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From Volunteer Vacationing to Solidarity Travel in Nicaragua: An NGO Mediated Rural Development Strategy

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PAGE 1

FROM VOLUNTEER VACATIONING TO SOLIDARITY TRAVEL IN NICARAGUA: AN NGO MEDIATED RURAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY By TIMOTHY G. FOGARTY A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2005

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Copyright 2005 by Timothy G. Fogarty

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This work is in honor and appr eciation of the following persons. To my parents, Ruth Small Fogarty a nd George Alexander Fogarty, who first taught me solidarity and commitment. To Paulo Friere who taught me the how of solidarity. To Peter Hinde, Betty Campbell, and Higi nio Alas who exemplify solidarity with the peoples of Central America. To the hundreds of Nicaraguans who have welcomed me and my family into their homes and lives over the last 19 y ears in a spirit of solidarity. Most especially to those who spend thei r lives working in solidarity with the popular sectors of the Nicaraguan people. Finally to my wife, Lynne Rigney Barole t, and my children Ryan and Megan who have supported and accompanied me on our Nicaraguan journey.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My advisor, Anthony Oliver-Smith, who in tegrates scholarship with patience and personal integrity, has been a constant s ource of support through my non-traditional academic trajectory. Kesha Fikes taught me the importance and the beauty of theory. Allan Burns, who has worked in solidarity w ith Central Americans, believed that I had something unique to offer. Phillip Williams a fellow scholar of Nicaragua, taught me the importance of understanding social movements and of being in solidarity with them. Lilliam Patrica Rivera Herrera, is an esteem ed research colleague without whom this work would have been of much less significance. Various periods of my field research have been made possible through funding made available by the InterA merican Foundation, a Wilgus Travel Grant from The Center for Latin American Studies at the Univer sity of Florida, subsidized loans from the U.S Department of Educati on, and finally, a Fullbright Hays Foundation Grant. I appreciate access to these resources.

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v TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS..................................................................................................iv LIST OF TABLES...............................................................................................................x LIST OF FIGURES...........................................................................................................xi ABSTRACT......................................................................................................................x ii CHAPTER 1 SOJOURNING TOWARD SOLIDARI TY: A TRANSNATIONAL CIVIL SOCIETY MODEL......................................................................................................1 Introduction................................................................................................................... 1 The Research Quest...............................................................................................2 Three Conversations on the Road to Solidarity.....................................................4 The Existential Issue of Solidarity........................................................................8 NGOs as Culture Brokers......................................................................................9 Nicaragua as Site for Solidarity Travel...............................................................14 A Continuum of Short Term Volunteer Experience...................................................17 Volunteer Vacationers.........................................................................................17 Development Tourism.........................................................................................19 Solidarity Travelers.............................................................................................22 Development of a Research Topic..............................................................................23 A Personal Narrative:..........................................................................................24 Aviation and Empire....................................................................................24 The Church and Social Movements.............................................................26 A Professional Narrative.....................................................................................30 Philosophy and Theology.............................................................................30 Religion and Education................................................................................31 Solidary Activism.........................................................................................32 Anthropology...............................................................................................32 A Theoretical Narrative.......................................................................................33 Post-Structuralism........................................................................................33 Situated Knowledges....................................................................................36 Habitus and Field.........................................................................................38 Overview of Dissertation............................................................................................39

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vi 2 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON SOLIDARITY TRAVEL...........................42 Chapter Overview.......................................................................................................42 Situating Solidarity within Liberation Anthropology.................................................46 The Academy as Site of Liberation Anthropology..............................................47 Coloniality of Power and the Representation of Modernity................................48 A History of Engagement and Application.........................................................51 Problematizing Solidarity : Toward a Practical Definition........................................58 Solidarity as Antidote to Alienation....................................................................58 A Moral Universal Imaginary.............................................................................61 Solidarity and interdependence....................................................................65 Solidarity and reciprocity.............................................................................66 Solidarity as identity and difference.............................................................69 The habitus of solidarity..............................................................................74 Aspects of Bounded Solidarity............................................................................77 Affectional and Consensual Solidarity.........................................................79 Four Dimensions of Solidarity.....................................................................84 Four Movements of Solidary Practice..........................................................89 Alienation as Non-Solidarity...............................................................................93 The Mis-recognition of Solidarity.......................................................................95 Mis-recognition and symbolic violence in Bourdieu...................................95 Mis-recognition of dimensions and movements of solidarity......................96 Mis-recognition as slippage from solidarity to altruism:...........................102 Solidarity Travel as Cross Cu ltural Development Tourism.....................................105 Tourism Studies.................................................................................................106 The Micro level: Travel as Constr uction of Identity/Difference.......................107 Tourism as a material practice...................................................................110 Development tourism.................................................................................112 Development Studies.........................................................................................115 Institutionalization of development............................................................119 Peasant Studies..................................................................................................120 Globalization and Transnational Studies...........................................................125 3 SEEKING SOLIDARITY: A RESEARCH DESIGN..............................................130 Standpoint Epistemology and Ne gotiated Ethnographic Authority.........................131 Situated Knowledges as Partia l, Personal, and Political...................................131 Nicaraguan Ethnography and Repr esentational Responsibility........................134 Ethnographic Authority and the Crisis of Representation.................................137 A Bi-Cultural, Multi-disciplinar y, Dual Gendered Research Team.........................140 Native Anthropology and Questions of Cultural Competancy..........................140 Masculine/Feminine Gender Dynamics............................................................144 Nationality.........................................................................................................145 Confronting Coloniality.....................................................................................146 A Plan for Qualitative Bi-Cultural Transnational Research.....................................152 The Research Questions:...................................................................................152 Transnational Event Ethnography.....................................................................154

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vii Multifactor Data Triangulation..........................................................................154 Data sources...............................................................................................154 Methods:.....................................................................................................157 Theoretical Schemes..................................................................................160 Sites and Organizations..............................................................................165 Disseminating findings to communities and organizations:..............................169 Design Adjustments and Limitations........................................................................169 Writing Culture in the Field..............................................................................172 Evaluation..........................................................................................................173 Construct validity.......................................................................................174 Face Validity..............................................................................................176 Catalytic Validity.......................................................................................176 Summary...................................................................................................................177 4 NICARAGUA: AN ETHNOSCAPE FOR SOLIDARITY IN AN ERA OF GLOBALIZATION..................................................................................................179 The Evolution of Nicaraguan Agrarian Political Economy......................................183 The 19th Century: Independe nce without Sovereignty.....................................186 Sugar, Bananas, and Coffee...............................................................................189 The 20th Century: Coffee, Cotton, Cattle and Land Reform.............................191 Coffee.........................................................................................................192 Sugar...........................................................................................................196 Cotton.........................................................................................................196 Cattle..........................................................................................................198 Campesino Solidarity Movements.............................................................199 Millenial Capitalism..........................................................................................202 United States Governments Relations with Nicaragua...........................................203 19th Century.......................................................................................................203 Canalism.....................................................................................................204 The Monroe Doctrine and England............................................................205 Vanderbuilt and Walker.............................................................................207 Liberals and Conservatives........................................................................208 20th Century.......................................................................................................209 Bring in the Marines...................................................................................210 Crucible of Neo-Colonialism.....................................................................210 Somoza, Our SOB..................................................................................211 Sandinistas..................................................................................................212 Neo-Liberalism...........................................................................................216 Two Development Models.......................................................................................220 Domestic Economic Stability through Prioritizing Small Farms and Small Buisnesses......................................................................................................223 Trans-national Globalization and Export Economy..........................................226 Summary...................................................................................................................229

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viii 5 TRANSNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT NGOS AND THE PRACTICES OF SOLIDARITY..........................................................................................................232 NGOs as Elements and Agents of Transnational Civil Society...............................232 Civil Society as Locus of Cultural Pr oduction in a Transnational Context:.....232 Institutional Ethnography of NGOs...........................................................241 Challenges to Researching NGOs.....................................................................242 Theoretical Approaches:....................................................................................252 NGOs and Neo-liberal Nicaragua.............................................................................256 A History and Scope of the Nicaraguan NGO Sector.......................................256 Characteristics of NGOs Operati ng in Rural Zone s of Nicaragua....................259 Most NGOs work independently................................................................259 The Absence of the Nicaraguan State in rural communities......................262 NGOs, Democracy & Citizenship..............................................................268 NGOs and Nicaraguan Civil Society.........................................................271 NGOs and the coyuntura actual or cu rrent socio-political situation.......271 NGOs and Rural Communities..................................................................273 Characteristics of NGOs that Utilize Volunteer Vacationers in Nicaragua......280 National and Transnational NGOs.............................................................280 Multi-level National NGOs........................................................................282 NGOs Budgets and Group Logistics..........................................................282 Groups relationship with Nicaragua.........................................................298 Summary...................................................................................................................301 6 THE ENCOUNTER.................................................................................................305 The NGO: Global Partners.......................................................................................306 Mission..............................................................................................................306 Founders and Evolution.....................................................................................307 The Building of a School in Las Barancas:.......................................................310 Disaster and Development.................................................................................314 Transitioning from relief to development..................................................318 Development without democracy...............................................................321 Growth and diversification.........................................................................323 Personalism................................................................................................325 Sense of Place....................................................................................................329 Development Objectives...................................................................................331 Some volunteer group / commun ity issues for Partners.............................332 Building a church.......................................................................................334 Cultural Identity.................................................................................................335 Temporality................................................................................................338 Politics...............................................................................................................339 Solidarity...........................................................................................................339 The Volunteers..................................................................................................341 The Group:.................................................................................................342 Arrival........................................................................................................343 You come from a different world . ..........................................................346

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ix A work day in the life of a volunteer.........................................................354 A Partners Volunteer..................................................................................357 A director/volunteer asks why....................................................................359 Lessons from a Partners group.................................................................361 Solidarity....................................................................................................364 The Villagers.....................................................................................................366 Conversation with a Village Artisan..........................................................372 Village leaders speak their mind................................................................374 Orientation of the Community...................................................................381 The Encounter between vol unteers and villagers.......................................383 Summary............................................................................................................386 7 THE HABITUS OF TRANSCULTURAL SOLIDARITY.......................................394 Chapter Overview:....................................................................................................394 Thinking Transcultural Solidarity.....................................................................395 The Encounter Phenomenon......................................................................396 The Dimensions of Transcultural Solidarity..............................................397 The Movements of Tran scultural Solidarity..............................................397 Three Subjectivities of Tr anscultural Volunteers.......................................397 Two Alternatives to Tr anscultural Solidarity.............................................399 Transcultural Solidarity Trav el and Group Ego-Tourism..........................401 Developing Modernities:............................................................................403 The Demise of Peasant Studies:.................................................................404 Globalization and Innovative forms of Human Solidarity.........................409 Future Phases of the Research Program in Transcultural Solidarity.................413 Campesino/villager subjectivity.................................................................413 Religion......................................................................................................414 Single entity and comparative ethnography...............................................415 Three levels of short-te rm volunteer involvement.....................................419 APPENDIX A SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRES FOR GLOBAL PARTNERS KNOX PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH GROUP, MARCH 2003...........................................426 B NGO STAFF AND COMMUNITY LEADER QUESTIONNAIRE.......................430 C VOLUNTEER VACATION REFLECTIONS OF WASHINGTON HIGH SCHOOL STUDENT GROUP.................................................................................433 REFERENCES................................................................................................................436 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...........................................................................................466

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x LIST OF TABLES Table page 7-1 Volunteer vacationer / Development tourist / Solidarity traveler matrix...............420 7-2 Three levels of volunteer encounters.....................................................................423

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xi LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 2-1 Developing a Habitus of Solidarity.............................................................................90 2 : Moving Toward Transcultural Solidarity................................................................93 4-1: Percent of Gross Domestic Product de rived from Agriculture Selected Countries (Acevedo Vogl 2003).............................................................................................221 5-1: NGO owned group transportation, note luggage and equipment rack above..........285 5-2: NGO group transport, note snorkel engi ne air intake for crossing streams.............286 6-1 Plastic shelters still in use three months after the ea rthquake, note date in lower right corner.............................................................................................................314 6-2 A Partners house, one of the permanent rebuilding designs..................................316 6-3. Volunteers and Nicaraguan Cr ew building in rural Masaya....................................318 6-4. Volcan Masaya spew ing sulfuric fumes...................................................................344 6-5. Victor introducing the Ni caraguan workcrew and orie nting the volunteers (note the predominance of females)................................................................................349 6-6. Las Penca is an agricultural community...................................................................368 6 -7. A newly planted bean field......................................................................................370 6-8. Las Cruces village school (and periodic volunteer dormitory)................................371

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xii Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy FROM VOLUNTEER VACATIONING TO SOLIDARITY TRAVEL IN NICARAGUA: AN NGO MEDIATED RURAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY By Timothy G. Fogarty December 2005 Chair: Anthony Oliver-Smith Major Department: Anthropology This dissertation analyzes the growin g phenomenon of volunteer vacationing in which citizens of the developed world vi sit villages and urban neighborhoods of the developing world to do community development work. Cross-cultural, multi-sited ethnographic research spanning 5 years reveal s that the conflate d discourses that surround these encounters challenge participants from the Unite d States and Nicaragua to forge bonds of solidarity while pa rticipating in charitable activ ities that often substitute for solidary relationships. Institutional ag endas of the intermediary non-governmental organizations channel and often constrain citiz en-to-citizen contact between visitors and community residents and thus condition th e possibility of solidarity formation. Multiple small dense networks of veteran volunteers continue to recruit first-time volunteers in growing numbers. As NGOs in corporate more volunteer groups into their schedule, the groups become increasingly im portant sources of institutional support, which can occasion a shift from comm unity-driven programming to volunteer-

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xiii group-driven programming, creatin g challenges for participatory sustainable grass roots development. NGO policies and practices are seldom c oordinated with other NGOs operating in the same region or with national developmen t strategies. Solidarity formation is impacted by the clarity of vision and deve lopment model that informs the NGO mission. In a nation where two primary development models are contending for official and popular support, lack of specifi city of models results in ro le confusion on the part of visiting volunteers and impedes the evolution of subject pos ition from that of volunteer vacationer to one of solidarity traveler. As a result, many visitors leave with partial understandings of the social or political im plications of their contribution and the connections that contribution has with thei r daily lives at home. Solidarity requires interpersonal interaction and social analysis th at elucidates the need for structural change in the global political economy as it impinges on Nicaraguan campesinos and workers. Cognitive and emotional dissonance among the visitors and increased global awareness among villagers (acquired in persona l cross-cultural encounters) offers the possiblity of individual and group transforma tion toward solidarity and challenges the internalized hegemony of global capitalist disc ourse. Such instances of consciencization signal the under-realized potential of this growing social movement.

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1 CHAPTER 1 SOJOURNING TOWARD SOLIDARITY: A TRANSNATIONAL CIVIL SOCIETY MODEL Introduction Most of the commercial airline flights from the United States that touch down at the international airport in Managua have on board one or more groups of volunteer vacationers.1 These volunteers are largely middl e-class North Americans who have decided to pitch in and participate in a co mmunity development project in some nearby or remote corner of Nicaragua (the larg est, least populated, and poorest country in Central America). They are willing to spe nd a considerable sum for the privilege of working hard in the hot sun doing menial labor for a week or two among people whose language they do not speak and whose socio-economi c status is as different from theirs as any in the Western hemisphere. These vi sitors are not paid, nor do they receive accolades or special status in their home cultu re. Yet they continue to come in ever greater numbers, and at least one in three will return: many will do so multiple times. One woman I met has been coming to Nicara gua at least annually for 17 years. These volunteers dont come at the invitation of their gove rnment or of Nicaragua. They dont come as guests of transnational ente rprises or as resort tourists. They dont come as lone sojourners seeking the exotic. They are neither eco-tourists nor adventure tourists. Nor are they student s attending classroom lectures or touring museums. They dont come to collect ethnic art. They arent missionaries, trying to sa ve souls. They are 1 No Nicaraguan government ministries or US governm ent agencies iden tify or keep statistics on such groups

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2 not seeking exotic species, work ing on their tan, or coming to get away from it all. They dont hope to meet captains of industry, princes of the church, or dignitaries of state. They arent visiting family or (at least in itially) loved ones, or even acquaintances. They come from the cities, suburbs, and small towns of North America by the thousands, annually, to live and work briefl y in rural villages and urban barrios among strangers: the poor of Nicaragua They revel in digging ditc hes, wells, and latrines; in mixing concrete, tying steel, pulling teeth, dispensing medicines, distributing school supplies, organizing puppet shows, testing wa ter purity, playing with children, listening to stories of war and songs of heroism and experiencing the laughter of joy and cries of pain. They struggle to exist in and understand a pa rt of the world radically different from their own: where drinking water comes out of an open hole in the ground or from a river a mile away; where toilets dont exist and elec tricity is intermittent or not available; where medical care is usually inaccessible or on ly used in times of crisis (and not always then). This is a world full of alien microbe s, flora, and fauna ; a world in which sixth graders are considered well educated a nd high school is possible for only a tiny percentage of students; in which durable houses are a privilege of the few and many people have to survive on incomes of a dollar a day. The Research Quest Three types of research questions arise from observing this phenomenon repeatedly over 17 years. First, are the why questions Why do the visitors come and why do the villagers welcome this incursion? What t ypes of social logics are powerful enough to bring people out of their cultu re of origin (many for the first time) to live in adverse conditions in an alien culture? What motiv ates peasants, whose subsistence affords no

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3 surplus, to welcome a group of foreigners (many of whom need to be cared for like young children)? Second are the how questions. How is th e cultural incommensurability (Schutte 1998) between such dissimilar peoples bri dged? How is satisfactory communication possible? How is the phenomenon maintain ed and nurtured? How do people structure their lives to make this happen? How can people live in an unfamiliar culture and yet feel like they are at home, especially wh en some of their fellow visitors dont share their comfort? Finally, at each level of scale, are the significance questions. What does the experience mean for the individual vis itor, for his/her group, for the mediating organizations, for the host village, for th e local municipality, and for the nation of Nicaragua. Also what is the import for relat ons between the U.S. and Nicaragua, and, of course, the global import. What meaning does this recent cultural prac tice have in an age of globalization? What is the historical significance for the two cultures involved one characterized by privilege and material wealth, the other by ma rginality and deprivation; one standing at the center of world affairs, the other at th e periphery? Is this a new initiative of globalization from below, the birth of a new mo vement for transcultural solidarity? Or is it rather a current permutation of the eu ro-centric explorer, missionary, colonizer, developer tradition of altruist ic civilizers? An adequate ethnography of this phenomenon must identify the subjective and structural co rollaries of this tran snational practice from the subject positions of the various part icipants. For only by linking ethnography to

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4 structural analysis can we understand the di alectic between contem porary capitalisms and cultures (Ong 1999). Three Conversations on the Road to Solidarity In the spring of 2004, as our work team entered the mountain village of Las Casitas2 in central Nicaragua, th e school emptied and all 50 children performed a welcoming song and dance for the group. Afte r the excitement had died down, while the villagers were milling around the site where we would begin building an addition to the one-room school, 85-year-old Sinforiano walked up to one of the visitors and asked Roberto? The tall volunteer, a man of 73 y ears himself, hesitantly acknowledged that his name was indeed Roberto. I remember you, said Sinforiano. In his reflections on the experience days later, Robe rt (Roberto) reflected that he was deeply touched that the elder had remembered him from 10 years before when he had worked for a week in that same village building the original schoolhouse. Sitting on a large flat boulder, watc hing my fellow volunteers dig a foundation, I was interviewing Donna, who had been to Nica ragua at least once a year over the past 17 years3. This was her 20th trip. Once officially declar ed ambassador by the mayor of a sizeable Nicaraguan city, she was now visiting Nicaraguan friends and would soon be leading a group that would build houses in a town south of Managua. I mentioned to her that I had noticed, the year before, that she had brought reams of literature (mostly newsletters from NGOs and solid arity organizations), as we ll as Eduardo Galleanos 2 Here, as in all subsequent refe rences to villages, towns, and individuals I have used a psuedonym. 3 Coincidentally I had been Donnas host in Nicaragua on that first trip, 17 years ago.

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5 newest book on imperialism and Latin Am erica, which she had displayed in a central location and tried to disseminate among her group members. I asked, Are you trying to raise your groups c onsciousness about the issues af fecting Nicaragua? Thats why I come, she replied. Five years earlier (July 1999) I sat on a pile of concrete blocks talking to Samantha, the leader of a church sponsored group volunt eering in a remote mountain village called Tres Zapotes that had been washed aw ay by Hurricane Mitch in October of 1998. Samanthas group represented 100 churches in the Atlanta area who had an ongoing relationship with some of the Protestant churches of Este l through a development NGO. The Atlanta group was staying in the village, sleeping on the floor of the school, and rebuilding houses for 21 families in a new location. This was Samanthas 7th trip to Nicaragua, a country she has come to love d eeply, while for most of her group, including some residents of poor neighborhoods, it was their first visit. At the end of our conversation Samantha heaved a sigh of resi gnation and stated matte r-of-factly, Short of giving them half of our money, I dont unders tand how we can approach a relationship anything near equality for the next 15 years. It will take that long to build up the necessary trust. These three vignettes portray practices that build transnational solidarity. First, there is Roberts bonding on a personal level wi th an individual and a community. That bonding enables mutual empathy even human tende rness to take place. It is predicated on physical proximity and interpersonal co mmunication. It involves movement on a continuum from stranger, to acquaintance, to empathic friend.

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6 Second there is Donnas lifelong mission to ra ise her own consciousness and that of her fellow North Americans through exposure to social analysis. Her newsletters and academic works present terms of reference much different than those which her group members are ordinarily exposed to in the ma ss media. Once empathy (like Sinforianos and Roberts) has been established, and one can see peoples obvious needs, then social analysis of their oppression is necessary. Lacking analysis, charity seems to be the natural, common sense, response to empathy with the subaltern. Not to engage in analysis after empathy results in charitable practices which perpetuate the elite/subaltern dyadic relationship supported by a coloniality of power4 (Quijano 2000). It is essential for those seeking solidarity to understa nd how our social world has been organized in ways that create and su stain inequity. Donnas efforts to convert charity thinking to justice thinking requires the group participants to be self-critical concerning their own socialization, and eventual ly to see that the plight of Nicaraguan campesinos5 corellates in empirical ways with their own struggles against oppressive social forces. Third, there is Samanthas religiously motiv ated quest for social justice. This movement toward solidarity addresses the caus es of inequity over the long haul. It prompts the question What is my personal subject position in the global political 4 Coloniality of Power refers to the subjective intern alized effects of unequal power relations growing out of a colonial and colonialized world system. It affects both colonizers and the colonized and is built fundamentally on r acial difference. 5 One common translation for this word is peasant, however I use the word in its more literal sense (one who dwells in the country) not on ly to denote the place of residenc e but also to connote the cultural attributes of rural lifestyle, but not to limit that lif estyle to subsistence agricu lture because typical rural livelihood systems in Nicaragua are much more complex, often involving four different modes of production See Kearney (1996).

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7 economy? What can I do to effect change toward equity for those who have suffered injustice? How long am I committed to th is struggle? Those who commit to a lifelong struggle for justice, one that involves pers onal life style changes th at marginalize them from a global culture of commodificati on, have transitioned definitively from development tourist to solidarity traveler. Many people may ask themselves these questio ns, at some point in life, and then move on. However, people whose lifestyles a nd activities change because of their search for social justice do so because of intense personal conversion experiences, disciplined social analysis, and commitment to a life stra tegy that will further that goal. This subjective shift or identity reconfigur ation destroys obstacles of xenophobia and ethnocentricity by broadening constr ucts of self to include the other in the individuals circle of concern. This is the daily construction of transcultural solidarity, which often begins on a volunteer vacation. This dissertation addresses the complex mo tivations of individuals and groups as they construct a new social movement that seeks to forge transcultural solidarity. In this story, that involves a cast of thousands, the intricate deta ils of discourse and practice reveal a process that many experience as vol unteer vacationers, a considerable number come to know from a position of developmen t tourists, and a small minority finally see from the standpoint of solidarity travelers. Ther e is a bias in this work that solidarity travel is more efficacious than the prior subj ective states for constr ucting equitable global futures. The narrative also reveals how conscious ness on the part of the hosting NGOs concerning the need for visitor solidarity with rural Nicaraguan s is a necessary but

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8 insufficient condition for the growth of solidar ity in volunteer vacationers. Evolution in consciousness and performance requires the presence of those ma terial conditions mentioned above that are not always pres ent in the volunteer experience: opportunities for interpersonal bonding to establish empathic relationships, tools of social analysis, and long-term, gradually intensifying series of options for social action. The Existential Issue of Solidarity The overarching existential i ssue of our day is global human solidarity. How can our species identification count for more than and even be in synergistic relationship with our intra-species differences in matters of individual, group and species survival? The wars and rumors of wars that afflict our co mmon condition today are correlatives of an extreme and intensifying inequity in access to global resources, an inequity more acute than at any time in history. When coupled with rapid population growth, unsustainable levels of consumption and environmental degradation, the material conditions for genocide and even species extinction exist. Cultural constructions that identified clan survival with species survival, while functional for a portion of homo sapiens in the past, seem nave in our interdependent world today. We have arrived at a situa tion in which a permanent stat e of war (against terrorism) has been declared. The inherent dangers of permanent social mobilization against a quintessentially elusive enemy call for ne w anthropological responses to the xenophobia that fuels this initiative. It is the forging of a global cultural logic that values difference over uniformity, and equity over concentration of wealth, that holds the key to our survival. Never has ethnocentricity been as dangerous as it is now. The salient questions framed by this phenomenon of volunteer vacationing are What is transnational cross-cultural

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9 citizen-to-citizen solidarity in our day and age? What are the conditions for its possibility? How might it be practiced? Some might consider these questions bette r addressed by the disciplines of political science, social psychology, economics, or cu ltural geography. But I believe that the inductive ethnographic method that anthropology offers is helpful. Its focus on emic cultural logic and structural ecological constraints offers a holistic gestalt, a more adequate perspective from which to unde rstand contemporary social complexity NGOs as Culture Brokers The answers to these anthropological ques tions involve a thir d party in this transnational cross-cultural encounter; the institution which mediates this ongoing international interface, namely, the non-gove rnmental development organizations of Nicaragua (many of them transnational entities themselves). They are the culture brokers that make the encounter possible. They are th e sector of transnatio nal civil society that engineers these numerous brief encounters. Small by transnational-organization standards and heterogeneous in development goa ls and practices, they tend to operate in relative isolation from other organizations of civil society or those of government and commerce. NGOs have their own reasons for promoting these encounters. Their goals may be as universal and abstract as fo stering international solidarity and as local and concrete as achieving their own program obj ectives with a specific popula tion. But whatever their motives, they are what Callon (1999) calls th e obligatory passage points that both visitors and villagers need to negotiate in order to participate in volunteer vacationing, development tourism, and, finally, solid arity travel. Any understanding of

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10 citizen-to-citizen solidarity between North Am ericans and Nicaraguans must take into account these currently fashionable but under pr oblematized agents in the international development arena. Their discourse and pr actice hold the key to understanding the power flows and the contradictions of transnational civil society, and give clues to deciphering the processes of globaliz ation itself. The data show th at not all grassroots development NGOs who host short-term volunt eer groups provide the conditions necessary to foster solidarity. Nor do all consider it their role to do so. First and foremost, for a variety of re asons, NGO practice often segregates the visitors from interaction with rural Nicaraguans. NGOs feel that as responsible guardians they must protect volunteers from physical a nd cultural risks. For one thing, concerns of health, particularly sanitation, and of safety, particularly from crime (in urban areas) or accidents (in rural areas), ar e constant. NGO staff and volunteer memories of least favorite work team experiences usually in clude sickness or injury. For another, concerns about money and personal possessi ons being stolen or solicited are a preoccupation for many NGOs and volunteers alike. For a third, NGOs are concerned about the damage of social faux pax in the sense that they want to protect Nicaraguans from culturally insensitive behaviors on the part of the visitors. Sometimes this is based on the NGOs awareness of the paternalism and ra cism inherent in some volunteer/villager interactions. Alcoholism is an obvious soci al problem in Nicaragua, and has a more public character than in the U.S. At times N GOs try to protect the respective parties from having to encounter such problem s by restricting circulation of volunteers to certain areas or times of the day.

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11 Another NGO motive for restrict ing interaction is to prev ent diffusion of behaviors or commodities from the North Americans to th e rural Nicaraguans in ways that create interest or desire in things that they may not need, or be able to afford. For instance, during my field work, MP3 players appeared in the Nicaraguan countryside via volunteer vacationers. One of the most intense inter actions between adolescent males involved the sharing of their respective cultures obscen e gestures. But the types of institutional practices that are fostered by NGOs for the mutual protection of North Americans and Nicaraguans can unwittingly deprive them of opportunities to interact, thereby diminishing the chances of fost ering solidary relationships. Second, analysis of the political econo my of rural Nicaragua that could contextualize the extreme povert y in which volunteers find them selves immersed is not a central emphasis of many rural-development NGOs. Their staff have a genuine commitment to ameliorating the effects of rural poverty. Some consider it their organizations role to foster systemic change by addressing its structur al roots. Although horizons vary, some have 5 and 10 year plan s that identify social ills and long-term strategies to address them. But these plans are not always based on social analysis that factors-in the politics of rural Nicaraguans as they conf ront globalization. NGOs rarely articulate to the volunteers the development model on which their plan is predicated. Often service is a more common theme than development. Perhaps it is inevitable that volunteers dwell for a time in the social-servi ce stage of consciousness to understand its potentials and its limitations. The interconne ctedness of development issues for North Americans and Central Americans is not a common theme.

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12 NGOs can meet their immediate resource de velopment goals more by focusing the volunteers attention on the exis tence of poverty, rather than challenging them to think through the systemic power flows that produce it. Social analys is is a distinct process, requires different skills, summons different images, and results in different outcomes than service. It is also harder to raise money for. Volunteer s and donors enjoy seeing tangible monuments to their generosity6 and being thanked for their charity. They usually dont like being challenged or challenging themse lves to surrender resources because of distributive injustice. But as Paulo Friere (1999) stated, True generosity consists precisely in fighting to destroy the causes which nourish false charity. Finally, most NGOs which hosts groups treat all groups relatively similarly programmatically, (that is, they have basi cally one experiential design with several options within each of the components for va riety.) NGOs may offer various options for the weekend tourist itineraries. They may ha ve several choices of work projects during the week, depending on the size, donations a nd predilections of the visiting group, and may offer a variety of presentations about th e Nicaraguan cultural context from which the group can pick. NGO staff is also aware of the number of times a volunteer has been in Nicaragua. They know which veterans can knowledgeably discuss Nicaraguan hi story and which can safely wander in the village unaccompanied. Yet most NGOs dont provide multi-tiered programming that will challenge veteran visito rs not only to serve as guides and culture 6 One NGO which constructs donated houses in Nicaragua solicits donations for the cost of the house ($2000) and the presence of the (foreign) donor at the house dedication during which a metal plaque with his/her name on it is affixed to the front wall of the house. Other NGOs encourage individual donors to come help construct the house that their donation has financed and meet the beneficiary family. Many have policies that discourage identification of personal do nors, although institutional or group donor identities are usually openly acknowled ged and even ritualized.

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13 brokers for neophyte group members, but to go deeper into their personal quests for transcultural solidarity. NGOs, perhaps due to the relative yout h of the volunteer movement and its exponential growth, do not offer a second level of volunteer experience. Challenges toward deeper solidarity ha ppen individually and circumstantially. There is no planned intensificat ion from year to year. Each trip itinerary assumes little understanding of (and little ongoing commitment to) Nicaragua on the part of group members. NGOs utilize the fact that there are knowledgeable, experienced, and committed people among the group members to provide veteran leadership and hence a lower anxiety level for the neophytes. This le adership can make the difference between a successful and an unsuccessful trip, from an NGO staff s viewpoint. NGOs encourage individuals to deepen their involvement as they show an inte rest, and are offered opportunities for longer-term service or incr eased leadership, as the needs of the organization require. NGO programming of trips is complex because they are relating to three different entities (the individua l volunteer, the current group, and the sending organization) simultaneously. Among those NGOs that aspire to foster solidarity, it is ofte n program objectives that are offered to the visitors as a proxy fo r solidarity with the ru ral Nicaraguans among whom they work.7 The collapsing of solidarity with rural Nicaraguans into solidarity with a development program is done pre-refl ectively. Structurally it is based on fiscal, logistical, and political constr aints under which small civil-so ciety organizations operate. Conceptually it is based on a reduction of transcultural solidarity to material or 7 for instance, asserting that building a terrace for soil c onservation is to be in solidarity with a rural village

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14 organizational transactions. In other cases NGOs specifically avoid claiming to foster solidarity between North Americans and Nicar aguans, because they consider it an unrealistic objective for short-term experiences. The NGO staff support solidarity formation discursively when they construct their program activities as popular, consensual, a nd, in some cases, democratic. Many rural development NGOs, because of their presence in, and knowledge of, the communities where they work, believe that they are comm unity-based organizations, in the sense that the community feels ownership of the NGO pr ogram activities. In some cases, data support that belief; in other cases not, depending on the mode of operation of the NGO. The limited cultural competency of the NGO staff themselves vis a vis the residents of their service area is sometimes a function of unreflective paternalism of expatriates or middle class professionals and is bolste red by donor-driven d ynamics of non-profit corporate structures. The complexity of NGO corporate identities and roles in the Nicaraguan countryside is explored at length in Chapter 5. Nicaragua as Site for Solidarity Travel Nicaragua is a unique stage on which to see globalization performed. Since prehistory it has been a key link in global cu lture flows. For 20 millennia the flows were North/South, then just 500 years ago they tu rned East/West. Now the geo-political poles have spun; they are now North/South again a nd East/West. Nicaragua remains the bridge between the continents; the passage between o ceans. Nicaragua is a post-modernity that elides the space/time continuum, it is a centr al periphery, between centers, yet not the center; accessible, yet remote. Once the site of what Spanish chroniclers described as a Garden of Eden (Oviedo y Valdz 1855/1547) Nicaragua has become now and again a Hades on earth for many of

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15 its inhabitants. It is a count ry of serene tranquility that frequently suffers from major natural and social cataclysms. Once the hope of world socialism, Nicaragua is now the darling of late global capitalism. A territo ry where the people once wanted for nothing now finds itself listed at the bottom of the hemi spheric prosperity charts, with most of its inhabitants indigent. Its pe ople are renowned both for their hospitality and receptivity to others and for their visceral resistance a nd fierce opposition to those who would pose as their betters. They are the Gegense the wise and mischievous elder who understands full well when the coloniality of power is being wielded against him and uses his own relative weakness to ridicule that power to its face and to confound its intentions (Arellano 1993). Nicaragua is a crucial laborat ory in which to observe tran snational civil society at work because of four important factors. First, it has a revolutionary history, one in which a mixed (socialist/capitalist) economy was practiced in a unique form for a brief span and imprinted itself in the consciousness of a significant portion of the population. This historical process, has colored everythi ng from national politic s to international tourism(Babb 2004). The Nicaraguan revolutionary movements of the 20th century were as much about nationalism, and freedom from Yankee hegemony, as they were about alternative economic systems (Paige 1997). This nationalist discourse exists currently in both a Sandinista and a Liberal form but is presently subjugated to the discourse of globalization. Second, Nicaragua is one of two countries8 on the globe where such a plethora of NGOs have structural significance for the gove rnability of the country (O'Neill 2004). 8 According to ONeill (2004) Mozambique is the other.

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16 With 4000 NGOs (Briones 2004) channeling 70% of the foreign aid (CAPRI 1996) or more than 20% of the GDP, Nicaragua is a study in NGO hyper concentration which affects other organs of civil society as well as state and market sectors. Third, it is one of the countries where the U.S. and the corporate entities that shape its bilateral policy have managed, with a couple of brief hiatuses9, to exert dominance over Nicaraguan political life for 150 years. (LaFeber 1993). Consequently, Nicaraguas cash economy both from its colonial hist ory under Spain and England and its neocolonial history under the U.S. has been structured around mineral and forest product extraction and agro-industrial exports for fo reign consumption. When this history is combined with the receptivit y of present governmental a nd commercial leadership to corporate globalization, Nicaragua is notable for its foreign investment friendliness and the openness of its markets. Nicaraguas ac cession to a global division of labor and the maintenance of enclave economies on its territo ry is codified in the recent CAFTA freeinvestment agreement. Fourth, due to several histor ical factors, including disa sters of natural and human origin, ranging from earthquakes and hurrica nes to colonization, plagues, wars, and economic ruin, Nicaragua has remained fragme nted ethnically, cultura lly, politically, and economically. This fragmentation has militated against the imagined community (Anderson 1991/1983) on which strong nationhood is built. U.S. aggression against both Liberal and Sandinista visi ons of Nicaraguan nationhood pr evented their long-term consolidation as dominant discourses. On the other, hand these same factors have played 9 The Jos Santos Zelaya administration (1893-1909) and the FSLN (Sandinista) administration (1979 1990) both, in their own ways, strove to maintain sovereignty from the United States.

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17 a role in developing a count er discourse of rebelliousne ss and nationalism which fuels both counter hegemonic social movements and populist caudillismo today. A Continuum of Short T erm Volunteer Experience Volunteer Vacationers When individuals first set foot on Nicaraguan soil they are not a tabla rasa. Rather, they come with Nicaragua already im agined. From what they have heard and read, they have visions and of what it will be; they have generated expectations and hopes, premonitions and fears. For some, Nicar agua is a hostile badlands in which armed bands carrying automatic rifles, hijack busses of foreigners, and steal from and even rape them. (This has actually happened to short term volunteers in Central America but not in Nicaragua).10 For others, it is a paradise of lakes, volcanoes, rainforests, and beaches, a relatively undiscovered tourists paradise. For still others, wh o are leaving their native soil for the first time, it is a cultural a dventure into the unknown, a chance to wander among a people whose customs are mysterious. The images are more numerous than the travelers themselves, for each traveler brings a kaleidoscope of contrasting fantasies. For North Americans raised in certain religious a nd political circles duri ng the last quarter of the 20th century imaginaries of Central America ar e filled with powerful images of heroes and martyrs that call forth dimensions of radical political and religious commitments. Because the first time visitors usually know more about the geography and culture of Nicaragua than about the individuals or families who reside there, the types identification they have are often faceless a nd amorphous. It is the exotic, the different, 10 In July of 2004 a group of high school age volunteers and their chaperones for one of the NGOs researched here was hijacked while tr aveling between cities in Guatemala. All valuables were stolen but no one was harmed. Two years earlier, also in Guatemala, group of anthropology students from a college in the United States were hijacked and several students raped.

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18 the mystifying that attracts. It is the ch allenge of testing oneself under adverse and unforeseen conditions and of he lping others. I encountered no circumstance where any group prior to their departure met a villager. That is why veteran vol unteers are crucially important; they supply the testimonio, the witness, to what is to come. They are guides through a maze of inoculations for tropical diseases, an orientation to a rural mestizo culture, and possess knowledge of how to speak and act. They help newcomers negotiate one of the most anxiety-ridden passages, the pre-departure prepara tions when little is known and much is feared. The veterans are th e travelers security until they enter the embrace of those who will care for th em while they are in Nicaragua. The visitors rely on this eyewitness testimony, not only to understand what Nicaragua is like, but also what it is like to spend two weeks under the guardianship of the NGO whose representatives will be at the airport to gree t them. They dont have to worry about what to see, what to do, or whom to meet. The schedule has been taken care of. They dont need to be concerned about sanitation issues. A ll food and water needs are provided for. Vaccinations and acce ss to medical care has been pre-arranged. Translation, orientation and constant accomp animent help them bridge linguistic and cultural barriers. They dont need to worry about the vulne rability of being alone, for they will always be with the group. They don t need to learn the cu rrency or prices to avoid being swindled, because others will do th e purchasing or advise on transactions. Visitors dont need to explai n to the community residents th eir reason for being there, it has already been established that they are co ming to help. They dont need to decide how they will enter the community where they will work, since introductory rituals have been planned. They need not think about what tools or supplies or even skills they will need to

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19 do their jobs. The Nicaraguan work team is accustomed to working with North Americans who lack the necessary linguistic and craft skills. In shor t, visitors are cared for almost as if they were children. But ch ildhood is not a time of total tranquility. And as we shall see in chapter six, physical, mental and emotional discomfort are part of the first volunteer experience. It cannot be otherwise. Weekends usually involve touring. Si ghtseeing among the mountains, volcanoes, lakes, rainforests, and ocean beaches are comm on weekend activities, as is the obligatory afternoon at the artisans market to shop for souvenirs. After a week of camping in the village, often it is the creature comforts of a tourist hotel that are more appreciated than the surrounding scenery. The dimension of volunteering, of doing so mething, looms large with the volunteer vacationers, especially the neophytes, as their skills of relating cro ss-culturally are often rudimentary. Their self-justifi cation for their trip is the quan tity and quality of the work that they leave as their legacy. There is an unexamined belief in the efficacy of their work, due to their confidence in the NGO that sponsors the project and the presence of locals who will personally benefit from it. So the first trip to Nicaragua is made by individuals for whom volunteering and vacationing take precedent over some of the pr eoccupations that concern their peers who have transitioned into development tourism or even solidarity travel. Development Tourism As with any taxonomy, the tripartite division of short term visito rs into volunteer vacationers (VV), development tourists (D T), and solidarity travelers (ST) involves creating categories which dont cap ture the complexity of indi vidual humans, so that any

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20 given volunteer may exhibit attributes of all three.11 Yet volunteers tend to favor one of the three categories. Since every volunt eer comes to Nicaragua with their own experience base it is possible for them to have gone through some of these personal adjustments prior to arrival. Volunteers transition across these th ree subject positions with increased experience. As the median age for VVs becomes younger and such trips become institutionalized as adolescent educa tional experiences, the cultural dynamics of North American rites of passage into adult hood will influence the subjective significance of the phenomenon. DTs retain interest in the exotic that is found in VVs, but with diminished fear of the unknown. Excitement, which begets advent ure in a DT, displaces the anxiety the VV exhibits. DTs dont seek to go only where they have been advised to go, rather they seek out alternative destinations or sites, within group destinatio ns, to explore on their own or with a friend. They look for contact with loca ls a higher percentage of their time than the VVs do, and they take greater risks communicating. DTs appreciation of the NGOs role is more nuanced than that of the VVs. They have been on more than one trip and often to more than one locale. So they are capable of comparing the adequacy of the logistic pr eparations made for them in the separate instances. Sometimes they have been in c ountries besides Nicaragua and so are capable of comparing what appear to be nati onal differences between the NGOs and the cultures. DTs are often more concerned a bout the implicit agreem ent with the village about how much and what type of work their group should accomplish. They have a sense of responsibility for the groups performance, not just their own accomplishments. 11 Refer to figure 7-1 -in Chapter seven.

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21 They are much more appreciative of the mutual work arrangements between Nicaraguans and North Americans, and they consider it a problem if North Am ericans are working on their own, without the partic ipation of Nicaraguans. They dont assume that the Nicaraguans need North Americans to complete the project at hand. DTs are less likely than VVs to assume that the behavior of each group member will reflect badly on the entire group in the eyes of Nicaraguans. That is, their ability to perceive individuality in Nicaraguans allows them to assume that Nicaraguans are equally capable of such distinct ions. Nonetheless, since they feel a greater re sponsibility, they are also more likely to confront what they consider inappropriate behavior by group members. DTs are less fascinated by some of the details of Nicaraguan cultural life, because they have come to take them for granted DTs become much more aware of the boundary between the NGO and the community. They dont confuse NGO leadership with community leadership. They have more awareness of the role of the NGO in the community including its program limits and its centralized decision-making. DTs are more aware of internal NGO staff struggles and the complexity of the issues that lead to such tensions. DTs are much more aware of how their visit impacts the NGO budget. Often it is the DT that is invited to and accepts membership on the NGO board of directors. DTs have the experiential base to challenge the NGO to address development needs that are not being met. When the NGO indicates a relu ctance to diversify it is usually a DT who invests personal time and resour ces in trying to organize a de velopment initiative to deal with that additional perceived need. Mo st of those who found new NGOs and begin

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22 bringing groups to Nicaragua have moved into the category of Solidarity Traveler by that time. Solidarity Travelers STs visit new places and meet new people, but their itineraries take them to less visited communities, where foreigners ar e not common. The STs seek to meet Nicaraguans who are doing social analysis and community orga nizing on the local level. They may work through NGOs but social move ments pique their interest more. STs enjoy learning local customs and have a closer identification with the local relations of production than those who assume a modernis t stance from the beginning, as DTs might, or as VVs almost inevitably will. In othe r words, they can grasp the viability of the Nicaraguan family farm and some of the conditio ns which make farming feasible or not. The STs have a much more nuanced understand ing of the role of the market and the effects of corporate capitalism on rural z ones than either the VV or the DT. Solidarity travelers sometimes invest them selves long term in one community, and invariably they rely on deepening their rela tionships with Nicaraguans as a way to be more effective as a solidarity worker. STs see their most important (if not their most enjoyable) role working not in Nicaragua but rather in the U. S. They know that teaching others about Nicaragua and th e social analysis process may likely result in more U.S. citizens involving themselves with Nicaragua It can also pro duce policy changes at various levels of government that the ST considers of greater importance than the material aid he/she might be able to send.

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23 One sort of visitor that may be considered as a type of solidarity traveler are what Lawrence Ferlinghetti referred to as tourists of revolution.12 These political travelers select their destinations based on polit ical and economic self-determination and sovereignty that a popular movement exhibits vis a vis the global neo-liberal market system13. In some cases their solidarity could be to socialists or other movements that seek a more equitable economic system. Sometim es tourists of resist ance may be visiting victims communities in areas of armed str uggle. In my consideration of STs in Nicaragua I include those whose commitmen t is to the self-determination of the marginalized members of Nicaraguan society, regardless of what resistance or political system they might consider optimum. DTs are more likely to return to familia r territory, seeing incremental and smallscale projects as important for sustainable development. STs are interested in the process of mutual liberation as well as the particular persons who are the occasion to spark that liberatory process. They may be susceptible to disillusionment when they meet individuals who are not as pure in motive or practice as their re sistance rhetoric pretends. It is easier to be in solidarity with heroes and martyrs than people. It was the heroic examples of ordinary Nicaraguans that inspir ed the first solidarity movement in the 1970s and 80s. Development of a Research Topic Any research program is the dynamic product of the confluence of an ethnographer, the ethnographers subjects and the historical juncture that provides the context and 12 Ferlinghetti, Lawrence. 1984 Seven Days in Nicarag ua Libre. San Francisco:City Lights Books, cited in Babb 2001:249 13 There is evidence that solidarity volunteers and or ganizations shifted interest from Nicaragua to Columbia, Cuba and Chiapas after the eclipse of the Sandinista revolutionary government.

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24 motive for the study. The self of the ethnogr apher include markers of gender, race, ethnicity, age, religion, cla ss, social network, professional formation, ideological development, theoretical and emotional propensi ties, etc. Each of these can be viewed from the perspective ascribed by the ethnograp her themselves, that is identity, or that assigned by someone else, the ethnographers so cial location. This self provides what feminist theoreticians refer to as the s tandpoint of the researcher (Gubrium and Holstein 1997; Lincoln and Denzin 2003). This standpoint is an element of all academic work. Those who seek to be objective must f actor in the standpoint of the researcher, the biases of the operative theory and the emic pers pectives of the participants in the research project (Haraway 2003). In this chapter I will speak briefly about the personal, profes sional and theoretical elements of my standpoint, in a narrativ e style to better co mmunicate its dynamic ongoing construction14. In chapter three I deal in more detail with epistemology and methodological considerations that flow from this standpoint. A Personal Narrative: Aviation and Empire I was born into aviation. I first flew in an airplane in utero My father was towing signs behind his bi-plane on Miami Beach be fore I was born, and was crop dusting cotton in the Mississippi Delta during my first year As a young child I remember the sensation of swinging in flight, supporte d on the fuselage of the bi-p lane by my armpits with my 14 Experience, if it is to be m eaningful, must be presented in a story that has a beginning, middle and an end. Significant experien ce, liminal moments and turning points embedded in narrative supply context. See Li ncoln and Denzin, eds.(2003). Narratives of historical experience can destabilize received tr uths and locate debate in the complexities and contradictions of histori cal life Chandra Mohanty (2003).

