" (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000, p. 176), and this

reality is to be uncontaminated by human flaws. Modernism has great faith in the ability

of reason to discover absolute forms of knowledge. However, postmodernism "refuses

all semblance of the totalizing and essentialist orientations of modernist systems and

thought. .. Instead of representing clarity, wholeness, and continuity, postmodernism

is committed to ambiguity, relativity, fragmentation, particularity, and discontinuity. ...

One is the antithesis of the other" (Crotty, 1998, p. 185). Adopting a postmodern

theoretical position involves denying the existence of foundational knowledge on the

grounds that "no knowable social reality exists beyond the signs of language, image, and

discourse" (Hargreaves, 1994, p. 39).

The methods and methodology of this research are embedded in the theoretical

framework of poststructural feminism. Historically, feminist research has stemmed from

the binary perspective of critical inquiry. Feminist theories arising from this body of

literature differ from each other, but what loosely links them is their attention to

"distinctively feminist issues [which are] the situation of women and the analysis of male

domination" (Flax, 1990, p. 40). Although the critical perspective is a common way of

viewing feminism, poststructural theory is another approach. Macey defines

poststructuralism as a "reluctance to ground discourse in any theory of metaphysical

origins, an insistence on the inevitable plurality and instability of meaning, a distrust of

systematic scientificity, and the abandoning of the old enlightenment project" (2000, p.









309). Schwandt adds to this ambiguity by defining poststructuralism as the "decentering

of the notion of the individual, self-aware condition of being a subject.... The 'I' is not

immediately available to itself because it derives its identity only from its position in

language or its involvement in various systems of signification" (2001, p.203). Schwandt

(2001) also describes the theme of pantextualism where "everything is a text-and all

texts are interrelated" (p. 203).

The theoretical framework of poststructuralism which emphasizes the instability

of meaning and systematic methods lends itself to the use of the rhizome. The rhizome

examines the contextual interactions of women in leadership through the unceasing

"connections between semiotic chains, organizations of power, and circumstances

relative to the arts, sciences, and social struggles" (Deleuze & Guattari, 1980/1987, p. 7).

Rhizoanalysis, like searching for related topics on the Internet, starts in one arena and

travels to different plateaus within diverse layers of strata uncovering and discovering

new vistas of knowledge.

As binaries were uncovered through the rhizome, they underwent deconstruction,

which "is a poststructural strategy for reading texts that unmasks the supposed 'truth' or

meaning of text by undoing, reversing, and displacing taken-for-granted binary

opposition that structure texts (e.g., right over wrong, subject over object, reason over

nature, men over women, speech over writing, and reality over appearance)" (Schwandt,

2001, p. 203-4). In place of an oppressive hierarchy, the emphasis is on the contextual

interaction between individuals and institutions.

Feminist postructural writings are built on critical feminist traditions that probe

for research possibilities that "might, perhaps, not be so cruel to so many people" (St.

Pierre & Pillow, 2000, p. 1). Poststructuralism as a subset of postmodernism is linked to









the work of the French writers Foucault, Lyotard, Derrida, and Kristeva (Craib, 1992;

Grogan, 2003; Sarup, 1988). The significant contribution ofpoststructuralism is that it

enables us to understand administration in different terms from those that have been used

in the past. These terms include discourse, subjectivity, power and knowledge, and

resistance (Grogan, 2003).

Definition of Terms

Discourse is an intersubjective phenomenon, where discourse "is not a direct

product of subjectivity and has a constituent role in the production of the symbolic

systems that govern human existence" (Macey, 2000, p. 101). Foucault (1977/1980)

uses the term 'discourse" to help us understand how we are positioned as subjects in

different relationships with others. This understanding of the way we are positioned is

dependent on our relative power in each discourse. Furthermore, these symbolic systems

are ordered "through our linguistic description" (Mills, 2004, p. 47). How our text

describes the world creates our discourse.

This evolving definition of discourse was influenced by Foucault's "discursive

formation," which he described as "homogeneous fields of enunciative regularities"

(Foucault, 1972/2002, p. 117). Discursive formation has also been defined as a "group of

statements in which it is possible to find a pattern of regularity defined in terms of order,

correlation, position and function" (Macey, 2000, p. 101). An example of discursive

formation would be the variety of phenomena that include the roles men and women

assume that produce the concepts of normalcy and deviation.

To understand subjectivity is to understand that discourses systematically form

the objects of which they speak (Sarup, 1988, p. 70). Therefore, a man or woman who

becomes an administrator is shaped or subjectified by that discourse. Subjectivity refers









to "the conscious and unconscious thoughts and emotions of the individual, her sense of

herself and her ways of understanding her relation to the world" (Weedon, 1997, p. 32).

For Foucault, "relations of force and power are involved at every level of a

discursive formation; because knowledge is always a form of power" (Macey, 2000,

p. 101). As Foucault suggests, there is an interdependence of power and knowledge;

what counts as knowledge is the relative power of those who claim it; one hypothesis of

power is that the "mechanisms of power are those of repression" (1977/1980, p. 91).

There are rules within a discourse concerning who can make statements and in what

context, and these rules "exclude some and include others" (Craib, 1992, p. 186). In

analyzing gender roles, "sexism comes to feel 'natural' or dominant within a culture, it

does not allow us any real sense of how it would be possible to intervene and change that

process" (Mills, 2004, p. 39).

However gender differences are understood, most feminist leadership analyses

slips into an oppositional discourse between masculine and feminine leadership. In the

construction of gendered leadership discourses, the literature presents masculine

leadership as "competitive, hierarchical, rational, unemotional, analytic, strategic and

controlling, and feminine leadership as cooperative, team working, intuitive/rational,

focused on high performance, empathic and collaborative" (Court, 2005, p. 5).

Leadership characteristics such as "aggression, vision, strength, determination, and

courage are consistent with, and usually positively associated with the masculine traits

that result from the ways boys are commonly socialized within American society"

(Nidiffer, 2001, p. 103). Joseph Crowley (1994), in a historical study on college

presidents, associated with leadership metaphors such as boss, superman, father, titan,

hero, gladiator, and quarterback. In the discourse of educational administration, those









with the power to define good practice are the male administrators whose experiences

form the basis of most texts and much of the research of the profession.

The differences in discourse spark conflict. The "theoretical paradigm of

difference is obsessed with the construction of identities rather than relations of power

and domination, and concentrates on the effect of this difference" (Gordon, 2001, p. 189).

Education thus reproduces existing gender inequalities; however, feminist studies assert

that all people have the capacity to resist oppression (Weiler, 2003). If the definition of

knowledge is expanded to include others' voices, then it is to be expected that such new

knowledge will include a resistance to the formerly accepted knowledge claim (Grogan,

2003). Foucault thought that although the subject is affected by knowledge andpower, it

is "irreducible to these," so the "subject actually functions as a pocket of resistance to

established forms of power/knowledge, in the present age" (Alvesson & Skoldberg, 2001,

p. 230). These insights "warn us to expect conflict, and, secondly allow us to question

taken-for-granted assumptions, particularly about the implications of local policies and

practices" (Grogan, 2003, p. 20).

In applying the postmodern concepts of discourse, subjectivity, power and

knowledge, and resistance to women administrators, we can see how these concepts can

expand and contribute to the educational leadership field. Administrators have been

encouraged to think and behave in ways that have been dictated by a white, male-

dominated discourse shaped by a different age. This phenomenon is very similar to the

example that Foucault gives where "TV and cinema act as an effective means ... of

reprogramming popular memory in which people are shown not what they were but what

they must remember having been" (Woods, 1999, p. 197). Women administrators are so

few that their presence remains the exception, not the rule. Certainly, their practices have









rarely had a voice in administration research because they have been excised (Behar &

Gordon, 1995).

Subjectivity Statement

I grew up as a child of the 60s, the daughter of two physicians. I had been a

proponent of the feminist movement for years until I joined a fundamentalist movement

during my 20s. In my 30s, my life experiences led me to reject "binary" thinking to

espouse more moderate reactions. In graduate school, I became fascinated with the

critical works of Freire, and those of the poststructuralist, Foucault. Culture is linked

with the shaping of social groups creating a theoretical paradox and opposition between

culture and society. In previous qualitative studies while interviewing faculty, I had

noticed difficulty distancing myself from the content of the interviews due to my

previous experience in management, my interest in future employment, and especially

my interest in power structures. During this study I journaled my thoughts to help clarify

my researcher bias and delineate my ideas for peer debriefing and external audits.

As a previous corporate manager in a large healthcare organization, I have seen

how a new CEO influences the culture of an organization. Like healthcare, education is

facing a budget crisis and dealing with the new national neoliberal philosophy of

efficiency, accountability, and measurement of outcomes, the watchwords of cultural

change in education. With this neoliberal influence comes a hierarchical system that

intensifies competition and a patriarchal discourse. The hospital administration brought

in a consultant for a series of presentations emphasizing an organizational focus on

transition of employees (including managers) and cost-cutting, rather than building long-

term organizational loyalty. This ideology was in sharp contrast to my values of loyalty

and commitment. I slowly changed my management style over the years from a









patient/employee service focus to a cost-cutting focus with disastrous long-term results.

In the short-term, I received praise from administration as I slashed my expenses by

improving efficiency and productivity; however, years later under different management,

the department still has great difficulty retaining professional staff.

So, how could I have "sold out" not only others, but even more importantly,

myself? Expectations were high and consequences were apparent with the number of

managers that had been "reorganized" out of the organization. The institutional

discourse shaped my behavior, and my role with employees became increasingly

binary-"us" versus "them." My managerial experience gives me a unique perspective

of leadership as higher education transitions into a corporate model. Although women

leaders are seen to promote cooperation and collaboration in organizations in contrast to

competitive and hierarchical systems, this poststructural study sought new patterns of

discourse, resistance, subjectivity, power and knowledge in higher education

administration.

Significance

The contribution of poststructuralist theoretical perspective is in its questioning

and its insistence on understanding the relationship between knowledge and power.

Also, people undergo particular conflict and fragmentation if the discourses within which

they are immersed are not aligned with each other. For instance, a woman administrator

may experience tension and stress as she tries to reconcile the discourse of educational

administration with that of mothering because the two make different demands on her

(Grogan, 2003). This study attempted to ascertain patterns of power and difference of

these women leaders.









Limitations

Besides the inherent limitations of small sample sizes and the inability to

generalize that stem from using a qualitative research design, there are other limitations

from a poststructural perspective. One problem associated with poststructuralism

involves a complicated view of power because its nature can be detrimental to the social

politics of resistance. This view of politics of difference is not "oppositional in

contesting the mainstream" (St. Pierre & Pillow, 2000, p. 67). Poststructuralists do not

focus on a simple hierarchical view of men oppressing women, but a view of systematic

genderized discourses where even "identity dissolves in a sea of meaningless differences,

nothing stable and secure will remain upon which a politics of resistance can be built"

(St. Pierre & Pillow, 2000, p. 64). Waugh stated that, "feminism cannot sustain itself as

an emancipatory movement unless it acknowledges its foundation in the discourses of

modernity" (Crotty, 1998, p. 195). Feminism as a political movement is dependent on a

critical binary state of "us" and "them," and historically, feminist research has stemmed

from the binary perspective of critical inquiry. However, instead of a hierarchical

pyramid where the top tier oppresses the others, the focus of poststructuralism is the

contextual interaction between individuals and institutions.

Another difficulty with poststructuralism is the implicit epistemological stance of

subjectivism. In subjectivism, "meaning does not come out of an interplay between

subject and object but is imposed on the object by the subject" (Crotty, 1998, p. 9). The

reader of the text is the creator of meaning (Crotty, 1998); thus, people form their own

interpretation of the text based on their own experiences, perceptions, and expectations.

As a researcher, my interpretation of the data was diffused through the lenses of my

subjectivity making even general conclusions and implications difficult. What grounded









the results is the support of the literature, and my persistent adherence to the theoretical

perspective. Before data analysis, I would spend hours immersing myself in

deconstructive thought and then clarify my bias with peer review and debriefing. During

my analysis, these practices averted my initial impressions to simply conform my data to

categories and cultivated the deconstructive complexity through repeated failure. This

"practice of failure" transformed, my "impossibility into possibility where a failed

account occasions new kinds of positioning" (Lather, 1996, p. 3). These "failures"

stimulated me to always look outside my own discourse. In this way, my practices

confronted the dangerous illusion of conventional scientific method that concludes that

the world is much simpler than it truly is, thus enlarging the textual representation

(Denzin & Lincoln, 2000).

While not all anticipated criticism can be considered, another limitation of this

study lies in the lack of comparison of these women's voices to men in leadership

positions. Men were not interviewed because of the preponderance of men's views in the

leadership discourse. The majority of the leadership and management literature have

been written by male authors and researchers. While male perspectives might have

widened the results, the emphasis of this research was on women's representation of

leadership in higher education. Adding male participants would have promoted further

delineation between genders thus lessening the benefits of a feminist postructural

perspective which encourages the avoidance of absolutes and an expanding of current

reality.















CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction

This chapter reviews the previous research done concerning the aspects of

women's identity as leaders, leadership itself, descriptions of power, and how women

negotiate power. Poststructuralism is a philosophical movement that examines the

production and negotiation of power. The term "feminism" has many layers of meaning,

which are clarified by Julia Kristeva, a poststructuralist with a feminist focus. Much

research has been done on women in academia. Much less has been written on women

leaders in higher education, although there are some historical writings about the

beginnings of women deans at the turn of the century. Adding to this history were

family memoirs about my great aunt who was one of the first deans of women in the

early twentieth century. This story begins the rhizome.

Predecessors-My Great Aunt Helen

After my sister's death, I longed to know those she had loved. When Kathryn

would visit our hometown, she would always go visit our Great Aunt Helen. Since I was

7 years younger, I never really understood her attraction to an older widow who lived in

an old clapboard house next to the campus of Bethel, the local Mennonite college. She

was born in 1890 and died in 1981, but her son was still alive and had some archives

from her life. I interviewed him and transcribed the text. In this interaction, I came to

understand parts of my legacy from a female predecessor as I developed my own voice.









I received an inheritance from a female kin who left signs of "strength, autonomy, or

courage that she will need in daring to aspire to a literary vocation" (O'brien, 1987,

p. 16).

Although she was a faithful Mennonite who stopped working as soon as she

married, my Great Aunt Helen gave those who knew her a familial resource for the social

construction of gender. Aunt Helen was the first women to graduate from Bethel College

in 1912, and later became Dean of Women until she married in 1920. She had taught at

the high school academy and taught German and "Elocution and Physical Culture" to

women college students during her years as dean. Aunt Helen was a charter member of

the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom and corresponded with Jane

Addams in Chicago, a prominent social reformer. As a Mennonite, she held to a pacifist

position and was very active in the league on a local level. Aunt Helen was also involved

in The Institute for International Relations, a movement for peace, which brought Martin

Luther King to speak at Bethel College in 1961. Her son was proud of her connection

with these organizations and her promotion of world peace.

