<%BANNER%>

The Guanajuato-Florida Connection: A Binational Study on Health Status and United States-Mexican Migration

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PAGE 1

THE GUANAJUATO-FLOR IDA CONNECTION: A BINATIONAL STUDY ON HEALTH STATUS AND UNITED STATESMEXICAN MIGRATION By ALAYNE G. UNTERBERGER A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2005

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Copyright 2005 by Alayne G. Unterberger

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To the people of Urireo, Guanajuat o, wherever you presently reside.

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iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are numerous people in both Mexico and the United States who have helped me over the years it has taken to frame the re search, pick the site, work in Mexico and continue research here in Wimauma, Florida. I am forever grateful to the Urireanos on both sides of the border who shared their hist ory, culture, food and themselves with me. People from Urireo who live in Wimauma deserv e a great deal of the credit that this research was conducted at all. While most of them are related in some ways they opened their families, and their homes, to me on both sides of the border. They also convinced me that their town was “special,” deserving of attention and respect David Mejia, MD, who served as my research assistant in Urir eo, had great patience with me and taught me a great deal about Urireo, health and well-being in general. I will always remember the numerous hours I spent learning how to peel cactus and to make tortillas over the wood fire. Travel ing to nearby pueblos to celebrate their patron saint fiestas with my adoptive families wa s truly enlightening, even if it was also exhausting. The following families were es pecially kind to me: Mejia, Avila, Rocha, Rodriguez, Hernandez, Parra, Galicia and Pizano. Arturo Zepeda, AKA Mr. MBA Urireano, ke pt me focused, challenged me and supported me throughout this long ordeal. I on ly hope that someday I can repay him for reading, re-reading and talking me through some of the major points in the study.

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v Ken Sturrock has been a great friend for many years and helped me analyze the ttests. I thank my mother, now deceased, for her unending support of my interest in migration and migration studies, ev en though she did not share it. Carmen Cebada, Luis Miguel Rionda, Mari Rodriguez and everyone at the Centro de Investigaciones de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad de Guanajuato (CICSUG) opened their offices and knowledge to me a nd were tremendously helpful throughout the phases of the research. Nelly Salgado de Snyder helped me to better define my research questions, while simultaneously giving me impor tant pointers, even though at first I may not have understood nor taken them. Likewi se, my advisor, Allan Burns, shared his knowledge and expertise with me. Jessica Noel provided support and some editing while being fun at the same time. Merrill Singer made sure I never forgot th at I had a dissertation due, no matter how much I wanted him to forget. This research was funded by two grants. Th e Latin American Studies Center at the University of Florida provided me with mu ch needed pre-dissertation funding in the summer of 1999 so that I could go to various pueblos in Guanaj uato and Jalisco in search of a suitable “sending community.” The fiel d research was funded by a grant from the University of South Florida’s Sunshine Envi ronmental Research Center (Sunshine ERC) in 2001-2. Without this funding, the research would not have been as extensive. Last but not least, I would like to thank my staff, boa rd members, volunteers and supporters of the Florida Institute for Comm unity Studies, who had to endure my overstressed and sometimes impatient nature during the writing of this dissertation. I promise I will be more “sane” from now on.

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vi TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.................................................................................................iv LIST OF TABLES.............................................................................................................ix LIST OF FIGURES...........................................................................................................xi ABSTRACT.....................................................................................................................xi ii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: THE GUANAJ UATO-FLORIDA CONNECTION....................1 Context of the Study.....................................................................................................4 Anthropological Contributions to th e Study of Health and Folk Beliefs...................13 Critical Medical Anthropology: A Fr amework for Health Disparities.......................14 A Comparison of US and Me xican Health Systems...................................................26 Defining Migrants: NAWS and other Data................................................................29 Migration Patterns, Farmworkers and Immigration...................................................41 Transnationalism and Translocalities.........................................................................46 Anthropological Views on Commun ity and Community Studies..............................49 Toolbox for the Dissertation.......................................................................................54 2 THE PLACES AND PEOPLE: URIREO AND WIMAUMA...................................58 Similarities and Differences.......................................................................................60 Urireo de la Asucin, Guanajuato..............................................................................67 Beyond the Mexican Revolution: Braceros and Maquilas..................................73 Economic and Psychological Impact of Migrant Remittances to Mexico..........77 Urireo Today...............................................................................................................80 Work, Fiestas and Migration...............................................................................81 La Cristiada and Urireo’s Unique Past...............................................................92 It's All About the Land La Revolucion Mexicana and Hope...................................95 Wimauma: The Place................................................................................................102 Wimauma Today......................................................................................................107 Hometown Associations Between Mexi co and Transnational Communities...........116 Conclusions...............................................................................................................119

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vii 3 EXPERIENCES OF MIGRATION..........................................................................121 US-Mexican Relations: Changes Since 2001...........................................................122 Trabajadoras y Madres: Gender Roles for Urireanas...............................................128 The Persistence of Women’s a nd Men’s Traditional Roles.....................................133 Role Loss in Urireo...................................................................................................137 Conclusions...............................................................................................................145 4 HEALTH IN TWO COMMUNITIES......................................................................149 Organization of the Chapter......................................................................................150 US and Mexican Health Priorities............................................................................152 Health Provider Key Informant Intervie ws: Urireo and Ruskin Health Center.......157 Environmental Health and Risk: Pesticides, Cancer and Developmental Delays....167 Environmental and Social Health Status Issues........................................................174 Chronic Disease and Health Status Issues................................................................178 Other Health Status Issues........................................................................................181 Health and Health Status..........................................................................................187 Mental Health and Health Status..............................................................................192 Folk Illnesses, Folk Beliefs and Curanderos............................................................197 Gender Differences in Perceptions of Health...........................................................198 Answering the Research Questions..........................................................................203 How Does Migration Affect Traditi onal Roles, Responsibilities and Expectations, Vis A Vis Gender, Age and Social Class, and How Does This Affect People’s Health In Both a Sending Community (Urireo) and a Receiving Community (Wimuama)?.............................................................203 Whom Do Urireanos Think Is Healthie r – Those in The US Or Those in Mexico?..........................................................................................................206 Are The Health Behaviors Of Urir eanos In Their Sending Community Different Than Those In The Receiving Community?..................................208 Health in Context......................................................................................................216 Conclusions...............................................................................................................218 5 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS...................................................222 Factors Affecting Urireanos’ Health Status: Rewards and Consequences...............223 Context of the Conclusions and Recommendations.................................................228 Themes from the Research.......................................................................................233 Recommendations for Urireo and Wimauma...........................................................242 Recommendations for Urireo...................................................................................242 Recommendations from Health Providers.........................................................243 Recommendations from Urireanos....................................................................244 Health................................................................................................................245 Infrastructure Improvements: Roads and Water................................................246 Economic Development and Opportunities.......................................................249 Education and Youth Development...................................................................249 Security and Safety............................................................................................249

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viii Recommendations for Wimauma.............................................................................251 Recommendations from Health Providers and Key Informants........................251 Recommendations from Urireanos....................................................................252 Health................................................................................................................253 Infrastructure Improvements Such as Lighting, Sidewalks and Traffic Lights.253 Economic Development and Opportunities.......................................................254 Education and Youth Development...................................................................255 Security and Safety............................................................................................256 Better and More Affordable Housing................................................................257 Transportation, either public or private.............................................................258 Legal and immigration policy changes..............................................................258 Summary of Recommendations................................................................................259 Recommendations: Structural Cha nges and Policy Implications......................261 Policy Changes and Implications......................................................................267 Recommendations: Educational approaches.....................................................273 Applied Anthropology and Criti cal Medical Anthropology.....................................276 Final Thoughts..........................................................................................................281 APPENDIX A INSTRUMENTS USED...........................................................................................283 B LIST OF SPANISH WORDS US ED IN THIS DISSERTATION..........................294 C GLOSSARY OF ACRONYMS...............................................................................296 LIST OF REFERENCES.................................................................................................297 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...........................................................................................314

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ix LIST OF TABLES Table page 1-1. Typology of Urireanos in the Study............................................................................6 1-2. Undocumented Workers in the US............................................................................43 1-3. Perceptions of Mexican “Mig rants” in the US and Mexico.......................................52 2-1. Key Institutions in Wimauma and Urireo..................................................................59 2-2. Poverty Status, Wimauma, FL.................................................................................108 2-3. Distribution of Latinos in Wimauma.......................................................................108 2-4. Comparison of Migrant versus Seasona l Farmworker Estimates for Florida..........109 3-1. Selected Characteristics of Deported Al iens, Reported by the US Border Patrol, 1997 Through 2003................................................................................................124 3-2. Comparison of US and Mexican Es timates on Border Deaths, 1995 to 2004..........126 4-1. US and Mexican National Health Priorities............................................................153 4-2. Comparison of Health Problems in Urireo and Salvatierra (2002).........................160 4-3. Ruskin Health Cent er Utilization Data, 2003..........................................................166 4-4. Social and Environmental Health Status Indicators fo r Mexico and US................175 4-5. Chronic Disease and Health Stat us Indicators for Mexico and US.........................179 4-6. Non Disease Health Status Indicators, US and Mexico..........................................182 4-7. Demographic Overview of Respondents.................................................................187 4-8. Health Related Quality of Life Data........................................................................188 4-9. Question 1: How Would You Rate Your General State of Health, by Gender and Place.......................................................................................................................199 5-1. Factors Affecting Health St atus in Binational Context............................................225

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x 5-2. Recommended Changes by the Levels of Interventions Needed............................261

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xi LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1-1. Map of Urireo and Route of Migration to the US......................................................34 1-2. Transnational Urireano Family with Members in Both Wimauma and Urireo..........36 1-3. Wimauma-based Urireanos Back on Vacation, Playing Soccer, 2000.......................38 2-1. Urireo Decorated for the Fiesta of Patron Saint, Asuncin, July 2001......................59 2-2. Aguas Negras or Dirty Waters, Ur ireo’s Open Sewer Along Calle Hidalgo, Urireo’s Main Road..................................................................................................61 2-3. Entrance to Wimauma, State Road 674, 2002............................................................62 2-4. Urireo, an Ejido that is Comprised of Urireo, Cporo and Rancho Los Garcias, Illustrated with Institutions Mentioned in Chapter 2...............................................66 2-5. Location of Urireo......................................................................................................69 2-6. Wimauma-based Urireanos Playi ng Soccer in Urireo, Summer 2000.......................91 2-7. Chicago-based Urireanos Playin g Soccer in Urireo, Summer 2000..........................91 2-8. Mexican Dancers at Wimauma’s Annua l Mexican Independence Day Celebration.112 2-9. Promotional Materials for the Entr ance to Valencia Lakes, a 1500-home Development on the Corner of Highw ay 301 and State Road 674, the Outer Limits of Wimauma...............................................................................................113 2-10. Women at Wimauma Civic Ce nter During a Health Fair.....................................115 3-1. Cover of the Guide for the Mexican Migrant (2004)..............................................122 3-2. Desert Crossing Scene from Gu ide for the Mexican Migrant, 2004.......................126 3-3. Two Tortilleras in Urireo Whose Sons Live in Wimauma......................................136 3-4. Scene Depicting Drinking, from the Guide for the Mexican Migrant, 2004............142

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xii 3-5. Substandard Trailers Powered by El ectrical Cords in a Grower-run Migrant Camp in Wimauma, 1998.......................................................................................145 3-6. Woman Resting During Strawberry Harvest...........................................................146 4-1. Scene Depicting Prostitution from the Guide for the Mexican Migrant, 2004........165 4-2. Scene Depicting the Hazards of Drivi ng Without a License from Guide for the Mexican Migrant, 2004..........................................................................................183 5-1. Flowchart of Family Conditions, Mediators and Outcomes.....................................226 5-2. Advertising for Valencia Lakes, 1500-home Development Opening in Wimauma, Fall 2005.................................................................................................................233 5-3. Sign in Wimauma Offering Daily Return Trips to Many Areas in Guanajuato, such as Celaya, Apaseo el A lto, Salvatierra and Yuriria.......................................265

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Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy THE GUANAJUATO-FLOR IDA CONNECTION: A BINATIONAL STUDY ON HEALTH STAT US AND UNITED STATES-MEXICAN MIGRATION By Alayne G. Unterberger December 2005 Chair: Allan Burns Major Department: Anthropology Migration from the Mexican state of Guanaj uato to rural Florida dates to about 1970. However, little is known about how this migration affects transnational Mexicans living in either the United States or Mexi co. Urireo, Guanajuato, was identified as a migrant sending community through research conducted in Wimauma, Florida. This study was conducted with Mexicans from Ur ireo, Guanajuato, in both Urireo and Wimauma, Florida, to assess thei r physical and mental health status utilizing a mixture of qualitative and quantitative methods, incl uding Health Status Quality of Life questionnaires (CDC HRQOL) with 45 transn ational Urireanos and a focus group with health providers in Ruskin, Florida. The underdevelopment of Wimauma and Urireo proved to be important to health status. This research is important for three reasons. First, it provides context to understanding the lives of Mexicans and thei r health seeking. Second, it shows that transnational immigrants are not ahistorical bu t rather they bring th eir history with them

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and it helps to define their worldview. Third, it offers practical recommendations to health professionals and policy makers in bot h countries. Urireanos living on both sides of the border provided their recommendations for improving both Wimauma and Urireo. Seven themes emerged from this research: 1). Health status has been affected by agrarian reform in Mexico, 2). The healthy worker effect operates at multiple levels, 3). Migration has affected traditional gender roles and rule fulfillment expectations, affecting mental health status, 4). Despite migration to Wimauma, Urireanos report no change in health seeking behaviors, 5). The overall quality of life is seen as better in Mexico than in Florida, 6). Urireanos in bot h countries recognized that t hose in Florida were physically healthier due to cleaner wate r and better hygiene in the US, and 7). Despite 50 years of migration and remittance, Urireo has seen no infrastructure-building that would improve the overall health and well-bei ng of those left behind. In both the US and Mexico, women repor ted more mental health problems, especially in Urireo. Qualitat ive data suggest that Urireanos consider health to be only one part of well-being, and futu re binational research should e xplore this topic in greater depth.

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1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: THE GUANAJUATO-FL ORIDA CONNECTION Guanajuato, Mexico, was the dream fulfilled for Spaniards in the 16th century: it had a great deal of silver and mineral reso urces that the Crown had long hoped for as well as an indigenous population to work the mi nes (Hernandez 2002). By 1810, Guanajuato become known as Spain’s enemy, as Padre Hidalgo, a Creole (half Spanish) priest, became the leader for the revolt that became the Mexican Revolution. The history of the region between the 16th and 19th centuries is complex and fascinating, while at times extremely unique and/or extremely common across Mexico (Hernandez 2002). Unique because no other state has been so violently and passionately invol ved in church, state and land reform issues. Common because so many other states share Guanajuato’s long history of sending migrants north to work in the United States. Guanajuato is diverse geographically a nd demographically, with the northern and southern parts of the state resembling mo re of their respective northern (Zacatecas, Queretaro) and southern (M ichoacan) neighbors. Today, Guanajuato is known for its long tradition as a migrant sending state, one of the largest supp liers of immigrant Mexican labor to the US since the Bracero Program was instituted in Irapuato (19421964). Now 60 years later, migration is such a large part of life that it is not a question whether a young man will migrate, it is only when he will migrate. As one religious leader told me upon my arrival, “You cannot get the idea of migrating out of their minds; that would be impossible. We should tr y to prepare them better for it.”

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2 Urireo, Guanajuato, the Mexi can site of this binational study, is located in the southern Bajo region of Guanajuato and, si nce about 1980, has continually sent migrants to Wimauma, Florida. Why is migration so attractive to Urireanos? Critical antecedents to mass outmigration include the historical l ack of access to either money or land by the vast majority of the inhabitants, the ensu ing Mexican Revolution, followed by the Guerra Cristera and the repercussions of the on-goi ng tensions between those who took part in agrarian reform and became communal farmers or ejiditarios and those who did not and followed the church, known as cristeros. All of these historical and social upheavals, taken together, mean that landless Urireanos who want to make a living and achieve a better quality of life have few options besides migration. Following a Critical Medical Anthropol ogy framework, this study begins by asking, “Do Urireo’s unique hi story and present-day soci al, political and economic structures affect the health of her people? If so, in what ways do these historical, social and economic factors affect them in both Urireo and Wimauma?” This study goes on to answer the questi on, “How does migration affect traditional roles, responsibilities and expectations (m ediated by gender, age and social class) and how does this affect people’s health in both a sending community (Urireo) and a receiving community (Wimauma, Florida)?” My goal is to combine qualitative and quantitative research to capture the context of work and daily life in both communities as it shapes and reshapes health as a result of migration and th e resulting isolation, changing household composition, access to resources and social support. The idea is to gain insight into how people in both places negot iate life and how it migration affects their overall well-being, and health, in a more holistic perspective.

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3 Toward that end, this dissertation explor es the impact of migration on health and health status, utilizing multiple methods: a binational ethnographic study, key informant interviews and quality of life questionnaires (N=45) to compar e health and health status, culture, change and quality of life of Urireanos in both Flor ida and Guanajuato. Taking Critical Medical Anthropology as the framew ork or lens through which we can view transnational immigrants, in 1998, I bega n to explore and dissect the complex relationship between migration and health status of binational Mexicans and Mexican Americans from Urireo, Guanajuato. Operationalized as the identif ication of “the political, economic, social, structural and environmental conditions in all societies th at contribute to the etiology of disease,” Critical Medical Anthropology views class, ge nder and unequal power relations between individuals, groups or nations as coming from capitalist wo rld systems, which further exacerbate their combined effects in an era of globalization and dependency (Baer, Singer and Susser 1997: 35). Health is defined as “access to and contro l over the basic material and nonmaterial resources that sustain and promote life at a high level of satisfaction” (1997: 21). Breaking from more traditional definitions of health as the absence of illness, Baer, Singer and Susser (1997) reframe it to encompass issues of access and control over both the tangible and intangible – this approach is at once structural and materialist. An important contribution of this approach is that it transforms health into a concept that can be viewed as a continuous instead of an abso lute or dichotomous variable. For example, Baer, Singer and Susser (1997) set out to re frame medical anthropology from a study of folk illnesses to encompass the structural, cult ural, social and material features impacting

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4 on the quality of life and health status. Our understanding of health status and how Urireanos define health and well-bei ng are informed by the Critical Medical Anthropology perspective throughout this study. Context of the Study US-Mexico migration is now long establis hed. However, the types of migrants coming to the US have changed. Over the pa st ten years, more immigrants come from indigenous and/or remote areas that previously were not migr ant sending. The latest data from the National Agricultural Workers Survey (Carroll et al. 2005) show that 17.4% of all US farmworkers come from the state of Gu anajuato. Compared to the vast literature on social and legal impacts on US-Mexican migr ation, health has received relatively little attention. Explanations for why researchers ha ve paid less attention to health status may be related to the complexity of both topi cs, health and migration, as well as the insufficiency of current explanatory models (Rust 1991). The roles of ethnicity and culture on health have lo ng been studied by anthropol ogists (Trotter et al. 1984, Harwood 1981, Kleinman 1980, Rubel, O’Neil l and Collado-Ardon 1984). Today, one of the central issues in medical anthropol ogy relates to how larg er social, political, global-local articulations a ffect health (Farmer 1992; Sc heper-Hughes 1995, Singer 1992; Baer, Singer and Susser 1997). By examining health status binationally, the role of migration on health status can be better e xplored and described in its dynamic global context. It is important to contextualize this di scussion of migration between Urireo and Wimauma. First, there are historical, cultural, social and structural processes that affect all Urireanos in this study. However, this study also seeks to high light the diversity of situations, strategies and perspectives that families and individuals employ on a daily

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5 basis. This is a testament to their continual hope a nd sense of human agency. As they say in Mexico, “Cada cabeza es un mundo ” which roughly translates to “Everyone is different.” While it might seem intuitive to most people, it is worth noting that not everyone in Urireo migrates to the US, nor do they want to. Second, not all migrants or immigrants are from Mexico, although this study focuses on this group. Whenever appropriate, I have cited literature and examples from immigrant groups other than Mexicans. Th ird, I recognize that not all immigrant Mexicans work in farmwork and that, in f act, immigrants often work in a variety of settings that do not define th em. This point will be reiter ated throughout the literature review and findings presented here. Immigr ant Mexicans are highly represented in lowskilled and dangerous occupations, such as fa rmwork and they depend on agriculture as a primary means of sustenance. National data show that 80% of all farmworkers are Mexican, Mexican-American or Chicano (Carroll et al. 2005: 4) and farmwork has been cited as the second most dangerous occupation in the US (Myers and Hard 1995). As the National Agricultural Workers Survey (NAWS) consistently shows, because they often do not have legal working pa pers or their English la nguage skills are lacking, farmworkers are extremely vulnerable (Mehta et al. 2000, Carroll et al. 2005). They do not report their injuries, putting them at even higher health risks (Carroll et al. 2005). Rust conducted an extensive lite rature review of the health status of farmworkers that was published in the American Journal of Public Health (1991). Rust’s analysis influenced others, including me, to explore better ways to study h ealth status within mobile populations, for he c oncludes that (1991: 1213): Migrant farmworker families are believed to experience poor health compared to the general population. However, their hea lth status has not been well measured,

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6 and many studies have not been published in peer reviewed journals. As a result, large gaps exist in the data on basic h ealth status indicators in the migrant population. Table 1-1. Typology of Ur ireanos in the Study. Type of immigrant and workplace Urireo Wimauma Agricultural Day laborer – works other peoples’ land Ejiditario – participated in agrarian reform and works his/her own land Farmworker Seasonal o Nursery o In seasons Migratory T R A N S N A T I O N A L Undocumented Documented, regularized Nonagricultural Tortilleras – make and sell tortillas Health care providers – Salubridad, Pharmacists, doctors, etc. Mil Usos – Males who work as “jacks of all trades” for day labor Cristeros-shop keepers or sellers in the market Immigrant workers Store tenders, operators Construction workers Restaurant workers Nannies for children Personal care of elderly Mil usos-males who work as “jacks of all trades” for day labor This study found similarities and differe nces within the group I refer to as Urireanos, or those from Urireo who live in either the US or Mexico, as depicted in Table 1-1. There are distinct groups that will be discussed throughout the study. All of the people described in Wimauma can be consider ed transnational migrants, because they have gone back and forth between Urireo and Wimauma at least three times. Some of the people in Urireo, like former Braceros and so me of the men who were interviewed while on “vacation,” are also transnationals. Urirea nos use the term “Bracero” to mean anyone, usually an older male, who works or worked in the US, remitted and is now living back in Urireo. As will be discussed later in th is chapter, Braceros get their title from a binational US-Mexican program to impor t Mexican Workers between 1942 and 1964.

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7 This study views Braceros as returned transn ational migrants who live in Urireo. Many ejiditarios have also been Braceros, which means th at they are also transnationals. While the majority of Urireanos who leav e do not return to live permanently in Mexico, there are variations of how transn ational Urireano families are composed. For example, there were few but important examples of the “strategic transnational migrant.” These males, one or two ejiditarios, were successful at being able to migrate to the US, work, save money for a specific cause, such as a truck or tractor, and come back to Urireo to increase the productivity of their lands or invest the money in small stores. On the other end of the spectrum, there were one or two entire families that migrated together and became successful in the US. This is be st exemplified by a large family in Wimauma that operates a vegetable stand in Wimauma while also successfully cultivates their ejido lands in Urireo through wise investments in implements, fertilizers and personnel. Extended family members in Urireo, usually cousins or uncles, whom they hire to cultivate and harvest their par cels, work the lands while the majority of the profit comes back to the Wimauma-based family. In 1996, President Clinton signed the Im migration Reform Act (IRA), which tightened controls at border crossing points, restricted immigration, especially for Mexicans, and established a “deeming clause,” so that immigrants or visitors had to prove they were financially able to surviv e during their time in the US without becoming dependent upon the state for public benef its. Immigration status, documented or undocumented, became a new criteria for immigr ants to access any number of services, such as hospitals, food stamps and Medicare.

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8 After 2001, and passage of the Patriot Ac t, which created the Department of Homeland Security, immigration laws, and their enforcement, have become stricter. It was much easier for Urireo’s transnational mi grants to regularize th eir immigration status prior to1996, and most of those people now ha ve documents, or citizenship. This group continues to travel easily back and forth be tween Urireo and Wimauma. However, those who did not regularize continue to be undoc umented and cannot easily travel. Newer undocumented immigrants have not had an opport unity to regularlize their status because there has been no amnesty for undocumented workers since the IRCA. It is worth noting that, despite the high financ ial and personal costs involve d in border crossing, many of these undocumented transnationals continue to visit family back home. For those without documents or “papers,” border crossing is ille gal. Illegal border crossing is dangerous and there is an entire economy tied to this en deavor. Those who fac ilitate illegal border crossing are referred to in various ways: coyote, pollero (one who cares for chickens), or smugglers. Fees for their services have direc tly increased in relation to the intensification of border and immigra tion restrictions. The second category is tortilleras, or the tortilla-maker s, a group of women who make and sell tortillas in Ur ireo and throughout the region of Guanajuato known as the Bajo. In another place, these women could be thought of as entrepreneurs; however, traditional gender roles posit that women should not work outside the home, and certainly should not be as visible as th ey are. For this reason, the tortilleras tend to be the objects of much gossip and face other forms of social control. The third category is farmworker, whether seasonal or migrant. Farmworkers are those who live in the US and work in agricultu ral work in nurseries or fields, readying the

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9 ground, planting, picking/harves ting, cultivating, packing a nd shipping agricultural produce. When I refer to immigrant workers, the fourth category, I am referring to the vast majority of Urireanos who participat ed in this study. They not only work in farmwork but also in constr uction, house-cleaning or even caring for elderly retirees. These people self-identify as workers and ar e not tied to working in farmwork, although they often engage in seasonal agricultural work. There is a gender aspect to Table 1-1. Ag ricultural workers in Urireo are mainly males while, in Wimauma, both genders work in the fields or packing houses. Nonagricultural work in both places tends to be done by both males and females, however there are important differences in the cu lturally held beliefs about the norms and appropriate roles regulating wo men’s work, depending upon where the family resides. In Urireo, the only socially sanctioned roles fo r women to work outsi de the home are for single women as teachers, health care workers and shop keepers/sellers. Wives in Urireo can only engage in these professions if husba nds allow them to work. Life in Wimauma is completely different, since the labor of immigrant women is in high demand, especially as caretakers of children or the elderly. So me of the women in this study were overly employed in Wimauma. Convers ely, many of the males in Urireo were underor unemployed. Methodologically, then, it is important fo r this study to recognize the role of farmwork in the health status of the immigran t Mexicans who participated in this study. But I also recognize that migra tion is a family/household stra tegy which affects the health status of farmworkers, their family members and former farmworkers in order to better gage long-term and community effects of migration. Since the National Agricultural

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10 Workers Survey (NAWS) only interviews curr ent farmworkers, research limited only to current farmworkers could suffer from the h ealthy worker effect. The healthy worker effect, an occupational health term which refers to the tendency for any sample of current workers to be the healthiest, since those who are infirm or older tend to drop out of the labor force, operates on two levels. First, t hose who are older or would not be able to withstand the physical or mental stress of crossing illegally (or with a coyote) are less likely to migrate. Second, migration is not feasible for those w ho would have trouble being employed here in the US because they could not then pay off the debt for crossing afterwards. Therefore, thos e who would be sicker, injure themselves or otherwise become ill simply are not represented in NAWS data. Nonetheless, this dataset is the most complete sample of farmworkers availabl e, and for this reason these data will serve as a reference point to the pr imary data presented here. This research is instead concerned with cap turing the overall cont ext of the lives of Mexicans both at home and abroad so that we can gain a more complete understanding of their health and mental health status. Mixed methods were utilized, including ethnography, interviews, a focus group and health status questionnaires in both countries. At this juncture, it is important to make two comments. First, I collected qualitative and quantitative data utilizing a mi xture of methods in a binational context. The strength of this study re sts on the qualitative data more than the quantitative data, chiefly due to the small number of respondent s in my dataset, a total of 23 in Wimauma and only 22 in Urireo. For this reason, although I have included the data analyses of the quantitative data in this dissertation, they s hould be viewed as illustrative rather than definitive statistics on this non-random sample Second, I believe that future studies

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11 should strive to gather robust samples upon whic h statistically valid tests could be run on a binational group such as this. This study contributes to our knowledge of immigrant and migrant health in three ways. First, it brings a focus on health through the lens of a Critical Medical Anthropology perspective to inform the ex isting literature on migration, gender and acculturation. Second, Guanajuato has been a sending state for almost 70 years; however, relatively little research has been conducted on the impact of this migration binationally with only one notable study to date (Durand 1994). Third, this study illustrates how binational research is needed in order to better understand, and, from that understanding, make informed recommendations for improving health on both sides of the border, as summarized in Chapter 5. This dissertation explores the inter-relationships betw een migration, gender and health of transnational Mexicans in both Ur ireo, Guanajuato and Wimauma, Florida. Religion, politics, access to resources and know ledge, and power relations in general play large roles that will be explored through the framework or lens of Critical Medical Anthropology throughout these di scussions. While this dissertation focuses on primary and secondary research findings, it is written in the spirit of applie d anthropology, so that conclusions and problems will be balanced with practical considerations and recommendations whenever possible. It is hoped that the findings, conclusions and recommendations are utilized by a wide range of audiences, including policymakers, students, farmworkers, immigrants’ rights advoc ates, researchers, he alth providers and educators.

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12 Research Question This study contextualizes, describes and e xplains health status within a fluid transnational migration of people from one sending community and one receiving community. In order to capture this fluid ity, the overarching research question is multifaceted: How does migration affect traditi onal roles, responsibili ties and expectations, vis a vis gender, age and social class, and how does this aff ect people’s health in both a sending community (Urireo) and a receiving community (Wimauma)? This question must be parsed into several smaller questions. These are as follows: 1. Whom do Urireanos think is healthier – those in the US or those in Mexico? 2. In what ways have 60 years of migration to the US changed people’s expectations of traditional roles when they are in the US or in Mexico? a. Specifically, do women in Urireo see their gender roles expand as males remain absent, working in the US? b. As males’ roles change, how do women’s roles change? c. How do changing roles affect mental h ealth and health status of both the males and females? 3. Are the health behaviors of Urireanos in their sending community different than those in the receiving community? There were other questions that also interested me; however, they need to be studied at another point in greater depth. These include “How does age at first migration relate to health and mental health status at the indi vidual level?” and “Do re turned migrants have different behaviors and what are the health consequen ces of these behaviors?” This research is framed within the context of unequal economic and political power relations in Guanajuato, which I argue cau sed ongoing poverty in rural Mexico and a subsequent inability of many Urireanos to find economically viable options other than migration due to historical and social realities. The next section explores the history of

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13 US-Mexican migration, issues related to how anthropologists tr aditionally viewed communities, binational studies, health and health status. Binational health studies, with a focus in medical anthropology, are rare. A detailed description of the contributions from anthropology and Critical Me dical Anthropology follows. Anthropological Contributions to the Study of Health and Folk Beliefs Baer, Singer and Susser (1997: 14) point out that anthropologists have focused on health concerns since at least the 1920s but that medical anthropology became a subfield in the 1950s. Anthropologists have long studied folk beliefs and illnesses, such as susto, empacho and mal de ojo ( Trotter et al. 1984, Trotter 1985a, 1985b, Baer and Penzell 1993, Rubel, O’Neill and Collado-Ardon 1984). Folk illnesses can be categorized as Destino (fate) or Castigo de Dos (God’s punishment), which are tied to deeply held beliefs about religion and tr ust in God as a supreme being who knows what is best (Trotter 1984; Salgado de Snyder et al. 1998, Rubel, O’Neill and Collado-Ardon 1984). The majority of rural Mexicans have strong re ligious beliefs and they reinforce and are reinforced by ethnomedical systems and folk healers such as curanderos (curers), yerberos (herbalists), sobadores (massaging healers) and brujos (witches/warlocks) (Reinert 1986). Since they are the caretakers of the fam ily’s health, mothers are acquainted with folk healing practices and often begin treatments, teas or massa ges in the home at the first sign of illness (Trotter 1984, Reinert 1986) Healers can be male or female, curanderos and brujos use prayer and are believed to have God-given spiritual healing powers (Dean 1998: 46). Dean (1998) reports that many curanderos refer patients for biomedical care if they recognize a serious medical c ondition. Mexicans often choose between, and combine, these dual systems of care depending on the illness.

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14 In 1992, there was a large pesticide pois oning in Ruskin Florida, reported on by Baer and Penzell (1993). While clinicians ve rified the symptoms and blood levels to be consistent with pesticide int oxication, research with farmwo rkers revealed the power of ethnomedical versus biomedical beliefs. Baer and Penzell (1 993) found that most workers attributed their symptoms to susto a folk illness in which the affected person suffers from soul loss due to a startling or fri ghtening event. In this case, the fright of being sprayed with pesticides di splaced their souls, leading th em to have an imbalance in their body. Respondents identified the cause of illness as susto due to having been frightened at being sprayed by the pesticide. In other words, the researchers found that it was not the toxicity of the pesticide but rath er the act of spraying itself that caused the illness susto (Baer and Penzell 1993). The authors report that pesticide susto is treated in the same way as all susto cases, by a curandero/a who uses prayer, candles, eggs and other materials to restore the soul. While th is approach fits the ethnomedical worldview of causation of the respondents, the authors point out that it does not affect the toxicity of the chemicals involved (1993). Pesticide expos ure has been explored by epidemiologists and anthropologists alike, and will be reviewed later in Chapter 4. Urireo has sobadore s, curanderos, and one brujo at Rancho Los Garcias. While I spoke with one sobador and a curandera, they did not consent to be interviewed for this study. I was able to interview their pa tients and this data is included here. Critical Medical Anthropology: A Framework for Health Disparities Anthropologists in the 1990s worried about the future of our discipline, fearing either that we would become overly self -absorbed and post-mode rn (Harris 1999) or focus so narrowly that we would become obsolete in a fast-p aced, technologically advanced world full of scientific disc overy and new data (Moore 1994, Singer 1992).

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15 Anthropologists looked for ways to unify the four fields of the discipline that were increasingly distancing themselves from each ot her. Singer (1992: 90) observed that “the anthropology of the 1990s is self-absorbed in a crise de conscience over its very purpose and dominant method.” Citing fragmentation within the discipline, Moore (1994) suggested that the Human Genome Project would bring a new dataset to anthropology, which in turn needed to find more effective theory that would focus on processes referred to as ethnogenesis. Ethnogenesis was presen ted as a good alternative to the status quo, referred to as cladistics. Moor e explains that cladistics essent ially lock ethnic groups into cultural types. Recognizing that technological advances would give an edge to biological anthropologists, Moore (1994: 96) envisioned that geneticist s, linguists, archeaologists and cultural anthropologists could collaborat e toward theory-building by integrating the new data and discoveries of the Human Ge neome Project. In this way, ethnogenesis could “build bridges” between the four fields. At the same time, medical anthropology underwent a similar questioning with Critical Medical Anthropol ogy, which charged that conventional medical anthropology suffers from several notable limitations … including: a narrow understand ing of social relations, in attention to the political structuring of meaning in the clinical se tting; a desocialized approach to the human/environment relationship and fa r-reaching medicalization (Singer 1990). Critical Medical Anthropology is concerne d with structural and global processes related to capitalism and inequa lity: “it understands health issues with in the context of encompassing political and economic forces – including forces of institutional, national, and global scale – that pattern human relationships, shape social behaviors, condition collective experiences, reorder local ecologies and situate cultural meanings” (Baer et al 1997: 27).

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16 Baer, Singer and Susser (1997: 50) posit th at agrarian states, which are highly stratified both socially and culturally, cr eate “an inherently unstable societalenvironmental dynamic” which leads to malnutri tion, infectious diseas e and mortality. Political and social structures are seen as dire ctly influencing the hea lth of the population. In the case of Urireo, and the entire stat e of Guanajuato for that matter, agrarian reform and the uneven distributi on and participation in the pro cess can be seen as playing a major role in the construction of social class. Social class stagnation and the distribution of wealth conti nue to distinguish the “haves ” from the “have-nots” which also influences their health status. The argum ent is not that these st ructural constructions wholly determine health status but rather that they create the conditions that make it harder for those on the lower e nd of the social class continuu m to achieve the same health status as those on the higher end. Citing McNeil (1977), Baer, Singer and Susse r point out that “epidemics have played a major role in the expa nsion of agrarian states thr oughout history, especially in their incorporation of indi genous societies” (1997:49) which can be seen as macroparasitism, defined as “large organism s, including humans, that expropriate food and labor from conquered or low-status groups ” (1997: 50). Guanajuato is actually a good case study in macroparasitism. First, Spanish conquistadores enslaved and expropriated the indigenous populations’ labo r in the silver mines of Guanajuato (Guerrero 1998). Next, we know from the history of the region that the hacendados having received a land grant from Spain, extrac ted labor from the indigenous populations and also charged them tributes (fees to the crown). As time went on, the indigenous population suffered great debts from a lack of ability to pay the ever growing tributes,

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17 which meant that they had to find additional resources or work harder to comply (Wolf 1982, Guerrero 1998, Hernandez 2000). As the population grew, there were less resources and an ever growing instability. This topic will be explored in greater detail in Chapter 2. Migration is the latest extension of this unequal relationship, as some researchers have pointed out that Mexico is actually e xporting its labor thr ough out-migration (Passel 2005, Massey 1998). Migrants remit money back to Mexican family members, which provides a net income to the rural working poor taking the burden off the state to provide jobs, services or continued agrarian reforms. This section will utilize Cr itical Medical Anthropology to explain some of the literature within their legal, so cial and political contexts that serve as the political ecology of health in rural Mexico and in rural Florida. Baer, Singe r and Susser (1997: 52) highlight the importance of action within Critical Medical Anthropology, “political ecology is committed to praxis – the merger of theory and action” (Baer, Singer and Susser 1997:52), and this perspective will be utilized in Chapter 5: Conclusions and Recommendations. There are few studies that have examined the relationship between land reform and health status. One notable example was c onducted by epidemiologists in the state of Chiapas, Mexico. Ochoa-Diaz et al. looked at the health of rura l children in Chiapas within the context of agarian reform: there is strong evidence to s uggest that the low standard of living and poor health and nutritional status in Chiapas, par ticularly amongst the peasant population, are partially due to the fact that this Stat e did not participate in agrarian reforms initiated after the Mexican Revolution. This has prolonged an unequal social structure focused on the land tenure system. (1999: 262)

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18 Authors compared land tenure and maize production among the ejiditarios and private farmers. As in the case of Urireo, the au thors found that medical interventions may be able to prevent some childhood health problems but that the real key to decreasing health disparities requires structural changes beyond medical science: there is much evidence to show that social changes are more effective than medical interventions in reducing health inequalities. Thus to reduce he alth inequalities and improve health status among poorer popul ation groups from rural Chiapas it is essential to ensure that the campesinos and indigenous population have equitable access to power and resources, once of the cen tral demands of the Zapatista rebels. (Ochoa-Diaz et al. 1999: 269) Mexico and the US have different health systems, as will be explored in further depth in Chapter 4. Two issues are important to note at this juncture First, as Oehmke and Sanchez-Bane (1999: 9) point out, Mexico considers healthcare a right while, in the US, “care seems more of a privilege.” S econd, each country must prioritize its own health needs while simultaneously working bi nationally to curb diseases that cross borders: There are health problems that are more pr evalent on one side of the border than on the other side. It can thus be observe d that some border priorities are based on problems that are relevant to one side of the border but not to the other side. For example, the prevalence of high rates of diarrheal disease on the Mexican side is one of the major concerns of the Mexican communities because of associated problems of high mortality among children under 5 years of age, malnutrition and potential complications for the development of other more severe diseases with life threatening consequences. On the other ha nd, the US side is more concerned with suicides than the Mexican side. (Oehmke and Sanchez-Bane 1999: 10) Baer, Singer and Susser (1998: 28) observe “a t all levels the hea lth care systems of advanced capitalist nations reproduce the structur es of class relations.” This is clearly seen in Mexico, where there is great dispar ity between the types of care one receives, even though Article 4 of the Mexican Constitu tion guarantees health care to all citizens (Canak and Swanson 1998:163). Mexico’s health system is organized by occupational

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19 status, with public/government employees bei ng covered by a national system of ISSTE, Instituto de Seguro Social de Trabajadores del Estado encompassing clinics, pharmacies and hospitals. Employees in the private se ctor, including those w ho are self-employed, are covered under the Instituto Mexicano de Seguro Social (IMSS), the largest of all the health systems (Canak and Swanson 1998). Those who do not participate in either of these formal sectors can obtain healthcare, guaranteed under the Mexican Constitution (1917), under the system of Seguro Social (Social Insurance or SS). Since the devalu ation of the Mexican peso in 1994, health services have been decreased at every le vel; however, the impact is most pronounced under the IMSS. With the growth of foreign assembly plants, known as maquiladoras or maquilas across Mexico, employment increased. These new employees’ healthcare was to be paid into and covered under the IMSS sy stem. Further compli cating this situation, Mexico’s labor laws allow employers to spec ify gender, age and skill level as mandatory requirements for employment Maquilas tend to favor younger females for a wide range of jobs, from electronics to garment assemb ly. Employers are required to report their employees to the federal government and to pa y their corresponding part of health care to IMSS; however, this system is not enforced and tends to be voluntary. Since 1996, IMSS has been in crisis, offering little in the way of prescriptions or tertiary care that it once offered to the “working class.” In contrast, health services under Seguro Social were never exceptionally good. Mexico has always had a large population of rural and poor people who are either ejiditarios, peasants, children or elderly. These rural people are also highly indigenous, and rural areas often lack infr astructure such as sewage, secondary schools, paved roads

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20 or dentists. In order to bring healthcare to these rural villages, the Mexican government requires that all medical student s, as a mandatory part of their training, staff the Seguro Social clinics, known as Salubridad (Healthiness), for at least one year (Canak and Swanson 1998: 164). These medical residents are known as pasantes Charged with special projects on top of a ttending to the health of the community, pasantes are assigned to a clinic a nd are usually from a different region of Mexico. This was the case in Urireo, where the pasante, a female doctor, was from a city in the state of Jalisco. In her key informant interview, she noted the differences between her life and life in the Urireo: “Yesterday I saw 51 people, today I saw 21. I would say the consults are primarily in this order: childhood infections, especially respiratory, then we see many pregnant women, then chronic disease (diabe tes, cancer, heart disease).” She listed childhood malnutrition, a lack of hygiene, contam inated water, leprosy, brucelosis and a “genetic predisposition” for neural tube de fects, mental retarda tion and neurological disorders as major problems. These kinds of problems were not things her family would face, she observed, because they lived in th e city, would never have farm animals like goats, who transmit brucelosis, living with th em, and were not gene tically predisposed for birth defects. The pasante who was fairly popular with the co mmunity, had been assigned health education for her project named Progresa aimed at alleviating poverty. Progresa replaced Pronasal, a program created in 1989 under then-President Carlos Salinas de Gortari entitled Programa Nacional de Solidaridad (Pronasol), described as “a programme driven by political considerati ons” (Rocha 2001: 515). In fact, Rocha and others concluded that “it has by now beco me widely accepted that Pronasol, or

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21 ‘PRInasol’ as the program came to be known in popular usage, played an important role in facilitating the party’s remarkable rec overy during the Salinas years.” President Zedillo, in an effort to distance himself from Salinas, introduced the Progama de Educacin, Salud y Alimentacin which became known as Progresa, in 1997 (Rocha 2001: 516). Progresa was meant to be apolitic al, divorced from the problems faced by its predecessor Pronasal, and was committed to nothing less than helping the most marginalized “to meet their basic necessitie s in the areas of education, health and nutrition so that the household members can develop the qualificati ons and skills they need to break the cycle of poverty” (Rocha 2001: 520). In an effort to be fairer, Progresa bega n with a house to house survey, conducted by students and government official s from Salvatierra, to id entify eligible families. According to Department of Infants and Families (DIF) officials in Salvatierra, “many people in Urireo do not trust. Either they would not open the door or they would simply not give us the information we needed.” While this might be true, many of the women who participated in the Progresa program with the pasante expressed confusion about why they had been selected. Some stated that they did not remember answering any survey but that they were told by Salubridad that they were going to participate, which for them meant the following: 1. 50 pesos fo r food per week; 2. ha ving to attend classes at Salubridad every month; and 3. obtaining childhood vaccines and regular well-child visits at the Salubridad. These participants did not complain about being in the program. In fact, the pasante was rather good at presenting the informa tion in an interac tive and fun manner; however, the topics were sometimes redundant or just irrelevant to the women involved.