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25 feet dangling within the 200 gallon tank that on other occas ions contained insecticide or fertilizer. As a 10 year old I saw, heard and smelled the fauna of South America as cages of living and dying animals were unloaded at the Miami International Airports cargo terminal in the dead of night. I was witn essing the open veins of Latin America that Eduardo Galleano would write of 15 years later. My father became an airline pilot, a pilo t for a tropical fish importing business, a flight instructor, and a test pilot. We used ai rcraft for family trips and to hunt treasure in the Caribbean. My father told stories of the beauty of Hawaii, the devastation of Hiroshima and the exoticism of Amazonia. Hi s tales impressed on me that the globe is both circumnavigable and fragile. But if I was born into aviation, I was born, as well, into the empire that it served. Airpower enabled the U.S. to emerge intact from a war that devastated the economies of most other developed nations. Aviation ex ecuted the immolations of Hiroshima and Nagasaki: acts of total war that my father assured me made certain that he, an infantryman in the planned US invasion of Japan, would live and that I could be born. The annihilation of Japanese men, women, and children was justified by my birth. It was a similar imperial logic that assured me as a young adult that my personal security was dependent on the napalming of villages and the carpetbombing of cities and forests in Indochina. But alr eady the contradictions were too evident and the globe had become to small to make such argument s credible. Even as technology was being employed for imperial purposes, faith was blowing winds of change across world.

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26 The Church and Social Movements When I reached the tender age of 13 I en tered a seminary to study for the Roman Catholic priesthood. This was in 1964, the ye ar in which Vatican II, convened by Pope John XXIII to open up the windows of the chur ch, was ending. Over a period of four years 2500 bishops from around the world ha mmered out 13 documents, including a new constitution for the Church. Those documents, treating of a variety of theological themes turned the Church toward the world and aw ay from the defensive social stance and conservative politics that it had he ld since the Counter Reformation. The ecclesial ferment of the 60s and ear ly 70s was global and it engendered a renaissance in the Church, which valued diversity and decentralization over the uniformity and centralized authority that ha d held sway for 500 years. This renovation also caused the Churchs missionary practice to be reexamined in light of a more ecumenical theology and the insights of anthr opology and other social sciences (Evans, et al. 1993). The new missioners were going to be converted as much as to convert. The Church hierarchy, embedded in the colo nial structures of the European nationstates as bearer of Christian civilization to th e colonies, began to see that if it cared about the temporal welfare of the majority of its believers peoples of Asia, Africa, and the Americas then it could no longer side with the colonizers or their successors. The church needed to indigenize and to stand with the people in their suffering. In short, it needed to resist the post-WWII economic orde r that was being marshaled in by the U.S. and other developed nations of the North by m eans of their allies, the neo-colonial elites in the South. Latin America was the continent on which this revolutionary Christian vision was most clearly articulated and put into pastoral practice. It was the Latin American

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27 liberation theologians, resonating with de pendency sociologists and economists, who stated the rationale, but the peasants and their priests and nuns provided the pastoral motivation and models that changed the Chur ch and society from the grassroots up. It was finally in Medellin, Colombia, in 1968, that the Conference of Latin American Bishops articulated that the Catholic Church was being ca lled to make a fundamental option for the poor (Hobgood 1991)15majority. All Christians were called to be in solidarity with the poor and to pursue lives that would lead to their liberation from suffering caused by the sinful structures of the world econo my. This was a pastoral theology which had first been articulated in papal encycli cals supporting the organization of the working class in Europe in the latter 19th and early 20th centuries, A body of ecclesial literature which supported social ju stice caused rethinking of the role of the church and its alliances with oligarchies around the world16. My decade in Catholic seminaries st udying philosophy, theology and the social sciences gave me an inside view of libera tion ecclesiology as practi ced in Latin America. I realized the systemic impli cations of the restructuri ng of the church around the people rather than the hierarchy and urged th e North American Church to adapt pastoral models being developed in Latin America (Fogarty 1980). I understood that solidarity with the poor of Latin America was very much a two way street. We needed them, for the renewal of the Church and North American society, as much as they needed support 15 option for the poor is used in Catholic social teaching to mean an option for militant poor people who are opted for because, in their struggle against struct ures of exploitation and oppression, they exemplify human dignity at work. 16 Including papal encyclicals Rerum Novarum, Quad ragessimo Anno,, Mater et Masgistra, Pacem in Terris, and Vatican II document Gaudium et Spes.

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28 with their struggles for social justice. No t all my time was spent in the classroom, as college students were the shoc k troops of the anti-Vietnam war protests and, to a lesser extent, the civil rights movements, which Dr Martin Luther King br ought together before his assassination. As the war in Vietnam was winding down due to lack of popular support here and lack of military success there, the incipient conflicts in Central and South America were heating up. Cuba had become a socialist presen ce in the hemisphere. The cold war came to dominate the North/South axis discourse. Instead of Vietnamese peasants it was Latin American peasants who were labled by the U.S. government as the vanguard of world communism (Grandin 2004). Presbyterians provided leadership for the U.S. sanctuary and solidarity movements with Central America (PCUSA 1982)17 in the early s. But Catholics were active as well. They had been exposed to 100 years of social justice teachi ngs, and most of those massacred or disappearing were Catholics. Being a catechist in Central America was a dangerous calling (Nepstad 1996:116-117). The poverty of our Church was celebrated in the death of our priests, our catechists, and our peasants. Each day, for Monseor (archbishop) Romero and for each one of us, it was clearer that our poor Church was condemned to be crucified and killed just as Christ had been.(Anonymous 1988:102)18 As class conflict heated up, tens of thousa nds of the poor were killed. Hundreds of thousands fled North. Each one had eyewitn ess accounts of the at rocities that their 17 By 1982 the PCUSAs 194th General Assembly had encouraged the illegal act of providing sanctuary to Central American refugees in their churches as incr easing numbers were fleeing for their lives from US funded counterinsurgency initiatives of Cent ral American militaries (PCUSA, 1983:18). 18 [my translation]

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29 families and friends had suffered at the hands of the military or para-military forces of the oligarchies of Central America. Throughout the s and s the escalati ng conflict in Central America waged by militaries supplied with munitions and training from the U. S., along with a nuclear arms race with the Soviet Union, led to the growth of what have been called peace movement organizations (PMOs).(Pagnucco 1996). Am ong these were several I belonged to, including the Catholic Worker Movement, Pax Christi USA, and the Catholic Peace Fellowship. As Panucco observes in his study of Pax Christi, the faith-based groups were much more likely to engage in what he te rms unruly activities, or direct non-violent actions of various kinds, than were their secular counterparts who devoted themselves to more conventional political tac tics. I believe that the re ligious organizations (although Panuccos study failed to identify this) were more militant because of their spiritual solidarity with southern brot hers and sisters who were ri sking their lives daily. The Pledge of Resistance, which originated w ith 30 national PMOs and numerous local and regional ones after the U.S. invasion of Grenada in 1984, sought to deter a similar invasion of Central America. It threatened massive non-violent direct action and occupation of federal buildings in many of the communities across the nation. The pledge was not hollow, as thousands of a ffinity groups planned and practiced direct action throughout 1985. By 1986 Witness for Peace, another PM O, was bringing thousands of North Americans to Nicaragua to document the atro cities being committed against Nicaraguans by the U.S.-funded Contras and to stand in solidarity with campesinos in the war zones.

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30 These short term (two week) delegations came fr om every state. My wife participated in the first one from Florida. A Professional Narrative Philosophy and Theology One of the first influences on my ideas of solidarity and my later choices of affiliation with social movements for peace and justice was my training in philosophy and theology under the tutelage of the Churc h. My early education in religion in high school and junior college were pre-Vatican II in character, tending toward apologetics for the status quo of Church and society. My later training in upper division college and graduate school was largely a refutation of that security and a que st for understanding what Christianity could become in a more equitable 20th century. The stark contrast between the two weltenshaungs led to profound crises of identity for those of us studying for church careers at that time, as it did fo r many in the general church population during the 1970s. The end of the colonial period in history was ushering in new theological heuristics. The philosophy that I interna lized helped me to understand the inadequacy of the Cartesian subject/object duali ty underpinning the modern ma terialist/idealist debate19. It was difficult to see how such duality could le ad us into a non-Eurocentric, post-colonial world. Instead, existential phenomenology pointed me toward a non-metaphysical ontology. By grasping reality as human expe rience, I could understand the contributions that both structuralism and post-structura lism brought to social analysis. Communal 19 My first professor of anthropological theory opened the semester with the clai m that all anthropologists had to choose between materialism and idealism; a binary opposition that I had earlier synthesized under the category of human experience.

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31 experience, or history, became for me the data which when read critically, could provide a direction for the future. Postcolonial and later, feminist critiques helped me to problematize western history a nd social science (among whic h I would include education and theology) (Chakrabarty 2000). Religion and Education My focus during college and graduate school, until entering anthropology, was on the interface between religion and education. I was fascinat ed by the idea of divine revelation, and how that could be shar ed among people by analysis of personal experience. Eventually this led me to th e question of how human solidarity might be operationalized. During this time I left the seminary and sought a career in religious education as a professi onally trained layman. In the 70s I became aware of the work of the Brazilian educator, Paulo Freire (1999) and the influence of his method in in corporating social an alysis in literacy training. Freires method, developed to prom ote a liberatory education, could be adapted to education for justice in the U.S. because as Friere recognized, both the middle class and the popular classes require d liberation, though from diff erent aspects of oppression. During my career as a religious educator I became involved in the long tradition of social-justice activism that finds a scriptur al basis in the Hebrew prophets and in the Christian Gospels, and affiliated with various religious movements for social-justice, as mentioned earlier. Exposure to liberation theology and testimonies of base Christian communities in Latin America revealed conne ctions between religious solidarity and equitable political economies. I came to understand the underdevelopment of Latin American economies not as an unfortunate ha ppenstance for the destitute majority, but as a foreseeable consequence of decisions by the wealthy minority.

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32 Solidary Activism As I became acquainted with people who re flected out of their lives of struggle against social injustice, I le arned how to help people consci enticize themselves in group settings. I was involved in nonviolent direct action and in educational events to deepen my own awareness and the awareness of others concerning the costs of social injustice and to develop alternatives to it. After years of solidarity work with Cent ral Americans in the U.S., my family moved to Nicaragua to do development wo rk during the last three years under its revolutionary government. For me solidarity was never primarily about partisan politics or economic models. I was most preoccupi ed with the unity of human spirit or consciousness that religion spoke to. But or ganized religion had failed to follow through on the implications of that unity. It had largely missed its soci al mission to convince homo sapiens that the species was important to pres erve in its diverse entirety. Rather, religion became, sociologically speaking, a nother particularity which reinforced ethnocentricity. Ecumenism has never become the dominant practice of world religions. Rather, once Christianity wedded Constantin ian empire, political,and ecclesial power forged a theocratic ideology that remains one of the bulwarks of parochialism in a religiously diverse world. Re ligious differences, rather than coordinating in a planetary fellowship, seem as implicated as secular di fferences in the constr uction of global antisolidarity or alienation. Anthropology I needed a standpoint outsid e the confines of confessi onary religion which would allow me to examine human solidarity more wholistically. I deci ded anthropology might be the discipline from which to better unders tand both particularity and universals of

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33 human culture. If religion was too fragmented to give rise to human solidarity then perhaps anthropology, which purports to study human culture in se, could offer the perspective from which to understand how huma n solidarity coheres. I made this choice even as I became aware of anthropologys colonial roots. A Theoretical Narrative My entre into anthropology began as a search for a perspective that might provide purchase for a critique of my own culture (M arcus and Fischer 1986). I was, and still am, trying to combine a global perspective and commitment to marginalized peoples that grew out of Catholic liberat ion ecclesiology (Boff 1985), a political economy that grew out of world systems theory (Wallerstein 1974; 1980) and a post-colonialist (Bhabha 1994; Said 1978) and post-str ucturalist cultural producti on theory (Armstrong 2001). Post-Structuralism Foucault (1972; 1978; 1980) c onvinced me that all discourse is both material and political. He also showed me that power is mo st evident in discourses at the periphery. It was this insight that led me to believe that Central America held academic as well as spiritual importance for North America. It is in the constant mutual redefiniti on of each other that Central Americans and North Americans find their respective identiti es. Ethnography then becomes a method to discover if the subjectivities being constr ucted between members of each culture by means of direct interp ersonal contact might be able to subvert the dominant discourses constructed at the level of nation states and congealed in international policy and stereotypical mass media images. Can c ounter-hegemonic discourses be constructed from small-scale cross-cultural shared experien ces? If every day lif eways reflect global political economics as well as historical part icularities, then cross-cultural interpersonal

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34 communication creates conditions for the possibi lity of identity constructions that differ from the stereotypical ones employed to genera te international policy. Particularly if the discourse framing the contact contains counter-hegemonic elements, then participants are forced to revisit their cultures of origin with a critical perspective. This concerns the politics of cultural struggle (Williams 1991), specifically the construction of what Gramsci called an alternative hegemony. Such counter-discourse can become an element of a war of position to eff ect a conquest of civil soci ety (Gramsci, Prison Notebooks VI,7) in.(Forgacs 2000) Post-structuralism, informed by semiotics and literary criticism, led to sophisticated forms of cultural production theory incor porating insights from media studies and symbolic anthropology. Post Structuralisms main weakness as exemplified in Foucault, is that even though resistance to discursi ve and institutional hegemony is affirmed20, it is un-theorized and thus un-strategized except at the micro level of th e person, not at the level of institutions (Hoy 1986). The specifics of discursive politic al resistance are not systematically analyzed before Foucault dives into his ethics of subjectivity. While this prevents the construction of resistance tactics based on pre-identified markers of difference and avoids the economic reductioni sm of orthodox Marxism, it can lead to disempowerment (Jameson 1984) and ultimatel y an almost Baudrillardian dystopianism as Geertz (1988) among others, has observed. Ortner (2005) raises a distinct but related point; that Foucaults stress on the continge ncy of historical c onjunctures ends up de20 Where there is power there is resistance...It is coexte nsive with power and absolutely its contemporary. As soon as there is a power relationship there is the possibility of resistance. We can never be ensnared by power: we can always modify its grip in determinate conditions and according to a precise strategy (Foucault 1988:123).

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35 humanizing, or de-subjectifying, hi story. Little room is left for subject agency. In this regard, Foucault has not strayed far from his structuralist roots. Post-structuralism provides the critical tool s to see power at work and to suggest strategies to counter hegemony, but it does not articulate how power coalesces and flows in directional as well as disperse ways. Neo-marxism and political ecology identify the material resource flows that indi cate powers dir ectionality. Neo-marxism (Forgacs 2000) supplies unique insights into the workings of late capitalism as it dominates other competing rela tions of production. Especially salient in Nicaragua is understanding how gender, race, and ethnic differe nces are utilized to regenerate socio-economic hierarchies after th e dethroning of a kinship-based dynasty and a brief revolutionary redist ribution of resources. Nicaraguas current combination of cont rasting revolutionary and neo-liberal political rhetoric mobilized by 2 caudillo -led political parties who openly share power, results in an oppositional political discourse accompanied by a unitary political practice. The two primary political parties seek to polarize the rhetoric and thereby ideologically consolidate their respective constituenci es while controlling th e state by balancing official appointments. Multi-lateral le nding agency control of the domestic budget through structural adjustment and cond itional financing, free both parties from accountability for their rhetoric. Combined di scursive and material research strategies are required to sort out why and how cont radictory political discourses lead to consolidation of power for each without breach ing unitary institutions such as the state (Rocha 2004).

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36 The political ecology approach also provi des a clear understanding of our place as one species among thousands in our ecosystem. The unsustainablity of the present rate of human consumption found in the North (with manufactured from raw materials extracted from the South utilizing southern labor) is tr ansparent to political ecological analysis. The consequences of unsustainable consump tion impact different populations differently depending on their vulnerability. Political ecology provides gr aduated scales of analysis that highlight the interrelatedness of global physical and economic phenomena. Useful political ecology is rooted not in an equilibrium seeking structural functionalism but rather in a historical, dynamic and ethnogr aphically informed unde rstanding of human political systems. Situated Knowledges Every ethnography is the pr oduct of an ethnographer who (in addition to studying a particular people locatable in time and space) brings his/her subject position to the research. From this unique configuration of factors arises th e central ethnographic question. Ethnographers who are convinced that th e importance of their research is theoretical frame their research questions in abstract categories that might contribute cumulatively to science. Others (whose concerns tend more toward the pragmatic) phrase their questions in terms of solutions to practical prob lems. This theory/application tension in anthropology often devolves into a debate that distracts from praxis, the process of theoretically-informe d-practice informing theory. This dialectic of reflection on empirically grasped data informs the wa y we construct and apply knowledge, and the way we ask subsequent questions.

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37 If we lived in a perfect world, then we could justify unengaged anthropology, but until then ethical anthropology will be engaged21 with the existential issues of people at some level of intentionality on th e part of the ethnographer. In my search for a satisfactory resoluti on of the epistemologi cal conundrum of the subjective and objective adequacy of human knowledge, I found Donna Haraways feminist epistemology of strong objectivity and standpoint anthropology affirms each ethnographers unique contribution while providing contextual standards. As she points out, both the epistemological rela tivism of radical social cons tructionism, which results in any ethnographic text having equal truth wa rrants, and the positivist claims for an immutable, ahistorical objective reality which can be described by assuming the objective standpoint, are what she calls God tricks. In either case (though in diametrically opposed formulations) an ethnographer claims in fallibility, and thus precludes scientific dialogue. True objectivity is that which not only acknowledges, but carefully elucidates, the standpoint of the ethnographer so that co ntextual validity of the ethnography can be judged from the standpoint of each of her/his peers. This insight is crucial in my own wo rk. I do not claim replicability or generalizability for it, but I do seek accuracy from my own standpoint, since only partial perspective promises objective vision (Har away 2003). Partial perspective acquires validity not just epistemologi cally, but also ethically a nd politically. In standpoint epistemology, positioning is crucial to grounding knowledge. Taking a position from which to generate knowledge th at challenges present forms of domination requires both 21 Heyman (2004) defines engaged anthropology as anthropology involved in public issues and a subset, action anthropology as that in service of subordin ate communities and populations. Accordingly this dissertation is both.

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38 humility and community. One must acknowledge the partiality and situatedness of ones research findings. The limitations of my research will spur others on to investigate transcultural solidarity in new ways. Habitus and Field In my consternation at the present state of anthropology with its competing binaries of positivism and relativism, objectivity and subjectivity, materialism and idealism, structuralism and voluntarism, I sought a model that would offer synthetic concepts. It was with some enthusiasm that I discovered the work of Pierre Bourdieu. His attempts to describe social interaction and the institutions which arise from it as performance based resonated with my need to balance agen cy and structure in my own thought. The internalized rules of life that Bourdieu (1992) calls habitus provide a meaningful construct with which to understa nd discursive and corporeal pract ice of the participants in my study. What kind of social field is being constructed among the NGO, the visitors, and the villagers? What kind of capital is generated in this situation that can be used in each partys social transactions? What kinds of differentiation are creating symbolic violence of masked domination? Who are the be neficiaries and who the victims of those violent performances? Bourdieu continually cautions us to be skeptical of altruism. There is no such thing as disi nterested behavior. Those of us who claim to be seeking equality for all can generate greater inequa lity. For instance, unive rsal education is a powerful means to structuring inequality in society. Bourdieus concepts are useful because he presents social interaction as a contention for space, place and voice, a struggle for social survival. This is how I experienced the lives of the pa rticipants in my study. The doxa or axiomatic beliefs, of neo-liberalism savages both the traditional values and the mo dern aspirations of rural

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39 Nicaraguans, marginalizing them from political participation. As Roger Lancaster (1988) points out, the Nicaraguan revolution was ba sed on a traditional religious sense of outrage against modern forms of oppression wh ich broke all the rules of reciprocity. Class consciousness and solidarity could only be built when the symbolic violence of loyalty to the state became transparently suic idal or homicidal. The challenge of engaged anthropology in Nicaragua today is to provide a transparency that removes the legitimacy of practices that enable institutions to dispose of persons as objects, not subjects, of their own history. As citizens of the unsustainably consumptive one-third world we are part of the problem. Perhaps good ethnogr aphy can help us become more a part of the solution. Overview of Dissertation In this first chapter I have identified the issue of human solidarity formation as a crucial anthropological concern. I descri bed the recent and growing phenomenon of volunteer vacationing and raised questions about its practice and potential. The data will show that the volunteer vacation has differe ntial effects on the subjectivity of its participants. I introduced a taxonomy that included volunteer vacationers, development tourists and solidarity travel ers. I also related my pe rsonal history to clarify my motivations, propensities, resources and limitations as an ethnographer. Chapter two treats the theoretical focus of solidarity by tracing its genesis in various popular, institutional, and academic discourses from the disciplines of anthropology, sociology, and religion. This archeology of solidarity produces a working definition. Solidarity is analyzed as both a universal ideal and as a political technology. I distinguish between solidarity and altruism. In chapter two I also examine the literatures of development studies, tourism, peasant st udies, development st udies,and globalization for current issues impinging on transcultural solidarity. I examine identity and social

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40 location as they are constructed from social markers of race, class, gender and nationality in the context of the volunteer encounter. Chapter three presents my research design, operative epistemology, and corresponding methodologies. I de scribe the bi-cultu ral nature of the research team and participant population, and the complex issues of refl exivity that flow from our interaction within a multicultural phenome non. The research sites are located, datagathering methods described, and issues of c onfidentiality and collabo ration are raised in this section. Adjustments to the research design required in field and final limitations of the study are also mentioned here. Chapter four, considers the Nicaraguan hist orical context of my research through a chronologically organized pol itical economy of the nationa l project. The chapter analyzes the last 150 years of Nicaraguan e xperience, focusing first on the development of the elite owned and managed agro-export economy and then on the United States political hegemony that followed from intern ational commercial alliances of the elite classes of the respective countries. The chap ter ends with the consideration of the contemporary permutations of the two cont rasting development models that have contended for support of the Nicaragua n populace since European contact. Chapter five examines NGOs as key elements of the volunteer vacation phenomenon. I problematize the global role of NGOs as agents in transnational civil society, including their conserva tive and transformational func tions in the present world order. Issues of scale and how NGOs func tion within the global networks by means of vertical and horizontal linkages is important to understanding bot h their potential and their structural constraints in constructing tr anscultural solidarity. The omnipresence of

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41 NGOs in Nicaragua and the radi cal restriction of state prer ogatives due to structural adjustment is an optimum context in which to re-imagine the NGO nation/state articulation. Likewise NGO relationships with popular social movements reveal resistance and accommodation to neo-libe ralism in the Nicaraguan countryside. Chapter six focuses on the encounter itself. An introductory section narrates the birth and growth of the host NGO, analyzing th e imaginaries that give rise to the most active solidarity travel orga nization operating between the United States and Nicaragua. Testimony of NGO leadership, volunteer vaca tioners, and Nicaraguan villagers provides multivocality to the study and illustrates the complexity of the subjectivities created by this practice. Chapter seven offers a synthesis of the findings, showing how subjective and structural solidarity are differe ntially facilitated by symbolic and material conditions and practices of NGOs, visitors and villagers. I reassert the differen ce between altruistic service and transcultural solidarity, affirming a role for each. I distinguish between the realized and potential solidarity formation a nd note the implications of my research for current debates in studies of tourism, peasants, development and globalization. I conclude with recommendations fo r further research and practice.

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42 CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON SOLIDARITY TRAVEL A stalk of sage lights easily and burns quickly. Sage is about hot indignation and social protest. It is about the flash of special events that burn quickly and brightly and attract much attention and are quic kly gone And then we burn sweetgrass. Sweetgrass lights with difficulty, burns sl owly and yields a long lingering smell. Sweetgrass is that other stre ngththe strength of patien ce, endurance, of consistent long-range planning and long hard work. S weetgrass patience tells me to balance my indignation with the kind of work that will give us all something to celebrate the next time one of these [European dis covery of the Am ericas] celebrations comes along22 The sweetgrass solidarity that Robert A llen mentions above is not accomplished on a two-week volunteer vacation to a Nicaraguan village. But after the scent of sage has dispersed, if the institutional and personal circumstances are favorable, one can pick up the smell of sweetgrass with each inspiration that flows from an initial cross-cultural encounter. Chapter Overview I situate ethnography in the academy and within liberation anthropology, a particular type of applied advocacy anthr opology. I define liberation anthropology as that which takes oppression as its ethnographic theme, ma rginalized peoples as its participants, history as its medium, periphery as its site, power analysis as its method and the forging of solidarity as its ethical charge.23 22 Robert Allen, Warrior of the Osage Na tion (1991)"The Sweetgrass Meaning of Solidarity: 500 Years of Resistance" Sojourne rs, January 1991:22-23. 23 Ahmad judges that critical anthropology manages to create oppositions but with out creating solidarities.

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43 Ethnography is a reflexive process (both as an analysis of the ethnographers subjectivity in relation to hi s participants, (Clifford 1988) and as an analysis of the academic sub-field of social science within which the anthropologist operates (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992). "If we do as Clifford has suggested and investigate pervasive global processes unevenly at work' (Clifford 1988:17) we may be able to devise et hnographic techniques to probe the complex way in which people with very disparate images of reality find a way of acting collectiv ely"(Nash 1992:291). As Tsing (2005:x) puts it, where words mean something different across a divide, ev en as people agree to speak and where systematic misunderstanding, far from producin g conflict, allows [people] to work together. I am attempting here to go a bit further and develop techniques that probe the complex solidarity of those with disparate cu ltural material conditions of life but who inter-relate their imaginaries (Appadurai 1991) and negotiate po litical alliances nonetheless. This process is material and st ructural as well as symbolic and subjective. One of the global processes unevenly at work that Geertz alludes to is citizenship. We find in the practice of volunteer vacationi ng the ritual enactment of the encounter between two kinds of citizenship, the US ve rsion and the Nicaraguan version. Just as there is a division of labor in the productive activity of global manufacture, there is a division of political privilege in the perfor mance of global mobility. While it might be tempting to bifurcate US citizenship as one which has the privilege of total mobility and Nicaraguan citizenship as one which keeps it s members stationary, the ethnographic data lends important nuances to the inequa lity that exists between the two.

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44 Even though Appadurais (1991) ethnoscap es indicate global flows of people and ideas, boundaries nonetheless exis t. But the boundaries whic h restrict and constrain global flows across regions impact different travelers differently. A US citizens privilege to enter Nicaragua is never in actual question by either Nicaraguans or the United States. In the following section entitled problematizing solidarity, I offer a definition of solidarity and introduce an an alysis of it as a philos ophical concept, a social psychological affect, and a sociological and po litical consensus. Universal solidarity is the ultimate horizon of the affective and cons ensual types. The universal concept of solidarity includes elements of interdepe ndence and reciprocity, which lead many to confuse it with altruism. At this point I suggest unde rstanding the anthropological concept of solidarity as habitus (Bourdieu 1977; Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992). Bounded solidarity (Portes 2000) refers to groups which possess solidarity among their members with in a defined boundary. It is the politically operational form of solidarity. This bounded solidarit y contains an affective emo tional and/or a consensual, issue-oriented character. A four phase sequence in which solidarity is formed has emerged from the months of observations, interviews, focus groups, and surveys. I approach these four aspects first synchronically and then diachronicall y. I conclude this section by employing Bourdieus concept of mis-recognition24 to show how altruism is mistaken for solidarity. 24 Misrecognition, according to Bourdieu, is the vul nerability to hegemony that members of a society suffer unless the hidden logics and effects which insu re the maintenance of an unjust or symbolically violent social order are made transparent by social scien ce. It is the proper vocation of the social scientist to open up political spaces of freedom by unmasking th e social practices that en able mis-recognition. See Bourdieu & Waquant 1992: 198ff.

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45 The third section deals with four cross-disciplinary subfield literatures 1) tourism studies, 2) development studies, 3) peasant st udies, and 4) globaliza tion and transnational studies. Tourism can be understood as a search for self in light of the other, or the nonself. Subjectively, solidarity forms when t echnologies of tourism are used and then transcended in order to construct identities co mposed of transcultural identifications as well as distinctions. A subject position ha s been achieved in which we have met the native and they are us, and yet not us. Development can be understood as the c onstruction of modernities or possible futures in the present. Structurally, solid arity involves cooperating in the process of mutual empowerment towards new imagined futures that are culturally distinct but existentially interdependent. How can we c onstruct respective alternative futures that value both diversity and human rights, there by resisting global capit alisms reduction of human subjectivity to that of consumer? Peasant agriculture st ill constitutes one of the mo st common modes of livelihood. But that lifeway is rapidly changing in light of forces of global flows of resources, people, and technology. Solidarity with pe ople who subsist in part from family horticulture and agriculture must take into account the forces that contend to support or eliminate current peasant lifestyles. Solidarity travel can be theorized as a social phenomenon involvi ng global flows of people, resources and ideas. The hegemony of late global capitalism necessitates analyzing transnational travel as a ph enomenon of globalization from above characterized by multi-lateral governance, corporate travel, and recreational tourism and simultaneously globalization from below ex emplified by forced migration, networks of

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46 popular social movements, and human right s advocacy organizations. One involves a transnational capitalist class of the one-th ird world, and the other, the transnational popular classes of the two-thirds world. Situating Solidarity within Liberation Anthropology The justification for doing an ethnogra phy that includes the interface between North Americans and Nicaraguans is to facilita te the solidarity that the subjects say they want. And to do it in such a way that power differentials are in some measure made more equitable. This is an awkward role for anthropologists. Often we are working for academic and applied agencies in ways that maintain power differentials are maintained by providing data for policy formulation and execution. And when, as in my case, the research is supported by agencies that imbr icate in the power dynamics under analysis, the challenge of maintaini ng transparency and good faith with all parties becomes ethically and analytically challenging. As Heyman (2004) claims, it is the possi bility of articulating persuasive and practical counter-part id eals to the status quo that justif ies anthropological analysis of power dynamics. Such ideals (always plural and flexible), when constructed from ethnographic sources from the community in question and other sources brought by the ethnographer, can provide powerful tools for constructing imaginaries that tend toward lessening symbolic and material oppression and creating space for political maneuver. Tsing goes even further, asserting that Universalism is implicated in both imperial schemes to control the world and liberatory mobilization for justice and empo werment. Universals beckon to elites and excluded alike (2005:9) But univers als can never fulfill their promises of universality because engaged universals are affected by the conjunctural locality in which they must enlist their adherents (2005:8).

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47 It is true that culture wars are not fo ught on a Plain of Armageddon in a titanic clash of civilizations resulti ng in a Hegelian end of hist ory. On the other hand, it is disingenuous not to articulate multiple options for incremental change which distinguish practices of resistance from those of accomm odation, and when, tactically, to engage in one rather than the other. If one believes in subject agency, then the difference between resistance and accomodation is not just one of intentionality but has historical consequences. Such struggles may be characterized in cultural terms in any of thei r instantiations, but struggles for social justice are, as often as not, about personal and communal survival of societys most vulnerable (Nash 1992). The Academy as Site of Liberation Anthropology Thomas Jefferson saw the academy as an or ganization to critique church, state, and other institutions that come, through entropy, to represent only their own best interests; to unmask their usurpations and monopolies of honors wealth and power. Admirable though that ideal might be, anthropologists have shown that academicians are both subject to the wiles of ch urch and state and most obtuse to the institutional mis-recognition that the academy itsel f displays (Bourdieu 1984). Some would draw clear di stinctions between indo ctrination and liberatory education. There is no such thing as a neutral educatio nal process. Either it functions as an instrument that is used to facilitate the integration of the younger generation into the logic of the present system and bring a bout conformity to it, or it becomes "the practice of freedom," the means by whic h men and women deal critically and creatively with reality and discover how to participate in the transformation of their world. Richard Schaull in Freire (2002:34)

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48 My sense is that Schaull draws the conserva tive/liberatory binary too distinctly, yet his point echoes that of Fou cault (1972:227): Every educa tional system is a political means of maintaining or of modifying the appropriation of discourse, with the knowledge and the power it carries with it. And later: There is no knowledge that does not presuppose and constitute at the same time power relations(Foucault 1995/1975:27). Coloniality of Power and the Representation of Modernity Ethnographers are steeped in Eurocentricit y. This colonialit y of power which suffuses the academy creates a crisis of re presentation for its work. For, as Conquergood observes, critical theory seeks to uncover the politics of representations, and Ethnographic authority is the empowering alignment be tween rhetorical strategy and political ideology (2003:371). How et hnography gets its power, is key to the anthropological ende avor (Geertz 1988). Messay Kebede (2004) describes the difficulties that development anthropology confronts when facing its own colonial past in Africa. Africans have been prevented by colonialism from being able to recuperate a pre-Eurocentric interpretation of Africas past and project a post-Eurocentr ic version of Africas future. An African paradigm of development is essential to enable Africa to do something other than replicate a European model of modernity. As the model of mode rnization used in global development is inherently Eurocentric, Africa will never be ab le to compare favorably with Europe in that type of development. Some African scholars opt to overcom e this conundrum by rediscovering an autochthonous African pre-colonial pre-hi story. Ethno-philosophers argue that Africa has its own cultural para digms that can lead to a differe nt modernity than the European one. Other, universalist, schol ars maintain that Africa is now a post-colonial society that

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49 has incorporated European values of m odernity; and once the delay in development caused by colonialism is overcome, then Africa will be able to catch up with Europe and North America. In regard to anthropologys role in th e development regime, Kebede observes, To say that anthropology is a pr oduct of Western rationality is to underline the goal of domination as the initial proj ect of anthropology (Kebede 20 04:121). According to VJ. Mudimbe anthropologys works on Africa are not about Africa but about justifying the conquest/enslavement/colonization, and continue d exploitation of the continent and its inhabitants. Anthropology does not describe difference so much as it constructs it (Mudimbe 1988:20). To de-colonize the mind of Africans, especially Western-educated ones, means transcending the stereotypes that Europeans have constructed in the consciousness of the Africans themselves. Mudimbes solution is for African African scholars to read the colonial library from th e point of view of an expatriate European, and to select from both sides of the Europe /Africa trait columns those elements from which they would choose to fash ion a new pan-African mythology. As Kebede notes, liberation of the Af rican mind from Western paradigms of development are not even remotely possibl e without prior emanci pation from categories of European thought. He states that dec onstruction can unmask the cognitive politics of ethnocentricity, but only African freedom, subject agency, can offer an authentic African episteme. If development is built on freedom to choose then that future need be neither totally original (a binary opposition to eurocen tric development) nor a reiteration (a not quite European modernity). Africa comes to freely choose another modernity that needs not be authenticated on the basis of its di stance from or proximity to Europe.

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50 Kebede, unfortunately, does not discu ss Achille Mbembes assertion that psychically unresolved historic al experiences of slavery, colonialism and apartheid have yet to be worked into an interpretive schema for the construction of African selves both corporately and individually (Mbembe 2002). This unfinis hed psycho-historical task, according to Mbembe, prevents the conso lidation of a pan-African myth of enough coherence to make a political difference. Kebeles opting for subject agency over structural constraints is remi niscent of A.K Appiahs Afri can identity in formation, without dominant tropes to cons trict it (Appiah 1992). Kebedes insights into how African deve lopment is represented is helpful in understanding the subjective dimensions of our conundrum in the North American/Central American interface. In the Nicaragua/U.S. interface specifically corporate globalization is being offered by the respective governments and multilateral finance agencies as the only modern model of development as opposed to the traditional ways; while failing to adequate ly address the ecological devastation that colonial and post-colonial export oriented regimes have wrought. Local models of development being offered from below, by popular social movements, are framed as obstructionist in part because they are not presented as a pan-American or global imaginary like that offered by cor porations and nation-states. For Central Americans to be free to choose an imagined future that is not dictated by the development-complex, they must ha ve images of their own modernities. Anthropologists who value cultural relativism will assist in Mesoamerican constructions of modernity that preserve unique histori cal trajectories whil e engaging with other cultures. In a cro ss cultural encounter lik e volunteer vacationing anthropological insight

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51 can assist in elucidating power dynamics. In this way cultural and human rights can better be protected by all parties. A History of Engagement and Application Two tasks must be accomplished to situat e solidarity travel w ithin an anthropology of liberation. The first is to review the hist orical trajectory of th e applied orientation in anthropology. This task is only necessary because in the Anglo tradition of anthropology (in distinction with, for instance, the Mexi can tradition) (Gonzalez 2004) there has been a tendency to separate theory fr om practice; a distinction that in many ways protects the political status quo in society. Anthropol ogy is inevitably applied. Sometimes it is applied by anthropologists and sometimes by others. Because engagement and praxis have been a part of anthropol ogical tradition since its coloni al beginnings it follows that applied and academic anthropology have played a role in structuring racism, colonialism, and comparable forms of othering. Anthropol ogy has enabled Eurocentric hegemony as well as specific forms of resistance to it. Liberation anthropology is an epistemol ogically and political ly critical applied anthropology, yet one that breaks from the tradition of creating diffe rence in service to Eurocentric capitalism. Solidarity is a valu e and practice that must undergird it. When solidarity informs anthropology then its ap plication, for instan ce in the field of development, looks significantl y different than standard de velopment anthropology. It is the ability to discern the value of solidarity in anthropology and the habitus of solidarity in development that gives force to the argument that, from an anthropological perspective, solidarity travel creates more political options th an simple volunteer vacationing.

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52 Let us consider two different reflecti ons on the purpose of anthropology. For Edward Burnett Tylor, the first professor of anthropology at Oxford Un iversity, it is to reconstruct the evolution of culture, from primitive beginnings to the modern civilized state (Tylor 1996/1871). This is a unitary evolutionist view one which epistemologically as well as programmatically serves the pur pose of empire. The implicit Hegelianism which sees Europe as the end of history is co ntained within Tylors unilinear model. This model is at the root of a m odernization theory that sees cultural progress as convergent rather than divergent, as an over-determi ned modernity rather than a choice among optional modernities On the other hand, take Ruth Benedicts oft-quoted dictum that the purpose of anthropology is to make the world safe for human difference, and one envisions a contrasting type of intellect ual and practical enterprise. The purpose is not academic description, nor social engineering toward ci vilization, but doing what is necessary to ensure human diversity. Whereas Tylors implict telos was to create a world where primitives can be distinguished from and civilized by those who already were, Benedicts was to protect cultural divers ity as it exists and evolves. Anthropology, as applied over the last 150 years, shows that Tylors vision has prevailed over Benedicts. Critiques of the disciplines colonialism are now numerous (Asad 1975; Bennett 1988; Conquergood 2003; Escobar 1991; Gerrit and Mannheim 1979; Gough 1968; Harrison 1997a; Hymes 1972 ; Lewis 1973). Differing cultural modernities are endangered by the imperia l designs of colonizing nations and the ubiquitous presence of a Western postcolonial development industry. This homogenization occurs even as vertical di fferentiation into niche markets of production

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53 and consumption construct new microlevels of social strata. It is not the collapse of cultural diversity but the lack of critique and opposition to the meta-narrative of neoliberalism that convicts anthropology of co llusion with first colonialism and now globalization. In describing different anthropological modes of advocacy, Sanjek stresses the primary goal of convincing others (presumabl y the public or policy makers) that other cultures have internally consistent rationales for their practices. They have a past that indicates their present behavior and they have a future that will be different than the dominant modernity precisely because of cu ltural difference. Advocacy anthropologists concern themselves with practical outcomes of their research first by helping shape the way people see themselves in relation to the issues25 (Van Esterik 1985) and, more actively, by strengthen ing marginalized a nd silenced groups.(Schensul 1978:122). Sanjek contends that anthropologists firs t engage in advocacy during fieldwork. Unfortunately, he neglects the important predispositions of activist anthropologists. Advocacy during fieldwork is known as part icipatory action research (Whyte 1997), or simply advocacy anthropology (Jacobs 1974). A second phase may be subsequent to or outsi de of the research, but it also aims to influence policy makers. Sanjek mentions an other standing an anthropologist has which motivates advocacy, that of citizen. Citizen ship motivates the research team in my research, as will be explained in the next chapter. 25 "Oppositional consciousness depends on the ability to read the current situation of power and selfconsciously choosing and adopting the ideological form best suited to push against its configurations, a survival skill well known to oppressed peoples." Ch ela Sandoval 1991:15 cited in Hale (1996). Oppositional consciousness is not the product of ,but can be facilitated by, applied anthropology.

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54 Van Willigen (1986) notes that some resear ch is intentionally policy relevant. Some policy oriented research is community -based. Community-based research expands as community members realize the benefits th at accrue to them from having detailed information about their community. An anth ropologists advocacy is contingent on the degree of autonomy evidenced by the research participants and invitations by them to participate in an advocacy role. The anthropolo gist will likely not have the dominant role in discerning when the data generated shoul d be channeled, packaged, or otherwise made negotiable in policy decisions. If a document is the outcome of the resear ch then the participants should have a role in its compilation, and ed iting. In this way the community exercises agency and voice and can better utilize the document or combat it. Sanjek stresses that just leaving research to be used by others, without engagi ng in active strategies of dissemination, may be relegating ones findings to insignificance. If an anthropologist fi nds the data ethically compelling, then there is follow-through require d to satisfy ones et hical responsibilities to the host community and to the public at large. The forms these activities may take should be negotiated, and are thus not predictable. The second historical task (t he first was to review how advocacy has been integral to anthropological practice) is to recognize how Western anthropology has structured disciplinary discourse to support world cap italism. As the conflict between the oppressed and the oppressors intensifies world-wide we are haunted by the recognition that we are participants in a discipline wh ich chose the wrong si de long ago (Gordon 1997).

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55 The task is to show how the cultural logi c of colonial and impe rial capitalism have always manufactured cultural difference on ax es of race, gender, class, nationality, ethnicity, sexual orientation, geography, age, education and commodity consumption. The differences are not random, though they ma y be historically contingent. They are determined only in the sense that creating difference is the sine qua non for constructing global hierarchies. Western anthropology had a narrative and discursive function in maintaining the colonial enterprise. As F oucault notes, We must conceive discourse as a violence that we do to things, or as a practice we impose upon them(1972:229). Since developments goal is to addre ss the debilitating in equities produced by dominant discourses and global economics, anthropologists have to place analysis of race, gender, class, nationalism, etc., at the center of social development or change. In such a context, Faye Harrison (1997b:10) says, knowledge produc tion and praxis are inseparable. The dichotomy between poli tical economy and cultural critique, between structure and subjectivity, ar e dualisms that serve the pur poses of the academy and, ultimately, capital accumulation. But cultural logics and economic systems are not monolithic, rather they are the product of agency and contingency as well as structural constraints. Deterministic theories, whether materialist or discursive, ar e not useful in anthr opologies of liberation. They do not assist in the c oncientization project, instead they foster fatalism. Historical materialism has been faulted fo r an economic reductionism that gives a one-dimensional view of cultura l interaction and ignores the agentive function of symbol. Symbolic processes of meaning construction influence power confi gurations and social

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56 formations. Conversely, discour se analysis and deconstructi on have been faulted for identifying difference and domination without theorizing resistance a nd subject agency. Is field work still determined by colo nial geography? What does the field unconsciously allow ethnographers to think? If fieldwork is not a bout research in the two-thirds world by outsiders, what is it abou t now, and how is that different in both theory and practice? As Deborah DAmico Samuels sees the liberatory reflexivity of ethnography Our translation of the experiences of th e worlds exploited pe oples into language understood by those with access to greater pow er than themselves is useful only insofar as it prompts us to ask questions about the nature of this power in our own lives and work and as it spurs our contri bution to attempts to alter the global balance of power responsible for their poverty and oppression. (D'Amico-Samuels 1997:82) DAmico Samuels stresses that the exploi tation that power enables is part of the subject location of the ethnographer as well as those she studies. There is no corner of life so private and pe rsonal that issues of race, class, color and culture do not permeate it. A politically in formed holism of this kind will not be party to separating our personal and cultu ral experiences from our positions in hierarchies of race, class, gender and nati on but will rather recognize that as a locus for intellectual inquiry, ethical considerat ion, and political struggle, the field is everywhere (D'Amico-Samuels 1997:83). Reflexivity adds the dimension of political situatedness of ethnographic knowledge, which finds expression not just in ethnographic texts, but more expansively in social scientific practice itself, in the unthinkable unthought, the unconscious of the social scientist qua social scientist (Bourdi eu and Wacquant 1992:213). Harrison stresses that political solidarity with the exploited populations is a condition for the possibility of writin g credible ethnography concerning them. The anthropologist with verstehen rooted in a relationship of organic cohesion (Gramsci 1971:418) with the studied population and in real political solidarity, is well equipped to establish more equal relations of ethnograp hic production as well

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57 as to construct valid, reliable, and politica lly responsible repres entations of his/her host communitys sociocultural life (Harrison 1997c:90). Solidary insight separates a merely de -colonized anthropology from an anthropology of liberation. A potentially liberating anthr opological praxis must involve much more than a political economic analysis of the oppre ssion of a people or an account of the constructed nature of the West s representation of them. If there is to be any hope that the analysis will be instrumental ized, the anthropologist must analyze and understand the internal logic of the hege monic web lying within a peoples world view and culture and its relationship to the persis tence of oppression (Gordon 1997:164) Anthropologists and the folks they study are united in global we bs of relationship which pre-date the fieldwork and conti nue after the ethnogra phy is written. Our professional, political, and personal selves ar e intertwined. Fieldwor k is most often, and is in some ways in my case a lighter one-third worlder stud ying darker, less text literate two-thirds worlders. This is a relatio nship of colonial origins that endures. Until such a time as the ethnographer and her/hi s participants can access similar technologies of power, the differentials must be balanced by ethnographic practices which give people voice and power over their own representation. Charles Hale, also writing from Nicara gua, explains that, in the context of exploitation, the value of anthropological th eory rests ultimately on its efficacy for the material and cultural benefit of sub-altern popu lations. Lather (2003) refers to this as catalytic validity. Hale observes that the analysis that we offer as anthropologists ought to serve in the constr uction of powerful collective revolutionary voices (Hale 1996).