Besides having a "practical Christian faith" which promoted peace, she inherited

an "intellectual curiosity" from her father Jacob. Great Aunt Helen had grown up in the

same house with her two aunts, Susan and Elizabeth Isaac, who were the first women

doctors in the state of Kansas during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. My father's

memoirs tell of how his father, Arnold Isaac, became a doctor because he wanted to be

able to own a car to make house calls (a 1912 Buick) like his aunts did. Therefore, my

great, great aunts were the beginning of a long line of physicians.

Aunt Helen was known to provide "thoughtful and attentive listening and

counseling," especially to new women coming to Bethel. Her son reminisced how she









had "this easy, natural way of talking (problems) through." Her son described her as a

"constant presence in the college community" who was involved in campus activities for

70 years. He also described her as having "devout, basic Christian convictions," "a

tolerant spirit" and as an individual who "was not rigid." In a transcribed interview in

1979, Aunt Helen spoke eloquently and considerately of others. For example, she spoke

highly of her one high school teacher, Professor Richert, who she said students, "got

along very well with him and appreciated him very much." Aunt Helen was remembered

by her family as having "a forgiving spirit and faith in the essential goodness of persons

even when they disappointed her." No wonder my sister liked visiting her.

Deans of Women

The image of the prudish, dowdy matrons or house mothers often comes to mind

when envisioning the women deans of the past. Initially Oberlin and Antioch colleges

had boarding houses for women students in the mid-1900s and to protect women from

the terrible "dangers" of male students with a female supervisor (Nidiffer & Bashaw,

2001, p. 136). Charles Finney, president of Oberlin, recommended to the University of

Michigan that they hire a "wise and pious matron" to supervise women students before

adding coeducation (Holmes, 1939, p. 109). The pattern of hiring "deans of women"

began in the 1890s in Midwestern coeducational colleges to chaperone the influx of

women students. This position played a historical role by being "the first systemic,

administrative response in higher education to cope with a new, and essentially

unwelcome, population" (Nidiffer & Bashaw, p. 136). This began the trend in higher

education of hiring administrators for new marginalized populations.

The battle of coeducation was a cause taken up for educational reformers who

wanted teachers, a largely female occupation. However, the campus environment was at









times openly hostile; therefore administrators sought deans of women. William Rainey

Harper's desire to make the University of Chicago a western Yale prompted him to hire

Alice Freeman Palmer, the former president of Wellesley College, as a history professor

and dean of women (Nidiffer & Bashaw, 2001). Palmer added Marion Talbot as her

assistant and in 1895 Talbot became dean when Palmer retired. Talbot was instrumental

in creating the National Association of Deans of Women (NADW) in 1916, which

transformed the housemother role into a profession. These women who were hired to

conduct bed checks and chaperone women actually were early advocates for females,

representing well-educated, well-qualified, and intelligent women who could "exercise

administrative skills and professional leadership" (Treichler, 1985, p. 24). Deans of

women provided leadership to help female students cope with the "chilly climate" of the

coeducational environment around 1900. Initially, finding housing for women students

was the primary work of these deans. Families were reluctant to send their daughters to

campuses that provided no housing and so boarding houses were used. As the numbers

of female students increased, women deans were able to procure dormitories and

scholarship halls for students. As female students became commonplace on Midwest

campuses, higher education provided opportunities where educated women could find

administrative positions; however, "some deans of women positions were analogous to

home economics departments for academics" where it "became a female ghetto of sorts

with the inevitable glass ceiling" (Nidiffer, 2000, p. 4).

The most influential women contributing to the evolution of the profession were

"Marion Talbot, University of Chicago, 1892-1925; Mary Bidwell Breed, Indiana

University, 1901-6; Ada Comstock, University of Minnesota, 1906-12; and Lois

Mathews, University of Wisconsin, 1911-18" (Nidiffer & Bashaw, 2001, p. 139). Talbot







16

founded the Association of Collegiate Alumnae (ACA), the predecessor of the American

Association of University Women (AAUW), and was the main proponent of the

professionalization of women deans. Breed's entrance to Indiana University met

resentment from male faculty and students, and from women students who thought they

did not need disciplining. Breed reversed these sentiments through collaboration and

self-government in an era that did not recognize women's contributions. Ada Comstock

helped women deans develop expertise and a scientific approach by articulating needs

and initiatives. Comstock was dedicated to providing women a "sense of community,

leadership roles, employment and intellectual opportunities" (Nidiffer & Bashaw, 2001,

p. 146). She devoted much energy in finding gainful employment and developing career

aspirations for women students. Lois Matthews, who was the first woman to pass

Harvard's Ph.D. examination in history, sought equal status for women deans as

members of the faculty. She negotiated having the title of dean and the rank of associate

professor at Wisconsin. Matthews, who published articles and a book on New England,

brought the deanship to the same intellectual height as her academic career. All these

women transformed the deanship from the role of house-mother to a profession that

eventually became student affairs.

Women in Academia

There is a plethora of feminist scholarly writings with a critical binary emphasis

with themes of subservience and silence. Joan Acker's (1990) theory of genderedd

organizations" recognized that organizational hierarchies are not gender neutral. Park

(1996) described a gendered division of labor where sex-neutral corporations and

bureaucracies are dominated by masculine structures that lead to advantages for males

and disadvantages for female employees. These concepts serve as reflections of







17

Foucault's "technologies of the self," which are concrete, socially and historically located

institutional practices which construct our sense of who we are. Higher education is

constituted of patriarchal hierarchies where women's status is considered marginalized

and equated with lesser competence and credibility; women perceive difficulty obtaining

research funds, conducting collaborative research with men, having their scholarly work

seen as inferior and devalued, and being rated more negatively by students than men on

student evaluations (Carroll, Ellis, & McCrea, 1991).

Acker and Feuerverger (1996) suggest that it is "what the university stands for,

and what it rewards and what it ignores, that is at issue" (p. 417). Women perceive a

gendered reward structure where research and administration are seen as masculine,

highly compensated skills, and teaching as an "emotional labor" that is considered

feminine and non-essential (Bellas, 1999). Park (1996) stated that "research separates

the men from the boys...and the women" (p. 50). In 1990, one study found that 43% of

male faculty but only 36% of female faculty taught 8 or less hours a week, while 11% of

female and 8% of male faculty spent greater than 17 hours per week teaching (Park,

1996). Differences in research productivity are explained by women's structural position

in departments where they carry heavier teaching loads, bear greater responsibility for

undergraduate education, have more service commitments, and less access to graduate

teaching assistants, as well as travel funds, research monies, and equipment. Women

spend more time on pedagogical efforts than men, creating collaborative learning

opportunities for students.

Promotion and tenure create considerable stress for women, although they often

publish more than their male counterparts to ensure promotion. Toutkoushian (1999)

found that women spend more time teaching and less doing research. They produce









lower levels of research output than men, but no difference was noted in the number of

citations received per article; less research output does not mean lower quality. Women

are less likely than men to be found among tenured faculty/full professors because they

progress at slower rates than men. While doctoral degrees granted to women have

increased from 14% in 1970 to 39% in 1995, they earn lower shares of doctorates in

engineering, mathematics, physical sciences, and business. Women obtained 21% of

educational doctorates in 1970 and 62% in 1995; women composed 33% of faculty at all

institutions in 1992, but 45% of part-time faculty (Toutkoushian, 1999). In 1992, women

composed 25% of full-time and 52% of part-time faculty in agriculture, 50% of full-time

and 57% of part-time in health sciences, and 28% of full-time and 43% of part-time

faculty in the social sciences (Toutkoushian, 1999).

Jean Baker Miller coined a phrase, "doing good and feeling bad" to describe

women's experience in academia (Acker & Feuerverger, 1996, p. 401). Acker and

Feuerverger interviewed 27 full and associate professors to gain an understanding of

women who had at least one promotion in higher education. These transcripts, full of

disillusionment, described women as working excessively hard, taking responsibility for

supporting others (colleagues and students), being "good department citizens," and

feeling bad (p. 408). These women perceived an unequal division of labor with women

working harder, and an expectation that women will take greater responsibility for the

nurturing and housekeeping side of academic life. They described a gendered division of

labor where "the fact that women have been seen as 'naturally' suited to [teaching] has

served to disguise its potential for exploitation and to discourage women from expressing

'outlaw emotions' such as envy and resentment that might be at odds with the caring

script" (Acker & Feuerverger, p. 402). This gendered division of labor assumes that









women will have primary responsibility for nurturing the young and serving men but

"receive little credit for doing so" (Acker & Feuerverger, p. 403). These women "sense

that the academic reward system is out of sync with their preferences, that they are

working harder than they should and that they have a disproportionate share of

responsibilities for the mundane service side of university work and for the emotional

well-beings of the students" (Acker & Feuerverger, p. 404). The repetitive themes of

inequality of workload, the expectation of caring for others, being "good department

citizens" and not feeling "good enough" in a reward system of constant assessment are

considered part of housewife roles, similar to those found in the historical discourse.

Women have to be nurturing or be considered failures or perfectionists and face "chilly

climate stories" (Acker & Feuerverger, p. 409). Men are not faced with the same

expectations.

Women, discouraged from pursuing their scholarly interests and workload, wish

to speak for women's equity in acts of resistance; however, outspoken women concerned

about the needs of female students will jeopardize their positions at the university. They

are expected to advocate for women's issues, but this places them in a position of

vulnerability where they may find themselves ridiculed, ignored, and disrespected

(Carroll, Ellis, & McCrea, 1991). Afraid of being perceived as "bitchy" and a target of

gossip and ridicule, these women find little other recourse but silence.

In response to internalized sexist messages, women tend to silence themselves

and accommodate others, rather than asserting their own opinions and feelings; however,

much of the burden for creating change has rested on the women faculty themselves

(Bronstein & Farnsworth, 1998). Those female professors who achieved success







20

sometimes distance themselves as a "queen bee," or in the best scenario, transition into a

women's advocate (Lincoln, 1986, p. 116).

Inappropriate sexual attention was reported significantly more often by women

than by men regardless of their length of time at the university. Women experienced

direct incidents of "harassing and discriminatory behaviors in their day-to-day

interactions more than did men" (Bronstein & Farnsworth, 1998, p. 565). Sexual

harassment is defined as "verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature, imposed on the

basis of sex that denies, limits or provides different .. treatment" (Paludi &

Barickman, 1991, as cited in Dey, Korn, & Sax, 1996, p. 151). With regard to academic

rank, professors and assistant professors reported harassment at a rate of one-half to one-

third of that reported by full professors. The study speculated that these results might

have occurred because these professors had longer employment at the institutions;

however, they concluded that sexual harassment has many inherent complexities with the

"interplay between the concepts of position power" (p. 169). What was not suggested is

that as women ascend the ranks of status, they also become a greater challenge to the

men around them and a greater target for interplays of power.

Women in Higher Education Administration

Women in higher education administration have achieved a greater height of

status and prestige. However, Sandler reported that female administrators "remain

concentrated in a small number of low-status areas that are traditionally viewed as

women's fields (nursing, home economics, education), or in care-taking roles (student

affairs), or in other academic support roles" (Park, 1996, p. 54). More women aspired to

lower-level administrative positions than men. Aspirations became nearly equal when

considering the position of university vice president, but few females aimed for the









position of university president. Many women wanted to serve as chair, or

director/coordinator of departments. This research seems to show that females perceive a

"glass ceiling," sensing obstacles that did not affect men in their climb up the career

ladder; females reported homemaking and child care as the toughest social barriers to

advancement (Shultz & Easter, 1997). In this same study, not one male out of 93 men

cited family responsibilities as a barrier to career advancement. Women also perceived

institutional barriers: heavy workloads, bureaucracy, higher education requirements and

lack of funds to meet them, committee demands, limited tenure tracks,

research/publication demands, and the "good old boys" network.

Very few males or females regarded opportunities for males and females as equal.

Marshall and Jones (1990) found no statistically significant relationship between

women's salaries, childbearing and administrative levels in higher education; however,

qualitative responses from 147 participants had 63% reporting that childbearing had a

negative effect while only 30% reported a positive effect. Family roles interrupt the

careers of women seeking administrative careers. Although women perceived that they

can begin families when they wish to and find that the satisfaction outweighs career

problems, women administrators pay a high personal price in maintaining their careers

(Marshall & Jones, 1990).

With regard to women in primarily male-dominated fields, women have

historically always played a subservient role, especially in medical fields as nurses and

technicians taking orders from the "male" physician. In 1949, women comprised 12% of

postwar medical school graduates. By the mid-50s this number dropped to 5%; this was

even lower than in 1941. In 1960, 758 women represented 5% of medical students

(Martin et al., 1988). This number has gradually increased since that time to 49.6% in









2005, and while these percentages give the appearance of a positive trend, in 2005

women represented 15% of all full professors teaching clinical medicine (AAMC Data

Book, 2005). Increased graduation rates have not reduced the prevalence of sexism, and

47% of women physicians have experienced gender-based harassment (harassment

related to being female in a male environment), and 37% reported sexual harassment that

included a physical component (Frank et al., 1998). In her book, Walking Out on the

Boys, Frances Conley (1998), a Stanford neurosurgeon, wrote that "medical school is and

remains an institution of rigid hierarchies-almost an archetypal patriarchal society"

(p. 4). The everyday world of physicians is shaped around a "rigid hierarchy of authority

and power," and "learn to normalize their experiences of mistreatment and abuse"

(Hinze, 2004, p. 103).

Higher education's statistics are slightly better. In the early 40s, women

represented 27.7% of all academic personnel. This number fell to 24.5% in 1950 then to

22% in 1960. Women earning PhDs dropped to 10% to 12% in the 1950s from 16% to

18% in the 1930s (Solomon, 1985). Historically, males have predominately comprised

most of higher education faculty. From 1925 to 2000, the percentage of female full-time

faculty has increased from 19% to 24%; in 1989, 22% of tenured faculty were female,

and in 1998, the number increased to 26% (Wenniger & Conroy, 2001). While women

hold 39% of all faculty positions, these positions are primarily adjunct and part-time.

With educational cutbacks, fewer tenure-track positions, and more restrictive criteria for

tenure, there is a new class of "gypsy scholars, an intellectual "proletariat" who are

predominately female (Park, 1996, p. 50).