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22 The pasante had no control over the curriculum and was told to only present the information that she was sent from Mexico Ci ty’s office of Progresa. I remember that one of the topics was the importance of pren atal care. However, some of the women were already grandmothers who felt th at this was something for which a partera or midwife, would be best qualified. Most disconcerting was that families with children with special needs, such as the family with whom I stayed, were not selected for this program nor were several of the most vulnerable families in Urireo, causing much speculation on the part of the community as to the intentions of the governme nt and it’s representatives toward them. Rocha analyzed whether Progresa played the same role as Pronasal had in garnering votes for the PRI, and she concluded that “w hile the techniques of manipulating social services and their delivery may have changed from Pronasal to Progresa, the intentions of the executive in politicizing these programmes re mained very similar for the most part” since the money spent by Progresa statistically translated to votes for the PRI, even in states like Guanajuato which voted for th e rival party, known as the PAN (Rocha 2001: 537). Even though the ejiditarios had more access to land and to health services through governmental interventions such as agrarian reform and Progresa, issues of trust and manipulation, politics and a lack of true access continue to play major roles in the ongoing drama of rural Mexico. Health disp arities are interwoven into this drama, sometimes as a cause and sometimes as a result of the larger processes. The take-home lesson is that the health disparities are still extreme. As illustrated in the case of the pasante, an upper middle class urban dwel ler, and her patients in rural

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23 Urireo, the political ecology of a place like Urireo remains a powerful tool in explaining why preventable health problems continue to plague poor communities. As cited above, Ochoa-Diaz et al. (1999), in thei r study in rural Chiapas, found a similar situation. In both cases, since agrarian reform did little to dramat ically change the power or class structure, the structure allowed for various and interrela ted health problems to persist within the most vulnerable of the society. Structural, not medical, reforms are needed in order to bring more equity to the health of the population. Critical Medi cal Anthropology views this discussion as part of the micro-macro le vel analysis of health and well-being (Baer, Singer and Susser 1997: 32). Singer introduced th e term syndemic in 1994, and it has become a focus for public health within the US Centers for Disease Control, which has es tablished a Syndemic Prevention Network (2004), who now define syndemic as SYNDEMIC |syndemic| (noun): two or more afflictions, interacting synergistically, contributing to exces s burden of disease in a population. Related concepts include: linked epidemics, intera cting epidemics, connected epidemics, co-occurring epidemics, comorbidities, and clusters of health-related crises. The Syndemics Prevention Network states th at the medical model is inadequate for improving community and public health problems, because many of these problems are rooted in social and struct ural inequalities (Syndemic Pr evention Network 2004). They offer the following as the potential advant ages of utilizing a syndemic approach (Syndemic Prevention Network 2004): “Part of the promise inherent in a syndemic orientation, however, lies in its ability to provide a mandate for disrupting forces that cause multiple health-related problems to cluster repairing fragmentation of th e infrastructure needed to protect the public’s health expanding research and action agendas by mo re explicitly linking health and social justice

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24 introducing new methods of analysis and synthesis establishing a science base for a “community health bill of rights” Much of the theory supporting syndemic s was modeled on Singe r’s long history of research and activism with the AIDS epidemic (1992, 1994, 1995, 2003). AIDS disproportionately affects minorities who live in urban clusters that also face epidemic rates of violence, substance abuse and e nvironmental hazards (Baer, Singer and Susser 1997; Singer 1992, 2003). However, other health issues lend themselves equally well to a syndemic approach, as reflected in the ex ample of Progresa above. Syndemics also help to explain part of the reasons fo r the poorer mental health of undocumented immigrants such as those in this study. In the United States, undocumented immigrants – either because they perceive they cannot access services or because legislation bars them from doing so – do not qualify for federal means tested public benefits such as Food Stamps, insurance, housing or, in some cases, healthcare. Since 2001, undocumented immigrants in all bu t four states (North Carolina, Utah, Virginia and Tennessee) are banned from obt aining Driver’s Licenses, which in turn affects their ability to acquire car insuran ce, produce valid identification or open bank accounts (Waslin 2002). This added stress is s ynergistically interac ting with other risk factors to create the conditions ripe for more acute health problems. One area that could be investigated would be the synergistic health effects of im migrants’ level of environmental hazards due to living in overc rowded substandard hous ing that is often located in proximity to chemical hazards, eith er in rural areas with pesticide spraying or in urban areas where there are toxic waste sites. The difficulties with a Critical Medica l Anthropology appr oach, including a syndemic approach, lie in not in identifying th e problems or contradictions, but in finding

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25 solutions to the complex and interrelated proble ms of health disparities. Of particular interest is finding the right leadership to make change occur, a topic that is addressed in Chapter 5. Fifteen years ago, Singer initially proposed six ar eas as examples for praxis related to a “new” critical medical anthropology (1990: 185): “1. designing health related studies to help community groups in challenging the medical establishment…2. participating in the “liberation” of existi ng medical or other hea lth-related knowledge for use by community-based and national health advocacy groups…3. developing databanks on health issues to arm unions, women’s or ganizations, civil rights groups, tenants’ associations, patient’s rights groups, environmentalists, and community agencies in their struggle with medical, governmental and corporate bodies. 4. working with health advocacy and social change organizations to develop programs directed at empowering patients in their encounters with the medical system. 5. sharing knowledge, resources, skills with anti-imperialist national libera tion movements and underdeveloped socialist countries initiating society-wide health improvement campaigns. 6. investing and exposing what McKinlay calls the “manufacturers of illness.” Singer documents how a Critical Medical Anthropology perspec tive was used to design programs and create so cial change in a 1992 arti cle comparing three AIDS prevention projects. The anthr opologists, together with community activists and health promoters, worked together to incorporat e research findings in to interventions and trainings for community members (Singer 1992: 93). He stresses the need to hold meetings, or reuniones, with participants a nd to form volunteer groups to carry out the change (1992: 94). Weeks et al. (1995: 262) conclude, from one of the same Critical Medical Anthropology projects described by Singer (1992), that ethnic and cultural

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26 groups can empower themselves “to create an environment of support for its infected or at-risk members by controlling its own pr evention messages and strategies.” A Comparison of US and Mexican Health Systems Unlike Mexico, the US health system ha s never technically had a system of coverage tied to employment sector. The health system is not a system, per se, as much as it is a private insurance driven business model. Biomedicine and US healthcare have been characterized as hegemonic because they reflect “social class, racial/ethnic and gender relations” (Baer, Singer and Susser 1997: 214). The US has a public health system which is comprised of federal, state and local levels of health care. This public syst em is governed under a series of government sponsored entitlement programs linked to pove rty levels, ethnicity (Native Americans) and, in only one case, occupational status. Th e only occupational group to have ever had an entitlement healthcare program is “migrant farmworkers,” for whom the Bureau of Primary Healthcare, part of the Departme nt of Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA), operate s an Office of Migrant He alth, which funds programs under Section 330 of the Migrant Health Act. These federal funds sponsor the nation’s migrant clinics. To understand how this system came into be ing, one must first look to the history of legislation regardi ng civil rights, agricultu re and agricultural workers. Agriculture in the US continues to be heavily subsidi zed under our US governme nt, directed by the USDA or US Department of Agriculture. The USDA is responsible for many aspects of food safety, commerce, employment, enforcemen t and even housing for farmworkers. The nation’s major labor laws, including th e Fair Wage and Hour legislation (1935) which categorically excludes farm labor from the minimum wage, were passed during the

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27 1930s. During this time frame, farmworkers were predominantly African Americans and poor southern white sharecroppers who were ab le to work seasonally by migrating from farm to farm, region to region, as needed. Many of these people were desperately poor and one bad year could bring them to the br ink of homelessness, as depicted by early folksingers like Woody Guthrie. Not much has changed since those days – except for the ethnicity of the workers themselves. Agriculture continues to be seasonal, unpredictable and in need of low-wa ge workers, as described below: The inherent unpredictability of agricultu re – the freezes, droughts, heat waves, crop diseases and market-price fluctuations – only heightens the general uncertainty of farm labor. Farmworkers are almost never given extra compensation to cover the constant displacement and downtime th at marks their lives. Jobs involving seasonality and migration do not necessar ily force employees into poverty. Many seasonal workers – from schoolteachers to construction workers in northern states – earn a steady living…typically seasonal or travel-based industries pay workers enough money to cover periods of unemployment or underemployment, and provide adequate benefits to compensate workers for the expense, dislocation and stress of constant travel. At the very least, these industries ensure that their workers earn a living wage. The nation’s ag ricultural industry has always relied on the existence of a large number of p oor workers who have few job options. Workers accept low wages and take on the burdens of uncertain seasonal labor force for the simple reason that there is li ttle else available to them. (Rothenberg 1998: 25) Low wages are also kept low by an oversupply of workers. As Davies et al. (1998: 1106) concluded in their study of the impact of migration on wages, Like education, migration is a form of i nvestment in human capital and as such migration presumably yields higher future returns...lack of internal mobiity also perpetuates high concentra tions of the Mexican-born population. The continued entry of migrants from Mexico who ar e good labor market substitutes for earlier migrants results in continued job competition between the groups, which in turn restricts wage growth for them. Rothenberg (1998: 204) argues persuasive ly that “by denying farmworkers the basic protections extended to virtually ever y other American, the federal government officially accepted, and in fact, institutiona lized the second-class st atus of agricultural

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28 laborers.” Over the years, the federal govern ment put in place key programs to assist agricultural workers, including Migrant Education, Mi grant Head Start, Migrant Health and job training under the Job Tr aining Partnership Act. Some have argued that these programs are really a subsidy to agribusiness and are not designed to really help the worker, as a former Jamaican farmwork er-turned-activist el oquently proposed: Government assistance programs for farmworkers are premised on the idea that the farm laborers’ poverty is a permanent featur e of American agriculture. The goal of educational and job-training programs is to try to improve the lives of farmworkers and their children by helping them get out of agricultural labor and find more stable jobs…they all reflect a ba sic vision that the poverty and powerlessness of farmwokrers is inevitable. None of th ese programs seeks to transform the farm labor system itself and none addresses th e economic structure that defines farm laborers as the epitome of America’s working poor. (Livingston 1998: 225) In 1990, Florida received designation as a “border state” with Mexico due to the large numbers of Mexican migrant and seas onal farm workers (referred to as M/SFW) within state boundaries. Under the US Depa rtment of Health a nd Human Services, a migrant farmworker is defined as an indivi dual who is required to be absent from a permanent place of residence, for the purpose of seeking employment in agricultural work. Seasonal farmworkers travel less and are defined as individuals who are employed in farmwork but do not move from their prim ary residence in search of work. Not all farmworkers are Mexican in origin; African-Americans, Puerto Ricans, Haitians, Guatemalans and Central Americans also comp rise the M/SFW workforce. The federal government estimates that farmworkers numbe r some 3.5 to 5 million persons in the US, with approximately 435,373 of them in Florida (DHHS, Migran t Health Program 1985). Hillsborough County estimates that there are 15,000 farmworkers in the unincorporated areas in south and east county (Hills borough County Planning Commission 1998).

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29 The largest database available on this popul ation comes from the US Department of Labor: the National Agricultura l Workers Survey or NAWS, which interviews about 5,000 farmworkers per year (Mehta et al 2000, Mines, Gabbard and Steirman 1997, Carroll et al. 2005). From these databases, we know that the vast majority of farmworkers and immigrants are uninsured under the private insurance system upon which the US operates. Estimates vary but NAWS data show that only 23% of all workers were covered by health insurance (Car roll et al. 2005: xi). Most disconcerting, only 46% thought that worker’s compensation in surance would cover an on the job injury and 8% did not know if they would be covere d at all (Carroll et al. 2005: xi). In 1998, Arrieta, Walker and Mason obtai ned a subset of NAWS data only on Florida to get a better idea of farmworkers’ access and well-being. They found that only 6% of the farmworkers had employer-provided health insurance (1998: 43). Only 31% reported that they had received compensation fo r workdays lost to work related injuries (Arrieta, Walker and Mason 1998: 43). Mo re recently, unemploy ment insurance was something farmworkers understood, with 76% of the authorized workers and only 4% of the unauthorized workers reporting that they would qualify (Carroll et al. 2005: xi). Defining Migrants: NAWS and other Data A discussion of labels and categorization is a starting point in addressing Mexican immigration. The questions beg for clar ification: Who are migrants? Who are farmworkers? and possibly most import antly, How do Mexican immigrants view themselves? Do they agree with these categorie s? Relevant to this discussion is another question: Who are the people compelled to st udy them? Why are we fascinated by them? After all, migration is as old as humankind; people have moved around this vast planet for as long as humans have been here.

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30 Is Rothenberg correct when he states “Whether recounted poignantly by John Steinbeck, Carey McWilliams, Edward R Murrow or Robert Coles, farmworkers’ status represents a central ethical claim within the tw entieth century America” (1998: xiv)? Whether or not we agree with this assertion, the use of the word migrant is a codeword, specifically conjuring up an image of a pe rson or family from Mexico, poor, moving from place to place with a bunch of people in a b eat up car. It was not always this way. The NAWS conducted 6,472 interviews between 2000 and 2002, yielding the following results. As in years past, about 42 percent of the current crop workers interviewed fit this definition of migrant workers (Carroll 2005: ix). NAWS interviewers obtained social, family and job histories from each worker interviewed. Forty-six percent (46%) of the Mexican-born were from the traditional sending stat es of Guanajuato, Jalisco and Michoacan (Carroll et al. 2005: 55). Fifty-three percent of the hired crop force did not have work authorization (dow n slightly from 55% in 1999-2000) and 99% of the newest immigrants lacked legal working documents. Farmworkers continue to be Mexican, Spanish-speaking, young and male. Of all workers, the average age was 33, “79% were male, 58% were married and 51% were parents with an averag e of two children” (Ca rroll et al. 2005). Eighty one percent of all workers speak Spanish with 44% reporting that they did not speak any English. Literacy issues have continued to be obs tacles to their learning English in the first place. Carroll et al. found that only 6% of foreign born workers had completed high school while 56% of US born workers had (2005: x).

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31 Some have argued that US agriculture is based on a plantation economy, which utilizes workers as needed and does not reflec t true living costs. Rothenberg astutely observes that Farmworkers’ poverty does not result fr om their low wages alone, but from the combination of low wages and temporary, seasonal employment. While their hourly wages vary considerably and are of ten in excess of the minimum wage, the lives of farmworkers are marked by fl uctuating periods of unemployment and underemployment….the number of weeks fa rmworkers are employed does not take into consideration the time they spend s earching for work, working part time earlty or late in the season or being unemploye d as a result of weather or market conditions. In addition, there is a gene ral oversupply of wo rkers. (1997: 24) Farmworker wages continue to decline. Echoing Rothenberg’s findings, NAWS data point to at least two reasons for farm worker povety: 1. lack of work and 2. low pay, which increases with length of time with one grower (Carro ll et al. 2005). The average worker worked 34 and a half weeks in farmwork and five weeks in non-farmwork in the past year (2000-1). Workers averaged 42 hours per week, with hour ly earnings of $7.25, but wages increased when they worked longer (years) for the same employer. In NAWS’ previous report (Mehta et al. 2000), it was estimated th at wages had fallen 111% since the 1950s, a trend that continues: “Real hourly earnings declined between 1993 and 1996 and then fell again slightly between 2000 and 2001” (Carroll et al. 2005: x). Hence, incomes are low: 30% lived below poverty guid elines, with an aver age individual income between $10,000 and $12,499 (Carroll et al. 2005: xi). The average farmworker’s family income is only slightly higher than that of an individual, $15,000 to $17,499, with the mode, or majority still citi ng an income of $10,000 to $12,499 per year (Carroll et al. 2005: 64). This could account for the finding that 22% of families of three lived in poverty, with families of six or more two tim es more likely (50%) to live in poverty (Carroll et al. 2005: 48).

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32 Despite the bleak picture th ese findings suggest, only 22% of all interviewees stated that anyone, including themselves, had re ceived any public benefit in the previous two years. Fifteen percent ( 15%) indicated they or someone in their family had received Medicaid, 11% indicated they had gotten WIC assistance (Women Infants and Children) and 8% stated they had received Food Stamps (Carroll et al. 2005: xi). Carroll et al. found that the majority of the foreign born farm workers were either here less than a year (17%) or more than 14 years (29%), meaning that the “newcomer” farmworkers have grown since 1993-94, when they were only 10% of all farmworker s (2005: 5). This could also be illustrating th e fact that many people leave fa rmwork quickly, if they are able. This binational research found that most respondents were happy to move into higher paying jobs in construction or services. One major drawback to relying on NAWS da ta lies in the design of the survey. Data collection is conducted only with current farmworkers and there is no long-term followup included in the design. It relies on the interviewer picking a sample of participants in the field. Much of the wo rk in farmwork is organized under a subcontractor model. The grower, or the owner of the farm, hires a subcontractor who then looks for his/her crew to conduct the work as contractors to the subcontractor. The subcontractor who hires the workers is known as a “crew leader.” The crew leader, not the grower, is responsible for hiring the worker s. Under this model, if the workers are undocumented or in possession of illegal or fa lse documents, it is th e crew leader who takes responsibility, not the farm owner or grower. The NAWS requires that interviewers obtai n permission from the grower or crew leader. This feature means that, since many NAWS interviewers are male, there could be

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33 an undersampling of women. Additionally, the design selects sites randomly when farmwork is seasonal, not random. One year the NAWS selected a random sample of farms in Hillsborough County during the months of July and August, traditionally the slackest months for agricultural work. Thes e factors, especially the need to gain permission from the crew leader, seriously affect whom is interviewed by NAWS interviewers, and hence, the data reported. The latest NAWS found that 79% of all their respondents were male, with males more likely to be unauthorized then women (56% versus 39 %) (Carroll et al. 2005: 9). About 58% of all workers were married, up from 52% in 1992-3, and 51% or the majority were parents (Carroll et al. 2005: 12). Most workers had two children, with 96% of them being minors (Carroll et al. 2005: 12). Newcomer males, who are usually unauthorized, tend to live away from their children, with international migrants making up 85% of all those living apart from their chil dren (Carroll et al. 2005: 15). This fits with other data suggesting that males migrate first and send for families later, once their economic situation improves. Migration Patterns in Historical Context As Bean et al (1998) point out, until the Mexican American War, parts of California and the state of Texas pertaine d to Mexico. Once the political boundaries between the US and Mexico were finalized, th e first true “wave of Mexican immigration” occurred in 1919, due to a labor shortage in the US. This pattern has continued through the present, with Mexicans coming to the US in search of work, as evidenced by headlines in the newspapers and magazines. Clarke (2000: 226) poi nts out that between 1845 and 1854, the US annexed Texas, New Mexico and California and granted

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34 citizenship to the thousands of Mexicans who resided there; how ever, it is unknown how many people this might be. Clarke estimates that the Mexican population in the US could have been between 381,000 and 562,000 by 1900 (2000: 226). The 1920s saw the US develop its first real i mmigation policy, and it was dur ing this timeframe that Professional gangs first developed to profit from smuggling Mexicans across the border in groups in order to supply contract labor to American farms and factories. As was to happen on several occasions throughout the twentieth century, the Mexican workers that had been welcomed as cheap labor in factories and farms when work was plentiful found the situ ation very different when economic recessions made jobs scarce. (Clarke 2000: 229) Figure 1-1. Map of Urireo and R oute of Migration to the US. Urireo Urireanos cross in Arizona as alambristas or under fences

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35 When the demand for labor decreased dur ing the Great Depression of the 1930s, the US repatriated many Mexican origin indi viduals (Bean et al. 1998). In the decade leading up to World War II (1942), there was a growing conflict be tween labor unions and immigrants, with labor organizations accusing immigrant workers of undercutting American workers and becoming a financ ial drain on government (Clarke 2000: 229). It is important to note that the early mi gration pattern of Mexicans was to urban centers, with 85% of all Mexicans and Mexican Ameri cans living in cities by 1970 (Clarke 2000: 230). Migration in the early part of the 20th century is also linked to the railroad. Like millions of other immigrants, Mexicans worked on the railroads and, partly due to this fact they were able to settle in railroad centers, going first to the Midwest, then the Northeast and East Coast in general (Clarke 2000: 230). Massive modern rural migration can be tr aced to the US’ need for agricultural workers during World War II, no t to the Mexicans’ preferences. The Bracero Program, which recruited Mexican nationals to work in US agriculture as temporary contract workers, began in 1943 but was discontinue d in 1964 by the US (Bean et al. 1998: 7, Thomas-Lycklama a Niejeholt 1980). Howe ver, the Bracero legacy lives on, and the regions in which the most numbers of Braceros signed up tend to be the same areas that today “send” young migrants to the US on a daily basis (Wilson1997). ThomasLycklama a Niejeholt (1980) points out that a constant supply of fa rmworkers is needed since agricultural labor is seasonal and dangerous. Years ago, one migrating Urireo-born key in formant, as he was working on his car in order to take it from Wimauma to Michig an to pick cucumbers for the summer, told me simply “I guess you could say people from Urireo like to travel.” For some reason,

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36 this sentence has stuck in my mind ever since. His wife had clearly stated her preference to him – and to me – that she wanted to stay in one place, for thei r daughter’s education. Do farmworkers really like to travel? Or is it part of the “job” so to speak? Who migrates? Who settles? W ho goes back to Mexico? Figure 1-2. Transnational Urireano Family w ith Members in Both Wimauma and Urireo. Several authors have contributed to a growing body of knowledge on such items. Massey et al. (1987) published a seminal binational study that analyzed probability of migration based on the following: 1. H ousehold characteristics: dependency, land ownership and business ownership; 2. Personal characteristics: age, sex, education, labor force status, occupation and 3. Ch aracteristics of the migrant experience itself: person’s

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37 prior migrant experience and father’s prior migrant experience (1987: 291). Further they identified six principles of international migration: 1. Migration originates historically in struct ural changes that aff ect the relations of production in sending and receiving societies. 2. Once international migration begins, soci al networks develop to make foreign employment increasingly accessible to all classes of the sending society. 3. As international migration becomes more accessible it is widely incorporated into household survival strategies and is used during stages of the life cycle when dependence is greatest, during periods of economic stress, or in efforts of socioeconomic advancement. 4. The experience of international migration affects individual motivations, household strategies and community organizations in ways that encourage further migration. 5. The maturation of migrant networks is facilitated by an ongoing process of settlement, whereby migrants build pers onal, social and economic ties to the receiving society as they accumulate time abroad. 6. The operation of migrant networks is made possible by an ongoing process of return whereby temporary and recurrent migrants move back and forth between sending and receiving societie s and settled migrants re-emigrate back to their places of origin (Massey et al. 1987: 285-6). Massey et al. made great strides in unders tanding how migration to the US relates to the complexities and interrelationshi ps between place of origin, age, gender, political/economic context and social status (1987: 290): data from both rural and urban areas suggest that US migration was, indeed used as a mechanism for adjustment to structural change. Whether the changes involved the mechanization of fields or factories, a rise in probability of international migration ensued. The high probability of departure in all periods (1940 on) indicates the extent to which migration ha s become a permanent part of survival strategies within the communities, however. Indeed, a majority of rural origin men could always expect to work in the US (the lowest lifetime probability was .56), as could at least one in thre e urban-origin migrants.

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38 Figure 1-3. Wimauma-based Urireanos Back on Vacation, Playing Soccer, 2000. Massey et al. also contributed to our unders tanding of the probabilities of who will not leave and who will come back and settle in Mexico. Following their six principles, they found some surprising and some not as surprising – findings, which are summarized below. First, there are rural a nd urban differences, with rural people being significantly more likely to mi grate to the US. Massey et al. (1987:291) proposed a rural explanatory model in which the probability of migrating to the US “is increased by prior migrant experience, by being a day laborer and by increasing dependency within the household, while the chances of US migra tion are lowered by owning farmland or a business and by advancing age.” On the othe r hand, they concluded that the two most important variables predicting migration are: fathers’ migrant experience and access to a means of production (Massey et al. 1987: 291). In other words, if the family owns a business and/or farmland, it is less probable that the father will migrate. The age of the father was critical to his d ecision to migrate, with thos e most likely to leave being younger (under 35) when they are in the phase of the life cycle where they have a

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39 growing family (Massey et al. 1987: 294). The authors explained this as a “self feeding social process.” Since 75% of all rural fath ers have no land nor business, they are very likely to migrate to the US (Massey et al. 1987: 295). In their study, 57% of all migrants remain abroad after 10 years and, after 15 years, rural and urban migrants are equally probable to stay in US (Massey et al. 1987: 309). The most important variable to bringing them back to Mexico is land ownership (1987: 312). The model they ultimately constructed views the migrant most likely to return being “the older married undocumented migran t with a wife, childre n house and property in Mexico who has been in the US under 5 ye ars working at or n ear the minimum wage in an urban job” (1987: 310). More recently, Massey stated the following If you come from a community where fifty or sixty percent of the residents have been to the United States, it’s very easy to find someone who can tell you where to go, how to cross the border, how much it’s going to cost, how to find a coyote, what places to seek work and who to st ay with when you get there. All this information is readily available. So as more people go to the United States, the costs and risks of migration fall and the pot ential benefits rise substantially. Once one person in a community goes to the Unite d States the community begins to be transformed. After that person comes b ack, everyone to whom that person is related has a social tie to so meone who’s been to the Unite d States. That social tie is a resource that enables people to gain access to the United States, which opens up further avenues to still more people (Massey 1998: 152). Essentially, Massey is expl aining a concept entitled “network mediated chain migration,” which Wilson (1998) elaborates as operating on five principles that speak to the particulars of the Urireo-Wimauma situation. As the first principle, she observes that “networks are multilocal, encompassing a variety of geographical distributions” (Wilson 1998: 394). In the case of Urireo, the migrati on pattern originates in both urban and rural directions. An early group we nt to work in factories in Chicago while, shortly after, a much larger and more consistently contra cted group, known as Braceros, began working in agriculture in California, North Carolina, Mi dwestern states, and, lastly, Florida. This

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40 pattern is repeated across Me xico in areas where the Brace ro Program, in collaboration with the US Department of Labor, set up regi onal recruitment centers. In Guanajuato, the center was located in Irapuato, about an hour fr om Urireo in the most central area of the state (Durand 1994: 131). The second principle is that networks emer ge through work sites and types of work, depending on the availability of employme nt and spread mostly through word of mouth. This principle is important becau se, based on employment fluctuations, the receiving communities can change and fl uctuate as well (Wilson 1998: 394). This happened early on in the case of Chi cago as a receiving community, according to key informants in Urireo. Since going to work in the factories seemed preferable to most Urireoanos and many others across Mexico, Chicago became saturated with a Mexican workforce. Once saturated, they were re-routed to rural and agricultural worksites. The third, fourth and fifth principles relate to the strength of ties and the differential implications between them. Based on the wo rk of Mark Granovetter (1974), who found that weaker ties were actually more fruitf ul for his informants in finding employment than stronger ties, Wilson (1998) pos es the third principle as “the strength of weak ties.” Essentially, networks are fluid at both the se nding and receiving point s, which means that an immigrant has multitudes of weak ties, or acquaintances, at both sides. To his surprise, Granovetter (1974) f ound that acquaintances were of ten instrumental in serving as “bridges” to employment, because they connect denser network clusters. Wilson (1998) proposes that the fourth principl e is the result of these bridges, that the diffuse networks expand, serve as new a nd bigger sources of informational exchanges and bridges. As the network expands, it create s diffuse social capital as a result (1998: 395). The last principle, related to princi ple number four, recognizes that clusters of

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41 immigrants form dense networks which form a “dense social capital.” She puts forward the idea that social capital is actually a con tinuum of diffuse to de nse and not purely one nor the other (1998: 395). As a result of this, the immigrant can chose from multiple receiving communities, jobs and social opportuni ties. Jobs also fluctuate, with supply and demand as well as seasons, which means th at there is an added dimension to job seeking that large social netw orks are uniquely suited to addr ess. Since “farm labor is organized in respect to crop specializati on” (Thomas-Lycklama a Niejeholt 1980), the system does not make itself responsible fo r providing on-going employment but demands that workers be availabl e when crops are ready. This dynamic means that wages are kept lo w. Alba (2004), recognizing that there are push-pull factors, maintains that “migra tion from Mexico to the US is primarily economically motivated. Nominal wage differe ntials have been hovering for years at about a 10 to 1 ratio, in favor of the US, for manual and semi-skilled jobs” (2004: 2). Migration Patterns, Farmworkers and Immigration It has been said that counting farmworkers and undocumented people is an “impossible” task (Mines, personal communicat ion, 2002). This has not deterred the US Department of Labor and some demographe rs from trying to arri ve at the elusive numbers. This section summarizes the dem ographic distributions a nd social status of farmworkers, immigrant Mexicans and tran snational Mexicans. Between 1990 and 2000, US Census data revealed that Mexican immigr ants in the United States labor force grew from 2.6 million to 4.9 million (Grieco and Ray 2004). The Mexican-born demographic is critical to understanding recent data. Passel, a demographer, re-analyzed Census and Depart ment of Labor data to examine the work patterns for immigrants. Passel cited th at there were 35.7 million foreign born

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42 immigrants in the US in 2004, with 61% be ing legal permanent residents (21.7 million), 29% were undocumented migrants (10.3 million), 7% were refugees (2.5 million) and 3% were temporary legal residents (1.2 million) (Passel 2005: 7). Passel’s analyses found that Mexicans comprise 57% of all undocum ented residents in the US, 5.9 million out of a total of 10.3 million in Ma rch 2004 (Passel 2005: 1). Most of these undocumented immigrants arrived since 1990, when IRCA was s till in effect (Passe l 2005: 8). Between 1990 and 1994, about 450,000 people per year entered, for 2.2 million persons. In the next timeframe, from 1995-1999, about 750,000 per year or 3.6 million, entered. Migration decreased slightly from 2000 to 2004, with 700,000 per year, at a net of 3.1 million people (Passel 2005: 8). A growing number of Mexicans are unauthorized to work in this country, yet data show that 60% of all Mexican -born workers over 16 participat e in the labor force (Grieco and Ray 2004). One in three employed Mexicans, or 300,000 persons, work in farming, fishing and forestry occupations, making up a tota l of 13% of all workers in this category (Grieco and Ray 2004). Mexicans make up 7.7% of all construction workers (Grieco and Ray 2004). It is estimated that 80 to 85 percent of all Mexican immigration has been undocumented (Passel 2005, Carroll et al. 2005). A sizeable sub-population of the undocumented, 1.7 million people, are minors (Passel 2005: 1). By the end of 2005, Passel forecasted that there could be mo re than 6.5 million undocumented Mexicans (2005: 2), with 68% of these persons living in eight states: California (24%), Texas (14%), Florida (9%), New York (7%), Arizona (5%), Illinois (4%), New Jersey (4%) and North Carolina (3%) (2005: 2). Between 2002 and 2004, Passel estimates that Florida

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43 received 850,000 undocumented immigrants, largely Mexican (2005: 9). The age breakdown for the 10.3 million undocumented migrant population is as follows: Table 1-2. Undocumented Workers in the US Age Group Male Female Undocumented Children < 18 yrs 1.7 million or 17% Undocumented 18 – 39 yrs 146 males per 100 females 4.5 million 43% 3.0 million 29% Undocumented 40 and over 1 million or 11% Source: Passel 2005. Table 1-2 summarizes the findings of th e latest study available on undocumented workers (following Passel 2005). This study showed that the majority of undocumented workers are males, between the ages of 18 a nd 39 and that, for every 100 female workers, there are 146 males. The ratio of males to fe males is almost 4:3, or 43% to 29%. It is worth noting that there are l ong-term consequences of thes e findings. The largest group of undocumented workers, those 7.5 million men and women, also represents the most active reproductive age range. One in three Mexicans work in agriculture. Since farmwork is an extremely high turnover industry and since most injured or ill farmworkers cannot remain in the fields, many health problems may go unrecorded. This phenomena is referred to in occupational health as the “healthy worker effect.” Ma ny workers continue to work even though they are ill, however, once they become too ill to work, they are not able to be counted. Because of the healthy worker effect, only those healthy enough remain in the fields. Those who become ill or injured on the job either no longer work or no longer work in this occupation. This explains w hy the vast majority of people who have done U.S. farm work are no longer so engaged. As a result, it is quite difficult to assess the

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44 health needs of the population of agriculture -impacted workers by limiting research to the currently employed workers (Mines et al. 1997, Richard Mines, US Department of Labor, personal communication, 1999). As the farmworker population is very hete rogeneous, the Florida Migrant Interstate Program (FMIP 1996) compiled a “snapshot view ” to learn more about who are Mexican farmworker children in our state. This da ta is limited, given that the farmworker populations are extremely fluid, how ever, it is the best data available at the county level that links sending-receiving states. This FMIP study, conducted during the 1995-1996 school year, found that “ten of Florida’s 67 school districts accounted for nearly 70% of all migrant students in the state. These we re, in descending order: Palm Beach, Polk, Collier, Hillsborough, Dade, St. Lucie, Ma natee, Hardee, Okeechobee and Lee” (FMIP 1996: 2). The study site is Hillsborough C ounty, which was ranked third in this study. Statewide, the breakdown of migrant chil dren estimates that the largest sending state is Michoacan (N=2,004), followed by Guanajuato (N=1,588) and Guerrero (N=1,560) (FMIP 1996). Hillsborough County sees a somewhat different pattern: Guerrero (N=302), Guanajuato (N =247) and Michoacan (N=178). Ethnographic data from Wimauma and mi gration pockets within Hillsborough County shows that there is a geographic sepa ration between the migrating, seasonal and settled/former migrant farmworker populations Migrating populations, in large part, live in more remote camps and they are from Gu anajuato. Those who live in Ruskin tend to be non-migrating/seasonal and have origin s in Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon, Hidalgo and border regions. One influencing factor to se ttlement is the new migrant housing in this area is set up in such a way that only those currently engaged in farmwork can access.

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45 Since workers must sign a year lease, there is no way that a migrating family can access these apartments; therefore, only seasonal workers benef it from the USDA housing. Last, there are those who tend to hail from Guerrero or Michoacan living in the most southern part of the county. Over the years, the US has tried seve ral strategies to address issues of undocumented Mexicans. The most popular and far reaching legislation, the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), signed by Pr esident Reagan, in five years (1989-1994) gave legal status to 2 million undocumented mi grants living here before 1982 (Bean et al. 1998). IRCA is especially important sin ce it allowed young workers residing in the US to sponsor their parents and younger or olde r Mexicans to come to the US (ThomasLycklama a Niejeholt 1980). Unlike thei r sponsors, these new immigrants were increasingly feminine and older, hence, “l ess productive members of the society,” which lead to concern about public benefits to immigrants, following California’s example with Proposition 187, which limited benefits to immigrants (Bean et al. 1998). The rising hazards of border crossing and the ongoing economic crisis in Mexico gave undocumented migrants new reasons to remain abroad and, when combined with IRCA’s legalization of 2.3 million persons, tilt ed Mexican immigration decisively toward permanent United States settlement. In a fe w short years IRCA transformed migration flows from a seasonal, undocumented, and regi onally specific flow in which rural males predominated to an urbanized and greater female population of pe rmanent settlers who were increasingly dispersed throughout the Un ited States (Bean et al. 1998: 3). IRCA dramatically changed the demographic distri bution of the US, while at the same time creating an idealized view of “amnestia” or amnesty within migrant sending

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46 communities across Mexico. To get a feeling of IRCA’s impact, data show that, in the nine years from 1987 through 1995, 2.7 million Mexicans were admitted to permanent resident status, twice the number admitted over the prior twenty-two years combined (Bean et al. 1998: 12). The implementation of IRCA’s employer sanctions, meanwhile, undermined wages and working conditions for Mexican workers in the United States, opening up wide gaps between documented and undocumented migran ts. In addition to fomenting wage discrimination, IRCA pushed employers toward labor subcontracting in order to escape its burdensome paperwork requirements and to eliminate the risk of prosecution for unauthorized hiring. The passage of Califor nia’s Proposition 187 in 1994 sought to bar undocumented immigrants from attending publ ic schools, using public hospitals or clinics, or receiving publi c assistance, and in 1996 the United States Congress disenfranchised noncitizen lega l immigrants from means-tested social programs. The post-IRCA period is thus characterized by growing political di stinctions between undocumented, documented, and naturalized i mmigrants and widening economic gaps between them (Bean et al. 1998). Transnationalism and Translocalities Of all new immigrants, Mexicans have been the slowest to naturalize (Bean et al. 1998: 9). As new communities were founde d, these immigrants began to settle down and migrate less, creating a transnational netw ork, with workers bel onging both in the US and Mexico. Appadurai (1991, 1995), recognizing that there are always locations that become the focal points of transient a nd migratory groups, introduced the term “translocalities” to mean “many such lo cations create complex conditions for the production and reproduction of locality, in whic h ties of marriage, work, business and

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47 leisure weave together various circulating populations” (1995: 216). These translocalities provide the basis for further migration, a nd are sometimes referred to as “daughter communities” (Massey et al. 1987). The idea of daughter and/or translocal communities is a phenomenon that pre-dates Mexican im migration and was documented during the dustbowl migrants, white sharecroppers who migr ated in search of any work, in the mid 1900s. Carey McWilliams (1976: 35), noted sociologist and author of Ill Fares the Land in California’s factory of farms, obser ved how a community reproduces itself: Some of the migrant settlements ar e, moreover, good-sized communities, numbering from 4000 to 8000 residents. Since most of them are located in unincorporated areas, they have no local fire or police protection, nor for that matter, any type of local self-government. Th ey exist merely as satellite or fringe growths, potential rural slums, on the outsk irts of important communities. Coming to California in search of farms, migr ants have been lucky to get a shack. Many of these new migrant settlements are, in effect, transplanted communities. It is not at all uncommon to find that most of the families, in a particular migrant shacktown or along a particular street….are from the same community. The migrant settlement at Greenfield, Ca lifornia, is made up of a bout 200 former residents of Carroll County, Arkansas. Kearney (1991:59) describes “transnational communities” as having their own nature, transcending the idea of “sending” a nd “receiving” states. Kearney observes that this migration has an added political dime nsion: “what the ethnography of transnational migration suggests is that such communities are constituted transnationally and thus challenge the defining power of the nation-stat es they transcend.” These transnational communities, or translocalities, are based on social and kin networks that extend over at least two nations, which is the case for Urir eo, Chicago, Wimauma and West Palm Beach Florida. While Kearney utilizes the term tran snational, Massey et al. (1987) refer to these communities as “daughter communities” and have amassed a vast database at the University of Pennsylvania. One example of knowing a transna tional community when you see it comes from my own experience at the bus station in Salvatierra:

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48 Urireo’s connection to Chicago is strong, so strong that signs in the bus station and the travel agencies simply say “Chicago,” not USA or even names of states. Curiously, most of the bus destinations do not mention states at all, only cities, as one of the pictures shows. The list reads like a Spanglish-ized attempt to sound out strange sounding places as Mexicans invariably pronounce their receiving communities, such as: Decatur, IL or GA (spelled Dekator); Quincy, FL (spelled Quenci); West Palm Beach, FL (Wes Palm), Harlingen, TX (Harligen) and Wimauma, FL (Wimama). Sometimes our participants di d not really know the geography of the local region in which they had worked, which makes sense due to them not having transportation nor much time to visit surrounding areas. For exam ple, some of those interviewed in either Mexico or Florida were unclear about exac tly where and for whom their loved ones or even sometimes themselves, had worked. As Burns found in his work with transn ational Mayan refugees in Indiantown, Florida (1993, 1999, 2000), when a group leav es its native country and becomes transnational in the US, it develops features that come from their birth and traditional culture as well as their newfound homeland. Th e result for the Maya was not only a binationalism but a tri-nationalism that include d Guatemala, Mexico and the US (Burns 1999: 138). Burns (1999: 141) found that “the availabil ity of agricultural la bor, the small town atmosphere and the hospitality offered by the Catholic Church have put Indiantown into the migration network of the Mayan diaspora.” This suppor t has helped the Mayans to adapt, work and start anew in their adoptive town. It has al so allowed them to continue their culture and traditions while merging them into a more “Americanized” lifestyle. Like the Urireanos in this study, they have become transnational people who navigate between multiple worlds simultaneously (Burns 1999, 2000).