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58 Problematizing Solidarity : Toward a Practical Definition Solidarity as Antidote to Alienation The case for solidarity should include an anal ysis of why it is not the normal state of social relations. One prominent explanat ion for the absence of solidarity in modern society is offered by Karl Marx, specifically his treatment of alie nation. In theorizing how nature and culture interact Marx stressed that there is a tension between satisfying basic biological needs and actua lizing ones individual and social potential in society. He maintains that the root of contemporar y human alienation is based on modern capitalisms conflict with basic human nature. In Grundrisse (1973) Marx identifies three factors th at affect capitalist culture: 1) society has lost democratic control over the conditions of its productive activity; 2) the technology of production is object, not subject, oriented; and 3) cap italism replaces all social bonds with economic relations of excha nge. In capitalism the harder and longer a worker works to increase his/her producti on, paradoxically, the less his/her labor is worth. This is a direct threat to the worker s ability to provide ad equate sustenance for self and family. The worker is alienated from his/her human potential by productive work instead of achieving self -actualization by means of it. Marx showed that working for wages under capitalism alienates workers from their 1) labor, 2) individuality, 3) humanity, and 4) relationships. First, it alienates workers from what they have produced by their labor. The product never belongs to the workers, but to their employer. Hence workers are alienated as well from nature which supplies the raw materials for their products. Second, it alienates workers from their individuality since they value themselves as the employe r does, for the exchange value of their production. The worker has no in trinsic worth apart from the market value of his or her

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59 product. Third, they are alie nated from humanity, since bo th the product of their labor and the human action of produci ng it are estranged from social values. Fourth, humans in capitalist society find themselves reducing all social relation s to economic exchange thus alienating themselves from each other. For Marx alienation is not a state of mind but an objective social condition produced by capitalism's relations of producti on coming in conflict with human nature. Because the worker now works not for self-a ctualization but only for basic sustenance, those who pay the wages determine the worker s identity. S/he does not produce for the common good, but rather only for family. S/he has become a commodity to self and others, and is alienated from humanity. By developing a division of labor base d not on the needs of the producers but on the principle of maximum productivity for th e owner, capitalism alienates workers from the objects of their labor. That is to sa y, workers simultaneously create property for others and self-estrangement. All other human relations are subordina ted to utility. The human enterprise becomes mutual exploitation, even when cloake d in altruistic discourse. The capitalist class is alienated as well, but th e elites interpret thei r alienation, their selfestrangement, as evidence of their own power The working class, in contrast, feels annihilated in its alienati on; it experiences its own pow erlessness as subhuman. Alienation is the workers loss of cont rol over the means of production and the products of their work. Since the product of the workers labors belong to others, then s/he must enter into relations of exchange to transform his/her labor into sustenance. First it is transformed into money and then exchanged for commodities. Thus money becomes the social glue of capitalist culture Money subordinates all other social bonds

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60 to those of economic exchange, there by dissolving community. Money obscures personal relationships of interdependence, so individuals appear to be independent. Nonmonetary relationships are dismantled so th at surplus value is captured by the cash economy. Money becomes the symbol of a lienation. Humans actualize themselves through economic activity, but th e contradictions of capitalis m separate what persons do from whom they are, how they act from how they would prefer to act. The laborer constantly produces capital, a social power th at dominates and exploits. The fruits of his/her own labor becomes self-oppression. Division of labor makes work more re petitive and dehumanizing. Alienation involves the objectification of personal labor power by commodification, and relations between commodities come to determine a ll other relations. Commodities become fetishes as does universal exchange value, or money. The capitalist comes to focus exclusively on the exchange value of each commodity. The mind of a person immersed in commodity fetishism seeks sensational stimulation to compensate for person al isolation, for the indifference and ennui that make moral behavior ambiguous. The alienated in dividual socially disengages by observing rather than participating in reality. Alie nation results in minimal involvement in the world, affecting socio-economic structures and subjective states of awareness. Alienation can only be detected when one conceives of human life as an active project within an intrinsically social world. One can unders tand and be reflexively aware of alienation only within a context of solidarity. Alienation potentially explains several aspe cts of the volunteer vacation encounter. First, North Americans may engage in tr anscultural volunteering because they are

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61 seeking an antidote to alienation. As one volunteer expressed it, I am so glad to be here, it seems as if I am back inside my own skin! When the rules of market exchange are decentered by transcultural recipriocity, it a llows the volunteer to experience human relationships on a social basi s other than as a utilitarian transaction. Second, the volunteer experience may be heightened because many rural Nicaraguans are only partially integrated into capitalist relations of production and hence are engaged in less alienated social relationships. This could explain in part why Nicaraguans do not feel the same degree of social stigma from their poverty that their Nort h American visitors anticipate, and why the social receptivity of Nicaraguans is so surprising to the North Americans. One solidarity worker quotes Cl odovis Boff as saying solidarity is the gift of the poor. Authentic social relationships can only be entered into with those from whom we expect little in the way of commodities. Ru ral Nicaraguans have much to offer North Americans, but little of it can be commodifie d. Social and spiritual gifts such as those offered by Nicaraguans are not easily priced They can be reciprocated in kind, but their monetary equivalencies are unknowable hence they are non-negotiable. They involve the participants in what James Sc ott (1976) would call a moral economy. NGOs can commodify the volunteer experience ye t they risk much of potential value if they fail to provide openings for solidarity to heal alienation. A Moral Universal Imaginary Solidarity is a process of identification and differentiation whereby a subject actor champions what appears as a cause for an-oth er but actually, because of social, cultural, and economic interdependence, is a cause for both self other and the common good. Etymologically, solidarity co mes from the Old French solide, which connotes firmness,

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62 steadfastness, and is related to the Latin verb solidare, to strengthen. When pertaining to a group it denotes unity of purpose or interest.26 Human beings immediately apprehend the difference between fellow human beings and organisms of other species. Humans unde rstand some ontological unity with peoples and individuals of a myriad of phenotypes a nd cultural attributes. Our encounters with other humans have an inter-sub jective dimension as well as an objective dimension. When interpersonal encounters emphasize the inter-subjective, people are apprehended in their personhood. This is what Martin Buber calls an I-Thou relationship.(Buber 1937) When our encounters are more instru mental in nature, and the objective dimension is stressed (an I-It relationship) then the inter-subjective dimension can be minimized or even ignored. Even wh en we objectify our fellow human beings we do not refer to them as pets or live stock, rath er we consider them functionaries; servants, concubines, or slaves. That is, we give them designations that relate to their integral utilitarian function in human society. Even homicide, genocide or ethnocide requires acknowledging the specific identif ication of its victims with its perpetrators and then intentionally removing it. The type of universal solidarity that would consider the human race as a metaphorical family in which we are all sibl ings is a philosophical projection of human kinship solidarity to its larges t possible extension. It can also be a case of identifying species survival as a common cause for all its members. It is this universal notion of solidarity that philosophers, religious leader s, and ecologists app eal to when stressing global peace, harmony, and cooperation as the condition for the possibility of species 26 Websters New World Dictionary (1964) College Edition, The World Publishing Co. Cleveland. pg. 1388

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63 (and planetary eco-system) prosperity and surv ival. It is a necessary horizon for the consideration of more limite d, if more politically feasible, forms of solidarity. Dean (1995) points to three types of bounded solidarity (Portes 2000), or solidarity which has boundaries th at do not include all humans. She calls them affective, conventional, and reflective. Both univ ersal and bounded solidarity are evident and operative in this study. But because my ultimat e interest is in the political feasibility of transcultural solidarity, much of the analys is will focus on the bounded types of solidarity that can serve as catalysts for activism. The boundaries of bounded solidarity can be de fined by political, so cial, or cultural affinities (for instance; national, class, religious, ethnic or gender solidarity) and identified populations (such as family, frie nds, clan, workgroup). The point at which solidarity weakens and ceases, is its radius of association, or the horizon at which the collective we becomes they. Each bounded solidarity, however, is ph ilosophically undergirded by universal solidarity and, as Dean explains cannot be considered in isol ation from it. Any analysis of injustice will be able to identify privil ege and need, that is, those who profit from oppression (the oppressors) and those who are exploited by it (the oppressed). Without a universal moral imaginary of human siblingho od, of species solidarity, justice would be unattainable, since oppressors a nd oppressed lack a conceptu al framework within which to comprehend their interdependence. To affirm that power struggles between gr oups are inevitable is not the same as to despair of achieving a more just situati on for both the privileged and the dominated

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64 simultaneously. A processural approach to so cial justice must rest on the axiom of the possibility of universal solidarity. As Rosemary Radford Ruether observes The birth of a planetary humanity dem ands a stretching of the mind beyond the cultural frameworks of all previous hu man thinking to a new awareness of the universal humanum to create for the first time a sense of the human which is beginning to transcend the id eological imperialism of one center and one peoples aspiration that totalizes it s power and perspective towa rd the world. This utopian horizon is essential to the creativity and fertility of particular occasions of changeWithout this transcendent horizon men [sic] lack the imagination and vital spirit to seek really new possi bilities. (Ruether 1972:175 & 167) The term solidarity indicates both an objective and subjective relationship. Objectively, it points to relations between persons for the purpose of addressing a particular power imbalance. Subjectively, it identifies a subject position in alliance with other subject agents. There is an implicit recognition of mutual subject agency on the part of all participants in a solidary relati onship. The inter-personal affinity or intersubjectivity of the rela tionship presents identity/differe nces which have implications for identity formation for each of the actors. Since all parties part icipate in solidarity mutually, one cannot unilaterally declare solidarity without bei ng invited into a reciprocal and dialogical relationship. Solidarity manifests itself in material and behavioral ways. Materially, resources that are exchanged for their symbolic, labor, market, and use values. In the case of the volunteer vacation encounter, tools, raw ma terials, personal effects, and cash are exchanged for food, shelter, transportation, pr otection, knowledge, and entertainment. In practice, solidarity is perf ormed through human inter-acti ons that embody the abstract value of unity of purpose. In volunteer vaca tioning these practices include giving and receiving hospitality, cooperating in physical labor, pr eparing and sharing food, binding wounds, laughing at the absurd ities of cultural incommen surabilty, sharing knowledge;

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65 participating in common rituals, meditati on, journaling and prayer. Other solidary activities such as te aching, correspondence, fund rais ing, and political activism are performed after the visits conclude. Later, solidarity results in return encounters; sometimes with the same individuals and communities, but often with new ones. Solidarity and interdependence Material and spiritual resources can be exchanged in an encounter, and human activity can take place in close proximity, w ithout an awareness of interdependence. Most often when there is mis-recognition of solidarity on the part of the North Americans and Nicaraguans involved in a volunteer va cation encounter it is based on one or both parties believing that a relationship of inde pendence-to-dependence is being enacted in the exchanges. The perception is that the No rth Americans are party to the encounter out of choice, whereas conversely, the Nicaraguans are dependent and party to the encounter out of need. Discourses which stress the differences in material assets are sometimes deployed to reinforce the framing of the encounter in terms of unilatera l and unidirectional transfers of resources, knowledge and skills. Other times they are seen as an invitation to involvement in a complex process of a ddressing social pover ty. Those discourses which reinforce a neo-colonial interpretation of the encounter consist of formations of altruism which are internalized by No rth Americans and Nicaraguans, alike27. These discourses obscure the historical and corporate genesis of structural injustice by displacing it outside of hist ory (poverty and lack of politi cal voice are due to bad luck) or by positing it as self-generated (due to a lack of ambition, a culture of poverty, or 27 Ver Beek (2004) found that even though North Americans felt they had learned a lot from Hondurans, the Hondurans did not r ealize the ways in which they were teaching.

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66 endemic corruption). Subsequent redress of injustice then can be accomplished through the magnanimity of those who have acquired mo re than they feel th ey need, transferring resources to those who the givers feel have le ss than they need. By reduction of injustice to a synchronic case of mal-distribution, a nd justification to si mple redistribution, subjectivity is conferred on those who ha ve and denied those who have not. Solidarity and reciprocity Societies have progressed in the measure in which they, their sub-groups and their members, have been able to stabilize thei r contracts to give, receive and repay. In order to trade, man [sic] must first lay down his spear. When that is done he can succeed in exchanging goods and persons not only between clan and clan but between tribe and tribe and national and nation, and a bove all between individuals. It is in this way that the clan, the tribe and na tion have learnt how to oppose one another without slaughter and to give without sacrificing themselves to others. That is one of the secrets of their wisdom and solidarity. [Mauss, 1996 #959:114] Solidarity is a social compact or covenant, a relationship of mutual responsibility. Some reciprocity is general (expected to yield benefits which will help all those involved) other reciprocity is balanced (it expects a re turn gesture from a responsive counterpart). The qualities of mutuality a nd reciprocity essential to solidarity preclude the possibility of altruism as an equivalent as it is often based on non-reciprocal relationships. As Marcel Mauss [, 1996 #959] re vealed, "The elements of the gift are the obligation to receive and the obligation to make a return." Solidarity is reciprocal. Mauss maintains that gift exchange in cer tain cultural circumstances (such as the Kwakuitl potlatch) can become a war of wealth and is about personal and corporate self-agrandizement in ways that deflect the need for armed combat to establish social status and rank. How then are we to unde rstand solidarity within the framework or through the lense of a relationship of excha nge? Potlaches and Kula Rings are about status and class symbolized through trade a nd consumption. What is the symbolic and

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67 material significance of of financing and constructing family homes in rural Central America or of helping Nicaraguan farmer s contact North Americans about their opposition to CAFTA? What is the signifi cance for each party in a cross-cultural encounter where rules of reciprocity have not been negotiated beforehand? A particularly challenging type of solida rity is between those most marginalized and those most privileged by the status quo, th e rich and the poor relations of the human family, so to speak. In the past, rich a nd poor, powerful and powerless were separated not by geographical distance but by cultural markers and rituals that regulated the differing degrees of access to resources a nd the modes of production. Now transnational and cross-cultural travel allo ws those who have secured adequate sustenance from the global economy to visit those who have not, but with different se ts of socio-cultural signifiers of rank operative for each of the partie s. Transcultural signifiers of social class, ethnicity, and gender are being forged by both global media and interpersonal encounters such as those under consideration here. For the most privileged to reach out to the most needy or vice versa requires crossing formidable class barriers, even when it is understood that th e other society is not stratified in exactly the same ways as ones cu lture of origin. In some ways it is less threatening to the middle class North Americans to visit the poor in Nicaragua than it is to do so in the U.S., and particularly in their own hometowns.28 Just as it maybe more acceptable for a Nicaraguan to access a wealt hy North American from the group than to 28 One NGO official that sends groups of Nicaraguan s on visits to North American communities relates how resistant North Americans are to expose Nicaraguans to the required itinerary of a site of poverty and injustice in their community in the States. Often times these are locations which the North Americans themselves have never visited before.

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68 approach one of their loca l elites. It is as if we are not im plicated in the injustice of it all if the cultural distance is greater, and the technologies of oppression are remote. Considerable trans-cultural skills are required to achieve genuine communication across social class and cultural heteroge neity (Hall 1959) and ultimately mutual understanding may not be comple tely attainable. (Schutte 19 98) More often than would be hoped in the volunteer vaca tion experience, what is constructed as meeting someone of another culture is more like being able to gaze on them (Urry 1996). The dynamic sometimes never progresses beyond non-intera ctive observation (Salazar 2001; Salazar 2004). A related consideration is the degree to which the i ndividual members of the relationship are profiting from or are vict imized by the present power dynamics between the two parties due to their respective subject positions in the world system. If the two parties were oblivious to the dynamics of res ource transfer built in to the global economy which doles out wealth for some and poverty for the majority then one could assume a lack of guilt feelings on the part of the No rth Americans and lack of resentment on the part of the Nicaraguans. But as numer ous scholars (Anderson 1994; Babb 2001; Gould 1990; Hale 1994; LaFeber 1993; Lancaster 1988) have detailed, the c onstant interaction of both countries over the course of the la st 150 years ensures th at there are no preconception-less starting points for those of eith er nationality. The awareness of North American economic and political hegem ony over Nicaragua (which has a negative valence in revolutionary rhetoric and a posit ive valence in neo-liber al discourse) is as ubiquitous in Nicaragua as ignorance of it is in the U.S. The perception of that relationship, and hence the imaginary that frames any Yankee bearing gifts image in

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69 the mind of either member of the dyad are f unctions of two highly contingent, culturally complex, and historically evol ving subject identities. Radical inequities of access to power cr eate the conditions for the possibility of mutually destructive social dynamics. Solid arity can be seen as a quest to achieve universal justice through unity of purpose a quest that requ ires a universal horizon, the solidarity of the humanum but also one that requires the praxis of solidarity among identifiable groups. These groups operate in localities, identifiable times and places, and bridge specific cultural chasms. It is to that second, more concrete, type of solidarity that we turn now. Solidarity as identity and difference The subjectivity of solidarity is built on th e awareness that each individual is both alike and unlike every other individual. We are each unique. On the one hand, presupposition of ontological similitude ope rates even prior to inter-personal communication with others. On the other hand, each human being occupies a unique subject position. Solidarity utilizes id entification to acknowledge difference. Bounded solidarity emphasizes simultaneous ly inter-subjective difference and structural identity, within the boundary, and structural difference and inter-subjective identity, outside the boundary. For instance, the solidarity between a 23-yearold gradeschool-educated single mother of three child ren who works in a clothing maquiladora and lives in a rural village in Nicaragua; and a 65 year-old grandfather and retired electrical engineer from Schenectedy, Ne w York, involves factors of inter-subjective differences. These two have dissimilar life experiences a nd coping skills. Yet they can share intersubjectivities based on volunteer vacation experi ences and social roles such as parenting or income generation for their families. It is these shared experiences as well as a shared

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70 hermeneutic of the meaning of all experience th at differentiate them from those that fall outside their solidary relationship. Persons from the U.S. who have been to rural Nicaragua on a volunteer vacation have had an experience which potentially enables them to build a solidary relationship that ma y not be available to those who have not. The identity/difference tension in solidar ity, if collapsed into identity without difference, cannot support the dynamic of so lidarity because solidarity is built upon the inherent inter-subjectivity of two or more di fferent persons and thei r respective locations in global society. Inter-subject ivity is more apparent at the level of individuals, and structural relationships become more tran sparent between groups or organizations. Structural and subjective solidarity Structural solidarity, that wh ich pertains to material relationships, and subjective solidarity, that which pertains to symbolic relationships, are experi enced differently. I use subjectivity here as Sh erry Ortner defines it, as specifically cultural and historical consciousness and agency. but also as comp lex individualized structures of thought, feeling, reflection and the like (2005:32&34) And I am in sympathy with her call, on both scientific and political grounds, to rein state subjectivity in anthropology which has for some time suffered from structural a nd discursive forms of determinism. Another analytic distinction that helps dilineate the structural and subjective is what Victor Turner calls structure and communitas Structure is that type of social interaction that is based on differentiated individual roles, status, and political and economic subject positions. Whereas communitas is that interactive pattern whereby individuals come together as political equals in realizati on of a common humanity. The distinction is homologous to Durkheims organic and mech anical modes of solidarity except that

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71 Durkheim was explicating gene ric social dynamics and Turn er is individualizing and chronologizing the process. Turner believe s that ritual is a means of moving from a structured everyday awareness of ones place in the world to a liminal time out of time, a place of radical communitas. This unstr ucturing, accomplished by rites of passage, enables ones tranformation into a new social status, and participation in a new social structure. The parallels to what I call subjective solidarity, which requires interpersonal empathy and social activism, are striking. Without communitas without the tenderness, there will be no movement toward structural solidarity which must be based not only on the emotional bonding, but, in a subsequent st age, on social analysis. The intense emotional state aroused by first exposure to a radically different cult ure, if not channeled by intentional strategies of solidarity, can dissipate and devolve into non-solidary practices. Structural solidarity, like that which brought political supporters to Nicaragua during the Sandinista s, allows for the clear delineation of us and them, as a North American expatriate soli darity worker observed. In the 80s solidarity brigades were people who came wanting to embrace the political project. They came with an unde rstanding of it to a certain extent and came wanting to support it. They came to pick coffee or cotton or do construction or probably even to fight, I woul d imagine some of them did. His partner added, During the 80s it [solidarity] meant that people came and walked with people in the process they were trying to build collectively for structural change in their country. Toda y its a different walk. Or consider a Nicaraguan social activists viewpoint

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72 Nicaraguan people have been taught about solidarity. People who came to this country in the 80s to help pick coffee were people who knew what this country was facing, how we were facing the economi c embargo and how the people were struggling to build thei r lives in a better way. But I have also seen people who use the word solidarity but they imply charity. Those who think exclusively in structural terms often become discouraged that there is no overarching meta-l ocation from which to organi ze solidarity among peoples in a post-modern society. They look for what De an (1996) calls conventional solidarity and are discouraged by those who would challenge their essentialist politics. They decry identity politicsinadequacies in confronting imperial capitalism. Whereas if they saw the intimate connections between subjective and stru ctural solidarity they might realize what feminist theorists have articulated with cl arity,(Haraway 2003; St oler 2002) that the personal is political, Thus, the way to stru ctural solidarity is, in many cases, through the portal of inter-subjectivity. On the other hand, those who have experi ence of inter-subjective solidarity and focus on the interactive routine of everyday live s can fail to do the analysis necessary to understand or achieve structural solidarity. As long as they maintain interpersonal contact they will never lack a ground for subjective solidarit y because its datum is shared person-hood itself. They may, however, devo lve into relationships of charity, which do little to erode the inequitable power rela tionships that exist between most rural Nicaraguas and suburban North Americans. Those persons who have contact with each other, who engage each other, who identify with each other on several sectoral identity markers and differ from each other on others, have the possibility of forging solidarity across social class differences and across cultural traditions. This possibility is ba sed on recognition of human commonality which is situated in the matrix of identity/differen ces. But if the sectoral identity/difference

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73 markers are not recognized be tween two individuals, then the possibility of seeing beyond the social class differences in the globa l system may not be possible. As Paulo Freire (2002:49) puts it, Solidar ity requires that one enter into the situation of those with whom one is solidary; it is a radical posture. The structural differences between the campesinos and their visitors are experienced dialogically because the power ineq uities are having to be constantly either acknowledged and negotiated, or intuited but denied. Th e power of the visitors confronting the relative power lessness of the villagers is both a pre-consciously and consciously apprehended diffe rence. But coinciding identity markers (such as motherhood, a farming profession, or evangelical Christianity) interrupt and equalize that flow for moments of equilibrium. Difference can reverse power flows, for instance when Nicaraguan small farmers host urban Nort h Americans in the countryside. The immediate mutually percieved dependency of the North Americans is a local power dynamic which runs counter to the gl obal power dynamic of which both are simultaneously aware. That experience of dialogi cal flows of power breaks dow n the basic socio/cultural divide and creates the conditi ons for subjective solidarity for instance, when the local people need to teach the visitors a survival sk ill, or when visitors become ill and need to be cared for by their hosts. Subjective so lidarity breaks through in those moments of structural dependence and inte r-subjectivity. Commitment to structural solidarity can come from the recognition of interpersonal subjectivity. That is to say, subjective solidarity becomes the condition for the possibilit y of constructing stru ctural solidarity in the post-modern condition, when totaliz ing meta-causes no longer motivate.

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74 It is at the transition point fr om subjective to structural solidarity that the role of the group becomes paramount in defining solidary practice. Solidarity must be built on dialogue with the rural community, the host NGO and popular social movements. Movements often provide forums for articulati ng popular sentiments. Yet these agents of Nicaraguan civil society are seldom accessible to visiting volunteers. Popular social movements can provide avenues for structural solidarity for interested visitors more easily because they are aware of and partic ipate in structural oppositions. NGOs are often not as clear in th eir political loyalties and their social stances. Their stakeholders are more hete rogenous, which has advantages, but not in building social structural solid arity, unless it is first activat ed by subjective solidarity. The habitus of solidarity We have to be converted. We have to ch ange our spiritual re lationship with self, with neighbor, with even the remotest hum an communities, and with nature itself, in view of the common good of the whole individual and of all people. This felt interdependence is a new moral category, a nd the response to it is the "virtue" of solidarity. Solidarity is not a feeling of vague compassion or a shallow sadness but a firm and persevering determination to commit oneself to the common good. It is in attitude squarely opposed to greed and the thirst for power. Solicitudo Rei Socialis (1987: #38) In the preceding passage John Paul II pi npoints solidarity as the appropriate response to human interdependence. He implies that globalization now raises acknowledgement of this fundamental connectio n to a level of urgency. Furthermore he identifies solidarity as a form of resistance to avarice and the will to power, which he sees as rampant in the political economy of the planet. The above quote illustrates John Pauls view that solidarity is a habit of the heart, a firm continuing decision about ones relationship to creati on, namely, a desire for its common good. When John Paul uses the word virtue he is returning to the Thomistic

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75 tradition in which Aquinas define d a virtue in accordance with Aristotles ethics as a conscious voluntary act which flows from a durable disposition as when a man acts from a rooted habit. And furthermore a good habit of the mind always directed to good action(Clark 1972).29 These same elements are echoed in the quotation from his 1987 encyclical, which describes the virtue of solidar ity as a habitual respon se to the interiorly perceived interdependence of cr eation. There are other concep tions of solidarity in the Catholic tradition (Bilgrien 1999), but virtue is predominant and, for our purposes, a useful metonym.30 To deal with virtue in more familiar social science categories, I would like to translate it into a Bourdieuian habitus since there is a close affinity between the two concepts and more currency for our purpos es with the latter than the former.31 Durkheim and Bourdieu were asking the same question: why does society cohere and not disperse into its individual parts? Durkheims ques tion was posed in a synchronic manner, and he posited an internal dynamic of collective conscience which c ould generate social facts that were accepted, in large part, by one a nd all (Durkheim 1996/1895). But as a protostructural-functionalist he was not str ong on the genesis of social change. Bourdieu, on the other hand, claiming to ha ve bridged the structural/agency binary which he found unhelpful, was asking why, if th ere is individual subject agency, society does not come apart over time. To what do we owe the observable continuity of culture 29 Summa Theologica I-II, q. 55, a. 4, (c.1272) in Mary Clark (1972:379). 30 Bilgrien (1999) identifies solidarity variously as an attitude of openness to mutual complimentarity of the human race, a duty that forces us to accept human di gnity and worth in ever widening circles, and the virtuous principle that prov ides the potential to chan ge social structures. 31 There is danger in emphasizing one elemen t of Bourdieus interconnected system of social praxeology thus distorting the meaning that it derives from its interrelation within his analytic schema, which will be noted at more length in Chapter 3.

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76 that is the stuff of which history is made ? His question was diachronic. Part of Bourdieus answer involves the dynamic of human be havior that he called habitus a concept akin to Durkheims social fact which resides within th e pre-consciousness of historical subjects yet is sus ceptible to individual agency. Bourdieus habitus is an internalization of external social stru ctures which inhere in human action at a subconscious level. Society begets habitus which in turn, through human performance, begets society. Habitus is one movement of a semi-closed feedback loop. It is history transformed into nature. It is determined but not predictable, because actors do not follow conscious patterns or tend to ward rational goals. It is a personal but, more importantly, a social style of behavior that includes a capacity to improvise within the rules of the social game. Habitus is corporeal or somatic as well as cognitve and affective. It is not innate, but rather acquired thro ugh socialization. Habitus urges and empowers us to act in those areas where th ere is probability of success and not in those areas where failure is likely. Habitus is like the persona of an actor with an internalized script, which may be adlibbed when necessary but is not written by the actor him/herself nor understood in its implications for the plot development of the dramatic work we call life. Habitus is the way that human acts conform to a predisposition that the actors acquire from experiencing objective structures. So human actions, though capable of bei ng subject agents and changing history, much more regularly replicate or maintain th e institutions that they have internalized. What determines the shape of society, then, comes not from external forces but from internally activated behaviors of agents who operate according to a norm they have learned. It is homologous to Marxs dictum that human bei ngs are subjects of their own

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77 history but the possibilities they choose from are limited by historical material conditions. Bourdieu, however, would tend to stress that these conditions are subjective and that the internalized social structures have more to do with the partic ulars of human behavior than does rational action. Since behavior is subjective ly but pre-consciously gene rated it is susceptible to mis-recognition as to why and to what ends it is performed. So habitus is both the inculcation of institutional values into the individual and the active appropriation of those values by the individual. It is the involvem ent of an individual with an institution that constitutes that institution socially. Habitus is collective, not individual, in character. Bourdieu, again building on Durkheim and Marx, maintains that we are mo st human in our sociality, not in our individuality (as existentialists such as Sartre taught). Social institutions collaborate to construct habitus where none exists or where the habitus of the individual is at odds with that of his/her society. Changing the habitus is the only way to e ffect social change. Formal rules that remain external to the culture and hence outside of habitus will never be practiced. Habitus allows individuals to play the cu ltural games in different social fields, or networks of power relationships well enough to accumulate social capital and thus play the game more adroitly yet. U nder favorable circumstances capital in one field can be exchanged for capital from another Aspects of Bounded Solidarity Since solidarity is relational, it requir es thought, speech, and action within a spatiotemporal context. Since it is phenomenol ogically impossible to be dialogically in relationship with over 6 billi on fellow humans, it is necessary to delimit the parameters of ones solidarity in each instance.

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78 Since its inception social science has a ttempted to wrestle with the concept of solidarity (Durkheim 1996/1895), particularly b ounded solidarity. Human behavior is founded on the remarkable principle that optima lly people can cooperate in such a way as to further the good of all. This condition of social solidarity should not be taken for granted since voluminous ethnographic data pres ent evidence of alienated, anti-social, societies.(Bauman 1989; DesPres 1976; Marr is 1974; Shkilnyk 1985; Turnbull 1972) The condition Turnbull calls the end of goodness overtook and destroyed the society of the Ik, a people without love, without human solidarity. This tragedy is so counter to our understanding of society that even the colonial officers in large part responsible for the Iks demise refused to believe the anthropologists diagnosis. Solidarity is an accomplishment, which Emile Durkheim took to be the most important question of his day, and a worthy t opic with which to la unch the new discipline of sociology. His The Division of Labor is devoted to explicating how the mechanical solidarity of segmentary societies, whic h rely on the predominance of a collective conscience and the subordination of individual conscience, can be superseded in stratified societies by an organic solidarity. Organi c solidarity allows for more individual conscience, more individual freedom, but still holds together because of the interdependence of its members due to the di stinctions of types of labor. Durkheims theory suffered from contradictions in main taining that modern society optimized both the individual and the communa l principle of consciousness and he eventually abandoned the thesis in his later work (Pope and Johns on 1983), but his conviction that solidarity is the primordial question for social scie nce lends gravity to our present study.

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79 Individuals have greater or less affinity with each other (an emic subjective measurement) and greater or less homogene ity (an etic measurement based on cultural markers). A solidarity which draws a radiu s of association, wh ich encompasses some affine or homogenous groups, but excludes ot hers, allows for engaging in solidary activities that redress specific instances of distributive injustice. Today such radii are potentially global in scope. Just as the extension of solidarity in space or in regard to quantity of partners is elastic, so too consideration mu st be given to the longevity and periodicity of solidary relationships. Are they long-term like Rich ard Allens sweetgrass solidarity or ideal family solidarity? Are they sage like, characterized by relationships that have discernable half-lives, such as age cohorts or civic affiliations? Can one be in solidarity, for instance, with the Nicaraguan people duri ng a revolutionary epoch and not so during a neo-liberal era? Do the us and them of solidarity change over time? Can solidarity form and reform in response to informati on, awareness, and preparedness, according to contingencies as injustices ebb and flow th rough history? Only ethnographic data can answer these questions adequately. Affectional and Consensual Solidarity Jodi Dean (1996; 1995) notes that one type of bounded solidarity is based on interpersonal relationships of affinity, t hose of friendship and love which engender feelings of closeness. In these associa tions of emotional affirmation, the bond uniting each to the other is a feeli ng of mutual care. There ar e supportive behaviors which reinforce the affirmation of the other in all of his/her particularities. She calls this affectional solidarity.

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80 Deans second type of solidarity she calls conventional. It assumes that the solidarity of a groups members is bounded not primarily by an emotion, but rather by social markers that identify common social location, such as nationality, ethnicity, and gender. Conversely, solidarity can be understood as resistance to part icular historically contingent injustices. Conventional solidarit y in the face of oppressi on can coalesce into movements seeking to protect human ri ghts and de-institutionalize injustice Conventional solidarity has been problema tic particularly for race, gender, and class based struggles. It assumes not only that there is a common cause of resistance against a commonly perceived oppression, but that the relative importance of the oppressions in individual lives is congruent. This has been shown to be empirically unsupportable and, more disturbingly, can be wiel ded as a powerful di scursive tactic to maintain domination in the name of solidarity [Mohanty, 1991 #343; Mohanty, 2003 #826; Radcliffe, 2001 #735]. This is the crux of the issue in the cont ention of two-thirds world women that one-third world women, as feminists, claim sisterhood with women whose oppressions are experienced at least as acutely in terms of classism or racism as in terms of sexism. Dean stresses that both affectional an d conventional solidarities come up against limits that prevent their exte nsion beyond a certain radius of association. A person can befriend or include into the circle of the beloved only a finite number of people among those encountered. Conventionally, each list of social markers has one category for inclusion in the solidary group and many mo re for those who fall outside. If the solidarity group were Romanians, then at le ast 150 categories of people, measured on a nationality axis, do not fall within it. More over, the solidarity gr oup would include some

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81 for whom Romanian nationality would be the principal marker of th eir subjectivity, the prime element of their identi ty. Practicing solidarity with such a group now becomes more complex, especially if the cause con cerning political organizing has to do with another co-variant marker, for example, sexual orientation. Dean sees an anti-political infinite regress of identity politics here, so she seeks another way to forge solidarity. She calls her solution reflective solidarity. Reflective solidarity is not exclusionary in character or constructi on. It results from dialogue and respectful ac tive listening among members seeking unity of mind and action. Yet it is different from affectional a nd conventional in that set boundaries are not part of the concept. Reflective solidarity is open, in the sense that any and all who undergo the process may be included. It is a dialogical dynamic whereby conscious projection of the presence of a hypothetical third party within the midst of the group, enables discourse that is in clusive. This inclusivity forges a solidarity without designated boundaries. In this way the comm on interests that bri ng the group together are always confronting the issue of inclusion. While boundaries are tactical and logistical necessities even in reflective solidarity, they are, in principle, always permeable and elastic. While I find Deans discussion and analys is of solidarity fascinating, there are several modifications of her taxonomy that I would offer. First, if we can state axiomatically that there is common meani ng in the signifier human, even while acknowledging that some paleo-archeologi cal and cyborg (Haraway 1991) research specifically focuses on defining that bounda ry, then we can posit a common moral

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82 rationale for continued existence of the sp ecies, in its corporate components and its individual entities. There is recent evidence from cognitiv e psychologists that our abilities of conspecific identification are hard-wired in to our cerebrum and that human exists as a cognitive category from early infancy32(Bonatti, et al. 2002) Evidence from a brief European pre-racialized plane tary consciousness during the 15th and early 16th century indicated that the hierachical ization of humanity on the global scale was accomplished in an historically, culturally and scientifically contingent conjuncture when racial segregation served the purposes of colonia lization.(Pratt 1992) It would be logically consistent to presume that linguistic categor ies that distinguished between the human us and the in-human everybody else in multiple small scale and large scale societies across the globe is a function similar to racialization. We see with the demonizing of enemie s in war propaganda, current wars not excepted, that humanity is rhetorically denied to adversaries. This discursive disavowal indicates that, at some primordial level, it is necessary to deny conspecificity prior to homicide. Maria Victoria Urib e documents that in the frequent rural massacres in the Columbian countryside, both t hose that occurred in La Violencia of the 1940s and 50s as well as those of the current epoch, per petrators carry out a series of semantic operations, permeated with enormous metaphor ical force, that dehumanize the victims and their bodies. (2004:80-81). She relates how the massacres are often executed in 32Is it by chance that infants identify and di stinguish objects with a human face from other objects, or is it a feat ure of the architecture of th e system? We favor the latter hypothesis. In our experiments, we have us ed objects with human faces, but the Human First Hypothesis is not just about face recognition. Face recognition systems are subordinate to a more general human id entification system.(Bonatti, et al.2005).

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83 animal pens or in the village slaughterhouse. The victims are described by their assassins as poultry or other species of domestic animal s. Their executions are described as the slaughter of animals, and their carcasses ar e often dismembered in similar ways. My argument here is not that dehumaniza tion is impossible, but that primordial human conspecificity underlies both the re cognition and the intentional dehumanization of our fellow humans. This being the case, we can collectively, as a species, de-racialize the human species and re-humanize those populations of homo sapiens that we have dehumanized. A theory of global solidarity can find support in this pre-reflective conspecific recognition. Culturally specific fo rms of solidarity will function within this anthropological and philosophical horizon. It is not necessary to demonstrate the existence of an open-ended, boundary-less type of social solidarity in history or contemporary society. Rather what is impor tant is to affirm conspecificity as a fundamental value that will allow for the c onstruction of open-ended methodologies such as Deans reflective solidarity in a new global context. There is a rough correspondence of Deans affectional soli darity with what I call subjective solidarity, both are constituted by inter-subjectivity, intimacy and empathy. Both enter into Turners communitas There is a correspondence of Deans conventional solidarity with what I call structural solidar ity in that both are built around social markers that have common significance. Whereas Dean has to posit a separate category, reflective solidarity, in order deal with the cont radictions of identity politics, I locate the possibility of political solidarity within the dialectic between philos ophical and cognitive conspecificity and subjective a nd structural forms of solidarity. Identity/differences are

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84 constantly producing the conditions for the possiblity of political alliances and hence fulfill a vital survival need. This is a processural understanding of solid arity which utilizes all three levels; the philosophical/anthropological univ ersal, the subjective awarene ss, and social structure to forge a habitus and a field of solidarity. This is not a ch ronologically sequential process, but rather one that involves al l three elements in a historic ally variable and contingent context of domination, hegemony and resistance. The actual cu ltural logic of this process in our time can be framed as accomodation and resistance to the inequalities generated by late global capitalism and the quest for revisioned futures. This process becomes more comprehensible if we now move to the more fine grained analysis of solidarity that emerges from my research. While the bulk of the ethnographic data will be presented over the course of this document, it is helpful consider at this point how solidarity is operationalized. Four Dimensions of Solidarity The following quotations illustrate four salient dimensions of solidarity that become apparent in this study: Solidarity is not some distant charity but an embrace, which means suffering some of the pain in tended for the oppressed (Chicago 1985:1). Solidarity then is a human relationship of intimacy and shared suffering with marginalized persons. Solidarity involves not mere subjectiv e identification with the oppressed but concrete answerability to them (Harrison 1985:245-246) Solidarity is a human relationship with subalterns that involves emotional empathy with active accountability to them. What is essential in order to move in the direction of ge nuine solidarity is intellectual and political struggl e fueled by our capacity to discern how the interests of

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85 others are connected to our own (Harrison 1985:246). Solidarity is an interdependent human relationship that requires cognitive social analyses of power imbalances, analyses that generate political struggles for justice. Solidarity, then, is a disposition or orientat ion of the human subject that includes an awareness of interdependency with others an identification of and understandin g of injustice in its specificities a commitment to redressing injustices in ones personal lif e and institutional affiliations a cultivation of the virtue or habitus of solidarity through concerted human practice to redress power imbalances The first dimension of solidarity, an awaren ess of interdependency, is best realized by meeting other people and achieving inter-subjective empa thy and intimacy. This element is highly affective. Often times this dimension begins with aesthetically pleasing and politically unthreatening experiences such as interacting with children, which is invariably the single most emotionally reward ing interaction that volunteer vacationers have with rural Nicaraguans. Liisa Malkki (1997) cited in (Bornstein 2001) observes that children are depoli ticizing agents and tranquilizing conventions, symbols of innocence, harmony and hope for the future in hi ghly charged political contexts such as Nicaragua. But while the affect is present in adult/children interactions, the mutual interdependence is not and must be learned in another way. If the only Nicaraguans that North Americans relate to are children th en there is a danger of sub-consciously generalizing ( habitus is preconscious) Nicara guan subjectivity as simp ler, more childlike. Conversely Nicaraguans may surmise that Nort h Americans are child-centered and prefer playing to adult activit ies or discussions, although the prac tices that might be considered childlike in one culture may not be enti rely congruent in the other.

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86 The second dimension, the awareness of in justice, is largely a sensate and an intellectual activity. It requires observati on and analysis. The capacity for doing sociocultural analysis of the rural Nicaraguan c ontext is not a skill that most first time volunteer vacationers demonstrat e. Interviews and reflection groups reveal that unless the NGO or the host community provide conceptual categories within which to make the necessary linkages and contemplative space in an activity filled agenda, that most North Americans are ill equipped to contextualize or comprehe nd the poverty that they are apprehending for the first time. This is even more emphatically the case in that North Americans international mobility is facilitated by those technologi es of the state that serve to keep the Nicaraguans in their place. There is no equivalency of documentary efficacy between the Nicaraguan passport and the North Amer ican.(Fikes 2002) One privileges its holder with access to travel in any direction, th e other prevents the holder from accessing commerical technologies of inte rnational travel. In those cases where socially powerful individuals holding Nicaragua n passports lack due defe rence toward Washingtons Nicaraguan designs then technol ogies of anti-terrorism are deployed to deny or revoke visas and prevent ingress regardless of the native stature of the individual.33 The third dimension, a personal or group co mmitment to redress injustice, is a volitional activity. Many choose not to engage with the structural justice issues so 33 In the spring of 2005 Dora Maria Tellez, national presidential candidate, and historian was denied entry by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, under an anti-terrorism clause. Soon thereafter the US embassy declared that radical populism was just as dangerous as terrorism, and a week later it was learned that 89 prominent Nicaraguan politicians who ha d not cooperated with Washingtons confidant in Managua, President Enrique Bolaos, were having th eir visas to travel to the United States revoked (Nicaragua Network Hotline, May 10th and May 17th, 2005). For peasants however, legal travel to the United States is not an option as visas are almost never available to them.

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87 readily apparent in rural Nicaragua and comparatively obscure in suburban North America. Some refrain from social analysis because of the discomfort that the personal de-centering process requires. The demyt hologization of the hegemonic constructions of reality involves cognitiv e and affective dissonance th at evokes disorientation and intense feelings of guilt, anger, or just a nguish within the typical North American who has not considered heterodox understandings of political economy until then. If an individual, or more commonly a group, has only a surface understanding of the issues then there is little lik elihood of making a commitment to struggle for change. But the majority of those who do not commit themselves as change agents fail to do so because they have not been brought to a personal de cision point by the experi ence of the trip. The overall design of the trip has not brought th em to the brink of transformation as it potentially might have. Perhaps it has coll apsed the emotional and intellectual tension by offering simplistic and palatable answers to th e difficult questions of structural injustice and violence, or simply failed to address them altogether. Perhaps it has not facilitated the interpersonal interaction with marginalized persons whose personal narratives are both evocative and explicative. These programmatic deficiencies are not ma tters of ill will or negligence by volunteer vacationers or their hos ts toward the marginalized persons with whom they are working. On the contrary it is often because they care so much that they involve themselves in a flurry of instru mental activities that do not permit the time needed for perspective taking. Their altruistic habitus reinforced by the charitable objectives of the organization prevent them fr om taking advantage of the liminality of the moment to question the social formation of which they are a part. There is no

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88 transformative efficacy on the personal leve l when one can attend to the task at hand rather than the people under ones gaze. I asked one NGO coordinator if he was going to take a group of visiting volunteers to meet with some of the five thousand campesinos who had been camping for a month and occasionally blocking the Pan American highway only two kilometers from the dormitory where the volunteer group was stayin g. The protestors, expelled from coffee farms during the crisis of 2000, were petitioni ng the government for a small plot of land to farm and asking that the government not ra tify CAFTA. Maybe we will go talk with them, The NGO staffer responded. Not only di d the volunteers not go visit the highway encampment, but the protestors nearby pres ence went completely un-mentioned by the NGO and un-noticed by the group duri ng their ten day visit. In regards to the final dimension of solidarity, actually engaging in solidary behavior, in struggles fo r justice, is where the habitus becomes an orientation for individual and group behavior. The oppressor is solidary with the oppre ssed only when he stops regarding the oppressed as an abstract category and sees them as persons who have been unjustly dealt with, deprived of their voice, cheated in the sale of their labor -when he stops making pious, sentimental, and indivi dualistic gestures a nd risks an act of love (Freire 2002:50) This is where resistance c ounters domination. In inte rviews and questionnaires most volunteer vacationers describe their vi sit as life changing. To actually change behaviors, to shift habitus over the long term, in accord with commitments of solidarity is considerably more rare. Yet there are circumstances that have inspired groups who have

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89 organized to enable thousands to engage in less exploitative crosscultural relations who began their journey on just such a volunteer experience.34 We shall see in coming chapters that solidarity does sometimes emerge during these brief volunteer vacation encounters in rural Nicaragua. Civil society, compromised as it is by neo-liberalism, nonetheless o ccasionally affords North Americans and Nicaraguans a political space within which to do the hard work that citizen-to-citizen solidarity requires. Four Movements of Solidary Practice Diachronically there are four movements to the formati on of human solidarity as I consider it here. First, solidarity is only n ecessary and possible in situations of identified social injustice, where ine quity exists and a human or non-human force is oppressing some group of human beings. This could be socially mediated vulnerability to a meteorological or geological catastrophe, such as a tsunami, earthquake, hurricane or drought, or it could be a huma n rights abuse committed directly by other humans through their institutions, such as armed forces, nation states or multi-lateral lending agencies. So solidarity is a form of common sensitivity to and orientation toward resistance to oppression. It is both material and political in the sense that ad dressing the injustice requires not just service to ameliorate c onsequences but systemic change to obviate structural conditions of oppression. 34 The organization Witness for Peace wh ich brought over 8000 North Americans to Nicaragua in the 1980s is a particularly prominent example, although vol unteerism was a minor component of their visits compared to accompaniment, education and subsequen tly giving testimony on their return to the United States.

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90 Figure 2-1 Developing a Habitus of Solidarity Solidarity with disaster survivors, for instance, would motivate one toward reducing their vulnerability to future catas trophes. When outsiders arrive to be in solidarity with disaster victims Oliver-Smith cautions that interventions are not neutral, Villagers Visions and Aspirations Commit To Social Movement Or Social Process NGO Vision & Mission Plan Contextualized Personal Solidarity Project Ongoing Solidary Struggle Learn Social Analysis Concientization Empathize Interpersonal Interaction Intimacy Experience Become Aware of Injustice And Interdependence

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91 some enhance long term development and others undermine it.(1999) In issues of development it is not the solidarity of the vis itors as a group or even the solidarity of the visitors with the village that is paramount, but rather the solidarity of th e villagers among themselves. To the extent that NGOs foster village solidarity they can welcome visitors in good faith. Where community development goa ls are not so clear, then visitors can compound an already serious problem. Second, a condition of mutual empathy (affectional solidarity) must be achieved between two or more parties. These partie s articulate through a condition of shared awareness of oppression. The oppression will be experienced differe ntly by the parties but a mutual recognition of the linked nature of both manifestations of the oppression is necessary. Once a situation of violen ce and oppression has been established, it engenders an entire way of life and behavior for those caught up in it ---oppressors and oppressed alike. Both are submerged in th is situation, and both bear the marks of oppression (Freire 2002:58). This mutual recognition of the oppression as well as mutual recognition of each partys human rights are the basis for an empathy or bonding that must bring those suffering injustice together to resist it for the sake of all its victims. The empathy which partners share is not uni-direc tional sympathy, nor is it exclus ively emotional, rather it is an apperception of a common though differently nuanced condition for both parties. On the reflective level it is an affirmation of human unity which transcends or subverts markers of social difference. It is a conditi on in which self interest is given a definition of wider extension than the indivi dual, clan, or even nation-state.

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92 In revolutionary Nicaragua of the 1980s there was a slogan, Solidaridad es la ternura de los pueblos . (Solidarity is the tenderne ss of the peoples). One North American solidarity worker in Nicaragua e xpresses how this tenderness, which comes from personal contact between service-learning exchange stud ents from the United States and Nicaraguans, is a pre-condition for her students to be emoti onally open to the possibility of doing social anal ysis and, later, achieving a su bject position of solidarity with Nicaraguans. Thats where it happens, its about connecting at a very intimate level, its about some kind of tenderness, somehow be ing moved by each other. its that tenderness, something touches them at a very deep emotional level. That then you can work with. You could see them [N orth American Students] changing. And it was that contact with people that started to work on them. Something started to happen. Many people like to work with it intellectually, but to me there is something that moves them inside at a very human emotional level, that tenderness, that solidarity Third, the aforementioned resistance to in justice must have conceptual coherence and operational efficacy. A cause must be form ulated and articulated in such a way that it can enter the imagination of all those who would participate in its just resolution. Solidarity that is not operational is not meaningful. A llen (1999) stresses such a point when considering solidarity as promise. If it is promise it must be one which can be kept.35 On the other hand, social analysis generate s a variety of possibl e solidary activities that are politically feasible support the group, and move to ward a defined objective. Social analysis is not simply an exercise in social criticism but results in action plans. 35 promises that assume a permanent, fixed unity for an indefinite amount of time cannot possibly be kept, and promises that cannot possibly be kept, of necessity, lose their binding force. Thus, the promises and shared commitments that bind us together as political actors have to be open to contes tation, reinterpretation and revision, otherwise the promises will cease to bind and th e power will disappear (Allen 1999:100).