In salaries, women faculty are paid 77% of what their male counterparts earn, just

a little more than the two-thirds level at which women were paid in the 50s. Part of this









difference is secondary to women being concentrated in the lower-paying fields such as

nursing and education. Gender has a "statistically significant direct, indirect, and total

effect on salary attainment, with men academics having higher earnings than women

colleagues when controlling for other variables" (Smart, 1991, p. 520). In 1969 men in

academia earned 30% more than women, in 1984 men earned 23% more, and in 1991

women earned 7% less (Toutkoushian, 1999). These studies among many others indicate

that higher education discriminates against women (Wenniger & Conroy, 2001). Some

have argued that women expect too much and should be socialized to cope with the

situation as it is. In reality, women accommodate to academia as it is; they are shaped by

and assimilate into its culture.

Leadership

Deconstructing the term "leadership" requires understanding its definition and

how it's used. In this section, an overview of the various characteristics of leadership

will be outlined with its associated skills, attitudes, and behaviors. "Leadership" is a

term that everyone seems to understand but have difficulty in defining (Perino & Perino,

1988). The terms "leadership" and the closely related term "management" are embedded

in a masculine discursive voice. Leadership has broader implications than management

and includes the achievement of organizational goals. One definition is whenever one

person attempts "to influence the behavior of an individual or group regardless of reason"

(Hershey, Blanchard, &Johnson, 2001, p. 9). Warren Bennis, a leadership scholar,

differentiated between management and leadership which further delineated the term

"leadership."

Leaders conquer the context-the volatile, turbulent, ambiguous surroundings that
sometimes seem to conspire against us and will surely suffocate us if we let
them-while managers surrender to it. The manager administrates; the leader







24

innovates .... The manager has his eye on the bottom line; the leader has his eye
on the horizon. The manager imitates; the leader originates. The manager
accepts the status quo; the leader challenges it .... Managers do things right;
leaders do the right things. (cited in Carter-Scott, 1994, p. 12)

Embedded phrases used such as "challenge," "conquer the context," "eye on the

bottom line" or "horizon," and "do the right things" not only distinguish between the

terms "leadership" and "management" but portray a pragmatic, hierarchical discourse.

Inherent in these phrases are an ideology of "best" and "worst." This ideology also

echoes the scientific management approach of Fredrick Taylor, the production of

efficiency.

Several authors identify and define characteristics of good leaders. Passow

(1988) viewed leadership as a group interaction with situational goals and with the ability

to help others achieve goals. Sergiovanni (1990) identified four styles of leadership:

bargaining, building, bonding, and banking. He defines a successful leader as one who

strives to become a leader of leaders, has the ability to create other leaders, and embodies

a commitment to ideas, values, and beliefs instead of power and control; these

characteristics allow for a moral rather than institutional or psychological authority

(Sergiovanni, 1990). Karnes and Chauvin (2005) proposed that leaders should possess a

fundamental understanding of leadership as well as skills for speech, written

communication, character-building, decision-making, problem-solving, personal, group

dynamics, and planning. These authors also believe that these skills are teachable and are

assessed through their leadership training programs.

Porter (1989) viewed the promotion of "ownership" by leaders created effective

empowerment. These leaders must listen and recognize the value in others, create

opportunities for progressive roles for others, reward competency, negotiate barriers,









promote collegial interaction, and create teams for organizational problem solving, and

help individuals understand how their roles contribute to the collective whole. All these

behaviors are to be done without managing and controlling.

"Power," an important structure in leadership discourse, is defined as "influence

potential," where different types of power are emphasized to "maximize effectiveness"

(Hershey, Blanchard, & Johnson, 2001, p. 204). Leaders use power to create change.

These authors distinguish between different types of power using language such as

"coercive," "connective," "reward," "legitimate," "referent," "informative," and "expert"

power (p. 213). Power is defined and identified, but also segmented into strata for a

hierarchical leadership discourse.

How men and women enact power illustrates the oppositional discourse between

masculine and feminine leadership. In a 1998 study, Brunner and Schumaker found that

male superintendents tended to use power to achieve their own view of a community's

common good rather than using their position to pursue the collective common good.

The "power-over" concept was thought to be a masculine concept of power; although

Brunner reported that the power-over is not the concept of power that every man holds.

There has been less research on the "power-with" concept of power, which is considered

feminine in nature. While not exclusively feminine, this concept of power is illustrated

in topics such as collaborative decision-making, site-based management, and authentic

participation where power is collective (Harstock, 1987; Habermas, 1986; Isaac, 1993;

Kanter, 1977, 1979; Miller, 1993; Wartenberg, 1990). Hannah Arendt (1972) described

this concept of power as acts of cooperation to establish relationships among people to

solve difficult social conditions. Miller (1993) suggested that women's identities demand

that power is used to benefit the broader community and not used selfishly or







26

destructively. In a study of women in state legislatures, Kirkpatrick (1974) found women

searched for solutions to serve the common good where men competed to advance their

own interests.

The "power-over" and "power-with" concepts of power are reminiscent of Jane

Roland Martin's (1985) description of the productive/reproductive dichotomy of societal

processes. Martin believed that these societal processes are gender related as well as the

traits our culture associates with them. According to American stereotypes, men are

"objective, analytical, rational, interested in ideas and things; they have no interpersonal

orientation; they are not nurturant or supportive, empathic or sensitive" (Martin, 1985,

p. 193). The productive processes include political, cultural, and economic tasks and

functions, where the reproductive processes include caring for the family, helping the

sick, and running the household. Kirkpatrick's finding that women leaders are motivated

to serve the common good is a trait genderization that extols the feminine virtues of

nurturance and care. These virtues have historically motivated women to create solutions

for societal problems and thus aspire to leadership. The authorial voice and practice of

white male administrators has created a productive discourse relegating the reproductive

processes of service and nurturing to the ontologicall basement" (Martin, 1985, p. 15).

Examining the extensive literature on "leadership" also provides a window into

the authorial voice. Typical leadership book titles include Leading with Soul, Leadership

on the Line, Managing by Values, and Dare to Lead. When the reader opens the cover of

these books, the table of contents reveals sensationalized phrases as its own discursive

practice. A table of contents of a typical book, 100 Ways to Motivate Others, uses

phrases such as "creating a dynamic work place," "coach the outcome," "be the cause not

the effect," "accelerate change," "score the performance," "lead from the front," "use









your best time for your biggest challenge," "coach your people to complete," "make it

happen today," "pump up your e-mails," "deliver the reward," and "decide to be great"

(Chandler & Richardson, 2005). This language is used to develop leadership skills and to

motivate people, suggesting that all people can become leaders (Passow, 1988). These

embedded symbols portray a pragmatic, hierarchical discourse.

These authors emphasize the "game" aspect of leadership. Winning is what's

important to the players and supercedes collaboration and cooperation, typically a more

feminine approach to leadership. Leadership is typically a vertical process, a top-down

mentality where a horizontal approach to leadership builds teamwork and unity in an

organization. The intersection between the vertical and horizontal balance helps define

the style of leadership in the organization. A horizontal leadership promotes

collaboration and empowerment of followers, but can slow the decision-making process.

Academia historically has been an institution where professors with tenure have the

power of job security. These academic elites can be very vocal in their demands of

leadership without direct impunity. However, greater accountability creates pressure

within institutions to perform, and faculty sense with disillusionment the vertical

movement of power associated with a loss of decision-making and ownership of the

goals of the institution.

Metaphors are used as a "device of the poetic imagination and the rhetorical

flourish-a matter of extraordinary rather than ordinary language" (Lakoff & Johnson,

1980, p. 3). The metaphor represents the everyday functioning and defines perceptual

realities. Metaphorical language is an important source of evidence of what is the lived

experience of people. To understand subjectivity is to understand that discourses

systematically form the objects of which they speak (Sarup, 1988, p. 70). Therefore, a







28

man or woman who becomes an administrator is shaped or subjectified by that discourse.

Because poststructuralism suggests that discourse forms the objects of which they speak,

it was important to examine the language of these women leaders.

Academic leaders have greater pressure to conserve resources and manage

personnel more effectively than ever before. Since the 1980s, the changing culture of

neoliberalism means "fewer workers must produce more for less; globalization is widely

invoked as the inexorable force that makes this imperative rational" (Peters, 2001,

p.316). This umbrella of neo-liberalism sees corporate and government involvement as

replacing "privacy and freedom from interference with passivity, dependence, the

colonization of individual wills," and advocates "policies promoting privatization,

consumer sovereignty, user-pays, self-reliance, and individual enterprise, as the solution

to all economic and social ills" (p.125). For many workers the result is white and blue

collar jobs that are benefit-free, temporary, and easily replaceable; far fewer jobs are

permanent, full-time positions.

Higher education is not exempt from these trends. The Organization for

Economic Cooperation and Development's (OECD, 1987) publication, Universities

Under Scrutiny, recommended that existing institutions "adapt: more career-oriented

courses; greater emphasis on applied research and development; planning for technology

transfer and knowledge diffusion; greater accountability and responsiveness of

institutions; increased productivity and efficiency" (p. 3). Henry Giroux (2001) describes

the new hidden curriculum of higher education as the "creeping vocationalization and

subordination of learning to the dictates of the market" (p. 34). In this climate of

accountability, performance becomes a kind of ontology in the "discourse of quality"

(Luke, 2001, p. 62). Lyotard (1979/1984) called this institutional representation









"performativity." Administration and faculty are being driven to greater accountability

and efficiency as never before.

The Binary of Feminism

Feminism means "essentially that a women's or gender perspective is applied to a

variety of social phenomena" (Alvesson & Skoldberg, 2001, p. 209). There have been

multiple brands of feminism, ranging from liberal feminism that primarily seeks sex

equality to radical feminism that "distances itself from the male-dominated society in its

entirety" (p. 209). Male-dominated society is characterized by "individualism, hierarchy,

lack of feeling, impersonality, the competitive mentality, etc" (p. 212). The thesis that

supports this brand of feminism is that the relationship between the sexes is one of

"inequality and oppression" (Macey, 2000, p. 123).

The term "feminism" was first used in the 1830s. Socialist Charles Fourier stated

that, "the degree of women's emancipation was the measure of the emancipation of

society as a whole" (Macey, 2000, p. 123). The term became more widely used in the

1890s during the suffragette movement in Britain and the United States. Most historians

would agree that modem feminism emerged from the French and American revolutions.

In France, Olympe de Gouges published Declaration of the rights of women and of the

female citizen, and in England, Mary Wollstonecraft published The Vindication of the

Rights of Woman. The campaign to obtain the vote was considered the first wave of

feminism, and the second was the women's liberation movement of the 1970s, with

Simone de Beauvoir and Betty Friedan as catalysts of the women's movement. Since the

1980s, there has been a backlash of criticism against feminism fought largely by the

media which stated feminism had "gone too far" (Macey, p. 124). However, in the 90s, a

new generation of feminists contended that women must abandon the old "victim









feminism" in favor of "power feminism" (p. 124), which promotes economic equality

with men, and a focus on liberation for both genders.

Social Feminism: Victimization and Power

The second wave of feminism emphasized the gender differences in power.

Feminist reproduction theorists share a belief "in the power of material historical analysis

and a focus on the relationship of class and gender" (Weiler, 2003, p. 272). Feminist

reproduction theory focuses on how schooling reproduces existing gender inequalities

grounded in Marxist ideology of a connection between schooling and the paid labor

force. Women's oppression is reproduced in schools and is represented in the paid

workforce and domestic work. Social reproduction is defined as "the reproduction of

relationships to and control over economic production and work" (p. 273). The concern

here is with how schools "work ideologically to prepare girls to accept their role as low

paid or unpaid workers in capitalism" (p. 273). Rosemary Deem (1980) echoed this by

stating,

it is clear from almost all the chapters that the reproduction in schooling of gender
categories, of class, of the sexual division of labor, of the relations of patriarchy,
plays a significant part in the maintenance of the subordinate position of women
in our society, whether in paid work, public life or the family. (p. 11)

In their research on authority patterns and staffing, Kelly and Nihlen (1982) found

a decline of women in higher paying and higher status jobs from the 1950s through the

1970s. Kelly and Nihlen describe girls' display of resistance by enrolling in higher

education, although primarily in community colleges. Women construct their identities

"through different definitions of what it means to be a woman from their families, their

peers, the school, the media, ... and that this involves both contradictions and conflict"

(Weiler, 2003, p. 279). Anyon (1983) argued that women employ a "simultaneous









process of accommodation and resistance" (Cited in Weiler, 2003, p. 289). The line is

not always clear whether "exaggerated feminine behavior or acquiescence to school

authority can be viewed as accommodation or resistance" (p. 289). Cloward and Piven

(1979) suggested that "the failure of girls and women to participate in public antisocial

groups and activities is the result of a certain psychological tendency to turn opposition

and anger inward in private, self-destructive activities" (Cited in Weiler, 2003, p. 290).

Women gain power by utilizing different roles. To excel in higher educational

leadership, there must be a creative interplay of power between leaders, peers, and

subordinates, coordinating the different roles.

Although the critical perspective is a common way of viewing feminism,

poststructural theory adds depth to the nature of construction of gender identity.

Poststructuralism suggest that within organizations, systems of speech, symbols and

practices divide and "provide a cultural curriculum that disciplines participants to the

meaning of institutional categories" (Davidson, 1994, p. 336). Davidson asserts that

"meanings are enforced in the context of relationships as individuals, and in the attempt

to make sense of each other, attempt to force others into patterns of normative behavior"

(p. 336). Julia Kristeva, a French psychoanalyst philosopher, described these succeeding

generations of feminism in light of poststructuralism.

Kristeva's Poststructural View of Feminism

Julia Kristeva was the only woman philosopher in the 1960s and 1970s to usher in

poststructuralism alongside Foucault and Derrida. Poststructuralism looked at systems

diachronically through process and time using history, process, change, and events, and

Kristeva's writings focused on issues of gender and postmodernism. Kristeva's writings

were overshadowed by the works of Jacques Derrida, who created a way to









"deconstruct" language, but Kristeva's unique contribution was to dynamizee" the

structure by considering "the speaking subject and its unconscious experience on the one

hand and, on the other, the pressures of other social structures" (McAfee, 2004, p. 7).

Kristeva focused on subjectivity where the subject is shaped by all kinds of

phenomena: their culture, relationships, language, history, and contexts. Subjects are not

aware of these phenomena and that dimension is called the "unconscious" (McAfee,

2004, p. 2). McAfee stated that "instead of seeing language as a tool used by selves, those

who use the term subjectivity understand that language helps produce subjects" (p. 2).