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49 There are important differences between the Mayans in Indiantown and the Urireanos in this study. First, the conditions of migration are very different; Urireanos did not endure a brutal ethnic civil war as did the Maya. Second, Urireanos have a long tradition of wage migration to the US and this is almost a rite of passage for single men, and whole families rarely migrate at the same time. Third, the Urireanos are not refugees but undocumented workers who try to stay invi sible, work and remit. They are here temporarily, at least at first, and tend to be reluctant to mix with other groups due to their high levels of mistrust. Fourth, Urireanos have never received any kinds of outright community support, except for food pantries at the local missions and some remembrance during Christmas. This may be why most Ur ireanos worry so much about “the poor” in Wimauma. They, too, feel alone and lack resources or support. Urireanos focus on Urireo first, whether they are physic ally in Mexico or Florida. Anthropological Views on Community and Community Studies Anthropologists have specialized in co mmunity studies, including fields like peasant studies since the 1940s (Redfi eld 1941, 1947, 1956; Wolf 1955, 1982; Wagley 1968). Redfield looked at small groups a nd towns across Latin America and described their communalities along a fo lk-urban continuum (Redfield 1947). Fearing that this model tended to paint whole communities in too broad strokes, Wa gley and Harris (1955) provided a typology of Latin American subculture s in an effort to better describe and understand the heterogeneity of the communities within which anthropologists had been working. Wagley and Harris describe the dichotomous co-exist ence of subcultures within even small pueblos, such as Urireo, in which peasants live beside “upper-class townsmen” who control the political and econom ic features of the pueblo (1955: 438).

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50 They characterized this typology as “town subculture” and theori zed that it was the “predominant trend in contemporar y Latin America” (1955: 439). Over time, there have been critiques, evaluation, theorizing and finally, reevaluation of almost all aspects of border, community and peasant studies. One of the key elements in this re-evaluation is the idea that communities are more dynamic than previously thought. Communities are linked to other communities and often respond to multiple internal and external forces simu ltaneously and in more than one direction. Foster (1960) helped bring about a re-evalu ation, since he long ago theorized that acculturation is a two-way process that resu lted in mutual modification of New World Hispanic and indigenous culture s. Alvarez reviewed border studies and concluded that ethnography on both sides of the border is really a kind of binational study that has to take the micro-macro processes on both sides into account (Alvarez 2000). Wolf (1955: 454) spent a lifetime looki ng at typologies of communities and presented an outline of Latin American peasants, in which he observed that “the peasant aims at subsistence, not at reinvestment.” This finding is important to studying the behaviors of migrants from Latin Ameri ca who reinvest in their home communities through remittances. Wolf argued persuasively that the difference between farmers and peasants in rural Latin America was precisely how each views their enterprise. Farmers look at agriculture as “a business enterprise” a nd focus on reinvestment. Peasants look to agriculture as a way to survive, so when and if peasants are asked to change crops, strategies or farming techni ques, they are rarely succe ssful because they have no additional resources or extra fundi ng to help them (Wolf 1955).

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51 Kearney (1996) argues that we are current ly in a “post-peasant” world in which peasants have multiple roles and interact with in diverse circles, so that while they may and do employ agriculture as an economic strategy, they may al so simultaneously pursue non-agricultural strategies and they may mi grate across borders, making them members of transnational communities. The people in this study are just that: transnational citizens. They may be or have been farm workers but they are mainly people who are pursuing the American Dream, however elusiv e it might be. Sometimes the dream is chased by working in the fields but, increasi ngly, it is pursued through jobs that are less seasonal and more likely to provide a steady paycheck, lik e housekeeping for women or construction for men. Besides Kearney, other social scientists have been paying attention to transnational immigrants and their experiences (B urns 1993, 1999, 2000, Menjivar 2000, Wilson 2002). Menjivar studied Salvadorans who immi grated to San Franci sco, California and how their social networks functioned. She found that transnationa ls’ social networks change over time and use and that “they differ as waves of the same immigrant group…arrive at different histori cal junctures and so are expo sed to dissimilar conditions. Thus even for the same immigrant group, the receiving context makes a huge difference” (Menjivar 2000: 239). This view contributes significantly to a view of social networks, and transnationality, as increasingl y dynamic and less and less static. Anthropologists and social scientists have provided gr eat contributions to an understanding of not just community or borde r studies and have brought forth a deeper understanding of transna tionality and migration (K earney 1996, Wilson 1997, Durand 1994, Burns 1993, 1999, 2000). Burns (1999: 148) points out that anthropologists and

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52 other social scientists need to become more adept at studying the complexities involved in transnational migration and identity, whether it be porous or situational: migration studies have a l ong history in anthropology, but they have focused more on sending or receiving communities and not on the processes of moving between several sending and receivi ng communities. Even the research reported on here reflects a point of view of only a few of the many communities of the diaspora that adds to the identity of the Maya. In this spirit, this study looks at transn ational Mexican-US migration as fluid and affecting people on both sides of the border si multaneously. This migration affects all facets of life on both sides of the border because it reshapes social relationships, gender, worldview and health behaviors not only in Mexican sending communities but also in the thousands of receiving communities in the US. Table 1-3. Perceptions of Mexican “M igrants” in the US and Mexico Descriptor Mexico US Legal Status Migrant MEXICAN (popular culture) Transnational workers (Mexican government) Illegal (popular culture, Border Patrol) Foreigner (popular culture) Guestworker (policy makers) Undocumented (press, academics) Wetback (popular culture) Social Context Rural rather than urban (policy makers) Hero (economic) (family members) Good and responsible fa thers, sons (family members, community, popular culture) Brave-adventurers (youth, popular culture) Breadwinner (family, politicians) Drinkers (family members, migrants, providers) Returned migrants: troubled or sick HIV+, Drug/alcohol dependent (community leaders, policymakers, church) Foreigner-Wetback (popular culture) Hard workers (employers) Invisible (policymakers, advocates) Humble “peasant” (advocates) Needy (advocates) Farmworkers (popular culture) Migrants (popular culture) Single men (providers) Enjoy agriculture (employers) Risk behaviors (providers) Social Class Middle or working class rural (popular culture) Social climbers (migrants themselves) “poorest of the poor” (advocates) “Third World Health Status” (advocates)

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53 Table 1-3 illustrates how Mexican and US perceptions of migrants differ on all three levels: legal status, social context and social class. On both sides, perceptions of the intention of the migrant – honorable or di shonorable – color the ways in which the migrant is depicted in each country’s popul ar culture, by policy makers, the media, employers and family members. These diffe rences permeate any discussion of “migrant” and often create dissonance, both internal and external. “Migrant” has become a codeword for illegal immigrant, synonymous with “wetback.” In fact, migrant is applied to almost anyone of Mexican descent who appear s to be lower class or less educated. In US popular culture, migrant only refers to Mexicans, and usually the more recent immigrants. Besides their well-deserved reput ation as hard workers, US popular culture allows Mexican transnationals little respect. In fact, it is almost inconceivable to most Americans that migrants are viewed complete ly differently in their home country. The idea that Mexicans consider migrants to be transnational workers who are breadwinners, heroes to be looked up to, brave and respons ible husbands and fathers challenges the perceptions most Americans have of migr ants. Migrants are characterized as farmworkers or agricultural laborers. In US schools, ch ildren born to farmworking parents report that even other Mexican child ren whose parents are not farmworkers make fun of them, call them mojados or wetbacks, beaners or simply “migrants,” which is supposed to be derogatory. These contrasting contexts of each country mean that the treatment a transnational Mexican can expect differs. Crossing over to the other side means that a young man will no longer be treated the same way when he returns to Urireo. The idea that he will prove himself and become a hero means that it is worth risking his life, “working like a mule”

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54 and remitting to his family, because this fulfills an expected role. In the US he will find very little sympathy for his plight, low pa y, long hours, strenuous work and loneliness because he will be separated from his family, wh ich is the center of his social life. In addition, he will live with the constant fear of Border Patrol and face daily discrimination. He will think about the fiesta s in Urireo and will plan for the day when he can go back, prove how successful he is, c ourt his sweetheart, maybe even marry her, and spend a few weeks back home “on vacation.” Increasingly, females also share this dream and this path. While it is still less frequent for a young woman to go alone to the US, the phenomenon is becoming more common. An important finding from this resear ch is that the expectations of males and females related to migration are very different Issues of gender a nd role expectations emerge in all facets of this study. The pe rsistence of traditional gender roles and expectations continue in th e face of globalization and tran snational migration, meaning that women must constantly renegotiate thei r roles to maintain a balance within the family, but especially with th eir relationships with men. Toolbox for the Dissertation This dissertation uses a variety of tools to describe and inform health and health status of migration from cultu ral, epidemiological and sociol ogical perspectives. Critical Medical Anthropology provides a lens through which the local and global structural, political and cultural constructions influence the health, mental health and well-being of Urireanos in both Mexico and Fl orida. Comparative and holi stic perspectives, hallmarks of anthropology, were employed throughout the ei ght years I have spent with Urireanos in both Mexico and Florida working on issues related to migration and health. Early on, it was clear how important it would be for this re search to take into account the context of

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55 the lives of the Urireanos on both sides of the border. Especially after 9-11-2001, discussions of transnationalism, moving acros s borders, visiting and maintaining ties have become marked by more uncertain ty, stress and at times resignation. Being a woman turned out to be a good thi ng for my research. It would have been very difficult to gain the c onfidence of the people in either Urireo or Wimauma without the support of the women, who predominate Urir eo. It is also a question of solidarity with women more than anything else that a llowed me to learn about the pueblo, the way of life, their trials and tribulat ions as well as their history. In order to maintain a clear er view of the context of the lives of Urireanos on both sides of the border, certain me thodological tools were used. First, literature from Mexico and the US was reviewed, includ ing archival history from the Archivos Generales de la Nacin (National Archives) in Mexico City, to ga in perspective on the history of Urireo. Urireo has very little writte n history and no historian in th e town, however, I was able to check the information people shared with me against what was documented at the National Archives and in the literature that was available. Many s ources were consulted for each literature review, including news paper articles and academic publications. Second, key informant interviews with he alth providers, long-term residents and the clergy in both towns helped to clarif y strengths, weakness es, differences and similarities. These interviews lasted between two and four hours each, with several key informants being interviewed three or four times. Third, health interviews which included the same questions, were conducted in both Wimauma and Urireo. These interviews included a family health history, history of migration, CDC Health Related Quality of Life Index (CDC HRQOL) and a bit of oral history (See Appendix B for instruments).

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56 Fourth, ethnography was conducted within both Urireo and Wimauma, within the homes, clinics, doctor’s offices, public a nd private spaces that Urireanos occupy. Ethnography included participant-observation in Urireanos homes in both Florida and Mexico, living in Urireo for a total of si x months, spending an additional month in Salvatierra, the municipal seat that is located three kilometers from Urireo. Additionally, I have worked in Wimauma as an anthr opologist, soccer coach, social worker and generally “hanging out” in stores, markets, mi grant housing and events such as “Sweet 15 birthday parties” or quinceeras over the pa st ten years or so. I had also conducted several previous studies in the migrant/community clinic, Suncoast Community Health Centers, since 1991. People in Urireo knew me from Wimauma wh en I got there, especially because I arrived with a family now settled in Wimauma, who gave me their house to stay in. As a result of my own “transnationalism,” I b ecame known as “La Guerita” a nickname that refers to me being “lighter skinned” or “blond” and obviously nonMexican to Urireanos in both Mexico and Wimauma. To my knowle dge, I am the only researcher, Mexican or not, to have every studied Urireo. Being an outsider and living in Urireo, I was extremely visible; however at times this worked to my advantage. In general, I had very little difficulty in conducting this binational research. However, my “outsider status” may have contributed to the difficulties I had in conducting focus groups with Urireanos in either place. I had planned in my origin al proposal to hold focus groups to discuss Urireo’s migration patterns, health status and recommendations for improvement. Arranging for a focus group requires that particip ants be available at the same time and place for at least 90 minutes. Focus groups are tools first used in market research, but

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57 which have proven important to social scient ists in order to gain a more in-depth understanding of an issue or elicit recomme ndations from a particular group (Morgan 1993). Unfortunately, Urireanos were unabl e or unwilling to commit to sitting down together to participate in a focus group. Af ter four attempts in each site, Wimauma and Urireo, I gave up trying to br ing them together for the gr oups and instead continued to meet with families or individuals one-on-one. There were three people who were more willing to participate in the groups in Wima uma, however, and I asked them their views on why others were not as will ing to participate. Their answ er was that people are overly busy and that they probably distrust sitting down together and the go ssip that might ensue after the group was over. In retrospect, fo cus groups were probably not the best choice for a community as divided as Urireo. One focus group was conducted with health providers from the community and migrant h ealth center in Ruskin Florida, located beside Wimauma. Both of these communities have strengt hs and weaknesses. This study was not conducted to find out if one is “better than the other.” Howe ver, the structures of each community are important, from a Critical Medical Anthropology perspective, because they relate to how much or little access people have to health seeking. This is not to say that the structures determine people’s health but rather that they are important to consider in the larger micro-macroperspective of h ealth in two rural comm unities. Each section will highlight those features that contribute to health and well-being, as informed through the methods described above. Participants we re asked to give their opinions on if they felt people were healthier in the US or Mexico and for what reasons. This data is part of the analysis, as is epidemiologic data from the local clinics in Florida and Guanajuato.

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58 CHAPTER 2 THE PLACES AND PEOPLE: URIREO AND WIMAUMA Cristina was born in 1981 in Florida to parents from Urireo. The youngest of twelve children, she goes back to Urireo ever y year to accompany her mother for the Our Father of Health patron saint celebrations, known as la fiesta de Nuestro Seor de la Salud, in December through January 6. Her family is one of the first families from Urireo to settle in Wimauma. Now a student at the University of South Florida, Cris is the first person from her family to go this far educationally. But her heart is in Urireo: Our town is special. It started out as a really poor town. People came here, like my parents, and they had the “American Dr eam thing” and they eventually brought everyone over here to Wimauma. The person who first came here went back for his uncle, his son and the next thing you know, you have all the families from Urireo throughout the country, in Chicago, West Palm and here. The special thing about my town is the people. We continue to go back on a regular basis to see our family. That’s who we care about and who we identify with. Comparing us to other Mexicans, they are not attached to th eir towns like we are. Our kids have a passion for the town, they love it. I me t people from Urireo who live in Texas, Chicago, we all love it with a passion. We don’t forget abou t it. I don’t think anyone ever will. Those who are left behi nd, they have the choice to migrate too. Hopefully Urireo won’t end up alone. A lot of people say they want to go back but I doubt they will ever go permanently. My pa rents want to be buried there. They have their house there and they have th eir house here; but thei r house there is “all alone ” (Tienen sus casas all and tienen sus casas aqui y son casas solas). Separated by a border and thousands of miles, Urireo and Wimauma sometimes seem like they are worlds apart while being ev er-present in people’s daily life. Urireo and Wimauma are very different places, with different histories, economies and placement in our ever globalized world, but they share some structural features.

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59 Figure 2-1. Urireo Decorated for the Fies ta of Patron Saint, Asuncin, July 2001. Each community has its own set of ins titutions, stakeholders, policy-makers and influencers. Key to both communitie s are the following institutions: Table 2-1. Key Institutions in Wimauma and Urireo Institution Wimauma Urireo Church Catholic: Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe Protestant: Beth El Farmworker Mission, Good Samaritan Mission, Church of God, Iglesia de Dios Catholic: Parroquia de Urireo Education Public Schools: Wimuama Elementary: Cypress Creek Elementary, Eisenhower Middle, East Bay High School Private: RCMA Charter School Primary School Catholic School Telesecundaria Government County Commissioner to Hillsborough County Commission Senator, Congressperson Delegado or Delegada Municipal President in Salvatierra

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60 Table 2-1. Continued. Institution Wimauma Urireo Social and Human Services Denotes that these are not located in Wimauma *County: Hillsborough County Social Services, Hillsborough County Hispanic Liaison Limited: Beth El Farmworker Mission (site for other agencies), Good Samaritan Mission (site for other agencies), Iglesia de Guadalupe (site for Catholic Charities) Departamento de Infantes y Familias (DIF), make visits to Urireo, based in Salvatierra Public Safety Hillsborough County Sherriff’s Office Hillsborough County Fire and Rescue None Businesses and Commerce Mexican owned and operated Non-Mexican owned and operated *South Shore Roundtable Pharmacies Private doctors Shop Owners Market Vendors Note: Denotes that these are not located in Wimauma Table 2-1 shows that Wimauma, an underdev eloped rural town in Florida, just by virtue of being located in the First World, offers more services and boasts a stronger infrastructure for public safety and educa tion in comparison to Urireo. While both Urireo and Wimauma have institutions such as health and business sectors, the level of collaboration between them in Mexico is fa r less than that found in Florida. Additionally, Wimauma is more integrated into the surround ing areas of Florida than Urireo is to her Guanajuato neighbors. The vertical and horizontal linkages that happen in the US between institutions and people wo rk completely differently in Urireo, where many of the points of inters ection touch on the Church, ei ther through the school or through fiestas as part of business. Similarities and Differences Urireo and Wimauma share five qualities. Besides the fact that Urireanos live in both places, these qualities are not at first very visible but they are common across both towns. First, both communities are rural a nd lack amenities or services that neighboring

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61 communities enjoy. For example, Wimauma has very poor lighting while neighboring Sun City has excellent lighting. Urireo has “aguas negras” or open dirty water sewers, while at three kilometers aw ay, Salvatierra has piped sewage. Second, both communities are about the same size, at least according to each country’s Census, which estimates them to be more or less 8000 people each. Third, both communities are viewed as having a negative past and a not-so-great current reputation since both suffered from poverty and violence and their on-going effects. Wh ile Urireo suffered greatly during the Cristiada, Wimauma, historically 50% African American, was also home to turpentine mills which were known to be abusive to workers in a very segregated and racist South. In both cases, the fact that they are located in rural areas only helped to worsen the situation by creating more isolation for their inhabitants. Figure 2-2. Aguas Negras or Dirty Waters, Urireo’s Open Sewer Along Calle Hidalgo, Urireo’s Main Road.

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62 Figure 2-3. Entrance to Wima uma, State Road 674, 2002. Fourth, both Wimauma and Urireo ar e both economically dependent upon agriculture but rapidly becomi ng less-so. Wimauma was foun ded in the 1900s, when the timber industry and large scale ag riculture were the driving for ces in the area. Urireo is located next to the Rio Lerma, the river whic h feeds richest area of Guanajuato, known as the Bajo, a major producer of corn a nd beans in Mexico. In Urireo, the parcelas, parcels or plots of land, have been divided and pa ssed on to heirs, with the result that the farmable land for each communal farmer, known as an ejiditario is very small. Mexico has tried several strategies over the years to increase access to la nd, but the result has been that many ejiditarios have plots that are too small to produce a living wage. For this reason, most ejiditarios also work for others or in any other kind of work they can find. As time has passed, housing needs from th e Metropolitan Tampa area have crept into agricultural areas to the north and s outh, including Wimauma. Currently, there are

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63 several large housing developments underway in Wimauma on the very sites where farmworkers used to sow, cultivate and harv est tomatoes, strawberries and spinach. Last, neither Wimauma nor Urireo has di rect political repr esentation. While Wimauma was incorporated in 1925 and had a mayoral city government for a short time, now it is part of unincorporated Hill sborough County and shares one county commissioner from the south county regi on. Urireo has no mayor, even though the ejiditarios elect a delegado who is to serve the interests of the ejido for the year. This delegado tends to speak for the town, even for people who have not elected him or her, because they have no land and are not voting members of the ejido. Hence the delegado is not directly nor democratically elected to serve the entire town, which means that he or she cannot possibly please all the constituencies This form of representation is also inadequate because so many ejiditarios are in the US that they cannot vote and have to send proxy voters to elections Meanwhile, since the delegado is only one person and there are three communities in Urireo Ur ireo, Cporo and Rancho Los Garcias there are many issues that need to be addressed, with each area having di fferent priorities. Structurally, Urireo and Wimauma are sm all towns, somewhat forgotten by the area around them and characterized as poor. At the same time, each have people who care deeply about them and see them as home Living in either Wimauma or Urireo is not easy. The very fact that th ey are rural areas increases th eir inhabitants’ vulnerability to a variety of risks due in part to their lack of political pow er and a weak infrastrucure. This infrastructure has a direct impact on pe ople’s quality of life, because it creates other deficiencies, including a lack of transportation, lack of services and a lack of housing.

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64 Economists coined the term “poverty trap ” to describe areas like Wimauma and Urireo. Banerjee and Newman (1993: 211) point out that poverty matters to positive economics becau se it transforms the way the entire economy works. Arguments for this proposition abound in the development literature. The simplest and most influe ntial is based on the premise that the poor have some behavioral trait that makes them stay poor: poverty is a “trap.” The fraction of nonpoor in the population then determines the potential for wealth accumulation of the economy; countries wi th fewer poor will grow faster…this argument is somewhat unsatisfying because it is not clear that the evident behavioral differences between the poor and everyone else – the poor save less and are less likely to become entrepreneur s, for example – arise from differences in preferences and abilities or inst ead from differences in the economic environment. Banerjee and Newman studied the microeconom ics of poor households to determine the dynamics of the poverty trap phenomenon. They conclude that the poo r in India act like the poor in America and vice versa (1993: 215). They go on to observe that a poor American would have an income that would be the equivalent of an Indian of middle class or better status, leading them to ask why a poor American would not act more like a middle-class Indian. They c onclude with another question, which they go on to answer themselves: “Why does it seem as though relative (italics in original), rather than absolute, poverty is what matters?...it may be tr ue that the poor in America have ten times the food as the poor in India, but they al so need ten times the food to pay for the monitoring or education required for produc tion” (Banerjee and Newman 1993: 215). Thus, the poverty trap is a cycle in whic h the poor lack access to enough resources to help jump-start them out of poverty, even t hough they may have some resources already. Economists have been studying exactly what factors would help to encourage such a jump-start, including access to credit (Banerj ee and Newman 1993), be tter health status (WHO 1999) and nutrition (Galor and Mayer 2002).

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65 On a similar note, the World Health Organization (WHO) argued that “because ill health traps people in povert y, sustained investment in th e health of the poor could provide a policy lever for alle viating persistent poverty” (WHO 1999: 396). Healthier people are more productive, and st udies have found that the grea test benefit to society is yielded by helping the most vulnerable to be healthier (WHO 1999: 398). While most literature points to the need to focus on ch ild feeding programs for the Third World, this document posits that “there is evidence that a dult health depends in part on child health and itself directly influences labor productivity…improved a dult health will improve the dependency ratio both by reducing morta lity among the economically active and by reducing premature retirement that results from illness (WHO 1999: 399). When none of these interventions occur, however, the povert y trap continues to present the poor with difficult and unattractive options, often relati ng to choices between migrating or safety, eating or medical care. Galor and Mayer (2002) focus on the pove rty trap from the perspective of nutritional defi ciency as a causal variable that keeps communities poor, a concept that has relevance for Urireo as will be discussed in Chapter 4. This Chapter first focuses on the history and people of Urireo Mexico, followed by a review of Wima uma, Florida.

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66 Figure 2-4. Urireo, an Ejido that is Comprised of Ur ireo, Cporo and Rancho Los Garcias, Illustrated with Instit utions Mentioned in Chapter 2. As depicted in Figure 2-4, Ur ireo is a composite of three areas, which ascend in altitude along Hidalgo Street, the “mostly paved” but often muddy link between the areas, which altogether measures only about 2 miles. Transp ortation, clinic services and the public primary school are cl ustered at the Northeast end of Urireo, which means that those from Cporo or Rancho Los Garcias have longer walks. The ethnography of the sending and rece iving community allowed me to understand the critical ro les that Urireo’s history and stru cture continue to play in how Urireanos conceptualize their worldview. I was especially interested in how their Rancho Los Garcias ( e j ido ) Cporo (ejido) Urireo Placita Casa Ejidital Urireo Pop. 8150Calle Hidalgo Calle Hidalgo Church Salvatierra Guanajuato Municipal Seat Bus “pesera” stop Taxi Stand maquila Celaya S W E N Church School Primary school Salubridad Clinic Soccer field Graveyard 3 KM

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67 worldview, carried with them as they beco me transnationals in places like Chicago, Wimauma or Decatur, shapes their perceptions of options and ways of characterizing their lives. In this next section, I will pay special attention to the way Urireo’s unique history has influenced Urireanos’ identity, mi gration, life and health in both Mexico and the United States. Urireo de la Asucin, Guanajuato Enrique Santos looked at me, leaned forw ard, pushed his hat back and said “Urireo is a pueblo of resistance ( pueblo de resistencia ). If we are not a pueblo de resistencia then why do we look like this?” What he m eant was, obviously, the color of their skin and the indigenous look to the people of Urir eo, which is markedly different from nearby Salvatierra or even some of the other puebl os. He wondered how it was possible for me not to notice that the Urireanos in Florida were darker than other Mexicans. I explained that we have Mexicans from all over and that there are darker Mexicans, from Oaxaca or even Chiapas. He did not buy it. Instead, he posited to me that Urireo de Asucin was founded by indigenous peoples from other tribes who came to the Bajo, beside the River Lerma, because of it’s abundant soil and wild life. I asked Enrique if he thought the people were Purepecha, an indigenous tribe referred to as “lower Aztecs” (Fernandez 2000), as the previous Priest had told his fl ock. Enrique said, “I don’t think so, we look different than them – that priest came fr om Michoacan, where there are Purepecha, but we are not the same peopl e – we are taller.” Historically, the people in the Bajo have been marginalized and this marginalization seems to have begun at the earliest period of colonization. By about 1550, the Virrey decided that there was nothing of real importance, such as gold and silver there. The Virrey then faced quite a dilemma with Spanish settlers and land

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68 owners encomenderos and hacendados in the area, who had curried favor with the Crown in the hopes of striking it rich, which did not happen. The exact origin or origins of the peopl e that now live in Urireo, Cporo and Los Garcias remains elusive: afte r many hours resear ching this at the Archivos Generales de La Nacin in Mexico City, I found no clear refe rence. The local historian from Salvatierra, Vicente Ruiz Aria s (1994) did not focus much on Urireo or it’s antecedents in his four tomes of Municipal History in the local archives. In the brief section on Urireo, Ruiz (1994) states that Urireo, vocablo purepecha que significa “nariz” a “adelante.” En Nahualt se pronuncia Yacac, Tlayacac o Tlayacaque del vocablo Teyacancantiuh que signifca “ir guiando a otro.” En el siglo XVI se daba ese nombre al indio que servia de guia en los caminos a los curas que salan a administrar los sacramentos. Urireo, in purepecha, means “nose” “for ward.” In Nahuat it would be pronounced Yacac, Tlayacac o Tlayacaque, in the Teyacancantiuh vocabulary, which would mean “he who guides the other.” In the 16th century, this name was given to the Indian who served as a guide to the priests who would come to pueblos to administer sacraments. Ruiz (1994), through his resear ch at the National Archives found that two Indians, Juan Bautista and Juan Migue l, solicited, and received, cat tle to form the pueblo from Viceroy Don Lorenzo Suarez de Mendoza, the Count of La Corua, on July 10, 1580. Ruiz’s (1994) research indi cates that Cporo was already in existence by 1580 but that it was not part of Urireo, because he writes that “the community was comprised of purepecha and chichimeca Indians who were found throughout Cerro Prieto, Paracuaro and Cporo.” It was not until 1755, however, that Urireo formally received any real land. At this time, one hacendado or hacienda owner, was granted lands, Don Fernando Lopez Ballesteros. It seems that he had al ready established a haci enda before obtaining this land grant; however it was officially na med and granted in 1755 as the Hacienda Ojo

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69 de Agua or Water Spring, in what is now considered Urireo. Ruiz writes that the Franciscan Order, from the Acambaro Region to the south of Urireo, were in charge of the evangelization of the pueblo, and that Urir eo had a hospital from its earliest times, citing a document from 1659 (Ruiz 1994). Figure 2-5. Location of Urireo. Regardless of the exact or igins of those who met the Spaniards back in the sixteenth century, the notion that the inhabitants of Urireo were resisting and/or that they were looking to protect themselves seems to be supported in the early documents of the Archivos Generales de la Nacin (AGN) and in the writings of Ruiz Arias (1994). In many areas of what is now considered the Ba jo, there are references to abuse by the hacendados documented by scribes back to th e King of Spain. Specifically, I found two

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70 examples during the colonial era in which those in Urireo, subj ects of the owner of Hacienda Ojo de Agua Don Fernando Ballesteros, suffered to the extent that the scribe documented abuses (AGN, Tierras). Poor tr eatment of the indige nous population sparked the Royal Scribe to write letters to the Crown to ask that something be done to assure that the lands and liv estock, known as mercedes due to the indigenous be given over. The hacendados namely Ballesteros, had refused to comp ly with the Crown’ s order that they be given over a period of more than one hundered years. Wolf documented this same tendancy all over Latin America, and noted that interventions were rarely altruistic: Such Indian leaders and royal official s rallied to the defense of the native communities if they saw their own sources of power and profit threatened by outside interests. At the same time, conf ronted with an increasing demand for labor by industrial and agricultural entreprene urs in the face of a decreasing native population, many were persuaded to redu ce the level of their zeal as public defenders (Wolf 1982: 146). Wolf (1955, 1982) and Wagley and Harris (1955) observed that this was common across Latin America and that the net effect was for indige nous populations to adopt a different, peasant, subculture. Wolf argue s that, especially during colonial times, communities such as Urireo could not truly unite because there were always shifting loyalties and alliances, sometimes with the viceroyalty and sometimes against them in favor of the hacendados (1982: 148). This situation was pa rticularly true for Urireo since there was a constant set of conflicts between hacendados viceroys, indigenous leaders and the Church. Apparently, there was also conflict between the Carmelite and Franciscan priests who viewed the situation in Urireo very differently. This may be partly explain why Urireo was given to one and then another munici pality to govern. During colonization, Urireo first belonged to th e municipality of Mi choacan and then to Salvatierra. Apparently, neither local govern ment took much interest in the pueblo.

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71 At around the same time, the Church, namely the Carmelites or Carmelitas Descalzos became active in Urireo and took the side of the hacendados against the indigenous and mestizos of Ur ireo, which resulted in a fu rther lack of power for the peasants from the beginning.1 The notion that the Carmelites were now operating against the Franciscans shows that the Catholic Church also played a significant role in the unrest of the area. Besides friction between the Church and the Crown, Spain’s system of imperial extraction and tributes helped to set the stage for ho w rural and indigenous communities worked and how obligations got met: From the perspective of the larger Hispan ic colonial order, the Indian communities did not constitute its primary foundations but rather its secondary, lateral supports. The center of the order consisted of th e mining economy and the activities that supplied it. The Indian communities, in tur n, acted as reservoirs of labor and as sources of cheap agricultural and craft products. Where the Indians had to pay tribute in money, they had to hire themselves out for wages or produce for a market. Alternatively, they worked off tribute obligations through payments in kind (Wolf 1982: 149). According to documents from the Na tional Archives (Tierras 36342, Exp. 8, pp 125), the owner of Hacienda Ojo de Agua, Don Fernando Lopez Ballesteros, conspired with the Carmelites against the Franciscan pr iests, who were pressuring him to honor his commitments to the indigenous popul ation by ceasing to charge them Mercedes and to give indigenous peoples lands that had been granted to them by the Crown. The title to his land, held by the royal scribe, Juan Jose Prosique de Zarazua, was a point of contention in these documents. The Scribe al so went against Balle steros in opposing his misuse of Indians. In 1747, Scribe Prosique de Zarazua wrote a thirty page document 1 The parallel to the Cristiada is impressive, because, later, the C hurch took the side of the landowners again, but went further in advoc ating violence against that those in favor of agrarian reform.

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72 outlining Ballesteros’ refusal to cease charging Indians illegal Mercedes extracting labor and violating the law. It was not until 1777 th at this issue was finally resolved, with several but not all Indians r eceiving cattle and lands. Over time, land continued to loom as the number one concern for Urireo’s indigenous and mestizo residents alike. Land continued to be held in the hands of the few original families that received land gr ants from Spain during the colonial period. Thus, power was exclusively held over centuri es. Those with the power were religious and particularly protective over what they vi ewed as “Spanish.” Octavio Paz argues that in its origin, Mexico is cons ervative (1961). Paz argued in the Labyrinth of Solitude that the movement towards agrarian reform and Zapa tismo in particular was not at all liberal in its origin, rather, it was conservative, a turning back, a call for the return of land, the ejido system, which, he argued, was respected by the Spaniards (Paz 1961:341). In this way, the Mexican Revolution was able to draw support for change, but this change represented a return to past values. In order to understand the part icular flavor of Guanajuato and Central Mexico, it is critical to first understand its particular histor y. As absolute ruler of Mexico for 35 years, Porfirio Daz served as president from 1876-80 and as dictator from 1884-1911, a time period referred to as the Porf iriato. Diaz, like Benito Jurez, his one-time ally turned enemy, was an Indian from Oaxaca. Unde r the Porfiriato, everythingFF from gender roles to work were defined by the regime; wo men were to be submissive, stay at home, taking care of children while men worked a nd operated in the public sphere. For this reason, many social scientists find that the Porf iriato is still importa nt to the cultural fabric of Mexico, especially as pertains to genderized work in a global economy (Finkler

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73 1994). Economically speaking, Mexico became more open to modernization and foreign investment under Diaz’ long rule. Konrad (1995 : 24) states that the “Porfirian strategy was a success insofar as it resulted in the e xpansion and diversification of the Mexican economy and the building of infrastructures for an export-oriented i ndustrial nation.” Now, almost 100 years later, Mexico has re discovered these same strategies, but the circumstances and links between economics, domestic politics and foreign relations is considerably different. Beyond the Mexican Revolution: Braceros and Maquilas In 1823, the United States issued the M onroe Doctrine which warned Europe against the recolonization of the newly i ndependent Spanish American republics. Meanwhile, during the 1830’s, el ites worried about the future of the country, and the rise of caudillos, self-interested military dictators backed by private armies, was seen. As Smith (2000) and Cockcroft (1996: 94) inde pendently note, by invoking the Monroe Doctrine, the US intervened in Mexico at least eight times before WWII, again strengthening Mexico’s forei gn policy convictions. A popular Mexican saying attributed to Benito Jurez, Mexico’s first president, ¡Pobre Mexico, tan lejos de Dios y tan cerca de los Estados Unidos! is literally translated as “Poor Mexico, so far from God and so close to the US!.” The saying exemplifies the historical perspec tive of many Mexicans. The Mexican Revolution ended in 1917, endi ng the three pronged effort by Zapata and Villa (radical), Carranza (moderate) and Obregon (labor leader). Carranza emerged the big winner, having orchestrated Zapa ta’s assassination and discredited Obregon (Cockcroft 1996: 95). 1917 saw the first Mexican Constitution, widely held as an example of liberal idealism.

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74 By the 1930s, the world faced a deep recession, the US and Mexico again clashed when the US deported Mexican agricultural workers, citing them as the cause of underemployment of nationals (Cockcroft 1996: 94). In the WW II economy, however, the US again needed agricultural worker s and initiated the Bracero Program in 1942. Bracero was a binational program which recrui ted Mexican nationals to work in US agriculture as temporary contract worker s (Bean et al. 1998: 7, Thomas-Lycklama a Niejeholt 1980). In 1964, when the post WWII boom ec onomy was ever expanding, the US unilaterally discontinued Bracer o, but Mexican migration to work in US agriculture continued (Bean et al. 1998: 7). With the ending of Bracero, Mexico looked for other models for economic revitalization strategi es (South 1990). They found one in Asia, particularly Japan and Taiwan. Asia’s gr owing economy, based on foreign-built factories in specially defined free trade zones, allo wed foreign companies to employ Asians to produce or assemble goods for an export economy. In 1965, the Mexican Government initiated the Programa de Industrializacin de la Frontera Norte de Mexico /Border Industrialization Program (B IP) which established limited free trade zones on the Mexico-US border (South 1990; LaBotz 1993). The Mexican version of these factories became known as maquiladoras or maquilas defined as “assembly manufacturers in Mexico whose production is primarily des tined for export markets” (South 1990: 549). By 1966, regulations and policies were form ed to attract foreign companies to build assembly plants modeled after the successful Asian model. Maquiladoras proliferated at the same time as the Unite d States faced the late 1970's early 1980's recession, which gave US-based companies an additional incentive to seek to lower their

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75 labor costs by crossing the border (South 1990). Cockcroft (1996: 97) describes Mexico’s state supported economic miracle from 1940 to 1960: “agricultural production increased 100%, industrial production 120%” through import substitution (ISI). Between 1960 and 1980, Mexico’s import substit ution strategies continued to be far reaching, but slowdown was apparent: the government put money into modernizing factories and agricultu re while food was subsidized and price controls kept costs down (Cockcroft 1996: 97). NAFTA, or the No rth American Free Trade Agreement, was begun in 1994 and maquilas proliferated past the border areas to even small towns in states like Guanajuato or Hidalgo. With the collapse of the Mexican Peso around the same time, Mexico underwent structural adjustment (LaBotz 1995). Lzaro Crdenas’ sacrosanct commitment to social programs for the poorest segments in Mexico was changed in 1995 by President Salinas when he introduced the National Solidarity Pr ogram, which further solidified Mexico’s resolution toward privatiza tion and structural adjustment under IMF and World Bank policies. This required tinkering with th e Mexican Constitution, na mely, Article 39, ejido reform. La Botz (1995: 24) documents how th is act effectively did away with Article 27, which stated that Mexico owned the la nds and provided for communal ownership, ensuring access for all. Around 1994, neoliberal economics begin to more directly drive domestic and foreign policy, subsidies to maize production and the “tortilla” are discontinued, causing an increase in costs for food staples (Cockcroft 1996). As a result, NAFTA did not decrease illegal Mexican migra tion to the US, as Pastor and Fernandez (1998: 197) observed: the debates on migration might offer a cl ue to the future of the relationship [between US and Mexico]. The main arena for the debates has always been

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76 Congress. All the fears, hopes and inte rests of the US that are generated by immigration are collected and sorted by members of Congress...although some of NAFTA’s proponents argued that it would reduce migration, they were wrong in the short and medium terms. Until the income gap between the US and Mexico narrows significantly and under the best of circumstances, that won’t happen for decades the US-Mexican border will func tion as a powerful magnet. The more the two economies integrate, the more the two societies will combine. It was 1996 when I first visited Salvatierra, Guanajuato with a friend of mine from a nearby state. His sister, Maria, and her fam ily lived in Salvatierra and operated a store in the main plaza of the town. Maria a nd her family referred to Salvatierra as “rancho,” meaning country, which I at first did not qui te grasp. After all, Salvatierra is the municipal seat of Salvatierra, Guanajuato. There are paved roads, rolling hills and picturesque churches, whose long history ev idenced by many centuries of Carmelite Catholic tradition. I was unsure of the fairness of their assessment. Salvatierra seemed like an older, somewhat past its prime, medi um sized town that was a bit stuck in time but not necessarily rural or backward. Little did I know that I would later spend a considerable amount of time in a real rancho or ejido that is only three kilometers from Salvatierra by the name of Urireo. Although physically close to Salvatierra, Urir eo is light years aw ay from it both in terms of culture and tradition. A common remark throughout my research was “Urireo didn’t even have a paved road until 2001. No w we have potholes.” A Chicago-born son to parents from Urireo occasionally comments to me “My parents are stuck in the 1500’s. I don’t see how you could live in that place (Uri reo).” When it rains, mud fills the streets and even partially pave d roads often resemble their pre-paved days most of the time.