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93 Be Supported, Be Helped Atruism Non-reciprocal Uni-directional Anti-Solidarity Non-reciprocal Uni-directional Affective Relational Cognitive 1. A decision to come to Nicar agua for the first time because of exposure to an NGO program personal friendships or organizational membership a cultural/political affinity with Nicaragua 2. Arrive and Gaze on Nicaragua a. Exoticism novelty b. Culture Shock c. Awareness of Poverty 3 Reflection Process 4. Action Process Support Somatic Help Linguistic Figure 2 : Moving Toward Transcultural Solidarity Sensory Overload Incomprehensible NGO CBO Social Movement Construction of a new subjectivity through heightened identity difference awareness The life changing, liminal quality of expe rience perceived as singular and temporal Subjective Solidarity Mutual and Reciprocal Nicaraguan Community (The Villagers)

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94 Fourth, solidarity involves a commitment to the cause evidenced by involvement in the struggle. Solidarity is not just a sen timent, nor a cognitive assertion, nor even a volitional commitment. Rather it must, finally, evidence itself in activism for justice. True solidarity is found only in the plenitude of this act of love, in its existentiality, in its praxis. To affirm that men and wo men are persons and as persons should be free, and yet to do nothing tangible to make this affirmation a reality is a farce (Freire 2002:50). Hannah Arendt makes this point in her philo sophy of solidarity a nd political power. For her power is cooperative human action. So lidarity is neither affective nor cognitive but rather performative (Allen 1999). Arendt se es solidarity as constituted in the very commission of a political act. One does not have to be a member of the group with whom one is in solidarity. The Danish populat ion in the 1940s were not Jewish but their solidarity with the Jewish cause against Nazi attempts to isolate and capture Jewish refugees resulted in what Adolf Eichmann term ed a Nazi failure to deal with the Jewish question in Denmark. Since injustices occur with frequency a nd contemporaneously, a solidarity worker cannot be solidary in the perf ormative sense in every issue of injustice. Solidarity partners evaluate the feasibility of a struggl e or a tactic within a struggle based on the urgency of the cause, the limita tions of their own lifestyle s and other commitments. Once a cause is identified, selected and personally committed to, then there are subsidiary questions of planni ng tactics and strategies, the how of being in solidarity. This may involve letter writing, fundraising, digging ditches, material aid, medical assistance to casualties, sit-ins, strikes, marches, boyc otts or simple accompaniment, any tactics which assist in addressing the injustice in question. The understanding of, commitment to, and activism on behalf of, any chosen social justice struggle may not be

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95 experienced in a fixed sequence and can involve recurring phases. The entire process is cyclic. The Mis-recognition of Solidarity Mis-recognition and symbolic violence in Bourdieu Mis-recognition in the anthropology of Pierre B ourdieu (1977) is the inability,on the part of the mis-recognizer, to penetrate the hegemonic discursive constructions that serve to mask the stratification of society. Mis-recognition is nave credence in dominant discursive regimes. It is an unwarranted belief that social institutions are following their overtly stated rationale, which is different than the actual (l argely unconscious) logic that forms their habitus and corporate social field. One common justification for classificatory practices by institutions is to help others. The pretension is that the institution has no self-interest or ulterior motives in cla ssifying its stakeholders or differential practices toward them. Totalizing discourses of economics, religion, science or politics are used to confer discursive immunity from se lf-interest on institutions which can be seen to historically benefit from such altruistic activities. For instance, I found that volunteers often describe d their motivation as one of se rvice, which they defined as selfless sacrifice that seeks no reward. This mis-recognition is dissipated in the recognition by development tourists that they r eceive as much or more than they give by volunteering, and the so lidarity travelers in sight that by helping campesinos they are actually helping themselves simultaneously. According to Bourdieu, symbolic violence pertains in society when hegemony prevails unchallenged an d mis-recognition permits the naturalization of social injustice. Instead of offering a critique of injustice, sym bolic violence constructs it as inevitable. A current example in Nicaragua would be th e widespread campaign by those who control

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96 the mass media that the Central American Fr ee Trade Agreement (CAFTA) is crucial for the prosperity of all Nicaraguans. This campaign, which is supported by the executive branches of all the governments that are party to the treat y, emphasizes the advantageous nature of the treaty for all Nicaraguans ev en though a nearly identical treaty between Mexico and the United States and Canada (NAFTA) has wreaked havoc with the Mexican economy and particularly the peasants. [Picard, 2003 #865; Moreno-Brid, 2001 #734; Edelman, 2001 #909]. Mis-recognition of dimensions and movements of solidarity It is crucial to distinguis h solidarity from altruism or charity, since in volunteer vacation practice it is possible to identify bot h altruistic and solidary subject positions. Some behaviors of the two may be congruent their sources of authorization may be similar, but their imaginaries, when subm itted to discourse analysis, show significant performative differences. To point out some of the more salient contrasts let us review the four previously identified attributes of solidarity, to show where they diverge from altruism. Injustice : First, in the issue of identifying an injustice; altruism requires no injustice, only a lack, a deprivation, a power differential. Injustice, in its distributive form, connotes that society has removed the ri ghtful entitlements or basic necessities of dignified human existence from a human bei ng or group of humans. Injustice reveals an embedded power differential of domination and oppression. Groups which are concerned with works of mercy such as feeding the hungry or sheltering the homeless may or may not be c oncerned with fixing a system which keeps a billion people hungry and homeless. The work er or group who feeds and shelters often finds sufficient meaning in those very acts. Providing surcease from hunger pangs or

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97 inclement weather for one person or one family at a time, can be both reward and challenge enough for many who care. There is no need to organize poli tically in order to save an individual from starvation for a time especially if one has personal access to enough resources to rescue seve ral individuals sequentially. In this case philanthropy suffices in achieving the desired end, amelioration of suffering. As one campesina who worked for NGOs in Nicaragua shared con cerning one organization s satisfaction with the charitable approach and her obvious dissatisfaction with it: I could say that its very difficult just to be in solidarity because I am doing charity. The way I have seen many of those groups they are doing charity and they dont understand what the real problem is and re ally what poor people need in this country. I remember working for three year s as an interpreter for one of the big transnational NGOs from the US, they brought medical teams to the country and they still do. The whole meaning was charity. They couldnt get it, understand anything about what poor people need nor what they were doing here in this situation of Nicaragua. The limitation of the altruistic perspective is also aptly illustrated by the experience of Jessica, who was involved in teaching U. S. study abroad college students in Nicaragua. Its what you do with that, makes all th e difference. Whether you leave it at the level of charity. Is it en ough for them to go and sit, you know, and just hold orphans and teach them a little bit of Eng lish or something. Or are they going to start looking at why are all these kids abandoned? Whats happening to their families, whats the economic structure that surrounds their families thats producing all these little kids on the street or all these people [tha t live] in the trash dumps? Mutual Empathy: In regard to the s econd criteria for solidarity, mutual empathy; charity requires sympathy, not empathy. Charity reinforces inequity, materially by hiding resource transfers from the poor to the rich and symbolically by objectification of the receiver in a non-reciprocal exchange. Altrui sm is concern for others, charity is concern on the part of the haves for the have-nots. The condition for the possibility of charity is

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98 that there be some who have more than they feel they need and so me who have less than the charitable party deems necessary. Altruism and charity seek out socio-economic inequality because, it fa cilitates a transfer of resources, but under different auspices than solidarity. Altruism constructs the interchange tran saction as one in which the magnanimous wealthy are transferring their resources to the poor, expec ting gratitude in response. Altruism also places emphasis on the physical ity and materiality of the exchange. The gift is given, as Mauss (1996) has poi nted out, without formal reciprocity demanded, yet it is this gift giving which cem ents the cultural logic that would obligate the poor to be grateful to the rich. The sym bolic violence is the mi s-recognition of who should be grateful, that the act of charity is done because the rich are grateful to the poor, for remaining poor. For by remaining poor, the poor enable the accumulation of wealth in the hands of the philanthropists, who rec ognize their obligation to share some portion of it. In Maus terminology the charitable gift is the prestatio n and the reciprocal gratitude is the counter presta tion. It is precisely this moral economy of charity and reciprocal gratitude th at Petras rails agains t when singling out NGOs as nefarious agents of imperialism (1997) Gratitude of the poor towards the wealthy can then be construed as their approval of (or at least acquiescence to) a system which pr ovides surpluses and status to the wealthy and power ful at the expense of the poor Ingratitude is breaking the reciprocal agreement, withholding the counterprestation. Or, better said, If others do not have more it is because they are incompetant and lazy, and worst of all is their unjustifiable ingratitude toward the "generous gestures" of the dominant class. Precisely because they are "ung rateful" and "envious", the oppressed are regarded as potential enemies who must be watched. (Freire 2002:59)

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99 Solidarity makes the claim that sufficien t resources for human contentment and subsistence are basic human rights. Therefore any transfer of resources between those who have more than they need and those who have less than ba sic necessities is redressing a prior dynamic in which thos e who have more than enough received resources that rightfully belonged to those who have less than enough36. In a solidary relationship there must be concensus of the part ies as to what is sufficient and what is need rather than want. Otherwise solidarit y would require equality rather than equity and cross-cultural standards of measurement and comparison would be required. In such a case plural modernities would have to be collapsed into one univocal modernity. When worshipping with a Salvadoran base Christian community in exile in Costa Rica in 1989 I witnessed a startl ing act of international soli darity. A German Lutheran aid agency representative was presenting a subs tantial check to the Catholic pastor of the Salvadoran exile community in support of their development work. On receiving the check in a public ceremony the Central American priest said, Thank you very much for finally returning that which you took from us in the past. Such interactions deconstruct the symbolic violence of charity which fu els much international assistance. An unjust social order is the permanen t fount of this "generosity" of the oppressor.... True generosity consists pr ecisely in fighting to destroy the causes which nourish false charity. This lesson... must come from the oppressed themselves and from those who are solidary with them. (Freire 2002:45) Solidarity acknowledges the re source transfers as bi-dir ectional, whereas charity relegates the initial primitive accumulation to non-discourse and asks witnesses to judge the morality of the total interchange on the la st half alone. Charity would lead one to 36 If enough or basic necessity has become so slippe ry a concept as to need specification, then I would propose that we use the U.N. Declaration of Human Rights as a framework from which to argue.

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100 believe that the wealthy give and the poor receive. This is why altruistic North Americans find it personally difficult to receiv e gifts from their Nicaraguan hosts, it is a counter hegemonic practice that directly confronts their coloni ality of power. It allows the Nicaraguans to re-appropriate their su bjectivity and agency in the solidary relationship, resisting the Nort h Americans subconscious need to objectify the other. As one NGO solidarity worker articulated it Part of being part of this delegation is coming and being gracious receivers, to allow the Nicaraguans to give to you. A nd thats not easy for US church people. These are economically wealthy church peopl e that if were all wanting to give all the time then at some point someone doesnt ge t the chance to give. Were taking that opportunity away from someone So I think as North Americans we need to learn to be receivers. Thats pa rt of breaking patterns. And Nicaraguans need to learn how much they have to give; their wis dom, their knowledge, their life experience, their humor, their food, their cu lture, their ability to work hard, their understanding of revolution, whatever. Also in regard to the sec ond quality of solidarity, there is the need for empathy to be linked to an issue of inju stice that is mutually percei ved as commonly debilitating. Altruism can operate without sensing or acknowledging the double acting nature of oppression and injustice; solidarity cannot. The dehumanization of the oppressor who is alienated from masses of his/her fellows is de nied in the altruism of the privileged who cannot acknowledge that their social status, (f or example, their need to live in gated communities), does not lead to liberation. For them to be is to have and to be the class of the haves The oppressors do not perc eive their monopoly on having more as a privilege which dehumanizes others and themselves [Freire, 2002 #376:59]. Almsgiving becomes a proxy for human dial ogue and reciprocity. Charity fosters the mis-recognition among its pract itioners that giving is not only superior to receiving, it is also superior to equity. If every one had enough the rich would not be able to demonstrate their virtue. In the consciousness of the altruist, equity itself, far from a

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101 desired state of affairs, actually becomes a li mit to his/her personal prerogatives to give without having to receive in return. The resultant disregard for local needs or desires can be astounding. As one witness attests; But I have also seen people who use the word solidarity but they imply charity. These implications of solidarity for the campesino family is really to be connected to their lives, to understand them. If not, sometimes these brigades come and they say, Oh this community needs water pipes or this community needs a church. They didnt even ask. I have seen, in th e area where I come from, the church was brought from the United States. One of the perennial issues concerning inte rnational development is to what extent it partakes in the dynamic of altruism versus the dynamic of solidarity. Some, among the post-development and anti-development th eorists (Escobar 1995; Illich 1997; Petras 1997; Rahnema and Bawtree 1997) would hold that development as prac ticed is all about perpetuating present inequities, even if ameliorating some of the more egregious symptoms of global capitalism. Others (Arac 1988; Arce and Long 2000a; Arce and Long 2000b; Bennett 1988; Cernea 1995; Cham bers 1983; Fogarty 1998; Lewellen 1997; Pieterse 2000) hold that bla nket characterizations of such a complex social activity cannot convey some of the more solidary exam ples of development that illustrate its potential for social transformation. The third requirement of solidarity, con ceptual coherence and operational efficacy which can enlist the participation of th e masses, has a homologous requirement in altruism. But the participation that is solicited in altruism is one which constructs itself as selfless. Solidarity recognizes the primor dial unity of the str uggle for all who would participate, even though what specifically indi vidual participants st and to gain (and lose) from a more just situation will vary according to their social location.

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102 The fourth characteristic of solidarity is commitment to th e struggle. Altruism is an approach which can have variable terms of activity. One can act altruistically in a periodic or sporadic manner, engaging in char itable acts as opportunitie s arise. Solidarity is a more consistent and continuous obliga tion and opportunity, because one needs be in solidarity not only with a cause, but with a gr oup of human beings who are engaged in a struggle. When the struggle ends the so lidarity will no longer be actively pursued, although both causes and groups may be succeeded by new ones. Mis-recognition as slippage from solidarity to altruism: The following paragraph from an NGO web page illustrates the drive toward a cross-cultural solidarity, yet it also expects solidarity to transcend the very issues that give it political meaning. It portrays the type of conflation, slippage, and devolution experienced between concepts of structural so lidarity (commitment to a better future and justice), to subjective solidarity (commun ity) in the discourse and practice of this organization. We will examine its practice in Chapter 6. Global Partners Inc. is about building building a broader and deeper sense of community across cultural divides; building a spirit of friendship and solidarity that transcends politics, economics and religion; building buildings with materially poor communities that promise the beginnings of a better future; and in the end, building a community of global citizen s who feel deeply connected to the world and who are committed to making it more just. We want our volunteers to be fully exposed to the realities of living in a materially poor country. For we believe that it is only through this level of engagement that we can learn from and be in solidarity with our brothers and sisters livi ng in contexts that are radi cally different from our own. 37 37 From a volunteer vacation organizations website 6/25/05. It is particularly noteworthy that while the purported goal is to build a citi zenry that are committed to justice, there is the contrasting phrase of transcending po litics, economics and religion (the very foundations upon which transcultu ral structural solidarity might be forged), focusing instead on the sense of community, the materi ality of the type of assistance and the personal immersion of the volunteers in a cont ext of material poverty. It is possible to read this paragraph and imagine all the builders being from North America.

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103 This study focuses on those whose sense of social solidarity transcends national and class boundaries and who seek to forge cross-cultural bonds that may help achieve greater equity and less tragedy. The disa ster assistance, deve lopment and cultural interchange activities in which they participate are not only instances of altruism or moral compunction. Rather they are also discursive regimes and institutional arrangements which provide individual subjective moral and material satisfaction as well as social capital that can be exchanged for prestige of various kinds. There is an economy of desire in which the volunteers subjectively are engaged in the anti-conquest (Pratt 1992) or civilizing mission which se eks to inculcate a modernist su bjectivity in the locals. It is the orientation which I heard in th e discourse of undergra duate group leaders who proclaim to their peers that they are going to Nicaragua not to bri ng people fish, but to show them how to fish. Ironically, their des tination was a fishing vi llage on the coast of Nicaragua. The dominant metaphor of the volunteer va cationer is a doer. Listening is mentioned, and experiencing as well. But the principle focus is on what is done actively and corporeally. As one volunteer vacationer sa id to me, as I observed him frenetically running in place in front of his hotel room at 7:30 AM on the fi rst day of his trip, Lets get going, I came to do something! Or agai n when I inquired about the lack of presentations to the group concerning local and national current events one NGO official responded, Yeah, you cant give them a lot of le ctures, they came here to work, and they get anxious if they have to sit and listen too long.

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104 Inherent in these practices are elements of mis-recognition, which Bourdieu identifies as the root of symbolic violence38 in society. These practices of transculturality and the dominant and counter-heg emonic discourses which they generate enable persons to seek identity in otherness. What is ideally sought by the participants is an identity/difference that is mutually recognizable by thos e involved in the encounter. What often flows from these encounters are id entity/differences that are still not mutually recognizable cross-culturally and which revert back to stereotypes. These images, rooted in post-colonial North South racism, allow class differentiation of the global population according to the necessities of the market. Such distinctions are not consciously chosen and cause great discomfort when expos ed for what they are and do. As one North American NGO functionary who was also a member of a minority ethnic group expressed it, Sometimes I can see the racism [of the group members] toward the villagers so clearly. But when I mention it to my collegues th ey tell me not to bring it up because our primary issue is one of socio-economic class. But not all discourses revert to symbolic violence. In the periphery of empire contradictions cohere in new a nd creative discursive formations that seek to resist what Foucault called the ponderous awesome ma teriality of discourse (Foucault 1972:216) and open horizons of possibility for those r obbed not only of their history, but of their future as well. Discourses developed in border thought,(Anzaldua 1987) in that space of nepantlilism,39 are generated from the contact of the coloniality of power with the 38 Symbolic violence is violence exercised upon a social agent with his or her complicity. See Bourdieu & Waquant 1992:166ff. 39 Nepantla is the Nahual word signifying torn between two ways, the descriptor used by an Aztec spokesperson in characterizing their social situation subsequent to the Spanish conquest.

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105 cultural difference of the colonialized (Qu ijano 2000). Border thinking generates new cultural differences and new imaginarie s (Mignolo 2000). As Tsing observes heterogeneous and unequal encounters can le ad to new arrangements of culture and power. (2005:5) Perhaps our interim best hope as a species is to continue to generate alternative modernities or what Heyman calls counterpart ideals and what Scott (1999) refers to as refashioned futures in such multiplicity that capitalisms attempts to stratify difference will be overwhelmed by the shee r rate of production of differen ces. We must be able to envision new world orders which are plur al and diverse rather than homogenous, a globalization from below (Nouzeilles and Mi gnolo 2003) which will allow communities to exist in both community with a nd difference from their neighbors. In the rural villages of Ni caragua, North Americans and campesinos interchange the raw material from which identity/differences are constructed. At times they assist each other across cultural borders to deconstruct stereotypes of self and others. At other times they contribute unintentionally to the strengthening of tropes which separate them as cultural groups from each other, while making them more malleable to hierachicalization. Imaginaries evolve with increased velocity in circumstances of interpersonal transcultura l interaction, group reflexiv ity, and border thinking. Solidarity Travel as Cross Cultural Development Tourism To tighten our focus from a preliminary th eory of solidarity situated in liberation anthropology, requires some contextualizing knowledges. I examine four academic subdisciplines directly concerned with the form ation of solidarity between North Americans and Nicaraguans by means of volunteer vacationing. These four sub-disciplines, or inter-disciplines are:

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106 tourism studies development studies peasant studies transnationalism & globalization studies The task here is not to survey these fi elds, but rather to point out the current academic debates in each field which impinge on or articulate most directly with the concerns of solidarity formation through volunteer vacationing in Central America. Tourism Studies What motivates a person to go or not go on a cross-cultural volunteer vacation? Does the novelty of this type of tourism signal the construction of a new post-modern subjectivity? How has the civil societ y/NGO medium served to create a tourism distinct from, but articulate d with, commercial tourism? How does the contemporary practice of alternative tour isms in general, and development tourism in particular, reinforce subjectivities and st ructures sought by a global cap italist economy? What are the micro-political particularities of the tour ist vector from North America to Nicaragua? How do practices of tourism reflect the civil soci ety institutions that administer it? What guest/host power dynamics are embedded in sp ecific development and solidarity tourist encounters? In short, what is the cultural logic of solidarity tourism? These questions shed light on the comple x inter-relationship between travel and solidarity or its absence. I look first at concerns of tourism at the micro-level of individual subjectivities of tourists and hosts. Second I consider meso level issues involving institutionalization of cross-cultural to urism. Finally I consider macro issues of political economy and cultural production at the transnational level.

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107 The Micro level: Travel as Constr uction of Identity/Difference MacCannell (1976) says that traveler is a metonym for post-modern man. In a world of multiple, serial, and polysemic identities one must not only find ones self but, because, as Lyotard observes in The Post Modern Condition (1984), self is really just a nodal point in a matrix of relationships one must continually seek self through difference or simply lose ones self. In this sense then the other (Bhabha 1994) is more immediately identifiable than the self and de fines the self. Just as it took the reverse mirror image of the rest of the world non-Eu rope, to define Europe through the process of exploration, conquest and colonization,(C hakrabarty 2000; Grewal 1996; Stoler 1995) so the post-modern condition impels those w ho can, those of the first third world, to sojourn in search of ego. This quest has become a practical possibility for many only recently with the rise of the leisure class. The technological advances in communication and transportation, demographic changes to family structures a nd life courses, and a sh ift in the focus of identity from production to consumption (Bau drillard 1970) all promot e global tourism. The drive to find ones identity and/or status niche has caused the ra pid diversification of the tourism experience into a variety of di sparate practices, many of which fall under the rubric of alternative (Smith and R. 1995:3) 40 tourism Such options as eco-tourism, adventure-tourism, edu-tourism, cultural tourism, heritage to urism, sex tourism, affinity tourism, volunteer tourism, mission tourism, pro-poor tourism, development tourism, and 40 Alternative forms of tourism are those consistent with natural social and community values and which allow hosts and guest to enjoy positive interaction and shared experiences." Two constraints of conventional tourism, the alienating accomodation and the difficulty of interacting with destination communities, inspired the diversification

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108 other hybrids share the impulse to find self in the other and so to one extent or another are ego-tourisms (Munt 1994). Ebron (2000) shows how even the desire to practice resistance and occupy oppositional social lo cations, can be appropriated, commodified, and sold back to non-conformists at a handsome profit. In this way revolution tourism with its iconographic Che T sh irts and Zapatista dolls, ca n become big business (Babb 2004). Mary Louise Pratt (1992) reminds us that this search for self in difference through travel, though formerly more restricted in the percentage of the population embarking on it, has been an important cultural practice for the construction of Eur opean identity ever since colonization needed a rationale. Stol er (1995; 2002) places its origins in the 14th century. The definition of European-ness and the cultural logic of a Euro-centric world view required the technology of racialization and its deployment to the rest of humanity. This was accomplished in part by the search for the exotic, disdain for the native and desire for pre-contact authenticity found in the practice of European travel (Grewal 1996). Disciplines of natural science and anth ropology recoded the forms of racial and gendered authority embodied in the Grand Tour of masculine Eu ropean aristocratic travel into new classifications and discursive formations. The coloniality of power which informs one-third world peoples subjectivi ties is a continuation of that original instantiation of racism that first powered European colonial expansion and which, according to Quijano (2000), has proven more durable than colonialism for stratifying global populations. The desire to discover self through en countering the other fuels tourism, particularly alternative forms of tourism, or travel, as the anti-tourists like to call it

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109 (MacCannell 1976). Such alternative tourism ma y still facilitate an encounter with the other where each may objectify the other under the tourist or native gaze.(Urry 1990) Conversely travelers may engage in an inte r-subjective event that can challenge the coloniality within one or both of the parties. The travel broker often exercises more agency than either tourists or locals (C heong and Miller 2000) who may be locked in mutual gazes. Some scholars claim that there is signif icant subject agency in the decision to either reinforce ones biases and stereotypes by objectificati on of the other or to grow beyond them by engaging in an inter-persona l encounter (Wearing and Wearing 2001) Other scholars are less sanguine. Edward Br unner (1991) for instance, believes that the very neo-colonial structure of the technology of tourism (who can travel and who cant) prevents tourists but not hosts from being transformed by the encounter. Subjectively this is the planetary consciousness that is the sine qua non of European bourgeiose authority (Pratt 1992). For some travel is a liminal experience that is transformative but not in predictable ways. The affects that are aroused by the de-centering effects of travel are ineffable experiences. This subjective experience in its intensity defies both narrative and discourse (Fullagar 2002) and thus creates identity/di fference in surprising ways. The opportunity that travel affords to transcend or elude gender co nstraints interests feminist theorists. Travel is also a means of coming home to the feminine self; signaling the different inter-subjective relations inherent in the journey of identity that are not dependent upon masculine ways of knowing. It is a moment of experiencing the difference within and between the feminine self a nd the other as a paradoxical space of commonality and distinctness. (Fullagar 2002:74).

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110 The alternative tourist desire s to see the native enjoy th e advantages of modernity that is an integral aspect of the tourists own lifestyle (Ebron 2000). At the same time alternative tourists feel the conflicting impulse to try to preserve an imagined pristine tradition that they project upon their non-m odern hosts. These are contradictory manifestations of the tourists ethnocentricity. Another contradiction is the desire to en joy the privilege, comf ort and security of the leisure tourist and yet the desire to gain social status and sa tisfy desire by forgoing those advantages in favor of adventure, disc overy and spontaneity. There is the pull to construct a genuine interpersonal encounter wi th natives, and yet a countervailing desire for the type of convenience and comfort that requires relating to them instrumentally. Tourism as a material practice The preceding section focused on subjectiv ity, but cultural power also flows through material practices that lend themselves to analysis by political ecologists. Scholarship (Kottak 1999/1983 ,Cruz, 1996 #573 ,Stonich, 1998 #977) focuses on how policies, infrastructures a nd local economies built around in ternational tourism impact stakeholders differentially. Th ere is underlying concern for so cial sustainability as the scale or modality of local tourism enterprise s confronts the limits of ecological carrying capacity.(Butler 1991; Stronza 2001) As conditions deteriorate it is th e socially marginal that are impacted first, requiring transitioning from agricultural or natural resource based economies to service or informal petty commodity based economies(Stonich 1993). Structural adjustment of economies is a curr ent issue in Central America as multilateral trade and infrastructure schemes are bei ng imposed on agrarian societies to expand enclaves of production for worl d commerce(Nicaragua 2003).

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111 It is important to attend to the conditions that help fi nance and facilitate tourism (Ebron 2000:928). Tourism as a differentiated prac tice follows varying social and economic logics. Civil society institutions ge nerally increasingly utilize the logic of the market, (MacDonald 1995a) but in particular historical and geogra phical circumstances they show evidence of counter-hegemonic prac tices that offer new possibilities (Edelman 2001). Our rural research sites in this st udy are undergoing rapid transition from an agrarian based subsistence plus and rural proletarian economy to one that is emerging from the struggle between various models vying for hegemony in Nicaragua (Ebron 2000), Central America and beyond. Volunteer vacationing is a strategy which is open to North Amer ican participation by virtue of their citizenship in an imperial power which provides for their global mobility and levels of consumption that permit international travel for leisure. Nicaraguans travel to the U.S. but among the popular classes this must be done surreptitiously. Disciplinary technologies prevent their legal passage across national boundaries and global economic relations preven t their access to leis ure travel. When Nicaraguans travel to the U.S., more often than not, it is for purposes of subsistence, to find a higher rung on the ladder of the global division of labor. Transnational mobility has become a source of social prestige for the North American middle class, and a source of survival for Nicaraguan popular classes. The volunteer vacation encounter is transn ational, transcultu ral and cuts across class lines. The cultural logic of solidarity here is not between two equal parties, but rather between a party whose transnational mobility is limited and one for whom it is assumed as a universal human right. Vol unteer vacationers evidence surprise when

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112 informed by Nicaraguans that the U.S. gove rnment does not permit poor Nicaraguans to enter the U.S. North American volunteers come to Nicar agua via a network of transnational organizations that package, facilitate and c oordinate their visit. Nicaraguans going North have no such institutional network and must rely on kinship and commu nity ties to make the journey. Those that come to the U.S. as part of a reciprocal volunteer vacation visit, few as they are, are hosted by North Ameri can organizations who have sent groups to Nicaragua previously. Since Nicaraguans w ho come to the U.S. face the obstacles of scarcity of travel funds and U.S. governmen t obstruction, it is only possible with active collaboration of U.S. institutions, or else cl andestinely. U.S. authorities often prevent Nicaraguans in solidarity with North Amer icans from gaining access to the U.S. Development tourism While there is a growing academic intere st in the intersec tion of tourism and development, there are very few empirical st udies of development tourists themselves There is, however, a growing body of promotiona l, practical and journa listic literature on the topic (Allaire 2002; Capell and Baig 1997a; Capell and Baig 1997b; Eaton and Hurst 1991; Eaton and Hurst 1993; Klein 2000). On e study, which involved European tourists who traveled to NGO community development sites in the two thirds world, showed a disparity between what the host organi zation had hoped would happen on the trip, familiarization with international aid and an ongoing commitment to support it, and what the visitors themselves both sought and attain ed a journey of self discovery.(Salazar 2004) While I think it unwarranted to draw equivalent binary oppositions between NGO objectives and individual objectives in a zer o-sum kind of calculus, Salazars research does point to the contending agendas of di fferent parties in the encounters.

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113 Another study carried out in Central America (El Salvador and Nicaragua) with North American college students involved documenting changes in global awareness and concern on standardized scales for thos e variables. The students were much more integrated into the host communities than Salazars subjects had been, staying in family homes and actually participat ing in community based development projects under the rubric of service-learning with a conceptual framework of working towards social justice. In other words, the goal here was solidarity travel. Significant ch anges in both scales, global awareness and concern, were documente d by pre and post-trip administration of the instruments (Crabtree 1998). A third study involved returning members, pa rticularly leaders, of several different faith based non-proselytizing groups who went to Central Am erica or the Caribbean to do community development projects. The prim ary finding in this study, which included some groups with continuing relationships to destination commun ities, was that the relationships with locals were the pr imary value affirmed by the majority of participants, as attested to by involved and a ffective narratives inte rjected within semistructured interviews .(Adkins 2005) The contrasting results between Salazars study which yielded a very self-focused characterization of the experiences and Adkins which stressed the cross-cultural relational aspect gives pause for analysis. The factors of gender (with Adkins being predominately female and Salazars half and ha lf) and repeat destinations (with Salazars having little or no experience of or interest in repeat visits and Adkins subjects indicating strong desires to c ontinue relationships at the inter-personal and community

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114 levels) could be construed as giving some definition to gendered constructions of tourism. If one expands the research focus to in clude the inherently ambiguous term, shortterm mission, then a consider ably greater literature is available from religious denominational sources. Some short-term mission may be practically indistinguishable from volunteer vacationing, or it may designate a transnational evange listic proselytizing trip. Ver Beek (2004) reveals that many s hort-term missioners who come to Central America to participate in rec onstruction efforts consider w ord evangelization to be a more important trip component prior to depa rture and less important afterwards. Because of the potentially proselytizi ng purpose of short-term missi on, I have excluded the bulk of that literature from my study, which neverthele ss warrants a future collaborative research agenda with transcultural solidarity studies. Feminist scholars (Fullagar 2002; Wearing and Wearing 1996) ask if tourism can be experienced in such a way that relational intera ction with hosts, true inter-subjectivity, is the significant core of the tourism experien ce rather than the di stant masculine gaze that objectifies and commodfies the hosts? Does the fact th at the majority of volunteer vacationers and group leaders are women indicat e that interactive modes of tourism are more in keeping with feminine and feminist constructs of leisure? Adkins groups included gays, lesbians and bi-sexuals among them whereas Salazars group was unmarked as far as sexual orientation, anot her area of potential re search. Ver Beeks respondents, perhaps because they involved construction brigades, were 70% male. In terms of research design all but Ve r Beeks focused exclusively on group participant perceptions. In fact Crabtree is the only one that does participant observation

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115 as a volunteer vacationer. The Salazar a nd Adkins studies cons isted of post trip interviews with Europeans and North American s. Crabtree calls for research among host community members to provide an idea of the individual and corporat e reverberations of such visits. Ver Beek in cludes interviews with NGO f unctionaries of the executing agencies and their program beneficiaries in Honduras in order to determine impact of short-term mission. I include participant ob servation and interviews with NGO staff and community leaders and campesinos who are not programmatical ly associated with the volunteer vacationers. Development Studies Progress is a comfortabl e disease T.S. Eliot Development anthropology is a field fraught with disciplinar y danger. It is, as John Bennett (1988) has observed, an ambiguous engagement. There are academics who consider applied work as theoretically and ethically suspect with development anthropology representing, for some, the na dir of the sub-field. Reasons for its excoriation include its genesis as a colonial technology (as if this were distinctive within anthropology); its instrumental fa ilures (economic results being its raison detre ) and its predominately modernist/positivist theoretical base. Prescinding from the opportunity to defend development anthropology from accusations of imperialism, ineptitude, and nav e realism, I believe it appropriate to note that there are development an thropologists who work agains t the World Bank as well as for it (some do both simultaneously). There are development initia tives designed with extensive anthropological input that have been instrumental in self-witnessed improvements in the quality of the partic ipants lives (Doughty 2001), and disastrous

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116 projects that included social science impact studies wh ich were ignored or surpressed by the executing agencies (Winthrop 1997). In recent decades development anthropol ogy has been incorporating insights from feminism (Chowdry 1995; Grewal and Ka plan 1994; Kabeer 1994; Marchand 1995; Parpart 1995) post-struct uralism (Arce and Long 2000a; Crewe and Harrison 1998; Crush 1995; Escobar 1997; Everett 1997; Fe rguson 1990; Gardner and Lewis 1996; Pigg 1992) and post-colonialism.(Mohanty 1991; Sen and Grown 1987) Development anthropology in response to th is recent scholarship has m oved through an epoch of antidevelopment, post-development and counter-development (Arce and Long 2000b; Pieterse 2000) to a humbler yet still resolu te posture that gives more credence to the subjectivities and discourses generated by popular social movements,(Alvarez, et al. 1998a; Alvarez, et al. 1998b) accompanied by civil society organizations (Ydice 1998) organized in rights based transnational ne tworks (Keck and Sikkink 1998; Slater 1998) with much less faith in centrally planne d mega projects (Scott 1998) as avenues to progress. The question remains as to whether en tering into the discursive domain of development, one densely linked with concepts such as progress, social evolution, and modernity, is possible without providing more coherence to what Vandana Shiva (2001) has objected to as the second wave of globalizat ion after colonialism. Is it possible to identify or construct an alte rnative development that would not include the centrality of Euro-centric modernization and progress that has helped keep two thirds of the world economically and culturally mortgaged to the dominant one third?

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117 Escobar (Escobar 1991; Escobar 1995; Es cobar 1997) and Ferguson (Ferguson 1990) both tend to believe that development discourse and the industry that it has spawned since WWII is too dens e to salvage. Others, such as Donald Moore (1999) critique such a monolithic understanding of development discourse as discursive determinism. Moore points out that the evidence Escobar cites is textual rather than ethnographic; that Escobar posit s the beginning of the discursi ve practice as the end of WWII and does not try to historicize that origin in various evolutionary and differentiated forms of colonialism. Para doxically, Escobars powerful but reductionistic analysis facilitates the ve ry uniformity of development practice he abhors. It is precisely the historical particularit ies, conjunctures, and contingencies that constitute development practice locally. He gemonic discourses play significant roles in replicating themselves, but nowhere is that re plication complete or exact; it is always contested and changed.41 Elsewhere (Fogarty 1998) I go into more detail on why, even though I believe it still has some positive va lue, I consider the term development pragmatically unsalvageable, The efficacy of the practices of any or ganization or individual depends on their commitment to doing a alternative development or counter-development42 (Arce and Long 2000a) that conflicts with and compensa tes for the destructiveness of hegemonic development. Perhaps through work of many of the individuals and organizations I have 41 Poststructural approaches need to confront both the heterogeneity of cultural practices that constitutes development as well as the historical agency of th e social actors who shape and contest developments effects. (Moore:1999:657). 42 a term which indicates community organization from the base, projects of community initiative which according to its proponent strategically counter hege monic development practices B. Galjart (1981) Counter-development: A Position Paper Community Development Journal 16(2):88-96, cited in Arce and Long (2000b).

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118 researched here, who operate in unique circ umstances and are exerting subject agency over their practices the term development ma y eventually be redeemed. As Arce and Long observe (Arce and Long 2000b:8), "W e should look to ethnography for the inspiration to realize a more grounded and reflexive anthropology of development." Meanwhile, both in theory and practice, deve lopment discourse is a highly contested domain. The concept of counter-development is closely tied to the idea of modernities43 (Comaroff and Comaroff 1993) in the plural. If there are different modernities (sociocultural ideals of the present), then there can be different concepts of what constitutes progress. This relativizes the Western development paradigm of unending economic growth, of industrial capitalist (and formerl y, socialist) relations of production, and radically differential hierarchies of c onsumption, status, and power. Counterdevelopment is the art of fo stering local modernities wh ich offer advantages over a transplanted western modernity. The criteria for those modernities, by definition, could not be formulated in socio-cultural subj ect locations remote from their practice. A related concern is how are modernities constructed? from what elements? What is the bricolage (a combination of previously unasso ciated elements) that constitutes a locally constructed modernity that does not possess the planetary consciousness, or totalizing meta-narrativ e, of bourgeois modernism? Is it a case of hybridity (GarciaCanclini 1993; Garcia-Canclini 1995) in wh ich traditional and non-traditional elements 43 modernities contrast with western modernity in as much as they are, in a sense, its antithesis. They are the result of a process which incorporates mental and material elements of western modernity and combine them with locally available here and now cultural components to generate a divergent or deviant morphology of modernity, which th en continues to be utilized to generate further, less homologous iterations, resulting in cultural logics and social formations quite unlike western modernity which are sometimes then labeled as traditional by modernists.

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119 are combined in unique ways? Or is it a pos t-colonial construction using pre or extracolonial elements combined with colonial elem ents to create polysemic futures that defy unilinear schemas of evolution? (Mudimbe 1988) How do agency and structure interact in such a process? Whose development are we talking about (Chambers 1983; Chambers 1997; Crewe and Harrison 1998)? Pigg (1992) shows that development-savvy locals understand that advantages of development accrue more to the developers than to the developees. Where people surrender crucial components of th eir culture (Kleymeyer 1994; Maybury-Lewis 1994) to participate in development, then se lf-esteem, socio-economic well being suffer. If criteria such as particip ation, empowerment and sustaina bility, which are touted as attributes of alternative development (Piete rse 1998), are given only nominal assent, then their effect in forging equitable development practices is negligible. If these terms are assigned a significance derived from the ope rational exigencies of the development organizations themselves, as is often th e case (Atack 1999; Cleaver 1999; MacDonald 1995b; Wright 1997), then their counter-d evelopment benefits are lost. Institutionalization of development For international development to be practi ced, a plethora of institutions has been invented. This complex transnational netw ork of organizations what Escobar (1997) calls the development industry weaves a tapestry of interconn ected policy, financing and program strategies ostensibly aimed at th e betterment of zones w ith fewer resources. As globalization accelerates and nation-states lose saliency in world affairs in comparison with other types of polities (Robinson 2001), more financial aid is channeled through private non-profit channels.

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120 This study is centered on the NGO sector, which serves as the primary conduit of foreign aid to Nicaragua (CAPRI 1996). The NGO community is characterized by extreme variety, from tiny organizations with a small number of volunteer staff and few funds to mega-NGOs like World Vision Internat ional, which is in nearly 100 countries around the world, employs 18,000 people, and has a budget in excess of one billion dollars (World Vision 2003), an amount e qual to several times the 2002 budget of the government of Nicaragua. Chapter five provides a broader context, et hnographic data, and a cr itique of current theory and practice of NGOs. Chapter six desc ribes how they operate as culture brokers for volunteer vacationers, constructing logics of altruism and solidarity. Peasant Studies The [anthropological] category peasant has come apart at the seams (Kearney 1996:30). Like development studies, the sub-disciplin e of peasant studies has its ambiguities for anthropologists. The principle issues bei ng who are peasants? Do they still exist? By mid 20th century, all primitives had pretty much been discovered and most were then destroyed or subordina ted by colonialism (Bodley 1990) Kearney (1996) makes the case that the term peasant (Wolf 1955)44 was appropriated by anthr opology to replace the lost category of primitives that stood for the other as its object of analysis. During the 20th century another phenomenon pushed agrarian peoples onto center stage. Peasants were researched academica lly because of the Wests need to understand 44 meaning a person who has a stable relationship with the land such that s/he produces primarily from agrarian activities and primarily for subsistence ra ther than reinvestment (Wolf, 1955:453-454).

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121 revolutions led by agrarian peoples thr oughout the world. Instead of industrial proletarians becoming the vanguard of an ti-bourgeoisie movements, it was agrarian peoples who threatened colonial capitalist orde r. Kearney credits Redfield (1964) with designating peasants as the post-primitive obj ects of anthropology a nd facilitating their status as targets of the development industr y, which sought to modernize them. One of the political motivations for disciplining peasan ts with Western concepts of progress was to prevent the kinds of rebell ions against capitalist order at which they were proving quite adept. Alain De Janvry (1981) pointed out th at subsistence agriculture had dual functionality, one for the peas ant mode of production and another for the capitalist. In developed economies like the United Stat es, there is a correspondence between production of capital goods and production of consumer goods for both domestic consumption and export. In dis-articula ted economies, like Nicaraguas, what is produced is exported for consumption by othe rs and the surplus is used to purchase capital goods for more production. Nicaraguan workers are not expected to be able to purchase the goods they produce. Rather they are expected to engage in subsistence agriculture enabling industry to pay them low wages to produce exports. This is efficiency. The efficacy of subsistence agriculture fo r capitalism pertains only until carrying capacity of the land is exceeded or until more profitable uses of the countryside are devised. At that point (which is where Nicar agua is presently) th e agrarian population is displaced into urban areas su rrounding the zones of productio n. Where they must earn a living in informal commerce, service, and e xport manufacturing jobs The manufacturing

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122 jobs are available for only a small percenta ge of the workforce, providing a constant surplus labor pool and infra-s ubsistence wage rates. Th is is the implicit economic rationale behind the demographic displacemen t foreseen in the National Development Plan of Nicaragua, as the countryside is re-a ppropriated from the small cultivators and redistributed to agro-industry, in ternational tourism, and conser vation interests. It is a modernization scheme in which local communities have little say. Kearney, like others before him (Alcantara 1984), maintains that if there ever were peasants who were primarily subsistence farm ers and traditional vi llagers, they no longer exist in great numbers and their survival, due to structural fact ors, is doubtful. He contends that most peasant social formations are deeply imbricated in global systems of various types and stresses that the urban/ru ral binary that supported the concept of peasant as country folk has broken down. Li kewise, he sees the post-modern elision of the space-time continuum destroying spat ial metaphors such as core/periphery, cosmopolitan/provincial, global/local, and subsistence economy zones/market economy zones. As these binaries collapse, the categ ory peasant does not make sense. Nor does rural development. Kearney sees the inadequacy of trad itional anthropologi cal categories for respecting the complexity of the structural and subjective realities of people like the Mixtecs and Zapotecs of Mexico. We must see differentiation of individuals and households and communities as occuring within more complex multi-dimensional spaces (Kearney 1996:91). Kearneys observations are important for re search with agrarian peoples, especially his contention that the most fruitful av enues of research involve understanding the

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123 subjectivities of the people in their variety, rather than developing new taxonomies that over simplify complex structural r ealities. I believe, as he states that what is required to avoid the many dualisms of anthropology is a unified theory of economic and cultural value. Social relationships of materiality a nd symbolic meaning continue to be analyzed by theoretically distinct paradigms. Bo th frameworks deal with power but not homologously. In one, power is uni-directiona l and cumulative, in the other it is multidirectional and diffuse. Kearneys ethnographic interest is the tr ansnationalization of the Mixtec-Zapotec people, a process which has accelerate d during the first decade of NAFTA.45 Most of the village families have multiple migrants a nd produce only 20% of their food locally. Nicaragua is following a similar path to de-p easantization of the countryside (Nnez Soto 2003), something that has been accomplished at various times since the conquest (Burns 1991; McLeod 1973; Paige 1997), but never comple tely or finally. CAFTA has recently been ratified by the Nicaraguan National Assemb ly and the U.S. Congress and its effects are already being felt in the countryside. Rural Nicaraguans over 20 years old ha ve experienced armed revolution and counter-revolution. Their imaginaries of counter-development predictably involve militant manifestations qualitatively di fferent than those of todays Mexican campesinos. The day that NAFTA was ratified, agrarian peoples of Chiapas emerged from the Lancondon jungle as Zapatistas, requesting the solidarity of those w ho would help them resist the bleeding of their land. Th e world has not heard the voices of the campesinos of Nicaragua for several decades, but they are speaking. 45 North American Free Trade Agreement among Mexico the United States and Canada, ratified in 1994.

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124 Regarding the economic subjectivity of rural peoples I find two polar positions in peasant studies. Some scholars believe th at agrarian peoples follow a moral economy with its own logic (Scott 1976). Others th ink that agrarian peoples employ a rational economic maximizer logic, making them more amenable to becoming modern capitalists (Popkin 1979). According to Scott, peasants follow two related economic principles when relating to outside society. First, the norm of recipr ocity requires those with surplus always to share with those in need, wh ich has a leveling effect. A corollary is that those who manage to amass considerably more wealth than their peers ha ve particular, more stringent, criteria for generosity applied to them, or they can be subjected to ostracizing. The second principle is the inalienable right to subsistence. Peasants will suffer considerable inequity from an unjust landl ord, but when the possiblity of long-term subsistence is removed, when exploitation ex ceeds a sustainable level (as judged by the peasant), then they will rebel. Rebellion may be against an isolated elite or an oppressive legal authority. Neo-liberal ca pitalism ignores rural Nicar guans right to subsistence. Popkins position is that peasants deci de on courses of action based on maximum advantage for themselves under the circumstance s. They will only engage in reciprocity or clientilistic relationships when it is to th eir clear advantage. Popkin and Scott may not disagree on what a given rural person mi ght do in a given circumstance, but their rendering of the cultural logi c involved is distinct. Leslie Anderson tested these two hypothese s in Central American villages. Her conclusions, based on comparing and c ontrasting Nicaraguan and Costa Rican campesinos, were that both rational actor a nd moral economy theories are valid.

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125 Campesinos from each country, even though contendi ng with different types and degrees of oppression, were acutely aware of what th e consequences of th eir actions would be and strove to continually to push those limits They realized the di fference between short term and long term gain for the survival of the community on which they were ultimately dependent. Thus they restrained themselves from engaging in activities would seem to further their self interests, in favor of maintaining good community relations (Anderson 1994). These issues are important for volunteer vacationing because it is important to determine what type of moral calculus is at work in solidarity. In the behaviors of both Nicaraguans and North Americans, actions that seem opportunistically motivated and actions that seem altruistic may be followi ng different cultural logi cs, and the possiblity of long-term solidarity may depend on the congruency of the logics. Globalization and Transnational Studies Important issues of structure and su bjectivity are found in scholarship on globalization and transnationalism. Globa lization refers to the process whereby technological advances in communicati on, transportation, manufacture, finance, marketing, organization and education have made rapid real time global financing, production, distribution, and cons umption of resources the do minant economic reality. One type of globalization is controlle d by and in the in terest of the 53,000 transnational corporations th at do the business of global commerce (Carnoy and Castells 2001). Among them are the media conglomerat es whose product is representations of culture. Hence this type of globalization is about ideolo gical as well as material hegemony over populations and their resources.