Kristeva believed that linguistically the signifying process has two modes: the semiotic

and the symbolic. The semiotic is the extra-verbal way in which bodily energy, including

the subject's drives, is reflected through language. Although much of the nonverbal

communication of body position, gestures, and visceral energy that is associated with

movement was not available via recorded tape in this research (Behar-Horenstein &

Sigel, 1999), the semiotic in language is emotive and makes itself felt. The transcribed

data is a representation of the symbolic, which is the sign system complete with grammar

and syntax; however, the semiotic can be discharged into the symbolic and thus the

dichotomies are intertwined (McAfee, 2004). The symbolic is the sign system complete

with grammar and syntax. Scientists attempt to communicate through symbolic language

with as little ambiguity as possible while artists use expressions that exemplify the

semiotic (McAfee, 2004). The semiotic and symbolic in combination produces types of

discourse and cultural practices.

In Women's Time, Kristeva describes three generations of European feminism.

By generations, Kristeva means "less a chronology than a signifying space, a mental

space that is at once corporeal and desirous" (1995, p. 222). The first space is located









prior to 1968, where women sought all the rights and privileges that men had. Women

deserved equal rights because they were "just like" men; there were no important

differences between genders. These feminists' goal was to "inhabit the time of linear

history, where women's accomplishments could be inserted in the linear timeline of

human history" (McAfee, 2004, p. 93). Women's time in the household was not linear

but cyclical-cleaning, sleeping, and birthing, where nothing new is created, just

recreated. Kristeva's women's time is a reflection of Martin's reproductive processes. In

1980, Kristeva stated that women's protest must be more than for the equality of rights,

but must consist "in demanding that attention be paid to the subjective, particularly that

an individual represents in the social order, of course, but also and above all in relation to

what essentially differentiates that individual which is the individual's sexual difference"

(Guberman, 1996, p. 116). What distinguishes women from men is not just biological,

but it is also the social and symbolic orders that create the dimensions of a larger system.

Kristeva suggests that "women's demands cannot be met by identifying with the system

or by asking the system to identify with them" (McAfee, 2004, p. 96).

After 1968, feminists looked to clarify the differences between men and women

in respect to power, language, and meaning (Kristeva, 1995). While the first generation

diminished difference, the second generation began to emphasize revaluing all that is

feminine. This included a rejection of male linear timeline and a return to cyclical time

and an embrace of motherhood but with continued demands for equality. The danger of

the second generation's revolt lies in the fact that sometimes, "by fighting against evil,

we reproduce it, this time at the core of the social bond the bond between men and

women" (Kristeva, 1995, p. 214). Creating a counterculture leads to a kind of reverse

sexism that erases women's individuality.







34

With a rejection of the essentialist first and second waves of feminism, came the

embrace of poststructural theory throughout the 1980s and 1990s. This essentialist

construction of feminine subjectivity "gave way to one celebrating identity politics based

on kaleidoscopic difference and diversity, hybridity and multiplicity" (Luke, 2001,

p. 11). The intention of the third generation is to "combine the sexual with the symbolic

in order to discover first the specificity of the feminine and then the specificity of each

woman" (Kristeva, 1995, p. 210). This generation gives balance to the reproductive and

productive desires of women where they can reconcile the need to have children and a

career. Women can be "both reproducers of the species and producers of culture"

(McAfee, 2004, p. 100). In the first two generations, the choice always seemed to be the

self-abnegating activity of motherhood versus the self-affirming activity of culture. Now

If maternity is to be guilt-free, this journey needs to be undertaken without
masochism and without annihilating one's affective, intellectual, and professional
personality, either. In this way, maternity becomes a true creative act, something
that we have not yet been able to imagine. (Kristeva, 1995, p. 220)

The goal is to internalize the rivalries of the difference thus celebrating the individualism

of each person's identity that "patches together a diversity of ethnic, regional, sexual,

professional, and political identifications" (McAfee, 2004, p. 102). This practice is

consistent with the poststructural focus of Kristeva on diversity of identification and the

relativity of our symbolic and biologic selves. In conclusion, the third generation is less

about gaining rights and more about gains for all humans. This rejection of

metanarratives and universalisms coincides with the cultural changes evident in

globalization (Luke, 2001). Instead of "patriarchy" being the culprit for oppression of

women, the responsibility lies equally on all human beings who are both equally guilty

and equally capable of bringing about a new ethics (McAfee, 2004, p. 102). Gender







35

difference becomes not "masochistic or constraining, but, rather, productive and freeing

for women and their sexuality" (McAfee, 2004, p. 103). Rather than focusing on the

hierarchies of male versus female, the goal is to recognize our internal rivalries and

sweep off our side of the street first.

Kristeva's important works included a book about political philosopher Hannah

Arendt, who analyzed the life of Jewess Rahel Varnhagen. Rahel (1771-1833) was a

product of Jewish social affluence, benefiting from the philo-Semitism of Fredric II of

Prussia and later facing the hostility of the nobility class. The new regime of 1810,

which professed Enlightenment ideals of equality, also rekindled latent anti-Semitism.

Rahel was passionate about literature and philosophy and maintained one of the most

fascinating romantic salons, frequented by such famous people as Prince Louis-

Ferdinand of Russia, the Humbolt brothers, and even Goethe. Kristeva's book, Hannah

Arendt, attempted to show aspects of "the manner in which assimilation to the

intellectual and social life of the environment works out concretely in the history of an

individual's life, thus shaping a personal destiny" (Kristeva, 2001, p. 53). Arendt

interpreted Rahel's fate as a view of a "failed assimilation" (p. 53). This failure was

from the perspective of being Jewish in a cultural era of Catholicism and Enlightenment

universalism. Arendt suggested that Rahel's struggle against the fact of being born

Jewish became a struggle against herself, and that Rahel's illusion is her belief that her

guests "authenticate her even though in truth they are utterly indifferent to her" (p. 57).

Rahel eventually changed to a German name and was baptized; however, all her social

actions failed to integrate her into the German nation, and panicked by her lack of

assimilation, Rahel asked, "Can one get entirely away from what one truly is?" (Arendt,

1958/1997, p. 243)







36

This psychosocial depiction demonstrates the impact when people deviate outside

the cultural norm. Women in leadership positions assimilate into a masculine world. An

example of the effects of assimilation is revealed by professional women who suffer from

internal conflict regarding family obligations. Women decide whether to prioritize career

over other pursuits such as motherhood and caring for their family, choices that do not

traditionally impact men. Kristieva's contribution on how women negotiate power and

the effect on their identities is important to the context of this study.

Summary

Research has traditionally been conducted primarily by men, and the "results to

some extent bear the imprint of certain male-tinted assumptions, priorities, foci and even

scientific ideas and methodologies" (Alvesson & Skoldberg, 2001, p. 212). The

dominating rules of science are part of patriarchal domination, and a feminist standpoint

of research is legitimate by "women's concrete experiences of discrimination and

repression" (Alvesson & Skoldberg, p. 230). "Feminism as a Western social movement

has had a profound influence on the daily lives of women and men by challenging

patriarchy at every turn" (St. Pierre & Pillow, 2000, pg. 2). Discrimination and

patriarchy influence the environment that women leaders must negotiate.















CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY

Introduction: Epistemology and Theoretical Framework

The literature review provided an overview of feminism and its historical

foundations that has formed systems of power and knowledge in educational institutions.

The ambiguous nature of feminist poststructuralism requires a review of the theoretical

foundations and methods that form the basis of this research. Poststructuralism adopts

difference, heterogeneity, fragmentation, shifting identities of subjects and the absence of

certainty; there is a lack of decidability of interpretation (Schwandt, 2001). This

theoretical perspective embraces abstract methodologies such as rhizoanalysis and

deconstruction as research strategies. Although poststructuralism lacks the definitiveness

of modernist approaches, the methodology and methods using this perspective can be

grounded theoretically.

There are four elements in developing a research proposal. The researcher must

use appropriate methodologies and methods that are justified in the theoretical

perspective. Epistemology (how we know what we know) is the theory of knowledge

embedded in the theoretical perspective and thus in the methodology (Crotty, 1998).

Modernism has great faith in the ability to reason to discover absolute forms of

knowledge, while postmodern approaches refuse all appearance of essentialist

orientations of modernist thought. The quest for certainty, characteristic of an objectivist

epistemology, has not only been found wanting but also is thought to be a futile and

dysfunctional search. A subjectivist epistemology versus objectivism is committed to









"ambiguity, relativity, fragmentation, particularity, and discontinuity" (Crotty, 1998, p.

185). Hargreaves (1994) suggests that using subjectivism involves "denying the

existence of foundational knowledge on the grounds that no knowable social reality

exists beyond the signs of language, image, and discourse" (p. 39). Language forges the

immersion of discourse. The key to using a poststructuralist approach is characterizing

the differences found in signs of language, image and discourse.

Poststructuralism emerged out of an intellectual movement that was dissatisfied

with the confines of structuralism, a movement based on Saussurean linguistics, and is

linked to the work of the French writers, Foucault, Lyotard, Derrida, and Kristeva (Craib,

1992; Grogan, 2003; Sarup, 1988). Post-structualists believe that, "language, meaning,

social institutions and the self are destabilized" (Palmer, 1998, p. 145). Discourse is the

vehicle that guides this process. Discourse is described as an intersubjective

phenomenon that "is not a direct product of subjectivity and has a constituent role in the

production of the symbolic systems that govern human existence" (Macey, 2000, p.100).

This definition of discourse was based on Foucault's discursive formation, which he

described as "homogeneous fields of enunciative regularities" (Foucault, 1972/2002, p.

117). For Foucault (1972/2002), "relations of force and power are involved at every

level of a discursive formation; ... knowledge is always a form of power" (p. 101).

Discursive practices are a

body of anonymous, historical rules, always determined in the time and space that
have defined a given period, and for a given social, economic, geographical, or
linguistic area, the conditions of operation of the enunciative function. (Foucault,
p. 117)

Deconstructionism is "a poststructural strategy for reading texts that unmasks the

supposed 'truth' or meaning of text by undoing, reversing, and displacing taken-for-







39

granted binary opposition that structure texts (e.g., right over wrong, subject over object,

reason over nature, men over women, speech over writing, and reality over appearance)"

Schwandt, 2001, p. 203-4). While there are inherent dualisms in the text, deconstruction

destabilizes the binaries. Instead of a hierarchical pyramid where the top tier oppresses

the others, the focus is the contextual interaction between individuals and institutions.

Rhizome

This study examined the concept of women's leadership using rhizoanalysis and

then deconstructing unfolded binaries. The rhizome "has no beginning or end; it is

always in the middle, between things, intervening, intermezzo" (Deleuze & Guattari,

1980/1987, p. 25). A rhizome is an underground tuber that diverges into new places.

A rhizome ceaselessly establishes connections between semiotic chains,
organizations of power, and circumstances relative to the arts, sciences, and social
struggles. A semiotic chain is like a tuber agglomerating very diverse acts, no
only linguistic, but also perceptive, mimetic, gestural, and cognitive. (Deleuze &
Guattari, 1980/1987, p. 7)

Rhizoanalyisis emphasizes on how texts function outside of themselves as they connect

with other contexts, beliefs, and readers. The image is of the nomad deterritorializing

consciously structured striated space. Deleuze and Guattari use these spaces together;

"smooth space is constantly being translated, transversed into a striated space; striated

space is constantly being reversed, returned into a smooth space" (1980/1987, p. 474).

Nomadic researchers travel to smooth spaces as they always possess a "greater power of

deterritorialization than the striated" (p. 480). As a researcher, my personal experiences

and readings connected the findings into new areas of thought. St. Pierre explained that,

"a nomadic ethnographer speeding within connections and conduits and multiplicities

might gnaw a smooth space to extend her territory" (St. Pierre & Pillow, 2000, p. 264).









The image of the fold helps the researcher think differently (St. Pierre, 1997).

The fold disrupts the notion of interiority, since it defines "the inside as the operation of

the outside" (Deleuze, 1986/1988, p. 97). The folds function is to avoid the simplistic

reversal of binaries, and its function is to "avoid distinction, opposition, fatal binarity"

(Badiou, 1994, p. 61). The fold seeks the middle and avoids extremes and opposites.

Although the participants distinguished their binaries, my task was to search for

contradictions and discrepancies in the text as they collapsed on each other. "What

matters is folding, unfolding, refolding" (Deleuze, 1988/1993, p. 137). In this context,

this study looked for how the identities of the participants unfolded within the

hierarchical binaries of the social strata.

Derrida expanded these post-structural concepts with deconstruction. "The very

meaning and mission of deconstruction is to show that things-texts, institutions,

traditions, societies, beliefs, and practices of whatever size and sort you need-do not

have definable meanings and determinable missions, that they are always more than any

mission would impose, that they exceed the boundaries they currently occupy" (Caputo,

1997, p. 31). Derrida believed that logocentric reasoning privileges one of two sides of

binary opposites, and that, "the prioritizing of one pole over the other displays mere

cultural manipulations of power, and to show that, under deconstructive scrutiny, these

opposition break down and collapse into each other" (Palmer, 1998, p. 134). For

example, democracies are constantly evolving and may represent the best form of

government, but they are corrupted by money, politicians, and the media, often

undermining the poor and defenseless via the hypocrisy under the guise of reform

(Caputo, 1997). Deconstruction seeks to question those revered things by exposing the

most venerable to attack. Deconstruction is "nourished by a dream of the invention of









the other, of something to come, something absolutely unique and idiomatic, the

invention, the in-coming, of an absolute surprise" (Caputo, 1997, p. 70). Such resistance

is deconstruction's mission. Deconstruction desires "straight" men to get in touch with

their feminine side, and "straight" women get in touch with their masculine side (Caputo,

1997, p. 104). In Derrida's view, "male" and "female" are fixed containers, prisons,

trapping men no less than women within one place, one role, closing off the possibility of

"innumerable" genders, not just two" (Caputo, 1997, p. 104-5). While feminism

provides a "necessary moment of "reversal," a salutary overturning that purges the

system of its present masculinist hegemony, it must give way to "displacement," and

"gender bending" in which the whole "masculine/feminine schema is skewed" (Caputo,

1997, p. 105). So Derrida's term difference, is the interplay of difference where as

researchers "search for meaning, therefore, we are sent to difference, and meaning is

deferred" (Crotty, 1998, p. 207). Differance captures the twin significance of difference

and deferral. Every element of discourse is bears "the trace within it of other elements in

the chain, so that everywhere there are differences of differences and traces of traces"

(Derrida, 1981, p. 26).