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77 Economic and Psychological Impact of Migrant Remittances to Mexico Guanajuato is a relatively small state located in central Mexico, and is the sixth most populous state in Mexico with 3,982,593 re sidents in 1990 Census, making up about 5% of the total national population (INEGI, 1995). Today, the population is young, with 40% of them being under 15 years of age and 28% between 15 and 29 (INEGI 1995). While it is hard to gage how many Guanajuate nses are in the US, one key indicator is remittances. Remittances from migrants in th e US are second only to oil exports in terms of income to Mexico (Lozano-Ascencio 2002) Guanajuato has recently become the Mexican state that receives the most remittan ces from US-based migrants, for a total of 9.3% of all remittances to the country (Lozano-Ascencio 2002). Estimates put Guanajuato’s share of remittances at $309 m illion US every quarter, with $8.9 billion in remittances being sent back to Mexico annually (Lozano-Ascencio 2002). I met Araceli on the bus, she was a little shy but I could tell she wanted to ask me something. Araceli’s two children were well -behaved but obviously uncomfortable. The bus was overcrowded and we were sitting like sa rdines as the ancient vehicle strained to get us from Urireo’s dirt roads to the paved road leading to Salvatierra. Araceli was on her way to the bank to see if her husband had sent the money he promised. He did not make it back this year because “his papers aren’t good” but he want s her and the children to move to Florida instead. She was pretty cl ear that she did not want to go. She said, “My mother had the same problem 20 years ago with my father.” Now, her parents are older and she wants to stay and take care of them. Araceli did not come out and say it but it seemed like her husband does not always se nd money, or at least, enough money. She did say, almost making it into a que stion, about three times that los hombres andan alli y se les olvidan de sus responsabilidades,” or “Men go over there and they forget about

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78 their obligations.” I underst ood. I could not do anything but look at her and tell her I do not know her husband and I do not know what he had been doing in Florida. She did not seem relieved nor happy at this news, only a bi t disappointed. I think she suspected that he had another family and she was at the point where she just wanted to know. Her face revealed her dilemma. After a minute, she conf ided to me that she would rather stay in Mexico and work anywhere, even the Mab Maquiladora. She said she could not work because her husband would find out and be ups et. Her employment would be seen as proof he is not a good provider, which would jeopardize the money he does remit. Immigrants to the US often speak of thei r sacrifices in leaving their families, sending money back and not spending it on frivol ous items. People in Urireo also talk about their sacrifices in order to help each other gain a better life. Often, families in Urireo related stories of saving up money to be able to finance a young male to cross over to the US and work, so he can remit back. Exact figures for the percentage of households in Urireo receiving remittances is unknown; in this study, I found that most peopl e did receive something but they did not receive enough. There was discrepancy betw een reports from those who received in Urireo and those who sent remittances in Wimauma. However, bank transfer data show that one in eight households in the state of Guanajuato rece ives money from a migrant in the US (Orozco 2005). There is also a psychol ogical effect in the sending and receiving of these remittances. On one hand, the migrant who sends the money is fulfilling a social obligation that he or she made before leaving. After all, th e idea is that this person is coming to the US and all are making some sort of sacrifice for the good of the household. At the same time, if the money does not ar rive, there is a lack of fulfillment or

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79 compliance. As in Araceli’s case, when the m oney does not arrive or if it does not arrive as it was expected to arrive, questions arise about the migrant, his or her activities and, ultimately, loyalty. In this context, Araceli’ s sacrifices needed to be matched by her husband’s, and one way to do this is through remittances. US-Mexico migration studies have become increasingly sophisticated over the past 20 years and have benefited from binati onal collaborations between Mexican and American scholars (Massey and Durand 2004; Massey et al. 1987; Durand 1994; Mines et al. 1997). Theoretical approach es that rely on traditional “p ush-pull” theories related to Mexico’s poor economy pushing workers out at the same time as the US’ need for cheap labor pulling Mexicans to work in the US have been replaced by models which take individual motivations and socio-econom ic resources into account (Wilson 1997, 1998, 2000; Maciel and Herrera Sobek 1998; Gendreau and Gimenez 1998). Migration studies now utilize longitudinal and multi-site data to demonstrate the complexities involved in US-Mexico migration (Wilson 1998, Masse y et al. 1987; Durand 1994; Durand and Massey 2004). The finding that Mexican migration is ofte n a family’s temporary survival strategy in which the family and the migrant him/ her-self expect to return (Gendreau and Gimenez 1998: 3), which in turn strengthens and transforms the link back to the homeland, proved a key insight th at changed migration studie s’ presumption of the one way flow of people and replaced it with a more circular model (Maciel and Herrera Sobek 1998). Espinoza compared migration from ejidos in municipali ties of Salvatierra and Apaseo el Alto and found that “for some, going to work the fields in the US represented the possibility for them to gain re sources for production [ on their parcels] and

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80 return more or less as successful in order to be able to stay in the community; for others, it was a journey without return. In either case, the migration process never ended” (Espinoza 1996: 4). Urireo Today The area of Mexico known as the Bajo is extremely fertile and is a major agricultural producer. The Bajo is the southe rn region of Guanajuato that borders on the neighboring state of Michoacan. Outside of Sa lvatierra, the area is extremely rural. Urireo, San Juan and Ballesteros were all parts of haciendas that were divided under agrarian reform in the middle 1900s. Cornfiel ds, cows and parcels of land (parcelas) are common, often incongruously beside a maqu iladora or a major road, like the one connecting Salvatierra to Urireo (see Figur e 2-2). Throughout th e region’s history, Salvatierra has been the “capital” of the Ba jo while small pueblos like Urireo faced hardship, poverty and desperation directly li nked to issues of land reform and access to land. As time went on, descendants of the hacendados tended to live in Salvatierra instead of the haciendas and their wealth some what insulated them from the realities of their rural counterparts. As depicted in Figure 2-4, Urir eo is actually three smaller entities, Cporo, Urireo and Rancho Los Garc ias, with a total popul ation estimated at 8,000 between them. However, since male s migrate at a young age and many do not return, the real population is more like 4,300 or so, comprised mainly of women, older returned migrants, who call themse lves Braceros, and children. Urireo is closest to the highway, which goe s directly to Salvatierra, while Cporo is located about halfway up the cerro or hill, and Rancho Los Garc ias (Los Garcias) is at the top of the cerro. All three areas function as Ur ireo and fall under the same ejido, electing only one delegado per year to make decisions about the areas for that year.

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81 Urireo is short for Urireo de la Asuncin. Urireo reportedly means “one who leads by the nose in Purepecha.” More than one woman in Urireo joked that “We really like our fiestas more than anything else!” in referen ce to the fact that most pueblos only celebrate one saint, while here they celebrate two. The two fiestas per year mean that most of the year is spent planning for one or the other. The celebration of the town’s patron saint, Nuestra Virgen de la Asuncin since Urireo was originally called Urireo de la Asuncin is on August 15. The second is the celebration of the Nuestro Se or de la Salud, Our Father of Health, equivalent to Jesus, which starts in mid-December and ends January 6. In essence, Urireo celebrates both the female and the male through these two fiestas. Asuncin or a combination of Asuncin are common names for both males and females in Urireo (e.g. Asuncin, Maria de la Asuncin, Jose Asuncin). Asuncin becomes “Chon” or “Chona” in daily use in Ur ireo. The name Jesus, in recognition of Nuestro Seor de la Salud is also common, even though most people use the nickname Chui for Jesus. Work, Fiestas and Migration In December 2001, I arrived in Urireo at th e height of celebration of the Nuestro Seor de la Salud fiesta, which culminat ed on January 6, 2002. Streamers filled the streets, people milled around everywhere. Th ere were highly decorated beds, complete with satin pillows and fine linen s, in the street, awaiting the arrival of Nuestro Seor, or Jesus, as pilgrims carried him from house to house. All of this was highly festive and people were in great spirits, even if the r ecent September 11 attacks meant that there were less returned migrants this year. But what st ruck me the most were the fireworks. There

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82 were fireworks, called castles or castillos at about every 400 feet. These fireworks were multiple levels, loud and extremely bright. Chil dren as young as five were helping to set off the show, which was conducted within the co nfines of Urireo’s narrow streets, which in some cases were not even wide enough for a car to pass through. As a result, the fireworks seemed dangerous to me, which only seemed to make my Urireano friends laugh and respond, “Yes, that’s part of the f un.” The whole atmosphere of chaos was augmented by gunpower smoke everywhere, sometimes making it hard to see. Due to a 50 year trend of out-migration to the US, Urireanos began to immigrate first to Chicago, then Califor nia and then Florida (starti ng around 1982). Most of the year, except during the fiestas, the male-fem ale distribution is decidely skewed toward the female. Urireo has very good soil and this area of Guanajuato, the Bajo, is the major producer of corn and beans for the country. As more and more families have migrated to the US, many ejido parcels have been rented ou t to others and there are serious political and social problems resulting from a poor di stribution of good farming land. In general there is a lack of access to arable lands, while many migrants living in the US own parcels they cannot farm and then rent them out. There are three maquiladoras, or assembly pl ants, located at the main highway that passes by Urireo. One is Korean owned a nd two are Mexican. Two are garment and textile producing and one of these is the Ma be, manufacturer of small appliances and refrigerators. Maquiladoras almost exclusiv ely hire females between the ages of 18 and 24 and almost always start them on the 6 PM to 9 AM shift. Hence, young males tend to be underand un-employed, which poses added difficulties for them in complying with

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83 their socially ascribed roles as providers a nd heads of households. The net result of these factors is synergistic culminating in Northern migration. In August, December and the beginning of January, the town teems with people, returned migrants are reunited with their Mexi can families, money is spent in the market and the town comes alive. Many colored streamers line the streets, fireworks are aplenty and food is everywhere. Those who want to celebrate with fireworks or by having pilgrims carry the statue of Nuestro Seor or la Virgen to a table in front of their houses pay the church a fee for the honor. Fascinated by the amount of fireworks, I asked families how much they normally spent per night on the fireworks. I estimate that the fireworks alone must cost at least $500 per ni ght, and each celebrati on lasts two weeks or 14 days, which means that, all together, Urireo spends at least $7,000 per fiesta per year, a total of at least $14,000. At least some of this money comes from remittances sent from migrants in the US. There is not much consensus in Urireo but people agree on only one thing: they live for these fiestas In fact, mothers who receive rem ittances from their sons and daughters delight in spending this money on decorations for the street, contributions to the church to make the fiesta as big as possible and of course, on full course meals. Having two major fiestas per year instead of only one ha s the effect of stimulating the economy not once but twice per year. This also has the effect of depleting household incomes by the same degree twice a year. The effects of this income depletion are far-ranging and affect various aspects of life in Urireo, from nutrition to community development. However, when there is no fiesta to plan for or celebrate, Urireo changes. By that, I mean that the people change. Once the fiesta s are over, the migrants go back to the US

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84 and sometimes it takes awhile for them to fi nd work, pay off the coyotes who take them across the border illegally and save enough to send back as remittances. Many Mexican families actually fund the migrant, usually a single male son, on this dangerous journey. Meanwhile, with no remittances, little work av ailable to males and a generally depressed agricultural economy, Mexican families make due without meat and expound on the benefits of eating hand made corn tortillas w ith hot chile salsa. Families told me often that “this corn is the basis of life, you do not need to eat anything else. Twenty tortillas a day will make you strong!” The local parochial group published a ne wsletter in August of 1997 to share Urireo’s history, song and, especially the fi estas. Written primarily by the previous parrish priest, who believed that Urireanos we re predominantly Purepecha in origin, this document was written to “be an instrument for community dialogue so that we can get back to our customs and traditions that our parents have given us.” The newsletter, given to me by a young woman who is active in the Church, also st ates the following: The fiesta is the “heart of the purepecha culture;” At the heart of the fiesta is the faith of the community but we also know that the fiesta is more than religious, it is also ec onomic, social and familial, recreation and artistic; “The dominant, hedonistic-, consumptionand economicallycentered culture has introduced damaging and destructiv e elements into our fiesta;” Los picaros are special breads baked only during the fiestas, which are meant to welcome people to Urireo. In prehispanic days, the picaros were formerly made of corn and were a sign of hosp itality. With the arrival of the Spaniards, picaros began being made of wheat flour and colored red to symbolize the fiesta. During the fiesta in August, a special meal with mole and tu rkey should be eaten, along with the ancient custom of co lored tortillas. In January, the fiesta should include goat and colored tortillas as well.

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85 Urireo’s song was written by J. Jesus Rivera Zepeda in 1968, set to the music of another song, “Msica de la Feria de las Flores.” This song, entitled “Welcome to Urireo” or “Bienvenidos a Urireo” has twelve stanzas. There are three aspects of the song that are intriguing: 1. Rivera utilizes the indigenous word “chiquihites,” or handwoven baskets, a word that is used much less today, 2. Rivera mentions the haciendas and small towns near Urireo, such as La Moncada and Ojo de Agua, and it is still customary for Urireanos to attend the fiestas of their neighbors, just as he urges these people to sing as one in Urir eo; and 3. he mentions the castillos, or fireworks, in his song, indicating that this traditi on is also at least 30 years old. Below are a few excerpts from the song: Spanish English Invitada es la region A las fiestas de Urireo. Y por vieja tradicion, Hoy nos vamos de paseo. Picaros por toneladas Chiquihites de tortillas. Quesadillas por mantadas Y muchas otras cosillas. Alli en la mera placita Dando vueltas las parejas Las cornetas pita y pita Pa’ gusto de las orejas En la noche la kermes Y el Castillo tan bonito, Sin falta los buscapies Y la quema del torito Salvatierra y la Moncada Charco Largo y Tarimoro, La Angostura y Ojo de Agua Todos cantamos en coro. Everyone in the region is invited To the fiestas in Urireo. And, following our old tradition Today we are going to go for a stroll. Picaros by the ton Baskets of tortillas. Tons of quesadillas And many other little things. Right there in the square The couples walk around The coronets sound To the pleasure of the ears. At night will be the service And the fireworks so beautiful We will not need small talk And there will be the burning of the bull Salvatierra and la Moncada Charco Largo and Tarimoro, La Angostura and Ojo de Agua We will all sing as one.

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86 Some respondents seem to be in agreemen t with the idea that the long-standing conflicts that began during the Revolution a nd that continued duri ng the Cristiada over land and the role of the church in discourag ing those eligible from gaining ejido lands have shaped Urireo, Cporo and the genera l region and have encouraged outmigration. People are not united, not even within the same families, and in reality have never been. It has been family against family and it con tinues today. The only di fference is that now, instead of fighting with weapons, it seems like they are fighting with each other by seeing who can put on the best fiesta during either Nuestro Seor de la Salud in December or the Virgen de la Asuncin in August. Money has become the weapon here and really, the only way to obtain it in larg e enough quantities is for so meone in the household to migrate to the US and remit. Luisa’s husband, Don Alberto, an ejiditari o who is active with in the ejido and whose father was one of the first delega dos, is annoyed by the idea that the young people in Urireo and Cporo, where he lives, do not know their history. He blames their parents, for various reasons. He says that “many pa rents only instill religion and going to church to their children and they do not worry about history. I say, how can you form an opinion if you do not know history? It’s the parent s’ fault because today we have books and stories.” He suggested that there should be a museum or some sort of display for the fiestas to educate the youth, even returned mi grants whose parents never told them their history. It is worth noting that Mexican migrati on has been going on since at least 1942 but there have been no real attempts to fo rmalize links between sending and receiving communities or even migrants’ return visits not linked to fiestas. The draw of tradition,

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87 culture, family and religion come together in the fiestas, wh ich are usually sponsored by the local Catholic Church. The role of fiesta s in bringing people t ogether while providing an economic venue to the town is critical to note. However, the idea that small pueblos like Urireo, across Mexico are somehow losi ng an opportunity to st rengthen linkages and relationships with daughter communities in the US is just beginning to gain acceptance. Espinoza’s (1996) study in two municipa lities in Guanajuato found similar findings. Migrants scheduled their visits to coincide with patron saint fiestas and often spent large portions of their earnings on the trip and contributions to the fiestas themselves. Her recommendation, which several key informants in Urireo also suggested, was to build on the transnational as pects of the fiestas in order to establish stronger more lasting bonds: “It would be worthwhile to establish some sort of longetivity to the transitory moment of th e fiesta, like a conservation of languages and different forms of solidarity within the pueblo, even when the families end up staying in the US” (Espinoza 1996: 14). Over the course of my fiel dwork, people, especially wo men, remarked to me, “In Urireo, we don’t worry about spending money” or “En Urireo, no nos preocupa gastar el dinero.” But they do worry about spending thei r money, in reality. They just do not worry about it for the fiestas. Some people see this as very negative and they are outspoken that Urireo could use that money in other, more tangible ways. Men and women tended to hold differing views of the fiestas and the Church in general. Pe a and Frehill (1998: 622) make the point that Mexican women find religion, especially Ou r Lady of Guadalupe, empowering. They point out that, especially for women, religion is cultu rally embedded (1998).

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88 Those who most disagree with holding fiestas tend to be those ejiditarios who are more traditional, somewhat older but not the oldest. All of those who spoke against the fiestas were males. Independently, they opined that the fiestas were money-makers for the Church and that the Church does not have the best interests of the community at heart. They spoke about the sacrifices peopl e made and continue to make in order to send remittances back to Urireo. Some of these remittances, although it would be impossible to calculate what percentage, are spent on fireworks and street decorations to make the fiestas better. In his classic writings on economy an thropology, Dalton (1969: 73) outlined a situation that describes Urireo today: I call this situation “cash income growth without development.” The community’s cash income grows somewhat because of its enlarged sales of crops or labor, but those structural changes in economy, technology, and culture necessary for sustained income growth and the integrat ion over time of the local community with the nation, are not forthcoming. During the period when cash income grows while old culture, values and folk-views remain initially unchanged (because literacy, new vocational skills, new lines of pr oduction, new technology, are not adopted), some characteristic responses are generated: 1. The use of new cash income for old status prerogatives (bridewealth, potlatch). 2. New conflict situations (land tenure litigation). 3. The undermining of traditional arrangements providing material security through social relationships (c ash earning and individualism). Structurally, this cash income without de velopment plays out ve ry concretely in overlapping areas of under-devel opment of all forms of capital, but especially in human capital terms. Urireo provides no training no r preparation for her inhabitants to live productively in a globalized North America. Educational and job training opportunities are limited to those who can afford a daily co mmute to Salvatierra, the Municipal Seat, or

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89 other towns that have a secondary or even a vocational school. Like many rural areas of Central Mexico, land tenure continues to pl ay out dramatically and uneasily due to uneven agrarian reform measures. In Dalton’s words, Urireanos utilize rem ittances in ways that do not contribute toward community development, but rather towa rd “old status prerogatives.” The fact that remittances are used for the two annual fiestas means that Urireanos prioritize status over development. This esse ntially means that their economic situation is unchanged during the two fiestas, since that money does not go into their, but rather the Church’s, pockets. Similarly, while transnationals ofte n send money back to Urireo and build their houses before anything else, this has not translated to community development in any real sense. Globalization is a term that has found its way into everyday speech in the US (Time 2001). Migration between the US and Me xico happens within the context of globalization in the Post-NAFTA arena and ac ross both countries. There are increasing numbers of mother and daughter communities of Mexicans in the US (Massey et al. 1987). My fieldnotes from Ja nuary 18, 2002 concluded that “The sad reality that those who leave and make a better material life for themselves and their families on both sides of the border may pay the price in identity and mental or psychic pain that may never fully resolve itself.” This realization came as a result of much participant observation with families living in both Urireo and Wimauma. One young man, a grandchild of a key informant in Wimauma, decided to stay on in Mexico after his family left in January to return to work. This 18 year old was born and raised in Florida and ha d just graduated from East Bay High School. Like many

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90 other Mexican American youth, Juan enjoys ra p music, television, vi deo games, renting videos and generally hanging out. He wa s not understood by his extended family in Mexico nor the community and soon, he found himself associating with the “less desirable” characters in the town. Juan misunderstood why he was not accepted and not supported. He felt that his Florida-based family should support him both morally and financially so that he could st ay in Urireo. He did not work in Urireo and lived off the remittances sent by his mother and grandparents in the US, much to the resentment of his Mexican family and others in the community. There was hurt and mistrust on both sides. Why? In order to understand this situation, it is important to compare Juan to other young men and women in Urireo. Others his age dream of the day when they can go north, work, send money back to their families, build their houses in Urireo a nd return as “heroes” to find and marry their boyfriends or girlfriends. Ther e is a complete lack of hope in most of the Mexican youth Juan’s age. Many eighteeen year olds are al ready fathers. Few have gone past the sixth grade, mainly due to economic problems. Urireo now has a private television based “high school,” telesecundaria that has about forty teens. Since Juan already has a high school diploma and he is from the North, hi s peers share the same confusion as their older counterparts about why in the world Juan would want to live in Urireo instead of Wimauma. They saw this as a wasted effort on Juan’s part. After all, they felt that he should be focused on making money and being with his family, most of whom live in Florida. Of course, these are the same values that cause many males younger than Juan to migrate in the first place. The difference is that they cannot legally or easily migrate and he can.

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91 In Wimauma, he could make US dollars, he could buy luxuries and could be with his family. Many wish they had legal documents which would allow them to travel as freely between Mexico and the US as Juan or I can. Instead, they realize that they take their lives into their hands when cr ossing illegally. They see that they have no choice and they accept this. They see Juan as having a choice and not making good use of it. Figure 2-6. Wimauma-based Urireanos Pl aying Soccer in Urireo, Summer 2000. Figure 2-7. Chicago-based Urireanos Pl aying Soccer in Urireo, Summer 2000.

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92 La Cristiada and Urireo’s Unique Past People in Wimauma and Urireo stat e simply that the village is “ muy chismoso ” or very gossipy. Even in Wimauma, key informants told me that when they go back to visit, they dislike going to church in Urireo, even though they send money back to the priest occasionally, because people “look you up a nd down…they’ll talk about you. No, I prefer to go to church in the ne xt town, no one cares there.” Anthropologists have long noted the impor tance of social control and leveling in closed peasant communities through witchcraft and fear of societal disapproval (Wolf 1955). Urireo is not technically a closed peasant community of the type that Wolf described back in 1955, nor was it ever, because Urireo has been exporting labor to the US for many decades and has also had intera ctions other towns, especially the medium sized Salvatierra at three kilometers away. However, Urireo’s social structures tend to resemble those described by Wolf, the need for equilibrium in social relationships and the avoidance of “disruptive phenomena such as economic mobility, abuse of ascribed power or individual conspicuous show of wealth ” (Wolf 1955: 460). Migration has had the effect of changing some of th ese traditions through creation of the exception to the rule. For example, those who stay and never migrat e in Urireo face considerably more gossip and social control than those who leave and come back. In fact, it has become an unwritten norm that the return ed migrant do just the opposite of what Wolf describes. He or she should display wealth, spend mone y on the fiestas and become involved in community affairs, even though he or she ha ve not technically lived in the community over the last year or so. Those who stay have primarily been women while those who leave have traditionally been men. Therefor e the social control and gossip faced by those still in Urireo takes on a genderized aspect.

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93 With transnationalism and globalilzation, gos sip is not confined to one village or even one country. Rather, it operates in both Wimauma and Urireo simultaneously. News travels fast between Guanajuato and Florida and among Urireo’s daughter communities. Despite the fact that Urireo still has no public phone (2005), the networks work so well that social control can be appl ied from Mexico to Florida to Chicago or even from Chicago to Florida via Mexico. Every story I heard rela ted to this kind of social control had to do with absent male s finding out about wome n working or doing something that was frowned upon. In all cases the women had to change their behaviors or actions to comply with their husbands’ wishes. Many men told me about their experiences as Braceros in the 1940s and 1950s. With the Bracero program, there was finally an option for the most marginalized to find a solution that did not depend on the government nor the church but rather themselves and their own hard work or “empeo” to get ahead. Meanwhile, the on-going problems with ejido lands, constant murders of men for cove ted lands, including murders by the very delegados or comisariados the elected leaders of the ejido s, for the very best lands, eroded any kind of trust or hope that men w ould otherwise have for staying and making their lives in Urireo. Despite the fact that the land of the Bajo is probably the most fertile in all of the state and that there is a somewhat functional irrigation system, the prices for produce are so low that farmers struggle to survive. If there is one thing that everyone agrees on, it is that Urireo was built from 1950 to the present, by the work of the “ norteos ,” braceros, legal or illegal. More than one respondent reported that up until that point, the best houses were of adobe and brick was barely known. Today, it is easy to tell whic h houses are of migrants. They are two

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94 stories, usually of a more ‘campestre ’ or norteo style, with gold-trimmed windows with fancy forged steel burgler bars. Although th ere are many women who prefer to cook in outdoor kitchens made of tabique or adobe, most houses have m odern gas ranges, even if they are barely used. The faade of th e house is either brick or stucco. Some of the houses are simply vacant, aw aiting their owners who are working and living in any of Urireo’s daughter co mmunities. These houses are called casas tristes, sad houses, or casas solas, lonely houses, because they sit vacant. In a real way, these houses are symbolic space, they represent far more than buildings si nce they are actually a sign of wealth or at the very least of having made it. Even though there might be no one actually living in the hous e for 9-10 months of the y ear, they are an everyday reminder and cultural commentary to youth that th e responses to their s ituations are not to be found in Urireo but rather in the US. Jorge Durand’s classic work on Guan ajuato-US migration highlighted the popularity of the Bracero Program in Guanajua to and how culturally ingrained migration has become to the daily life of Guanajuatens es, especially those in rural areas (1994). Durand found that 23% of the migrants going to the US were female and 77% were male (1994: 183). Durand examined the push factors of the lack of agrarian reform and the lack of good jobs and found that even when these conditions were met, migration continued. Durand suggested that the more recent migration is motivated by several interrelated needs for work for men that pays better than the newly created maquila jobs for women (1994: 223). Further, Durand argue d that this is a household strategy that provides the family with more money, more qui ckly than they could earn in Mexico but he maintains “this is not a way of life” (1994: 228). Durand painted the picture of the

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95 “rational migrant” who utilizes migration as he sees fit, while adapting to the effects of migration and globalization (1994: 291). In the case of Urireo, the additional push factors of violence, la Cristiada and a l ack of community cohesion as a result only strengthen Durand’s analyses. It's All About the Land La Revolucion Mexicana and Hope On January 26, 2002, I was sitting in the Plac ita of Urireo when the Don Victor asked me what I had found out about Urireo a nd I told him that I ha d learned a lot I did not know about the Mexican Revolution and the Guerra Cristera He tipped his hat and said to me, “You wait and see, Mexico will revolt again, we need to get rid of all those in power and bring in new blood that is not corru pt.” Somewhat shocked, I asked him if he doubted President Vicente Fox’s ability to clean up the corrup tion as he promised. Don Victor replied that it was only the people “el pueblo” that could clean it up. Over the time I spent in Urireo I realized that this ejido was far from content with agrarian reform, which at the time was being reformed again a nd not in a positive way from the sounds of it. The realities of both the Mexican Revolu tion and its promise of land as well as the threats embodied by the Cristiada continue to occupy the present day r eality of Urireo. At various points throughout my researc h, I could hear passages of the famous book Los de Abajo translated as The Underdogs (Azuela 1916), echoing in my head. In his book, Azuela depicts how the poorly armed campesino men who were determined to win land and gain a better life (1916: 16). In the heat of battle, Azuela depicts how the poor campesinos, wearing shoes that were falling apart, were so convinced of their cause that whatever they lacked in material they made up for in their steady faith: “Oh, come on, Anastasio don't be cruel; lend me your rifl e. Come along, one shot, just one! Manteca and Quail, unarmed, begged for a gun as a boon, imploring permission to fire at least a

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96 shot apiece. "Come out of your holes if you've got any guts!" "Show your faces, you lousy cowards!"” (Azuela 1916: 16). As D on Vicente spoke, I could just hear this dialogue and I could feel his frustration, because the promis e of the Mexican Revolution is still there but not totally realized. Azuela’s novel explains why the Revolution and the Cristiada were so important. At one point, an opposing soldier defects and tries to sign up with the campesinos, saying The revolution benefits the poor, the ignoran t, all those who have been slaves all their lives, all the un-happy people who do not even suspect they are poor because the rich who stand above them, the rich who rule them, change their sweat and blood and tears into gold. . (Azuela 1916: 19). The campesinos eventually shoot, wound and kill the soldiers ran away, winning the war. With this same level of conviction, today’s ejiditarios believe in agrarian reform and want it to continue so that their children ha ve a better chance of staying in Mexico and making the country better, but they are also pr agmatists. I was fortunate to be able to attend several meetings, includ ing an annual meeting of the ejiditarios which was supervised by the regional Agrarian Reform re presentative. After we were all locked into the Ejido Hall, the roll call of ejiditarios was taken. Those ejiditarios who were working in the US were represented by other members of their families, usually mothers or wives but not always. Disagreement started almost immediately over the land parcels (parcelas), parcel boundaries being unclear and in dispute, how the parcels had been transferred, somewhat legally, not legally, unclearly, and who in reality was the owner of the parcel. Heated debate and accusations we re mixed with a real attempt by ejiditarios and their representatives to refrain from physi cal violence or accusa tions that could result in violence later on.

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97 A new Delegado was elected peacefully that year in a place that had recently had its first female Delegada whom I had met early on in my research on a visit in 1999. One of my informants sitting beside me at the ejido hall confided to me, “I am always glad when the Ministry of Agrarian Reform Ministerio de la Reforma Agraria sends someone in for our meetings. It helps keep the peace.” Peace is preferable to Urireo’s violent pa st. Characterized as a place where “those from above ( ejiditarios ) could not walk past certain houses or get shot,” routine violence happened frequently until at least 1990. The shooters were considered “Cristeros” and the victims “Ejiditarios.” Now, another decade later, some of these same families have become related through intermarriage of the newer generations. This is a major step forward for Urireo, which has a reputation fo r violence and killing throughout the local area. To say that the Guerra Cristera is forgotten in this area would be a major falsehood. The parallels between the Cristiada and the earliest treatment of the peasants by the hacendados is not hard to see. As I read in the AGN, Urireo’s peasants had grave monetary and human rights disputes with Balle steros for over 100 years. No wonder that the Guerra Cristera was so hard fought in Urireo and that is has a special place in the collective memory of those who can still remember it. During the Guerra Cristera the people of Urireo finally decide d that it was up to them and them alone to fight for the land and that neither the Church nor the gove rnment was going to do it for them. After the Mexican Revolution, the backlash from the Church in the form of the Guerra Cristera or the Movement of Cristeros ( movimento de los cristeros ) hit Urireo hard. The priests told their parishioners not to take ejido lands and that it was a sin to do so.

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98 Two of the older men report that there was one priest who said that to kill a peasant with his sandals still on was the surest way to get into heaven (“matar a un campesino con los huaraches puestos era la manera ms segura para llegar al cielo”) Thousands of people died in the Guerra Cristera and one important battle happened in the Cerro del Peln behind Urir eo on the way to Parcuaro.1 With all this suffering, people were further reminded of the Guerra Cr istera and problems with land reform for decades afterward, arguably ti ll this day, since some people in Cporo, the bastion of ejiditarios and those of Urireo, more aligned with the Church, continue to differ on the role of the church and state. Both groups agree that Cporo are the nonbe lievers, the protestantes, etc, and Cporo has the heart of the ejido, while Urireo is the believers and the followers of the Church. Those of Urireo see those of C poro as non-cooperative in community affairs even in the present. Many of those in Cporo, mostly the men, see that those in Urireo only want cooperation for fiestas, church-related things that will not really benefit the pueblo in the same way that paved roads or structural improvements could. The ejido hall is located in Cporo and annual meetings are held there. The Urireo character is up-front about the place’s violent past. I was able to speak with two of the oldest reside nts who fought on behalf of the ejiditarios against the Cristeros back in the 1930s and 1940s. The storie s were horrifying and vaguely reflected other accounts of the Cristiada (Hernandez 2000). During the Cristiada the ejiditario s were not known as such, they were actually known as “agraristas ” or “agrarians” who, according to my then-88 year old former agra rista-fighter, Don Sergio, through his tears: 1 See below for the account in which Don Sergio remembers having eaten uncooked cactus so that they would not die of thirst.

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99 The Cristeros were tricked by the priests into thinking th at giving a little piece of land away was a sin. The priests told peopl e, and we all heard it, that “to kill a ejiditario with his huaraches st ill on would be a ticket to heaven.” These priests did not have a conscience. We believed and we still believe that the land is for everyone. The poor, it was us who went to ask for land, this land was still owned by the hacendados. These streets you see here today, they weren’t even here…we were poor and we were the majority. This is the exact center of the war, of those who did not want us to have access to the land. But the government (of Mexico), they appreciated us, they gave us arms under Cardenas, and we took them to fight for the land. We were a lot of people, we didn’t have enough guns, we used sticks, rocks, machetes and the Cristeros, well, th ey all had rifles. I remember they saw an old man, he couldn’t hide fast enough, a nd they shot him right there. The worst was when we were on the Cerro de Agostinos the Cristeros killed a few of us and we got stuck up there for two days, they had cannons and were shooting us, we suffered a lot, we picked cactus (nopales) and sucked the juice out of them for water in order to survive. You know, a lot of women cooperated and helped in the fight. They held a lot of meetings in Doa Lencha’s house, my mom, she grabbed a rifle and she went out to defend our rights. I was 14 when I started to fight, I was born in 1914 and throughout this war, th e women triumphed, we did not see them but we heard them. We could not go dow n to Urireo until about 1970 before they would not shoot at us anymore. The story about eating raw cactus ( nopales ) is probably true, it coincides with the “Year of Hunger” that has been documented by local historians in Guanajuato (Guerrero 1998). Other key informants related similar stor ies, especially identifying the priest who said “To kill an ejiditario with his huaraches still on” w ould be a ticket to heaven, as Padre Agustin Gonzalez, who organized the Gu erra Cristera locally. Key informants linked him to his father, a hacendado Doa Lencha, referenced above by Don Sergio, related the following: They killed my husband in 1973, just because he had a parcel they wanted. They would kill anyone who had a better parcel. The government gave these parcels to my husband and they gave one to my brother in law. When my brother in law died, my husband had three. Then they killed him. I have one parcel now. Exactly who “they” is was a matter of s ecrecy throughout my research. What was not a secret was that th e killing went on and on, fa r after the end of the Cristiada Killing happened mainly over desirable parcels and ther e were even key informants who told me

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100 that the elected officials ( delegados, vice delegados ) of the ejido would sometimes kill people or have them killed in order to obtain better lands. Another complicating factor to disputes of land was that former Cristeros were also ejiditarios Seized hacienda lands were divided and the Mexican government ga ve out land to those who petitioned it. Some of the petitioners had in fact previously been on the Cristero side, which meant that both Cristeros and Ejiditarios had to elect Delegados and representatives under the National Agrarian Reform laws she pherded through under Cardenas’ rule. In reaction to President Calles’ reforms that separated Church and State in 1917, the Catholic Church suspende d religious services and clos ed the churches, marking the beginning of the Guerra Cristera (Guerrero 1998: 162). This war went on until at least 1929, but that was not the end of the Cristeros : When finally in 1929, Emilio Portes Gil negotiated the arrangements (“arreglos”) with the Church and the Church then orde red the Cristero bosses to lay down arms, not all of the caudillos in Guanajuato had sympathy to this action and even though they apparently accepted th ese “arrangements” in reality they kept the war going and occasionally organized guerrillas to appear intermittently for various reasons. We saw them opposing a project by then President Abelardo Rodriguez when he tried to put in place a school based sexua lity education clas s in 1933-34 and again they opposed socialist educa tion and agrarian reform disbursements brought forth by Lazaro Cardenas in the years 1934 to 1938. The cost of this instability were very high, not only in economic or human te rms but also in political terms….the brief terms of governors in Guanajuato (a s a result of the Cristeros) impeded the formulation and initiation of successful development projects for Guanajuato. (Guerrero 1998: 162) At a very local level, the effects of the Cristiada are palpable. Born in 1914, Don Sergio reminded me that in 1935, “the govern ment gave us mules and animals but by 1940, the animals were gone. Remembering all this is painful.” The Guerra Cristera and land tenure issues are felt today in Urireo as a lack of commun ity cohesion, a lack of trust and an uneven distributi on of land and wealth. There are at least three resulting effects from this that affect Ur ireo, Cporo and Rancho Los Garcias:

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101 1. Migration to the US was readily embraced as a more viable solution to poverty than staying and continuing to fight or be ki lled for parcels. As Enrique said to me, “if I am a person without a parcel, I know th at this one killed my uncle and that one killed my grandfather, well I cannot work with either of them. Your options are very limited (bien limitadas).” 2. Cporo (and Los Garcias) and Urireo can be divided into liberals, in favor of government, and conservatives, in favor of the Church. Cporo seems to think it is the fault of the Church that so many peopl e died, while those from the plaza area (Urireo) tend to be more pro-Church a nd pro-fiestas. Now, while neither group seems to say there is anything bad about being an ejiditario, more than one key informant stated “Cporo is full of protes tantes (non-believers) and only recently have they begun to go to church.” 3. Because of their isolation, those from C poro and those from Urireo tended to intermarry within the same small number s of families. In 2005 it is common for the migrant to return from el No rte to marry a woman from Urireo. In Mexico, it is said that, “with the Plan of Iguala, the country gained its independence but not it’s liberty,” meaning th at even without Spain as colonizer, the country had to find a free voice that did not include the Church in state affairs (Guerrero 1998: 96). The tension between church and stat e continues in Urireo and it plays out in many ways, as illustrated a bove. The fact that the Cristeros continued their pro-Church, anti-Ejido campaign until the 1940s, and beyond, means that there are still people who remember the intermittent violence. Perhaps more importantly, these people tell others about it, including me. In this way, the past continues to live on and shape contemporary Urireanos’ worldviews. Th e next section focuses on the unique historical and geographic characteristics of Wimauma, Florid a, now largely Mexica n, but historically a Southern town which was 50% African Amer ican. While Jim Crow laws legalized segregation in Wimauma, Urireanos in Guanaj uato were beginning to set their sights not on Mexico but the United States.