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126 A second type of globalization, from below (Brecher, et al. 2000), is a network of resistance to the material and symbolic violence of corporate globalization. This oppositional stance does not find as much pur chase in the commercial or government sectors as it does in civi l society. Although it has some support among religious and philanthropic organizations (Biekart 1999; Smit h, et al. 1997), its primary manifestation is among popular social movements which ha ve ambiguous relations with NGOs. It gives rise to innovative form s of human solidarity and citi zenship (Castells 2001:i). Ethnography which involves participant observation among popular classes enjoins anthropologists to analyze priv ilege and inequality that conf ers a disciplinary disposition to dissent (L indisfarne 2002). Transnationalism, like globalization, is bot h a subjective and a structural dynamic. Whereas globalization begins with the planet as the unit of analys is, transnationalism emerges from but transcends the nation-state. As the role of the nation-state evolves in relation to supra-nati onal agencies that correspond mo re closely to global economic forces, the responsibilities of states for the ca re and stratification of its citizens change. As national borders become porous to movements of capital, capitalists, and commodities, corporations exert pressure on nation-states46 to maintain the borders impermeability to the lower classes. This hierarchy allows them to profit from the differential created by the global division of labor and the depresse d living conditions of the majority of humanity. Transnationality a lifeway that spans na tional boundaries is a matter of course for much of the capitalist class and all of their major corporat ions. But it is a matter of 46 Or regional blocks of trans-nation states like the European Union

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127 necessity and an act of resistance or accomm odation for working class people, as they seek work in those nations where employment still provides sufficient recompense for social reproduction. Grewal ( 1996) maintains that transnatio nalism is an important step beyond national comparativism, which is in evitably couched within a hegemonic universalist analytic. A great deal of literature has been generated on the role of the nation-state in a globalizing world (Chalfin 2002; Hoogvelt 2001; Jameson and Miyoshi 1998; Mato 1997; Robinson 1998; Robinson 2001). In the 1990s there were pr edictions of the demise of the nation-state all together (Robinson 1996), either because it will be no longer functional for its citizens in a post-m odern world and hence lack legitimacy, or because democracies have failed to become polyarchies47 that meet the aspirations of their citizens for inclusion in the political process (Dahl 1971). More recently in Latin America there has be en wide spread with trying to make the democratic nation-state responsive to the needs of all its citizens, not least because of its fealty to the multi-lateral lending and regulatory institutions.48 Formal democracy is a necessary but insufficient condition fo r popular self-governance (O'Donnell 1998).49 As adumbrated as citizenship rights might be in some non-consolidated democracies, they do provide standing from which popular movements can engage in contestation. This is not the case with the supra-national multi-lateral agencies. As 47 polyarchies are democracies that have been sub stantively popularized and liberalized, and have become highly inclusive and extensively open to public contestation (Dahl 1971:8) 48 e.g. Nicaraguan teachers went on strike for a mont h in spring of 2005. After numerous acrimonious public confrontations and growing popular pressure the government signed a pay raise for the teachers, explaining that of course the raise was subject to approval by the IMF in Washington. 49 as currently evidenced by the mass unarmed uprising of peasants and miners in Bolivia, resulting in four changes of national administration in less than 9 months

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128 Picard points out in his scat hing evaluation of NAFTA from a Mexican economists point of view, a nation needs not just political but also economic viab ility to protect the livelihood of its citizens from the forces of globalization.(Picard 2003). As the movement toward decentralization of national governments proceeds to devolve fiscal, legal, and political power to th e local level, the nation-state is also being divested of its potency downward. Over the past two decades, decentralization --the transfer of political, fiscal and administrative powers to subnational govern ments-has emerged as one of the most important trends in development policy. Decentralization is a global and regional phenomenon, and most developi ng and transitional countries have experimented with it to varying degrees.50 Analysis of the World Bank website, quoted a bove, promoting decentralization links to another called the Local Government Info rmation Network Corporate Partnership Program, which enables transnational corporation executives to identify and contact local officials of subnational governments. There is no mention on the banks Decentralization.Org si te of private transn ational corporation decentralization, just national government decentralization. Decentralization is linked in the discourse of the mutli-lateral agencies to concepts of civil society and good governance. In Nicaragua it has resu lted in many of the functions formerly administered by the natio nal government being devolved to the local level and a small percentage of the na tional budgets being tr ansferred to the municipios I discuss how these neo-liberal realig nments affect NGOs in Chapter 5. With this chapter I have set the stage to consider the research design to discover characteristics of solidarity formation during volunteer vacationing. It is the work of the 50www1.worldbank.org/wbi ep/decentralization/

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129 theorists cited here that enables the frami ng of questions, the answers to which elude those who confine their analysis of globalization to dynami cs that take pl ace within the conference rooms of corporations and states.

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130 CHAPTER 3 SEEKING SOLIDARITY: A RESEARCH DESIGN This chapter opens by situating my refl exive research design in a standpoint epistemology that affirms partial and situated knowledges as most authoritative (Haraway 2003). In light of this, Nicaragua presents unique challenges for an ethnographer from the U.S., such as I. One of the most important features of this rese arch is the dialectical interaction on our bi-cultural team that revealed cross-cultural communication patterns homologous to those discovered in the dynamics of the volunteer vacationing event. Because of the standpoint limitations of all ethnography, this transnational and transcultural event-centered research calls for triangulation of multiple data sources, methods, and interpretive frameworks. It also requires member check ing analysis with research participants in or der to ground both theory and analysis (Corbin and Strauss 1994). The chapter concludes with a considerat ion of how early hypotheses yielded to empirical fieldwork data, allowing more focu sed questions to emer ge. The limitations imposed on the research by contex tual constraints ensure that the applicability of these findings is correlatively limited. Partial si tuated knowledge is, in the end, the most authoritative, because it always acknowledge s the newly framed unanswered questions (Lincoln and Denzin 2003).

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131 Standpoint Epistemology and Negotiated Ethnographic Authority Situated Knowledges as Part ial, Personal, and Political Standpoint epistemology is the convic tion (Haraway 2003) that only partial perspectives are objective and that all knowledge is generated from standpoints. To claim that one understanding of truth is authoritative beyond that of all others (positivism) or to claim, conversely, that everyones understanding of any given subject is equally valid (relativism) are inadequate epistemological stances for the social sciences. Haraway posits that claims of comprehens iveness are a god-tric k, an unwarranted and unsupportable claim to omniscience in cont ent, perspective, or both. This god-trick is epistemological tyranny and the oppos ite of objectivity. Reflexive ethnography requires specificity about standpoint and humility regarding truth claims. The substance of ethnography is not an alie n culture, but the in ter-subjectivity betw een the ethnographer and the research participants. It documents interpersonal relationshi ps, and should reveal the cultural logics not only of the participan ts, but also of the et hnographer. Usually the ethnographer assumes cultural identity with his/ her readers, leaving implicit the cultural logic of the researcher in the field, marki ng only the logic of the other. But an ethnographic document is more adequate if th e logic of the ethnogra pher is marked as well. Such reflexivity is important in attempting to transcend the Western researcher/other binary. Researchers are historically contingent subjects. Neither their subjectivity nor their existential conditions can be di stilled out of their discoveri es; for these discoveries are not so much an uncovering of some pre-ex isting reality as a complex, layered and historically contextualized c onversation between the research er and the subjects of the

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132 research. Thus inter-subjectivity does not lend itself to statistical analysis as proposed by some (Aunger 2004). Harraway argues Subject positions are not self-evident. They are constructed from multiple partial perspectives and multiple subjugated (i.e. privileged) standpoints. It is this partiality, this incompleteness, that makes possible understanding among knowing subjects and hence communication and objectivity itself, partial connection (Haraway 2003:32). Haraway does not see history as happenstance or ethically neutral. Rather, it is a chronicle of the construction of forms of subjugation and re sistance to domination. Just as there is no non-subjective knowledge, there is no dis-interested knowledge; or as Foucault said, Knowledge is not made fo r understanding, it is made for cutting (Foucault 1984:88). Haraway and other femi nist epistemologists seek a type of knowledge that is liberating, transforming, a nd challenging to the forms of oppression embedded in current scientific discourse. Subjugated knowledges, or knowledges ge nerated by subalterns who have less access to the global technologies of knowledge construction and dissemination, can now be linked with their counterparts trans-na tionally or globally. In this way local knowledges become glocal knowle dges with a community of p eers. This process has enabled World Social Forums to grow even as they diversify. Their only common theme is that another world is possible and that they represent the disenfranchised, expropriated, and marginalized. Howeve r subjugated knowledges, though not seeking the uniformity of Western modernism, must be submitted to critical theory and reflexivity to warrant the claim of objectivity. Objec tivity is not about re moving subjectivity but about identifying and locating it

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133 I am arguing for politics and epistemologi es of location, posi tioning and situating, where partiality and not universality is the condition of being heard to make rational knowledge claims. These are clai ms on peoples lives. I am arguing for a view from a body rather than from nowhere. Only the god trick is forbidden. (Haraway 2003:34) In arguing just as adamantly against re lativism as against positivism Haraway returns to solidarity. The alternative to relativism is partial, locatable, critical knowledges sustaining the possibili ty of webs of connections called solidarity in politics and shared conversations in epistemology (Haraway 2003:30). The partiality, and therefore the objectivity, of the knowledge ge nerated by this ethnogr aphy has everything to do with its privileged locati on in the ethnoscape of Nicaragua. Standpoint epistemology reveal s something that our consideration of solidarity in Chapter 2 overlooked. While I acknowledged that the horizon of universal human solidarity gives conceptual coherence to bounded solidarity, the obverse is also true. Only in conceptualizing hist orically contextual bounded solidarities does universal solidarity have significance. Only by recognizi ng the partial, non-unive rsal nature of any instance of bounded solidarity, can we understa nd the power of the universal. Its power derives from its absence. In this sense the n, only to the degree that North Americans and Nicaraguans can forge bonds of solidarity among themselves can we understand what universal human solidarity might look like. One implication for my ethnography is to be cautious not to essentialize solidarity in any of its particular mani festations. Ethnographic data must always be considered from the point of view of distinguishing solid arity from its absence, of pointing out ways that any human practice participates in soli darity and non-solidarity on various levels. This is a project of mapping the boundaries of solidarity in time, space, and subjectivities.

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134 Nicaraguan Ethnography and Representational Responsibility C. Wright Mills in The Sociological Imagination (1958) describes three ways to avoid dealing with issues of social justice while engaged in social scie nce research. First, narrow the topic so that almost no socio-cultural context is considered. Second, describe oppression in such dispassionate and object ified terminology that indignation seems inappropriate. Third, focus with such t echnical precision on ones methodology that the ethical injustice need not be considered. I would submit that none of these avoidance techniques would be c onvincing in Nicaragua. Anthropologists from the U.S. trying to do ethnography in Nicaragua are involved in what Roger Lancaster (1988) calls a pa rticularly charged process. There are no neutral standpoints, esp ecially not in complex, politically charged melieus such as Nicaragua. As one campesina from the particularly c onflictual area of Mulukuku, once explained, Aqui no hay neutralidad. Here there is no neutrality. Higgins and Cohen, in explaining their open participation in the revolutionary practices of a Managua barrio remark that during the late eighties in Nicaragua neutrali ty was understood as either complicity or cowardice. They go on to explain that what needs to be conveyed by ethnography is the people's own sense of their political context and agency (Higgins and Coen 1992). Or, as Kamala Visweswaran obser ves, The question is not really whether anthropologists can represen t people better, but whether we can be accountable to peoples own struggles for self-representati on and self-determination. (Visweswaran 2003:89) Ethnographic advocacy in my case means soli darity with the aspirations of the popular classes for their own liberation fr om oppression and with NGOs and volunteer vacationers who seek to be in solidarity with them. Ethnographic praxis means being a

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135 companion in that struggle, not by pretending to be a Nicaraguan campesino or an NGO functionary, but by making the insights of social science available to their cause. Social movements are one medium through which popular sectors can exercise a degree of agency through construction of social discourse and political practice. My interest in popular social movements is bo th analytical and ethical. The interaction between the U.S. and Nicaragua has been a complex, continuing saga of dominations, accommodations, and rebell ions, some of which I will address in the next chapter. Anthropologists traditionally have brought data from the periphery to the core of socioeconomic power. Even though col onialism and racism are not considered as defensible as they were during Malinowskis and Evans-Prichardts era, nonetheless The relation between imperialism, ethnography and theo ry is as problematic today as it ever was in the middle of the 20t h century".(Lindisfarne 2002: 404) It is incumbent upon social scientists from the U.S. working in Nicaragua to be cognizant of the history and politics that inform our ethnoscape, our imaginary of this field. Even reflexive and ethically committed ethnography can be used against its subjects. This is inevitable The specific danger in framing an ethnography within an applied anthropology framework, as I am doing, is its instituti onal linkages with development institutions. Because their obj ectives are to solve social problems by disciplining subaltern populations in a vari ety of ways, ethnographic knowledge will be integrated into the social management tec hnology known as international development. To build a consideration of power stratific ation into ones rese arch design is a way to ensure that the voice of the suba ltern populations will be heard and power dynamics will be analyzed. This type of study is less useful and even perhaps less attractive to agents of the power structure. It unmasks the dynamics of injustice. If this dialogue between the an thropologist and informants explicates how subaltern populations empower themselves for liberat ion from oppression it will give scant

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136 comfort to the oppressors and perhaps mo re clarity to those developing counter discourses. (Lancaster 1988:9) An ethnographers interests help define of the research encounter, and should not only be included in the data but clearly acknow ledged and analyzed. Both what is said and unsaid in the ethnography should be a function of the commitment of the ethnographer to protect her subjects (W olcott 1999).from a danger that she often perceives before the subjects themselves do. Advocacy need not distort ones findings; rather, the opposite is true. Overtly committed ethnographers can access some field data that overtly detached anthropologists cannot. At the same time it is important to acknowledge and distinguish between biases that come from the standpoint of the ethnographer, the operative social science theory, and the standpoint of the participants (Spradley and McCurdy 1972). James Clifford (1988:168), speaking about museum displays, observes, I am suggesting only that some negotiation will necessarily take place around issues of authority, reflexivity, voice, and audience, and that there is no automatic outcome. The same may be said of ethnography. Ethnogra phic authority takes various forms, some overt and some not. The text may (and ordi narily ought to) include verbatim passages from research participants (co-researchers, informants, witnesses, and bystanders). But ultimately the author must vouch for the work and the integrity and veracity of its elements. Ethnography is negotiated, if not among multiple authors, then by one author with fragmented purposes and loyalt ies and a differentiated audience. Ethnographers operate in a field in which s tructures of power are fundamentally at stake (Ames, quoted in Clifford 1988:207). They write of objects and interpretations that are not just their own, a nd they deploy these artifacts within a field of power in

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137 which they themselves are located. Et hnographies are inevitably framed by the researcher/participant relati onship. There is no unmediated objectivity in ethnography, not even (or perhaps especially not) within the hermeneutic of statistical analysis. Each ethnographic text is unreplicable. Authors have dialogical re lationships with their own texts both during and after their composition. Anything that they write subsequent to is influenced by the intertextuality that it creates. As soon as th e text is complete and disseminated, it is no longer the sole property of its author. Ethnography reflects, de-constructs and reconstructs culture discursively among a heterogenous community of readers who aggregately constitute a field of power. Ultimately it is not what the writer but what the readers do with the text that impacts social structures. The writer s intentions and the contingencies the text creates may not be congruent. Ethnographic Authority and the Crisis of Representation Ethnographies treating issues of developmen t have often served either to address the dissolution of traditional community life under the onslaught of incursions by the modern world (Bodley 1990; Cruz 1996; Kottak 1999/1983) or to document the deterritorialization of traditional communities by means of global flows of people, ideas, and resources (Burns 1993; Kearney 1996; Ong 1999). My primary focus is not on the rural communities, or on the volunteer vaca tioners, but on how the two encounter each other and how solidarity forms between them. As a result the focal institution becomes the NGO intermediary. Yet this is not an ethnography of a development NGO [Bornstein, 2003 #862], nor of the industry as a whole (Crewe and Harrison 1998). Rather, it is an investigation of a crosscultural practice used by a variety of small

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138 development NGOs in one region. The tensions evident in this pr actice construct new transnational subjectivties and struct ures (Burns 1993; Cunningham 1999; Ong 1999). One writes field notes in the field and ethnographies at home.(Geertz 1988). Exit from the field signals entrance to the academy. This translocation tends to create distance and discontinuity, thus effec tively invisiblizing the imperialism, capitalism, and tourism that bind the two places together (Gupt a and Ferguson 1997). Cross-cultural, transnational research such as this study suffers from discont inuity in the write up stage because field work was done in Nicaragua and writing primarily in the United States, yet the issues and participants span both local es, though cyberspace bl urs the distinction daily. This ethnography is a trans-lo cal representation which illuminates global imagined life possibilities in loca l life experiences.(Appadurai 1991). It is imperative that ethnographers no t position themselves in some imagined neutrality whereby their work supports the idea that neoliberal globalization is both inevitable and ethically ne utral (Bodley 1990). The evidence in Mesoamerica, particularly in Nicar agua the darling51 of neo-liberalism indicates that the present global economic structure is lethal for vast numbers of people whose vulnerability is neither news nor cause for change on the part of global institutions. The counter-hegemonic discourses that need to be constructed in order to do no harm to our participants must be faithful in showing how imagin aries of alternative worlds are being conceived, narrated, and pe rformed in the hinterlands, far from the boardrooms of New York, Brussels, Tokyo, a nd Taipei. Any ethnographer who fails to 51 The term used by an ethnically Chinese, residentially North American nationally Venezuelan investment broker I met on a plane to Managua who was looking for 10 million dollar projects that would yield 40% in three years for his Eu ropean investors.

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139 record these possibilities, who fails to point toward other possibilities is like the death camp chronicler who matter-of-factly records the names of the dead with an air of inevitability. Such studies have no catalytic validity (Lather 2003). They are, in short, unethical. They do harm by being useless for their participants. They are not atypical within a tradition of salvag e anthropology, but they are no le ss reprehensible for that. Social scientists need not collaborate with the civilizing mission of corporate globalization, no matter how attrac tive, lucrative and irresistible it might seem. The activities of the Bret ton Woods organizations52 are oriented toward an accelerated articulation of global capitalism into the most remote locations of the planet. Their goal is concentrating production wher e it is most efficient and consumption where it is most lucrative. They seek articulation with or assimilation of non-capitalist relations of production according to capitalist logic. Th eir lack of substan tive concern about the equitable distribution of resour ces is a function of that same logic (Heilbroner 1985). My experience in Nicaragua leads me to conclude that anthropologists who would work with the multi-lateral and bi-lateral aid agencies must take a critical stance or none at all. Some ethnographers adjust to and even co me to identify with the host cultures where they do their field work. Others become temporarily confused as to which culture they belong (Kondo 1990). Fieldwork has helped cure a longing in my heart to be in Nicaragua rather than in the U.S. My personal sympathy with the struggles of Nicaraguan campesinos mellowed through the course of this fieldwork into deeper appreciation for their survival skills and a more humble vision of my role as a solidary intellectual. 52 The International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and more recently the World Trade Organization.

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140 I was painfully aware every day that I was in Nicaragua that I am not Nicaraguan. The majority of Nicaraguans suffer poverty to a degree that I have not because of borders and unequal power flows that are constantly maintained. This is an ethnography of the encounter between the winners and the losers of the current (500 year) round of global accumulation. My sympathies are with both parties, but for different reasons. I fear for the subsistence of the Nicaraguans and the et hical authenticity of the North Americans. Those fears are interrelated in as much as the justification of North Americans is intimately involved with solidarity toward Cent ral Americans. Retu rning what was taken from them is long overdue. A Bi-Cultural, Multi-disciplinar y, Dual Gendered Research Team. Native Anthropology and Questions of Cultural Competancy To do foreign ethnography one needs to make the strange familiar, to do native ethnography one needs to make the familiar strange (Wolcott 1999). In considering doing ethnography in Nicaragua I was convinced that a U.S. citizen, for reasons already alluded to, could most responsibly do ethnograp hic research as part of a team with a Nicaraguan social scientist. The double reflex ivity required in researching a bi-cultural phenomenon with a bi-cultura l team has influenced how this research program took shape. During my pre-dissertation research in 1999 I wandered the highways and byways of Nicaragua alone, associating with NGOs and individuals (my daughter, an anthropology student, accompanied me on a fe w excursions). When I arrived to do my dissertation research in 2003, I was put in to uch with two potential re search assistants by Marisa Olivares, a rural sociologist at the Un iversity of Central America. For the first two weeks I worked with a 20 year old senior sociology stude nt who typified the counter

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141 cultural tendencies current in Nicaragua at the time. I paid his field expenses and hoped to afford him an opportunity to do research fo r his thesis. His tac iturn nature, counter cultural appearance and minimal initiative in the initial stages of fieldwork limited his utility in my research. Returning after a short visit home, I arrange d for a more equitable relationship with a 35 year old woman who was al so a sociology student. As a wife and a mother of four she required recompense for her time, and as an attorney and experi enced fieldworker her credentials indicated potentia l. Her initiative, once sh e understood the scope of the research questions, was outstanding, and she helped advance my research immeasurably. Patricia provided many things to the team that I could not, including expertise in sociology and law, fluency in Spanish, a female perspective, three-and-a-half decades of life experience in Nicaragua through several wars and ec onomic collapses. the dimensions of contrast between her and I in teracted to create space for intense, crosscultural, multi-disciplinary dialogue about the significance of our data. The dynamic of our interaction varied de pending on whether we were discussing the behavior of Nicaraguans or North Amer icans. Though we did not always come to consensus on the meaning of Nicaraguan be haviors, and those areas of disagreement urged us to rethink our respective theoretical assumptions, and gather different data. After discussion, I often acceded to her interpretations in light of her linguistic superiority in Spanish and her superior cultural competency. At other times, I felt that my distance as a gringo gave me a clearer angle of sight th an her cultural enmeshment. I felt, on occasion, perhaps because of her cultural assumptions, her sociological bias, or her

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142 middle class Nicaraguan status, that she wa s missing some key clues. She felt quite differently. Analyzing our dynamic she observes There were many times when I felt that he didnt understand some things the way the people had expressed them. Even though he knows about our country and about our culture, it is not easy to understand the cultu ral framework in all its totality and thats what I m afraid of.Sometimes we discussed about a situation, because he was wanting to represent as co rrect something that in my opinion hadnt been dealt with like that, or didnt have the focus that he was giving it. I also felt that he was using polemics of his friends to help him interpret these issues. But that his friends, even though they had been here many years but in last analysis they had not been in the fiel d with us, experiencing the re ality that the people lived. And they were gringos, children of another culture.( Herrera 2004 :5)53 I noticed that when we were discussing North Americans I became proprietary and assumed that I could understand their mental processes and reactions better than she; partially because I understand English better, but also because I am North American, socialized to their cultural logic. My co -nationality with many of my research subjects was one reflexive wrinkle. The other one, mentioned by Patricia, was a peer group of expatriates that I considered personal friends some of whom were also interviewees. Some asked about the progress of our research and I consulted peri odically with those whose experience related to our study. Th eir takes on Nicaraguan and bi-cultural issues were at variance with each others and with Patricias and I would use their contrasting perspectives to chal lenge her interpretations. This was one of the factors that caused her to seriously analyze her field data knowing that I woul d be conferring with others about her interpreta tions. But such a process produced tension that had nationalistic overtones. At times she seem ed to feel that I trusted my friends interpretations more than hers because they we re North Americans. This caused me to be more conscious of my biases based on affinity and of submitting their interpretations to a 53 The translation from Spanish is my own.

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143 rigorous analysis in light of Patricias. I found that even though I could understand and accept Patricias critical analysis of NGO functionary behavi ors, I was also deeply aware of the reasons why (emically) they did what th ey did. They were engaged in practices I myself had performed in the past. I wondered about how the research process wo uld be different if Patrcia and I (as a team) went to another Spanish or English spea king country such as Mexico or Belize, and studied Japanese or European volunteer vacatio ners? How would that change our feelings of cultural propriety and our ability to find consensus on the meanings of actions. Our respective nationalities, ages genders, and academic disciplines would continue to influence each interpretation, yet neither of us would be doing native ethnography, and the reflexivity issues would be qualitatively different and less pers onally threatening. Though the collaborative process was lengt hy and at times frustrating, as we encountered symbolic violence and incommens urabilities on each side, nonetheless it was exciting, as the power dynamics of such a comp lex encounter slowly began to clarify, or at least become somewhat less opaqu e. As Patricia observed Whatever issue concerning the work we commented on, we anal yzed the pros and cons and always we took decisions in cons ensus, generally the our field activities were agreed to. In spite of the fact that we had to deal with a hierarchical relationship, that didnt mean a straight j acket; we were always debating ideas and looking for the best consensus.(Herrera 2004:9) Engaging in lengthy ethnographi c research with an assist ant involved me in her life circumstances, which during our fieldwork pr esented her with many challenges such as bouts with tropical diseases, an armed robbery of her store, and a st reet-gang attack on her son. She had to deal with my personal issues that impinged on our work such as my limited financial resources (which constraine d the amount of work I could give her),

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144 scheduled visits from my family members a nd my attitudes, which are dealt with at length below. Masculine/Feminine Gender Dynamics Gender relations, though unequal and problemat ic in both cultures, are different in their particulars between the U.S. and Nicaragua This created tensions for our team as we entered the village field sites. Patricia s experience of vulne rability reflects the conflation of gender and nationality, which fi nds expression in the cultural trope of malinchismo54 Everyone was checking out my body and my ac tions, in our patriarchal culture they didnt consider me his co-worker, but hi s co-worker who got the job because she was sleeping with him. Here the wome n are not considered capable of much according to our machista culture. When we made contact with the NGOs in the territory it was evident th at they related me with the gringo similarly and not because of my work. But I came from th e transformational school of the revolution where we proclaimed and achieved gender equality, I was used to working alongside men in difficult circumstances. I wanted to destroy the patriarchal myth that a woman could survive with a boss onl y because of her sexual relations with him. Patricias encounters with Nicaraguan patr iarchal culture led he r to intensify her work habits to disprove the myth of female competence only in sexual relations. Her gendered sensitivities and interpretations as th ey applied to North American as well as Nicaraguan culture were essent ial to our mutual understandin gs of sexism as a social power dynamic in volunteer vacationing. Conf usion of sexual roles and rules is a significant source of cross-cult ural misunderstandings. Our co mportment as professionals over time, and the introduction of our respec tive spouses and child ren to some of our research participants, helped counter stereo typical assumptions a bout our relationship. 54 The term alludes to Malinche, the Mesoamerican woman who served as Cortezs translator, cultural interpreter, and sexual partner during the Spaniard s conquest of the Aztec empire. It is applied disparagingly by Mesoamericans to local females wh o culturally and sexually collaborate with foreigners who come to exploit.

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145 Patricias husband played an active part in our research by providi ng occasional logistical support in the field. Regarding the gender analysis of our resear ch, Patricia was disa ppointed that I did not emphasized its importance more in our repo rts. I was not as sensitive as she to the implications of gender inequality that showed in the data. At times she was the one who led focus groups of women when we agreed that my presence might be intimidating, probably as much for my being male as for my being a foreigner. On the other hand I found myself defending Nicaraguan feminist scholars and activ ists who had been openly criticized by the FSLN leadership for putting ge nder before class in th eir social analysis. Patricia was less than sympathetic to the feminists position and saw their ordering of gender oppression over class oppression as inap propriate in Nicaragua. For extensive treatments of revolutionary feminism in Nicaragua se e (Chinchilla 1994; Kampwirth 1998; Randall 1992).55 Nationality Among the social positions that caused incongr uent interpretations of field data was our respective nationalities. Patricias pers pective is informed by her experience as a 12 year old militia leader carrying a Garrand rifl e taller than herself to defend her land from the Yankee funded counter-revol utionaries. As an adolescent and young adult Patricia lost many relatives, including two brothers, and most of her male friends as an adolescent to the armed struggle against the United States proxy armies, the Guardia and the 55 I do not concur with those who see former Sandinista feminists as prioritizing gender over class. Rather I see that they have generally insisted on resisting gender oppression within the ranks of the FSLN and have been ostracized largely for that reas on. Nor do I think Molyneauxs (1985) distinction between strategic and practical gender needs exhausts the issue, but I do concur with her that the Sandinista administration while fully integrating women into the revolutionary process, nonetheless failed to integrate important gender specific needs into the national development plan

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146 Contra56. During our after-supper chats in the vill age she shared with me the heart wrenching and gruesome details of her losses as a youth in time of war. Her oldest brother was killed by the Guardia and her youngest by the Contra when he was 16. She waked the bodies of 17 of her high school clas smates laid out in the church following a Contra ambush. Sympathetic to Nicaraguas struggle for s overeignty, I had been on her side during the conflict of the 1980s, had worked to end Contra aid in th U.S., and had lived in Nicaragua during the war as a solidarity worker. But I was not prepared to deal with the cumulative sadness that descended on me as stories of the cold-blooded slaughter of youth, complete with the photos of the deceas ed, piled on top of each other night after night. As I lay in bed thinking that Patric ias stories had sister narratives in 10,000 homes across Nicaragua I came to the realizatio n that I was angry at God because of my nationality. I had been born into an imperia listic nation soon after it had used atomic weapons against civilian populations and throug h out my life it has continued to kill as a routine matter of foreign policy. I had had no say as to the nationality of my birth, and precious little as to its foreign policy. Confronting Coloniality One hot afternoon in July Patricia and I were entering data from household surveys into an SPSS data base. The data had been shared with us by a community development NGO. We had bartered for it in return for th e collated electronic files. Suddenly, I was 56 The Guardia refers to the Somoza dynastys National Guard, organized, trained and equipped by the U.S. Marine Corps prior to the corpsdeparture in 1932 and used as an instrument of repression until Somozas overthrow in 1979. The Contra refers to the counter revolutionary military forces of the 1980s organized by the CIA and financed by overt and covert funding from the U.S. government and by illegal conspiracies within the government such as that led by Lt. Corone l Oliver North who surreptitiously sold U.S. military weapons to Iran to replace funding denied by Congress.

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147 stopped cold by her refusal to correct some contradi ctory and, to me, obviously erroneous, entries from the survey sheets. She maintained that we had promised to develop a database that we c ould use but that the organizati on could also use and that the data belonged to them, not us. She refused to change anything, saying it was unethical. I went ballistic. I shouted that I was not paying her to waste our time to put false data into a spreadsheet and that if she was working for me she would do as she was requested. Where, I wondered aloud, was he r commitment as a social scientist to accuracy? At some point I real ized I had lost control of my emotions and nearly my senses. So I took a long walk, sat on a roc k, thought about it, and came back 20 minutes later. I apologized but sulked until the e nd of the day, feeling both frustrated and chagrinned. This was a pivotal moment in Patricias and my professional relationship. Before there had been a comeraderie and we were bot h enthusiastic to find out together what thousands of gringos wandering through the Nicaraguan countrysid e in the name of altruism might be doing to her country. She describes the posi tive valence of our working together this way, I smile to remember the times that we fought because we had different ideas about the same process or phenomenon, they weren t fights that distracted us from our objectives or that indicated conflict, but rather discussions about focus or interpretations, but always we arrived at a consensus, I dont think we did it so as to surrender our respective understanding, but always we fought and looked for agreementWe confirmed our momentary hypot hesis, or we threw it out, it was very intense and productive. (Herrera 2004:14 & 17) We had what Gudeman and Rivera refer to as a conversational community, in which the cultural knowledge which lay dormant and taken for granted in Patricias memory was activated in our discussions. Gudeman, a North Ameri can anthropologist and Rivera, a Colombian, after extensive fieldwork in rural Colombia, observe.

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148 This dialectical drawing out and use of personal knowledge led us to question whether anthropology might be nearly impo ssible for the single foreign researcher, who, lacking a lifetime of personal know ledge, could never fill out, make the cultural connections, or turn into longhand what we in creasingly understood to be elliptical field encounters; but it might also be impossible for the native, for whom every verb and noun, every phrase and explanation, was too familiar to require conscious explication or was an atavism, unconnected to anything else. (Gudeman and Rivera 1989:269) Because of our philosophical, political, and personal affinities we had managed to acknowledge, but not problematize, that I was a citizen of th e colonizing nation and she, of the colonized nation. That I was a man and she a woman. That I was the PI and she was my assistant. That I was the employer a nd she the employee. Now the coloniality of power was in our faces. The colonialism th e sexism, the patriarchy came through me so transparently that Patricia saw a monster that day that she had never seen before. He yelled some stupid things and said so me ugly things about our work. That day his machismo came out, but the worst thi ng that came out was Yankee domination. I hope that this will be finally overcome fo r the sake of other human beings because that really was a situation that changed our work and it is very difficult to get beyond it from my position as a woman, a Ni caraguan and an anti-imperialist. (Herrera 2004:17). I was experiencing a situation of humiliation and domination characteristic of the most right wing gri ngo. I was not expecting this attitude. I thought I had known this person well, someone that I worked side by side with, and suddenly I met someone who had another personality, one he had not expressed, hidden, angry and grotesque. I was confus ed, his reaction seemed totally out of place since I was insisting on doing the right thing, for the research, for our professions and for the prestige and satisfa ction that we were doing the right thing. I received his apologies, I accepted th em, but my Gueguense had been awakened and I became more cautious, less open, less companion and more employee. Herrera 2004:15) Patricia told me that she had to re-exa mine her role in my work and determine whether or not our research might potentially be used to harm her country something that she had never considered before (but of which I was constantly and painfully aware). Several times since she has mentioned that he r initial enthusiasm a nd naivete have been

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149 changed also by two other events: the US government funding of my research57 and the war in Iraq58. I expand my treatment of methodology with this vignette not because I am proud of my comportment quite the contrary. But it br ings into stark relief the error of thinking that multicultural ethnographic teamwork inocul ates the researchers or the research from the ideological constructs of the respective cultures forged in relationships of postcolonialism. Research in the post-colony, wh en carried out by teams socialized as postcolonizers and postcolonized, and when res earching the micro-polit ics of the encounter between volunteers socialized as post-colonizers and the post-colonized villagers, becomes a hall of infinite mirrors where repres entations become a bric olage of identities that are differences and differences that are id entities. Both the signi ficance and utility of the data must be analyzed in a flux of radical ly unequal and constantly shifting fields of power. In some ways our teamwork itself was counter-hegemonic resistance. She was a revolutionary woman working with a gringo enemy of humanity59 in spite of her familys fears of Yankee enculturation. I was working with a middle class, professionally trained Nicaraguan even t hough my background was working class and most of my Nicaraguan acquainta nces were rural peasants. In others ways our team work 57 I began my doctoral research in 1999 with a pre-dissertation grant from the Interamerican Foundation, then continued my fieldwork in 2003 with no institutional funding and finished in 2004 with Fulbright foundation funding. 58 The bombing began March 20, 2003 as I attended the Society for Applied Anthropology meetings. Some comments from my collegue came in the week that photos of sexual torture of Iraqis by US soldiers were circulating globally. 59 enimigos de la humanidad is a phrase used in early versions of the FSLN hymn to refer to Yankee (U.S.) invaders of Nicaragua.

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150 replicates the social dynamics that we are studying. I was able to employ someone above my station because of the power differen tials in our respective nationalities and resources that support a graduate student in the U.S. Nicaraguans usually assume North Americans are educated, wealthy, and powerful. Patricias interest in understanding her own society is now being filtered through the concerns I raised, lending urgency, from her perspective as a Nicaraguan citizen, jurist, and social scientist, to this previous ly un-researched invasi on of foreigners. My interest in how North American organiza tions foster solidarity is now colored by Patricias concerns about the continuing de -legitimization of her government and the undemocratic nature of the NGO sector. This dialectical reflexivity keeps us gu essing about our own motives and those of our colleagues. Patricia expl ains that It created in me a great and continuing fearto understand things in such a different manner in the way in which he is expressing them, because of these particular characteristics of the culture and worldview. It raises questions about the usefulness of the resear ch for our respective constituencies. It problematizes citizenship for us. What we are witnessing is the current phase of an international relationship that has not been sa tisfactory for most Nicaraguans. The very attempt to find liberatory value in volunteer vacationing that resembles colonial missionary activity is an attempt to discover a lternate meaning in new historical contexts. How does that coloniality of power get integrated into our work? The power differential between Patricia and I mirrors the differentials between her country and mine. The issues that arise in CA FTA/TLC are metaphoric for our issues. I had the research grant, technical equipment, male privilege, a nd North American citizenship, to effect this

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151 study. She is highly capable, very ambitious, well read in the social sciences, dedicated to sociology and her country, and scrambli ng to provide for her family opportunities which would be considered necessities, ev en rights, in our society, but which in Nicaragua are the privileges of the fortunate fe w. My contract with her was to pay her a wage, which was much less than what I got pa id for adjunct teaching in the States. She requires three or four sources of income becau se of the pay scale the part-time nature of her work with me. Yet her social class is different than the participants in our study, and that difference allows me to reflect with her on th e construction of identity/difference in the ethnographic enterprise. Patricia has good rappor t with the villagers, but she also has a class role that is, in some ways as distancing as my role as a foreigner. She dresses more professionally than I do. She administers questionnaires and leads focus groups in a warm but structured manner. She spends tim e studying rather than visiting. They call her La Doctora. She is a professional in the community. I dont aspire to a professional persona, even though I have a professional ethical stance and am under no misconceptions about how native I am. Nothi ng is to be gained by being more formal or structured than my natural demeanor, whic h I perceive as relaxed and flexible. But I do have boundaries that I do not allow Pa tricia to cross without confrontation. When she gives a white Barbie doll to a vill age girl I confront her on both its effect on the on the girl and how it complicates relations hips with that family. She does not avoid relationships of reciprocity with villagers. My reservation is that we are altering social relations in the community and that the term s of the relationship are patronizing. The coloniality of it is striking to me, but not to Patricia. She does not labor under the

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152 anthropological ambition to observe the comm unity in such a way as to minimize the effects of our presence. In fact she s ees such a stance as paternalistic. We are chagrinned by different aspects of our native cultures. She is embarrassed when I witness a drunk start a fight in the village or we are kept waiting while some bureaucrat avoids seeing us. I am embarra ssed by the conspicuous consumption of some of my compatriots or the ugline ss of their ethnocentricity. Occasionally Patricia finds me patronizing toward Nicaraguans, though she has not confronted me on it at the time. But what angers her the most is observing compatriots who discriminate against fellow Nicaraguans in favor of North Americans. Every day, as we work and reflect together we are remi nded by our own attitudes and behaviors of how complex and ambitious it is to bring two cultures together for the purposes of solidarity. The key question concerning this research that is posed micro-cosmically in the relationship between Patricia and me is, How is solidarity formed? We learned that regardless of academically enlightened pers pectives, overtly stated and mutually negotiated research objectives, political affiniti es and mutual respect, the coloniality of power operates powerfully and surreptitiously wi thin the subjectivities and structures of cultural identity to constrain aspirations of collegiality, equity and justice. A Plan for Qualitative Bi-Cultural Transnational Research The Research Questions: Research questions evolve. Those I menti on here were operative during most of our fieldwork in more or less definite terms. I refine them yet again in the conclusion where I offer an agenda for the next phase of re search on transcultural solidarity formation. My first concern grew out of a desire to understand the eff ects that volunteer vacationing has on sustainable participatory de velopment processes in other words, to

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153 what extent does it participate in alternatives to development. My wish to understand the subjectivity of the rural Nicara guans involved in encounters w ith North American visitors led me to frame the question more in terms of soldarity rather than counter development practices per se, even though both involve values of collaborati on and reciprocity. The overarching question might be ph rased, How do volunteer vacationers, Nicaraguan villagers and NGOs interact in such a way as to fo ster solidarity? Sub-questions that logically fall under this general query include, How do North American volunteer vacationers to Nicaragua become solidarity travelers? What role do NGOs play in the formation of solidarity between villagers and visitors? and How do Nicaraguan villagers participate in the formation of bonds of solidarity between themselves and visiting North American volunteers? Always the focus is on the encounter among the three parties. Always the quality of relationship being sought is mutual solidarity The questions differ in that each focuses on one of the three parties. Answ ering them required ethnographic data on each of the three and how they interacted. B ecause North Americans and rural Nicaraguans seldom engaged in direct in teraction without NGO mediatio n, NGOs moved to the center of the research design. How Nicaraguan villagers participated as agents of the encounter was not addressed as substantively in our findings as were the roles of th e volunteer vacationers and the NGOs. The exploratory nature of the research, the multiple research sites, the thematic centrality of NGOs, and the limited cu ltural competency of the research team, combined with tight scheduling and limited resources to prevent gathering data to construct thick descriptions of campesino subjectivity. Further research will require

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154 sites and methods that can capture the subjec tive agency of the Nicar aguan rural residents more profoundly. Transnational Event Ethnography The methodology here must be capable of describing the attitude s of the parties; before, during, and after the encounter. Sin ce the encounter is mediated by the corporate persona of the NGO it is essential to describe its discourse and pract ice. My research indicates that it is within the institutional ra dius of influence and social network of the NGO that the attitudes and habits of th e volunteer vacationers are formed. This research must describe not only the practice of the NGO but also of those Nicaraguan entities who are brought into contact with the volunteer group as part of its orientation, education or recr eation. Especially close atte ntion was paid to how the groups interacted with community based or ganizations. This was one of the most significant variables among the volunteer vacationer experiences. Multifactor Data Triangulation Triangulation techniques ar e standard means for enha ncing the reliability and credibility of data and analysis in a qualita tive, post-positivist res earch design (Lincoln and Denzin 2003). Triangulation involves using multiple data sources multiple methods and multiple theoretical schemes It not only establishes conv ergent patterns in the data but also reveals counter-patterns as well. Anomalies may be clue s to a reductionistic theoretical model. Data sources In the course of this multi-sited research I engaged a variety of participants from many different levels of local, nationa l and transnational organizations.

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155 Villagers: Locally our preponderance of c ontact time was spent among people in several villages. We focused predominantly on two adjacent villages, one peri-urban in lifeways and one in which land tenure patt erns enabled a more agrarian mode of production, both were in the department of Masaya. We also observed groups in six villages in other regions of Nicaragua. Two of our participan t observations involved groups in urban barrios rather than rural villages. Within the villages we used purposive a nd snowball sampling to enlist individual and focus group interviewees.[Bernard, 1995 #1046 We were careful to include both men and women in roughly equal proportions. We also made sure our sample recruited as many community leaders, as identified by villagers, as poss ible, both in an aggregate focus group and in individual surveys. We interviewed by age and occupational variables, trying for a wide spectrum. We did convened three focus groups of women that were segregated by genera lly observable variables into three socio-economic strata. We interviewed NGO program functionaries and beneficiaries as well as those who were neither. We interviewed those who had day to day contact with visiting North American volunteers and those who did not. Landowners We interviewed the three indivi duals who were publicly recognized as large landowners and lived outside the co mmunity, in the city. Even though all were wealthy by village standards, they varied wi dely in their apparent and reputed assets, owning 350 acres, 120 acres, and 35 acres,respectively. We interviewed small farmers, those who owned between 5 and 15 acres, and those who owned residential land only, family compounds of 1.5 acres or individua l home lots of .25 acres. Many who had received agricultural plots in the agrarian reform of the 1980s had sold or abandoned their

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156 land. Others retained their 10 acre plots wh ich they farmed individually. We compiled a separate data base on 10 such households. NGO functionaries We interviewed individuals serv ing at various levels in the 10 NGOs working in villages during our research. In the village we interviewed volunteers on local coordinating committees or volunteer promoters as well as paid community promoters and professional technicians. We interviewed the regional managers and national directors of each of the NGOs a nd in one case the international executive director. They were mostly Nicaraguan s, with some North Americans and four Europeans (two Spaniards, an Italian, and a Dane). Government officials We interviewed various gove rnment officials at the municipio level60 including a vice mayor, city council representatives, a liaison with rural communities, and a foreign aid officer. We did not interview government officials at the national level, though we did attend public presentations made by sub-cabinet level ministers. Visiting Volunteers : We interviewed 30 members of 10 groups that were volunteering in the v illages or barrios at some time during our research, and some members we interviewed on more than one trip. We administer ed three sequential questionnaires to two different groups of ten members each.61 NGO grey literature : We procured a variety of type s of grey literature from the NGOs in the study including; annual reports, budgets and financial reports, promotional A municipio in Nicaragua is the only unit of local government below the national, analogous in general territorial extension to a county in the United States. But its administrative function would be more significant in that it is like the city administration of the county seat and the county administration combined into one. There are 145 in the nation. 61 See Appendix A

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157 literature, training literature, correspondence from prospect ive and past participants, correspondence between NGOs and sending or ganizations in the United States, correspondence between NGO central offices in the United States and national offices in Nicaragua, household surveys of participati ng villages, funding proposals sent to multilateral or bi-lateral funding ag encies. We did not compile every type of document from each organization and some we have only promotional literature from. National press: We read copies of the Ni caraguan national daily papers, El Nuevo Diario and La Prensa several times a week, noting cont extual information concerning the events and discourses that influen ced our research participants. National social scientists We had access to published and unpublished manuscripts concerning rural life and our zone s of interest through libraries and centers of documentation in cities, uni versities, and social science institutes. I attended the Central American Congress of Anth ropology in Managua in March 2004. Civil Society Forums : We attended events concerning the Central American Free Trade Agreement and demonstrations against it and the privatizat ion of water. I presented interim findings and e ngaged in dialogue with expatr iate solidarity workers at Ben Linder House in Managua. Methods: Fieldwork Periods: Predissertation research, whic h included identifying those organizations bringing volunteer vacationers to Nicaragua, took place in June and July of 1999. Dissertation research took place in tw o periods, from February to August of 2003 and from January to October of 2004. A total of 18 months was spent in Nicaragua over the course of the three visits.

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158 Participant Observation I spent six months living in villages during the week, and accompanying North American volunteers on their tr ips to sites of interest to foreigners during weekends. Three weeks were spen t accompanying groups in urban barrios. Interviews: More than 200, semi-structured, and structured interviews were done, sometimes several interviews with the same participant allowed us to gain more deeper understanding, broach topics of increasi ng delicacy, or get a sense of personal adjustment over time. I conducted many inte rviews of North Americans individually, Most Nicaraguan interviews we re conducted by Patricia and I together. Some interviews of Nicaraguans were conducted by Patricia alone, or me alone. Europeans were interviewed jointly or by me alone. All interviews were recorded, transcribed and summarized. Then were then shared with our team mate in writing and/or orally, and analyzed jointly. Questionnaires and Surveys We designed and administered three different five to ten item questionnaires in English to vol unteer visitors, which were administered sequentially to each group member in two di fferent groups of eleven members each. In addition to the questionnaires for volunteer groups we designed and administered a 22 item questionnaire in Spanish to 26 functionaries of NGOs and community leaders. For comparison purposes we used identical it ems for both categories of respondent.62 We were fortunate to have two differe nt NGOs doing needs assessment surveys in the villages where we worked and to be able to secure copies of their data. In each case almost all of the 350 households in the two villages had s upplied extensive information. Because the surveys were similar but not identic al and records were identifiable, we were 62 See Appendix B for the NGO and Community Leadership Questionnaire instrument.

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159 able to combine and cross check data bases, giving us robust household survey information. We developed a ten-page household liveli hood survey which we administered to 10 small farmers in order to understand the sustai nability of peri-urban agriculture. We hope to use linear programming to analyze th e primary constraints in these small farm systems, but this objective is beyond the scope of the current research. Focus Groups We convened focus groups, a research technique that collects data through group interaction on a topic determined by the res earcher (Morgan 1997:9), to get richer cross sections of da ta and interactively generate in formation that could be used in structuring interviews and surveys about 1) three economically strati fied groups of women 2) maquiladora workers, all women 3) small farmers 4) youth 5) village leaders 6) three groups of volunteer vacationers. As Agar (1995) notes, focus groups are only effective when prior ethnographic work and construction of a thematic m odel have been accomplished. Because in interviews local models of reality can be explained, in focus groups they are simply referred to, or indexed (Agar and MacDonald 1995:79). For this reason we used them as complements to our other qualitative methods. Photography A total of 500 digital images of village and group activity were captured and catalogued to be used in public pr esentations of this research. We did not

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160 engage in reflexive analysis of the images (Pink 2001), nor was I able to execute the final element of my original research plan whic h was to facilitate the filming of a rural community based video for volunt eer vacationer consumption. Archival Research We conducted archival research in the local, regional and national offices of NGOs in Nicaragua. Some of the research was in conjunction with an interview of executive staff. Other time s we sought and were given permission to analyze files including correspondence and internal memoranda. For documentary research we relied most extensively on centers of documentation at three organizations, (1) NITLAPAN, a ru ral social and agricultural research and development institute associated with the University of Central America, (2) IHNCA, The Historical Institute of Ni caragua and Central America, also associated with UCA. And (3) INIFOM, a para-statal agency devoted to development of organizational capacity at the level of municipios Theoretical Schemes My research design relied on three th eoretical schemes to structure our methodology (1) post-structuralist critical discou rse analysis, (2) practice theory and (3) political ecology. Critical di scourse analysis (Fairclough 199 5) was most appropriate for analyzing our interview, questionaire and arch ival materials. Practice theory informed our choices of sites and events for participan t observation and inform ed the insights we gleaned from field notes. Political ecology insured that we kept multiple scales and multiple stakeholders in mind when composi ng our ethnographic descriptions and helped us integrate our survey databa se data into our findings. Post-structuralist discourse analysis The field notes from participant observations, recorded interviews and fo cus groups plus open-ended questionnaires

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161 augmented by material from NGO archives and the national media, were all subjected to critical discourse analysis w ith the conviction that discursi ve formations make possible disciplinary socio-cultural practices. Some of the critical discourse analys is we performed during fieldwork was synchronic and intertextu al, while other work was diachroni c, particularly toward the end of the fieldwork period when earlier discourse could be compared to later formations (Fairclough 1995). Texts were cons tantly being analyzed in light of their social context, as we sought to identify emerging themes th at related to solidarity and transnational relations between the U.S. or Europe a nd Nicaragua. We comp ared institutional discourses to practices as we observed them. In the case of NGOs we examined their various types of disc ourse as they were tailored to different stakeholders. An nual reports, thank you letters, promotional literature, budgets, and board minutes were considered prime avenues to communicate with donors. Themes that inte rested us here included reli gious, political, and economic orientation, images of Nicaragua and its pe ople, images of pove rty, and issues of citizenship, sovereignt y, and solidarity. We saw operational manuals, personnel polic ies, organizational charts, memos, unit budgets, office meetings and conversations, a nd correspondence with groups as having particular relevance to NGO staff. Here we were concerned with staff sense of mission, morale, images of North Americans and rura l Nicaraguans, resource allocation tensions between group hospitality and rural de velopment needs, and discourses of education/conscientization, assistan ce, development, and solidarity.