Research Method: Interviewing

The method used to gain understanding of participants' identity construction was

the interview. We are in an "interview society" (Silverman, 1998, p. 126), where mass

media, researchers, and service providers generate endless information through

interviewing. Historically, individuality did not exist in a recognizable social form

(Gubrium & Holstein, 2003). After WWII, the interview changed with the emergence of

the standardized survey where individuals became accustomed to offering information to

strangers. It was recognized that each person had a voice, thus there was a









"democratization of opinion" (Gubrium & Holstein, 2003, p. 22). This view stemmed

from William James who, in 1892, noted that every individual has a sense of self that is

owned and controlled by him, even if the self is socially formulated and interpersonally

responsive (Holstein & Gubrium, 2003). All interviews are interactional conversations

that vary from highly structured survey interviews to free-flowing exchanges (Silverman,

1998).

Poststructural Interviewing

The outcome to research on the democratization of opinion through the survey

was part of a trend of "increased surveillance in every day life" (Gubrium & Holstein,

2003, p. 24). Foucault's studies on the discursive formation changed the concept of

individuality. The institutional contexts ranging from the medical clinic to the prison

showed us how the "technologies of the self" transformed the view of subjectivity.

Subjectivity suggests a morally responsible agent behind the participant's words and

actions, such as the family, community or institution (Gubrium & Holstein, 2003).

Foucault's "technologies of the self" are the concrete, socially and historically located

institutional practices which constructs our individuality. Postmodernists treat

interviewing as a place in which knowledge is constructed, and suggest that the interview

is not a neutral "conduit," but a "place of producing reportable knowledge itself"

(Silverman, 1998, p. 114).

The postmodern perspective suggests that the researcher and participants have

multiple intentions and desires, some of which are conscious and some of which are not.

The poststructural perspective sees language as slippery and ambiguous; sign and

signification are only loosely linked (Saussure, 1949/1983). What a question or answer

means to the interviewee may change, and what occurs in a specific interview is







43

contingent on the specifics of individuals, place, and time (Mishler, 1986). Changing the

interviewer changes the results, even if the new interviewer asks the same questions.

Scheurich (1995) agrees that interviewing is characterized by asymmetries of

power, but suggests an alternative view. With the power inequities, there is resistance as

described by critical theorists such as Apple, Giroux, Weiler, and Freire. However, the

less powerful "find innumerable, creative, even powerful ways to resist inequity"

(Weiler, 1988, p. 21). Weiler suggests that "individuals are not simply acted upon by

abstract 'structures' but negotiate, struggle, and create meaning of their own" (p. 21).

Interviewees control part of the interview and "use the interviewer as much as the

interviewer uses the interviewees" (Scheurich, 1995, p. 247). Scheurich replaces the

critical binary with an open-ended third space he calls "chaos." Resistance persists as

long as dominance persists, therefore "in the interview the aims of the researcher may not

be met by the participants" (Scheurich, 1995, p. 248).

The interview interaction is a complex play of conscious and unconscious

thoughts, feelings, fears, and needs on the part of both the interviewer and interviewee

that cannot be categorized-no stable "reality" can be represented (p. 249). This

interpretive moment occurs throughout the research process as "a plethora of baggage"

(p. 249). This interpretive moment is why a reasonable comprehensive subjectivity

statement regarding this "baggage" is necessary. During the interview with women

administrators, there were allowances for the "uncontrollable play of power within the

interaction," (p. 250) and the juxtaposition of power that occurred. Although they have

power as given by their positions, the power interchange was equalized by the presence

of my tape recorder and their "knowing" that my analysis might be different than their

own perspective of themselves.









Participants and Setting

Ten women administrators were interviewed in their offices on campus at a

research one university in the Southeastern United States. Interviewees were selected

using the criterion sampling method on the basis of their length of service as

administrators and willingness to participate. Interviewees all had been in a supervisory

position in higher education for at least three years. Five interviewees were full deans

and five were associate deans. Five women were from historically male-dominated fields

and the five others from female-dominated fields and/or colleges. A male-versus

female-dominated field is defined as a college within the university system with greater

than 50% male or female faculty respectively. Table 1 depicts the participants'

pseudonyms and general attributes.

Table 1. Participants' pseudonyms and general attributes
Pseudonyms College Dean or Associate
Abe MD Associate
Bennett FD Associate
Dare MD Dean
Dunlap FD Associate
Emmett FD Dean
Highe MD Dean
Langer FD Dean
Sasser MD Associate
Vitalia MD Dean
Wilson FD Associate

Confidentiality was adhered to according to the University of Florida's IRB

guidelines and policies. Participants' privacy and anonymity was respected and

protected by the researcher by using pseudonyms in all writings. Correspondence was

limited to direct contact with participants via mail, telephone, or e-mail. These

procedures reflect the researcher's sensitivity toward interviewees and prevented any

harm from their participation in this study. I had no previous contact with the









interviewees to avert prejudgment and to create an unbiased presence during the

interviews.

Data Collection Methods

Using a semi-structured interview approach, campus-based interviews ranged

from 45 to 100 minutes in duration. Written consent was obtained. All tapes were

transcribed by professional transcribers, and then reviewed and corrected by the

researcher. The transcriptions were member checked by the participants for validation

purposes. Interview questions included the following:

* Can you give me some background information?
* What made you a leader?
* What is leadership?
* How has your self been changed as a result of your leadership?
* What differences does being a woman make in your leadership?
* Describe the influences of power on your leadership?
* How do you use and produce power?
* How has your leadership changed?
* Describe a situation that best illustrates your leadership.
* Is there anything that you would like to add?

Validity and Trustworthiness

Validity has also been referred to as "trustworthiness" (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000,

p. 230). Means of assessing trustworthiness or research validity is, however, an issue

that should be thought about during research design as well as in the midst of data

collection, as it is often addressed in one's research proposal. Some tools used to

enhance the validity in this study included triangulation, peer review and debriefing,

negative case analysis, clarification of researcher bias, member checking, search for

negative cases, rich, thick description, and external audit (Creswell, 1998). However, a

feminist poststructural perspective requires unique considerations. Richardson (1997)









proposed a transgressive form of validity by examining the properties of a crystal in a

metaphoric sense:

I propose that the central imaginary for "validity" for postmodernist texts is not
the triangle-a rigid, fixed, two-dimensional object. Rather the central imaginary
is the crystal, which combines symmetry and substance with an infinite variety of
shapes, substances, transmutations, multidimensionalities, and angles of
approach. Crystals grow, change, alter, but are not amorphous. Crystals are
prisms that reflect externalities and refract within themselves, creating different
colors, patterns, arrays, casting off in different directions.... Crystallization,
without losing structure, deconstructs the traditional idea of "validity" (we feel
how there is no single truth, we see how texts validate themselves); and
crystallization provides us with a deepened, complex, thoroughly partial
understanding of the topic. Paradoxically, we know more and doubt what we
know. (p. 92)

Lather (1993) also seeks a transgressivee" validity that is disruptive for the status

quo which purposes to "rupture validity as a regime of truth, to displace its historical

inscription via a catalytic validity or a proliferation of counter-practices of authority

that take the crisis of representation into account" (p. 674). Lather also posed validty as a

Derridean rigor/rhizomatic validity, "via relay, multiple openings; networks, and

complexities of problematics" and a voluptuous/situated validity which "embodies a

situated, partial tentativeness," "constructs authority via practices of engagement and

self-reflexivity," and "brings ethics and epistemology together" (p. 686).

The crisis of representation conceives that no interpretive account can capture

lived experience, which combined with the crisis of legitimation challenges the authority

of the interpretive text, creating a crisis of praxis-conclusion (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000).

The definition of this last crisis is that if society is only and always a text, no definitive

conclusions can be made to create social and political reform. This triple crisis occurred

in the 1980s where validity verification procedures such as Creswell's were retheorized









to include those of Richardson and Lather. These ideas challenge beliefs in each social

science discipline about the frameworks that guide empirical research.

My subjective reflexivity influenced this study by my own experience as a

reorganized manager in the for-profit healthcare sector and by the 2003 suicide of my

sister, a clinical neurologist, who failed to gain tenure in a top-tier medical school. These

experiences disrupted my previous views of the leadership "regime of truth" (Foucault,

1984, p. 74) and provided impetus for this study. My interpretations of the data were

transformed by my own bereavement, but my own management experiences also

unfolded the complexities of leadership. As the fold seeks the middle and avoids

extremes and opposites, my task was to search for contradictions and discrepancies in the

text as they collapsed on each other. However, the purpose of this study was clear; I

have been driven to understand how women negotiate power in large hierarchical

institutions.

Summary

Finding the patterns of discourse, subjectivity, resistance, power, and knowledge

was the purpose for this feminist poststructural study. There has been little written about

women administrators in higher education using this theoretical framework.

Poststructuralism lends a perspective of questioning, emphasizes the need for the

understanding between power and knowledge, and focuses on the microhistories of

individual lives. This study unfolded the binaries within the text, then these binaries

were deconstructed to seek the path through the middle, thus expanding the

understanding of leadership to include different dimensionalities and counter-practices of

authority.















CHAPTER 4
IDENTITIES BECOMING

Binary opposition (men/women, best/worst) are common in modem society.

Deleuze and Guattari (1987) see humans as assigned to different strata in play, work,

social structure, and household tasks. Organizations compartmentalize themselves into

an entire bureaucracy that is rigidly segmented and centralized and resembles an

arborescent hierarchical system that disciplines and controls the appendages (or

divisions) attached to it. These appendages represent personnel with a multiplicity of

departmental duties that interconnect together as a rhizome. St. Pierre (2000) stated that,

"it is the outside that folds us into identity, and we can never control the forces of the

outside" (p. 260). My interest focused on how these women constructed, "their

subjectivitities within the limits and possibilities of the discourses and cultural practices

that are available to them" (p. 258).

In research, the question commonly raised is "What did you find?" The

researcher is then compelled to discuss his or her research in search of opposition in a

pyramidal structure of results. I struggled for months to avoid these structured striated

spaces that pervade the dominant positivistic realm of scientific inquiry. However, I

repeatedly returned to sedentary, striated spaces that are coded, bounded, and limited

(St. Pierre, 2000) using participants' terms such as "define," "most," and "typical" to

produce categories. As a former administrator, I identified with the language of the

participants, and so when analyzing the interviews I was drawn to categorize









participants' distinguishing characteristics. The typical interviewee was Caucasian, had

children, was divorced, and was remarried in a stable relationship. Several had married

young and then, as their education advanced, had divorced and now had a very

supportive spouse. The text illustrated that the identities of these women as "leaders"

were embedded in the masculine discursive voice. However, this type of analysis of

these inside/outside binaries led to failure when attempting to find the deconstructive

"middle." This "practice of failure" transformed, my "impossibility into possibility

where a failed account occasions new kinds of positioning" (Lather, 1996, p. 3). Over

the course of several months, I slowly decoded the striated spaces and realized "smooth

space and striated space do not exist in opposition but in mixture" (St. Pierre, 2000,

p. 264). Deleuze and Guattari use these spaces together; "smooth space is constantly

being translated, transversed into a striated space; striated space is constantly being

reversed, returned into a smooth space" (1980/1987, p. 474). This section will describe

how the participants' identities comply, deviate, and shift in their social realms as leaders

in their organizations.

Using the rhizome to analyze the meaning of the textual language extends the

boundaries of what is considered knowledge. Julia Kristeva, a psychoanalyst and

poststructuralist, also made a unique contribution in considering the speaking subject and

their unconscious experience and compared that to the pressures of other social structures

(McAfee, 2004). In this study, women deans are shaped by their subjectivities, which

include their culture, relationships, language, history, and contexts. Kristeva believed

that linguistically the signifying process included the semiotic, which is the extraverbal

way in which bodily energy, including the subject's drives, is reflected through language.

Because of my interest in poststructural theories, I've used the texts of these deans to







50

explore these "women's arts of existence, or practices of the self, the things they do every

day that make them who they are" (St. Pierre, 2005, p. 1). The textual focus was to

consider the speaking subjects and determine their unconscious experiences in the social

structure of educational leadership.

Deterritorialized identities, becoming masculine, becoming feminine, becoming

powerful, becoming powerless, becoming stereotypes, and becoming difference-"that is

what multiplicity is" (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987, p. 32). The "becoming" multiplicities

are real "even if that something other it becomes is not" (p. 32). For clarification, a

becoming lacks a subject distinct from itself. Deleuze and Guattari compare it to the

rhizome in this way:

Becoming is a rhizome, not a classificatory or genealogical tree. Becoming is
certainly not imitating, or identifying with something: neither is it regressing-
progressing; neither is it corresponding, establishing corresponding relations;
neither is it producing, producing a filiation or producing through filiation.
Becoming is a verb with a consistency all its own; it does not reduce to, lead back
to, "appearing," "being," "equaling," or "producing." (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987,
p. 239)

This excerpt demonstrates that it is easier to understand what "becoming" is not,

rather than what it is. A line of becoming "is not defined by points that it connects, or by

points that compose it; ... it passes between points, it comes up through the middle ...

(and) has only a middle" (Deleuze and Guattari, 1987, p. 293). The lines of becoming

are the shades of gray between black and white-not either/or, but the "middle" of any

extreme. The "middle" is a part of each which unfolds to the next "middle." The

rhizome for this section is found in the Appendix. Because of my subjectivity related to

the term "leadership," the image of the fold helped me view the leadership binaries

differently. The fold disrupts the notion of interiority since it defines "the inside as the

operation of the outside" (Deleuze, 1986/1988, p. 97). The fold's function is to avoid the







51

simplistic reversal of binaries. "What matters is folding, unfolding, refolding" (Deleuze,

1988/1993, p. 137). In this section, I examined how the identities of the participants

unfolded between the hierarchical binaries of the social strata.

Identity of the Masculine

In a social strata of the masculine binary, Porter (1989) viewed leaders as people

who created followers' roles, rewarded proficiency, negotiated obstacles, promoted

interaction, and created coalitions for institutional problem solving. The deans used these

characteristics to describe themselves even at a young age. As children these women

organized their friends to do all kinds of activities. Most were outgoing, but even if they

were shy individuals, they had an incessant need to coordinate tasks to achieve some goal

-and they loved doing it.

One dean in a male-dominated college described this trait this way:

Given a set of circumstances, I can organize people, I can get us to do things as a
team, that's what I like to do, and in the hopes of achieving something and I think
that "piece is always important." You know I wasn't going to be a baton twirler
if we couldn't be state champions. ... At the same (time) ... if you don't want to
practice, then you're not going to be on my team because you're not going to
share that dream of being a state champion.