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102 Wimauma: The Place Local old-timers love to tell the story of the naming of Wimauma. Since most Hillsborough Countians assume it is an “Indian name,” it is even more exciting to find out the odd “truth” about Wima uma. According to Ferrell et al. (1980:51), Wimauma was named by the owners of the area’s only general store, Captain C.H. Davis and his son-in-law D. M. Dowdell, after the Capt ain’s three daughters Willie, Maud and Mary. He took the first two letters of his eldest’s na me (WI), the first three of his middle child’s name (MAU) and the last two letters of his youngest child’s (MA), which results in the odd sounding WIMAUMA, pronounced “Why mama.” The reason that the area had to be named at all was a result of the US Post Master General, who in sisted that mail would no longer be delivered to the General Stor e. So, on October 24, 1902, the Wimauma Post Office was inaugurated. Five years later, the rest of Wimauma was developed around Tiger Lake, now Lake Wimuama, “with the railroad tracks constituting the community’s western boundary” (Maio, Mohlman and Capanna 1999: 135). Efforts to further develop Wimauma have come in spurts and stops. Wimauma’s first settler is thought to be Pleasant Franklin Stanaland, who moved from Thomasville Georgia to grow citrus in 1875 (Maio, Mohlman and Capanna 1999). Wimauma’s first major structure was a “hand hewn log structure” known as the Fellowship Church, a major landmark in the ru ral area until 1968 when it burned down. Historically, Wimauma is more important th an first meets the eye. The area has always been highly agricultural, with citrus, lumber, cattle and turpentine mills. Seaboard Airline Railroad, in which Captain Davis was a pa rt owner, expanded to the area shortly thereafter, making it the “major rail shipping point in this part of the country and had the telegraph and tele phone connections” (Ferrell et al. 1980: 51). With the

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103 railroad right there, the area took off in a boom that lasted for about twenty years. By 1911, there were two general stor es, with Captain Davis’ sonin-law Mr. Dowdell, being the major grower in the area. The Florid a Naval Stores, Lumber and Cattle Company was a major employer (Maio, Mohlman and Capanna 1999: 135). In 1918, Wimauma was home to 500 people, and the populat ion doubled by 1925 to 1000 inhabitants (Maio, Mohlman and Capanna 1999). Meanwhile, northerners were interested in finding suitable winter retreats and in 1912, Pastor Zeno Tharp, a Church of God mi nister, acquired Lake Wimauma and about 70 acres of surrounding land (Ferre ll et al. 1980: 51). Today, almost 100 years later, the Church of God has a retreat center, 200 privately owne d cottages, several church buildings, an in-ground swimming pool, convent ion center, parking lot and lake access right in the middle of Wimauma. The Chur ch of God still utilizes these premises only sporadically through the year. In 1922-23, the Ellsberry family set up a sawmill and employed many residents during the slacker agricultural months. County Road 674, the main lifeline through the town today, was built for the sawmill and houses were built along the thoroughfare (Fe rrell et al. 1980: 52). 1925 was a good year for Wimauma: business was booming and Wimauma was incorporated into the County charter as H illsborough County’s fourth municipality. In fact, at this time, Wimauma and vicinity were larger than neighbori ng areas with stores and citrus packinghouse (Ferrell et al. 1980: 52). As part of the charter for Wimauma, there was to be a commission form of gove rnment, which consisted of Mayor, ViceMayor and Town Clerk. Writing for the Florida Department of State, Bureau of Historic Preservation, Maio, Mohlman and Capanna describe the process as follows:

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104 Until elections could be held, W.B. McKenzie served as mayor pro tem, R.T. Thomas became Vice-Mayor pro tem and F.M. Carlton acted as the City Clerk pro tem. These three people were business leaders in the community. In 1918, Thomas had operated a general store. Just prio r to Wimauma’s incoporaration, Carlton was a notary and McKenzie owned a garage a nd served as justice of the peace. Representative of the time period, the municipality was given the power to segregate White, Black and even foreign residents into separate wards…Wimauma operated under this charter until 1931 when the revenue and taxation portion was changed. Evidently, Wimauma had been hurt during the stock market crash and there was an attempt to limit the muni cipality’s exposur e to the volatile market.(1999: 138) Tax delinquency may have been a problem for early Wimauma and efforts to establish a tax base were attempted then, as now. Maybe this brought about the fall, or maybe, the collapse of Wimauma’s newfound sovereignty. Sometime during the 1930s, the municipality of Wimauma “ceased to function” (Maio, Mohlman and Capanna 1999: 139). The population remained at about 1000 by the end of WWII, with Wimauma now having three White churches, three Black chur ches, three gas stations, three stores, one physician, one depot and a post office (Maio, Mohlman and Capanna 1999: 138). Citrus and truck farming were the main sources of in come for the residents of the area. In 1927, a one-room school was replaced with a two-story brick building, which “kept a strawberry schedule so that the children c ould help their parents harvest their crops” (Maio Mohlman and Capanna 1999: 135). Ma io, Mohlman and Capanna cite that the African Americans and many Whites worked in agriculture, at the sawmills and in the phosphate industry. This draw meant that Wimauma’s African American population was about 50% of all residents. With segregati on, however, the black youth had to travel to Tampa to attend high school (Maio, Mohlman and Capanna 1999: 138). Segregation, slavery and debt peonage have long histories in Hillsborough County, which was an early successor from the Un ion during the Civil War. Since the 1900s, rural Hillsborough County exploited timber a nd Wimauma was home to a turpentine mill

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105 (Maio, Mohlman and Capanna 1999: 23). No one wanted to work in the turpentine mills due to low pay and long hours, which meant th at there were two ways to get workers: “convict leasing and debt peonage” (Maio, Mohlman and Capanna 1999:23). There were additional abuses of these workers, including inflating the prices at company stores so that workers would remain in debt, unable to leave since debt peonage was allowed until the 1940s (Maio, Mohlman and Capanna 1999: 23). The situation was extremely bad in Wimauma: “In many instances, turpentine operates paid local sheriffs to find “prisoners” and “debtors” to work the forests. C onsequently, many innocent individuals were arrested to tap tries or work the turp entine mills” (Maio, Mohlman and Capanna 1999: 23). Blacks disproportionately suffered dur ing this time under the duress of debt peonage, with some evidence that the sufferi ng continues today: “debt peonage remained a central element of the black farmworker experience up through the 1970s, gradually diminishing in the 1980s and to some degree continuing up until the present” (Rothenberg 1998: 171). By the 1950s, about 1500 people resided in Wimauma and another 1200 living in the surrounding area, which continued to be about 50% African American. This decade saw some major changes. The packinghouse clos ed when a series of freezes essentially destroyed the citrus crops, l eaving the majority of resident s to work for US Phosphoric, the railroad and the sawmills. As Jim Crow laws were abolished, the African American residents went in search of better payi ng jobs during the 1960s and 1970s. Meanwhile, the citrus industry rebounde d and agriculture once more flourished, meaning that Mexican immigrants began to move to the ar ea to work the jobs pr eviously held by the African Americans (Maio, Mohlman and Capanna 1999: 138). Until 1968, the train was

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106 an important part of life and the local economy, because freight and direct passenger service went directly through to New York C ity. However, as the automobile took over, the railroad gradually lost its strength and closed in 1976 (Maio, Mohlman and Capanna 1999: 138). By the mid-1970s, it seems that Wimauma became more run-down, home to former sharecroppers, mill workers and small farmer s. Work had slowed down, unemployment was up and crime began to increase. The White and Black communities had very limited interaction, with Blacks living in particularly poor conditions Mexicans began to settle in but continued to live apar t in trailer camps. A new pr oject, entitled “Newmauma” was begun by the Wimauma Area Improvement Author ity with the goals of improving “many of the substandard houses, especially on the nor th side, and generally enhance growth and employment in the rural town” (Ferrell et al. 1980: 52). The Ne wmauma project built a large low-income housing complex which conti nues to operate at full or near to full capacity. Then, as now, Newmauma Homes only accepts US citizens or legal residents and very few Mexicans have ever resided there. Farms continued to thrive in this area and immigrants increasingly displaced the blacks as farm laborers, drivers and cr ews. Writing in 1999, Maio, Mohlman and Capanna state that “between 1979 and 1990, Wi mauma grew from nearly 1500 people to 2932, with 8497 living in the greater Wimauma area” (1999: 138). They hint that the change in population is due in part to Mexican immigration. Key informant Juan Gomez was one of th e immigrants to whom Maio, Mohlman and Capanna seem to be referring. In 1980, at the age of 14, he joined his parents in

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107 Wimauma who had already been living in th e town for five years. He describes Wimauma in the following manner: It’s basically a small town, mostly Hispan ic. There is a lot of people, Mexicans, Guatemala, el Salvador, I’ve seen peopl e from Honduras. So it’s mostly people from those areas, especially those I come in to contact with There are hardly any Cubans and a few Puerto Ricans. It’s also diverse because there are some Anglos and Blacks. It’s a poor co mmunity, you know but I guess one of the strengths this community has is its people. Because we try to maintain our culture, our identity as much as we can. Eat our foods, do what we like, it’s a working community. People come here to work, we come from other countries to work. Regardless of the ease with which Mexicans and immigrants found work, employment for rural Blacks and Whites con tinued to remain an elusive goal for the Wimauma Improvement Authority. By the 1990s, this still being the case, Hillsborough County Planning Commission nominated Wimaum a to be considered an Empowerment Zone eligible for millions of community impr ovement dollars under a Clinton-Gore effort to enhance econmic opportunity in at-risk communities. Unfortunately, this bid was unsuccessful and Wimauma received the le sser designation of “Champion Community” (Hillsborough County 1995). According to Maio, Mohlman and Capanna (1999: 139): In 1993, it was accidentally discovered that Wimauma had been a city, but no one remembered it. The question then arose as to what to do with this forgotten municipality. It was finally decided that since the government had ceased to operate for 60 years that the community would remain just that, an unincorporated community. Wimauma Today The geography of the area is extremely im portant. Wimauma is contiguous to the adult lifestyle community of Sun City, Florida, which mushroomed beginning in the 1970s after a successful model of the same name in Ariz ona, designed by the developer Del Webb. Thousands of retirees move to Sun City every year. Sun City has continued to expand, and offers any class of hous ing, from simple condominium high rise

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108 apartments to extravagant three story homes. In fact, Wimauma and Sun City share a common exit from Interstate 75, with one side boasting a beautifully landscaped, lighted two-lane road and welcome sign while the othe r offers one-lane and the pure darkness of rural Florida. Census data is notorious for reflectin g an undercount of immigrant populations. One out of every 3 people in South Hills borough County (Wimauma/Balm) or 31.7% live in poverty. Families with children under the age of five tend to have the highest rates of poverty, at 45.6% in Wimauma. By c ontrast, only 9.1% of Hillsborough County’s population is at the poverty level (US Census 2005). Table 2-2. Poverty Status, Wimauma, FL Families 26.5% With children under 18 36.4% With children under 5 45.6% Individuals 31.7% 18 yrs + 23.3% Children under 18 44.5% Hillsborough County 9.1% Source: US Census, 2000. Even by these data, a family in Wimuama is five times more likely to be poor. Wimauma is a Census Designated Place, with its own estimates within the borders of the incorporated town. Census data show th at there are a total of 4,246 inhabitants in Wimauma, with 3,095 or 73% of the total popul ation self-identifyi ng as Hispanic or Latino. Of the Latinos, the breakdown is as follows: Table 2-3. Distribution of Latinos in Wimauma Number of total population Percent of total population Mexican 2,81666.0% Puerto Rican 360.8% Cuban 60.1% Other Hispanic 2376.0% Total Latinos/Hisp 309572.9% Source: US Census, 2000.

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109 The Other Hispanic group is comprised ma inly of Guatemalans, who first began to immigrate to the area around 1985. Many of them are from the area of Huehuetenango, Guatemala and they have a church, Templo Filadelfia that is predominantly Pentecostal and serves as the center of the Guatemalan social network. The Hillsborough County Planning Commissi on (1994) estimated that farmworker population would grow from 15,000 in 1995 to 15,900 by the year 2000 in unincorporated Hillsborough County. Trying to figure out how many farmworkers th ere are has been of major interest to various constituencies. The following chart compares two studies that attempted to ascertain these figures for the state of Florida: Table 2-4. Comparison of Migrant versus Seas onal Farmworker Estimates for Florida Author Migrant Estimates Seasonal Estimates Larson 2000 48% 52% Arrieta et al. 1998 68% 32% Larson, through a contract with the Nati onal Center for Farmworker Health, conducted an extensive multi-pronged enumer ation study for farmworkers and she found the following data (2000). About 48% of a ll farmworkers in Florida are migrant while 52% are seasonal. Hillsborough County ha s about 25,333 farmworkers while statewide there are 286,725 (Larson 2000). Larson’s enumeration data seem low to local farmworker advocates and service providers; ho wever, her estimates are still much higher than Hillsborough County’s. According to the county’s agriculture de partment, “Hillsborough County Florida is in the top 2% of agricultural counties in the country” (Hillsbo rough County Government 2005). In Florida, agriculture is second to tourism in terms of income: in Hillsborough county alone, which generated over $551 million in total annual sales in 2002. Estimates

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110 put agriculture’s economic impact within th e community was $1.5 billion in annual sales and generated 19,000 jobs. Citrus is the state’s largest crop si nce it is harvested in 33 of Florida’s 67 counties, generating $6 B illion/yr. (State of Florida 2005). Arrieta et al. (1998: 2) obta ined the Florida sample fr om the NAWS which covered the period of October 1998 to July 1995. Thei r goal was to look mo re closely at statelevel statistics and compare these NAWS data to other data sources, namely those from the Migrant Health Program. Arrieta et al. make an important note that speaks to one of the biggest barriers to researching this popul ation: changing definitions of migrant and eligibility criteria (1998:4). For example, the Migrant Health Program, through the migrant health clinics it funds serves many more people th an those who would qualify under the NAWS survey definition (1998: 5). Of the 2726 Florida farmworkers interviewed by the NAWS, 68% were migrant an d 32% were seasonal or settled (Arrieta et al. 1998: 15). These workers were predom inantly male, 82%, with an average age of 31 years. Migrant workers tended to be younger than the settled, with an average age of 29 and 34 respectively (A rrieta et al. 1998: 26). This sample primarily used Spanish (83 %), followed by English (9%), Creole (6%) and Other (2%). Only 19% of this sample fe lt that they spoke English well and 14% read it well. Forty two percent of these farm workers indicated that Florida was their permanent residence while 32% stated Mexi co was theirs (Arriet a et al. 1998: 19). Florida’s farmworkers during th is time frame averaged between 9.3 months of work for seasonal/settled workers and only 7.9 months of work for the migratory workers (Arrieta et al. 1998: 29). Migrant work ers spent an average of 6.3 months in Florida as opposed to seasonal workers, who spent about 11.5 months (Arrieta et al. 1998: 36).

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111 Hillsborough County has taken notice of th e problems in Wimauma, including the problems with two parks operated under Hillsborough County Parks and Recreation, since there are gang, drug and violent act ivities on-site since the 1970s (Hillsborough County 1994). Wimauma is now a Census Desi gnated Place, corresponding to the census tract 140.04, which in 2000 was counted as having a population of 7906, a 48.8% increase over the 1990 population of 5314 (US Census 2000). Despite efforts to develop Wimauma, until recently, very little money has seen its way to this area. Phosphate is still mined in the easternmost boundary of Wimauma in Ft. Lonesome, which is important because 75% of all the country’s phosphate comes from Florida (Maio, Mohlman and Capanna 1999: 25). This rural town lacks street lights, reliable transportation system, sewers/plumbi ng and paved roads, all of which have been top priorities of advo cates for years. Trailers are the predominant form of housing for the poor in this area. As one key informant who arrived in Wimauma at four years of age related: I grew up in Wimauma on Center Street w ith my grandmother and grandfather. As a child I don’t remember much, when I was about 9 or 10 I started to walk everywhere and was everyplace. I remember that everybody knew everybody…everybody was Mexican, all our neighbors, they were mostly from Tamaulipas and Northern [Mexican] states My grandfather was a mechanic and there were always people at all hours at our house. I remember that people knew everybody’s business. I can’t say they l ooked out for each other. I don’t think there was any unity as a matter of fact, that did not mean they were united or on the same page. I haven’t seen it change. I stayed in Wimauma until I was 17, 13 years. The roads got paved, the campo where my mom moved here first was gone. There were houses instead of campo, now people bought their own trailers. Th e people…I saw more people from the southern part, not as many peopl e from the North of Mexico. Don Antonio and Doa Maria have twelve children and were one of the first families from Urireo to settle in Wimuama. Doa Maria says she worked “like a mule

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112 (burra)” for over twenty years straight picki ng fruits and vegetables even oranges. Now she and her husband run a fruit stand and are en joying some moderate success, especially since their children also work w ith them. Doa Mari a goes back to Urireo at least four times a year and celebrates both fiestas every year. When her parents were alive in Urireo, she sent them $100 every month but now, no one is left but her brothers and extended family. She has not seen much cha nge in Wimauma in the twenty six years she has lived there Figure 2-8. Mexican Dancers at Wimaum a’s Annual Mexican Independence Day Celebration. Really Wimuama is ugly, the streets, the hous es are mostly trailers. Some of the older houses are falling down. Even though we are Mexicans, some of us have nice houses. We should clean up the others and help them build houses that are prettier. There should be some kind of help for the poor people here. Maio, Mohlman and Capanna point out that the number of farms in Hillsborough County may have remained more or less c onstant at 2700, however, the size of these

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113 farms has decreased by about 120 acres sin ce 1960 (1999: 33). They seem almost prescient when they point out that the majority of the newcomers to uni corporated Hillsborough County are not farmers or farm laborers. In 1996, farm s employed 6861 people, only 1.4 percent of the population. Instead, with the de velopment of the expressways and the growing number of neighborhoods, most pe ople commute to work in Tampa, Lakeland, Orlando or other areas. As much of the county is transformed to provide housing, roads and retail services for its burgeoning population, its historic structures have also been impacted (1999: 33). Even though Doa Maria hasn’t seen it yet, Wimauma is changing rapidly in 2005, as noted by key informant Juan Gomez The population of Wimauma has changed. There are a few more lights on the street, there are more apartment housing, a lot of camps have gone away. There are less jobs, because of the housing that is coming….especially farmworking jobs, there is more work in construction, about 60-80% more, and women are now working in cleaning houses or taking car e of the older people….nurseries…But on the other hand now that we have more peopl e we have more violence, and we have more gangs, they mainly put graffiti everywhere and they like to fight. There is more traffic due to the growth. Figure 2-9. Promotional Materials for the Entrance to Valencia Lakes, a 1500-home Development on the Corner of Highw ay 301 and State Road 674, the Outer Limits of Wimauma.

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114 In a 2002 study that included Wimauma, Fl ocks et al. documented the problems that undocumented and migratory workers face while trying to access either private or public housing. Flocks et al. (2002: 21) found that housing, in general, was scarce and that the federal government is probably less we ll-equipped than a statelevel enterprise to adequately address the cons tant housing shortages in rural Florida’s agricultural communities. It seems clear that trailers will continue to serve the poor and migrant workers, since housing in the post-2004 hurricane seas on is booming in Wimauma. There are several housing projects underway in Wimauma right now an d there are an estimated 5000 new homes that will be built, along with a SuperWalMart at the dividing line between what is now Wimauma and Sun City. This is the same spot that, until very recently, Mexicans sowed, picked and packed for seasons upon seasons. For the past ten years or so, the lo cal Catholic Mission, Nuestra Seora de Guadalupe, in Wimauma, has sponsored an annual Mexican Independence Day Parade. In Urireo, this would seem strange. In Urir eo, the separation of Church and State means that the Church organizes patron saint fiestas but the delegado and the ejido organizes the Independence Day festivities. In fact, the ejiditarios are still considered those who are less religious. However, Wimauma’s Mexican Independence Day Celebration is a huge success for the Church and the Mexican co mmunity, drawing upwards of 3000 people for a Sunday afternoon in September, closest to the actual date of September 15. The parade begins and ends at the Wi mauma Civic Center, behind the Wimuama Elementary School. The Wimauma Civic Center was origina lly built to house Wimauma’s local government, which never met. Therefore, it became an unused

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115 building, which in the 1980s b ecame the first site for the Iglesia Mision de Nuestra Seora de Guadalupe, Our Lady of Guadalupe Church. Hence, the parade’s beginning and ending at the Civic Center is symbolic marking the cycle of the growth of the Church and the importance the local Mexican co ngregation give to the first site of the Church. The Mexicans involved in this cele bration are chiefly those who have been in the community the longest, those from norther n states like Tamaulipas. There are a few from Michoacan and increasingly from Guerrero but Urireanos do not tend to take part in organizing the fiesta in Wimauma, instead they tend to be spectators. Juan Gomez described the following scenario: The Mexican community is getting mo re united….Es mas unida…people tend to know each other and they start to trust each other more…people and the churches have begun to work together on programs. The Catholic Church tries to do some programming for the whole community, like the Mexican Parade, which is good. Figure 2-10. Women at Wimauma Ci vic Center During a Health Fair. Similarly, Mexican women in Wimauma take on major roles during the parade by organizing the vendors, teaching the children traditional Mexican dances and generally

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116 organizing the major event. In Urireo, women also play important roles in organizing the fiestas; however, female Urireanos in Wima uma have never taken on similar leadership roles during the Mexican Indepe ndence Day celebrations. In or der to explain this, it is useful to consider that Urir eanas might view their religios ity as both social/public and personal/popular (Pea and Fr ehill 1998: 633). Since the women most active with Our Lady of Guadalupe tend to be from those families that have been in Wimauma the longest, they also tend to be from Tamaulipas Matamoros. Urireanos do participate with Our Lady of Guadalupe, however, women’s par ticipation is more pe rsonal/popular than social/public. Ethnographic in terviews and participant observation point to two additional possibilities: 1. women lack time, due to being over-employed and 2. women lack transportation to Our Lady of Guadal upe, which is located about 3 miles at a minimum from farmworker camps or USDA housing. Hometown Associations Between Mex ico and Transnational Communities Bada (2003: 2) documents that Mexican hometown associations or HTAs were begun in the 1950s. These associations, known in Mexico as clubes de oriundos often provide the hometown communities with money to fund public works and social projects (Bada 2003: 2). Both Bada (2003) and Alarc on (2002) make the point that HTAs are a phenomenon of the Mexican immigrants from rural areas who are used to remitting: most HTAs are associated with communities in rural areas tha have lost jobs and population as a result of two decades of economic restructuring in Mexico. Migrants from urban areas in Mexico seem not to create US HTAs to the same degree, because Mexican cities send compar atively fewer immigrants, their migrs are less cohesive, and urban areas do not experience the same level of underdevelopment as rural communities (Bada 2003: 3). Interestingly, only five Me xican states have organized a binational matching fund program to take advantage of these remittances, Zacatecas, Jalisco, Guanajuato, Guerrero

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117 and Michoacan (Bada 2003:2). Bada’s (2003 : 2) research found that the number of Chicago-based HTAs increased from 20 to over 100 between 1994 and 2002, with 80% of these associations coming from Central Mexico, includi ng Guanajuato. HTAs in the Chicago area have raised funds for their work in Mexico through dan ces, picnics, raffles, beauty pageants and during cultural events throughout the year (Bada 2003: 3). Alarcon (2000: 23) studied HTAs in the Los Angeles area found that those remitting funds did not trust banks or Mexican postal services and instead tend to send funds through its members as they travel bi nationally. Alarcon considers the impact of HTAs remittances on the community of orig in. HTAs register with local Mexican Consulates across the US, under the Programa de Atencion a Comunidades Mexicanas en el Extranjero or PACME (Program for Mexican Communities Abroad) (Alarcon 2000: 5). Bada (2003) relates that several HTAs in the Chicago area have formed a federation of HTAs to collectively rais e more money, look for matching funds and reinvest it in local commun ity development projects (2003: 5). Alarcon defines the federation as “a coalition of HTAs from the same state in Mexico that work closely with the Program for Mexican Communities Abroad” (2000: 5). However, some of the local or state governments in Mexico have traditi onally distrusted or not worked well with HTAs, such as Jalisco’s governor, who over time became convinced that these groups could be helpful (Alarcon 2000: 8). HTAs come in many shapes and sizes, with some of them being highly organized, affiliated with Mexican and US groups, incl uding non-profit organizations whom have mentored and helped them to become better or ganized. They have been able to influence

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118 policy in both Mexico and the US, while also helping to reshape how communities view immigrants (Bada 2003: 5). Bada (2003: 6) concludes that HTAs are a model for transnational community development efforts: HTA leaders often stress that the ultimate aim of their investiments is to eliminate the conditions that originally led them to emigrate. Thus, the HTA model of sustainable development projects, if carri ed out by democratically governed and accountable voluntary organiza tions, has great potential fo r influencing not only the lives of those directly affected but also the developing transnati onal societies of the Western Hemisphere. Alarcon (2000) summarizes the issue of HD As and remittances as stimulus to the local Mexican economies as falling into tw o camps: optimistic and pessimistic. The optimists tend to view the multiplier effect from the remittances while the pessimists, the dominant school, view remittances as a “f orm of economic dependency since they are mostly spent on consumption with very little money going into productive investments” (Alarcon 2000: 29). Created under the Guanajuatenses Abroad program out of the Governor’s Office, the state government has established a se ries of programs that are aimed at Guanajuatenses living in the US. On e program is devoted to establishing “Casa Guanajuato” in sister cities through the de velopment of US-based non-profit organizations. These Casas would serve as local commun ity organizations that could link directly to the Governor’s office in Gu anajuato and the Paisano program in Mexico City. The idea was presented to me in 2002 and a representative from the program, Mr. Gonzalez, traveled from Guanajuato to meet with Guanajuatenses here in Wimauma that same year. At this writing, none of the Guan ajuatenses felt that they could help to

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119 establish a Casa Guanajuato due to a lack of time and a mistrust of the motives of the government. This is not to say that this c oncept has not flourished in other areas. Conclusions At the beginning of this chapter, I outlin ed five qualities shared by Wimauma and Urireo. Clearly, these two areas are also dissimilar in many ways, historically, culturally and ethnically. What is remarkable is that Urireanos living in both places have created a new sub-community that has elements of both wo rlds. They have crea ted structures, like little stores or puestos of vegetables, and customs, like quinceeras, that serve to bridge both worlds. This has tremendous consequences for health and identity and these events help people reconnection with each other and to Urireanos in Mexico and elsewhere. They participate in fiestas in both places that help to maintain thei r identity and tradition.. The history of Urireo is key in unders tanding migration and the worldview of today’s Urireanos, whether they live in Fl orida or Mexico. The tributary system instituted during colonization in Guanajuato meant that indigenous peoples had to sell their labor in order to pay tributes. In a real sense, migration is a pa rallel to this system, since migrants have to sell their labor in order to maintain families in Mexico. The poverty of the region, linked in part to unequa l distribution of arable land, means that there have always been few other options. Th erefore, in Urireo, migration to the US was readily embraced as a more viable solution to poverty than staying and continuing to fight or be killed for parcels. Today, migrati on has become a rite of passage, which is expected of teen or young adult males. People from Urireo continue to settle in Wimauma because they have social networks that can help them locate work. Farmwork has been a mainstay and a constant source of employment for Urireanos in Wimauma and throughout the US. With the housing boom in Hillsborough County, farmland is being

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120 converted into housing. In the short run, this has helped some males to get better paying construction jobs on the very si tes that they used to pick strawberries and cucumbers. However, in the long run, there may be a lack of work for unskilled laborers who do not speak English well. Urireanos, especially ne wly arrived single males, face hardships on and off the jobsite; however for those who l ack basic English skills, the situation is hardest. Mexican Hometown Associations have been successful in places like California and Illinois and have enabled sending communities to fund desperately needed infrastructure and health programming back in Mexican hometowns. While the model has been met with success elsewhere, Guan ajuatenses in this study did not readily embrace the idea when it was presented by the st ate’s representatives from Guanajuato. This is not to say that, in the future, an HTA between Wimauma and Urireo will not develop. It is highly likely that an HTA w ould be extremely successful if the leadership were to emerge from trusted and respected Urireanos on both sides of the border. The lesson learned from trying to establish a Casa Guanajuato from the top down is that Urireanos do not trust this approach. They do care about their community, however. It is highly likely that if a trusted mechanism were to exist, the situation would be completely different. The following chapter focuses on experiences of migration for those who stay and for those who migrate. How does migration change people’ s views on gender, work, and health in both communities? This chapter looks at both the changes that have taken place as well as the persistence of traditional gender roles both in Urireo and Wimauma.

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121 CHAPTER 3 EXPERIENCES OF MIGRATION Speaking in both English and Spanish, one key informant, a health promoter in Wimauma, recalls her first impressions of Wimauma: I was four. I remember driving, the w hole way over here from Matamoros, we were in the back of a truck with my aunt and uncle, mi tia and mis tios and everyone. I remember everyone saying, “ Vamos a Florida y cuando lleguemos a Florida, vamos a trabajar. We’re going to Florida and when we get there, we’re going to work. When we got here, I saw a trailer painted green, but an ugly green. It was raining, the streets were not paved and there were holes and it was muddy. It wasn’t like a soft ride, it was hard, li ke boom, boom, boom. So I looked at my grandmother and I said, “This is Florida?” She said, “ Si mihija this is Florida.” “Yes, this if Florida.” I saw this as the same as where we came from. The only difference was that we had a trailer here not a house made out of cement like in Mexico. I was disappointed. I couldn’t be lieve we were actually there. In my mind, I thought that here it would be prettier ( En mi mente, pensaba que aqui iba a ser mas bonito ). I associated Florida con Flor flowers and pretty, and it was not. In my mind, I thought Flor a flower, pretty. The only thing here were Mexicans. They put me in preschool right away – mi grant education – and I remember that I cried because my teacher was black and I had never seen a black person in my life and I don’t know why but I was scared. In December 2004, the Mexican government released an updated guide under the “Paisano” program; this time it was a more comp rehensive and colorful comic-book, or novela, style entitled “Guide for the Mexi can Migrant” (McKinley 2005). McKinley, writing for the New York Times, summarized the US response to this booklet as follows: the booklet...immediately drew fire in th e United States from some members in Congress and from groups that favor tight ening immigration laws. These critics called the 31 page publication a how-to ma nual for illegal aliens, which blatantly encourages people to break US law (McKinley 2005: 5). While this guide might be new, the concept is not. Since the 1980s Mexico has been trying to warn and equip her natives as th ey go north in ever in creasing numbers. In

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122 the past, this approach had been applauded by US officials as a way to prevent or even combat complex problems such as HIV and drug use once here. Unfortunately, the US’ policy regarding Mexico and immigration ha s not fared well in the post 9-11 era (US US Department of Homeland Security2004). Figure 3-1. Cover of the Guide for the Mexican Migrant (2004). US-Mexican Relations: Changes Since 2001 Changing immigration laws and a newly formed Department of Homeland Security meant that the Immigration and Naturalizati on Service (INS), histor ically charged with

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123 “determining who may be admitted to the Unit ed States and for enforcing immigration laws,” would no longer exist. This drama tic shift occurred on March 1, 2003, when the INS and 21 other cabinet level agencies were now to pertain to the Department of Homeland Security or DHS (US Departme nt of Homeland Security2004: 144). The INS’ responsibilities were now divide d into two organizations: the Bureau of Customs and Border Protection (CBP), whic h now focuses on border inspections and the Bureau of Immigration and Customs En forcement (ICE), which now enforces immigration laws within the US (US Depa rtment of Homeland Security2004: 144). Under these two organizations, 1,046,422 aliens were apprehended in 2003, and the vast majority of them, 89% or 931,557, were a rrested along the southwest border (US Department of Homeland Security2004: 146) Mexicans account for 92% of all those apprehended, followed by Hondurans, Salva dorans, Guatemalans, Brazilians and Pakistanis in order (US Department of Homeland Security2004: 147). Under the Homeland Security Act of 2001, se veral crimes were added to the list that would make an immigrant eligible for deportation. “Just 9 countries accounted for almost 92 percent of all formal removals” with the majority of deportations due to crime being Mexicans, who comprised almost ha lf, or 62,518 criminal s out of 137,819 total persons removed in 2003 (US Department of Homeland Security2004: 150). Chief among the crimes for which these persons we re deported were: dangerous drugs (39%), immigration (14%) and assault (11%) (US De partment of Homeland Security2004: 150). According to 2003 statistics, of all th ose Mexicans who were processed and deported, virtually all were working or seeki ng employment. This finding resonates with

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124 Mexican researchers, who have long held that the push-pull phenomenon is extremely skewed toward the push, and this trend will likely continue: in the last several decades, neither Mexi can job creation nor labor demand in the United States have been able to absorb the large and growing cohorts of Mexican workers….Mexico’s massive economic rest ructuring during the last two decades has cost many workers their jobs. Even the growth of the maquiladora (exportoriented factory) sector along the border which accounted for a record 1.3 million jobs in 2001, has not been able to prov ide enough job opportunities to Mexico’s growing labor force. (Alba 2004: 3) Table 3-1. Selected Characteristics of Depor ted Aliens, Reported by the US Border Patrol, 1997 Through 2003 Activities 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 Persons Processed by Border Patrol 1,422,829 1,566,984 1,591,969 1,689,195 1,277,576 967,044 946,684 Deportable Aliens 1,412,953 1,555,776 1,579,010 1,676,438 1,266,213 955,310 931,557 Mexican Aliens 1,387,650 1,522,918 1,534,515 1,636,883 1,224,046 917,994 882,012 Working in agriculture 3,521 3,270 1,599 1,330 1,248 1,821 1,908 Working in trades, crafts, industry, service 10,146 6,616 2,383 2,167 2,678 2,897 3,856 Seeking employment 1,279,923 1,398,892 1,422,970 1,525,422 1,107,550 822,161 810,671 Canadian Aliens 2,935 2,329 2,724 2,211 2,539 1,836 1,611 All others 22,368 30,529 41,771 37,344 39,628 35,480 47,934 Smugglers of aliens located 12,523 13,908 15,755 14,406 8,720 8,701 11,128 Aliens located who were smuggled into the US 124,605 174,514 221,522 236,782 112,927 68,192 110,605 % of those deported who were Mexican 98.21% 97.89%97.18%97.64%96.67% 96.09% 94.68% Source: US Department of Homela nd Security, 2004: Table 38: 156. In 2003, a total of 705,827 immigrants were admitted to the US, with 16.4% of them, 115,864, being Mexican (US Department of Homeland Security 2004: 8). Of all the immigrants granted work visas to the US, only 8,685 of them were brought in under “farming, forestry or fisheries” occupations. Of these persons, 6394 were male and only 2290 were female (US Department of Homeland Security 2004: 27).

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125 Statistics on the percentage of immigrants who cross illegally are impossible to know; however the US Department of Homela nd Securityfound that 23% of those they naturalized had previously been undocumente d (2004: 147). Accordi ng to statistics from the US Border Patrol in the Southwest, 1,138,282 persons were apprehended in 2004, as opposed to 979,101 in 1994 for the same area, however, the numbers fluctuate around one million per year (US Border Patrol 2005). Illegal Mexican immigration continued in 2004 but the estimates of the dead depend upon which country’s statistics should be believed (Mexican Foreign Ministry data cite d and US Border Patrol data cited). Originally, the US counted only 172 dead while Mexico came up with over twice that number, 373 (Hendricks 2005). The Border Pa trol later updated th e figure to 267, and arrived at a final count of 330 (US Border Patrol 2005). Most estimates put the death toll at about 300, which is probably st ill too low (McKinley 2005). Maybe this discrepancy is not that important – after all, these figures are rather high in any case. Upon calling the Border Patrol to secure data on deaths from 1995 onward, I was informed that the US did not collect border death statistics until 1998 (Gutierrez 2005, personal communication). It might be more significan t that the figures from 1998 and beyond are substantially higher than years previous.

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126 Figure 3-2. Desert Crossing Scene from Guide for the Mexican Migrant, 2004. According to Border Patrol statistics, most deaths are counted in the Tucson, Arizona sector. Tuscon accounted for 45.8% of all deaths between 2001 and 2005, to date (Gutierrez 2005, personal communication) For the period beginning January 1, 2005 and ending on July 14, 2005, the US Border Patrol counted 297 deaths, which is substantially higher than figures for ot her years (Gutierrez personal communication 2005). Table 3-2. Comparison of US and Mexican Estimates on Border Deaths, 1995 to 2004 Year Number Dead US Estimate Number Dead Mexican Estimate 1995 Not available 61 1996 Not available 87 1997 Not available 129 1998 266 325 1999 250 356 2000 383 491 2001 336 391 2002 320 371 2003 340 431 2004 330 373 Sources: Hendricks 2005; US Border Patr ol 2005, personal communication Gutierrez 2005

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127 When I spoke with Don Antonio, one of the first Urireanos to settle in Wimauma, about crossing the border, he smile d characteristically and said “ Pues yo no vine como mojado, sino alambrista” which means, “I did not come over as a wetback, I came under the fence.” Crossing the border over 100 times, he found that crossing on the Arizona or California side, under the fences or “wires” ( alambrista ) was more feasible than crossing the famous Rio Bravo or Rio Grande. This is common practice with those from Urireo, where the first destination was Chicago until it got too full of immigrants, followed by California, until Proposition 187, which was passed in 1994. Proposition 187 seems to have triggered a mass migration to Florida, specifically Wimauma and West Palm Beach, affectionately known as “Little Urireo” or “El Pequeo Urireo.” None of the most recent immigrants from Urireo had crossed vi a the river. Don Antonio crossed with friends or alone. Times have changed. More recent immigrants state that, unlike Don Antonio, they used coyotes or polleros terms for smugglers. As the data show, migrating is increasingly dangerous. Don Antonio’s sister in law, Luisa, did not want either of her sons to migrate. In fact, she thought that she would make tortillas and send them to school so that they would have a better life there in Urireo. Her approach did not work; the pull of migration was too strong. Both of them now live in Wimauma and one is married with children. Luisa worries even more today than she did before. She was frustrated as she shared her story: By the time he was ten years old, my oldest wanted to go out and work. I told him, “I am not going to send you out to work lik e my family did to me. Why would I send you to work when I am out there wo rking to support you? So that you say that we don’t love you? Well, we do l ove you.” So that they suffer what I suffered? So, of course, he went out and got a job with Juan and he was ready to leave, because Juan goes back and forth between here and Wimauma. But we are very poor, how was he going to get there? He went, he left with Juan. I told him, “I’m not going to let you go”….but his dad fina lly decided to let him. I never gave

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128 him permission. He left, got caught by th e border patrol and ended up right back here. I told him, “now stay.” He left again and I know that he cannot come back. Luisa related that the person that took he r son to Wimauma did not give him food or water on the way, which is something she will always remember. She appreciates her sons’ remittances, when they come, but remarked “Hasta la vida se pierde alla” or “You can lose everything, ev en your life, over there.” In both Mexico and the US, migrants are t hought of first as working in agriculture, then expanding their skill set to work in other occupations th at pay better. Increasingly, recent immigrants work multiple jobs in diffe rent sectors, for example, farmwork and construction or washing dishes in restaura nts. This study, recognizing the primacy of farmwork in the string of occupations, re quired that respondents have some prior experience in farmwork. It is important to recognize, however, that the primary identity of the people is that of tran snational or “hard worker” and not as either a “migrant” or “farmworker” which are categories used in the US to group together people who share some occupational status. Grieco and Ray (2004: 1) found that, on a national level, “Of the approximately one million employed workers in farming, fishing, and forestry occupations, 0.3 million or 30 percent were from Mexico.” This fi gure is probably far too low, because, as demonstrated here, it does not include the undocumented workers. Trabajadoras y Madres: Gender Roles for Urireanas In her classic Mexican ethnography, Merced es Gonzalez de la Rocha (1994: 159) observes The husband is the authority, a nd the women’s role is to endure him. As a mother and a wife, the woman has to accept her ‘d estiny.’ Women’s destiny is to work hard, give birth, work harder, get battered, stand the pain, the shame and the lack of control and power on behalf of her childre n’s need for a father. This fatalistic ideology is an important component in the permanence of domestic units as they are.