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162 Regarding the volunteer vacationers we paid especially close attention to each NGOs promotional literature (bot h print and electronic), and its orientation materials for volunteers including prerequisites, admissi on criteria, training manuals, background reading about Nicaragua, testimonies of prior volunteers, newsletter s, pre-trip meeting agendas and solicitations to post-trip events. The themes of interest here were tourism, adventure, exoticism, altruism, service, ch arity, assistance, development and solidarity with the poor as well as ideological orient ations vis a vis the two national governments and the global economy. In regards to the NGO program beneficiar ies in rural Nicaragua we examined descriptions of program in initial community meetings, qualification of participants, accounting procedures for disbursement a nd reimbursement of resources, program guidelines, project status reports, staff descriptions of the community groups, families and individual participants. We were inte rested in themes of community cooperation, citizenship, volunteerism, acc ountability, economic development, and international solidarity were of pa rticular interest. Regarding the host villages, we exam ined the NGOs discourse concerning characteristics of each village and comp arisons between them, maps and textual descriptions, and how they described their pr esence to the community leaders. We also noted the degree of deference given the comm unity leaders, the conversational dynamics between NGO staff and community members, esp ecially identified leaders. Themes we were examining were constructions of the NGO as a civil societ y organization, and its relations with the government and social movements. We sought descriptions of

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163 development assistance and inte rnational solidarity as occa sioned by visits of volunteer vacation groups. In all of the above cases we were interest ed in discriptions of U.S. and Nicaraguan citizenship, Nicaraguan sove reignty, NGO and community sustainability, and U.S.-Nicaraguan solidarity. We also focuse d on power differentials revealed through discourses and practices among the diffe rent sectors mentioned above. Practice Theory: Because not all data is susceptible to discourse analysis, we also used practice theory as a framework. As Conquergood (2003 ) reminds us, ethnographic qualitative methods are powerful in large part because they are embodied. That is, one has to actually be present to engage in th em. Practice or performance is an important way to conceptualize cultural patterns of soci al behavior and partic ipant observation is a congruent method. The strength of practice theory is that it problematizes bodily as well as mental behavior. It tends to balan ce material and symbolic dimensions and thus to deal better with the structure/agency conundrum. Bour dieus particular political economy of practice, social praxeology or genetic structural ism, as he calls it, relies on two tiers of objectivity. The first order of objectivity is the distribution of resources (capital) of different kinds, and the second order is the cl assification system that is used to confer social meaning on the first order (Bourdieu 1977) Social science studies how symbolic power and material capital inte ract. Even though structural constraints are always in force, agency is as well because the experi ence of meanings is part and parcel of the total meaning of experience (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992).

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164 In addition to being somatic, practice theory is helpful in this case because of the key concepts of habitus, field and cultural logic. In our research in Nicaragua we are analyzing what Bourdieu calls the somati zation of social relations of domination which helps explain why those who are socially dominated continue to act in ways that perpetuate that domination rather than rebel. In Nicaragua we mu st ask ourselves what are the rules of the game that keep the vast majority of Nicaraguans in social marginality, in conditions of material and symbolic resour ce deprivation? And what are the rules for North Americans who want to identify with, e xperience, and help transform some of that marginality? Who sets those rules? We know from our data that most immedi ately it is the NGOs that constitute the field of international solidarity and developm ent for these players. NGOs delineate what the rules of international assistance, deve lopment, and solidarity are for volunteer vacationers from the U.S. and to a larg e degree for rural Nicaraguans. But these organizations are part of larger public spheres, and as such are subject to a field or correlation of social power that sets the parameters of their practice and discourse. Political ecology Political ecology allowed me to arrange salient da ta in different scales of complexity and comprehensiveness. It faci litated the identification of stakeholders in the volunteer vacationers vi sits and enabled me to correlate the micropolitics that I documented in the villag es with the meso-politics of the municipio and the national levels as well as with the macro-po litics of globalization as they were acted out on a daily basis. NGOs spanned all of these scales. Political ecology also enabled me to integrate the quantitative data we had concerning material co nditions of village life and the livelihood strategies of its residents.

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165 Sites and Organizations The sites I visited included locations th roughout the Pacific Littoral of Nicaragua but most intensely in Masaya, Nicaraguas smallest and most densely populated department, in the municipio of Masaya. The sites of significance for this study include the sending communities in the United States an d the headquarters of the trans-national NGOs in the North America and Europe. While I was advised to pick a village and stay there, I chose instead to i nvestigate the work of severa l NGOs and visit more than a dozen groups in rural and urban zones of fi ve different departments, in order to understand the variation in pr actice and structure a more robust continuing research program. The Villages Every ethnographer defines his/ her community based on what s/he can learn about in the time allotted for fiel dwork (Wolcott, 1999:26). In my case it was primarily two villages north of Masaya which we re part of a cluster of six villages hard hit by the 2000 earthquake. Th ese six villages, consisting of 600 homes, and some 4,000 people, were all linked by a common system of potable water, a nd also comprised the main service area of three grassroots devel opment NGOs. The two focal villages were chosen because of (1) thei r proximity, they are continguous, (2) because they have contrasting dominant relations of production, one of subsiste nce plus agriculture and the other of proletarianized commuters, and (3) because one of them has the most constant contact with volunteer visitors; it is where they are housed and fed, as they work in the surrounding region building si ngle family homes. The Sending Communities The volunteer vacationers originated from many different locations in the U.S. A significant number of groups came from sponsoring organizations such as churches, civic groups or colleges within close proximity to the

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166 headquarters of the U.S. based intermediary NGO. So a preponderance of groups came from New York or from Northern C
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Material Information

Title: From Volunteer Vacationing to Solidarity Travel in Nicaragua: An NGO Mediated Rural Development Strategy
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Copyright Date: 2008

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Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
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FROM VOLUNTEER VACATIONING TO SOLIDARITY TRAVEL IN
NICARAGUA: AN NGO MEDIATED RURAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY















By

TIMOTHY G. FOGARTY


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2005





























Copyright 2005

by

Timothy G. Fogarty















This work is in honor and appreciation of the following persons.

To my parents, Ruth Small Fogarty and George Alexander Fogarty, who first

taught me solidarity and commitment.

To Paulo Friere who taught me the "how" of solidarity.

To Peter Hinde, Betty Campbell, and Higinio Alas who exemplify solidarity with

the peoples of Central America.

To the hundreds of Nicaraguans who have welcomed me and my family into their

homes and lives over the last 19 years in a spirit of solidarity.

Most especially to those who spend their lives working in solidarity with the

popular sectors of the Nicaraguan people.

Finally to my wife, Lynne Rigney Barolet, and my children Ryan and Megan who

have supported and accompanied me on our Nicaraguan journey.















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

My advisor, Anthony Oliver-Smith, who integrates scholarship with patience and

personal integrity, has been a constant source of support through my "non-traditional"

academic trajectory. Kesha Fikes taught me the importance and the beauty of theory.

Allan Burns, who has worked in solidarity with Central Americans, believed that I had

something unique to offer. Phillip Williams, a fellow scholar of Nicaragua, taught me the

importance of understanding social movements and of being in solidarity with them.

Lilliam Patrica Rivera Herrera, is an esteemed research colleague without whom this

work would have been of much less significance.

Various periods of my field research have been made possible through funding

made available by the InterAmerican Foundation, a Wilgus Travel Grant from The

Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Florida, subsidized loans from the

U.S Department of Education, and finally, a Fullbright Hays Foundation Grant. I

appreciate access to these resources.















TABLE OF CONTENTS


A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S ....................................................................... .....................iv

LIST OF TABLES .................................................. .................. ..... ....

LIST OF FIGURES ......... ......................... ...... ........ ............ xi

ABSTRACT .............. ..................... .......... .............. xii

CHAPTER

1 SOJOURNING TOWARD SOLIDARITY: A TRANSNATIONAL CIVIL
SO C IE T Y M O D E L ............................................... .. ......... .............. .. 1

In tro du ctio n ...................................... ............................. ..... ......... ...... .
The Research Quest .......... .................................... .... ..........2
Three Conversations on the Road to Solidarity................. ............................4
The Existential Issue of Solidarity ........................................ ..... ............... 8
N G O s as Culture Brokers ......................................................... .............. 9
N icaragua as Site for Solidarity Travel .................................... ............... 14
A Continuum of Short Term Volunteer Experience .............................................17
V volunteer V acationers ............................................................................ 17
D evelopm ent Tourism ............................................................. .............. 19
Solidarity T travelers ......................... .................... .. .. .. ...... ........... 22
D evelopm ent of a R research Topic......................................... ......................... 23
A Personal N arrative: .......................... ......... ... ... ...... ...... 24
A aviation and Em pire ............................................................................... 24
The Church and Social M ovements .................................. ............... 26
A Professional N arrative .................................. .....................................30
Philosophy and Theology ................................... ............................. ....... 30
R religion and Education ...................................................... ..... .......... 31
Solidary A ctivism ........... .................................... ........ ........ ........... 32
A nth rop ology ................................................ ................ 32
A Theoretical N arrative .............................................. ..... ...................... 33
Post-Structuralism ............................ ..... ... ...... .. .... ............... 33
Situated K now ledges......................................................... ................ 36
H abitus and Field ................... .... .......... ............. .... ..... .. 38
O overview of D issertation ........................... ......... ........ .................... ............... 39





v









2 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON SOLIDARITY TRAVEL.........................42

C h apter O v erv iew .................. .. .. .. ......... ................................. .. ................... 4 2
Situating Solidarity within Liberation Anthropology................... ............... 46
The Academy as Site of Liberation Anthropology............................................47
Coloniality of Power and the Representation of Modernity..............................48
A History of Engagement and Application ......................................................51
Problematizing Solidarity : Toward a Practical Definition .....................................58
Solidarity as Antidote to A lienation..................................... .......... ............... 58
A M oral U universal Im aginary ........................................ ........................ 61
Solidarity and interdependence ........................................ ............... 65
Solidarity and reciprocity ........................................ ......................... 66
Solidarity as identity and difference.................................. ............... 69
The habitus of solidarity ........................................ ......................... 74
A aspects of Bounded Solidarity .................. .... .............................. ............... 77
Affectional and Consensual Solidarity............ ......................................79
Four D im tensions of Solidarity .......................................... ............... 84
Four M ovements of Solidary Practice............................... ............... 89
Alienation as N on-Solidarity...................................... ......... ............... 93
The M is-recognition of Solidarity ........... .............................. ...... ............... 95
Mis-recognition and symbolic violence in Bourdieu .................................95
Mis-recognition of dimensions and movements of solidarity ............ ......96
Mis-recognition as slippage from solidarity to altruism: ......................102
Solidarity Travel as Cross Cultural Development Tourism ....................................105
T tourism Stu dies......................................................... .................. . .......... 106
The Micro level: Travel as Construction of Identity/Difference.......................107
Tourism as a m material practice ..... ........... ... ................................110
D evelopm ent tourism ............. ............... ................... .................. 112
D evelopm ent Studies.......... ............................................ ......... ... ........... 115
Institutionalization of develop ent............ ................... ...................119
Peasant Studies ................ ...... ... ....... ............................... 120
Globalization and Transnational Studies............................................... 125

3 SEEKING SOLIDARITY: A RESEARCH DESIGN ...........................................130

Standpoint Epistemology and Negotiated Ethnographic Authority .......................131
Situated Knowledges as Partial, Personal, and Political .................................131
Nicaraguan Ethnography and Representational Responsibility ......................134
Ethnographic Authority and the Crisis of Representation..............................137
A Bi-Cultural, Multi-disciplinary, Dual Gendered Research Team.......................140
Native Anthropology and Questions of Cultural Competancy........................ 140
M asculine/Feminine Gender Dynamics .................................... ............... 144
N ation ality ................... ........................... ...... .......... ................ 14 5
Confronting Coloniality.................. ................................ 146
A Plan for Qualitative Bi-Cultural Transnational Research ................................152
T he R research Q questions: ............................................................... ..............152
Transnational Event Ethnography ........................................ ............... 154









M ultifactor Data Triangulation..................... .... .......................... 154
D ata sou rces ............................................................154
M ethods: ................................................................ ..... ........ 157
Theoretical Schem es ............................................................................ 160
Sites and O organizations ....................................................... ................. 165
Disseminating findings to communities and organizations: .........................169
Design Adjustments and Limitations...................... ... .......................... 169
W writing Culture in the Field ........................................ ......................... 172
Evaluation......................................173
C onstruct validity ............................ .. ............ .............. .............. 174
F a c e V alid ity ........................................................................................ 17 6
C atalytic V alidity ............................................. ...................... ........... 176
Sum m ary ............... ....... .. .......................................................... ......177

4 NICARAGUA: AN ETHNOSCAPE FOR SOLIDARITY IN AN ERA OF
GLOBALIZA TION .................................................................... ............... 179

The Evolution of Nicaraguan Agrarian Political Economy............... .............. 183
The 19th Century: Independence without Sovereignty ............... ................186
Sugar, Bananas, and Coffee.................................................189
The 20th Century: Coffee, Cotton, Cattle and Land Reform ...........................191
Coffee ......... ........................................... 192
Sugar.................................................................................... 196
C o tto n ................................................................................................... 1 9 6
C battle ........................................198
Campesino Solidarity Movements .................................... ....199
M illenial Capitalism ...................................................... 202
United States Government's Relations with Nicaragua ........... ... ..............203
19th C en tu ry ...............................................................2 0 3
Canalism................................. ........... 204
The Monroe Doctrine and England ................................ ..............205
V anderbuilt and W alker ........................................ .... ........ 207
L iberals and C conservatives ....................................................... 208
2 0th C entu ry ...............................................................2 0 9
Bring in the Marines............................. ...............210
Crucible of Neo-Colonialism ........................................210
Som oza, "Our SOB". ........................... ...... .......................... 211
Sandinistas ..... ......... .. ......... ......... ........212
Neo-Liberalism.................... ......... .......... 216
Tw o D evelopm ent M odels ......................... ... ... ... ...........................220
Domestic Economic Stability through Prioritizing Small Farms and Small
Buisnesses ..... ............. ............. ...............223
Trans-national Globalization and Export Economy ..................................226
S u m m ary ........................................... ..........................................2 2 9









5 TRANSNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT NGOS AND THE PRACTICES OF
S O L ID A R IT Y .............................................................................. ....................2 32

NGOs as Elements and Agents of Transnational Civil Society .............................232
Civil Society as Locus of Cultural Production in a Transnational Context: .....232
Institutional Ethnography of N GOs ................................. ............... 241
Challenges to Researching N GOs ........................................ ............... 242
T heoretical A pproaches:......................................... .....................................252
NGOs and Neo-liberal Nicaragua.............................. ...................... 256
A History and Scope of the Nicaraguan NGO Sector ................... .............. 256
Characteristics of NGOs Operating in Rural Zones of Nicaragua ....................259
Most NGOs work independently................ ....... ...............259
The Absence of the Nicaraguan State in rural communities..................262
N G O s, D em ocracy & Citizenship.............................................................268
N G O s and N icaraguan Civil Society ....................................................... 271
NGOs and the "coyuntura actual" or current socio-political situation.......271
N GO s and Rural Com m unities ................. .............. ...........................273
Characteristics of NGOs that Utilize Volunteer Vacationers in Nicaragua ......280
National and Transnational NGOs .................................. ............... 280
M ulti-level National NGOs. ................................ .......................... 282
NGOs Budgets and Group Logistics ............. ................. .................... 282
Groups' relationship with Nicaragua ............................... ................298
S u m m a ry .......................................................................................3 0 1

6 T H E E N C O U N T E R ....................................................................... ....................305

The N G O : G lobal Partners ............................................... ............................ 306
M is sio n ........................................................................................................ 3 0 6
Founders and E volution.......................................................... ............... 307
The Building of a School in Las Barancas: ..............................................3.10
D disaster and D evelopm ent............................................................................. .314
Transitioning from relief to development ............. ............................. .318
Development without democracy.................................... ............... 321
Growth and diversification................... ...... ......................... 323
P erso n alism ................................................................ 3 2 5
Sense of Place ................... ........ .................329
D evelopm ent Objectives ........................................ ........................................331
Some volunteer group / community issues for Partners..........................332
Building a church ..................................... .......................334
Cultural Identity.............. ......... .............. ..... ..... .. 335
T e m p o ra lity .......................................................................................... 3 3 8
P politics .......................................................................................................339
S o lid arity ...............................................................3 3 9
T h e V o lu n te e rs ............................................................................................ 3 4 1
T h e G ro u p : ..................................................................................3 4 2
A arrival ........................................343
"You come from a different world. "..................................................346









A w ork day in the life of a volunteer ............................... ............... .354
A P partners V olunteer............................................................. ............... 57
A director/volunteer asks w hy.................................................................359
Lessons from a Partners' group...................................... ............... 361
S o lid a rity .............................................................................................. 3 6 4
The Villagers ................................................. 366
Conversation with a Village Artisan .................................. ............... 372
Village leaders speak their m ind. .................................... .................374
O orientation of the Com m unity ................................................................ 381
The Encounter between volunteers and villagers ............. ...................383
Sum m ary ............ ... ....... ........................................................... 386

7 THE HABITUS OF TRANSCULTURAL SOLIDARITY.................................. 394

C h apter O v erview : .................................................................................. .. .... .. 394
Thinking Transcultural Solidarity ........................................ ............... 395
The Encounter Phenomenon ................................... ............... 396
The Dimensions of Transcultural Solidarity ...........................................397
The Movements of Transcultural Solidarity ...........................................397
Three Subjectivities of Transcultural Volunteers................... ............... 397
Two Alternatives to Transcultural Solidarity................. ..................99
Transcultural Solidarity Travel and Group Ego-Tourism.......................401
D developing M odernities: ........................................................... ...........403
The D em ise of Peasant Studies: ............................................................ 404
Globalization and Innovative forms of Human Solidarity ......................409
Future Phases of the Research Program in Transcultural Solidarity .................413
Campesino/villager subjectivity ............... ............ ......... .................413
R religion ........................................ ...... .............. ........... 414
Single entity and comparative ethnography ............................................ 415
Three levels of short-term volunteer involvement ...............................19

APPENDIX

A SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRES FOR GLOBAL PARTNERS KNOX
PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH GROUP, MARCH 2003.....................................426

B NGO STAFF AND COMMUNITY LEADER QUESTIONNAIRE....................430

C VOLUNTEER VACATION REFLECTIONS OF WASHINGTON HIGH
SCH OOL STUDEN T GROUP........................................... .......................... 433

REFEREN CES ................................... .. ............. .. ............436

B IO G R A PH IC A L SK E T C H ........................................ ............................................466
















LIST OF TABLES


Table page

7-1 Volunteer vacationer / Development tourist / Solidarity traveler matrix.............420

7-2 Three levels of volunteer encounters ..... ..................... ...............423
















LIST OF FIGURES


Figure page

2-1 Developing a Habitus of Solidarity .............................. ....................90

2 -2: M oving Toward Transcultural Solidarity ..................................... .................93

4-1: Percent of Gross Domestic Product derived from Agriculture Selected Countries
(Acevedo Vogl 2003) ........................... ......... ................... .... ........ 221

5-1: NGO owned group transportation, note luggage and equipment rack above..........285

5-2: NGO group transport, note snorkel engine air intake for crossing streams ............286

6-1 Plastic shelters still in use three months after the earthquake, note date in lower
right corn er. ...................................................................... .. 3 14

6-2 A "Partners" house, one of the permanent rebuilding designs..............................3.16

6-3. Volunteers and Nicaraguan Crew building in rural Masaya. ..................................318

6-4. Volcan M asaya spewing sulfuric fumes................. ...................... ............. 344

6-5. Victor introducing the Nicaraguan workcrew and orienting the volunteers (note
the predom finance of fem ales) ......... .......................................... ............ 349

6-6. Las Penca is an agricultural community........... ... ........ ....... ............... 368

6 -7. A new ly planted bean field............................................. ............................. 370

6-8. Las Cruces village school (and periodic volunteer dormitory). ............................371















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

FROM VOLUNTEER VACATIONING TO SOLIDARITY TRAVEL IN
NICARAGUA: AN NGO MEDIATED RURAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY

By

Timothy G. Fogarty

December 2005

Chair: Anthony Oliver-Smith
Major Department: Anthropology

This dissertation analyzes the growing phenomenon of volunteer vacationing in

which citizens of the "developed" world visit villages and urban neighborhoods of the

"developing" world to do community development work. Cross-cultural, multi-sited

ethnographic research spanning 5 years reveals that the conflated discourses that

surround these encounters challenge participants from the United States and Nicaragua to

forge bonds of solidarity while participating in charitable activities that often substitute

for solidary relationships. Institutional agendas of the intermediary non-governmental

organizations channel and often constrain citizen-to-citizen contact between visitors and

community residents and thus condition the possibility of solidarity formation.

Multiple small dense networks of veteran volunteers continue to recruit first-time

volunteers in growing numbers. As NGOs incorporate more volunteer groups into their

schedule, the groups become increasingly important sources of institutional support,

which can occasion a shift from community-driven programming to volunteer-









group-driven programming, creating challenges for participatory sustainable grass roots

development.

NGO policies and practices are seldom coordinated with other NGOs operating in

the same region or with national development strategies. Solidarity formation is

impacted by the clarity of vision and development model that informs the NGO mission.

In a nation where two primary development models are contending for official and

popular support, lack of specificity of models results in role confusion on the part of

visiting volunteers and impedes the evolution of subject position from that of volunteer

vacationer to one of solidarity traveler. As a result, many visitors leave with partial

understandings of the social or political implications of their contribution and the

connections that contribution has with their daily lives at home. Solidarity requires

interpersonal interaction and social analysis that elucidates the need for structural change

in the global political economy as it impinges on Nicaraguan campesinos and workers.

Cognitive and emotional dissonance among the visitors and increased global

awareness among villagers (acquired in personal cross-cultural encounters) offers the

possibility of individual and group transformation toward solidarity and challenges the

internalized hegemony of global capitalist discourse. Such instances of consciencization

signal the under-realized potential of this growing social movement.














CHAPTER 1
SOJOURNING TOWARD SOLIDARITY: A TRANSNATIONAL CIVIL SOCIETY
MODEL

Introduction

Most of the commercial airline flights from the United States that touch down at

the international airport in Managua have on board one or more groups of volunteer

vacationers.1 These volunteers are largely middle-class North Americans who have

decided to "pitch in" and participate in a community development project in some nearby

or remote corner of Nicaragua (the largest, least populated, and poorest country in

Central America). They are willing to spend a considerable sum for the privilege of

working hard in the hot sun doing menial labor for a week or two among people whose

language they do not speak and whose socio-economic status is as different from theirs as

any in the Western hemisphere. These visitors are not paid, nor do they receive

accolades or special status in their home culture. Yet they continue to come in ever

greater numbers, and at least one in three will return: many will do so multiple times.

One woman I met has been coming to Nicaragua at least annually for 17 years.

These volunteers don't come at the invitation of their government or of Nicaragua.

They don't come as guests of transnational enterprises or as resort tourists. They don't

come as lone sojourners seeking the exotic. They are neither eco-tourists nor adventure

tourists. Nor are they students attending classroom lectures or touring museums. They

don't come to collect ethnic art. They aren't missionaries, trying to save souls. They are


1 No Nicaraguan government ministries or US government agencies identify or keep statistics on such
groups









not seeking exotic species, working on their tan, or coming to get away from it all. They

don't hope to meet captains of industry, princes of the church, or dignitaries of state.

They aren't visiting family or (at least initially) loved ones, or even acquaintances.

They come from the cities, suburbs, and small towns of North America by the

thousands, annually, to live and work briefly in rural villages and urban barrios among

strangers: the poor of Nicaragua. They revel in digging ditches, wells, and latrines; in

mixing concrete, tying steel, pulling teeth, dispensing medicines, distributing school

supplies, organizing puppet shows, testing water purity, playing with children, listening

to stories of war and songs of heroism and experiencing the laughter of joy and cries of

pain.

They struggle to exist in and understand a part of the world radically different from

their own: where drinking water comes out of an open hole in the ground or from a river

a mile away; where toilets don't exist and electricity is intermittent or not available;

where medical care is usually inaccessible or only used in times of crisis (and not always

then). This is a world full of alien microbes, flora, and fauna; a world in which sixth

graders are considered well educated and high school is possible for only a tiny

percentage of students; in which durable houses are a privilege of the few and many

people have to survive on incomes of a dollar a day.

The Research Quest

Three types of research questions arise from observing this phenomenon repeatedly

over 17 years. First, are the why questions. Why do the visitors come and why do the

villagers welcome this incursion? What types of social logics are powerful enough to

bring people out of their culture of origin (many for the first time) to live in adverse

conditions in an alien culture? What motivates peasants, whose subsistence affords no









surplus, to welcome a group of foreigners (many of whom need to be cared for like

young children)?

Second are the how questions. How is the cultural incommensurability (Schutte

1998) between such dissimilar peoples bridged? How is satisfactory communication

possible? How is the phenomenon maintained and nurtured? How do people structure

their lives to make this happen? How can people live in an unfamiliar culture and yet

feel like they are "at home," especially when some of their fellow visitors don't share

their comfort?

Finally, at each level of scale, are the significance questions. What does the

experience mean for the individual visitor, for his/her group, for the mediating

organizations, for the host village, for the local municipality, and for the nation of

Nicaragua. Also what is the import for relations between the U.S. and Nicaragua, and, of

course, the global import.

What meaning does this recent cultural practice have in an age of globalization?

What is the historical significance for the two cultures involved one characterized by

privilege and material wealth, the other by marginality and deprivation; one standing at

the center of world affairs, the other at the periphery? Is this a new initiative of

globalization from below, the birth of a new movement for transcultural solidarity? Or is

it rather a current permutation of the euro-centric explorer, missionary, colonizer,

developer tradition of altruistic civilizers? An adequate ethnography of this phenomenon

must identify the subjective and structural corollaries of this transnational practice from

the subject positions of the various participants. For only by linking ethnography to









structural analysis can we understand the dialectic between contemporary capitalisms and

cultures (Ong 1999).

Three Conversations on the Road to Solidarity

In the spring of 2004, as our work team entered the mountain village of Las

Casitas2 in central Nicaragua, the school emptied and all 50 children performed a

welcoming song and dance for the group. After the excitement had died down, while the

villagers were milling around the site where we would begin building an addition to the

one-room school, 85-year-old Sinforiano walked up to one of the visitors and asked

"Roberto?" The tall volunteer, a man of 73 years himself, hesitantly acknowledged that

his name was indeed Roberto. "I remember you," said Sinforiano. In his reflections on

the experience days later, Robert (Roberto) reflected that he was deeply touched that the

elder had remembered him from 10 years before when he had worked for a week in that

same village building the original schoolhouse.

Sitting on a large flat boulder, watching my fellow volunteers dig a foundation, I

was interviewing Donna, who had been to Nicaragua at least once a year over the past 17

years3. This was her 20th trip. Once officially declared "ambassador" by the mayor of a

sizeable Nicaraguan city, she was now visiting Nicaraguan friends and would soon be

leading a group that would build houses in a town south of Managua. I mentioned to her

that I had noticed, the year before, that she had brought reams of literature (mostly

newsletters from NGOs and solidarity organizations), as well as Eduardo Galleano's





2 Here, as in all subsequent references to villages, towns, and individuals I have used a psuedonym.

3 Coincidentally I had been Donna's host in Nicaragua on that first trip, 17 years ago.









newest book on imperialism and Latin America, which she had displayed in a

central location and tried to disseminate among her group members. I asked, "Are you

trying to raise your groups' consciousness about the issues affecting Nicaragua?" "That's

why I come," she replied.

Five years earlier (July 1999) I sat on a pile of concrete blocks talking to Samantha,

the leader of a church sponsored group volunteering in a remote mountain village called

Tres Zapotes that had been washed away by Hurricane Mitch in October of 1998.

Samantha's group represented 100 churches in the Atlanta area who had an ongoing

relationship with some of the Protestant churches of Esteli through a development NGO.

The Atlanta group was staying in the village, sleeping on the floor of the school, and

rebuilding houses for 21 families in a new location. This was Samantha's 7th trip to

Nicaragua, a country she has come to love deeply, while for most of her group, including

some residents of poor neighborhoods, it was their first visit. At the end of our

conversation Samantha heaved a sigh of resignation and stated matter-of-factly, "Short of

giving them half of our money, I don't understand how we can approach a relationship

anything near equality for the next 15 years. It will take that long to build up the

necessary trust."

These three vignettes portray practices that build transnational solidarity. First,

there is Robert's bonding on a personal level with an individual and a community. That

bonding enables mutual empathy even human tenderness to take place. It is predicated

on physical proximity and interpersonal communication. It involves movement on a

continuum from stranger, to acquaintance, to empathic friend.









Second there is Donna's lifelong mission to raise her own consciousness and that of

her fellow North Americans through exposure to social analysis. Her newsletters and

academic works present terms of reference much different than those which her group

members are ordinarily exposed to in the mass media. Once empathy (like Sinforiano's

and Robert's) has been established, and one can see people's obvious needs, then social

analysis of their oppression is necessary. Lacking analysis, charity seems to be the

natural, common sense, response to empathy with the subaltern. Not to engage in

analysis after empathy results in charitable practices which perpetuate the elite/subaltem

dyadic relationship supported by a "coloniality of power"4 (Quijano 2000).

It is essential for those seeking solidarity to understand how our social world has

been organized in ways that create and sustain inequity. Donna's efforts to convert

charity thinking to justice thinking requires the group participants to be self-critical

concerning their own socialization, and eventually to see that the plight of Nicaraguan

campesinos5 corellates in empirical ways with their own struggles against oppressive

social forces.

Third, there is Samantha's religiously motivated quest for social justice. This

movement toward solidarity addresses the causes of inequity over the long haul. It

prompts the question "What is my personal subject position in the global political




4 Coloniality of Power refers to the subjective internalized effects of unequal power relations growing out
of a colonial and colonialized world system. It affects both colonizers and the colonized and is built
fundamentally on racial difference.

5 One common translation for this word is "peasant," however I use the word in its more literal sense (one
who dwells in the country) not only to denote the place of residence but also to connote the cultural
attributes of rural lifestyle, but not to limit that lifestyle to subsistence agriculture because typical rural
livelihood systems in Nicaragua are much more complex, often involving four different modes of
production See Kearney (1996).









economy?" "What can I do to effect change toward equity for those who have suffered

injustice? "How long am I committed to this struggle?" Those who commit to a lifelong

struggle for justice, one that involves personal life style changes that marginalize them

from a global culture of commodification, have transitioned definitively from

development tourist to solidarity traveler.

Many people may ask themselves these questions, at some point in life, and then

move on. However, people whose lifestyles and activities change because of their search

for social justice do so because of intense personal conversion experiences, disciplined

social analysis, and commitment to a life strategy that will further that goal. This

subjective shift or identity reconfiguration destroys obstacles of xenophobia and

ethnocentricity by broadening constructs of self to include the "other" in the individual's

circle of concern. This is the daily construction of transcultural solidarity, which often

begins on a volunteer vacation.

This dissertation addresses the complex motivations of individuals and groups as

they construct a new social movement that seeks to forge transcultural solidarity. In this

story, that involves a cast of thousands, the intricate details of discourse and practice

reveal a process that many experience as volunteer vacationers, a considerable number

come to know from a position of development tourists, and a small minority finally see

from the standpoint of solidarity travelers. There is a bias in this work that solidarity

travel is more efficacious than the prior subjective states for constructing equitable global

futures.

The narrative also reveals how consciousness on the part of the hosting NGOs

concerning the need for visitor solidarity with rural Nicaraguans is a necessary but









insufficient condition for the growth of solidarity in volunteer vacationers. Evolution in

consciousness and performance requires the presence of those material conditions

mentioned above that are not always present in the volunteer experience: opportunities

for interpersonal bonding to establish empathic relationships, tools of social analysis, and

long-term, gradually intensifying series of options for social action.

The Existential Issue of Solidarity

The overarching existential issue of our day is global human solidarity. How can

our species identification count for more than and even be in synergistic relationship with

our intra-species differences in matters of individual, group and species survival? The

"wars and rumors of wars" that afflict our common condition today are correlatives of an

extreme and intensifying inequity in access to global resources, an inequity more acute

than at any time in history. When coupled with rapid population growth, unsustainable

levels of consumption and environmental degradation, the material conditions for

genocide and even species extinction exist. Cultural constructions that identified clan

survival with species survival, while functional for a portion of homo sapiens in the past,

seem naive in our interdependent world today.

We have arrived at a situation in which a permanent state of war (against terrorism)

has been declared. The inherent dangers of permanent social mobilization against a

quintessentially elusive enemy call for new anthropological responses to the xenophobia

that fuels this initiative.

It is the forging of a global cultural logic that values difference over uniformity,

and equity over concentration of wealth, that holds the key to our survival. Never has

ethnocentricity been as dangerous as it is now. The salient questions framed by this

phenomenon of volunteer vacationing are "What is transnational cross-cultural









citizen-to-citizen solidarity in our day and age? What are the conditions for its

possibility? How might it be practiced?"

Some might consider these questions better addressed by the disciplines of political

science, social psychology, economics, or cultural geography. But I believe that the

inductive ethnographic method that anthropology offers is helpful. Its focus on emic

cultural logic and structural ecological constraints offers a holistic gestalt, a more

adequate perspective from which to understand contemporary social complexity



NGOs as Culture Brokers

The answers to these anthropological questions involve a third party in this

transnational cross-cultural encounter; the institution which mediates this ongoing

international interface, namely, the non-governmental development organizations of

Nicaragua (many of them transnational entities themselves). They are the culture brokers

that make the encounter possible. They are the sector of transnational civil society that

engineers these numerous brief encounters. Small by transnational-organization

standards and heterogeneous in development goals and practices, they tend to operate in

relative isolation from other organizations of civil society or those of government and

commerce.

NGOs have their own reasons for promoting these encounters. Their goals may be

as universal and abstract as fostering international solidarity and as local and concrete as

achieving their own program objectives with a specific population. But whatever their

motives, they are what Callon (1999) calls the "obligatory passage points" that both

visitors and villagers need to negotiate in order to participate in volunteer vacationing,

development tourism, and, finally, solidarity travel. Any understanding of









citizen-to-citizen solidarity between North Americans and Nicaraguans must take into

account these currently fashionable but under problematized agents in the international

development arena. Their discourse and practice hold the key to understanding the power

flows and the contradictions of transnational civil society, and give clues to deciphering

the processes of globalization itself. The data show that not all grassroots development

NGOs who host short-term volunteer groups provide the conditions necessary to foster

solidarity. Nor do all consider it their role to do so.

First and foremost, for a variety of reasons, NGO practice often segregates the

visitors from interaction with rural Nicaraguans. NGOs feel that as responsible guardians

they must protect volunteers from physical and cultural risks. For one thing, concerns of

health, particularly sanitation, and of safety, particularly from crime (in urban areas) or

accidents (in rural areas), are constant. NGO staff and volunteer memories of "least

favorite work team experiences" usually include sickness or injury. For another,

concerns about money and personal possessions being stolen or solicited are a

preoccupation for many NGOs and volunteers alike. For a third, NGOs are concerned

about the damage of social faux pax in the sense that they want to protect Nicaraguans

from culturally insensitive behaviors on the part of the visitors. Sometimes this is based

on the NGOs awareness of the paternalism and racism inherent in some volunteer/villager

interactions. Alcoholism is an obvious social problem in Nicaragua, and has a more

public character than in the U.S. At times NGOs try to protect the respective parties from

having to encounter such problems by restricting circulation of volunteers to certain areas

or times of the day.









Another NGO motive for restricting interaction is to prevent diffusion of behaviors

or commodities from the North Americans to the rural Nicaraguans in ways that create

interest or desire in things that they may not need, or be able to afford. For instance,

during my field work, MP3 players appeared in the Nicaraguan countryside via volunteer

vacationers. One of the most intense interactions between adolescent males involved the

sharing of their respective cultures' obscene gestures. But the types of institutional

practices that are fostered by NGOs for the mutual protection of North Americans and

Nicaraguans can unwittingly deprive them of opportunities to interact, thereby

diminishing the chances of fostering solidary relationships.

Second, analysis of the political economy of rural Nicaragua that could

contextualize the extreme poverty in which volunteers find themselves immersed is not a

central emphasis of many rural-development NGOs. Their staff have a genuine

commitment to ameliorating the effects of rural poverty. Some consider it their

organization's role to foster systemic change by addressing its structural roots. Although

horizons vary, some have 5 and 10 year plans that identify social ills and long-term

strategies to address them. But these plans are not always based on social analysis that

factors-in the politics of rural Nicaraguans as they confront globalization. NGOs rarely

articulate to the volunteers the development model on which their plan is predicated.

Often service is a more common theme than development. Perhaps it is inevitable that

volunteers dwell for a time in the social-service stage of consciousness to understand its

potentials and its limitations. The interconnectedness of development issues for North

Americans and Central Americans is not a common theme.









NGOs can meet their immediate resource development goals more by focusing the

volunteers' attention on the existence of poverty, rather than challenging them to think

through the systemic power flows that produce it. Social analysis is a distinct process,

requires different skills, summons different images, and results in different outcomes than

service. It is also harder to raise money for. Volunteers and donors enjoy seeing tangible

monuments to their generosity6 and being thanked for their charity. They usually don't

like being challenged or challenging themselves to surrender resources because of

distributive injustice. But as Paulo Friere (1999) stated, "True generosity consists

precisely in fighting to destroy the causes which nourish false charity."

Finally, most NGOs which hosts groups treat all groups relatively similarly

programmatically, (that is, they have basically one experiential design with several

options within each of the components for variety.) NGOs may offer various options for

the weekend tourist itineraries. They may have several choices of work projects during

the week, depending on the size, donations and predilections of the visiting group, and

may offer a variety of presentations about the Nicaraguan cultural context from which the

group can pick.

NGO staff is also aware of the number of times a volunteer has been in Nicaragua.

They know which veterans can knowledgeably discuss Nicaraguan history and which can

safely wander in the village unaccompanied. Yet most NGOs don't provide multi-tiered

programming that will challenge veteran visitors not only to serve as guides and culture


6 One NGO which constructs donated houses in Nicaragua solicits donations for the cost of the house
($2000) and the presence of the (foreign) donor at the house dedication during which a metal plaque with
his/her name on it is affixed to the front wall of the house. Other NGOs encourage individual donors to
come help construct the house that their donation has financed and meet the beneficiary family. Many have
policies that discourage identification of personal donors, although institutional or group donor identities
are usually openly acknowledged and even ritualized.









brokers for neophyte group members, but to go deeper into their personal quests for

transcultural solidarity. NGOs, perhaps due to the relative youth of the volunteer

movement and its exponential growth, do not offer a second level of volunteer

experience.

Challenges toward deeper solidarity happen individually and circumstantially.

There is no planned intensification from year to year. Each trip itinerary assumes little

understanding of (and little ongoing commitment to) Nicaragua on the part of group

members. NGOs utilize the fact that there are knowledgeable, experienced, and

committed people among the group members to provide veteran leadership and hence a

lower anxiety level for the neophytes. This leadership can make the difference between a

successful and an unsuccessful trip, from an NGO staff s viewpoint. NGOs encourage

individuals to deepen their involvement as they show an interest, and are offered

opportunities for longer-term service or increased leadership, as the needs of the

organization require. NGO programming of trips is complex because they are relating to

three different entities (the individual volunteer, the current group, and the sending

organization) simultaneously.

Among those NGOs that aspire to foster solidarity, it is often program objectives

that are offered to the visitors as a proxy for solidarity with the rural Nicaraguans among

whom they work.7 The collapsing of solidarity with rural Nicaraguans into solidarity

with a development program is done pre-reflectively. Structurally it is based on fiscal,

logistical, and political constraints under which small civil-society organizations operate.

Conceptually it is based on a reduction of transcultural solidarity to material or


7 for instance, asserting that building a terrace for soil conservation is to be in solidarity with a rural village









organizational transactions. In other cases, NGOs specifically avoid claiming to foster

solidarity between North Americans and Nicaraguans, because they consider it an

unrealistic objective for short-term experiences.

The NGO staff support solidarity formation discursively when they construct their

program activities as popular, consensual, and, in some cases, democratic. Many rural

development NGOs, because of their presence in, and knowledge of, the communities

where they work, believe that they are community-based organizations, in the sense that

the community feels ownership of the NGO program activities. In some cases, data

support that belief; in other cases not, depending on the mode of operation of the NGO.

The limited cultural competency of the NGO staff themselves vis a vis the residents of

their service area is sometimes a function of unreflective paternalism of expatriates or

middle class professionals and is bolstered by donor-driven dynamics of non-profit

corporate structures. The complexity of NGO corporate identities and roles in the

Nicaraguan countryside is explored at length in Chapter 5.

Nicaragua as Site for Solidarity Travel

Nicaragua is a unique stage on which to see globalization performed. Since

prehistory it has been a key link in global culture flows. For 20 millennia the flows were

North/South, then just 500 years ago they turned East/West. Now the geo-political poles

have spun; they are now North/South again and East/West. Nicaragua remains the bridge

between the continents; the passage between oceans. Nicaragua is a post-modernity that

elides the space/time continuum, it is a central periphery, between centers, yet not the

center; accessible, yet remote.

Once the site of what Spanish chroniclers described as a Garden of Eden (Oviedo y

Valdez 1855/1547) Nicaragua has become now and again a Hades on earth for many of









its inhabitants. It is a country of serene tranquility that frequently suffers from major

"natural" and social cataclysms. Once the hope of world socialism, Nicaragua is now the

darling of late global capitalism. A territory where the people once wanted for nothing

now finds itself listed at the bottom of the hemispheric prosperity charts, with most of its

inhabitants indigent. Its people are renowned both for their hospitality and receptivity to

others and for their visceral resistance and fierce opposition to those who would pose as

their betters. They are the Ggii.'iite.'', the wise and mischievous elder who understands

full well when the coloniality of power is being wielded against him and uses his own

relative weakness to ridicule that power to its face and to confound its intentions

(Arellano 1993).

Nicaragua is a crucial laboratory in which to observe transnational civil society at

work because of four important factors. First, it has a revolutionary history, one in which

a mixed (socialist/capitalist) economy was practiced in a unique form for a brief span and

imprinted itself in the consciousness of a significant portion of the population. This

historical process, has colored everything from national politics to international

tourism(Babb 2004). The Nicaraguan revolutionary movements of the 20th century were

as much about nationalism, and freedom from "Yankee" hegemony, as they were about

alternative economic systems (Paige 1997). This nationalist discourse exists currently in

both a Sandinista and a Liberal form but is presently subjugated to the discourse of

globalization.

Second, Nicaragua is one of two countries8 on the globe where such a plethora of

NGOs have structural significance for the governability of the country (O'Neill 2004).


8 According to O'Neill (i" I14 Mozambique is the other.









With 4000 NGOs (Briones 2004) channeling 70% of the foreign aid (CAPRI 1996) or

more than 20% of the GDP, Nicaragua is a study in NGO hyper concentration which

affects other organs of civil society as well as state and market sectors.

Third, it is one of the countries where the U.S. and the corporate entities that shape

its bilateral policy have managed, with a couple of brief hiatuses9, to exert dominance

over Nicaraguan political life for 150 years.(LaFeber 1993). Consequently, Nicaragua's

cash economy both from its colonial history under Spain and England and its neo-

colonial history under the U.S. has been structured around mineral and forest product

extraction and agro-industrial exports for foreign consumption. When this history is

combined with the receptivity of present governmental and commercial leadership to

corporate globalization, Nicaragua is notable for its foreign investment friendliness and

the openness of its markets. Nicaragua's accession to a global division of labor and the

maintenance of enclave economies on its territory is codified in the recent CAFTA free-

investment agreement.

Fourth, due to several historical factors, including disasters of natural and human

origin, ranging from earthquakes and hurricanes to colonization, plagues, wars, and

economic ruin, Nicaragua has remained fragmented ethnically, culturally, politically, and

economically. This fragmentation has militated against the "imagined community"

(Anderson 1991/1983) on which strong nationhood is built. U.S. aggression against both

Liberal and Sandinista visions of Nicaraguan nationhood prevented their long-term

consolidation as dominant discourses. On the other, hand these same factors have played



9 The Jos6 Santos Zelaya administration (1893-1909) and the FSLN (Sandinista) administration (1979 -
1990) both, in their own ways, strove to maintain sovereignty from the United States.









a role in developing a counter discourse of rebelliousness and nationalism which fuels

both counter hegemonic social movements and populist caudillismo today.

A Continuum of Short Term Volunteer Experience

Volunteer Vacationers

When individuals first set foot on Nicaraguan soil they are not a tabla rasa.

Rather, they come with Nicaragua already imagined. From what they have heard and

read, they have visions and of what it will be; they have generated expectations and

hopes, premonitions and fears. For some, Nicaragua is a hostile badlands in which armed

bands carrying automatic rifles, hijack busses of foreigners, and steal from and even rape

them. (This has actually happened to short term volunteers in Central America but not in

Nicaragua).10 For others, it is a paradise of lakes, volcanoes, rainforests, and beaches, a

relatively undiscovered tourists' paradise. For still others, who are leaving their native

soil for the first time, it is a cultural adventure into the unknown, a chance to wander

among a people whose customs are mysterious. The images are more numerous than the

travelers themselves, for each traveler brings a kaleidoscope of contrasting fantasies. For

North Americans raised in certain religious and political circles during the last quarter of

the 20th century imaginaries of Central America are filled with powerful images of heroes

and martyrs that call forth dimensions of radical political and religious commitments.

Because the first time visitors usually know more about the geography and culture

of Nicaragua than about the individuals or families who reside there, the types

identification they have are often faceless and amorphous. It is the exotic, the different,


10 In July of 2004 a group of high school age volunteers and their chaperones for one of the NGOs
researched here was hijacked while traveling between cities in Guatemala. All valuables were stolen but no
one was harmed. Two years earlier, also in Guatemala, group of anthropology students from a college in
the United States were hijacked and several students raped.









the mystifying that attracts. It is the challenge of testing oneself under adverse and

unforeseen conditions and of helping "others." I encountered no circumstance where any

group prior to their departure met a villager. That is why veteran volunteers are crucially

important; they supply the testimonio, the witness, to what is to come. They are guides

through a maze of inoculations for tropical diseases, an orientation to a rural mestizo

culture, and possess knowledge of how to speak and act. They help newcomers negotiate

one of the most anxiety-ridden passages, the pre-departure preparations when little is

known and much is feared. The veterans are the travelers' security until they enter the

embrace of those who will care for them while they are in Nicaragua.

The visitors rely on this eyewitness testimony, not only to understand what

Nicaragua is like, but also what it is like to spend two weeks under the guardianship of

the NGO whose representatives will be at the airport to greet them. They don't have to

worry about what to see, what to do, or whom to meet. The schedule has been taken care

of. They don't need to be concerned about sanitation issues. All food and water needs

are provided for. Vaccinations and access to medical care has been pre-arranged.

Translation, orientation and constant accompaniment help them bridge linguistic and

cultural barriers. They don't need to worry about the vulnerability of being alone, for

they will always be with the group. They don't need to learn the currency or prices to

avoid being swindled, because others will do the purchasing or advise on transactions.

Visitors don't need to explain to the community residents their reason for being there, it

has already been established that they are coming to help. They don't need to decide how

they will enter the community where they will work, since introductory rituals have been

planned. They need not think about what tools or supplies or even skills they will need to









do their jobs. The Nicaraguan work team is accustomed to working with North

Americans who lack the necessary linguistic and craft skills. In short, visitors are cared

for almost as if they were children. But childhood is not a time of total tranquility. And

as we shall see in chapter six, physical, mental, and emotional discomfort are part of the

first volunteer experience. It cannot be otherwise.

Weekends usually involve touring. Sightseeing among the mountains, volcanoes,

lakes, rainforests, and ocean beaches are common weekend activities, as is the obligatory

afternoon at the artisans' market to shop for souvenirs. After a week of camping in the

village, often it is the creature comforts of a tourist hotel that are more appreciated than

the surrounding scenery.

The dimension of volunteering, of doing something, looms large with the volunteer

vacationers, especially the neophytes, as their skills of relating cross-culturally are often

rudimentary. Their self-justification for their trip is the quantity and quality of the work

that they leave as their legacy. There is an unexamined belief in the efficacy of their

work, due to their confidence in the NGO that sponsors the project and the presence of

locals who will personally benefit from it.