The language of the text was filled with the masculine discourse of achievement and

hierarchy-of rising higher than others. Even in a traditional female-dominated activity

of baton twirling, this participant desired her teammates to join in her dream of being

state champions or face exclusion. Years later, she became a dean of a male-dominated

college. Another dean illustrated this need for achievement as "looking to go up" with

regard to her career. Associate Dean Abe described her ascension into leadership as

"sometimes you have to just pick up the ball and run yourself." This text resembles the

game metaphors that Joseph Crowley (1994), in a historical study on college presidents,







52

associated with leadership including words such as titan, hero, gladiator, and quarterback.

The deans organized others toward a goal to be the best in whatever they were doing. If

others did not have the same goal, they needed to go elsewhere.

Identity of the Feminine

These women rose to the top of their professional organizations early in their

careers and honed their leadership skills. Dean Highe spoke of being on, "campus wide

committees on budget and personnel and planning .. you know, I loved it." This "love"

of organization and planning was a common descriptor used by the deans. These

women's use of the term "love" implied a feminine descriptive of their enthusiasm for

their roles that pervaded the masculine discourse. Another dean described her

interactions with people as searching the "environment of what's the sort of emotional

content, what's resonating against" the situation. Her scrutiny of the emotional aspects

of situations, and then the use of the language of "resonate" represents an application of

feminine language into the text. Another dean perceived her position as a "service" job

where she was promoted because of her drive toward the "greater good." Feminine

descriptors like "service" and "greater good" are interposed within the masculine

leadership discourse of these deans.

Subjectivity stems from the concept that discourses systematically "form the

objects of which they speak" (Sarup, 1988, p. 70). Therefore, a man or woman who

becomes an administrator is shaped or subjectified by that discourse. These women used

predominately masculine language with some inclusion of feminine language. Even the

deans in women-dominated colleges were surrounded by male-mentors who directed

them. Although these women grew up during the time of the second wave of the

women's movement, their primary mentors and predecessors were male. These women's









language reflected the discourse of their environment as the outside folded them into

their identities. These women constructed "their subjectivitities within the limits and

possibilities of the discourses and cultural practices that are available to them" (St. Pierre,

2000, p. 258).

Identity of the Father

These women identified their families as an important part of their cultural

practices. Dean Langer talked about how fortunate she was because her family

"celebrates" her successes by putting her press releases on their refrigerators. This kind

of encouragement from their families sustained the deans' enthusiasm about their work.

Although these women spoke of children, husbands, and other relatives, most gave an

account about their parents. Regarding this Dean Langer stated,

it maybe has gotten me into trouble sometimes. I'm a bit too outspoken. ... I
actually think it came from a combination of my mother and my father. Because
I can see parts of their personalities that I got and I'm not sort of a clone of either
one of them, but I got some, remarkably positive characteristics from each of
them and I was lucky in that regard.

This dean believed that her strength comes from positive characteristics from both her

parents. Her identity is not cloned, but is a mixture of theirs. Although she apologized

initially for her boldness, she then described this attribute as "remarkably positive" even

as her husband recoiled. Her identity was not entirely shaped by her immediate

environment, but evolved from her parents.

Of their parents, these women spoke at length about their fathers as their first

mentors who "believed that education was the ticket to a better life." These women

understood how fortunate they were to have fathers who believed in education equally

for their daughters as well as for their sons. Dean Vitalia described her father in this

way:







54

My father was my first mentor. ... He did treat my sister and I different than he
treated our brother. (Laughter) It's just he couldn't help it. You know? ... But,
Daddy was very, always very, very encouraging and supportive and ... whatever
you put your mind to, you can do.

Dean Vitalia attributed her success to her father, but recognized that her father treated her

brother differently. When she decided to go into education, he remarked that it was a

"good" profession for women. Her father encouraged her to develop her career and

become well-educated; however, he still had gender roles tied to careers. Women deans

at the turn of the 20th century historically had strong relationships with their fathers and

other male relatives who were willing educate their daughters during a time when college

attendance was not commonplace for women; these relationships gave these early

pioneers alliances for their leadership positions (Brown, 2001). The importance of

fathers was evident in this associate dean's story.

And I adored my father. My father was wonderful as far as encouraging me. He,
he was the one who really supported women. ... He'd become an officer in the
Navy but he'd never graduated from high school. And so recognized, he had
always felt inferior, being in the position and not having the educational
background. That's why education was so important to him and why he was
willing to pay for me to go to (professional) school.

This dean wore her father's ring during the interview, and reported that the "foundation"

for her life was her father. Her mother's role as a homemaker annoyed her in her early

adult years during the feminist 70s. Later, she realized that her mother's job was to care

of her father, which helped her gain an acceptance of her mother's familial role. This

was one of the rare moments that a mother was mentioned in the text. The women's

movement gave these deans other choices, but their lives were incongruent with those of

their mothers and a source of conflict. These deans lacked women role models at all

levels as they ascended into their careers, and their early identities were imprinted by







55

their fathers. Thus, their interactions within the masculine discourse were influenced by

their male relationships.

On the other hand, a supportive family did not always make a leader. Sometimes

their negative experiences in the family gave them leadership abilities. One dean

reported that she learned responsibility early in her life because of caring for her infirm

mother that compelled her to "take charge of the household." This duty was forced on

her also because of being the first-born child. One dean expressed extreme dislike for

her father, and this disdain influenced her leadership. Associate Dean Bennett's father

was controlling, and in reaction she was determined never to be like him.

Well, you know, I still bristle at that word power. ... I don't think I've ever had
anyone be dictatorial so I'm trying to think where it comes from and it probably
comes from the family. My father was a career military. We had to say, yes, sir,
no, sir, without question. If we didn't we were slapped, physically. // And so, as
soon as I was 18 I left home. I wasn't gonna be told what to do nor was I gonna
fit into a box that my father thought I should fit into.

Her reaction to her father had a big impact on her leadership and her perceptions of

power. Dean Bennett associated the term "power" with "bristle" in very strong language

that signified her dictatorial father. She stated that her style of leadership evolved in

opposition to what her father represented to her. In another text, Dean Bennett was

drawn to administration because of the "power position" where people "would take my

call because they knew who I was," and which she called "fun." She liked being able to

select faculty and the power that comes with that authority. Surprisingly, Dean Bennett

later refers to herself as a "control freak," a term that is reminiscent of her father's

control of her. Perhaps unknowingly, she created in herself what she disdained in her

father. The striated space of the importance of her father was reversed to a smooth space

but then unconsciously returned.









Identity of the Quintessence

The American Heritage Dictionary defines "quintessence" as the "purest, most

essential element of a thing" (1994, p. 677). Although these women were influenced by

their environment, their journey into leadership was not encouraged by their male role

models, but unfolding extensions of themselves. Only one participant told her dean that,

"someday, I would like to be dean," as she was "looking to go up." This sole participant

knew she desired the deanship early in her career. Although these women in this study

were ambitious, most did not set out to become deans or even leaders. Another

interviewee stated, "I didn't come into leadership by design... and sometimes people

with voices of change move into leadership positions because that's where you can

probably have the biggest impact." The segmented "leadership" discourse is clear in the

text and being an "agent of change" thrust her into leadership, but these women moved

into their roles by happenstance.

Dean Highe explained her evolution into the deanship. She involved herself in

professional organizations outside her academic job and soon realized she belonged in

administration.

I was a department chair for 4 years and I knew the day I became, within the first
week that I became a department chair I realized I had waited too long to do that
job .... But this job is really fun because it taps into all kinds of creative abilities
as well as organizational and administrative abilities because this is the level, at
least for me, other people have different levels, for me this has been the level
where I really have had a chance to make a difference in ways that you can
ultimately see the impact.

Dean Highe loved the diversity of responsibilities and the creativity it entailed, and was

motivated by the opportunity to create an impact. These participants used masculine

descriptive language like "impact" and "making a difference" with regard to their







57

motivation to become leaders. This language corresponded to the productive directional

desires of these women which have traditionally been the realm of men. However, the

deans also reversed the masculine discourse with words such as "love," "creative," and

"fun" that illustrated a feminine contribution to the discourse. Initially, Dean Highe had

never thought about wanting a leadership position, and no one helped her identify her

potential early in her career or suggested that she enter administration, not surprising

given the patriarchal nature of higher education. This participant was not directly

mentored into leadership; however, she did the tasks that she loved doing and that

unfolded her role. While these women had male mentors, they were not mentored into

the leadership and yet they still became deans in an intensely male-dominated

environment. Dean Highe seemed to have never reflected about being a women dean

until this interview. Her concern was the job and her college, not the fight to get there.

As with all of the interviewees, Dean Highe's identity as a leader started before

she became a leader. Dean Highe, like other deans, did not "set out to become" a leader,

and this text implies her attitude regarding what "made her" a leader.

Other people putting a label on it. ... I just got an idea in my mind about how I
wanted to live my life, what I wanted to do with it, how I wanted to relate to other
people in the world and at the end of the day, people, you know, tell me you are a
leader, what you do as a leader .... But it isn't because I set out to become "a
leader." I think that's an illusive title in some ways anyway just by every leader
I've seen or known is different from every other one // and every week now when
I go to a bookstore and there's yet another book on leadership, there's yet another
variation on a theme, another definition on how to be a leader, what a leader is,
and there are some commonalities I mean that seem to be in the definitions and
descriptions of leadership, but it wasn't that I set out to do it.

These deans did not read leadership books to look for their leadership identities. Dean

Highe recognized the illusive nature of the title, and the differing leadership styles of









those leaders around her. Her responses were very ambiguous regarding stereotyping

leaders into male and female types. This text suggested that she was not trained for

leadership but emerged into her own identity. She had a vision of what she wanted to be

and became that. For these women, "being" came before "doing;" and leadership is a

"label" for what they were already doing. In reflection, these women were people who

organized others, they were surrounded by male role models who encouraged education

but not ascension into leadership, but it was the essential elements of their identities that

unfolded them into leaders. The striated spaces translated into smooth spaces.

Identity of the Third Generation

Dean Highe used a very masculine discourse in her responses; however, she also

added multiple dimensions and complexities beyond a segmented reality. The third

generation of feminism represents balance to the productive and reproductive desires of

women. Women can be both "reproducers of the species and producers of culture," both

the body and the social (McAfee, 2004, p. 100). In the first two generations, the choice

always seemed to be the self-abnegating activity of motherhood versus the self-affirming

activity of culture. Kristeva spoke of the three generations of feminism that are more a

mindset than a chronological order. Before 1968, the first generation of women wanted

equality with men, the second embraced the feminine, and the third focused on the

balance between the productive and reproductive desires of women. Dean Highe's

language also reflected complexities beyond the masculine with words such as

"creative," "love," and introduced ways of creating a feminine balance. In a society

where the masculine model of leadership permeates every institution, these women

invented their own smooth spaces and produced innovative ways to balance their lives.









These women spoke of the importance of family relationships, and Dean Vitalia

presented a different description of success:

I can give you examples of successful moments. ... I would say that my, the, my
greatest accomplishment in life is my children. It's not, it's, because my job and
my career is not really who I am. It's something that I do.

In the previous section, it was suggested that these women's leadership identities sprang

up from their "being." In this excerpt, Dean Vitalia separates her "doing" job from who

she is. This unfolds another dimension of her identity where she balanced her productive

and reproductive roles. These women seemed content with their personal lives, and most

spoke of being in long-term relationships at this point in their career. Those women with

children spoke proudly of them, no differently than other mothers. Their identities were

multidimensional and not preoccupied entirely with work.

However, not all women spoke of family relationships, and some were not

unhappy about being preoccupied by work. Dean Highe was content without a family

because she did not have the "pulls and the responsibilities" outside of work, and yet, she

did not feel "overly unbalanced" in her early work-life. The women's enjoyment of work

grew out of an extension of their personalities. Both Dean Vitalia and Dean Highe

expressed contentment and balance, although for different reasons. The literature often

speaks of the difficulties that women might have managing family and careers, or

portrays focused career women in a negative light (Marshal & Jones, 1990). For

example, Shultz and Easter (1997) reported that women administrators have reported

homemaking and child care as social barriers to advancement. However, these deans

enjoyed and directed their busy lives. They did not complain about their family roles;

their lives were what they wanted and were an extension of who they were as individuals.







60

At one point, Dean Highe described how she mentally balanced these divisions in

her life:

I'm content about, the job that I'm at, I'm never content about how well we're
doing because once you become content, then I think that contentment can
lead to a complacency that means you're not really raising the bar for what can be
gathered in. But there are two bromides that I say to myself every day, one is
nothing's perfect and then to help keep me from going nuts, the other is, nobody
can do it all.

This text represents an interchange of language between a masculine discourse of

"raising the bar" versus "contentment" which Dean Highe equated complacency. These

women used active verbs in their language such as "accomplish," and "make it happen,"

and then used language to soften the extremes to keep from "going nuts." The deans

lived in an environment of hierarchical vertical thinking, and moderated those extremes

by reminding themselves that "nobody can do it all." The language represented a folding

and unfolding of the striated binaries to the smooth space of the middle.

Dean Dare's interview was a good example of the folding and unfolding between

the productive and reproductive needs of these women. She reflected on the dichotomies

that motivated her life.

Well what drives me ... I mean I think I'm just kind of a compulsive
overachiever, just ... you know we all have those personal afflictions, but I think
what drives me in terms of being .. doing this job or any of my administrative
service oriented jobs, // I think it's just seeing the // shaping the institution or
trying to create a greater good and having the opportunity to do that in a position
that allows me to do that which would not have occurred being in a laboratory,
doing my own research.

Dean Dare described her compulsiveness for achievement as a "personal affliction;"

however, she says that administration is a service-oriented job to create a greater good.

This is reminiscent of Kirkpatrick's (1974) study of women in state legislatures where

women searched for solutions to serve the common good. When describing what drives









her, she first used the word "being" then "doing;" she does the job, but her "being" was

driven by "shaping the institution for the greater good." "Driven" represented her

productive desires that seemed to conflict with her reproductive sense of service.

The language is fraught with paradoxes: compulsive, overachiever, personal

afflictions, service-oriented, shaping the institution for the greater good. She splits her

language and thus her identity into positive and negative traits. Women being "driven"

to excel in the cultural arena conflict with women's reproductive, nurturing values

creating negative feelings. Perhaps being driven to create a "greater good" sanctions

their ambition, or an attitude of service quiets their productive desires so they can balance

the productive and reproductive portions of their lives. Dean Dare's leadership identity

was balanced by her need for practicality, impact and meaning. Her described

motivation, like the other participants, was for service and not for domination in the

hierarchy.