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129 Ethnographies by Menjivar (2000) and Gras muck and Pessar (1991) demonstrate the importance of the household and structures in analyses of Latin American transnational immigrants, especially from a gender perspec tive. Menjivar’s ( 2000) analysis lends particular support to the idea th at the structure in which immi grants live can impact their sense of agency. For example, Salvadoran women and men utilize their networks and their resources differently, often resulting in wo men’s increased abilities to gain access to resources and maintain a household under ex tremely harsh conditions (2000). Both Menjivar (2000) and Grasmuck and Pessar ( 1991) found that Latina immigrants were more empowered in the US and that they suffe red far less domestic vi olence as a result. My findings, presented in Chapter 4, paint a far different picture in which women from Urireo settle into a rural area where they have less dense social networks and face relatively more isolation than they did in their hometown in Mexico, due mostly to geography. As Gonzalez de la Rocha (1994) and Sa fa (1995) show, these macro-economic forces have impacted the domestic unit in such a way that strategic measures are required for households to survive. Often, women take on new roles outside the home in response to global forces that favor women’s work to that of men. When women begin to work outside the home, they challenge traditional gender roles that view women as working “at home” and taking care of children as their onl y appropriate roles. In contrast, while women may work outside of the home for wages they also maintain th e responsibilities of the home and childcare, the double day or doble jornada. In Guanajuato and Wimauma, women have become members of a globalized marketplace where their roles as workers

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130 and mothers have created the double-day or “doble jornada” regardless of their physical location at the time. One key step in demystifying gender in Latin America is the recognition that Latin American society has been and continues to be hierarchical, class-based and exclusionary (Alvarez et al. 1998). For this reason, even though women in Mexico are more integrated into the public sphere than ev er, cultural mores about appropria te gender roles continue to place women in the home and males in the fields. Cebada studied rural women in the norther n part of Guanajuato and her findings echo the static nature of assigned gender role s within the context of rural villages: Our experience shows that an acceleration of economic growth does not necessarily translate into a better quality of life for the entire populat ion, and that on the contrary, it frequently intensifies the in equality and marginal ization. Development benefits or hurts women and men in different ways. (Cebada 2001: 3) The particular situation of women in Urireo is a good case study in how the economic realities continue to place women at odds with their traditional roles and how asymmetrical power relations can be, even binationally. Women in Urireo have a reputation for being hardworkers or trabajador as, beyond Urireo and Sa lvatierra to places like Celaya, a medium sized town where seve ral women from Urireo go to sell their handmade corn tortillas in the market. Women like La Rubia, Roberta and Luisa are tortilleras but they are also women who hold different social standi ngs and who are in different ro les in their lives. La Rubia is married to Daniel, who has no land so he works day labor either in the US or Mexico wherever and whenever he can. Their daugh ter, Roberta, has no land either and is a woman who was left or ‘dejada’ by her husba nd eight years ago. Then there is Luisa, married to an ejiditario a man who works his parcel, in a stable relationship with four

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131 children. As tortilleras they make and sell tortillas usually every day of the week, sometimes with one day (Monday) off. Luis a makes $40 pesos for each raw mass of corn meal or bola de masa that she makes into tortillas (about 100 tortillas). Women of different social standings, ther efore, all participate in the tortilla making venture, because the economy is so bad that there are no real sources of family income. Luisa defended her rights as a tortillera : I have always made tortillas so that I can give my children an education, which I did not have. I only got to go to school for one year because my family did not think I was learning anything. I cannot rea d, I do not know how to write. I say that I’m blind, ciega. As more than one female respondent commente d, “Before, our fathers did not let us girls go to school.” None of the tortilleras had beyond three years of education, yet they were able to earn a living, travel to various markets to sell the tortillas and keep an account of how much they were owed, how much they sold and so on. It was common in my fieldwork for the tortilleras to express their frustrations at those who gossip or speak negatively a bout them. Sometimes it was their underemployed husbands who seemed most threaten ed by their success in the public sphere. When I suggested to Luisa’s husband that this tortilla making enterprise could be some kind of cooperative, his comment was harsh: “T hat will never happen in Urireo. There is no trust here (no hay confianza aqu) .” At the same time, it is precisely the women who do work, cooperate and get things done. Women were candid about the ways in wh ich they had to negotiate their work outside the home while appearing to continue to fulfil traditio nal gender roles so as to not create “gossip” in the commun ity or conflict with their ow n husbands. They often said that “it is not as bad as it us ed to be” or remarked that “now it is more acceptable to make

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132 and sell tortillas for other people.” Ever since the Bracero period, women whose husbands left for el Norte would sometimes take in extra work. This was seen by their absent husbands as betrayal on one hand or simp ly a lack of respect on the other. If a woman would make tortillas for others, it was taken that her husband was not remitting or taking care of his family. This concept, in Spanish “echando masas ajenas” or making other people’s tortillas continues to suggest that the males are not able to generate enough money to take care of their responsibilities. Other activities which continue to be frowned upon by absent husbands include: collecting firewood and selling it; making any ty pe of food and selling it, or asking others for money to help make ends meet. True to the transnational networ ks that they created, Urireanos “always knew” when their wives did something they did not approve of. Doa Maria, the matriarch of one of the first familie s from Urireo to settle in Wimauma, related the following story, a theme that wa s to be repeated over and over: My husband was in the US, I had small ch ildren and I was living with my motherin-law. You see, the people here in Ur ireo are very gossipy. Someone called him or wrote him and my husband wrote me te lling me not to go out and work, that he found out that I was making and selling tortil las for sale and that it did not look good. So I stopped. We women are very ha rdworking, we are to rtilleras. What could I do? I waited for his money. It was very hard back then. Cebada’s study on women left behind in Guanajuato found similar findings (2001). Rural towns in tend to conserve traditi onal roles, despite heavy migration: The fact that women have begun to incorpor ate themselves into migration still has not manifested itself into important change s in relation to gender, family and/or community relations. The experiences of the women in the rural communities we studied shows that their feelings of id entity (as women) continues to follow assigned roles that are recognized by the co mmunity of origin a nd it is only in the last five years that a small liberty abou t personal decisionmaking has formed, as in the case of a few young women who have ‘c onvinced’ their fath ers to continue their studies. But, in general, their iden tity continues to involve the home, people, age, number of children, one’s position w ithin the family and very little in reference to the market. (Cebada 2001: 15)

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133 This is not to say that women cannot gain respect in the public sphere or from males in the community. It is worth noting at this juncture that women in Urireo have played important roles within the public sphere where they were highly visible. Women were active during and after the Mexican Revol ution and I was able to document at least two cases of outspoken women during this time frame. Don Sergio and Doa Lencha also made it clear that Doa Lencha’s mother Doa Vicenta, was a key figure during the Mexican Revolution and Guerra Cristera Not only did Doa Vicenta gain respect for her abilities with a rifle in battle, her ho me was the central planning station for the agraristas When anyone asked her if she had seen them, she would always say no and say she had to go to Church. Als o, Urireo has now had two female delegadas elected from a majority of ejiditarios to represent the town’s intere sts, one in 1998 and the other in 2000. The Persistence of Women’s and Men’s Traditional Roles Despite some gains by women, the critical finding in this study is that traditional gender roles are well-rooted in Urireo and not prone to change, despite the globalizing influences all around. Traditional gender role s for males in Urireo are also slow to change. Urireo’s men have an equally wide ly known reputation for being violent, first during the Revoluti on then after the Cristera and now during fiestas. The old saying, “If no one dies during the fies ta, it wasn’t very good” (“Si no hay muertos durante la fiesta, no se puso buena”) is something people would like to leave behind but unfortunately haven’t been able to, especially since ther e were deaths even a few years ago around the fiestas. Although state figures do not exist, fam ily violence is common, as is alcoholism. One 56 year old participant, Chon, related the following story

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134 For some reason, back in the 1960s, some guy came up to me during one of the fiestas and he smacked me and told me I owed him some money. I told him, “I don’t owe you anything” and I took a beer bottle and I smashed it right over his head. In front of everyone. That’s how you have to defend yourself. I had the worst hangover the next day, they took me to the doctor. I had a stomachache and I went six days without bei ng able to eat anything. Men’s roles as providers are fulfilled when they remit, build their house in Urireo and are able to come back as “heroes” from el Norte Men who do not migrate, like Enrique or Don Vicente the Vice-Delegado have different challenges. These males all share one characteristic: each owns his house. Enrique is the only one of these three who is not an ejiditario but he at least owns a house near the plaza in Urireo. Enrique has some skills that include welding and mechanic s, so he has been able to find gainful employment. Don Vicente and others are active in the ejido working the fields and odd jobs to keep food on the table. Partially be cause of their landownership, they were able to stay, marry and raise their families in Urireo and not in el Norte. Ironically, however, their same houses are not nearly as nice as those built by their migrant counterparts, which they have all he lped to construct. More often than not, women were the ones who were most passionate about wanting a better life, of achieving more, as Irma, whom I first met in Urireo and later interviewed in Wimauma. Like others in he r family, Irma and her husband first migrated to Illinois and later to Wimauma. Life has not been easy for her, migrating for years with three children and then movi ng from Illinois to Wimauma for a “business opportunity.” Now she is running a small Mexican grocery; wh ile in Illinois she worked in a factory. She prefers Illinois and factory work: People from Urireo in Illinoi s have a much better quality of life than they do here in Wimauma. I don’t know, I look at Wima uma like it’s all “t railas con cucarchas” or trailers with cockroaches. I simply di slike this lifes tyle – I want a better house, better schools and better jobs. They don’t have to live lik e that but they don’t know

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135 it. I never accepted that lifestyle. I alwa ys dreamed of a better life, a better house. It has cost me a lot of tears and work and they don’t say anything to me now. I think that even with our problems sp eaking English, we can get ahead…we can have something better. Irma went on to say that she had the dream and then she had to fight for her vision constantly: I had to fight against my husband to s how him that we could have something better….my husband has that kind of mentality, accept what you have. I don’t think so. It depends on each person’s way of thinking. Are you going to decide to be content with what you have or are you going to decide not to live that way? I never liked that lifestyle of being grateful for what you have. Thank God that my parents in Mexico were better off – we never suffered. The fact that women are rather depressed in Urireo is important to note. Their roles as women put them in a very difficult situati on given that their main activities should be being a wife and mother. In actuality, women ha ve to help out financially. The reality is that even those men who have land tend to be under-employed. Women’s traditional roles mean that they are primarily define d by being mothers, wives, daughters and caretakers of the private sphere. Males’ ro les place them in the position of power and also as provider, a role that is harder and ha rder to fulfil in an economy that is burdened with inflation. In this context, it was sometime s unclear if the ownership of ejido land is more important to a man’s identity than the actual working of the land, as campesinos or ejiditarios who could actually provide money or food from the land. Women therefore need to work inconspicuously or allow thei r husbands to be heads of households in as many ways as possible, which is a delicate and fragile balance.

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136 Some women, like Luisa, are very strong and have had to stand up for their rights. Luisa said that her parents did not want her to marry her husband, an ejiditario She knew that she had to make some things clear to him, and she told me that women in Urireo should not accept the amount of violen ce they do. Even with very little formal education, Luisa understood that she would ha ve to conform to traditional gender roles but she wanted to ensure her own well-being too: Figure 3-3. Two Tortilleras in Urireo Whose Sons Live in Wimauma. I told my father, I’m going up to the ranc ho with that man and if it’s ok with you, fine, if not, that’s fine too. My husband was not happy that my family did not like him, they fought between them because I wa s from the town and his family is from Cporo, the ejido. He did not say anything to me. If he had hit me I would have left. I told him when we got married that I would get angry (coraj es) if he were to hit me and that I would also hit him b ack. I told him “I will not stand for you hitting me. I will make your food and wash your clothes but you will not lay a hand on me.” The conservation of traditional gender roles in Urireo may continue to be important because it allows for the social reproduction of households, which in turn support males’ roles as providers. It is the male role as provider that supports th e social reproduction of machismo and, almost paradoxically, migration as a preferred solution to becoming economically self-sufficient. Even when male s are absent, they are still in charge, both as decisionmakers and as providers, as seen above.

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137 Women continue to lack power ; however, there are subtle but perceptible changes. According to some of my unmarried and r ecently married informants, for some women, there may be no real advantage to having a husband in this context, as men drink and cause more problems, generate less than they bring in and often object to women working. Several young girls, between the ag es of 14 and 17, told me of their own attempts to migrate alone, something that wa s not encouraged by their fathers. One told me, “Why would I want to stay here, have children and be al one? I don’t want to end up like my mother, she had too much work and not enough help. I’d rather go north, work and help her, just like my brothers.” On my first visit to Urireo, tw o fifteen year old girls had attempted to cross but had been deceive d by the coyote or smuggler. They were not very talkative. Townspeople gossiped to me that they had been raped but they only admitted that the coyote was brutal to them. They told me at that time that this did not deter them from wanting to try again. When I returned in 2001, they were not there. As young girls decide that they want more control over their lives than traditional gender roles will allow, will this change the tr aditional roles or will the roles continue as they are? Research points to an expansion of roles, such as the double day, sometimes more independence and sometimes less. What does this mean for transnational women, men and families? What does this do to their ch ildren’s identities? Quality of life issues relate to role fulfillment, the next topic to be explored. Role Loss in Urireo The more that is known about migration – a nd the literature con tinues to grow – the more important it becomes for us to e xplain how nuanced migration can be. For example, while we understand that monetary c onsiderations make mi gration attractive to Urireanos, we need to also remember the gr eat sense of human agen cy these immigrants

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138 possess. The people from Urireo are adaptive, with an incredible ability to shift and bend to survive, even faced with incredible odds. This means that, among other things, migration is a solution – or more correctly -an adaptation to the problem of poverty and a lack of access to land or the ability to b ecome active in the market economy. Their adaptations or solutions are evidence of human agency, wh ich has carried them from central Mexico to the four corners of the world, including Wimauma, Florida. I would argue that, well before 2002 when I le ft Urireo, migration ceased to be an adaptation. Now, it is a rite of passage for young males and, increasingly, young females. Women and other key informants confirme d that young women are not interested in suitors who have not gone North or males who have nt shown in some way that they are willing to work and support them. More a nd more of these women expect to migrate with their husbands instead of st aying back and raising the children. An enterprising 17 year old, Raul was a re lative of Wimauma-based informants and he was a great help to me in the beginning of my research. Raul talked to me incessantly about the day when he would finally go to th e US. Family members and other neighbors thought I could talk him out of his idealized version of the US and the American Dream. This was simply impossible. We recommended that he go to school at the telesecundaria and finish high school. He liste ned politely. I watched American TV with him, which he enjoyed and joked about. I c ould see how he liked what he saw in those programs. He moved out of his mother’s house to “take care of a friend’s house” down the block. Soon, he was visible from sun-up to sun-down working, running to and fro in search of supplies and/or t ools as he helped out with construction, plumbing or even harvesting jobs. After a month, Raul stopped me in the street to let me know he had a

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139 plan: he was raising money to pay the coyote He was ready to go. Did I know of anyone looking for help in Florida? I told him I di d not, which was true. Raul was still there when I left but he arrived in West Palm Beach only two weeks after I returned to Florida. By all accounts, he is working in a nursery and also doing odd jobs. He is successfully remitting money back home. Urireanos in Wi mauma joke with me that I should marry him to help him with his citi zenship status. I joke back. Raul is a good example of someone who is smart, hardworking and utterly without hope in a place like Urireo. Raul’s father and older brother are alcoholics. Since his family has no parcelas, his mother buys corn and makes tortillas for sale, making very little money but enough to put food on the table. Raul told me one time, as I was attempting to persuade him that he should go to school, “What is school going to do for me? I know how to read, I know how to write. What else do I need to know?” At 17, he knew that he had options but the only option he felt was real was al so dangerous. That is precisely why he waited so long to migrate. When he finally realized his family and friends were not going to help him out, he t ook matters into his own hands. Now in West Palm Beach, he is seen as successful, despite the fact that Urireo could benefit from his intelligence, his presence and, potentially, his leadership more than his money. Raul fulfilled an expectation for a young male to migrate. In his analysis, it was better to migrate than to st ay. Since he owns no land a nd had no access to owning land, he had three options: 1. stay and go to school, receive specialized training and find employment, 2. stay and find stea dy work, or 3. leave and find work in the US. There is also the consideration of time. If he had st ayed, he knew he would still have to fulfill a role as provider and find ways, with his limited skills, to quickly support his

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140 dysfunctional family. This was a long-shot fo r him, being the only functional person in the family at the time. Earning dollars m eans he can fulfill a culturally ascribed role while also improving his own chances of achievi ng a better quality of life. At the same time, Raul loses out on the lifestyle he loves so much back in Urir eo, where he is known by all and always in the midst of parties and celebrations. Role loss, one of the central concepts or predisposing factors contributing to the health and mental health of the Urireanos, is most commonly cited in relation to aging, death or grieving (Ezzy 1993). Fadiman, in The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down (1997), applied the concept to immigrant rural Thai Hmong who adapted to living in small apartments in urban California. Becau se they were no longer able to cultivate crops and/or seek traditional healers (who n eeded access to animals and crops they could have grown back home), the family was not ab le to function in many of the ways they previously had. The culturally informed exp ectations of the parents for how they could be successful in curing their daughter’s epileps y, combined with the illness itself, created conflicts at multiple levels and resulted in role loss and depression (Fadiman 1997). Similarly, as Urireanos look to their future and options in obtaining a better quality of life, a lack of access to land and m oney means that staying will limit their opportunities while migrating appears even more important –The result is a tendency to decide “Vamanos Para El Norte” or Let’s Go to the US. Unlike Raul, La Rubia’s youngest daughter, El via, does not want to come to the US. She is afraid that if she does not join her husband in Orlando soon, as he wants her to, that she will face the same plight as her sister Roberta, whose husband left her and their three kids eight years a go. She lives day to day, sells tortillas or whatever she can

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141 that day. Her first questions to me ec hoed the conversation I had had with Araceli months earlier: “Many guys up there find other girls, right?.” I c ould easily feel her embarrassment. I told her that I knew of one case for sure but that most of the men are hard working. She doubted me. She said her husband works in a wood shop and already cut off part of his finger. She suspects that his lifestyle in Florid a includes drinking and finding other women. Raul and Elvia are both looking for ways to maintain their tradit ional roles in their community and family. Elvia is worried about lo sing her role as wife if she were to come to the US and see that her husband has anot her woman. Understandably, Elvia is also afraid of the unknown, for she is unsure of what exactly she would do once in Florida, whereas in Urireo she understands her life and can count on her mother’s support. Faced with a real concern that he c ould lose face in Urireo due to his lack of options, Raul made the decision to migrate because he knew that he would not only have more opportunities but also that he would not be judge d harshly because at least he tried. Elvia’s father, Daniel, who had been a fo rmer Bracero but got sick and was unable to migrate back to the US, suffers from role loss. Daniel, who had successfully migrated for forty years, wants nothing more than a wo rk permit of some kind so that he could return to Texas. Despite the fact that he was ill and had severe back problems, Daniel continued to work wherever he could find odd jobs but he did not feel that this was enough. As a sole provider, Da niel alone would not have been able to maintain his family. For this reason, his wife and daughter s also made, transported and sold tortillas far and wide, thus earning e nough to maintain the family.

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142 Daniel, like other returned Braceros, di sliked his situation and suffered from depression as a result. Like others his ag e, he often drank to excess and became known for drinking. His wife and family tried to ignore this and attempted to encourage his dream of migrating again, while they pr obably knew that this would not happen. Figure 3-4. Scene Depicting Drinking, from the Guide for the Mexican Migrant, 2004 Role loss also happens in Florida and it is tied to gender, ag e and place of birth (Wimuama or Urireo). In this study, women in Florida faced role expansion, even if they remained in their traditiona l roles of taking care of the house and the children. Wimauma’s location in rural Florida means th at a person cannot easily take care of daily chores such as grocery shopping or laundry with out having the use of a car, since there is no public transportation. For this reason, many Urireanas in Wimauma must drive, which puts them light-years away from their fema le counterparts in Urireo. Women in both places are responsible for the family’s healt h. That means that women must find ways, either through their social ne tworks or by driving themselves, to the local migrant clinic or the doctor’s office. Wo men who are older professed to me their greater fear of

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143 driving and their lack of comf ort with the whole enterprise. As Doa Luz stated, “I do not drive. Since my husband died years a go, my children drive me to my two jobs. Thank God they do. I don’t want to!” I s uggested that driving was not so difficult but Doa Luz quickly professed her fear to be too great. Like Doa Maria, who came to Wimauma back in the 1980s, women have moved past their traditional gender roles when needed: I worked in all the jobs. I worked ten years all year around, cucumbers, tomatoes, chile, strawberry…I even worked for three seasons in oranges. Oranges are heavy. We never worked for outsiders ( nunca trabajamos afuera ). We always worked together, me and my husband, 45 years of marriage and we ’re still working together. Now we have a fruit stand. Do you know how much money we had when we started this stand? Only $60! We bought some squash, some onions, tomatoes and chiles and we started saving our pennies. Doa Maria is the same woman who said th at her husband found out that she had made tortillas for sale and had reprimanded her. Now, she works side by side with him both in the fields and in the fruit stand, somethi ng women do not do in Urireo. Doa Maria’s role as provider is now well-es tablished and this model has b een passed on to her twelve children, all of whom now live in the US. Nevertheless, Doa Ma ria does not drive either. While Urireanos might feel good that they are able to provide for their families in both Florida and Mexico, even if their ro les have expanded, they often face other challenges to their role fulfillment. A factor noted by several participants is the discrimination faced by immigrants in Wimauma and south Hillsborough County: “There is a lot of discrimination here. A lot. It is very visible here between the whites and the Latinos. I really don’t like it.” Some Urireo-born parents view this differe ntly than their US-born children and for good reason: they have different experien ces, which shape and are shaped by their

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144 differing worldviews. Parents and older immigr ants tend to be less integrated into the larger community because they only go out to conduct their basic daily activities: work, shopping, Church and home. Children, on the ot her hand, are forced to go to school and mix with people of all cultures and backgr ounds. As one teenage informant told me “They call us beaners in school. Because we bring tacos. You feel poor and it’s like you aren’t as good.” Unlike their parents, children do not seem to think they will go back to Urireo to live. Unlike Cris, who knows a nd loves her parents’ hometown, many of the US-born youth see themselves and their options differently. As immi grants continue to adapt, so do their children, which is in k eeping with the seeming contradictory finding that Yet another way the new immigrant e xperience seems incommensurable with earlier patterns relates to the cultural ethos today’s immigrants encounter. New immigrants are entering American society at a time when what we might term a “culture of multiculturalism” permeates th e public space…it is however, far from clear how the new culture of multiculturalism will affect, if at all, the long term adaptations of immigrants and especially their children. If we take the heated issue of immigration and language, the data suggest that the new multiculturalism is indeed superficial….immi grant children are likely to learn English rapidly while they lose their mother tongue. (Suarez-Orozco 1998: 11) This would seem to be supported by the following observations from a key informant who grew up in Wimauma, got pre gnant at 16 and sold drugs to survive in Wimauma: In high school, the guidance counselors, to the Americans they gave them college prep, and the Mexicans got technical c ourses. There are limited options for Mexicans. But as there are some opportuni ties, we Mexicans are the ones that have to be the exception. A lot of people, li ke my aunt, she does not want to leave Wimauma. You have to find your own wa y, no one told me. First of all, my parents were not involved in my school at a ll. I felt at a time that I had no options. When it comes down to it, you have to see th at you can stay here for the rest of my life or go do something else. I could have ended up really bad. People in Wimauma do have less options but people like me and Juan and others that are from the community come back and show them and teach them. I think

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145 young people see that there are more options If we keep doing what we are doing or something more they will see that there are options. I have to say that I got in and out of trouble, sometimes I thought it wa s hopeless. I was pregnant at 16, and dropped out of school, it was not the end. I saw that there were people in the community who started out the same way, picking okra with me. I saw that she started out where I was and she made it. I had that role model. I think that if young people see that they see there are options, they ope n themselves up to take advantage of it. Figure 3-5. Substandard Trai lers Powered by Electrical Cords in a Grower-run Migrant Camp in Wimauma, 1998. Conclusions This chapter has focused on diverse experi ences of migration from Urireo to the US, with a particular emphasis on how Urirea nos experience Wimauma. Their isolation within Wimauma means that they become centered on working and remitting or, on their families, if they have them. Urireanos’ identity within Wimauma becomes that of Mexican first, then Guanajuatense, if applicab le. Mexico is so va st and the regions are very different, meaning that even if a person is from Guanajuato, it is unlikely that this person will be familiar with the tiny pl ace known as Urireo. Urireanos are only “Urireanos” with those who know Urireo, primarily family members or network members. Early on in my research, I met so me women from Salvatierra, Guanajuato, the municipal seat at 3 kilometers from Urire o. One of the women was married to a man

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146 from Urireo. When I remarked that I had me t others from Urireo, all of the women began telling stories about Urireo, how “backward” it is and how different it is from their hometown. They mentioned what I have described here: tortilleras, a strong gender division of labor and lack of infrastructure Far from focusing on cultural or social similarities, these women from Guanajuato illu strated how different they were from their neighbors. Figure 3-6. Woman Resting Du ring Strawberry Harvest. Urireo continues to foster traditiona l gender roles which clearly demarcate acceptable male and female roles. Women in Urireo see the contradictions and negotiate their roles with their husbands and, at times the community itself. Increasingly, younger women see what they do not want to become : women left behind, as described by Cebada (2001) and Salgado de Snyder et al. (1998). Either through their own initiative or through their husbands, they pref er to migrate as well. Mi gration has ceased to be a household strategy and has become a rite of passage that is necessary for a young man to gain respect and fulfill his traditional role as provider within an area where he has a lack of access to key resources, especially land but also education and job training.

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147 Women who migrate with th eir husbands to Wimauma face different circumstances and challenges in order to fulfill their traditionally ascribed gender roles, including basic responsibilities such as shopping and taking child ren to the doctor. In order for women to comply with their traditional roles in Wimauma, their own roles must expand to encompass things like driving a car or work ing alongside their spouses. These are not things women are supposed to do in Urir eo; hence they face role expansion. This role expansion has several conse quences. First, it means that US-born children whose parents are from Urireo have mothers whose roles are different from those born in Urireo. In Wima uma, a traditional mother is someone who drives and who is very different from their grandmothers ba ck in Urireo. In Ur ireo, grandmothers and mothers tend to continue to cook, clear, make tortillas and take care of loved ones in the home. The consequences of this change are not at first very visi ble because they are evidenced in the children of immigrants a nd not the immigrants themselves. Second, as women and children move around within the larger non-Mexican society, they notice discrimination and racism. Discrimination a nd racism also impact Urireanos’ views and sense of role fulfillment. US-born children of Urireano parents tend to see the world quite differently than their parents, creating conflict and misundersta ndings of role expecta tions. Work and the importance of working and earning money are the major motivators for Urireanos in both places but they are not the only ones. Both in Wimauma and Urireo, it was often the women who pushed for a better life and, they we re just as willing as the men to get out there and do whatever it takes. The difference is that in Urireo, women have to be more careful and not upset their husbands’ or other males’ au thority while in Wimauma,

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148 women have more leeway to negotiate their dual roles. Women in Wimauma frequently work in the fields just as hard as the me n, side by side, chasing the American Dream. Girls and women in Urireo must rely more on the men in their lives to help them either migrate or support them by sending back remittances. Increasingly, they are more interested in migrati ng alone or finding their own solutio ns on their own terms without male involvement, hence they want more self -determination and agency. This change is slow and it coincides with a time when borde r crossing is more costly and dangerous. Children of immigrant parents in the US con tinue to face many pressures, including selling and using drugs Discrimination and isolation exist in Wimaum a, as well as other factors that affect health and mental health issu es. Mental health, role expansion and gender are central to discussions of well-being and quality of life for Urireanos. The next chapter focuses on the health of people in both Wimuama and Ur ireo and how health status is viewed on both sides of the border. Given the importan ce that these respondents give to work and remittance in relation to one’s identity, health is hardly an issue. That is, health is not a major issue until someone falls ill and can no longer work, remit and fulfill an established role of provider or good son or daughter.

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149 CHAPTER 4 HEALTH IN TWO COMMUNITIES Doa Luz was absolutely certain when she told me “People here (Wimauma) live better. It would be the same to me to live there (Mexico) or here. But here you have your money. In Mexico, ther e is no work. And it costs you money to live.” Doa Luz and her husband worked for fourteen years fo r Faulkner Farms. Their children also worked with them in Michigan and Florida. When they first migrated to the US, Doa Luz and her husband worked in Texas but Texa s did not pay. It was his idea to keep searching for better work, she followed, they settled in Wimauma and had steady work with the Faulkners. Doa Luz’s husband died in a car accident in 1997, when her four children were teenagers or older. At the age of 57, even though she has seve ral health problems, including asthma, migraines, heart problems and high blood pressure, she still works two jobs. Doa Luz has been done it all. She has worked in ch icken processing plants, picked oranges for 14 seasons, cucumbers, strawberries, blueberries, apples and tomatoes. Currently, she works in a nursery in the morning and as a prep cook in a local restaurant in the afternoons. She and her husband regularized their immigration status under IRCA in 1986 and she is one of the very few in the study with health insurance. Having spent a considerable amount of time in Urireo recently, Cris explained why she thought that people in Wimauma had better health: Lots of people there in Urireo do not have the money to go to a doctor on a regular basis. Even immunizations, they are be tter here. You can get prenatal care and see a doctor with no insurance here. Over there you have to have money, over here

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150 the government helps out. Nutrition is not better here because lots of people eat healthier over there. But for the poor families over there, everything is so expensive in Mexico right now – they are eating less. I think there is malnutrition in Urireo. Over here, most people can afford to get food and if not, they can get WIC for your kids. The economics has a lot to do with it – it’s sad but sometimes I’ve seen people not have enough mone y to buy all the food they need. Organization of the Chapter Like Cris, most people from Urireo and Wi mauma agree with Doa Luz. After all, everyone knows that money is necessary to survive. However, to focus only on economics would obfuscate the influences that culture, society, ge nder, and migration have on the complex issue of health. This is not to downplay the large role that economics have on the health of Urireanos in either country. This study highlights Mexico’s ever-worsening economic situation in rural areas. The loss of the tortilla subsidy and a lack of support from Agarian Reform means that migration from Urireo and other rural towns has become more intense, not less. This study recognizes that the same economic s that push people to migrate are the ones that keep the poor there, since migrati on takes money and/or capital. Those who are too poor or too old cannot afford to pay the coyo te or a sponsor and they stay in Urireo. Contrary to popular beliefs in the US that “migrant workers are the poorest of the poor,” this study found that those who migrate generally have some kind of co llateral or capital, even if it is their own huma n capital, meaning that they will work off the debt upon arrival. When these same people arrive in the US, they are indeed among the poorest in the US, as we have already demonstrated. Respondents in Wimauma were younger than those in Urireo, chiefly because healthier peop le migrate more easily than older or less healthy people. All of this contributes to the healthy worker effect in farmworker and migrant health studies.

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151 In some instances, people living in Urireo were later interviewed in Wimauma and vice versa. Over the three years since I have lived in Urireo, it has been common for people I met there to spring up here in Wimaum a and we have kept in contact. As a result, I have been able to hear firsth and how people experience the changes and how they respond to their new surroundings including cases of culture shock. This chapter will first explore US and Mexican health priorities and how health providers and key informants in both countries view health and heal th status in places like Wimuama or Urireo. Next, I will present findings on health and mental health status from the quantitative and qualita tive data collected as part of this study (see Appendix A for instruments). For Urireanos, there was no argument that physical and mental health issues are linked so that if a person was suffering from emotional distress, this was thought to affect their physical health as well. This topi c, as well as Urireanos’ folk beliefs and the types of health seeking be haviors that result from these beliefs, are discussed third. Fourth, I will discuss gender differences in the perceptions of health and who is healthier. The conclusions will draw together the findings from this review and will answer the research questi on, along with the sub-questions, posed at the outset of this study: How does migration affect trad itional roles, responsibiliti es and expectations, vis a vis gender, age and social class, and how does this affect people’s health in both a sending community (Urireo) and a receiving community (Wimuama)? How do changing roles affect mental health and health status of both the males and females? Whom do Urireanos think is healthier – those in the US or those in Mexico? Are the health behaviors of Urireanos in their sending community different than those in the receiving community?

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152 US and Mexican Health Priorities Both Mexico and the US invest in pla nning for national hea lth priorities in accordance with known health deficiencies or identified emergent threats. In Mexico, health planning became an integral part of ove rall development and national prioritization under Vicente Fox’s regime (Secr etary of Health 2001). In th e US, health priorities are put forth through both the Centers for Diseas e Control and Prevention as well as the Surgeon General’s Office (US Department of Health and Human Services 2005). Healthy People 2010 is the federal agency’s blueprint for improving the health of the population. Mexico is guided by what is known as the National Health Program 20012006 ( Programa Nacional de Salud 2001-2006) the term that corr esponds to President Fox’s tenure. Both of these documents fr ame the following discussion on health and well-being for each country and binationally. While both countries openly st ate that the health of their populations is affected by social structures within the nation, Mexico’s fi ve year plan precisely attributes Mexican’s health problems to uneven development. The pl an states that “to im prove the health of Mexicans it is necessary to demo cratize health systems” (Secr etary of Health 2001: 17). The document goes on to state that The democratization of health implies that we first create the conditions so that all of the population can access the goods a nd social services that they need, independently of their ability to pay or of access issues where they live. Protecting health can not be considered a commodity, an object of charity or a privilege: it is a human right. Access to health services, therefore, ought to be universal, with a special emphasis on including those groups whose rights have not been plainly recognized previously, such as women, i ndigenous groups and persons of special needs. (2001: 17-18) This view of health as a hu man right is in keeping with Mexico’s Constitution of 1917 which guaranteed health and e ducation to her citizens; howev er, the Plan itself also

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153 acknowledges the country’s financial problems th at have hindered its ability to realize such high-minded, and expensive, goals. Table 4-1 summarizes each country’s health priorities, with only Mexico prioritiz ing financing as one of the goals. Table 4-1. US and Mexican National Health Priorities. Sources: Secretary of Healt h, Mexico, Programa Nacional De la Salud 2001-2006 (2001: 96), www.ssa.gob.mx and US Department of Health and Human Services and US Surgeon General, www.surgeongeneral.gov/publ ichealthpriorities.html This table speaks clearly to two concurrent themes that are almost symbolic of the US-Mexico relationship: similarities alongside di fferences. First, the health issues in the US and Mexico are different both in the types of health challenges but also in the focus of each priority. The US focuses on prevention while Mexico focuses on improving access, Mexico: National Health Program 2001-06 Democratization of health systems to create conditions that will improve health United States: Public Health Priorities 2005 1. Improve overall health conditions Universal access Affordability Improved Health Services Quality 1. Disease Prevention Overweight/Obesity Increased Physical Activity HIV/AIDS Tobacco Use Preventing Birth Defects Preventing Injury 2. Decrease health disparities Especially in regard to infectious disease, nutrition and reproductive health Infant mortality Urban and Rural Health Issues 2. Eliminate Health Disparities 3. Guarantee adequate pu blic and private health services 3. Public health preparedness Bioterrorism Disaster Preparedness 4. Assure the financing of health programming 4. Improving health literacy 5. Strengthen health systems, especially the public health institutions 5. Organ Doation 6. Children and Healthy Choices 7. Bone Health and Osteoporosis

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154 affordability, and ultimately, sheer numbers of services. Even though both countries have less healthcare providers in rural areas, the range of healthcare services in places like Urireo in rural Mexico is far more limited. Of the US’ priorities for disease prevention, it isimportant to not e that only one, HIV/AIDS, is an infectious disease. By contrast, Mexico is focused on infectious di sease elimination before chronic disease. This parallels the First World – Third World health issues in each country, as will be shown in this section. Mexico prioritizes decreasing not eliminating health disparities. This makes sense in the context of the country’ s huge percentage of rural popul ations who suffer inordinate amounts of infectious disease, especially in terms of resp iratory disease and parasitic agents that are linked to a lack of environmen tal health infrastructures such as sewage or potable water. To be sure, ther e are places in the US without se wage but this is not nearly as frequent as it is on the Mexican side of the border. Amelioriating such a huge problem requires that the country build an infrastructure related to potable water and waste-water capture and treatment. This would be very difficult since these activities have been privatized and are often left to the local powers to tackle. Such decentralization has not been effective to date; however, interven ing in a decentralized system would prove additionally difficult. The second theme is the similarity of some of the goals outlined by both countries. Both countries are experiencing an increase in chr onic diseases such as cardiovascular disease, cancer and diabetes. Both countries face the problem of how to help their populations be healthier by cha nging lifestyle behaviors su ch as diet, exercise and alcohol/drug use. Changing these behaviors is a topic of substa ntial interest for

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155 government officials, policy makers and experts in anthropo logy, psychology, public health, sociology and medici ne across the globe. According to the Mexican Secretary of H ealth, 52% of all deaths resulted from only five causes: heart disease, diabet es, cancer/malignant tumors, cirrhosis, strokes/cerebrovascular diseas e (2001: 46). Environmental issues factored into the Secretary’s analysis of Mexico ’s health status, and they provide critical information on the percentages of housing with potable water, sewage/drainage and lite racy issues. It is estimated that one of every si x years of life lost in Mexi co comes from one of these infectious diseases: respirator y infections, diarrhea, tubercul osis and sexually transmitted diseases (Secretary of Health 2001: 40). Of note, 30.9% of all households in Guanajua to, about the same percentage as in all of Mexico (30.3%) were two or more minimu m salary levels, or far below the poverty levels (Secretary of Health 2001: 183). A central theme in environmental health issues is the lack of clean water and sewage, which disproportionately affects both Wimauma and Urireo, as will be addressed later in the chapter. Natalia, who married when she was in her 30s and now lives with her husband and two children in Wimuama, also felt that people are healthier in Wimauma, but for reasons of hygiene more than anything: I guess it depends on the illness. Death will find you in either place. All I know is that if I get sick, I’m not going to get cure d here. The good thing about here is that there is hardly anyone eating the food from the street ve ndors. Everything that is sold here is clean. Here we buy it and we clean the food ourselves and we cook it. People here don’t sell the food in the street s --everyone can make it themselves in their own home. That way, there’s no dust and dirt. You know, the corn we sold on the street was always covered with mosquitos. Natalia is right: Urireo has poorer hygi ene and high rates of foodborne and waterborne parasites such as giardia, according to Salubridad statistics (2002). This is due, in

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156 large part, to the lack of water and open sewage. Natalia knows firsthand, since she always gets sick in Urireo and never is ill in Wimauma. Her primary physical ailment in Florida is sore feet, from pick ing cucumbers and strawberries for upwards of eight years. She thinks the pain is from “the cold” since the plants are wet and “reumas” or arthritis can enter you through your feet To date, Natalia has only been prescribed Tylenol for her pain, which she states does not help her. In her quote, Natalia gi ves voice to a sentiment expressed by many others, including Carmen’s husband, who blatantly stat ed: “If I get sick, I’ll go back to Mexico to get cured.” Nutrition was a concern for most responde nts while health providers in Mexico worried more about malnutrition than anything el se. Specifically, the issue of the health consequences of eating canned and prepared food versus fresh food emerged as a theme throughout the binational resear ch. Some people thought that canned foods in the US contained extra vitamins and that they might make people healthier. Like several other people, Carmen thinks that Urireanos who eat canned food in the US are putting themselves at risk: Do I think that Mexicans in the US are healthier than those here? Yes and No. They eat that canned food over there and here all the food is fresh, from that day. It is not the same. Here we eat everything fr esh. It’s just that there are a lot of chemicals in the canned food. It probably cau ses cancer. It is easier for them to eat that way over there. Either way, ve getables are better for you than meat. Her husband, who had worked on and off in Wi mauma and the southeast, felt differently: That canned food has to be inspected. That’s a good thing, because it does matter that they check out the food and that it is ok. I think that overall people’s health is better over there because you can eat better, you work and have money Like Carmen, Irma just was not sure if people in Wimauma or Urireo were healthier but she decided that it had to do w ith proper nutrition more than anything else:

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157 People in Mexico eat better th an we eat here. They eat more natural foods and here we eat processed foods, canned with chemi cals that cause cancer. Yes, definitely the food is health ier over there. Juana also thought that nutrition was important and she was worried because of a family history of diabetes: You have to eat healthy to have good hea lth. Mexicans here ea t “puro mugrero” or pure garbage. We eat a lot of fat, grease, chile, tortilla and a lot of bread too. If you are not fat there is no problem but if you gain weight, there is just no way to lose it. I say there’s not anyway. Diet is only one of the life style behaviors that change on ce people migrate to Wimauma. Like Natalia and Cris, Juana understands that in Urireo people walk everywhere, even to catch a taxi or a van at the plaza. Here, pe ople do not walk, instead they drive, which means that even though they might be working al l day in the fields they still do not walk like they used to. Urireanos in Wimauma rema rked that they gained weight here while those in Urireo observed that when people come back to visit they are fatter and when they leave, they are thinner. Doa Maria has diabetes. She was dia gnosed in 1996 when she exhibited the following symptoms: drowsiness, excessive thirst and dizziness. Her theory is that she got the disease from drinking soda: Well, I did this to myself, yo sola me fregue I got angry and I came out worse. It was the soda that really hurt me. It st arted when my husband I went to visit my brother, who lives in Mexico City. I got really thirsty a nd there was no water. So I drank a beer and that made it worse! I c ould not get rid of my thirst so I drank a soda. He gave me a pitcher of water and I drank it all. That’s exactly how my mother was. When I went back to Urir eo, I thought, “I have sugar (azucar).” When I got back to my doctor in Ruskin, my sugar count was at 500. Health Provider Key Informant Interviews : Urireo and Ruskin Health Center This section will first present data from health providers in Mexico and then those from Wimauma and the Ruskin Health Center where a focus group was held with twelve

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158 providers in 2002. Five key informant intervie ws were conducted with health providers in Urireo, including three physic ians, one pharmacist and one nurse from Salubridad. Two additional key informant interviews were conducted with the Medical Director of Salvatierra Hospital and one with the local epidemiologist in Salvatierra. As he pointed out, there is not really good data on disease prevalence if people do not go to the local hospital or public facility su ch as Salubridad or IMSS. Private doctors seldom report their data and there is really no mechanism fo r them to do so. Below is a composite list of the health issues mentioned by at least one of the key informants related to Urireo’s overall health status: estimates that 20-30% of all the children have rheumatic illnesses which are caused by streptococcus throat infec tions that have gone untreated (affecting mitral heart valve). high incidence of brucelosis (fiebre malta ) as a result of unvaccinated goats living with families; high rates of respiratory infections in adu lts and children (gripa or IRA, infeciones respiratorias agudas); gastrointestinal parasites due to contaminated water; leprosy; anemia; 60-70% of older people have diabetes; 10% of the population are alcoholics, mainly men; “high rate of abus e of marijuana” ; use of valium, herion and inhalants, especially in Vallesteros; and HIV/AIDS in the case of returned migrants (2 families and three solos have died). A private doctor who had been a pasante in Urireo, Dr. Melquiares was clear with me that he feared that many of his young patie nts were malnourished. He also felt that

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159 this malnutrition was a predisposing factor for other illnesses, namely strep throat which, if untreated, can lead to rheumatic fevers that affect the heart. He wants to do some kind of study or analysis about this topic so that he can work on preventing it. Melquiares stated he really likes Urireo but he qu ickly added: “Urireo has been forgotten by everyone...there are not enough serv ices here. It is important that people have better paying jobs so that they don’t ha ve to send their children off to work either here or in the US. Our children are our future.” Toward that end, he said that when he was a pasante he looked at the medical records of 700 children and found that their principal di agnoses were: respiratory infections, gastrointestinal problems/parasit es, malnutrition and anemia. Now in private practice, he is a very busy man, seeing up to 70 patients per day. As the Table below shows, Melquiares is correct. Even the Secretary of Hea lth acknowledges the dangers of malnutrition, infectious disease and anem ia on the rural populations in Mexico: Anemia is a grave concern in Mexico. In 1999, the prevalence was 27% for those under 5 years of age (60% above the preval ence of other developed countries), 20% in women who were not pr egnant and 26% in pregna nt women (2001: 40). Between 1980 and 2000, the Secretary of Health states that death from intestinal infections declined by 91% (2001: 40). This translates to a drop of about 27,000 deaths for children 0 to age 4. However, the problem persists in rural areas, with an estimate that “the risk of death through diarrhea is fi ve times greater in rural areas than urban areas. This difference is eight times greater for those under th e age of five” (Secretary of Health 2001: 40). The local Epidemiologist for the Secret ary of Health in Salvatierra, Chema Sandoval, shared the following da ta with me on the types of i llnesses that were treated in Salubridad clinics in Urireo a nd Salvatierra between 2001 and 2002:

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160 Table 4-2. Comparison of Health Probl ems in Urireo and Salvatierra (2002). 0 to 4 years 5-9 years 10-14 years 15+ years Diagnosis and total number Urireo Salvatierra Urireo Salvatierra Urireo Salvatierra Urireo Salvatierra Acute Respiratory Infections N=1283 Urireo N=4377 Salvatierra 755 59% 2307 53% 220 17% 604 14% 73 6% 318 7% 317 25% 1148 26% Infections in the Intestines by other organisms N=43 Urireo N=430 Salvatierra 18 42% 202 47% 9 21% 59 14% 1 2% 27 6% 15 35% 142 33% Intestinal Amoebas N=94 Urireo N=334 Salvatierra 41 44% 91 27% 18 19% 49 15% 9 10% 35 10% 26 28% 159 48% Urinary Tract Infections N=125 Urireo N=84 Salvatierra 8 6% 0 0% 5 4% 6 7% 10 8% 0 0% 102 82% 78 93% Giardiasis N=47 Urireo N=2 Salvatierra 25 53% 1 50% 9 19% 0 0% 3 6% 0 0% 10 21% 1 50% Acute Otitis Media N=44 Urireo N=71 Salvatierra 16 36% 13 18% 12 27% 22 31% 6 14% 6 8% 10 23% 30 42% Source: Sistema Nacional de Salud, Secrtaria de Sa lud, Direccion General de Ep idemiologia, Principales Causas de Enfermedades, Guanajuato Salvatierra and Urireo, SSA 2002. There are several features that should be not ed from this table. First, patients at both Salvatierra and Urireo clinics tend to su ffer from infections rather than chronic disease. Diarrhea and parasi tes tend to disproportionately affect both Salvatierra and Urireo. However, Urireo fares much worse, due to poor water quality, a trend that was mentioned by many participants and key inform ants during qualitative data collection. Urireo’s rates of giardiasis and amoebas ar e very high, especially as primary diagnoses for those under the age of 10 years. While Urireo has aguas negras and open sewage, Salvatierra has sewers and public sanitation.