So the first trip to Nicaragua is made by individuals for whom volunteering and

vacationing take precedent over some of the preoccupations that concern their peers who

have transitioned into development tourism or even solidarity travel.

Development Tourism

As with any taxonomy, the tripartite division of short term visitors into volunteer

vacationers (VV), development tourists (DT), and solidarity travelers (ST) involves

creating categories which don't capture the complexity of individual humans, so that any









given volunteer may exhibit attributes of all three.1l Yet volunteers tend to favor one of

the three categories. Since every volunteer comes to Nicaragua with their own

experience base it is possible for them to have gone through some of these personal

adjustments prior to arrival. Volunteers transition across these three subject positions

with increased experience. As the median age for VVs becomes younger and such trips

become institutionalized as adolescent educational experiences, the cultural dynamics of

North American rites of passage into adulthood will influence the subjective significance

of the phenomenon.

DTs retain interest in the exotic that is found in VVs, but with diminished fear of

the unknown. Excitement, which begets adventure in a DT, displaces the anxiety the VV

exhibits. DTs don't seek to go only where they have been advised to go, rather they seek

out alternative destinations or sites, within group destinations, to explore on their own or

with a friend. They look for contact with locals a higher percentage of their time than the

VVs do, and they take greater risks communicating.

DTs' appreciation of the NGO's role is more nuanced than that of the VVs. They

have been on more than one trip and often to more than one locale. So they are capable

of comparing the adequacy of the logistic preparations made for them in the separate

instances. Sometimes they have been in countries besides Nicaragua and so are capable

of comparing what appear to be "national" differences between the NGOs and the

cultures. DTs are often more concerned about the implicit agreement with the village

about how much and what type of work their group should accomplish. They have a

sense of responsibility for the group's performance, not just their own accomplishments.


1 Refer to figure 7-1 -in Chapter seven.









They are much more appreciative of the mutual work arrangements between Nicaraguans

and North Americans, and they consider it a problem if North Americans are working on

their own, without the participation of Nicaraguans. They don't assume that the

Nicaraguans need North Americans to complete the project at hand.

DTs are less likely than VVs to assume that the behavior of each group member

will reflect badly on the entire group in the eyes of Nicaraguans. That is, their ability to

perceive individuality in Nicaraguans allows them to assume that Nicaraguans are

equally capable of such distinctions. Nonetheless, since they feel a greater responsibility,

they are also more likely to confront what they consider inappropriate behavior by group

members. DTs are less fascinated by some of the details of Nicaraguan cultural life,

because they have come to take them for granted

DTs become much more aware of the boundary between the NGO and the

community. They don't confuse NGO leadership with community leadership. They have

more awareness of the role of the NGO in the community including its program limits

and its centralized decision-making. DTs are more aware of internal NGO staff struggles

and the complexity of the issues that lead to such tensions.

DTs are much more aware of how their visit impacts the NGO budget. Often it is

the DT that is invited to and accepts membership on the NGO board of directors. DTs

have the experiential base to challenge the NGO to address development needs that are

not being met. When the NGO indicates a reluctance to diversify it is usually a DT who

invests personal time and resources in trying to organize a development initiative to deal

with that additional perceived need. Most of those who found new NGOs and begin









bringing groups to Nicaragua have moved into the category of Solidarity Traveler by that

time.

Solidarity Travelers

STs visit new places and meet new people, but their itineraries take them to less

visited communities, where foreigners are not common. The STs seek to meet

Nicaraguans who are doing social analysis and community organizing on the local level.

They may work through NGOs but social movements pique their interest more. STs

enjoy learning local customs and have a closer identification with the local relations of

production than those who assume a modernist stance from the beginning, as DTs might,

or as VVs almost inevitably will. In other words, they can grasp the viability of the

Nicaraguan family farm and some of the conditions which make farming feasible or not.

The STs have a much more nuanced understanding of the role of the market and the

effects of corporate capitalism on rural zones than either the VV or the DT.

Solidarity travelers sometimes invest themselves long term in one community, and

invariably they rely on deepening their relationships with Nicaraguans as a way to be

more effective as a solidarity worker. STs see their most important (if not their most

enjoyable) role working not in Nicaragua but rather in the U. S. They know that teaching

others about Nicaragua and the social analysis process may likely result in more U.S.

citizens involving themselves with Nicaragua. It can also produce policy changes at

various levels of government that the ST considers of greater importance than the

material aid he/she might be able to send.









One sort of visitor that may be considered as a type of solidarity traveler are what

Lawrence Ferlinghetti referred to as "tourists of revolution."12 These political travelers

select their destinations based on political and economic self-determination and

sovereignty that a popular movement exhibits vis a vis the global neo-liberal market

system13. In some cases their solidarity could be to socialists or other movements that

seek a more equitable economic system. Sometimes tourists of resistance may be visiting

victims communities in areas of armed struggle. In my consideration of STs in

Nicaragua I include those whose commitment is to the self-determination of the

marginalized members of Nicaraguan society, regardless of what resistance or political

system they might consider optimum.

DTs are more likely to return to familiar territory, seeing incremental and small-

scale projects as important for sustainable development. STs are interested in the

process of mutual liberation as well as the particular persons who are the occasion to

spark that liberatory process. They may be susceptible to disillusionment when they meet

individuals who are not as pure in motive or practice as their resistance rhetoric pretends.

It is easier to be in solidarity with heroes and martyrs than people. It was the heroic

examples of ordinary Nicaraguans that inspired the first solidarity movement in the 1970s

and 80s.

Development of a Research Topic

Any research program is the dynamic product of the confluence of an ethnographer,

the ethnographer's subjects and the historical juncture that provides the context and

12 Ferlinghetti, Lawrence. 1984 Seven Days in Nicaragua Libre. San Francisco:City Lights Books, cited
in Babb 2001:249

13 There is evidence that solidarity volunteers and organizations shifted interest from Nicaragua to
Columbia, Cuba and Chiapas after the eclipse of the Sandinista revolutionary government.









motive for the study. The self of the ethnographer include markers of gender, race,

ethnicity, age, religion, class, social network, professional formation, ideological

development, theoretical and emotional propensities, etc. Each of these can be viewed

from the perspective ascribed by the ethnographer themselves, that is identity, or that

assigned by someone else, the ethnographer's social location. This self provides what

feminist theoreticians refer to as the "standpoint" of the researcher (Gubrium and

Holstein 1997; Lincoln and Denzin 2003). This standpoint is an element of all academic

work. Those who seek to be objective must factor in the standpoint of the researcher, the

biases of the operative theory and the emic perspectives of the participants in the research

project (Haraway 2003).

In this chapter I will speak briefly about the personal, professional and theoretical

elements of my standpoint, in a narrative style to better communicate its dynamic

ongoing construction14. In chapter three I deal in more detail with epistemology and

methodological considerations that flow from this standpoint.

A Personal Narrative:

Aviation and Empire

I was born into aviation. I first flew in an airplane in utero. My father was towing

signs behind his bi-plane on Miami Beach before I was born, and was crop dusting cotton

in the Mississippi Delta during my first year. As a young child I remember the sensation

of swinging in flight, supported on the fuselage of the bi-plane by my armpits with my



14 Experience, if it is to be meaningful, must be presented in a story that has a beginning,
middle and an end. Significant experience, liminal moments and turning points
embedded in narrative supply context. See Lincoln and Denzin, eds.(2003). Narratives of
historical experience can destabilize received truths and locate debate in the complexities
and contradictions of historical life Chandra Mohanty (2003).









feet dangling within the 200 gallon tank that on other occasions contained insecticide or

fertilizer.

As a 10 year old I saw, heard and smelled the fauna of South America as cages of

living and dying animals were unloaded at the Miami International Airport's cargo

terminal in the dead of night. I was witnessing the open veins of Latin America that

Eduardo Galleano would write of 15 years later.

My father became an airline pilot, a pilot for a tropical fish importing business, a

flight instructor, and a test pilot. We used aircraft for family trips and to hunt treasure in

the Caribbean. My father told stories of the beauty of Hawaii, the devastation of

Hiroshima and the exoticism of Amazonia. His tales impressed on me that the globe is

both circumnavigable and fragile.

But if I was born into aviation, I was born, as well, into the empire that it served.

Airpower enabled the U.S. to emerge intact from a war that devastated the economies of

most other developed nations. Aviation executed the immolations of Hiroshima and

Nagasaki: acts of total war that my father assured me made certain that he, an

infantryman in the planned US invasion of Japan, would live and that I could be born.

The annihilation of Japanese men, women, and children was justified by my birth.

It was a similar imperial logic that assured me as a young adult that my personal

security was dependent on the napalming of villages and the carpet-bombing of cities and

forests in Indochina. But already the contradictions were too evident and the globe had

become to small to make such arguments credible. Even as technology was being

employed for imperial purposes, faith was blowing winds of change across world.









The Church and Social Movements

When I reached the tender age of 13 I entered a seminary to study for the Roman

Catholic priesthood. This was in 1964, the year in which Vatican II, convened by Pope

John XXIII to "open up the windows of the church," was ending. Over a period of four

years 2500 bishops from around the world hammered out 13 documents, including a new

constitution for the Church. Those documents, treating of a variety of theological themes

turned the Church toward the world and away from the defensive social stance and

conservative politics that it had held since the Counter Reformation.

The ecclesial ferment of the 60s and early 70s was global and it engendered a

renaissance in the Church, which valued diversity and decentralization over the

uniformity and centralized authority that had held sway for 500 years. This renovation

also caused the Church's missionary practice to be reexamined in light of a more

ecumenical theology and the insights of anthropology and other social sciences (Evans, et

al. 1993). The new missioners were going to be converted as much as to convert.

The Church hierarchy, embedded in the colonial structures of the European nation-

states as bearer of Christian civilization to the colonies, began to see that if it cared about

the temporal welfare of the majority of its believers peoples of Asia, Africa, and the

Americas then it could no longer side with the colonizers or their successors. The

church needed to indigenize and to stand with the people in their suffering. In short, it

needed to resist the post-WWII economic order that was being marshaled in by the U.S.

and other developed nations of the North by means of their allies, the neo-colonial elites

in the South.

Latin America was the continent on which this revolutionary Christian vision was

most clearly articulated and put into pastoral practice. It was the Latin American









liberation theologians, resonating with dependency sociologists and economists, who

stated the rationale, but the peasants and their priests and nuns provided the pastoral

motivation and models that changed the Church and society from the grassroots up. It

was finally in Medellin, Colombia, in 1968, that the Conference of Latin American

Bishops articulated that the Catholic Church was being called to make a "fundamental

option" for the poor (Hobgood 1991)15majority. All Christians were called to be in

solidarity with the poor and to pursue lives that would lead to their liberation from

suffering caused by the sinful structures of the world economy. This was a pastoral

theology which had first been articulated in papal encyclicals supporting the organization

of the working class in Europe in the latter 19th and early 20th centuries, A body of

ecclesial literature which supported social justice caused rethinking of the role of the

church and its alliances with oligarchies around the world6.

My decade in Catholic seminaries studying philosophy, theology and the social

sciences gave me an inside view of liberation ecclesiology as practiced in Latin America.

I realized the systemic implications of the restructuring of the church around the

people rather than the hierarchy and urged the North American Church to adapt pastoral

models being developed in Latin America (Fogarty 1980). I understood that solidarity

with the poor of Latin America was very much a two way street. We needed them, for

the renewal of the Church and North American society, as much as they needed support



15 option for the poor is used in Catholic social teaching to mean an option for militant
poor people who are opted for because, in their struggle against structures of exploitation
and oppression, they exemplify human dignity at work.

16 Including papal encyclicals Rerum Novarum, Quadragessimo Anno,, Mater et Masgistra, Pacem in
Terris, and Vatican II document Gaudium et Spes.









with their struggles for social justice. Not all my time was spent in the classroom, as

college students were the shock troops of the anti-Vietnam war protests and, to a lesser

extent, the civil rights movements, which Dr. Martin Luther King brought together before

his assassination.

As the war in Vietnam was winding down due to lack of popular support here and

lack of military success there, the incipient conflicts in Central and South America were

heating up. Cuba had become a socialist presence in the hemisphere. The cold war came

to dominate the North/South axis discourse. Instead of Vietnamese peasants it was Latin

American peasants who were labled by the U.S. government as the vanguard of world

communism (Grandin 2004).

Presbyterians provided leadership for the U.S. sanctuary and solidarity movements

with Central America (PCUSA 1982)17 in the early '80s. But Catholics were active as

well. They had been exposed to 100 years of social justice teachings, and most of those

massacred or disappearing were Catholics. Being a catechist in Central America was a

dangerous calling (Nepstad 1996:116-117).

The poverty of our Church was celebrated in the death of our priests, our catechists,
and our peasants. Each day, for Monsefior (archbishop) Romero and for each one
of us, it was clearer that our poor Church was condemned to be crucified and killed
just as Christ had been.(Anonymous 1988:102)1

As class conflict heated up, tens of thousands of the poor were killed. Hundreds of

thousands fled North. Each one had eyewitness accounts of the atrocities that their




17 By 1982 the PCUSA's 194th General Assembly had encouraged the illegal act of providing sanctuary to
Central American refugees in their churches as increasing numbers were fleeing for their lives from US
funded counterinsurgency initiatives of Central American militaries (PCUSA, 1983:18).

18 [my translation]









families and friends had suffered at the hands of the military or para-military forces of the

oligarchies of Central America.

Throughout the '70s and '80s the escalating conflict in Central America waged by

militaries supplied with munitions and training from the U. S., along with a nuclear arms

race with the Soviet Union, led to the growth of what have been called peace movement

organizations (PMOs).(Pagnucco 1996). Among these were several I belonged to,

including the Catholic Worker Movement, Pax Christi USA, and the Catholic Peace

Fellowship. As Panucco observes in his study of Pax Christi, the faith-based groups were

much more likely to engage in what he terms "unruly activities," or direct non-violent

actions of various kinds, than were their secular counterparts who devoted themselves to

more conventional political tactics. I believe that the religious organizations (although

Panucco's study failed to identify this) were more militant because of their spiritual

solidarity with southern brothers and sisters who were risking their lives daily. The

"Pledge of Resistance," which originated with 30 national PMOs and numerous local and

regional ones after the U.S. invasion of Grenada in 1984, sought to deter a similar

invasion of Central America. It threatened massive non-violent direct action and

occupation of federal buildings in many of the communities across the nation. The

pledge was not hollow, as thousands of "affinity groups" planned and practiced direct

action throughout 1985.

By 1986 Witness for Peace, another PMO, was bringing thousands of North

Americans to Nicaragua to document the atrocities being committed against Nicaraguans

by the U.S.-funded Contras and to stand in solidarity with campesinos in the war zones.









These short term (two week) delegations came from every state. My wife participated in

the first one from Florida.

A Professional Narrative

Philosophy and Theology

One of the first influences on my ideas of solidarity and my later choices of

affiliation with social movements for peace and justice was my training in philosophy

and theology under the tutelage of the Church. My early education in religion in high

school and junior college were pre-Vatican II in character, tending toward apologetics for

the status quo of Church and society. My later training in upper division college and

graduate school was largely a refutation of that security and a quest for understanding

what Christianity could become in a more equitable 20th century. The stark contrast

between the two weltenshaungs led to profound crises of identity for those of us studying

for church careers at that time, as it did for many in the general church population during

the 1970s. The end of the colonial period in history was ushering in new theological

heuristics.

The philosophy that I internalized helped me to understand the inadequacy of the

Cartesian subject/object duality underpinning the modern materialist/idealist debate19. It

was difficult to see how such duality could lead us into a non-Eurocentric, post-colonial

world. Instead, existential phenomenology pointed me toward a non-metaphysical

ontology. By grasping reality as human experience, I could understand the contributions

that both structuralism and post-structuralism brought to social analysis. Communal



19 My first professor of anthropological theory opened the semester with the claim that all anthropologists
had to choose between materialism and idealism; a binary opposition that I had earlier synthesized under
the category of human experience.









experience, or history, became for me the data, which when read critically, could provide

a direction for the future. Postcolonial and later, feminist critiques helped me to

problematize western history and social science (among which I would include education

and theology) (Chakrabarty 2000).

Religion and Education

My focus during college and graduate school, until entering anthropology, was on

the interface between religion and education. I was fascinated by the idea of divine

revelation, and how that could be shared among people by analysis of personal

experience. Eventually this led me to the question of how human solidarity might be

operationalized. During this time I left the seminary and sought a career in religious

education as a professionally trained layman.

In the 70s I became aware of the work of the Brazilian educator, Paulo Freire

(1999) and the influence of his method in incorporating social analysis in literacy

training. Freire's method, developed to promote a liberatory education, could be adapted

to education for justice in the U.S. because, as Friere recognized, both the middle class

and the popular classes required liberation, though from different aspects of oppression.

During my career as a religious educator I became involved in the long tradition of

social-justice activism that finds a scriptural basis in the Hebrew prophets and in the

Christian Gospels, and affiliated with various religious movements for social-justice, as

mentioned earlier. Exposure to liberation theology and testimonies of base Christian

communities in Latin America revealed connections between religious solidarity and

equitable political economies. I came to understand the underdevelopment of Latin

American economies not as an unfortunate happenstance for the destitute majority, but as

a foreseeable consequence of decisions by the wealthy minority.









Solidary Activism

As I became acquainted with people who reflected out of their lives of struggle

against social injustice, I learned how to help people conscienticize themselves in group

settings. I was involved in nonviolent direct action and in educational events to deepen

my own awareness and the awareness of others concerning the costs of social injustice

and to develop alternatives to it.

After years of solidarity work with Central Americans in the U.S., my family

moved to Nicaragua to do development work during the last three years under its

revolutionary government. For me solidarity was never primarily about partisan politics

or economic models. I was most preoccupied with the unity of human spirit or

consciousness that religion spoke to. But organized religion had failed to follow through

on the implications of that unity. It had largely missed its social mission to convince

homo sapiens that the species was important to preserve in its diverse entirety. Rather,

religion became, sociologically speaking, another particularity which reinforced

ethnocentricity. Ecumenism has never become the dominant practice of world religions.

Rather, once Christianity wedded Constantinian empire, political,and ecclesial power

forged a theocratic ideology that remains one of the bulwarks of parochialism in a

religiously diverse world. Religious differences, rather than coordinating in a planetary

fellowship, seem as implicated as secular differences in the construction of global anti-

solidarity or alienation.

Anthropology

I needed a standpoint outside the confines of confessionary religion which would

allow me to examine human solidarity more wholistically. I decided anthropology might

be the discipline from which to better understand both particularity and universals of









human culture. If religion was too fragmented to give rise to human solidarity then

perhaps anthropology, which purports to study human culture in se, could offer the

perspective from which to understand how human solidarity coheres. I made this choice

even as I became aware of anthropology's colonial roots.

A Theoretical Narrative

My entire into anthropology began as a search for a perspective that might provide

purchase for a critique of my own culture (Marcus and Fischer 1986). I was, and still am,

trying to combine a global perspective and commitment to marginalized peoples that

grew out of Catholic liberation ecclesiology (Boff 1985), a political economy that grew

out of world systems theory (Wallerstein 1974; 1980) and a post-colonialist (Bhabha

1994; Said 1978) and post-structuralist cultural production theory (Armstrong 2001).

Post-Structuralism

Foucault (1972; 1978; 1980) convinced me that all discourse is both material and

political. He also showed me that power is most evident in discourses at the periphery. It

was this insight that led me to believe that Central America held academic as well as

spiritual importance for North America.

It is in the constant mutual redefinition of each other that Central Americans and

North Americans find their respective identities. Ethnography then becomes a method to

discover if the subjectivities being constructed between members of each culture by

means of direct interpersonal contact might be able to subvert the dominant discourses

constructed at the level of nation states and congealed in international policy and

stereotypical mass media images. Can counter-hegemonic discourses be constructed

from small-scale cross-cultural shared experiences? If every day lifeways reflect global

political economics as well as historical particularities, then cross-cultural interpersonal









communication creates conditions for the possibility of identity constructions that differ

from the stereotypical ones employed to generate international policy. Particularly if the

discourse framing the contact contains counter-hegemonic elements, then participants are

forced to revisit their cultures of origin with a critical perspective. This concerns the

politics of cultural struggle (Williams 1991), specifically the construction of what

Gramsci called an alternative hegemony. Such counter-discourse can become an element

of a war of position to effect a conquest of civil society (Gramsci, Prison Notebooks

VI,7) in.(Forgacs 2000)

Post-structuralism, informed by semiotics and literary criticism, led to sophisticated

forms of cultural production theory incorporating insights from media studies and

symbolic anthropology. Post Structuralism's main weakness as exemplified in Foucault,

is that even though resistance to discursive and institutional hegemony is affirmed20, it is

un-theorized and thus un-strategized except at the micro level of the person, not at the

level of institutions (Hoy 1986). The specifics of discursive political resistance are not

systematically analyzed before Foucault dives into his ethics of subjectivity. While this

prevents the construction of resistance tactics based on pre-identified markers of

difference and avoids the economic reductionism of orthodox Marxism, it can lead to

disempowerment (Jameson 1984) and ultimately an almost Baudrillardian dystopianism

as Geertz (1988) among others, has observed. Ortner (2005) raises a distinct but related

point; that Foucault's stress on the contingency of historical conjunctures ends up de-


20 Where there is power there is resistance...It is coextensive with power and absolutely its contemporary.
As soon as there is a power relationship there is the possibility of resistance. We can never be ensnared by
power: we can always modify its grip in determinate conditions and according to a precise strategy
(Foucault 1988:123).









humanizing, or de-subjectifying, history. Little room is left for subject agency. In this

regard, Foucault has not strayed far from his structuralist roots.

Post-structuralism provides the critical tools to see power at work and to suggest

strategies to counter hegemony, but it does not articulate how power coalesces and flows

in directional as well as disperse ways. Neo-marxism and political ecology identify the

material resource flows that indicate power's directionality.

Neo-marxism (Forgacs 2000) supplies unique insights into the workings of late

capitalism as it dominates other competing relations of production. Especially salient in

Nicaragua is understanding how gender, race, and ethnic differences are utilized to re-

generate socio-economic hierarchies after the dethroning of a kinship-based dynasty and

a brief revolutionary redistribution of resources.

Nicaragua's current combination of contrasting revolutionary and neo-liberal

political rhetoric mobilized by 2 caudillo-led political parties who openly share power,

results in an oppositional political discourse accompanied by a unitary political practice.

The two primary political parties seek to polarize the rhetoric and thereby ideologically

consolidate their respective constituencies while controlling the state by balancing

official appointments. Multi-lateral lending agency control of the domestic budget

through structural adjustment and conditional financing, free both parties from

accountability for their rhetoric. Combined discursive and material research strategies

are required to sort out why and how contradictory political discourses lead to

consolidation of power for each without breaching unitary institutions such as the state

(Rocha 2004).









The political ecology approach also provides a clear understanding of our place as

one species among thousands in our ecosystem. The unsustainablity of the present rate of

human consumption found in the North (with manufactured from raw materials extracted

from the South utilizing southern labor) is transparent to political ecological analysis.

The consequences of unsustainable consumption impact different populations differently

depending on their vulnerability. Political ecology provides graduated scales of analysis

that highlight the interrelatedness of global physical and economic phenomena. Useful

political ecology is rooted not in an equilibrium seeking structural functionalism but

rather in a historical, dynamic and ethnographically informed understanding of human

political systems.

Situated Knowledges

Every ethnography is the product of an ethnographer who (in addition to studying a

particular people locatable in time and space) brings his/her subject position to the

research. From this unique configuration of factors arises the central ethnographic

question.

Ethnographers who are convinced that the importance of their research is

theoretical frame their research questions in abstract categories that might contribute

cumulatively to science. Others (whose concerns tend more toward the pragmatic)

phrase their questions in terms of solutions to practical problems. This theory/application

tension in anthropology often devolves into a debate that distracts from praxis, the

process of theoretically-informed-practice informing theory. This dialectic of reflection

on empirically grasped data informs the way we construct and apply knowledge, and the

way we ask subsequent questions.









If we lived in a perfect world, then we could justify unengaged anthropology, but

until then ethical anthropology will be engaged21 with the existential issues of people at

some level of intentionality on the part of the ethnographer.

In my search for a satisfactory resolution of the epistemological conundrum of the

subjective and objective adequacy of human knowledge, I found Donna Haraway's

feminist epistemology of strong objectivity and standpoint anthropology affirms each

ethnographer's unique contribution while providing contextual standards. As she points

out, both the epistemological relativism of radical social constructionism, which results in

any ethnographic text having equal truth warrants, and the positivist claims for an

immutable, ahistorical objective reality which can be described by assuming the objective

standpoint, are what she calls "God tricks." In either case (though in diametrically

opposed formulations) an ethnographer claims infallibility, and thus precludes scientific

dialogue. True objectivity is that which not only acknowledges, but carefully elucidates,

the standpoint of the ethnographer so that contextual validity of the ethnography can be

judged from the standpoint of each of her/his peers.

This insight is crucial in my own work. I do not claim replicability or

generalizability for it, but I do seek accuracy from my own standpoint, since "only partial

perspective promises objective vision" (Haraway 2003). Partial perspective acquires

validity not just epistemologically, but also ethically and politically. In standpoint

epistemology, positioning is crucial to grounding knowledge. Taking a position from

which to generate knowledge that challenges present forms of domination requires both


21 Heyman i" 1 14) defines engaged anthropology as anthropology "involved in public issues" and a subset,
action anthropology as that "in service of subordinate communities and populations". Accordingly this
dissertation is both.









humility and community. One must acknowledge the partiality and situatedness of one's

research findings. The limitations of my research will spur others on to investigate

transcultural solidarity in new ways.

Habitus and Field

In my consternation at the present state of anthropology with its competing binaries

of positivism and relativism, objectivity and subjectivity, materialism and idealism,

structuralism and voluntarism, I sought a model that would offer synthetic concepts. It

was with some enthusiasm that I discovered the work of Pierre Bourdieu. His attempts to

describe social interaction and the institutions which arise from it as performance based

resonated with my need to balance agency and structure in my own thought. The

internalized rules of life that Bourdieu (1992) calls habits provide a meaningful

construct with which to understand discursive and corporeal practice of the participants in

my study. What kind of socialfield is being constructed among the NGO, the visitors,

and the villagers? What kind of capital is generated in this situation that can be used in

each party's social transactions? What kinds of differentiation are creating symbolic

violence of masked domination? Who are the beneficiaries and who the victims of those

violent performances? Bourdieu continually cautions us to be skeptical of altruism.

There is no such thing as disinterested behavior. Those of us who claim to be seeking

equality for all can generate greater inequality. For instance, universal education is a

powerful means to structuring inequality in society.

Bourdieu's concepts are useful because he presents social interaction as a

contention for space, place and voice, a struggle for social survival. This is how I

experienced the lives of the participants in my study. The doxa, or axiomatic beliefs, of

neo-liberalism savages both the traditional values and the modern aspirations of rural









Nicaraguans, marginalizing them from political participation. As Roger Lancaster (1988)

points out, the Nicaraguan revolution was based on a traditional religious sense of

outrage against modem forms of oppression which broke all the rules of reciprocity.

Class consciousness and solidarity could only be built when the symbolic violence of

loyalty to the state became transparently suicidal or homicidal. The challenge of engaged

anthropology in Nicaragua today is to provide a transparency that removes the legitimacy

of practices that enable institutions to dispose of persons as objects, not subjects, of their

own history. As citizens of the unsustainably consumptive one-third world we are part of

the problem. Perhaps good ethnography can help us become more a part of the solution.

Overview of Dissertation

In this first chapter I have identified the issue of human solidarity formation as a

crucial anthropological concern. I described the recent and growing phenomenon of

volunteer vacationing and raised questions about its practice and potential. The data will

show that the volunteer vacation has differential effects on the subjectivity of its

participants. I introduced a taxonomy that included volunteer vacationers, development

tourists and solidarity travelers. I also related my personal history to clarify my

motivations, propensities, resources and limitations as an ethnographer.

Chapter two treats the theoretical focus of solidarity by tracing its genesis in

various popular, institutional, and academic discourses from the disciplines of

anthropology, sociology, and religion. This archeology of solidarity produces a working

definition. Solidarity is analyzed as both a universal ideal and as a political technology. I

distinguish between solidarity and altruism. In chapter two I also examine the literatures

of development studies, tourism, peasant studies, development studies,and globalization

for current issues impinging on transcultural solidarity. I examine identity and social









location as they are constructed from social markers of race, class, gender and nationality

in the context of the volunteer encounter.

Chapter three presents my research design, operative epistemology, and

corresponding methodologies. I describe the bi-cultural nature of the research team and

participant population, and the complex issues of reflexivity that flow from our

interaction within a multicultural phenomenon. The research sites are located, data-

gathering methods described, and issues of confidentiality and collaboration are raised in

this section. Adjustments to the research design required in field and final limitations of

the study are also mentioned here.

Chapter four, considers the Nicaraguan historical context of my research through a

chronologically organized political economy of the national project. The chapter

analyzes the last 150 years of Nicaraguan experience, focusing first on the development

of the elite owned and managed agro-export economy and then on the United States

political hegemony that followed from international commercial alliances of the elite

classes of the respective countries. The chapter ends with the consideration of the

contemporary permutations of the two contrasting development models that have

contended for support of the Nicaraguan populace since European contact.

Chapter five examines NGOs as key elements of the volunteer vacation

phenomenon. I problematize the global role of NGOs as agents in transnational civil

society, including their conservative and transformational functions in the present world

order. Issues of scale and how NGOs function within the global networks by means of

vertical and horizontal linkages is important to understanding both their potential and

their structural constraints in constructing transcultural solidarity. The omnipresence of









NGOs in Nicaragua and the radical restriction of state prerogatives due to structural

adjustment is an optimum context in which to re-imagine the NGO nation/state

articulation. Likewise NGO relationships with popular social movements reveal

resistance and accommodation to neo-liberalism in the Nicaraguan countryside.

Chapter six focuses on the encounter itself. An introductory section narrates the

birth and growth of the host NGO, analyzing the imaginaries that give rise to the most

active solidarity travel organization operating between the United States and Nicaragua.

Testimony of NGO leadership, volunteer vacationers, and Nicaraguan villagers provides

multivocality to the study and illustrates the complexity of the subjectivities created by

this practice.

Chapter seven offers a synthesis of the findings, showing how subjective and

structural solidarity are differentially facilitated by symbolic and material conditions and

practices of NGOs, visitors and villagers. I reassert the difference between altruistic

service and transcultural solidarity, affirming a role for each. I distinguish between the

realized and potential solidarity formation and note the implications of my research for

current debates in studies of tourism, peasants, development and globalization. I

conclude with recommendations for further research and practice.















CHAPTER 2
THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON SOLIDARITY TRAVEL

A stalk of sage lights easily and bums quickly. Sage is about hot indignation and
social protest. It is about the flash of special events that bum quickly and brightly
and attract much attention and are quickly gone... 'And then we burn sweetgrass.
Sweetgrass lights with difficulty, bums slowly and yields a long lingering smell.
Sweetgrass is that other strength-the strength of patience, endurance, of consistent
long-range planning and long hard work. ... Sweetgrass patience tells me to balance
my indignation with the kind of work that will give us all something to celebrate
the next time one of these [European 'discovery' of the Americas] celebrations
22
comes along'...2

The sweetgrass solidarity that Robert Allen mentions above is not accomplished on

a two-week volunteer vacation to a Nicaraguan village. But after the scent of sage has

dispersed, if the institutional and personal circumstances are favorable, one can pick up

the smell of sweetgrass with each inspiration that flows from an initial cross-cultural

encounter.

Chapter Overview

I situate ethnography in the academy and within liberation anthropology, a

particular type of applied advocacy anthropology. I define liberation anthropology as

that which takes oppression as its ethnographic theme, marginalized peoples as its

participants, history as its medium, periphery as its site, power analysis as its method and

the forging of solidarity as its ethical charge.23





22 Robert Allen, Warrior of the Osage Nation (1991)"The Sweetgrass Meaning of
Solidarity: 500 Years of Resistance" Sojoumers, January 1991:22-23.
23 Ahmad judges that critical anthropology manages to create opposition but without creating solidarities.









Ethnography is a reflexive process (both as an analysis of the ethnographer's

subjectivity in relation to his participants, (Clifford 1988) and as an analysis of the

academic sub-field of social science within which the anthropologist operates (Bourdieu

and Wacquant 1992).

"If we do as Clifford has suggested and investigate 'pervasive global processes

unevenly at work' (Clifford 1988:17) we may be able to devise ethnographic techniques

to probe the complex way in which people with very disparate images of reality find a

way of acting collectively"(Nash 1992:291). As Tsing (2005:x) puts it, "where words

mean something different across a divide, even as people agree to speak" and "where

systematic misunderstanding, far from producing conflict, allows [people] to work

together." I am attempting here to go a bit further and develop techniques that probe the

complex solidarity of those with disparate cultural material conditions of life but who

inter-relate their imaginaries (Appadurai 1991) and negotiate political alliances

nonetheless. This process is material and structural as well as symbolic and subjective.

One of the global processes unevenly at work that Geertz alludes to is citizenship.

We find in the practice of volunteer vacationing the ritual enactment of the encounter

between two kinds of citizenship, the US version and the Nicaraguan version. Just as

there is a division of labor in the productive activity of global manufacture, there is a

division of political privilege in the performance of global mobility. While it might be

tempting to bifurcate US citizenship as one which has the privilege of total mobility and

Nicaraguan citizenship as one which keeps its members stationary, the ethnographic data

lends important nuances to the inequality that exists between the two.









Even though Appadurai's (1991) ethnoscapes indicate global flows of people and

ideas, boundaries nonetheless exist. But the boundaries which restrict and constrain

global flows across regions impact different travelers differently. A US citizen's

privilege to enter Nicaragua is never in actual question by either Nicaraguans or the

United States.

In the following section entitled "problematizing solidarity," I offer a definition of

solidarity and introduce an analysis of it as a philosophical concept, a social

psychological affect, and a sociological and political consensus. Universal solidarity is

the ultimate horizon of the affective and consensual types. The universal concept of

solidarity includes elements of interdependence and reciprocity, which lead many to

confuse it with altruism. At this point I suggest understanding the anthropological

concept of solidarity as habitus (Bourdieu 1977; Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992).

"Bounded" solidarity (Portes 2000) refers to groups which possess solidarity

among their members with in a defined boundary. It is the politically operational form of

solidarity. This bounded solidarity contains an affective emotional and/or a consensual,

issue-oriented character. A four phase sequence in which solidarity is formed has

emerged from the months of observations, interviews, focus groups, and surveys. I

approach these four aspects first synchronically and then diachronically. I conclude this

section by employing Bourdieu's concept of mis-recognition24 to show how altruism is

mistaken for solidarity.



24 Misrecognition, according to Bourdieu, is the vulnerability to hegemony that members of a society
suffer unless the hidden logics and effects which insure the maintenance of an unjust or symbolically
violent social order are made transparent by social science. It is the proper vocation of the social scientist
to open up political spaces of freedom by unmasking the social practices that enable mis-recognition. See
Bourdieu & Waquant 1992: 198ff.









The third section deals with four cross-disciplinary sub-field literatures 1) tourism

studies, 2) development studies, 3) peasant studies, and 4) globalization and transnational

studies. Tourism can be understood as a search for self in light of the "other," or the non-

self Subjectively, solidarity forms when technologies of tourism are used and then

transcended in order to construct identities composed of transcultural identifications as

well as distinctions. A subject position has been achieved in which we have met the

native and they are us, and yet not us.

Development can be understood as the construction of modernities or possible

futures in the present. Structurally, solidarity involves cooperating in the process of

mutual empowerment towards new imagined futures that are culturally distinct but

existentially interdependent. How can we construct respective alternative futures that

value both diversity and human rights, thereby resisting global capitalism's reduction of

human subjectivity to that of consumer?

Peasant agriculture still constitutes one of the most common modes of livelihood.

But that lifeway is rapidly changing in light of forces of global flows of resources,

people, and technology. Solidarity with people who subsist in part from family

horticulture and agriculture must take into account the forces that contend to support or

eliminate current peasant lifestyles.

Solidarity travel can be theorized as a social phenomenon involving global flows of

people, resources and ideas. The hegemony of late global capitalism necessitates

analyzing transnational travel as a phenomenon of 'globalization from above'

characterized by multi-lateral governance, corporate travel, and recreational tourism and

simultaneously 'globalization from below' exemplified by forced migration, networks of









popular social movements, and human rights advocacy organizations. One involves a

transnational capitalist class of the one-third world, and the other, the transnational

popular classes of the two-thirds world.

Situating Solidarity within Liberation Anthropology

The justification for doing an ethnography that includes the interface between

North Americans and Nicaraguans is to facilitate the solidarity that the subjects say they

want. And to do it in such a way that power differentials are in some measure made more

equitable. This is an awkward role for anthropologists. Often we are working for

academic and applied agencies in ways that maintain power differentials are maintained

by providing data for policy formulation and execution. And when, as in my case, the

research is supported by agencies that imbricate in the power dynamics under analysis,

the challenge of maintaining transparency and good faith with all parties becomes

ethically and analytically challenging.

As Heyman (2004) claims, it is the possibility of articulating persuasive and

practical counter-part ideals to the status quo that justifies anthropological analysis of

power dynamics. Such ideals (always plural and flexible), when constructed from

ethnographic sources from the community in question and other sources brought by the

ethnographer, can provide powerful tools for constructing imaginaries that tend toward

lessening symbolic and material oppression and creating space for political maneuver.

Tsing goes even further, asserting that

Universalism is implicated in both imperial schemes to control the world and
liberatory mobilization for justice and empowerment. Universals beckon to elites
and excluded alike (2005:9) But universals can never fulfill their promises of
universality because engaged universals are affected by the conjunctural locality in
which they must enlist their adherents (2005:8).









It is true that culture wars are not fought on a Plain of Armageddon in a titanic

clash of civilizations resulting in a Hegelian end of history. On the other hand, it is

disingenuous not to articulate multiple options for incremental change which distinguish

practices of resistance from those of accommodation, and when, tactically, to engage in

one rather than the other.

If one believes in subject agency, then the difference between resistance and

accommodation is not just one of intentionality but has historical consequences. Such

struggles may be characterized in cultural terms in any of their instantiations, but

struggles for social justice are, as often as not, about personal and communal survival of

society's most vulnerable (Nash 1992).

The Academy as Site of Liberation Anthropology

Thomas Jefferson saw the academy as an organization to critique church, state, and

other institutions that come, through entropy, to represent only their own best interests; to

"unmask their usurpations and monopolies of honors wealth and power." Admirable

though that ideal might be, anthropologists have shown that academicians are both

subject to the wiles of church and state and most obtuse to the institutional

mis-recognition that the academy itself displays (Bourdieu 1984).

Some would draw clear distinctions between indoctrination and liberatory

education.

There is no such thing as a neutral educational process. Either it functions as an
instrument that is used to facilitate the integration of the younger generation into
the logic of the present system and bring about conformity to it, or it becomes "the
practice of freedom," the means by which men and women deal critically and
creatively with reality and discover how to participate in the transformation of their
world. Richard Schaull in Freire (2002:34)









My sense is that Schaull draws the conservative/liberatory binary too distinctly, yet

his point echoes that of Foucault (1972:227): "Every educational system is a political

means of maintaining or of modifying the appropriation of discourse, with the knowledge

and the power it carries with it." And later: "There is no knowledge that does not

presuppose and constitute at the same time power relations"(Foucault 1995/1975:27).

Coloniality of Power and the Representation of Modernity

Ethnographers are steeped in Eurocentricity. This coloniality of power which

suffuses the academy creates a crisis of representation for its' work. For, as

Conquergood observes, critical theory seeks to uncover the politics of representations,

and "Ethnographic authority is the empowering alignment between rhetorical strategy

and political ideology (2003:371)." How ethnography gets its power, is key to the

anthropological endeavor (Geertz 1988).

Messay Kebede (2004) describes the difficulties that development anthropology

confronts when facing its own colonial past in Africa. Africans have been prevented by

colonialism from being able to recuperate a pre-Eurocentric interpretation of Africa's

past and project a post-Eurocentric version of Africa's future. An African paradigm of

development is essential to enable Africa to do something other than replicate a European

model of modernity. As the model of modernization used in global development is

inherently Eurocentric, Africa will never be able to compare favorably with Europe in

that type of development.

Some African scholars opt to overcome this conundrum by rediscovering an

autochthonous African pre-colonial pre-history. Ethno-philosophers argue that Africa

has its own cultural paradigms that can lead to a different modernity than the European

one. Other, universalist, scholars maintain that Africa is now a post-colonial society that









has incorporated European values of modernity; and once the delay in development

caused by colonialism is overcome, then Africa will be able to catch up with Europe and

North America.

In regard to anthropology's role in the development regime, Kebede observes, "To

say that anthropology is a product of Western rationality is to underline the goal of

domination as the initial project of anthropology (Kebede 2004:121)." According to VJ.

Mudimbe anthropology's works on Africa are not about Africa but about justifying the

conquest/enslavement/colonization, and continued exploitation of the continent and its

inhabitants. Anthropology does not describe difference so much as it constructs it

(Mudimbe 1988:20). To de-colonize the mind of Africans, especially Western-educated

ones, means transcending the stereotypes that Europeans have constructed in the

consciousness of the Africans themselves. Mudimbe's solution is for African African

scholars to read the "colonial library" from the point of view of an expatriate European,

and to select from both sides of the Europe/Africa trait columns those elements from

which they would choose to fashion a new pan-African mythology.

As Kebede notes, liberation of the African mind from Western paradigms of

development are not even remotely possible without prior emancipation from categories

of European thought. He states that deconstruction can unmask the cognitive politics of

ethnocentricity, but only African freedom, subject agency, can offer an authentic African

episteme. If development is built on freedom to choose then that future need be neither

totally original (a binary opposition to eurocentric development) nor a reiteration (a not

quite European modernity). Africa comes to freely choose another modernity that needs

not be authenticated on the basis of its distance from or proximity to Europe.









Kebede, unfortunately, does not discuss Achille Mbembe's assertion that

psychically unresolved historical experiences of slavery, colonialism and apartheid have

yet to be worked into an interpretive schema for the construction of African selves both

corporately and individually (Mbembe 2002). This unfinished psycho-historical task,

according to Mbembe, prevents the consolidation of a pan-African myth of enough

coherence to make a political difference. Kebele's opting for subject agency over

structural constraints is reminiscent of A.K Appiah's "African identity in formation",

without dominant tropes to constrict it (Appiah 1992).

Kebede's insights into how African development is represented is helpful in

understanding the subjective dimensions of our conundrum in the North

American/Central American interface. In the Nicaragua/U.S. interface specifically

corporate globalization is being offered by the respective governments and multilateral

finance agencies as the only modern model of development as opposed to the

"traditional" ways; while failing to adequately address the ecological devastation that

colonial and post-colonial export oriented regimes have wrought. Local models of

development being offered from below, by popular social movements, are framed as

obstructionist in part because they are not presented as a pan-American or global

imaginary like that offered by corporations and nation-states.

For Central Americans to be free to choose an imagined future that is not dictated

by the development-complex, they must have images of their own modernities.

Anthropologists who value cultural relativism will assist in Mesoamerican constructions

of modernity that preserve unique historical trajectories while engaging with other

cultures. In a cross cultural encounter like volunteer vacationing anthropological insight









can assist in elucidating power dynamics. In this way cultural and human rights can

better be protected by all parties.

A History of Engagement and Application

Two tasks must be accomplished to situate solidarity travel within an anthropology

of liberation. The first is to review the historical trajectory of the applied orientation in

anthropology. This task is only necessary because in the Anglo tradition of anthropology

(in distinction with, for instance, the Mexican tradition) (Gonzalez 2004) there has been a

tendency to separate theory from practice; a distinction that in many ways protects the

political status quo in society. Anthropology is inevitably applied. Sometimes it is

applied by anthropologists and sometimes by others. Because engagement and praxis

have been a part of anthropological tradition since its colonial beginnings it follows that

applied and academic anthropology have played a role in structuring racism, colonialism,

and comparable forms of othering. Anthropology has enabled Eurocentric hegemony as

well as specific forms of resistance to it.

Liberation anthropology is an epistemologically and politically critical applied

anthropology, yet one that breaks from the tradition of creating difference in service to

Eurocentric capitalism. Solidarity is a value and practice that must undergird it. When

solidarity informs anthropology then its application, for instance in the field of

development, looks significantly different than standard development anthropology. It is

the ability to discern the value of solidarity in anthropology and the habitus of solidarity

in development that gives force to the argument that, from an anthropological

perspective, solidarity travel creates more political options than simple volunteer

vacationing.









Let us consider two different reflections on the purpose of anthropology. For

Edward Burnett Tylor, the first professor of anthropology at Oxford University, it is to

reconstruct the evolution of culture, from primitive beginnings to the modern civilized

state (Tylor 1996/1871). This is a unitary evolutionist view, one which epistemologically

as well as programmatically serves the purpose of empire. The implicit Hegelianism

which sees Europe as the end of history is contained within Tylor's unilinear model. This

model is at the root of a modernization theory that sees cultural progress as convergent

rather than divergent, as an over-determined modernity rather than a choice among

optional modernities .

On the other hand, take Ruth Benedicts' oft-quoted dictum that the purpose of

anthropology is to make the world safe for human difference", and one envisions a

contrasting type of intellectual and practical enterprise. The purpose is not academic

description, nor social engineering toward civilization, but doing what is necessary to

ensure human diversity. Whereas Tylor's implict telos was to create a world where

primitives can be distinguished from and civilized by those who already were, Benedicts'

was to protect cultural diversity as it exists and evolves.

Anthropology, as applied over the last 150 years, shows that Tylor's vision has

prevailed over Benedict's. Critiques of the discipline's colonialism are now numerous

(Asad 1975; Bennett 1988; Conquergood 2003; Escobar 1991; Gerrit and Mannheim

1979; Gough 1968; Harrison 1997a; Hymes 1972; Lewis 1973). Differing cultural

modernities are endangered by the imperial designs of colonizing nations and the

ubiquitous presence of a Western post-colonial development industry. This

homogenization occurs even as vertical differentiation into niche markets of production









and consumption construct new micro- levels of social strata. It is not the collapse of

cultural diversity but the lack of critique and opposition to the meta-narrative of neo-

liberalism that convicts anthropology of collusion with first colonialism and now

globalization.

In describing different anthropological modes of advocacy, Sanjek stresses the

primary goal of convincing others (presumably the public or policy makers) that other

cultures have internally consistent rationales for their practices. They have a past that

indicates their present behavior, and they have a future that will be different than the

dominant modernity precisely because of cultural difference. Advocacy anthropologists

concern themselves with practical outcomes of their research first by helping shape the

way people see themselves in relation to the issues25 (Van Esterik 1985) and, more

actively, by strengthening marginalized and silenced groups.(Schensul 1978:122).

Sanjek contends that anthropologists first engage in advocacy during fieldwork.

Unfortunately, he neglects the important predispositions of activist anthropologists.

Advocacy during fieldwork is known as participatory action research (Whyte 1997), or

simply advocacy anthropology (Jacobs 1974).

A second phase may be subsequent to or outside of the research, but it also aims to

influence policy makers. Sanjek mentions another standing an anthropologist has which

motivates advocacy, that of "citizen." Citizenship motivates the research team in my

research, as will be explained in the next chapter.




25 "Oppositional consciousness depends on the ability to read the current situation of power and self-
consciously choosing and adopting the ideological form best suited to push against its configurations, a
survival skill well known to oppressed peoples." Chela Sandoval 1991:15 cited in Hale (1996).
Oppositional consciousness is not the product of ,but can be facilitated by, applied anthropology.









Van Willigen (1986) notes that some research is intentionally policy relevant.

Some policy oriented research is community-based. Community-based research expands

as community members realize the benefits that accrue to them from having detailed

information about their community. An anthropologist's advocacy is contingent on the

degree of autonomy evidenced by the research participants and invitations by them to

participate in an advocacy role. The anthropologist will likely not have the dominant role

in discerning when the data generated should be channeled, packaged, or otherwise made

negotiable in policy decisions.