These women reported that money did not motivate them but described a

motivating desire to shape their profession. Dean Dare even reports that "I don't know

that anyone would do this job for the amount of money they pay you; you have to be

driven by something 'more than that.'" During the interview, the "'more than that" was

spoken quietly as an afterthought, as if she was not sure what motivated her. Dean Dare

later laughed at not being the highest paid in her male-dominated college with a hint of

resentment. Signs of her need to achieve were always present, but balanced by her

reproductive desires. In another excerpt, Dean Dare spoke of "never in a million years"

that she would be a dean, but became one because of her motivation "toward the greater

good." This phrase is reminiscent of the unfolding journey that these women had in

becoming deans, but Dean Dare also reported that her career path was that of "just being









prepared as being asked to do things." In a male-dominated college, Dean Dare

performed tasks that men did not want to do and was motivated for "the greater good."

Associate Dean Abe from a male-dominated college was promoted because she

chaired the curriculum committee because, "I usually didn't volunteer for things, but

whenever I was asked to do something, I'd always do it." She had felt that the old

curriculum was "a disservice for our students." In the early 20th century, women who

did not see the need for suffrage sought the vote to alleviate the social ills of society.

Dean Highe echoed this emphasis on service by saying, "our first job is to make sure that

this is a really good learning experience for students." The nurturing reproductive

desires of women have historically motivated them to act for the "greater good."

Dean Vitalia echoed this sentiment of acting for the "greater good" even when it

would be detrimental to her personally:

If I see me stepping up to say something as going to possibly be detrimental to
me, but helpful for the college, then I would have, then I'd, I'll have to, I'll have
to say it, because that's my responsibility is to not be looking out for me, but to
be looking out for the good and the needs of the college. ... I think that we have
some people in positions of authority now that maybe a little too concerned about
themselves, and so they're not necessarily looking out for the greater good.

Dean Vitalia distinguishes between leaders and authority by examining their motivation;

whether they have concern for themselves or for the "greater good." The deans were

acutely aware of those in authority who they considered to be "too concerned" in regards

to themselves. Brunner (2005) reported that women superintendents were uncomfortable

using power over other people and desired empowerment for the greater good. The

motivation of these women reverberated around the reproductive desires of the feminine.

Although these women lived and functioned within striated masculine discourses,

this space was constantly reversed and shifted by their nurturing reproductive desires.







63

These "arts of existence, or practices of the self," were "the things they do every day that

make them who they are" (St. Pierre, 2005, p. 1). The identities of these women were an

unfolding of becoming masculine, becoming feminine, becoming their fathers, becoming

the quintessence, and a becoming of the third generation of feminism. These

deterritorialized identities represent the multiplicities of these women. As their

"identities becoming" passed through the middle of each of these strata, the "line of

becoming" unfolded into leadership. In the previous section, I examined how these

women's identities sprang up from their "being." In the next section, I will examine the

intimate unfolding of their identities into their perspectives on leadership in more detail.















CHAPTER 5
LEADERSHIP BECOMING

The terms "leadership" and the closely related "management" are segmented in

the masculine discursive voice. Thus in the hierarchical structure, the female voice is

subservient to the male voice; masculine language overshadows the feminine. Deleuze

and Guattari (1987) suggest that the question is not whether the status of women is

"better or worse, but the type of organization from which that status results" (p. 210). In

place of an oppressive hierarchy, the emphasis here is on the contextual interaction

between individuals and institutions.

In this section, the opposition within leadership and power and were

deconstructed from the binaries within the data. As binaries were uncovered, they

became deconstructed which "is a poststructural strategy for reading texts that unmasks

the supposed 'truth' or meaning of text by undoing, reversing, and displacing taken-for-

granted binary opposition that structure texts (e.g., right over wrong, subject over object,

reason over nature, men over women, speech over writing, and reality over appearance)"

(Schwandt, 2001, p. 203-4). "Leadership becoming" has unfolded between the

masculine and feminine, power and powerlessness, authority and service, stereotype and

difference, and resistance and adaptability. In the final section, I examined the binaries

drawn by the participants, and how they also blurred them.

Unfolding the Masculine

Each participant was asked to define "leadership." The language of the deans and

the associate deans exemplified a managerial, patriarchal discourse where the deans from









male-dominated professions more frequently used words such as "outcomes,"

"achievement," and "success" to describe leadership, indicative of their environment.

The dominance of masculine language corresponded with Foucault's "discursive

formation," which he described as "homogeneous fields of enunciative regularities"

(Foucault, 1972/2002, p. 117). As each participant defined "leadership," a repetitive

pattern of managerial rhetoric resounded with only slight variation.

One dean described leadership as, "getting people to do what you think they need

to do to help you accomplish your goals just because the goals are important, not because

you're just in the business of getting people to do what you want them to do." This

associate dean described leadership using language such as "productive," "business,"

"accomplishing," and "goals." Particularly for the associate deans, leading was

completing tasks, attending to details, and coercing others into the "business." Rather

than leading, associate deans' orientation was more "managing." This associate dean

from a female-dominated college illustrated the delineation between associate deans and

deans with this comment:

I'm not void of the visionary part but I don't find that of interest. And somebody
like [the dean] really finds that of interest. And so we are nicely matched,
because I love operations. I like her to say, okay, now we've got this situation.
How are we gonna make it happen?

Associate deans try to "make things happen" for their bosses while full deans have a

different reality as the "face of the college." The associate deans function as managers in

that they "monopolize all relevant knowledge within an organization," that includes a

"sharp divide between 'thinking' and 'doing'" (McKinlay & Starkey, 2000, p. 111).

The full women deans' language was filled with a corporate discourse, but with a

visionary motivational emphasis. Dean Dare defined leadership as getting "followers"









excited about a certain direction, "motivated and willing to follow you through ...

toward that goal whatever that might be." Dean Dare was one of the full deans who

recently transitioned from associate dean. Her language emphasized outcomes, goals,

and engaging people but also motivation, a view that delineates the divide between the

dean's mission to engage people, and the 'doing' of the associate deans. The deans

discussed the desire to inspire others and the associate deans alluded to being a "role

model." The deans, like the associate deans, still want to "make it happen," but they are

interested in broadening people's views. Dean Emmett, a dean from a female-dominated

college, used the phrase "larger than the self' to describe her leadership role for

expansion of faculty perspective within the organizational discourse.

Well leadership is helping people see a big picture and seeing that they can
become part of something larger than the self because if you only focus on the
self, and one of the problems I think about leadership and higher ed. is that when
you work with faculty it's an intensely narcissistic profession, because you're
always focused on the self. And leadership is about how do you break down that
wall and get faculty to commit to something larger than the self.

Inherent in "leadership" is the existence of followers. As Dean Dare said, "you can't

have a leader without followers." All the participants started as academics and segued

into leadership; they understand how faculty are rewarded and the difficulty of expanding

faculty's perceptions of their role in the institution. There is intense competition for

resources between faculty that negates the focus on "something larger than the self."

Another dean stated that "no individual can be successful on their own." Even these

female-dominated college deans utilized masculine metaphors such as "breaking down

the wall." Still the goal of this dean was to persuade faculty to follow the goals of the

dean or institution.









The five full deans described motivating and inspiring others to "see a big

picture" and move in that direction. These deans added a visionary dimension of

leadership to the pragmatic organizational language that echoed the leadership literature

in that discourse. Warren Bennis distinguished leaders using language such as

"challenge," "conquer the context," "eye on the horizon," and "do the right things,"

which portrays a pragmatic, visionary discourse (cited in Carter-Scott, 1994, p. 12).

Although their language paralleled the leadership literature discourse, these women did

not understand formally delineated leadership styles or cited leadership literature.

Associate Dean Bennett reported attending a summer leadership course, but stated this:

I've never studied (leadership styles) so it's just comes to me. (laughs) You
know? (laughs). So I think it's one of those things that's in your gut that you
have it to do to do a leadership kind of job. You know, leading could be,
here's the task, you do it and you do it in this way.

Although she had not studied leadership, she described leadership as something

innate. In retrospect, Dean Bennett understood that tasks are to be done in a certain way,

but she disclosed ambiguity about whether this is leadership. She spoke of leadership as

completing tasks, but in response to "what made you a leader," she reported that she

"bristled at the term leader." Leadership was defined by the deans as getting people to

work toward the goals of the organization. While these women's language reflected the

masculine, hierarchical discourse, the term "leadership" was loaded in the emotional

context of experience as demonstrated by Dean Bennett. What unfolded in the text was

discomfort with the masculine binary as will later be revealed.

Among the health-related professions, participants described the hierarchy. In

this example, the masculine colleges, deemed supreme over the feminine colleges, shows

the pervasiveness of these patterns:









The accepted hierarchy there is medicine is the big dog, dentistry is the next one
and then there's everybody else. But I really think it's always medicine,
dentistry, poor nursing is always dead last, and nobody knows what to think of
public health and health professions, you know, they're emerging as a concept.
(laughter)

The hierarchy is evident at the university especially in the health fields. This dean later

pointed out that this hierarchical structure is equated with salary; those with the highest

salaries have the most prestige. Later, the dean pondered on how these concepts affected

her daughter as well as all women. These deans were aware and reflected on how these

attitudes translate to the next generation of women and what roles they themselves play.

Although these women used rhetorical language when defining leadership, as the

interviews continued, each woman's viewpoint became increasingly multidimensional.

Unfolding the Feminine

Whatever the understanding of gender roles in leadership, most feminist

perspectives launch into an "oppositional discourse of masculine versus feminine

leadership," in which masculine leadership is presented as "competitive, hierarchical,

rational, unemotional, analytic, strategic and controlling, and feminine leadership as

cooperative, team working, intuitive/rational, focused on high performance, empathetic

and collaborative" (Loden, 1985, cited in Court, 2005, p. 4-5). The masculine discursive

voice was evident in the participants' language defining leadership. However, the

vertical hierarchy of the leadership language unfolded subtle feminine characteristics that

were horizontal, or collaborative, in nature. A masculine view of collaboration is that it

undermines one's power thus creating weakness (Brunner, 2005). One associate dean

confirmed that her collaborative leadership style was seen as weakness because she

seldom made a decision "without talking to other people;" a trait seen as indecisiveness









to her superiors. Collaboration in a hierarchical structure does not lead to powerful

positions; however, this study illustrated that collaboration can also be powerful.

Although the deans used a hierarchical discourse when defining leadership, the

definitions revealed elements of collaboration and service.

But leadership is really about, it's, it's about success. You know, we all, take
from one another, we gain strength from one another, and, that's what I have
always believed was my greatest strength is helping other people to, to reach their
potential.

First, Dean Vitalia equated leadership with success, a position at the top of the hierarchy,

but then emphasized the necessity for individuals to gain strength from each other. This

expands Dean Emmett's "larger than the self' text where faculty need to focus outside

themselves, but then connects individuals to each other, not only committing to the

institution. The deans' language emphasized motivation and inspiration of others and

helping "followers" reach their potential in their discourse; helping people reach their

potential is service.

The discourse of collaboration lends readily to one of service. Service connects

individuals to each other, and leadership has an element of fulfilling needs in others.

Women historically participated as deans in student affairs to first serve women students,

and later accepted this expanded role to serve male students (Nidiffer & Bashaw, 2001).

These "service" positions were deemed appropriate roles which aided the ascension of

women into higher education administration during the beginning of the 20th century,

and this has continued to the present. Dean Sasser, from a male-dominated college,

illustrated this concept by saying, "a lot of times leadership is somebody stepping up to

the plate seeing a need and filling it-being willing to say, 'yes,' a lot of people say,

'no.'" These women often ascended to their positions because they were willing to









perform duties that their male peers did not want to do; these women said "yes" instead

of "no." This discourse of service was especially present in the language of the women

from the male-dominated colleges. Dean Dare illustrated this:

I've only been a dean for 2 1/2 years. I was associate dean for 7 years and that's
truly a service .... Because as an associate dean, I mean I really felt more like a
servant of the college in the sense that, my job was to make sure I was
assisting education and make sure that you know everything ran right, everything
was fair and appropriate, and I suppose I had power in the sense that we would
judge student cases, and I did have the power to admit and dismiss students and I
suppose those are powerful things, but they were really just the business of the
college.

The "business of the college" is what associate deans do; however, fulfilling needs is part

of the college business. Dean Dare's attitudes about service helped propel her into the

deanship.

One element of deconstruction includes a constant "self-revising, self-correcting,

continual reaffirmation of itself, taking responsibility from moment to moment for itself,

if it is to have a self, a 'yes' followed by a 'yes' and then again another 'yes'" (Caputo,

1997, p. 200). These assistant deans also constantly look outside of themselves and "say

yes" to the needs of students and faculty; however, this attitude stays within the

boundaries of the university's goals. Historically, women leaders have been known for

their ability to create collaboration and build consensus in organizations (Brunner, 2005).

These women deans motivate others, but also their ability to inspire motivated

themselves. Inspiration and motivation adheres the institution together to achieve its

mission, and the deans' language is immersed with this discourse. Dean Langer, a dean

in a female-dominated college, illustrated this by saying,

I really think that leadership, involves being able to inspire other people .... You
know, paint the picture, make people excited about it- get them to say, wow! You
know, that would be neat.







71

This leader inspired people to think differently about the corporate strategy and to "make

it happen," but used unique language such as "paint the picture" to inspire others.

Consensus, cooperation, and collaboration are all the watchwords of participatory

management, terms frequently used in corporate discourse; however, this language is

secondary to hierarchical discourse. Leadership is primarily a vertical framework and

supercedes the horizontal adhesive that holds "followers" together.

Dean Highe spoke of the importance of a "diverse faculty, diverse student body"

that she admitted was harder to do in "this environment," alluding to a hierarchical

environment that she implied was the antithesis of a horizontal collaborative

representation. "Shared governance" and "ownership" are terms these deans used;

however, they are blurred in a predominately vertical environment where accountability

and surveillance exist.

Although these deans emphasized collaboration, the deans acknowledged that

they have techniques to move their agenda by selling their ideas to a few before taking

them to the whole.

If you want a decision to go your way,... best thing to do is you go and you start,
you have a conversation, with a couple of people and you see where they are and
you know you may tweak your ideas a little bit and you see oh, I really think this
would be really good for us so, they start talking about it, ... then you already
have a cadre of people that are on board. Then you know sell it, in effect to
their... colleagues.

In this way the deans "massaged" their agenda. The deans used the conversations to

gauge the success of their venture, but also directed what they deemed as important to the

college. This was a method by which the deans directed all relevant knowledge within an

organization (McKinlay & Starkey, 2000). Although the deans all talked about

collaboration, the deans used their hierarchical position to direct decisions. The deans









shared their ideas to employees prior to implementation to insure success. Although

there may be times where the conversations create employees' input, many employees

are wary to disagree with supervisors. This is a deliberate method of producing

consensus to direct knowledge.