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161 Second, acute respiratory infections are pr evalent in both Salv atierra and Urireo and are a principal cause for concern, esp ecially for the youngest and oldest in the population. While this is not broken down in the Table a bove, 66 cases, a full 5%, of acute respiratory infection a fflicted Urireo’s patients above the age of 60, which arguably is a rather small population. There are some serious limitations to this epidemiologic data that should be noted. First, Salubridad only captures patients that ut ilize their facilities in either Salvatierra or Urireo. This study shows that the majority of Urireanos in either Urireo or Wimauma prefer private doctors. Private doctors and cl inics do not report thei r data to Salubridad, and there is no mechanism to do so at the present. At the same time, people who are extremely ill are more likely to seek a privat e physician because they have usually tried multiple treatments, including the pharmacy, home remedies and curanderos previous to finally deciding to go to seek help. People who seek help from pharmacists, parteras, curanderos or any other health provider are not re presented in any available sample. Second, the Salubridad sample provides a sn apshot in time, not a composite view of health in Urireo or Salvatierra. This data could change for any number of reasons, including the introduction of new or other he althcare providers, which might take patients away from Salubridad. Other variables infl uencing clinic use incl ude the weather, the accessibility of other health providers or even migration itself. Fo r example, since the area has been in drought for several seasons, wildfires may be more prevalent, causing more burning and increased respiratory problem s. In any case, the data presented here are the most recent and local available. Wh ile keeping these limitations in mind, this

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162 next section analyzes utilizati on and illness patterns for rura l Urireo and the more urban Salvatierra. Utilization patterns in Urireo showed that the majority of the 1887 annual clinic visits were for young patients, with 14% or 268 for children under one year and 28% or 533 for those under five years. Visits for children under five years account for almost half of all clinic visits, or 42%. Another 16% of visits were for chil dren between five and nine years of age, bringing the total number of visits for children 0 to 9 to 1103 or 58% of all clinic visits. In contrast, there were only 121 visits for children aged 10 to 14, accounting for 6% of visits and only about half that figure, 65 for teens 15 to 19 years of age, representing about 3% of all visits. Arguably, this c ould be considered a pos itive health statistic, since it might indicate that once children are older, their heal th tends to improve and their resistance to infections increases. Als o, perhaps the older ch ildren are now better nourished because they are in school and thei r health has improved as a result. More research would need to be conducte d to better understand this trend. Women between 20 and 44 are considered ch ildbearing age. Those who went to the Salubridad clinic made up only 339 visi ts, or 18%. The vast majority of these patients were aged 25 to 44, tota ling 259 visits altogether. Th e fact that this number is fairly low, even given the fact that women in Urireo still tend to have at least three children, can be explained by the norm that women go to parteras or midwives instead of the clinic. Urireo’s women and their hea lthcare providers tended to understand each other when it came to prenatal care. The sa me cannot be said for other health issues.

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163 The Salubridad nurse felt that the most pr essing health need was family planning. She and the Medical Director i ndependently stated that only about 70 to 80 women come to the clinic monthly for family planni ng, and they distribute condoms, Pills, Depo Provera and the IUD. Additionally, they have done about 100 tubal ligations, with about 40 between 1999 and 2002. They also give out condoms, but the nurse stated that “I don’t give them out very easily” and that ev ery month about 18-20 single males come to the clinic to get condoms but she only give s out 3-4 per month to each one. Salubridad’s Medical Director, Dr. Basurt o, has been there 8 years and 2 years in Salvatiera, he works Monday through Friday an d makes sure there is always coverage. He and the Nurse agreed that most women preferred the midwife or partera, to him. Locally, the IMSS in Salvatierra tr ains and gives equipment to the parteras to help them coach and ready the women for childbirth. Basurto also supervises the few health promoters that were trained y ears ago to provide basic info rmation and referrals. Since they are now volunteers and “there are no resources” he simply admires these women for continuing to serve as unpaid promotoras. P oor hygiene is a problem in Urireo, with the consequences of hepatitis, cole ra, tonsillitis, sinus infection, bronchitis. There is also a problem with sexually transmitted diseases su ch as HIV, syphilis and gonnorhea, “which is attributable to the disintegration of the family and the infidelity of the husbands,” according to Basurto. HIV is a concern for Mexico, which offici ally cites that 90% of all cases were transmitted sexually. HIV and AIDS have long been documented as having been exported through US-Mexican returned migran ts (Bronfman 1995). The HIV epidemic at the close of 2000 was officially stated to be 47,617 cases but the Secretary of Health

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164 estimated that it would be more accurate to count between 116,000 and 177,000 HIV cases (2001: 46). The mortality rate for AI DS in Mexico is 4.4 per 100,000 (Mexican Secretary of Health 2001). More troubling is the Pan Am erican Health Organization’s latest report, which puts the incidence of AI DS at 145.5 per 1 million US citizens but at 159.2 per 1 million Mexican citizens (PAHO 2005). The male to female ratio of HIV/AIDS in both countries show s that it is more highly skewed toward males in Mexico than the US: 2.9:1 in the US and 5.1:1 in Mexico (PAHO 2005). Data from the local community health center in Ruskin shows that 1333 people received HIV tests during the calendar year 2003. This figure probably relates to a Florida law that providers are mandated to o ffer HIV testing to all pregnant women. In this same time frame, the clinic only saw two patients with HIV, symptomatic or asymptomatic, which follows local providers’ vi ews that HIV is just not that prevalent within the farmworker population. A focus group with providers in Fl orida revealed that providers are concerned most for single or solo males, but there is no intervention currently targeting them: Young, single men are most at risk because of their involvement with prostitutes. There are known local incidents where wo men have been imported [from Mexico and other countries] for the se x trade. There are trailers that travel from migrant camp to migrant camp with prostitutes. These are known as “Club 21” because they charge $20 for sex and $1 for a condom. The incidence of HIV in the migrant population seems to have increased with th eir involvement with Caucasians. This in turn may have led to involvement in drugs and an increase in the HIV rate of men, which in the future could affect women.

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165 Figure 4-1. Scene Depicting Pr ostitution from the Guide fo r the Mexican Migrant, 2004 Due to a lack of routine HIV testing in Me xico, it is highly likely that the state estimates are low. One respondent in Urireo told me candidly, listing off names, “Some of these men and I, we all left together back in the 1980s. They come back to Urireo when they get sick. Then they die. It’s SIDA – AIDS but they won’t admit that.” Like the Secretary of Health (2001), health providers cited social problems as the root causes of the health and mental health problems in Urireo and in Wimauma. For example, Dr. Basurto outlined the followi ng dilemma for his young patients. Young girls feel like they should find a “norteo” or a male who will go to the US to make some money. They marry without love or they get married so that she can leave her parents’ house. Either way, Basurto f eels that since the males are gone so much, it creates even more family problems and a huge amount of competition for the few males that stay. Similar data for Wimauma is hard to come by. However, I was able to obtain a report from the Suncoast Community Health Centers, a federally funded migrant and community health center in Ruskin, which cares for many local Me xican immigrants and farmworkers. As in the case of the Salubridad statistics, it is impor tant to note that these

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166 data have limitations. First, these data are not disaggregated by age, gender, ethnicity or farmworker status and represent the total univ erse of patients seen in the calendar year 2003. Second, many Urireanos in either Urireo or Wimauma prefer going to private doctors over accessing public services. The majority of Urireanos are probably not captured here; however, the data does provide us with a sense of the types of health issues in the general area of Ruskin/Wimauma. Table 4-3. Ruskin Health Center Utilization Data, 2003 Diagnosis Category Number of Encounters Number of Users Communicable Diseases Symptomatic HIV4 2 Tuberculosis99 80 Syphilis and other veneral disease47 37 Chronic Disease Abnormal Breast findings, female102 53 Abnormal Cervical findings29 22 Asthma1457 737 Chronic bronchitis or emphysema949 854 Diabetes Mellitus7557 2212 Heart disease3309 1337 Hypertension9435 3438 Maternal and Child Health Contraceptive management1730 953 Otitis media & eustachian tube disorders3061 1837 Selected perinatal medical conditions326 182 Health Supervision of infant or child (0-11 years) 8450 4121 Lack of expected normal physiological developments, such as delayed milestone; failure to gain weight failure to thrive – does not include sexual or mental development or nutritional deficiencies 153 111

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167 Table 4-3. Continued. Diagnosis Category Number of Encounters Number of Users Occupational Health Contact dermatitis and eczema206 192 Dehydration21 21 Alcohol, Drug and Mental Health Alcohol dependence132 101 Drug Dependence42 27 Other mental disorders, excluding drug and alcohol dependence and mental retardation 2103 1494 Source: Suncoast Community Health Cent er, Ruskin Clinic, Universal Report 2003. Wimauma has two health promoters, both Mexican and bilingual in English and Spanish, Lizahani Cruz and Juan Gomez. Cruz and Gomez were both born in Matamoros, Tamaulipas, Mexico. Gomez’ father was originally from Valle de Santiago, Guanajuato, not far from Urir eo. Cruz was only four when her family migrated to Wimauma while Gomez was 14 years old. Cruz explained her job and why it was important: My job as a health promoter is to go to the community and talk to them about prevention of certain illnesses, like card iovascular disease, obesity, diabetes, HIV alcoholism and tobacco problems. I think that the first two, cardiovascular disease and diabetes, know what they are but th ey don’t know much about prevention or even taking care of themselves when they ha ve diabetes or heart disease. I think that the job I’m doing is very im portant and it is needed. I enjoy my job, I really love this job and I love being able to ta lk about these issues with the people I know, especially because the people I know, they know that I lost both my grandmother and my mom to heart disease. I think that, for that reason, they are a little more receptive. This community does not just trust anybody and to go to their homes or the clinic. If th ey know you and you speak their language in their accent, it’s better and easier for them to be open to talking to, listening to and asking questions of you. Environmental Health and Risk: Pestic ides, Cancer and Developmental Delays Researchers across the fields of publ ic health, anthropology, medicine and education have attempted to measure the effects of pesticide and environmental

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168 exposures on the health status of agricultur al workers and their ch ildren (Zahm and Blair 1993, Lu et al. 2000, Shaw et al. 1997, Canf ield et al. 1996, Guillette 1998, Baer and Penzell 1993, Moses 1993, Arcury et al. 2005). First, there is evidence that many chem icals are harmful to human health and especially to children’s health and development. Researchers ha ve been able to isolate the following chronic health problems as related to chronic exposure to pesticides: cancer (non-Hodgkin lymphoma, leukemia, multiple myel oma, testicular cancer, liver cancer, stomach cancer, pancreatic cancer, lung cancer and primary brain can cer); birth defects (correlations with neural tube defects and some congenital anomalies); reproductive problems, including male sterility and spont aneous abortion (Moses 1993: 168). Pesticide exposure is a factor in any type of agricultura l work; however, researchers have begun to look more closely at how pes ticides, especially organophosphates, affect groups differentially, such as farmers vers us farmworkers (Zahm and Blair 1993), or by age (Shaw et al. 1996, Guillette et al. 1998, Guillette 2000). Sheila Zahm and Aaron Blair, both at National Cancer Institute, co mpared epidemiologic data for both farmers and farmworkers (1993), but f ound no linkage in their resear ch to cancer. They did report that studies with Mexican and Mexican origin groups show elevated cases of multiple myeloma, cancers of the stomach, prostate and testes, buccal cavity, cervix, pharynx,lung and liver. Zahm and Blair conclu ded that a lack of water for farmworkers to wash hands can lead to higher rates of ab sorption of pesticides (as opposed to farmers) and they advocate for feasibility studies and methodologically sound research in the future. A study with farmworker women found that women were reluctant to obtain

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169 cancer screening because over half of the wo men reported fear in finding cancer if they were to be screened (S kaer et al. 1996:172). Three studies have shown or ganophosphates to be directly linked to developmental delays in children and depression in adults (Guillette et al. 199 8, Farmworker Justice Fund 2005 and Lu et al. 2000). Dose-response is a central issue in toxicology. As Colborn et al. so vividly dem onstrate, the amounts of chemi cals needed to affect human health can be infinitesimally small, as in the case of the hormone estrogen (1997). The other consideration in dose-re sponse is the size and weight of the person. Amounts that fall into “acceptable” tolerance levels for adu lts might be extraordinarily high for a child (NRC 1993). However, we are reminded that “children are not small adults,” meaning that developmental issues and timing of exposure weigh heavily on the effects of exposures, especially in-utero (Colborn et al. 1997, Guillette 2000, Schettler et al. 1999). As cited earlier, diet, especially for children, is a key factor. Childre n eat more fruits and vegetables than adults, if weight is adjust ed for (NRC 1993). Schettler et al. (1999: 107) point to children being exposed at schools, since they spray pesticides and have been known to use other organophosphates more often. Schettler et al. (1999) summa rize vast amounts of research that supports Colborn et al.’s (1997) theory that can cer is only one outcome of exposure to agricultural and environmental chemicals. They conclude that “an epidemic of developmental, learning and behavioral disabilities has become evident among children” even while they recognize that part of this tr end is enhanced detection (1997: 1). Guillette et al. (1998) were able to conduct a comparative study is olating the relationship between pesticide exposure and children’s developmental status in two Mexican villages whose only major

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170 difference were differing rates of pestic ide use and exposure. Using the Rapid Assessment Tool for Preschool Children (RATPC), they concluded that the four and five year old children in both groups had sim ilar growth patterns but vastly different developmental levels. Exposed children we re more aggressive, less creative, poorer coordination and dramatically le ss able to draw a person (Gu illette et al. 1998). Since these children had not yet been to school, it is unlikely th at these differences were attributable to socialization. While she c oncludes that more research is needed, the research makes a strong case that the Yaqui children in the pesticide-using community are developmentally delayed compared to th e same aged children of the non-pesticide using community. Links to chemical causation include Sche ttler et al.’s ( 1999: 94) listing of organocholorines such as DDT as producing the same effects (hype ractivity, decreased stamina, decreased coordination, decreased me mory, decreased ability to draw familiar objects). Organophosphates such as chlorpyrif os (Dursban) are linked to developmental delays, hyperactivity, behavioral disorders a nd motor function. Pyrethroids, some of which are naturally occurring have been found to cause hyperactivity. The social cost for future generations is extremely high b ecause these childhood problems equate to potential problems with higher learning, cognitive ability and long-term human productivity (Schettler et al. 1999). Lu et al. (2000) were able to ta ke urine and house dust samples from 100 farmworker children in the state of Washi ngton to assess their level of exposure to pesticides, specifically organophosphates. By comparing agricultural to non-agricultural families, Lu et al. (2000) found several intere sting findings. First, children whose parents

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171 were engaged in agriculture had seven tim es more dust in their houses (2000: 290). Second, the closer a child lives to land that is used agriculturally, the higher his/her metabolic concentrations of organophosphate s (in urine and spot wipe hand towels) (2000: 301). Third, there are probably other pathways, such as water, which also influence children’s dose-response to organopho sphates, which means more research is needed (2000: 301). The Farmworker Justice Fund worked with the United Farm Workers in the State of Washington to examine the health eff ects of organophosphates through blood tests for cholinesterase, an essential enzyme in the nervous system wh ich is inhibited by organophosphates (Farmworker Justice F und 2005: 1). The study involved 580 participants in 2004 and found that one in fi ve, or 20%, suffered depression, which was more evident during the first spray season; how ever, the study found that there were false negatives in the lab tests for cholinesterase, with the test missing almost 50% of the truly positive results (Farmworker Justice Fund 2005: 6). Arcury et al. (2005) found that farmworkers in Virginia and North Caroli na were exposed to pesticides, namely organophosphates, through multiple routes (2005: 40). Arcury et al. found that all family members tested positive for organophosphate me tabolic levels that indicate pesticide exposure, whether or not they were working in the fields, it was just a matter of what level (2005: 40). While the dose for each of these exposures may be small, their combined effects can have serious repercussi ons for every family member, particularly children (Arcury et al. 2005). Organophosphates and other commonly used chemical compounds are also known to affect brain development. Neural tube de fects (NTDs) refer to malformations of the

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172 developing brain and spinal co rd, including birth defects an d fetal anomalies such as anacephaly, spina bifida or fetal/infant deat h (Canfield et al. 1996, Shaw et al. 1997). There are thousands of register ed, in-use, pesticides and herb icides linked to reproductive disorders and NTDs in particular, such as me thyl bromide or endocrine disruptors such as Vincolozolin or Lindane (State of Califor nia EPA, Chemicals Known to the State to Cause Cancer or Reproductive Toxicity). NTDs are genetic anoma lies that occur 17-30 days after conception (Canfiel d et al. 1996: 2). Two studies are the most comprehensive on record relating to neural tube defects (C anfield et al. 1996; Sh aw et al. 1997). The study by Shaw et al. (1997) is a populat ion based case control study resulting in interviews and chart review of 538 California mothers of infant s/fetuses with neural tube defects and 539 mothers of non-malformed cont rol infants while Canfield et al (1996) analyzed billing (ICD-9-CM) codes on a larg e database in Harris County Texas. While not all these infants were born to MSFW wo men, they were born to Mexican women, who have been shown previously to have excessively high rates of babies with NTD (Shaw et al. 1997, Canfield et al. 1996). Both studies conclude that even controll ing for mother's education and place of birth, the increased risk of neural tube defects among Mexico-born Mexican mothers appeared limited to those infants/fetuse s whose mothers and fathers were both of Mexican descent. Elevated risks of neural tube defects were obs erved for Mexico-born fathers irrespective of mother's ethnicity (Shaw et al. 1997: 1 469). Both studies also rule out pesticide or herbicide exposure (C anfield et al. 1997, Shaw et al. 1996). While Shaw et al. (1997) do not rule out nutritional factors, they state that the data is inconclusive and that it appears that fi rst generation Mexican American women are at

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173 highest risk for having babies with NTDs even though they also have the best nutrition (1997: 1470). Canfield et al. (1996: 6) report that the Mexi can rates of anencephaly are 18.4 per 10,000 live births and spina bifida occurs at 17.5 per 10,000 live births, figures that can be up to six times those in Texas or California. Canfield et al. (1996: 7) speculate about the reasons for these incredibly high rates and suggest that NTD prenat al screening may not happen for Mexican women, who often get late or no prenatal care. They add, A once given a positive diagnosis, perhaps Hispanics are less likely to terminate an NTDaffected pregnancy for economic, cultural, religious or other reasons. This would resu lt in a higher recorded prevalence at birth for Hispanics relative to Anglos (Canfield et al. 1996: 7). Reasons for the higher prevalence for NTDs within the Mexican population remain a mystery, with Canf ield et al. (1996: 10). concluding that the reasons must be a combination of factors, including socioeconomic status, cultural and religious influences; however, pesticide exposure is never mentioned Environmental exposures for Urireanos come in many forms and they affect them in various ways that are not di rectly visible. The literature reviewed here confirms this research: Urireanos on both sides of th e border worry about the unknown effects of pesticides and chemicals all around them. Th ey worry about the l ongterm effects for themselves and for their children. They mentioned these concerns everywhere, from the foods they eat to breathing the pesticide resi duals and, not surprisi ngly, being sprayed on while working in nurseries or fields. Still unknown are the long-term effects of these exposures; however, it is critical to note that the effects are probably most felt by the children, since they are smaller and

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174 therefore absorb more toxins per exposure than an adult would. Environmental exposures to organophosphates can cause letharg y, a finding that helps to explain part of Urireano parents’ concerns that their children prefer to “w atch Nintendo and drink Coca Cola.” In a real sense, the multiple e xposures that they have endured could be hampering their energy levels an d/or cognitive abilities. This is definitely an area for future research. Environmental and Social Health Status Issues The US continues to battle the problem of the uninsured population, while Mexico strives to strengthen and finance its thr ee systems, SSA, IMSS and ISSTE. Both countries have large numbers of people who s imply lack access to healthcare. In 2002, there were an estimated 40.6 million uninsured people in the US and the distribution of coverage is linked to ethnicity and edu cation (CDC 2005: 282). While 12.6% of white Americans were not insured, 33.8% of all Latinos lacked insurance, with Mexicans listed as 37% non-insured (CDC 2005). Below are a series of tables comparing Me xican and US health status indicators on three related areas: 1) social and environmen tal health status indicators; 2) chronic disease and health status indi cators and 3) non-disease relate d health status indicators (such as accidents). Each of these tables a ttempts to compare and contrast health in two places within the context of each state’s relationship to its nation. Tables 4-4, 4-5 and 4-6 presen t a snapshot of health status indicators in Guanajuato and Mexico and Florida and the US. These ta bles do not present primary data; they are included here in an effort to illustrate the similarities and differences at the state and national levels for various important health stat us data. These data are not intended to be viewed as definitive but they provide a contex t for what the general health is like in the

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175 both the state and nation. Indicators for Ur ireo and Wimauma were presented in Table 42 and Table 4-3. Table 4-4. Social and Environmental Health Status Indicators for Mexico and US. Social and Environmental Health Status Indicator Mexico GuanajuatoUS Florida % Insured5, 6 or for Mexicans, with Social Security1 40.1 33.9 16.6 19.2 % Without Potable Water1, 10 15.7 11.7 0 0 % Without Sewage/Drainage1 21.9 23.7 0% 0% % That Cooks with Wood or Charcoal1 17.2 12.4 n/a n/a % Disabled1,5, 9 1.8 1.9 12.4 19.2 % Population 15 years and older that is Illiterate17 9.5 12.0 3 3 % in the Workforce as Active7,8 34.6 31.3 94.5 62.9 Mortality Rate of Infectious, Nutrition and Reproductive Health3 per 100,000 72.5 81.7 Not aggregated Not aggregated Mortality Rate of Acute Respiratory Infections4,5 per 100,000 19.7 18.7 43.5 Not available Mortality Rate of Acute Respiratory Infections for Children Under 54, 10 per 100,000 children < 5 47.3 51.0 2.0 3.9 Mortality Rate of Intestinal Infection and Parasites4, 10 per 100,000 6.6 8.7 0 0 Mortality Rate of Diarrhea for Children Under 54 per 100,000 children < 5 25.3 38.0 Not available Not available Mortality Rate of AIDS4, 5 per 100,000 4.4 2.6 4.9 10.3 Mortality Rate of Nutritional Deficiency4 11 per 100,000 11.4 13.6 0 1 Mortality Rate of Nutritional Deficiency for Children Under 54, 11 per 100,000 children < 5 13.9 15.4 0 Not available Mortality Rate of Anemia4 per 100,000 4.4 5.5 1.6 Not available Probability to die between the age of 0 and 5 years2 11 per 1,000 Males 31.5 Females 25.1 Males 32.4 Females 26.5 8 Not available Sources: 1INEGI XII Census of the Population and Housing, 2000; 2 CONAPO, Projections for the Mexican Population 1996-2050 (1998); 3 INEGI and Secretar y of Health, Mortality Data 1998; 4INEGI and Secretary of Health, Mortality Data 1999; 5 National Center for Health Statistics, Health of Americans 2004; 6 Florida Health Insu rance Survey, 2004; 7 World Factbook, US, Department of State, 2005, 8 US

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176 Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, www.bls.gov 9 US Census, 2003 Population Estimates, Florida Quickfacts, August 2005, www.census.gov 10. PAHO, 2004 Core Health Data Selected Indicators, www.paho.org 11. UNDP, Human Development Index, USA Country Index, www.undp.org data from 2002. Table 4-4 summarizes environmental a nd social indicators for Florida and Guanajuato. These indicators re veal Guanajuato to be a state that is plagued by a lack of environmental health infrastructure such as sewage, high illiteracy rates and underemployment within the population. These structural factors translate to health consequences, such as high rates of reproduc tive illnesses, infectious and respiratory infections. This fits with the overall view of Critical Medical Anth ropology that looks at health within its social context. Comp aratively speaking, Wimauma’s environmental health indicators are much better; however, they are still lacking (Rottler and Kwa 1999). As Doa Luz’s US-born 22 year old daughter, Selena, put it: If you think about it, people living here in Florida are probably better off. The water is cleaner, the food is FDA approved, it ’s not just off the street like there. I guess the thing is that there is better housing and living c onditions here and santitation-wise, they are better off here. Not only does Mexico invest little in h ealth services but those who are most vulnerable in the society tend to be the si ckest: women and childre n. This state in general, and the rural areas like Urireo in particular, face third world health problems that more urbanized areas of Mexico do not. Strikingly, Guanajuato fares worse than the nation on every measure associated with child he alth. It seems that these findings are in keeping with other data collected during th is study. For example, key informants, mothers, fathers and ethnography point to the constant infections and nutritional problems faced by children in Urireo. At the same time, Guanajuato has done remarkably well in maintaining a health status more or less equal to that of the nation, even if it has to do so with ve ry limited funds. This may be more attributable to the fact

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177 that adults utilize remittances and tend to consult pharmacists, curanderos and home remedies first. Private doctors are only accessed if they become so ill that they are not able to work. In this case, these physicians appear to do a satisfactory job of curing their patients. Maternal and child health in both the US and Mexico are long-held priorities; however, the differences revealed in Table 44 on key indicators pain t a striking contrast between the two countries. Mexico’s infant mortality rate is 28 per 1000 (estimates for 2000, Secretary of Health 2001) while the rate in Florida was 7.2 per 1000 for all races and 5.2 per 1000 for Latinos (2002 data in Nationa l Center for Health Statistics 2004). In fact, Mexico lists the leading cause of year s of life lost as perinatal afflictions, which account for 7.7% of the total y ears of life lost in the count ry (Secretary of Health 2001: 34). Just as Guanajuato fares worse than the rest of Mexico, Urireo fares worse than Guanajuato. Wimauma is likewise challenged by environmental health issues, but to a far less extreme than in Urireo. Rottler and Kwa conducted a study in Wimauma related to enteric disease and found that, compared to other rural areas of the same size, “Wimuama had significantly higher rates of giar diasis and hepatitis A” (1999: 28). They attributed this finding to overcrowded hous ing, poor sanitation and hygiene issues, especially within the farmworker population, which largely relies on private well water and septic systems. This study found that, between 1987 and 1995, Wimauma had the highest rates of the following in the county: Giardiasis at 252.1 per 100,000, Hepatitis A at 557.3 per 100,000 and Shigellosis371.3 per 100,000 (Rottler and Kwa 1999: 29).

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178 Additionally, Wimauma had a high reported rate of Salm onellosis, at 238.9 per 100,000 (Rottler and Kwa 1999: 29). Between Ja nuary 2003 and January 2004, the Florida Department of Health reporte d that Hillsborough County only had 71 cases of Giardiasis, 39 cases of Hepatitis A and 31 cases of Shig ellosis, while the zip code pertaining to Wimauma, 33598, only had three cases of any of the above in the same time frame (Florida Department of Health 2005). Wimauma, like Urireo, battles both chronic disease and infectious diseas e patterns at the same time. As a key informant put it: Housing is one of the most pressing needs in Wimuama. Health care is another one. Wimauma is changing a lot and most of the Mexica ns aren’t going to have a place to go or a place to stay because of the development that is going on all around them. It might change for the better but not for the Mexican community. I think they need someone to represent them, a person to stand up and say we are here. The thing we need the most. We’re from the Mexican community and we are here and this is what we need. Right now they don’t have that. There is a lot of very intelligent people down there but they don’t speak the language (English). Of the 23 US-based Urireanos in this st udy, it is important to note that only 17% reported suffering from flu-like symptoms or diarrhea in the past year. Of the 22 Mexican-based Urireanos interviewed, about twice as many people reported the symptoms. Based on self-report, almost one third (31%) suffered from flu-like symptoms, or gripa, with one case of t yphoid and 9% suffered from diarrhea. All participants blamed either eating taco s from the street or the open sewers. Chronic Disease and Health Status Issues Chronic disease has increased in both the US and Mexico over the past ten years. There are various known causes for this cha nge, including obesity, lack of adequate physical activity, tobacco use and unhealthy lif estyle choices (US De partment of Health and Human Services 2005). Nutr ition plays a critical role in any discussion of chronic

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179 disease in either country, a nd it is worth noting that as lif e expectancy goes up, so does the risk of chronic disease. Juana’s mother and father still live in Urireo and a few years ago, her mother, Ana, was diagnosed with diabetes. Ana is now 52 and she and her husband still harvest and sell vegetables in Urireo and supplement thei r income with remittances from Juana and her brother in Wimauma. Ana, like so ma ny people in Urireo, does not have coverage under the IMSS system and must either depend on private physicians or Salubridad. Ana stated she does not go to the doctor because They charge a great deal here. Now, ever ything is about the money. If you get the flu (gripa) it will cost you 500 pesos. We don’t have 500 pesos. I had an appendicitis and they operate d. I got upset (coraje) a nd one day I felt these little pains in my legs and feet. I went back to the doctor and he did tests, told me I had azucar, sugar. Doa Maria’s sister, Concha, and her husband lived for many years in Mexico City and now they live in Urireo. Doa Concha has high blood pressure but she also has coverage under the ISSTE program so she feels that sh e receives good medical care at the ISSTE in Salvatierra, but it’s not as good as what she received in Mexico City. Doa Concha also sees chiropractors and, like many others in Urireo, prefers natural healing and home remedies over medicine prescribed by doctors: At ISSTE, they were going to give me some kind of medi cine I would have to take my whole life. That was in 1978. I like to drink aloe and I think it helps my condition. I take vitamins too and if it is cold outside, I drink coffee. Table 4-5. Chronic Disease and Health Status Indicators fo r Mexico and US. Chronic Disease and Health Status I ndicator MexicoGuanajuato US Florida Mortality Rate for Diabetes4, per 100,000 47.0N/a 25.4 21.2 Mortality Rate for Heart Disease4, per 100,000 59.847.0 240.8 226.9 Mortality Rate for Lung Cancer4 per 100,000 9.67.9 54.9 55.3

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180 Table 4-5. Continued. Chronic Disease and Health Status I ndicator MexicoGuanajuato US Florida Mortality Rate for Stomach Cancer per 100,000 7.16.0 4.5 4.2 Mortality Rate for Liver Related Problems such as Cirrohis4 per 100,000 35.431.2 9.4 11.1 Mortality Rate for Congenital Anomalies4 per 100,000 10.612.3 N/a N/a Sources: 4INEGI and Secretary of Health, Mortality Data 1999; 5 National Center for Health Statistics, Health of Americans 2004. In general, Guanajuato fares better than the rest of Me xico on these key indicators for chronic disease. However, the news is not good. These rates are still far too high for preventable diseases, especia lly in the categories of h eart disease, lung cancer and congential anomalies. Congenital anomalie s were prevalent in Urireo during my fieldwork there and it seems that they are cl osely related to a lack of genetic flow, because Urireo is a small town which is hi ghly divisive and the same families tend to intermarry frequently because there are still historical taboos about free association between families that were on one or another side of the Guerra Cristera As the pasante recognized, NTDs are extremely preval ent in Urireo. This may be a case where health promotion could be targeted toward the younger migrants and their families to educate them on risk factors and the idea that chronic disease is preventable. Several trends emerge from this table. First, Mexico and Guanajuato appear to suffer less heart disease and l ung cancer than Americans. Th is is attributable to two behavioral issues. Mexicans tend to smoke cigarettes far less than Americans, and smoking is highly correlated with both lung and heart diseas e. Also, since people in Mexico often do not obtain regu lar nor preventive health care, and only go when they are sick, they often do not know that they suffer from chronic disease. In this research, it was

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181 common for people to tell me that God would take you when He saw fit, and proceed to offer examples of an older person who just died in his or her sleep or suddenly got sick, had a heart attack and died. While no one can reasonably argue against these examples, it is well-known that undiagnosed hypertension and heart disease are underlying causes of such sudden deaths. Next, Mexico has a far higher rate of mo rtality from diabetes, stomach cancer, liver problems and congenital anomalies. As Doa Marta, the pharmacist put it, people do not believe in medicine and often seek alternative or folk remedies for treatment. People die from stomach cancers at high rate s due to a lack of early dete ction and a complete lack of treatment facilities for cancer in rural Mexic o, as stated by Mexico’s Secretary of Health (2001). It is worth noting that Mexicans in the US also suffer disproportionately from liver problems. Men’s excessive drinking contributes to cirrhosis. Hepatitis A, transmitted through contaminated water and f ood, is very high in Mexico, and even higher in areas with open sewe rs like Urireo. Undiagnosed hepatitis may have an additional effect on liver problems for peopl e who move between Urireo and Wimauma. Other Health Status Issues It is important to note that Guanajuato’s three leading causes of disease-related mortality are, in order: 1. Infectious, Nutrition and Reproductive Health3 81.7 per 100,000 2. Acute Respiratory Infections fo r Children Under 54 51.0 per 100,000 3. Heart Disease447.0 per 100,000 Injuries and motor vehicular accidents would be in second place for the state’s top causes of death and in fourth place in the nation, accounting for 8% of all mortality in Mexico (Secretary of Health 2001: 36). Mexicans in th e US also suffer disproportionately from

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182 automobile accidents and injuries in general. These statistics reflect the tenuous nature of life for people in both Guan ajuato and the US. Table 4-6. Non Disease Health St atus Indicators, US and Mexico. Non Disease Health Status Indicato r Mexico Guanajuato US Florida Total Mortality of Injuries4,5 per 100,000 59.454.3 55.9 61.0 Mortality Rate for Motor Vehicle Accidents4,5,7 per 100,000 12.618.2 15.7 18.4 Mortality Rate for All Accidents Other Than Motor Vehicle4,5 per 100,000 26.623.8 36.9 41.6 Mortality Rate for Homicide4,5, 7 per 100,000 12.75.5 6.1 6.1 Mortality Rate for Suicide4,5,7 per 100,000 3.43.3 10.9 13.1 Sources: 4INEGI and Secretary of Health, Mortality Data 1999; 5 National Center for Health Statistics, Health of Am ericans 2004; 7 Florida CHARTS, 2005 Drugs and alcohol continue to be prob lems in both Urireo and Wimuama. Accidents and violent cr ime often involve drugs and/or al cohol, and this is the case in both communities. Independently, almost ev ery key informant and respondent shared stories involving some sort of chemical dependency within one’s own or a friend’s family. As Selena, the US born daughter of Doa Luz, now married to a man from Urireo, observed: “If the guys are working, you can bet that half drink themselves to death.” According to Florida statis tics between 2001 and 2003, Hillsborough County’s rate of alcohol related motor vehicle cras hes was 189.7 per 100,000 while that of the state was lower, at only 136.4 (Florida CHARTS, 2005 ). Juan Gomez, a health promoter from Wimauma, was frank about the problem s with drugs and alcohol in his adoptive town:

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183 Figure 4-2. Scene Depicting the Hazards of Driving Without a Li cense from Guide for the Mexican Migrant, 2004. The downside of Wimauma is the drugs, I thi nk that’s one of the biggest thing here. Wimauma is known, even nationally for th at. When you cross the border and you say you are coming to Wimauma they check you very well, I know from experience. I have been here 27 years, since 1988, I have never had a problem with drugs, or someone selling me drugs, or someone breaking in my house. Wimauma’s other health promoter, Lizahani Cruz has a great deal of experience with the drug subculture of Wimauma, given that her entire family became embroiled in trafficking through her older brother. She independently echoed Gomez: I think that Mexicans feel that selling drugs is an easy way to make money. Because they want to get out of there but they take the wrong route…out of poverty that is. I think that they f eel that it is better than picki ng tomatoes all day. It is definitely faster but where do you end up? Eight years in jail and then back to Mexico. As Doa Luz stated at the beginning of this chapter, Mexicans in the US tend to live better because there is a lack of money to buy the th ings you need, like food and healthcare, in Urireo. Doa Luz also come s to mind because her family exemplifies all three of the mortality indices above. First, she suffered in fectious disease as a youth in Mexico, now she suffers from hypertension a nd her beloved husband died at a rather early age due to a car accident. Doa Luz’ li fe is not atypical of people living in either Wimauma or Urireo. Her health profile show her to suffer directly from heart disease

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184 and indirectly from accidents on the US side. This speaks to the ingrained behaviors, attitudes and beliefs that her fa mily continued once here in the US. On a very basic level, one could argue that they fared no better living in “el norte” than many Mexicans do living in Urireo. The difference is quality of life and the number of healthy years that they have to live. She may have many more healthy years than she would have had she stayed. Farmworker advocates cite troubling statis tics, including one that posits workers’ life expectancy is only 49 years. Upon tracing th e origin of this statistic, I spoke with Dr. Charles Cheney who forwarded me to a colleague, David Cavanaugh, who shared the following information with me. Cavenaugh ha d been working on a government contract regarding migrant education in the 1970s. His contract manager in the federal government asked him about the statistic a nd, upon checking into it, he was told by a Hispanic co-worker that he and his team had been asked to do a chart review of medical records from a migrant clinic in Washington St ate. He and his colleagues then forwarded the statistic of 49 years to the office of Senator Kennedy, who was convening a series of hearings on farmworkers in the late 1960s. He re lated that “the statistic felt so right back then” and observed that this data had never been verified (Cavenaugh, personal communication 2004). The majority of literature and documentati on collected about farmworkers’ health focuses on the Midwest, Texas or California (Bechtel et al. 1995; Dever 1991; Lambert 1995). There is a substantial amount of literature on Mexican Americans and folk beliefs, especially in the Southwestern US (Trotter 1985a, 1985b, Trotter et al. 1984, Rubel et al. 1984). While there is a grow ing body of data on farmworker health, it is

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185 often not linked to demographic and migration pa tterns. Cancer has been a topic of great interest to researchers who have attempted to study the link between pesticide exposure and farmwork, but to date, they have me t with little success (Zahm and Blair 1994). Environmental health studies have focu sed on green tobacco sickness (Arcury and Quant), housing and occupational exposures. In 1999, the National Agricultural Worker s Survey added a section from the National Institutes of Occupational Safety and Health to gather data on health access, accidents, occupationally related such as wh at kinds of injuries were sustained while working with which kinds of crops and a fe w behaviorally relate d variables, including alcohol/drug use. These data have allowe d researchers to begin to amass a larger database on the health of those currently engaged in farmwork, but the limitations continue to plague researcher s, as cited by Rick Mines, w ho observed that “official data gathering techniques [in the US] tend to acquire information about one section the most settled in our immigrant community” (Mines, 2/24/2000, personal communication). Research points to farmworkers’ vulner ability, linked to poverty, low literacy, alcohol/drug abuse, infectious diseases (i.e. STDs, HIV/AIDS) (Bronfman 1993; Salgado de Snyder and Diaz-Perez in press; Salgado de Snyder et al. 1998; Salgado de Snyder et al. 1996), growing chronic diseases such as cancer, diabetes and hypertension (Dever 1991) and social problems such as domestic vi olence and teen pregnancy (Bechtel et al. 1995:19, Lambert 1995). Unintended and mistimed pregnancies have resulted in higher birth rates for MSFW (Migrant Clinicians Ne twork 1995). In fact, Me xican fertility rates are 30 to 40 percent higher than those of Anglos (Bean et al. 1998: 5). Unintended and mistimed pregnancies, caused by failur e to use contraceptive methods, including