If a document is the outcome of the research then the participants should have a

role in its compilation, and editing. In this way the community exercises agency and

voice and can better utilize the document or combat it. Sanjek stresses that just leaving

research to be used by others, without engaging in active strategies of dissemination, may

be relegating one's findings to insignificance. If an anthropologist finds the data ethically

compelling, then there is follow-through required to satisfy one's ethical responsibilities

to the host community and to the public at large. The forms these activities may take

should be negotiated, and are thus not predictable.

The second historical task (the first was to review how advocacy has been integral

to anthropological practice) is to recognize how Western anthropology has structured

disciplinary discourse to support world capitalism. "As the conflict between the

oppressed and the oppressors intensifies world-wide we are haunted by the recognition

that we are participants in a discipline which chose the wrong side long ago" (Gordon

1997).









The task is to show how the cultural logic of colonial and imperial capitalism have

always manufactured cultural difference on axes of race, gender, class, nationality,

ethnicity, sexual orientation, geography, age, education and commodity consumption.

The differences are not random, though they may be historically contingent. They are

determined only in the sense that creating difference is the sine qua non for constructing

global hierarchies. Western anthropology had a narrative and discursive function in

maintaining the colonial enterprise. As Foucault notes, "We must conceive discourse as

a violence that we do to things, or as a practice we impose upon them"(1972:229).

Since development's goal is to address the debilitating inequities produced by

dominant discourses and global economics, anthropologists have to place analysis of

race, gender, class, nationalism, etc., at the center of social development or change. In

such a context, Faye Harrison (1997b: 10) says, "knowledge production and praxis are

inseparable." The dichotomy between political economy and cultural critique, between

structure and subjectivity, are dualisms that serve the purposes of the academy and,

ultimately, capital accumulation.

But cultural logics and economic systems are not monolithic, rather they are the

product of agency and contingency as well as structural constraints. Deterministic

theories, whether materialist or discursive, are not useful in anthropologies of liberation.

They do not assist in the concientization project, instead they foster fatalism.

Historical materialism has been faulted for an economic reductionism that gives a

one-dimensional view of cultural interaction and ignores the agentive function of symbol.

Symbolic processes of meaning construction influence power configurations and social









formations. Conversely, discourse analysis and deconstruction have been faulted for

identifying difference and domination without theorizing resistance and subject agency.

Is field work still determined by colonial geography? What does the field

unconsciously allow ethnographers to think? If fieldwork is not about research in the

two-thirds world by outsiders, what is it about now, and how is that different in both

theory and practice? As Deborah D'Amico Samuels sees the liberatory reflexivity of

ethnography

Our translation of the experiences of the world's exploited peoples into language
understood by those with access to greater power than themselves is useful only
insofar as it prompts us to ask questions about the nature of this power in our own
lives and work and as it spurs our contribution to attempts to alter the global
balance of power responsible for their poverty and oppression. (D'Amico-Samuels
1997:82)

D'Amico Samuels stresses that the exploitation that power enables is part of the

subject location of the ethnographer as well as those she studies.

There is no corer of life so private and personal that issues of race, class, color and
culture do not permeate it. A politically informed holism of this kind will not be
party to separating our personal and cultural experiences from our positions in
hierarchies of race, class, gender and nation but will rather recognize that as a locus
for intellectual inquiry, ethical consideration, and political struggle, the field is
everywhere (D'Amico-Samuels 1997:83).

Reflexivity adds the dimension of political situatedness of ethnographic

knowledge, which finds expression not just in ethnographic texts, but more expansively

in social scientific practice itself, in the "unthinkable unthought," the unconscious of the

social scientist qua social scientist (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992:213).

Harrison stresses that political solidarity with the exploited populations is a

condition for the possibility of writing credible ethnography concerning them.

The anthropologist with verstehen, rooted in a relationship of "organic cohesion"
(Gramsci 1971:418) with the studied population and in real political solidarity, is
well equipped to establish more equal relations of ethnographic production as well









as to construct valid, reliable, and politically responsible representations of his/her
host community's sociocultural life (Harrison 1997c:90).

Solidary insight separates a merely de-colonized anthropology from an

anthropology of liberation.

A potentially liberating anthropological praxis must involve much more than a
political economic analysis of the oppression of a people or an account of the
constructed nature of the West's representation of them. If there is to be any hope
that the analysis will be instrumentalized, the anthropologist must analyze and
understand the internal logic of the hegemonic web lying within a people's world
view and culture and its relationship to the persistence of oppression" (Gordon
1997:164)

Anthropologists and the folks they study are united in global webs of relationship

which pre-date the fieldwork and continue after the ethnography is written. Our

professional, political, and personal selves are intertwined. Fieldwork is most often, and

is in some ways in my case a lighter one-third worlder studying darker, less text

literate two-thirds worlders. This is a relationship of colonial origins that endures. Until

such a time as the ethnographer and her/his participants can access similar technologies

of power, the differentials must be balanced by ethnographic practices which give people

voice and power over their own representation.

Charles Hale, also writing from Nicaragua, explains that, in the context of

exploitation, the value of anthropological theory rests ultimately on its efficacy for the

material and cultural benefit of sub-altern populations. Lather (2003) refers to this as

"catalytic validity." Hale observes that the analysis that we offer as anthropologists

ought to serve in the construction of powerful collective revolutionary voices (Hale

1996).









Problematizing Solidarity : Toward a Practical Definition

Solidarity as Antidote to Alienation

The case for solidarity should include an analysis of why it is not the "normal" state

of social relations. One prominent explanation for the absence of solidarity in modem

society is offered by Karl Marx, specifically his treatment of alienation. In theorizing

how nature and culture interact Marx stressed that there is a tension between satisfying

basic biological needs and actualizing one's individual and social potential in society. He

maintains that the root of contemporary human alienation is based on modern

capitalism's conflict with basic human nature.

In Grundrisse (1973) Marx identifies three factors that affect capitalist culture: 1)

society has lost democratic control over the conditions of its productive activity; 2) the

technology of production is object, not subject, oriented; and 3) capitalism replaces all

social bonds with economic relations of exchange. In capitalism the harder and longer a

worker works to increase his/her production, paradoxically, the less his/her labor is

worth. This is a direct threat to the workers' ability to provide adequate sustenance for

self and family. The worker is alienated from his/her human potential by productive

work instead of achieving self-actualization by means of it.

Marx showed that working for wages under capitalism alienates workers from their

1) labor, 2) individuality, 3) humanity, and 4) relationships. First, it alienates workers

from what they have produced by their labor. The product never belongs to the workers,

but to their employer. Hence workers are alienated as well from nature which supplies

the raw materials for their products. Second, it alienates workers from their individuality

since they value themselves as the employer does, for the exchange value of their

production. The worker has no intrinsic worth apart from the market value of his or her









product. Third, they are alienated from humanity, since both the product of their labor

and the human action of producing it are estranged from social values. Fourth, humans in

capitalist society find themselves reducing all social relations to economic exchange thus

alienating themselves from each other.

For Marx alienation is not a state of mind but an objective social condition

produced by capitalism's relations of production coming in conflict with human nature.

Because the worker now works not for self-actualization but only for basic sustenance,

those who pay the wages determine the worker's identity. S/he does not produce for the

common good, but rather only for family. S/he has become a commodity to self and

others, and is alienated from humanity.

By developing a division of labor based not on the needs of the producers but on

the principle of maximum productivity for the owner, capitalism alienates workers from

the objects of their labor. That is to say, workers simultaneously create property for

others and self-estrangement. All other human relations are subordinated to utility. The

human enterprise becomes mutual exploitation, even when cloaked in altruistic discourse.

The capitalist class is alienated as well, but the elites interpret their alienation, their self-

estrangement, as evidence of their own power. The working class, in contrast, feels

annihilated in its alienation; it experiences its own powerlessness as subhuman.

Alienation is the workers' loss of control over the means of production and the

products of their work. Since the product of the workers' labors belong to others, then

s/he must enter into relations of exchange to transform his/her labor into sustenance.

First it is transformed into money and then exchanged for commodities. Thus money

becomes the social glue of capitalist culture. Money subordinates all other social bonds









to those of economic exchange, thereby dissolving community. Money obscures

personal relationships of interdependence, so individuals appear to be independent. Non-

monetary relationships are dismantled so that surplus value is captured by the cash

economy. Money becomes the symbol of alienation. Humans actualize themselves

through economic activity, but the contradictions of capitalism separate what persons do

from whom they are, how they act from how they would prefer to act. The laborer

constantly produces capital, a social power that dominates and exploits. The fruits of

his/her own labor becomes self-oppression.

Division of labor makes work more repetitive and dehumanizing. Alienation

involves the objectification of personal labor power by commodification, and relations

between commodities come to determine all other relations. Commodities become

fetishes as does universal exchange value, or money. The capitalist comes to focus

exclusively on the exchange value of each commodity.

The mind of a person immersed in commodity fetishism seeks sensational

stimulation to compensate for personal isolation, for the indifference and ennui that make

moral behavior ambiguous. The alienated individual socially disengages by observing

rather than participating in reality. Alienation results in minimal involvement in the

world, affecting socio-economic structures and subjective states of awareness. Alienation

can only be detected when one conceives of human life as an active project within an

intrinsically social world. One can understand and be reflexively aware of alienation

only within a context of solidarity.

Alienation potentially explains several aspects of the volunteer vacation encounter.

First, North Americans may engage in transcultural volunteering because they are









seeking an antidote to alienation. As one volunteer expressed it, "I am so glad to be here,

it seems as if I am back inside my own skin!" When the rules of market exchange are de-

centered by transcultural recipriocity, it allows the volunteer to experience human

relationships on a social basis other than as a utilitarian transaction. Second, the

volunteer experience may be heightened because many rural Nicaraguans are only

partially integrated into capitalist relations of production and hence are engaged in less

alienated social relationships. This could explain in part why Nicaraguans do not feel the

same degree of social stigma from their poverty that their North American visitors

anticipate, and why the social receptivity of Nicaraguans is so surprising to the North

Americans. One solidarity worker quotes Clodovis Boff as saying "solidarity is the gift

of the poor."

Authentic social relationships can only be entered into with those from whom we

expect little in the way of commodities. Rural Nicaraguans have much to offer North

Americans, but little of it can be commodified. Social and spiritual gifts such as those

offered by Nicaraguans are not easily "priced". They can be reciprocated in kind, but

their monetary equivalencies are unknowable, hence they are non-negotiable. They

involve the participants in what James Scott (1976) would call a "moral economy."

NGOs can commodity the volunteer experience yet they risk much of potential value if

they fail to provide openings for solidarity to heal alienation.

A Moral Universal Imaginary

Solidarity is a process of identification and differentiation whereby a subject actor

champions what appears as a cause for an-other but actually, because of social, cultural,

and economic interdependence, is a cause for both self, other and the common good.

Etymologically, solidarity comes from the Old French solide, which connotes firmness,









steadfastness, and is related to the Latin verb solidare, to strengthen. When pertaining to

a group it denotes unity of purpose or interest.26

Human beings immediately apprehend the difference between fellow human beings

and organisms of other species. Humans understand some ontological unity with peoples

and individuals of a myriad of phenotypes and cultural attributes. Our encounters with

other humans have an inter-subjective dimension as well as an objective dimension.

When interpersonal encounters emphasize the inter-subjective, people are

apprehended in their personhood. This is what Martin Buber calls an I-Thou

relationship.(Buber 1937) When our encounters are more instrumental in nature, and the

objective dimension is stressed (an I-It relationship) then the inter-subjective dimension

can be minimized or even ignored. Even when we objectify our fellow human beings we

do not refer to them as pets or live stock, rather we consider them functionaries; servants,

concubines, or slaves. That is, we give them designations that relate to their integral

utilitarian function in human society. Even homicide, genocide or ethnocide requires

acknowledging the specific identification of its victims with its perpetrators and then

intentionally removing it.

The type of universal solidarity that would consider the human race as a

metaphorical family in which we are all siblings is a philosophical projection of human

kinship solidarity to its largest possible extension. It can also be a case of identifying

species survival as a common cause for all its members. It is this universal notion of

solidarity that philosophers, religious leaders, and ecologists appeal to when stressing

global peace, harmony, and cooperation as the condition for the possibility of species

26 Webster's New World Dictionary (1964) College Edition, The World Publishing Co. Cleveland. pg.
1388









(and planetary eco-system) prosperity and survival. It is a necessary horizon for the

consideration of more limited, if more politically feasible, forms of solidarity.

Dean (1995) points to three types of "bounded" solidarity (Portes 2000), or

solidarity which has boundaries that do not include all humans. She calls them affective,

conventional, and reflective. Both universal and bounded solidarity are evident and

operative in this study. But because my ultimate interest is in the political feasibility of

transcultural solidarity, much of the analysis will focus on the bounded types of solidarity

that can serve as catalysts for activism.

The boundaries of bounded solidarity can be defined by political, social, or cultural

affinities (for instance; national, class, religious, ethnic or gender solidarity) and

identified populations (such as family, friends, clan, workgroup). The point at which

solidarity weakens and ceases, is its radius of association, or the horizon at which the

collective "we" becomes "they."

Each bounded solidarity, however, is philosophically undergirded by universal

solidarity and, as Dean explains, cannot be considered in isolation from it. Any analysis

of injustice will be able to identify privilege and need, that is, those who profit from

oppression (the oppressors) and those who are exploited by it (the oppressed). Without a

universal moral imaginary of human siblinghood, of species solidarity, justice would be

unattainable, since oppressors and oppressed lack a conceptual framework within which

to comprehend their interdependence.

To affirm that power struggles between groups are inevitable is not the same as to

despair of achieving a more just situation for both the privileged and the dominated









simultaneously. A processural approach to social justice must rest on the axiom of the

possibility of universal solidarity. As Rosemary Radford Ruether observes

The birth of a planetary humanity ... demands a stretching of the mind beyond the
cultural frameworks of all previous human thinking to a new awareness of the
universal humanum ...to create for the first time a sense of the human which is
beginning to transcend the ideological imperialism of one center and one people's
aspiration that totalizes its power and perspective toward the world. ... This utopian
horizon is essential to the creativity and fertility of particular occasions of
change...Without this transcendent horizon men [sic] lack the imagination and vital
spirit to seek really new possibilities. (Ruether 1972:175 & 167)

The term solidarity indicates both an objective and subjective relationship.

Objectively, it points to relations between persons for the purpose of addressing a

particular power imbalance. Subjectively, it identifies a subject position in alliance with

other subject agents. There is an implicit recognition of mutual subject agency on the

part of all participants in a solidary relationship. The inter-personal affinity or inter-

subjectivity of the relationship presents identity/differences which have implications for

identity formation for each of the actors. Since all parties participate in solidarity

mutually, one cannot unilaterally declare solidarity without being invited into a reciprocal

and dialogical relationship.

Solidarity manifests itself in material and behavioral ways. Materially, resources

that are exchanged for their symbolic, labor, market, and use values. In the case of the

volunteer vacation encounter, tools, raw materials, personal effects, and cash are

exchanged for food, shelter, transportation, protection, knowledge, and entertainment. In

practice, solidarity is performed through human inter-actions that embody the abstract

value of unity of purpose. In volunteer vacationing these practices include giving and

receiving hospitality, cooperating in physical labor, preparing and sharing food, binding

wounds, laughing at the absurdities of cultural incommensurabilty, sharing knowledge;









participating in common rituals, meditation, journaling and prayer. Other solidary

activities such as teaching, correspondence, fund raising, and political activism are

performed after the visits conclude. Later, solidarity results in return encounters;

sometimes with the same individuals and communities, but often with new ones.

Solidarity and interdependence

Material and spiritual resources can be exchanged in an encounter, and human

activity can take place in close proximity, without an awareness of interdependence.

Most often when there is mis-recognition of solidarity on the part of the North Americans

and Nicaraguans involved in a volunteer vacation encounter it is based on one or both

parties believing that a relationship of independence-to-dependence is being enacted in

the exchanges. The perception is that the North Americans are party to the encounter out

of choice, whereas conversely, the Nicaraguans are dependent and party to the encounter

out of need.

Discourses which stress the differences in material assets are sometimes deployed

to reinforce the framing of the encounter in terms of unilateral and unidirectional

transfers of resources, knowledge, and skills. Other times they are seen as an invitation

to involvement in a complex process of addressing social poverty. Those discourses

which reinforce a neo-colonial interpretation of the encounter consist of formations of

altruism which are internalized by North Americans and Nicaraguans, alike27

These discourses obscure the historical and corporate genesis of structural injustice

by displacing it outside of history (poverty and lack of political voice are due to bad luck)

or by positing it as self-generated (due to a lack of ambition, a culture of poverty, or

27 Ver Beek (2i" 14) found that even though North Americans felt they had learned a lot from Hondurans,
the Hondurans did not realize the ways in which they were teaching.









endemic corruption). Subsequent redress of injustice then can be accomplished through

the magnanimity of those who have acquired more than they feel they need, transferring

resources to those who the givers feel have less than they need. By reduction of injustice

to a synchronic case of mal-distribution, and justification to simple redistribution,

subjectivity is conferred on those who have and denied those who have not.

Solidarity and reciprocity

Societies have progressed in the measure in which they, their sub-groups and their
members, have been able to stabilize their contracts to give, receive and repay. In
order to trade, man [sic] must first lay down his spear. When that is done he can
succeed in exchanging goods and persons not only between clan and clan but between
tribe and tribe and national and nation, and above all between individuals. It is in
this way that the clan, the tribe and nation have learnt ... how to oppose one another
without slaughter and to give without sacrificing themselves to others. That is one of
the secrets of their wisdom and solidarity. [Mauss, 1996 #959:114]

Solidarity is a social compact or covenant, a relationship of mutual responsibility.

Some reciprocity is general (expected to yield benefits which will help all those involved)

other reciprocity is balanced (it expects a return gesture from a responsive counterpart).

The qualities of mutuality and reciprocity essential to solidarity preclude the

possibility of altruism as an equivalent as it is often based on non-reciprocal

relationships. As Marcel Mauss [, 1996 #959] revealed, "The elements of the gift are the

obligation to receive and the obligation to make a return." Solidarity is reciprocal.

Mauss maintains that gift exchange in certain cultural circumstances (such as the

Kwakuitl potlatch) can become a "war of wealth" and is about personal and corporate

self-agrandizement in ways that deflect the need for armed combat to establish social

status and rank. How then are we to understand solidarity within the framework or

through the lense of a relationship of exchange? Potlaches and Kula Rings are about

status and class symbolized through trade and consumption. What is the symbolic and









material significance of of financing and constructing family homes in rural Central

America or of helping Nicaraguan farmers contact North Americans about their

opposition to CAFTA? What is the significance for each party in a cross-cultural

encounter where rules of reciprocity have not been negotiated beforehand?

A particularly challenging type of solidarity is between those most marginalized

and those most privileged by the status quo, the rich and the poor relations of the human

family, so to speak. In the past, rich and poor, powerful and powerless were separated

not by geographical distance but by cultural markers and rituals that regulated the

differing degrees of access to resources and the modes of production. Now transnational

and cross-cultural travel allows those who have secured adequate sustenance from the

global economy to visit those who have not, but with different sets of socio-cultural

signifiers of rank operative for each of the parties. Transcultural signifiers of social class,

ethnicity, and gender are being forged by both global media and interpersonal encounters

such as those under consideration here.

For the most privileged to reach out to the most needy or vice versa requires

crossing formidable class barriers, even when it is understood that the other society is not

stratified in exactly the same ways as one's culture of origin. In some ways it is less

threatening to the middle class North Americans to visit the poor in Nicaragua than it is

to do so in the U.S., and particularly in their own hometowns.28 Just as it maybe more

acceptable for a Nicaraguan to access a wealthy North American from the group than to




28 One NGO official that sends groups of Nicaraguans on visits to North American communities relates
how resistant North Americans are to expose Nicaraguans to the required itinerary of a site of poverty and
injustice in their community in the States. Often times these are locations which the North Americans
themselves have never visited before.









approach one of their local elites. It is as if we are not implicated in the injustice of it all

if the cultural distance is greater, and the technologies of oppression are remote.

Considerable trans-cultural skills are required to achieve genuine communication

across social class and cultural heterogeneity (Hall 1959) and ultimately mutual

understanding may not be completely attainable. (Schutte 1998) More often than would

be hoped in the volunteer vacation experience, what is constructed as meeting someone

of another culture is more like being able to gaze on them (Urry 1996). The dynamic

sometimes never progresses beyond non-interactive observation (Salazar 2001; Salazar

2004).

A related consideration is the degree to which the individual members of the

relationship are profiting from or are victimized by the present power dynamics between

the two parties due to their respective subject positions in the world system. If the two

parties were oblivious to the dynamics of resource transfer built into the global economy

which doles out wealth for some and poverty for the majority then one could assume a

lack of guilt feelings on the part of the North Americans and lack of resentment on the

part of the Nicaraguans. But as numerous scholars (Anderson 1994; Babb 2001; Gould

1990; Hale 1994; LaFeber 1993; Lancaster 1988) have detailed, the constant interaction

of both countries over the course of the last 150 years ensures that there are no pre-

conception-less starting points for those of either nationality. The awareness of North

American economic and political hegemony over Nicaragua (which has a negative

valence in revolutionary rhetoric and a positive valence in neo-liberal discourse) is as

ubiquitous in Nicaragua as ignorance of it is in the U.S. The perception of that

relationship, and hence the imaginary that frames any "Yankee bearing gifts" image in









the mind of either member of the dyad are functions of two highly contingent, culturally

complex, and historically evolving subject identities.

Radical inequities of access to power create the conditions for the possibility of

mutually destructive social dynamics. Solidarity can be seen as a quest to achieve

universal justice through unity of purpose a quest that requires a universal horizon, the

solidarity of the humanum, but also one that requires the praxis of solidarity among

identifiable groups. These groups operate in localities, identifiable times and places, and

bridge specific cultural chasms. It is to that second, more concrete, type of solidarity that

we turn now.

Solidarity as identity and difference

The subjectivity of solidarity is built on the awareness that each individual is both

alike and unlike every other individual. We are each unique. On the one hand,

presupposition of ontological similitude operates even prior to inter-personal

communication with others. On the other hand, each human being occupies a unique

subject position. Solidarity utilizes identification to acknowledge difference.

Bounded solidarity emphasizes simultaneously inter-subjective difference and

structural identity, within the boundary, and structural difference and inter-subjective

identity, outside the boundary. For instance, the solidarity between a 23-year- old grade-

school-educated single mother of three children who works in a clothing maquiladora and

lives in a rural village in Nicaragua; and a 65 year-old grandfather and retired electrical

engineer from Schenectedy, New York, involves factors of inter-subjective differences.

These two have dissimilar life experiences and coping skills. Yet they can share inter-

subjectivities based on volunteer vacation experiences and social roles such as parenting

or income generation for their families. It is these shared experiences as well as a shared









hermeneutic of the meaning of all experience that differentiate them from those that fall

outside their solidary relationship. Persons from the U.S. who have been to rural

Nicaragua on a volunteer vacation have had an experience which potentially enables

them to build a solidary relationship that may not be available to those who have not.

The identity/difference tension in solidarity, if collapsed into identity without

difference, cannot support the dynamic of solidarity because solidarity is built upon the

inherent inter-subjectivity of two or more different persons and their respective locations

in global society. Inter-subjectivity is more apparent at the level of individuals, and

structural relationships become more transparent between groups or organizations.

Structural and subjective solidarity


Structural solidarity, that which pertains to material relationships, and subjective

solidarity, that which pertains to symbolic relationships, are experienced differently. I

use subjectivity here as Sherry Ortner defines it, as "specifically cultural and historical

consciousness and agency." but also as "complex individualized structures of thought,

feeling, reflection and the like" (2005:32&34). And I am in sympathy with her call, on

both scientific and political grounds, to reinstate subjectivity in anthropology which has

for some time suffered from structural and discursive forms of determinism.


Another analytic distinction that helps dilineate the structural and subjective is what

Victor Turner calls structure and communitas. Structure is that type of social interaction

that is based on differentiated individual roles, status, and political and economic subject

positions. Whereas communitas is that interactive pattern whereby individuals come

together as political equals in realization of a common humanity. The distinction is

homologous to Durkheim's organic and mechanical modes of solidarity except that









Durkheim was explicating generic social dynamics and Turner is individualizing and

chronologizing the process. Turner believes that ritual is a means of moving from a

structured everyday awareness of one's place in the world to a "liminal" time out of time,

a place of radical communitas. This unstructuring, accomplished by rites of passage,

enables one's transformation into a new social status, and participation in a new social

structure.


The parallels to what I call subjective solidarity, which requires interpersonal

empathy and social activism, are striking. Without communitas, without the tenderness,

there will be no movement toward structural solidarity which must be based not only on

the emotional bonding, but, in a subsequent stage, on social analysis. The intense

emotional state aroused by first exposure to a radically different culture, if not channeled

by intentional strategies of solidarity, can dissipate and devolve into non-solidary

practices.


Structural solidarity, like that which brought political supporters to Nicaragua

during the Sandinista '80s, allows for the clear delineation of us and them, as a North

American expatriate solidarity worker observed.

In the 80s solidarity brigades were people who came wanting to embrace the
political project. They came with an understanding of it to a certain extent and
came wanting to support it. They came to pick coffee or cotton or do construction
or probably even to fight, I would imagine some of them did.

His partner added, "During the 80s it [solidarity] meant that people came and

walked with people in the process they were trying to build collectively for structural

change in their country. Today it's a different walk." Or consider a Nicaraguan social

activist's viewpoint









Nicaraguan people have been taught about solidarity. People who came to this
country in the 80s to help pick coffee were people who knew what this country was
facing, how we were facing the economic embargo and how the people were
struggling to build their lives in a better way. But I have also seen people who use
the word solidarity but they imply charity.

Those who think exclusively in structural terms often become discouraged that

there is no overarching meta-location from which to organize solidarity among peoples in

a post-modern society. They look for what Dean (1996) calls conventional solidarity and

are discouraged by those who would challenge their essentialistt" politics. They decry

identity politics'inadequacies in confronting imperial capitalism. Whereas if they saw the

intimate connections between subjective and structural solidarity they might realize what

feminist theorists have articulated with clarity,(Haraway 2003; Stoler 2002) that the

personal is political, Thus, the way to structural solidarity is, in many cases, through the

portal of inter-subjectivity.

On the other hand, those who have experience of inter-subjective solidarity and

focus on the interactive routine of everyday lives can fail to do the analysis necessary to

understand or achieve structural solidarity. As long as they maintain interpersonal

contact they will never lack a ground for subjective solidarity because its datum is shared

person-hood itself. They may, however, devolve into relationships of charity, which do

little to erode the inequitable power relationships that exist between most rural

Nicaraguas and suburban North Americans.

Those persons who have contact with each other, who engage each other, who

identify with each other on several sectoral identity markers and differ from each other on

others, have the possibility of forging solidarity across social class differences and across

cultural traditions. This possibility is based on recognition of human commonality which

is situated in the matrix of identity/differences. But if the sectoral identity/difference









markers are not recognized between two individuals, then the possibility of seeing

beyond the social class differences in the global system may not be possible. As Paulo

Freire (2002:49) puts it, "Solidarity requires that one enter into the situation of those with

whom one is solidary; it is a radical posture."

The structural differences between the campesinos and their visitors are

experienced dialogically because the power inequities are having to be constantly either

acknowledged and negotiated, or intuited but denied. The power of the visitors

confronting the relative powerlessness of the villagers is both a pre-consciously and

consciously apprehended difference. But coinciding identity markers (such as

motherhood, a farming profession, or evangelical Christianity) interrupt and equalize that

flow for moments of equilibrium. Difference can reverse power flows, for instance when

Nicaraguan small farmers host urban North Americans in the countryside. The

immediate mutually percieved dependency of the North Americans is a local power

dynamic which runs counter to the global power dynamic of which both are

simultaneously aware.

That experience of dialogical flows of power breaks down the basic socio/cultural

divide and creates the conditions for subjective solidarity for instance, when the local

people need to teach the visitors a survival skill, or when visitors become ill and need to

be cared for by their hosts. Subjective solidarity breaks through in those moments of

structural dependence and inter-subjectivity. Commitment to structural solidarity can

come from the recognition of interpersonal subjectivity. That is to say, subjective

solidarity becomes the condition for the possibility of constructing structural solidarity in

the post-modem condition, when totalizing meta-causes no longer motivate.









It is at the transition point from subjective to structural solidarity that the role of the

group becomes paramount in defining solidary practice. Solidarity must be built on

dialogue with the rural community, the host NGO and popular social movements.

Movements often provide forums for articulating popular sentiments. Yet these agents of

Nicaraguan civil society are seldom accessible to visiting volunteers.

Popular social movements can provide avenues for structural solidarity for

interested visitors more easily because they are aware of and participate in structural

opposition. NGOs are often not as clear in their political loyalties and their social

stances. Their stakeholders are more heterogenous, which has advantages, but not in

building social structural solidarity, unless it is first activated by subjective solidarity.

The habitus of solidarity

We have to be converted. We have to change our spiritual relationship with self,
with neighbor, with even the remotest human communities, and with nature itself,
in view of the common good of the whole individual and of all people. This felt
interdependence is a new moral category, and the response to it is the "virtue" of
solidarity. Solidarity is not a feeling of vague compassion or a shallow sadness but
a firm and persevering determination to commit oneself to the common good. It is
in attitude squarely opposed to greed and the thirst for power. Solicitudo Rei
Socialis (1987: #38)

In the preceding passage John Paul II pinpoints solidarity as the appropriate

response to human interdependence. He implies that globalization now raises

acknowledgement of this fundamental connection to a level of urgency. Furthermore he

identifies solidarity as a form of resistance to avarice and the will to power, which he sees

as rampant in the political economy of the planet.

The above quote illustrates John Paul's view that solidarity is a "habit of the heart,"

a firm continuing decision about one's relationship to creation, namely, a desire for its

common good. When John Paul uses the word virtue he is returning to the Thomistic









tradition in which Aquinas defined a virtue in accordance with Aristotle's ethics as "a

conscious voluntary act which flows from a durable disposition as when a man acts from

a 'rooted' habit." And furthermore "a good habit of the mind always directed to good

action"(Clark 1972).29 These same elements are echoed in the quotation from his 1987

encyclical, which describes the virtue of solidarity as a habitual response to the interiorly

perceived interdependence of creation. There are other conceptions of solidarity in the

Catholic tradition (Bilgrien 1999), but virtue is predominant and, for our purposes, a

useful metonym.30

To deal with virtue in more familiar social science categories, I would like to

translate it into a Bourdieuian habitus since there is a close affinity between the two

concepts and more currency for our purposes with the latter than the former.31 Durkheim

and Bourdieu were asking the same question: why does society cohere and not disperse

into its individual parts? Durkheim's question was posed in a synchronic manner, and he

posited an internal dynamic of collective conscience which could generate social facts

that were accepted, in large part, by one and all (Durkheim 1996/1895). But as a proto-

structural-functionalist he was not strong on the genesis of social change.

Bourdieu, on the other hand, claiming to have bridged the structural/agency binary

which he found unhelpful, was asking why, if there is individual subject agency, society

does not come apart over time. To what do we owe the observable continuity of culture

29 Summa Theologica I-II, q. 55, a. 4, (c.1272) in Mary Clark (1972:379).

30 Bilgrien (1999) identifies solidarity variously as an attitude of openness to mutual complimentarily of the
human race, a duty that forces us to accept human dignity and worth in ever widening circles, and the
virtuous principle that provides the potential to change social structures.

31 There is danger in emphasizing one element of Bourdieus' interconnected system of socialpraxeology
thus distorting the meaning that it derives from its interrelation within his analytic schema, which will be
noted at more length in Chapter 3.









that is the stuff of which history is made? His question was diachronic. Part of

Bourdieu's answer involves the dynamic of human behavior that he called habitus, a

concept akin to Durkheim's socialfact, which resides within the pre-consciousness of

historical subjects yet is susceptible to individual agency.

Bourdieu's habitus is an internalization of external social structures which inhere in

human action at a subconscious level. Society begets habitus which in turn, through

human performance, begets society. Habitus is one movement of a semi-closed feedback

loop. It is history transformed into nature. It is determined but not predictable, because

actors do not follow conscious patterns or tend toward rational goals. It is a personal but,

more importantly, a social style of behavior that includes a capacity to improvise within

the rules of the social "game." Habitus is corporeal or somatic as well as cognitve and

affective. It is not innate, but rather acquired through socialization. Habitus urges and

empowers us to act in those areas where there is probability of success and not in those

areas where failure is likely. Habitus is like the persona of an actor with an internalized

script, which may be adlibbed when necessary but is not written by the actor him/herself

nor understood in its implications for the plot development of the dramatic work we call

life. Habitus is the way that human acts conform to a predisposition that the actors

acquire from experiencing objective structures.

So human actions, though capable of being subject agents and changing history,

much more regularly replicate or maintain the institutions that they have internalized.

What determines the shape of society, then, comes not from external forces but from

internally activated behaviors of agents who operate according to a norm they have

learned. It is homologous to Marx's dictum that human beings are subjects of their own









history but the possibilities they choose from are limited by historical material conditions.

Bourdieu, however, would tend to stress that these conditions are subjective and that the

internalized social structures have more to do with the particulars of human behavior than

does rational action.

Since behavior is subjectively but pre-consciously generated it is susceptible to

mis-recognition as to why and to what ends it is performed. So habitus is both the

inculcation of institutional values into the individual and the active appropriation of those

values by the individual. It is the involvement of an individual with an institution that

constitutes that institution socially.

Habitus is collective, not individual, in character. Bourdieu, again building on

Durkheim and Marx, maintains that we are most "human" in our sociality, not in our

individuality (as existentialists such as Sartre taught). Social institutions collaborate to

construct habitus where none exists or where the habitus of the individual is at odds with

that of his/her society. Changing the habitus is the only way to effect social change.

Formal rules that remain external to the culture and hence outside of habitus will never

be practiced. Habitus allows individuals to play the cultural games in different "social

fields," or networks of power relationships, well enough to accumulate social capital and

thus play the game more adroitly yet. Under favorable circumstances capital in one field

can be exchanged for capital from another.

Aspects of Bounded Solidarity

Since solidarity is relational, it requires thought, speech, and action within a spatio-

temporal context. Since it is phenomenologically impossible to be dialogically "in

relationship" with over 6 billion fellow humans, it is necessary to delimit the parameters

of one's solidarity in each instance.









Since its inception social science has attempted to wrestle with the concept of

solidarity (Durkheim 1996/1895), particularly "bounded" solidarity. Human behavior is

founded on the remarkable principle that optimally people can cooperate in such a way as

to further the good of all. This condition of social solidarity should not be taken for

granted since voluminous ethnographic data present evidence of alienated, anti-social,

societies.(Bauman 1989; DesPres 1976; Marris 1974; Shkilnyk 1985; Turnbull 1972)

The condition Turnbull calls "the end of goodness" overtook and destroyed the society of

the Ik, a people "without love," without human solidarity. This tragedy is so counter to

our understanding of society that even the colonial officers in large part responsible for

the Ik's demise, refused to believe the anthropologist's diagnosis.

Solidarity is an accomplishment, which Emile Durkheim took to be the most

important question of his day, and a worthy topic with which to launch the new discipline

of sociology. His The Division of Labor is devoted to explicating how the mechanical

solidarity of segmentary societies, which rely on the predominance of a collective

conscience and the subordination of individual conscience, can be superseded in stratified

societies by an organic solidarity. Organic solidarity allows for more individual

conscience, more individual freedom, but still holds together because of the

interdependence of its members due to the distinctions of types of labor. Durkheim's

theory suffered from contradictions in maintaining that modern society optimized both

the individual and the communal principle of consciousness and he eventually abandoned

the thesis in his later work (Pope and Johnson 1983), but his conviction that solidarity is

the primordial question for social science lends gravity to our present study.









Individuals have greater or less affinity with each other (an emic subjective

measurement) and greater or less homogeneity (an etic measurement based on cultural

markers). A solidarity which draws a "radius of association," which encompasses some

affine or homogenous groups, but excludes others, allows for engaging in solidary

activities that redress specific instances of distributive injustice. Today such radii are

potentially global in scope.

Just as the extension of solidarity in space or in regard to quantity of partners is

elastic, so too consideration must be given to the longevity and periodicity of solidary

relationships. Are they long-term like Richard Allen's sweetgrass solidarity or ideal

family solidarity? Are they sage like, characterized by relationships that have

discernable half-lives, such as age cohorts or civic affiliations? Can one be in solidarity,

for instance, with the Nicaraguan people during a revolutionary epoch and not so during a

neo-liberal era? Do the "us" and "them" of solidarity change over time? Can solidarity

form and reform in response to information, awareness, and preparedness, according to

contingencies as injustices ebb and flow through history? Only ethnographic data can

answer these questions adequately.

Affectional and Consensual Solidarity

Jodi Dean (1996; 1995) notes that one type of bounded solidarity is based on

interpersonal relationships of affinity, those of friendship and love which engender

feelings of closeness. In these associations of emotional affirmation, the bond uniting

each to the other is a feeling of mutual care. There are supportive behaviors which

reinforce the affirmation of the other in all of his/her particularities. She calls this

"affectional" solidarity.









Dean's second type of solidarity she calls "conventional." It assumes that the

solidarity of a group's members is bounded not primarily by an emotion, but rather by

social markers that identify common social location, such as nationality, ethnicity, and

gender. Conversely, solidarity can be understood as resistance to particular historically

contingent injustices. Conventional solidarity in the face of oppression can coalesce into

movements seeking to protect human rights and de-institutionalize injustice .

Conventional solidarity has been problematic particularly for race, gender, and

class based struggles. It assumes not only that there is a common cause of resistance

against a commonly perceived oppression, but that the relative importance of the

oppressions in individual lives is congruent. This has been shown to be empirically

unsupportable and, more disturbingly, can be wielded as a powerful discursive tactic to

maintain domination in the name of solidarity [Mohanty, 1991 #343; Mohanty, 2003

#826; Radcliffe, 2001 #735]. This is the crux of the issue in the contention of two-thirds

world women that one-third world women, as feminists, claim sisterhood with women

whose oppressions are experienced at least as acutely in terms of classism or racism as in

terms of sexism.

Dean stresses that both affectional and conventional solidarities come up against

limits that prevent their extension beyond a certain radius of association. A person can

befriend or include into the circle of the "beloved" only a finite number of people among

those encountered. Conventionally, each list of social markers has one category for

inclusion in the solidary group and many more for those who fall outside. If the

solidarity group were Romanians, then at least 150 categories of people, measured on a

nationality axis, do not fall within it. Moreover, the solidarity group would include some









for whom Romanian nationality would be the principal marker of their subjectivity, the

prime element of their identity. Practicing solidarity with such a group now becomes

more complex, especially if the cause concerning political organizing has to do with

another co-variant marker, for example, sexual orientation. Dean sees an anti-political

infinite regress of identity politics here, so she seeks another way to forge solidarity. She

calls her solution "reflective" solidarity.

Reflective solidarity is not exclusionary in character or construction. It results from

dialogue and respectful active listening among members seeking unity of mind and

action. Yet it is different from affectional and conventional in that set boundaries are not

part of the concept. Reflective solidarity is open, in the sense that any and all who

undergo the process may be included. It is a dialogical dynamic whereby conscious

projection of the presence of a "hypothetical third party" within the midst of the group,

enables discourse that is inclusive. This inclusivity forges a solidarity without

designated boundaries. In this way the common interests that bring the group together

are always confronting the issue of inclusion. While boundaries are tactical and logistical

necessities even in reflective solidarity, they are, in principle, always permeable and

elastic.

While I find Dean's discussion and analysis of solidarity fascinating, there are

several modifications of her taxonomy that I would offer. First, if we can state

axiomatically that there is common meaning in the signifier "human", even while

acknowledging that some paleo-archeological and cyborg (Haraway 1991) research

specifically focuses on defining that boundary, then we can posit a common moral









rationale for continued existence of the species, in its corporate components and its

individual entities.

There is recent evidence from cognitive psychologists that our abilities of

conspecific identification are "hard-wired" into our cerebrum and that "human" exists as

a cognitive category from early infancy32(Bonatti, et al. 2002) Evidence from a brief

European pre-racialized "planetary consciousness" during the 15th and early 16th century

indicated that the hierachicalization of humanity on the global scale was accomplished in

an historically, culturally and scientifically contingent conjuncture when racial

segregation served the purposes of colonialization.(Pratt 1992) It would be logically

consistent to presume that linguistic categories that distinguished between the "human"

us and the "in-human" everybody else in multiple small scale and large scale societies

across the globe is a function similar to racialization.

We see with the demonizing of enemies in war propaganda, current wars not

excepted, that humanity is rhetorically denied to adversaries. This discursive disavowal

indicates that, at some primordial level, it is necessary to deny conspecificity prior to

homicide. Maria Victoria Uribe documents that in the frequent rural massacres in the

Columbian countryside, both those that occurred in "La Violencia" of the 1940s and 50s

as well as those of the current epoch, "perpetrators carry out a series of semantic

operations, permeated with enormous metaphorical force, that dehumanize the victims

and their bodies."(2004:80-81). She relates how the massacres are often executed in

32"Is it by chance that infants identify and distinguish objects with a human face from
other objects, or is it a feature of the architecture of the system? We favor the latter
hypothesis. In our experiments, we have used objects with human faces, but the Human
First Hypothesis is not just about face recognition. Face recognition systems are
subordinate to a more general human identification system."(Bonatti, et al.2005).









animal pens or in the village slaughterhouse. The victims are described by their assassins

as poultry or other species of domestic animals. Their executions are described as the

slaughter of animals, and their carcasses are often dismembered in similar ways.

My argument here is not that dehumanization is impossible, but that primordial

human conspecificity underlies both the recognition and the intentional dehumanization

of our fellow humans. This being the case, we can collectively, as a species, de-racialize

the human species and re-humanize those populations of homo sapiens that we have de-

humanized. A theory of global solidarity can find support in this pre-reflective

conspecific recognition. Culturally specific forms of solidarity will function within this

anthropological and philosophical horizon. It is not necessary to demonstrate the

existence of an open-ended, boundary-less type of social solidarity in history or

contemporary society. Rather what is important is to affirm conspecificity as a

fundamental value that will allow for the construction of open-ended methodologies such

as Dean's reflective solidarity in a new global context.

There is a rough correspondence of Dean's affectional solidarity with what I call

subjective solidarity, both are constituted by inter-subjectivity, intimacy and empathy.

Both enter into Turner's communitas. There is a correspondence of Dean's conventional

solidarity with what I call structural solidarity in that both are built around social markers

that have common significance. Whereas Dean has to posit a separate category,

reflective solidarity, in order deal with the contradictions of identity politics, I locate the

possibility of political solidarity within the dialectic between philosophical and cognitive

conspecificity and subjective and structural forms of solidarity. Identity/differences are









constantly producing the conditions for the possibility of political alliances and hence

fulfill a vital survival need.

This is a processural understanding of solidarity which utilizes all three levels; the

philosophical/anthropological universal, the subjective awareness, and social structure to

forge a habitus and afield of solidarity. This is not a chronologically sequential process,

but rather one that involves all three elements in a historically variable and contingent

context of domination, hegemony and resistance. The actual cultural logic of this process

in our time can be framed as accommodation and resistance to the inequalities generated by

late global capitalism and the quest for "revisioned futures."

This process becomes more comprehensible if we now move to the more fine -

grained analysis of solidarity that emerges from my research. While the bulk of the

ethnographic data will be presented over the course of this document, it is helpful

consider at this point how solidarity is operationalized.

Four Dimensions of Solidarity

The following quotations illustrate four salient dimensions of solidarity that

become apparent in this study: "Solidarity is not some distant charity but an embrace,

which means suffering some of the pain intended for the oppressed" (Chicago 1985:1).

Solidarity then is a human relationship of intimacy and shared_suffering with

marginalized persons.

"Solidarity involves not mere subjective identification with the oppressed but

concrete answerability to them" (Harrison 1985:245-246). Solidarity is a human

relationship with subalterns that involves emotional empathy with active accountability to

them. "What is essential in order to move in the direction of genuine solidarity is

intellectual and political struggle fueled by our capacity to discern how the interests of









others are connected to our own" (Harrison 1985:246). Solidarity is an interdependent

human relationship that requires cognitive social analyses of power imbalances, analyses

that generate political struggles for justice.

Solidarity, then, is a disposition or orientation of the human subject that includes

* an awareness of interdependency with others
* an identification of and understanding of injustice in its specificities
* a commitment to redressing injustices in one's personal life and institutional
affiliations
* a cultivation of the "virtue" or habitus of solidarity through concerted human
practice to redress power imbalances


The first dimension of solidarity, an awareness of interdependency, is best realized

by meeting other people and achieving inter-subjective empathy and intimacy. This

element is highly affective. Often times this dimension begins with aesthetically pleasing

and politically unthreatening experiences such as interacting with children, which is

invariably the single most emotionally rewarding interaction that volunteer vacationers

have with rural Nicaraguans. Liisa Malkki (1997) cited in (Bomstein 2001) observes that

children are depoliticizingg agents" and "tranquilizing conventions", symbols of

innocence, harmony and hope for the future in highly charged political contexts such as

Nicaragua. But while the affect is present in adult/children interactions, the mutual inter-

dependence is not and must be learned in another way. If the only Nicaraguans that

North Americans relate to are children then there is a danger of sub-consciously

generalizing (habitus is preconscious) Nicaraguan subjectivity as simpler, more childlike.

Conversely Nicaraguans may surmise that North Americans are child-centered and prefer

playing to adult activities or discussions, although the practices that might be considered

childlike in one culture may not be entirely congruent in the other.









The second dimension, the awareness of injustice, is largely a sensate and an

intellectual activity. It requires observation and analysis. The capacity for doing socio-

cultural analysis of the rural Nicaraguan context is not a skill that most first time

volunteer vacationers demonstrate. Interviews and reflection groups reveal that unless the

NGO or the host community provide conceptual categories within which to make the

necessary linkages and contemplative space in an activity filled agenda, that most North

Americans are ill equipped to contextualize or comprehend the poverty that they are

apprehending for the first time.

This is even more emphatically the case in that North Americans' international

mobility is facilitated by those technologies of the state that serve to keep the

Nicaraguans "in their place". There is no equivalency of documentary efficacy between

the Nicaraguan passport and the North American.(Fikes 2002) One privileges its holder

with access to travel in any direction, the other prevents the holder from accessing

commerical technologies of international travel. In those cases where socially powerful

individuals holding Nicaraguan passports lack due deference toward Washington's

Nicaraguan designs then technologies of "anti-terrorism" are deployed to deny or revoke

visas and prevent ingress regardless of the native stature of the individual.33



The third dimension, a personal or group commitment to redress injustice, is a

volitional activity. Many choose not to engage with the structural justice issues so

33 In the spring of 2005 Dora Maria Tellez, national presidential candidate, and historian was denied entry
by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, under an anti-terrorism clause. Soon thereafter the US
embassy declared that "radical populism" was just as dangerous as terrorism, and a week later it was
learned that 89 prominent Nicaraguan politicians who had not cooperated with Washington's confidant in
Managua, President Enrique Bolafios, were having their visas to travel to the United States revoked
(Nicaragua Network Hotline, May 10th and May 17t, 2005). For peasants however, legal travel to the
United States is not an option as visas are almost never available to them.









readily apparent in rural Nicaragua and comparatively obscure in suburban North

America. Some refrain from social analysis because of the discomfort that the personal

de-centering process requires. The demythologizationn" of the hegemonic constructions

of reality involves cognitive and affective dissonance that evokes disorientation and

intense feelings of guilt, anger, or just anguish within the typical North American who

has not considered heterodox understandings of political economy until then. If an

individual, or more commonly a group, has only a surface understanding of the issues

then there is little likelihood of making a commitment to struggle for change. But the

majority of those who do not commit themselves as change agents fail to do so because

they have not been brought to a personal decision point by the experience of the trip. The

overall design of the trip has not brought them to the brink of transformation as it

potentially might have. Perhaps it has collapsed the emotional and intellectual tension by

offering simplistic and palatable answers to the difficult questions of structural injustice

and violence, or simply failed to address them altogether. Perhaps it has not facilitated the

interpersonal interaction with marginalized persons whose personal narratives are both

evocative and explicative. These programmatic deficiencies are not matters of ill will or

negligence by volunteer vacationers or their hosts toward the marginalized persons with

whom they are working. On the contrary it is often because they care so much that they

involve themselves in a flurry of instrumental activities that do not permit the time

needed for perspective taking. Their altruistic habitus, reinforced by the charitable

objectives of the organization prevent them from taking advantage of the liminality of the

moment to question the social formation of which they are a part. There is no