Dean Emmett discussed this theme of consensus:

You want to share it. And also when you have power you're also thinking about
how to distribute it, so that other people have it. So that, and then you give them
the freedom to make their decisions, ... I say look, if you make mistakes that's
okay. I mean, I don't mind if people make mistakes because that's a learning
experience. I only mind when you make the same mistake twice.

Dean Emmett wants to share power to create ownership and consensus to move her

agenda. Freedom is given when people "work with" this dean, but the dean also

determines what qualifies as mistakes. There is a tension between the "gift" of freedom

in decision-making and making mistakes. In this context, decision-making is not

empowerment and is still harnessed by the dean. The deans determine and shape what is

knowledge and power.

The dean controls the "regime of truth" (Foucault, 1984, p. 74) for the college.

Both male-dominated and female dominated deans illustrated both consensus-building

and directing the knowledge of their college. In certain personnel matters, administrators

cannot reveal details thus keeping relevant information shrouded and rumors escalating.

Controlled meanings can transform into chaos and destabilize the organization. The

deans' success may be determined by how well the truth is veiled under cloak and smoke.

Because of these factors, shared governance may be a misnomer; there are many things

that must remain hidden.

How the dean portrays truth affects the power of her college. Although the

feminine side of leadership exemplifies collaboration, the deans are the top of the









hierarchy and direct what knowledge is deemed important and correct. Where the

intersection lies between the vertical hierarchy and the horizontal collaboration of an

institution determines the culture of that institution. Both the masculine and feminine

binaries are needed for the institution to exist; neither form is altogether absolute. The

intersection of the stratified vertical and horizontal nature of leadership can be blurred by

things hidden. This blurring functions as a fold which avoids the simplistic reversal of

binaries and seeks the middle (Badiou, 1994). Although the participant's language can

be distinguished into binaries, contradictions and discrepancies in the text collapse into

each other.

Power

Power in western culture has been conceptualized as "dominance, control,

authority, and influence over others and things" (Brunner, 2005, p. 126). The "power-

over" concept has been heavily researched and analyzed by Etzioni (1961) as coercive,

remunerative, and normative (prestige) power, and delineated by French and Raven

(1979) as reward, coercive, legitimate, referent, and expert power. Within the concept of

"power-over" is the notion of its opposite-powerlessness (Brunner, 2005). In a 1998

study, Brunner and Schumaker found that men tended to use power to achieve their own

view of a community's common good rather than using their position to pursue the

collective common good. The "power-over" concept is thought to be masculine while

"power-with" is considered a feminine characteristic. Women tend to generate power by

empowering others and creating change via their roles as mothers and teachers (Miller,

1993). However, feminine power still has a directional pull as women function in a

nurturing role, caring for those subordinate to them.









The nature of power in poststructuralism is described using different language

and strategies. For Foucault,

Power must be analyzed as something that circulates. ... It is never localized
here or there, never in anybody's hands, never appropriated as a commodity or
piece of wealth. Power is employed and exercised through a net-like
organization. And not only do individuals circulate between its threads; they are
always in the position of simultaneously undergoing and exercising this power.
They are not only its inert or consenting target; they are always also the elements
of its articulation. In other words, individuals are the vehicles of power, not its
points of application. (Foucault, 1976, p. 98).

Individuals do not hold power, but power resides within an organization of relationships

within the discourse. Foucault used the term "discourse" as an inclusionary/exclusionary

system to help us understand how we are positioned as subjects which creates our relative

power in each discourse. There are rules within a discourse concerning who can make

statements and in what context, and these rules "exclude some and include others"

(Craib, 1992, p. 186). Differences in discourse spark conflict, and feminist studies assert

that all people have the capacity to resist oppression (Weiler, 2003). Foucault thought

that although the subject is affected by knowledge and power, it is "irreducible to these,"

so the "subject actually functions as a pocket of resistance to established forms of

power/knowledge" (Alvesson & Skoldberg, 2001, p. 230). Power is passed back and

forth from leader/subject and male/female depending on the discourse.

While power in the Western tradition segments readily into binaries, power in

poststructuralism examines the circular nature of power. In the next section, I examined

responses pertaining to questions about the production and negotiation of power, and the

language illustrated the revolving relationship between leadership and power.









Unfolding Power

Power and leadership are closely connected in these leaders' speech. As Foucault

suggests, what counts as knowledge is the relative power of those who claim it, and

"relations of force and power are involved at every level of a discursive formation"

(Macey, 2000, p. 101). When asked how they produce power, most participants

immediately transitioned into a traditional leadership discourse.

I use power ... to build enterprises to build programs of excellence to motivate
people, // to let them take their passion to the next level //with a strategic agenda,
so // that's how I use it. I sorta set out the vision and give people the opportunity
to execute it.

Dunlap's text began with an ambiguous "I don't know," but then immediately segued

into words such as "build," "passion," "vision," "execute" and "programs of excellence."

Her words reflected the goals of the university in the hierarchical discourse of leadership.

Leadership and power reflect each other in the text.

Dean Dare described power as the ability to make decisions that are measurable

through resource allocation. Dean Dare's response to negotiating power seemed

enigmatic at first, but then she quickly transitioned into how power is manifested in these

concrete terms.

I think a lot of power comes from your personal connections from other powerful
people, and I've been, impressed by that. Impressed by how, // how positive
interpersonal relationships with say the president or the provost or the vice
president actually gets you stuff. (laughter) And I guess that stuff is what you
might call power. But you know I still believe deans are middle management
in this environment.

Dean Dare stated that power is derived from connections with other powerful people who

are in the hierarchy above the deans. Dean Dare presented the importance of developing

relationships with those above her to "get you stuff." In my own experience, employees

frequently forget those relationships above their administrators, and Dean Dare was









cognizant of her status in the hierarchy and considered her position middle management.

Dean Dare's husband advised her; "job one is keep your bosses happy." "Brokering

power" was a learned skill for this dean. Most women have difficulty culturally in self-

promoting, but Dean Dare learned this skill in order to "serve" the college. The deans

gained power by "managing up" as well as "managing down." Keeping your boss happy

is expected for her and by her, and that attitude becomes the expectation for the college.

"Stuff' is concrete evidence of power allocation throughout the university whether it is

new hires, equipment, or buildings. The full deans mentioned buildings and upgrades to

the physical plant that were made to their colleges during their tenure as evidence of their

productive desires. Dean Highe echoed this theme, but described how she gives power

through providing budgets to department chairs to "give them power to make a difference

in their environment." The budget is a source of power, but money is often allocated by

the utilization from the prior year, which diminishes the "gift" of power by the deans and

to the deans.

The deans described delegating decision-making, but the deans only delegate

those opportunities in situations that they deem appropriate.

Everybody doesn't get to share in every decision. There are certain things that
are my decisions. I know the most about them, I should make them. ... If
they're recommending something that doesn't make sense because they don't'
understand it, then I have to assume I didn't do a very good job of explaining it
well. ... I think you distribute that power in a very deliberate way. It doesn't
happen accidentally.

Dean Langer previously had described her consensus-building leadership style as

something she was proud of, but she distributed power deliberately. However, she stated

that not everybody gets to share in all decisions because she has the knowledge base and

the decisions are hers. Dean Langer took responsibility if the faculty made a









recommendation that contradicted her reality. This dean articulated how issues are

explained to control the establishment of truth. Her reality monopolizes all relevant

knowledge within an organization (McKinlay & Starkey, 2000). Although this corporate

discourse was pervasive throughout the text, the deans also transitioned into language

that reflected different forms of power.

Highe had been a dean for over 10 years in a male-dominated college, and she

described power being created through diversity. In this case, power was not just

institutional but also multidimensional.

Leadership to me is, having a sense of direction and bringing people together to
help move in that direction .. that there are different ways to achieve those goals
and ... to help make sure there is enough diversity in methods of achievement
which means different kinds of people to be involved in the whole process so that
you can really use the power of everybody you have to move an enterprise
forward if it's big enough.

Although Dean Highe was in a masculine-dominated college, her text emphasized

"difference" and "diversity" that resonates with the discourse of the third wave of

feminism. This practice is consistent with the poststructural focus of Kristeva on

diversity of identification, where rather than focusing on the hierarchies of male versus

female, the goal is to internalize the rivalries of the difference thus celebrating the

individualism of each person's identity that "patches together a diversity of ethnic,

regional, sexual, professional, and political identifications" (McAfee, 2004, p. 102). She

encouraged difference that in turn is "using the power of everybody" to exemplify

expanding boundaries and broadening views.

"Bringing people together" included the concept of shared governance that to the

deans made a college more powerful as a whole. One dean from a female-dominated

college stated that the power was not hers, but because of shared governance "the power









belongs to this college, .. and this college has become more powerful." She believed

that creating shared governance gave her college more power in the vertical framework

of the university. Several deans reiterated that the power belonged to the institution, and

their job was to support the institution. Although diversity and shared governance may

enhance the level of power, the institution still owns it, not the faculty or the dean. There

is a circular expansion/contraction and inclusion/exclusion of power that exists within

this organization.

On the other hand, several women discussed the lack of power in their college.

The associate deans described their supportive role and understood that their power came

from their position and proximity to the dean. One associate dean who only supervised a

few staff, reported that she did not have "much power in the organization, except what

people give to me in their own brains. ... It is only when I am standing in for the dean

that I then have the power of her chair behind some of these interactions in which I

engage." This is reminiscent of the Foucaultian view that "truth" and "knowledge" are

socially constructed products of interests and power relations (Hines, 1988). This same

associate dean in a female-dominated college told a story about how her lunch group is

called the "power lunch" by faculty. This lunch group is informal, made up of past

administrators who rarely discuss work; however, she attributed power given to this

group as "fantasies about what goes on behind closed doors." Her description showed

the illusive nature of power, and that power given to others may not be reality in their

view. Knowledge that appears to be hidden becomes powerful, and the powerless

become powerful.









Unfolding Powerlessness

The five full deans used words such as "motivating" and "inspiring" to define

how to produce power in others. The associate deans for the most part, did not even

address producing power except for Dean Wilson, an associate dean from a female-

dominated college, who discussed power in context with another dean she worked for.

She stated that, "the term 'produce power' just doesn't ring a bell for me." She later

reported that power was "building consensus," but she had never reflected about creating

power. The five full deans understood how to answer this question because they are at

the head of their respective colleges and must delegate. Associate Dean Wilson had been

an integral part of college operations for over 20 years, and her dean had described their

college as "powerless" and "often discounted as ... not a real academic discipline."

While Dean Wilson personally had difficulty with the term "produce power," her

response illustrated how women leaders wield power, relative to her experience with two

different deans.

(This present dean) if anything, she's goes the other side of keeping people
informed and in the loop. .... (The previous dean) just did it. And (this dean's)
very much not like that. .... But I'm in the loop, I have knowledge, I understand
where we're headed, and those things make me feel more confident, and
therefore, in terms of knowledge, power, and in terms of association, power, and
so on. Then I do have, and I do feel that I have more power, now than I did with a
different boss, .. because (the previous dean) went to the things she considered
to be important. (The current dean) does more delegation of that kind of thing, so
more of us have had that experience.

The previous dean did not communicate her knowledge about college business, thus

creating a sense of powerlessness in others. The implication was that communication

creates power. Dean Wilson further stated that the college had more power with the new

dean's leadership. Dean Wilson discussed the production of power in context of her

previous dean whom had hoarded power by not delegating or keeping her associate deans







80

"in the loop." Delegation in this context was a part of producing power in employees and

in the organization. The previous dean gave Dean Wilson the impression that she liked

hoarding the important tasks, thus making little attempt to produce or give power.

Derrida deconstructs the idea of giving in relation to justice. A gift is something

that cannot be reappropriated and "never appears as such and is never equal to gratitude"

(Caputo, 1997, p. 18). If a person says thank you for a gift, the gift starts being

destroyed; thus a gift is beyond the circle of gratitude. Gift-giving needs to go beyond

calculation because there is a point where calculation must fail. A politics calculated

"without justice and the gift, would be a terrible thing, and this is often the case"

(Caputo, 1997, p. 19). Delegation is a leader's gift to employees; however, the paradox

is that this gift is directed by the goals of the dean and the university. The failure resides

where the deans want to "give" power, but control it as well. However, Dean Wilson

appreciated the intent of delegation as she was immersed in the discourse of the

organization. The gift is impossible, yet possible in the circle of deconstruction.

Unfolding Authority

Dean Vitalia spoke of diffusing power and giving people responsibility with

authority, but then outlined that middle management faces the paradox of having

responsibility with no authority.

Best way to produce power is to empower the people. (laughter) Give them
responsibility and authority to, now they, what is it, the definition of a coordinator
is all the responsibility and none of the authority. (...) I don't think you really
have power if... you want to be the only one with power, I guess that's
authority.

Dean Vitalia stated that the best way to produce power is to empower, yet if

employees have no authority, then they do not lead but control. The tension in this

paradox is that employees cannot be empowered without the freedom to own their power







81

and vision. Dean Vitalia outlined that to have authority is to be the only one with power.

Dean Highe summarized that producing power, "is to enable other people to achieve their

goals that are consistent with the mission and goals of the college and university."

Moving an enterprise utilizes the power of everybody, and Dean Highe recognized the

need for diversity, or a multiplicity of methods and people to achieve goals, but these

goals must be consistent with the university. Enterprises and institutions are not

democracies. Dean Highe reminded us that power is only given to accomplish the

mission of the university and is not the people's power; thus, the leader controls the rules

of discourse. The dean's goal is to convince others that they own the vision when the

organization actually does.

Dean Langer, who had one of the highest faculty satisfaction ratings in the

university, tried to prepare employees, "to feel ownership of what the requirements are

for the process sense of greater ownership in the things that affect them." Her job

was to persuade the faculty to buy into the institution's vision, but this creates an

oppositional binary of resistance when faculty cannot align themselves to the institution.

The "us" versus "them" power struggle is born. Dean Langer recognized the tension

inherent in the term power.

I don't really like the notion of power. I like the notion of strength. Power to me
tends to convey controlling other people. ... I try not to use power. Although
I'll bet you that people who see me as very powerful, ... I think you, you know,
if we want to try to cast power as something positive, ... you know, I think that
you use and produce maybe influence. I'm more comfortable with that word
(laughs). By, ... getting people engaged in processes. Getting them to feel that
they can have ownership // of things. Perhaps initially starting out by rewarding or
praising people for accomplishments, but eventually getting it so that it doesn't
depend on me to reward it or to praise it.

This dean liked the term "influence" instead of "power," to reframe this coercion

or management of people's behavior. Dean Langer's power resided in convincing others