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186 abstinence, in a consistent and correct manner, ha ve been linked to late entry into prenatal care, low-birthweight, substance abuse, and ot her problems (Institute of Medicine:1995). In Mexico, however, birth outcomes are gene rally better when compared to the US (Langer and Romero 1998). Mental illnesse s, alcoholism and other biosocial problems have risen to the forefront of researcher s concerns’ (Bronfman 1993, Salgado de Snyder et al. 1996, 1998). Since 1999, NAWS now asks farmworkers some questions about occupational health and safety. They found that 20% di d not have access to drinking water and cups, 5% lacked water to wash their hands a nd 7% reported not havi ng access to a toilet (Carroll et al. 2005: 45). Not all immigrant Mexicans are farmworkers, however, even though 99% of all Mexican families in Wimauma probably started out in farmwork. It is not a glamorous lifestyle, by any means. This lifestyle can drastically affect one’s health and mental health. As Irma started so bluntl y, “I just don’t like it here in Wimauma. I don’t know how so many pe ople can live this way.” The latest data from the NAWS found that 23% of all farmworkers nationally were covered by health insurance in 2001 (Carroll et al. 2005: 42). Arri eta et al. looked at Florida-specific NAWS data for farmworker s for the years 1992-95 (1998). They found that “only 24% of surveyed farmworkers re ported having needed medical assistance in the two years previous to the survey,” which th ey attribute to the healthy worker effect. They point out that this figure does not in clude the health seeking behaviors of the family, only the farmworker interviewed. Out of a sample of 813 farmworkers, the responses to where to get me dical assistance, in order of prevalence, were: Emergency room/Hospital (27%), Community Health Cent er (13%), Migrant Clinic (13%), Private

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187 Physician (13%), Other (12%), None (9%) and Public Hea lth Department (8%) (Arrieta et al. 1998: 39). These findings would be cons istent with a populati on that is uninsured, and as noted previously, only 6% of thes e workers reported having health insurance (Arrieta et al. 1998: 39). Only three res pondents in Wimauma had health insurance and none had any formal coverage in Urireo. Health and Health Status The Centers for Disease Control and Preven tion regularly gage the health of the nation using a national telephone survey referr ed to as the BRFSS, or Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System. To assess overa ll well-being, the CDC de veloped the Health Related Quality of Life Index (or CDC HRQOL). Comprised of 16 questions, the HRQOL asks people to first asse ss their overall health, then their mental health. The HRQOL then asks them to give a count of how many days out of the past 30 that they were in pain, sad, limited in their activities and other important questions. The HRQOL was administered to 22 people in Urireo a nd 23 people in Wimauma, with the following demographic breakdown for the two populations Table 4-7. Demographic Overview of Respondents Place Mean Age Mean # Children Mean # Children in Birth Family Mean Educational Attainment Urirreo, Guanajuato (N=22) 45.1 3.8 3.5* 4.0 Wimauma, Florida (N=23) 33.7 2.6 7.6 8.2 Denotes that half of the data is missi ng, calculations done on only 14 participants. The group in Wimauma was younger and report ed less children than did those in Urireo. The educational attainment for migr ants and non-migrants was similar; however, the mean educational level is skewed for t hose in Wimauma because there is one college student, who brings up the average. In ge neral, those who migr ate to, or live in,

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188 Wimauma had a median of 8 years of educati on, with a mode of 6 y ears, while those who stayed behind had a median of 6 years of e ducation with a mode of 5 years. Table 4-8 summarizes responses to selected Health Related Quality of Life questions. Table 4-8. Health Related Quality of Life Data. HRQOL Question US 1993-2003 Florida 19932003 Wimauma 2002 n=23 Urireo 2002 n=22 How would you rate your general state of health? Poor Health 13% whites 22% Hispanics Poor Health 14% whites 19% Hispanics 3.3 (Good) 5.0 (Poor) How many days out of the last 30 were you not in good physical health? 3.2 days whites 3.3 days Hispanics 3.5 days whites 3.3 days Hispanics 5.3 days 7.0 days How many days out of the last 30 were you not in good mental health? 3.0 days whites 3.5 days Hispanics 3.1 days whites 3.6 days Hispanics 8.9 days 11.0 days How many days could you not complete your daily chores? 1.8 days whites 1.9 days Hispanics 2.0 days whites 2.0 days Hispanics 1.5 days 2.4 days How long have your activities been limited by your major illness? N/A N/A 4.3 years 5.4 years Due to your major illness, did you need the help of anyone else to do your personal care (bathing, dressing, walking, moving)? N/A N/A No No How many days out of the last 30 did pain make it harder for you to do your usual activities? N/A N/A 3.9 days 6.2 days Out of the last 30 days, during how many days did you feel sad, melancholy or depressed? N/A N/A 3.8 days 8.1 days Out of the last 30 days, during how many days did you feel worried, tense or anxious? N/A N/A 5.8 days 12.1 days Out of the last 30 days, during how many days did you feel that you could not rest or sleep as much as you needed? N/A N/A 3.7 days 5.3 days

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189 Table 4-8. Continued. HRQOL Question US 1993-2003 Florida 19932003 Wimauma 2002 n=23 Urireo 2002 n=22 Out of the last 30 days, during how many days did you feel very healthy and full of energy? 19 days N/A 20.3 days 27.5 days Because the same instrument was used, th ese data can be compared to a national sample from 1993-2003 from the CDC Healthy Days Study (2005), which is the latest report available. On a national level, white s were far less likely than Hispanics to cite poor health, with 13 days of poor health compared to 22 for Hispanics over a ten year average (CDC 2005). The responses to the question, “How many da ys out of the last 30 were you not in good physical health?” provide a telling cont rast between US whites and Latinos to Florida’s whites and Lationos and Mexicans in Urireo and Wimauma. Latinos/Hispanics tend to be similar to whites in terms of their physical health in both Florida and the US at large, with an average of 3 days per month that they are not well. Mexicans living in Wimauma had an average of two days more per month when they did not feel well. However, Urireanos in Mexico had more than two times the number of days that they felt physically ill. The fact that the Urireanos in Guanajuato report the poorest h ealth is in keeping with the healthy worker effect. Those who are sicker stay behind in Guanajuato and those who are healthier migrate to Wimauma, therefore they ha ve less days that they feel sick. However, the data also illustrate the da ngerous and tiresome nature of the work that Urireanos do once here in Florid a. Their elevated reports of physical pain can be seen as a normal side effect of physically strenuous j obs and hence they are in pain much more

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190 than whites who normally do not engage in th is type of labor. A future study could compare these data by occupation and type of labor involved; however, this is not available at this juncture. In every category, respondents in Mexico seemed to be more ill and suffer more, especially in terms of sleep lessness, mental health, tens ion, anxiety and depression. However, people in Urireo tended to state that they feel bett er more often than those in Wimuama. Possible explanations for such a contradictory findi ng could include the cultural mores against saying th at you are not healthy in Me xico, diet/nutrition and, for those in Wimauma, a general exhaustion from the long hours and grueling work involved in construction, farm labor and other physic ally demanding jobs. Women like Juana, who are faced more than ever with a double day with little to no social support from their mothers or extended family to help them care for the children and the household, are understandably tired and low on energy. Conversely, it could be that people in Urireo genuinely feel better and that they are more energetic precisely due to the fact that th ey have a better overall quality of life. In contrast to their immigrant Me xican counterparts, people in Urireo have social support, combined with an enhanced comfort leve l as citizens and residents instead of undocumented immigrants in a foreign country. It seems plausible th at those in Urireo do not have the added worries of identity politics, the constant search for work while trying to remain inconspicuous, and the ever-pre sent fear of “la migr a” or border patrol. Additionally, those in Florida cannot easily see their loved ones in Urireo to make sure that they are alright, whereas those in Mexi co see each other regularly and are able to maintain life-long patterns of communication, tradition and customs. Those in

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191 Wimauma, in contrast, have the nagging anxi ety that someone or something is not right and they face the powerlessness of not being ab le to be there to help. This culturally ascribed role means that migrants can only he lp through their remittances and not in ways that help them gain better peace of mind. Se nding money does help but, being able to physically and emotionally “be there” for one ’s loved ones provides a different peace of mind. In effect, those in Urireo may have a peace of mind that those in Wimauma do not have, because they are surrounded by the familiar, which is comforting. Those in WimaumaF, especially those without docum ents, are surrounded by the unfamiliar and foreign, even if they are surr ounded by their own nuclear family. Nutrition also plays a major role in one’s energy level. As reported earlier, Urireo is known as a place where people still grow a nd harvest corn, then grind, mix and make corn tortillas by hand. People truly believe that these tortillas are a source of health and life and will repeatedly state that “You don’t need to eat anything el se!” with conviction. The all-powerful mixture of eating traditional foods, prepared in traditional ways that include lime, cal and corn have real nutritional value. Galor and Mayer (2002) outline the poverty trap, in which even if education is provided to a child who is compromised nutriti onally or healthwise, the effect will be neglible since the child will not progress, meaning that he or she is “trapped.” The poverty trap gives rise to two classes of families, one poorer, less healthy and unskilled and the other richer healthier and skilled. The health-related poverty trap we propose can be thought of as an add ition and continuation of the efficiency theory of wages, that explains the possibi lity of a low productivity trap due to low nutrition (Galor and Mayer 2002: 2). The poverty trap concept runs fr om health and nutrition back wards to income, instead of income being the causal determinant. They te st and prove a hypothesi s that “there exist

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192 thresholds of health and well-being that lead to distinct equilibria at different levels of human capital” (Galor and Mayer 2002: 7). In this way, “health inequality may be a factor in the transmission a nd persistence of income inequa lity” instead of the other way around, as is commonly thought (G alor and Mayor 2002: 9). This model seems to work for Urireo, because, as Galor and Mayer point out, the consequences of nutrition are easier to see in relation to education and skilled work rather than unskilled or unor ganized activities: Temporary hunger is related to inatten tiveness. Proteinenergy malnutrition (especially in early childhood), often wors ened by a child’s parasite load, is significantly related to poorer cognitive and school performance indictaors, and to worsened general conceptual ability, problem solving, me ntal agility and capacity. Micronutrient deficiency disorders also impair school performance. Iodine deficiencies are associated with reduced intelligence, psic o-motor retardation, mental and neurologic damage and cretinism. Iron deficiency anemia, which affects 1.3 billion people, of whom 210 million are school age children, has been associated with lower mental and motor de velopment test scores (Galor and Mayer 2002: 10). Dr. Melquiares’ observations about parasitic disease and malnutrition seem almost prescient in light of this ar gument. Galor and Mayer conclu de that both education and nutrition need to be financed from very ear ly on in a child’s life, because even if countries eventually fund either one or the other, the children “will be trapped in lowwage, unskilled labor, remaining in the cy cle of poverty” (Galor and Mayer 2002: 13). Mental Health and Health Status A shy 21 year old respondent who left Urir eo at the age of 14 told me, simply, that “Cuando tengo deudas, estoy estresado y no duermo” or, “When I have debts, I get stressed out and I cannot sleep.” Undoubtedl y, many of us are the same way. The data show that Mexican respondents on either side of the border and Americans of all ethnicities suffer from mental health issues The CDC found that “nearly one-third of

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193 Americans say they suffer from some me ntal or emotional problem every month— including 9 percent who said their mental health was not good for 14 or more days a month. Younger American adults, aged 18–24 years, suffered the most mental health distress” (CDC website 2005). Several authors have pointed to mental he alth issues, especially for the “women left behind” when the husband migrates nor th (Salgado de Snyder et al. 1996, Cebada 2001). The Mexican Secretary of Health estima tes that at least four million people suffer from depression nationwide but few of them receive treatment (Secre tary of Health 2001: 46). Both the Urireanos in Wimauma and Ur ireo suffer from mental health problems, according to self reported data. For whites and Hispanics in Florida and the US, the average number of days that people suffere d from poor mental he alth was between 3.0 and 3.6 days out of 30. Those in Urireo suffe red almost four times that figure, for an average of 11 days while those in Wimauma suffered three times that figure, or about 9 days. Local data from the Ruskin Hea lth Center showed that 1494 patients received 2103 visits for mental health issues, which is probably a statistic that is far too low. Helman reviewed the literature on mental he alth status among immigrants and found that discrimination, stress upon migration, changi ng ‘life space’ where rules and rewards change in the host country a nd structural issues such as language and overcrowding all affect mental health issues (Helman 2000: 200). Not surprisi ngly, he also concludes that “certain cultural traits (such as family cohe sion and religion) may protect against mental illness, while others are likely to contribute to an increase. These may include a rigid division among he sexes, the so cial isolation of women, multiple religious taboos and prescriptions, etc.” (Helman 2000: 201).

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194 The finding that mental health is a pre ssing issue for Mexicans both at home and abroad is not new, in fact, it is to be e xpected. However, the challenges remain in figuring out exactly how to intervene. Urirea nos suffer from real-world issues, most of which they try their best to rectify but which, in the larger scheme of life, they are powerless to change. For example, mothers an d wives in Urireo worry when they do not hear from their sons or husbands at regul ar intervals. What is the appropriate intervention? It is a normal response for them to worry, given the distance and economic difficulties that both the migrant and his/her family endure. The challenge is to develop an intervention to help people on both sides cope with structural issues so that they do not unduly suffer from them, either psychically or physically. Mental Health and Substance Abuse. Alcohol use and abuse have been welldocumented within the farmworker populat ion (McCoy et al. 1996). Healthcare providers at the local Ruskin Health Center are concerned ab out this problem, which they identify as affecting the solos or single men who live in camps: “Single men have no controls or limits and consequently are of ten involved in alcohol (primarily beer) and substance abuse. Substance abuse is very rare for the women.” While providers were concerned about other substance abuse, having seen some us e of crack and hard liquor, only one provider stated he had encountered the use of Methamphe tamine. Providers do not see substance abuse as unrelated to other illnesses they treat within this population. Instead, they spoke about the use of alcohol and drugs as tied to involvement with prostitutes and high risk behaviors, which ar e seen in conjunction with the spread of STDs, again primarily in the single men.

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195 The oldest respondent in the study, a 77 year old ex-Bracero from 1942 to 1952, explained that he began drinking while here in the US as a Bracero. By 1947, at the age of 22, he was a daily drinker, mescal, tequila aguardiente and even rubbing alcohol. He estimates he was an active alcoholic for 22 years, when he finally gave it up in 1975. Today he sees his drinking as related to his work as a migrant and the fact that he was very young, not realizing what he had gotten hi mself into. He continues to work his parcel and four of his six children live in the US, two in Wimuama. The Beth El Mission in Wimauma offers Alcoholics Anonymous meetings and has for years. The consensus is that “no one goe s.” Providers at Ruskin Health Center knew this to be true, they recommended th at “substance abuse treatment and prevention should target young men and women for preventi on of both substance abuse and HIV. It should go to the camps where the people are-es pecially the single me n. Do not expect the people to come to you.” Women in Wimauma independently observed that substance use was so great that the local conve nience store replaced its cooler that used to have milk and cheese with one that has only beer, thus adding to the already extensive selection of beer in Wimauma. They stated, “its not safe to walk along the road after 6 PM, you are likely to get run over by the drunk drivers.” Urireo also proports to have an Alcoholics Anonymous meeting every week, organized by the local DIF in Salvatierra. Fo r two or three weeks, I went to the place where the sign was displayed but no one ever showed up. While most people in Urireo report that they drink, women do not drink very much at all, except at fiestas or if they have “bilis” in the morning. The remedy for “b ilis” is to drink a beer in the morning and I was told it is very effective.

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196 Public drunkenness is frowned upon in Urireo, however, it is common with males and almost never seen with females. There are two contexts for public drinking. The first is the case of the returned Braceros, older men who have retu rned and can no longer migrate. Often these men have no family left usually their sons have migrated as well and daughters tend to live apart. In my interviews and ethnography with them, their loneliness was palpable. One day at 11 AM one of them offered me a drink comprised of rubbing alcohol and a soft drink flavored with grapefruit (Kas toronja). I responded that this could not possibly be good for their health, which evoked a rather sarcastic response. Left with little and extremely poor, these ma les are simply drinking themselves to death out of depression and loss. Everyone in th e town knows what’s going on with them; however, no one says anything. They sit on the stoops of their cement homes, talk and visit amongst each other and drink. The second context for drunkenness ha ppens within the younger population. During the fiesta, males tend to congregate togeth er at one side of the room or solar while the women tend to sit in the chairs or dini ng area. On every weekend night and also during fiestas, males of all ages line up around the outside of the plaza and young girls while women, usually in groups of two or three, promenade around the inside. As a participant in this phenomenon, it was clear th at the females were nervous but the males were usually drunk or on their way to ge tting there. Usually, men will shout out comments about the women while the women just laugh or hide their faces. The effect of males’ drinking on this “courting ritual” is fa irly negative, since males tend to embarrass either themselves, their friends or the wo men, objects of their a ffections. Women in

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197 Urireo were philosophical about their males, e ither returned or current migrants. Several commented to me independently that “Urireo’ s men are not bad, they are just drunks.” Folk Illnesses, Folk Beliefs and Curanderos Like people all over Mexico, Urireanos follo w their folk beliefs and often consult folk healers, such as hueseros/sobadores (bonesetters/massagers), curanderos (faith healers) or, in one or two occasions, brujos (witches). Urireanos in either Mexico or Wimauma tended to see anger and emotiona l distress as causing diabetes and heart disease. A fairly young widower whom I inte rviewed in Urireo had worked for three years in Wimauma picking tomatoes, cucumbers, strawberries and cauliflower. Recently he lost his wife to susto, a folk illness, told me that he felt that life was too hard for a man without a wife It is really sad, I spend the day thinking and I don’t have anyone. What do I do all alone in my house? I think what I need is a wife. A man suffers a great deal. I have to wash, cook, everything – I am the husband but I have no wife. My daughter in law is not the same, and now sh e has stopped offering to helpout. It is just sad. I have been asking God to give me a wife. This man’s wife’s susto, or fear, came upon her in Florida. He then brought her back to Urireo to see if she could be cured. She could not and now he is a widower at 57. Doa Maria in Wimuama sees her diabetes as being caused by her corajes as well as soda. There were also three parteras, or midw ives, who would help women and children with herbal teas and sometimes even serve as sobadoras, giving massa ges. In general, Urireanos will go to a sobador or a pharmacist before going to a doctor in the case of hurting a hand, leg, foot or any other bones. There are several more sobadores in Urireo than there are curanderos and there is only one brujo, who lives at the top of the cerro at

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198 Rancho Los Garcias. Luisa fell one night on her hand and leg when she was checking on her son: I went to the sobador and Don Lazaro healed me, he massaged my hand, told me that I would have to endure the pain and he put a sling on me. By midnight, I stopped taking the medicine I had; I was better. Gender Differences in Perceptions of Health This study revealed that there were gender differences in how participants viewed their and their family’s health. The majority of this data comes from qualitative data, including interviews, ethnography and particip ant observation, while the data from 45 CDC Health Related Quality of Life Index surveys supporte d the qualitative findings. Due to the small number of interviews that utilized the CDC Health Related Quality of Life Index, only 22 in Urireo and 23 in Wimauma, for a total of 45, the data are insufficient to yield any type of statistical significance. The data are presented in Table 4-9 in an effort to be illustrative, not definitive, because of the limitations of the small sample size. As stated at the outset of this study, future research should focus on obtaining enough surveys to conduct robust analyses. Ttest were performed on all questions by gender and site (Wimauma or Urireo). There was no significant statistical diffe rence between the means by gender on any of the questions. That is, women and men did not significantly differ on their responses in this small study. However, statistical signifi cance was found for differences be tween the genera l health of Urireanos in both places and mo st notably, women’s rating of their own health in either place. Not surprisingly, women in Urireo repo rted far lower levels of satisfaction with their overall health status than those in Wimauma. Table 4-9 summarizes the two significant t-test findings for the first question from the CDC HRQOL index, “How would you rate your general state of health?”

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199 Table 4-9. Question 1: How Would You Rate Your Gene ral State of Health, by Gender and Place Test # Mean Std Error Std Dev 95% Conf Int Values Both Genders Urireo Wimauma N=44 21 23 3.8 3.3 .19048 .14889 .87287 .71406 3.412 4.207 3.039 3.657 t=1.9274 P>t=0.0304 Women Urireo Wimauma N=22 10 12 4.1 3.3 .34 .225 .34801 .25 1.100 3.321 .8660….2.699 t=2.0288 P>t=0.0280 Women tended to look at health as affec ting the whole family, and one’s mental health as well, which is in keeping with pr evious literature (Finkl er 1994). To illustrate this point, let us consider two cases of wome n, Irma and Luisa, whose mental health and stress affected their physical health. Irma wants a better life and she and her husband are in agreement that both of them need to work in order to achieve it. During 2002-3, she became suddenly ill with a severe stomachache that would not go away. She went to doctors in Chicago, Florida and Urireo. They told her she needed an operation. Irma refused. While back home in Mexico, a docto r gave her a series of injections and she says that it helped. Her explanation? I think it was some kind of frus tration with work or with th e kids. I did not want to have that operation. I’m glad we went to Mexico and they could help me. I think it’s the stress of what you go through here (es el estres de lo que vive uno aqui).

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200 In the second case, Luisa was very de pressed. Her two sons were living and working in Wimauma but she had not heard from them in two weeks and, worse yet, she had not received any remittance from them e ither. She looked at me and her daughter and said, “Why won’t they call? They could call me and at least I would know they were ok. What has become of my sons?” Luisa was later hospitalized with hypertension and the doctor told her to stop worrying so much or she would soon have a heart attack. In contrast, many of the males simply di d not think health was as important and many of the males do not get sick in Urireo. While some males I interviewed attributed their health problems to their work, major h ealth problems seemed to be caused by the will of God, or sometimes, lifestyle. An olde r ex-Bracero with children who used to live in Wimauma told me that “I believe in God, without Him I could not do anything. He gives me strength. I plant the seeds in the name of God, I bless the parcel because I believe in God.” This ejiditario had multiple health problems and appeared much older than his stated age of 65: vision problems broken ribs, enlarged prostate and heart problems. He reported that he preferred to us e herbs than go to the hospital but had been to a private doctor four times in his life. He admitted to “drinking in excess due to family problems,” the cause of his last doctor’s vis it. This doctor prescribed valium to him, which he takes. As Adalberto, a veteran migrant who left Urireo in 1980 at the age of 16 and has never stopped following the work, put it I think that people here in Urireo and there in the US are equally healthy. What I think is that there (US), they get a little crazier ( mas locos ). They get into accidents because they drink a lot and they have cars and they drive. Ironically, Adalberto’s health was affected by his repeated back and forth between his home and new wife in Urireo and his most recent place of work. In 2002, he left Urireo

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201 to go Kalamazoo, Michigan and work in a nurse ry. Upon being there just a few days, he began to feel very dizzy and he fell, resu lting in being unconscious for a few minutes, loss of vision in one eye and a serious c oncussion. After spending $1500 in the US to figure out what his mysterious illness was, the doctors finally deduced out he was suffering from a common diseas e in Urireo: brucellosis or “fiebre malta.” Brucellosis is transmitted through goat’s milk and Adalberto did not realize he had ingested goatmilk while home on vacation. Chon, who recently lo st his wife, is a 57 year old widower who now lives alone in Urireo. He thinks that people live bette r in the US because the foods are better and, by earning dollars, pe ople can afford to eat better: Well, in the first place, we have no money he re so we ate better over there. We felt better over there, in the sense that over ther e we had a lot of food to eat. Especially if the patron gave us meat. I remember one time we made pozole over there and it was the best. I think that we had everyt hing we needed there. I was even fatter over there. Even what you eat in bot tles or cans has vitamins over there. But some migratory men whom I interviewed in Urireo noted that nutrition is not always better in the US. In fact, some tended to feel that life was often better in Urireo but economic considerations in both places affect peoples’ health, as a 21 year old migrant with 8 years of work history in the US told me: I think that the people who live here in Urireo are probably healthier. Over there, a lot of us work and we are sick but we have to keep working anyway and we don’t get better. Many of us do not go to the doctor because we don’t know English or we don’t have money. I think that nutrition has a lot to do with it. Almost all of the guys there do not eat right because they want to save money to send it home. Juana’s father, who still lives in Urireo, re presented the view of most of the men and some of the women when he said Listen, when we get sick and we cannot wo rk, that’s when we go to the doctor to get better. We have to keep on worki ng, if we don’t get better, then we cannot work. It’s all about the work, whethe r you live there or here….It would make sense that people there would be healthier. Life here has become more and more

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202 difficult. There I understand the government helps out with feeding the children. Here, there’s no help available. Carmen, a 38 year old mother of five who also takes care of her mother-in-law while working with her husband in a small stor e in Rancho Los Garcias, spoke to the importance of preserving health Health is about being well physically a nd not having any kind of problem, not having to worry about anything. One’s health is the most important thing there is because it is sad when a person loses their health. The entire family suffers when one person is sick. It’s important for the whole family to be healthy. When you are healthy, you don’t need to worry about m oney. My husband takes care of his health. We think that health is a treasure. Although most people thought that health is be tter in Florida, ther e were several people like Juana, living in Wimauma, who thought otherwise: In Urireo, people work less. Here the peopl e are working like mules. This work is heavy and hard. You get up at 6 AM and you work work work until night. It’s mainly the Mexicans working in the fields. When your check comes, you get a little happier but then you r ealize it’s very little for al l that work. Aside from working in the fields, you have to ta ke care of the house, the children. Juana’s quote eloquently illustrates the link be tween physical health, mental health and traditional gender roles as a major theme for the women both in Urireo and in Wimauma. The general mortality rate for the United States is 558.4 per 100,000 while the rate is 627.6 per 100,000 in Mexico, according to the Pan American Health Organization (2005). Life expectancy is one measure of th e health of a nation. In 1950, a child born in Mexico had a life expectancy of 49.6 years (S ecretary of Health 2001:33), while his or her US born counterpart had a life expectancy of 68.2 years (National Center for Health Statistics 2004). By 1970, the Mexican child’s life expectancy increased to 61.7 years (Secretary of Health 2001: 33) and by 2000 it was 75.3. Mexico projects that, in the year 2025, a child born in Mexico will have a life expectancy of 81.2 years, with an infa nt mortality rate of

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203 only 12 per 1000, down from 167 per 1000 in 1950 (Secretary of Health 2001: 33). Life expectancy also differs by ge nder and whether the person lives in the urban or rural area of Mexico. For example, in 1998, males in Me xico could expect to live an average of 61.1 healthy years. This figure is comprise d of an estimate of 58.5 healthy years for males in rural areas and 61.8 healthy years for their urban counter parts (Secretary of Health 2001: 34). Women across Mexico at th at same time were thought to have about 66.9 healthy years, with rural women faring poorer at 63.9 years than urban women who lived 67.5 years (Secretary of Health 2001: 34). Mexico’s estimate of the average person’s number of healthy years in 1998 was 63.9, with 61.3 years for rural Mexicans and 64.6 for urban Mexicans (S ecretary of Health 2001: 34). Answering the Research Questions How Does Migration Affect Traditional Ro les, Responsibilities and Expectations, Vis A Vis Gender, Age and Social Class, and How Does This Affect People’s Health In Both a Sending Community (Urireo) and a Receiving Community (Wimuama)? This study has shown that migration has profoundly affected the real but not the traditional gender roles in Urireo. That is to say that traditional gender roles that place women in the home and men in the streets or fields persist, despite the everyday reality that women and men both engage in economic endeavors outside the home. Both women and men are vulnerable to role loss, either th rough not being able to migrate and become breadwinners or through role expansion, where women have to work outside the home in either Wimauma or Urireo in order for the family to survive. To achieve balance between the real and traditional, i.e. ideal ized, gender roles, women must constantly negotiate their lower status with the males in their lives. Women who do not follow the wishes of their husbands or sons face gossip and sanction by them, if they find out. For

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204 men who lack access to land or money, which woul d also help them gain an education, it has ceased to become a family survival strategy to migrate. Instead, they are expected to migrate as a rite of passage, or face a loss of face in Urireo. This rite of passage is dangerous in many ways, not just in crossi ng the border, but also in terms of selfdevelopment and health consequences later. The net result of this shift creates a double day for women and an increased pressure for males to put themselves in the hands of coyotes who will extract their labor as debt peonage upon their arrival in the US. Hence, the real and idealized roles of either males or females in Urireo are in reality much mo re complex and nuanced because they are in conflict with stated roles and responsibilities. In Wi mauma, women and men from Urireo face serious obstacles to fulfilling their expected tradit ional roles to their family members back in Mexico. Women’s traditi onal roles as nurturers and caretakers mean that they are expected to not only care for their children and husband but also their parents. Upon migrating, many women fear what will happen to their parents in their absence. Like Araceli, who is reluctant to join her husband in Orlando due to her parents’ ailing health, women face major st ress between complying with being a good daughter and being a good wife while also work ing full time or more in the US. The net result from such conflict is additional stress. While this study has involved a sample of th e Urireanos and health providers in both Florida and Urireo, it has not involved the entire population by any means. This context is an important consideration at this junctu re. The study involved Urireanos in all three parts of the ejido and also those in Wimauma. Almost all of the Urireanos in Wimauma were currently employed while many people in Urir eo were not. This is key to looking at

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205 the different kinds of stressors faced by pe ople in each place and how gender roles are affected as a result. Each person deals with stress differently; however, there are patterns of how people in this study d ealt with their stress based on th eir gender and age. Women in Wimauma tended to express more guilt than men about not being closer to family members, and they tended to worry constant ly over their well be ing. Likewise, women, but especially mothers like Luisa, expressed great concern and repor ted sleeplessness and excessive worry over their sons and daughters on the other si de. In this way, women in both places tended to suffer psychically from the distances created by migration. Men tended to respond to their role loss in one of two ways, sometimes both, either through drinking or thro ugh migrating. Returned migrants who were back in Urireo tended to see themselves as “on vacation” and tended to drink at leas t daily. Those males who were in Urireo and had been previous migrants drank daily as well. Males in Wimauma tend to only experience role loss when they are doing jobs they do not like or when they cannot find work. In either case, they will often drink. As Selena, who grew up as a migrant worker and is now married to a recent migrant from Urireo, put it, males tend to drink while women tend to worry and work. Life in either place is not solely comprise d of work, worry and suffering. In fact, life goes on, people in this study continue to look for ways to better their situations. Faced with the added stressor of discrimination in Wimauma, Urireanos have continued to focus on working, remitting and returning to Mexico whenever possible. Meanwhile, people in Urireo face more economic stress, as the prices for agricultural produc ts continues to be too low to support a family. However, Urirean os continue to enjoy a peace of mind, even if their overall quality of life is not better. They negotiate their transnationalized pueblo

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206 of Urireo in ways that pres erve tradition, whether in te rms of gender roles or overall customs like the fiestas. Urir eanos in both places have clung to their particular culture and traditions, while at the same time adapting to changing economic and social situations. In a broad sense, this means that Urir eanos do undergo a syndemic in which the positive or the negative can be amplifie d by the synergy between the life events, environmental conditions, stressors, violence physical health, economic situation and migration itself. Whom Do Urireanos Think Is Healthier – Those in The US Or Those in Mexico? The answer to this question tended to depend upon the gender and migration status of the person responding to it. In general, Urireanos in both places tended to think that Mexicans in the US were healthier for th ree chief reasons: economics, nutrition and environmental standards. First, they cited the migrants’ ability to earn dollars and buy more and better food. Faced with a situation of extr eme poverty in Urireo, many Urireanos saw that returned migrants were “fatter” when they arrived for fiestas but skinnier when they left, which they attribute to better diet in the US. In reality, it might have more to do with exercise, since most Urireanos in Wimauma do very little walking and a great deal of driving. Like Juana, many find themselves overweight and do not understand why. People on both sides of the border, including an increasingly high percentage of Urireanos who have never set foot in the US, appreciated US governmentfunded programs such as migrant health clin ics and, to an even greater extent, the Women Infants and Children (WIC) program. WIC was viewed very positively because it provides food and nutritional counseling for pregnant and perinatal women and their

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207 children who are nutritionally compromised. Mi grant health centers were not viewed as positively, as will be discussed in the next section. Closely related to the economics is nutri tion. I have separated these two topics because economics is but one part of the nutritional equation, as demonstrated by both respondents in Mexico and Wimauma. Nutr itionally speaking, most people agree that food in Mexico is both fresher and better. Some but not many Urireanos admitted that they lacked fresh or good food, including meat, on a regular basis, but this is surely the case. Urireanos who had lived in the US, es pecially Florida, r ecognized the importance of good nutrition to maintaining health. On e major theme discussed by respondents in both places was the healthiness of prepar ed, processed and canned foods. Although the responses were about fifty-fifty, a slight majo rity felt that these kinds of foods were bad for the body, mainly because they contain unna tural chemicals that could be cancercausing. The rest felt that these foods had to be healthier du e to their bein g inspected or being fortified with vitamins and minerals. Some people thought that Mexicans in the US did not eat well, pointing to consumption of fast foods and greasy unhealthy snacks. The third reason that Urireanos are h ealthier in Florida has to do with environmental health issues. Not incidentally, none of the Urireanos in Mexico cited this factor. It was only mentioned by Urireanos in Wimauma, who, like Natalia, suddenly observed that they got diarrhea and respirator y infections far less frequently in Florida than back home in Urireo. Like Selena, they cited environmental health issues such as cleaner water, septic or sewage systems and better hygiene. In this context, children probably benefit even more than their parent s from the cleaner surroundings, given that

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208 environmental health problems contribute si gnificantly to Mexico’s overall health problems. Are The Health Behaviors Of Urireanos In Their Sending Co mmunity Different Than Those In The Receiving Community? The answer is yes and no. One of the ma in ways in which they differ is health access. Ironically, it seems that people in Urir eo tend to have more points or options for accessing healthcare. If we consider, as th ey do, folk healers and pharmacists health providers, then they do consult health provide rs with more frequency in Mexico. In general, however, Urireanos’ behaviors tend to stay the same. That is, most Urireanos, like most people, do not particularly worry a bout their health unless they become ill. Whether in Wimauma or Urireo, they simply do not seek doctors unless they are so ill that they cannot work. Those Informants in Wimauma constantly reminded me of their need to work, their desire to obtain a better qua lity of life, and their desire to improve the lives of relatives behind in Urireo. Getting si ck just makes that dream farther away. This analysis is divided into three areas: health seeking behaviors, diet /exercise and lifestyle behaviors. Health Seeking Behaviors. In both Urireo and Wimauma, there were a variety of health seeking behaviors and patterns. Also, pa rticipants tended to have diverse views of their own health seeking. Does health seeki ng behavior change when Urireanos settle in Wimauma? Based on the self-reports of Urir eanos in this study, it does not appear that they change their health seeking behavi ors upon migration. In fact, based on key informant interviews and ethnography, people in Urireo tend to utilize more and different health seeking options, including ph armacists, vitamin injections, curanderos and sobadores This could be explained conceptually For example, one could argue that

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209 people utilize the health systems to which they have acce ss. Few Urireanos like or trust the “curanderos ” in Florida, because they deem them to be fakes or charlatans. For this reason, several key informants told me that they would go back to Mexico for treatment. Health seeking behaviors, even taking in to account the differences in types of providers, in both places tend to focus on ch ildren and/or acute or emergency care. Women in both Urireo and Wimauma prefer parteras, or midwives, to doctors. Like Natalia, who only goes to the Rusk in Health Center to see the partera women will go out of their way when they know that there is a partera. In contrast, neither Urireanos in Mexico or Florida mentioned going to the docto r for preventive health care. Outside of obtaining immunizations for thei r children, which mothers did routinely in both places, I observed very few cases of well-woman visits or even routine check ups. There was a general lack of satisfaction w ith private doctors in either place, because of cost and/or wait time. One of my key informants, a teacher in Salv atierra, tried to convince me that people in Urireo and the Bajo in genera l, were not thrilled with the ejido system, but not for the reasons that the media or government stated. He was persuasive in his argument that “people here really like the concept of priv ate land ownership – they understand the idea of buying and selling land.” He went on to ar gue that this is preci sely the irony of the Cristiada: both sides would have preferred to have land they could use as they wanted, not something that had to be decided comm unally or through some governmental entity. Hence, he reasoned, people like the idea of pr ivate enterprise, not public services. Such seems to be the case with healthcare in Urireo and in Wimauma. Maybe this explains

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210 why Urireanos in both places preferred to acc ess private physicians, and only when too ill to be able to work. In Wimauma, it was common for people to complain about the local community and migrant health center: I can’t go there! I’d rather pay out of my pocket for a private doctor at Wimauma Health Center even though they char ge a lot of money when you don’t have insurance like us.. I can’t wait for 2-3 hours with my sick babies at that clinic ~ Natalia Juana echoed this, but had several examples. Th e local migrant health center has a dental facility and Juana waited 6 months to get an appointment for her sore tooth. Well, it hurts a lot..this tooth is really ugl y. I called for a dental appointment in May and I got an appointment for November 15. They are so slow. In that clinic, it does not matter if you have an appointme nt or not, you will waste your entire day there. They give you an appointment at 7 AM and you leave at 7 PM. I watched the nurses gossip for 4-5 hours there, they just do not care that you are there waiting and in pain, that’s the worst, you are sick. Where can you report this? I was almost in tears there the last time. In Mexico they just let you die. Urireo has one public health facility, Sal ubridad, and about eight private physicians, including the doctor in charge of the Salubridad clinic. A nother doctor is married to the pharmacist, but he works in Salvatierra and sees patients on his “off-time.” I wondered how such a small place could possibly support so many private physic ians. Interviews with key informants led me to conclude that there are several reasons. First, there are so many respiratory infections due to the open se wers and constant burn ing that infections are continually presen t and being passed around. Second, there is poor hygiene, which contributes to the on-going illnesses. Third, there are many small children living in Urireo, which means that they are constantly ill, and at odd times, which is why “offduty” physicians can still ma ke money in this town.

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211 Diet/Exercise. Like health in general, diet or exer cise is not a priority for people in Urireo or Wimauma unless they have a good reason. One good reason for changing diet or beginning to exercise is a new diagnos is such as diabetes, heart disease or hypertension. People in Florida tended to understand a little mo re about the need for diet and exercise, primarily because they tended to be overweight and have fallen ill, often receiving such a diagnosis, when finally going to the doctor. In considering exercise as a learned be havior, it is important to recognize that people have differing views of what constitutes exercise. Males in Urireo like and enjoy playing soccer, which occupies their leisure time. However, apart from soccer, exercise is not seen as a regular part of life for mo st people in Urireo. Nevertheless, people do exercise more in Urireo than they do in Wimu ama. Here it is important to consider the landscapes and built environments of Wimauma and Urireo. Urireo is a colonial village, with the Catholic Church forming the mainst ay of the plaza. Housing around the plaza was constructed from the inside out, according to one’s social status. For this reason, Urireo was designed for walking, not driv ing. Today people are more mobile and combis, buses and taxis are available from th e plaza; however, one still must walk to the plaza in order to obtain transportation. U pon arrival in one’s destination in Mexico, normally people just walk to their next destin ation. This means that in order to obtain transportation in Mexico, one usually has to walk at least three to four blocks each way. Like many other places in Florida, Wimauma is a rural town that one could drive through and not even realize it. Besides th e Post Office, Wimauma is not visible as a town. There are signs but there are no real markers that would indicate it was a town such as a town square and/or market. Since most Urireanos live in trailers, they drive to

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212 and from work or to run errands. While in Urireo, people spend considerable time walking to their destinati ons, Urireanos spend consider able time driving to their destinations. The consequences of this lack of activity are more visible to Urireanos when they consider their children, who tend to be overweight. One respondent has an eleven year old daughter who has been dia gnosed as having Type II diabetes, otherwise known as Adult Onset Diabetes. This type of diabetes is related to obesity. Mexican parents related the following dilemma. First, parents lack time to dedicate to their children due to working long hours and getting home late. They are afraid to let their children outside due to gangs and violen ce so they stay inside. Since they are inside, children acquire habits that parent s see as detrimental, namely watching TV, playing video games and drinking soft drinks, mainly Coca Cola. One parent called this the “Nintendo-Coca cola” effect but expressed po werlessness as to how to change it. For this reason, several agencies came together and formed a youth soccer league and also work with the local county department of Pa rks, Recreation and Conservation to involve Latinos in their programming. The lack of regular exercise, even walki ng, contributes to the growing problem of obesity and cardiovascular diseas es like diabetes that dispr oportionately affect Mexicans and Mexican Americans in the US. The probl em is at once behavioral and structural: driving is necessary and Urirea nos have no culture of exercise. As Juana exemplifies, not only do people eat better – and sometimes wo rse – in the US, they also eat more and exercise less, which causes them to gain wei ght. If this behavior were to change upon migration, conceivably people could maintain a healthier weight but because they do not, they are instead faced with long-term problem s like diabetes. There is hope for these

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213 kinds of problems, as health promoters from the community relayed in their interviews. By educating Mexicans in their own language by people they know and understand, it is possible to help people negotiate these behavioral changes. Lifestyle Behaviors Lifestyle behaviors, su ch as cigarette smoking, alcohol consumption, drug use and abuse, sexual prac tices and risk taking, are thought to be linked to one’s knowledge about the topic as we ll as one’s attitudes and belief systems. For example, people who believe that they are at risk for a disease often act or behave in ways that they think will help them avoid or lo wer their risk. In Urir eo, issues of lifestyle behaviors fall under the same category as tradi tional gender roles. Behaviors related to sexuality for women and alcohol use for men are also tied to traditional gender roles (Salgado de Snyder et al. 1996). This li nk has been documented in other studies, especially in regard to HIV prevention (M cCoy et al. 1996). Salgado de Snyder et al. (1996) studied fourteen sending communities in ru ral Jalisco to ascertain the behaviors of women married to migrants, especially in rega rd to use of condoms. Their findings are in keeping with this study. Women saw themselves to be at risk for HIV and knew at least some of the risk factors, “yet 64% of them did nothing to prev ent their self-perceived risk of infection” (Salgado de Snyder et al. 1996: 138). Women engaged in high risk sexual behaviors requested by their husbands such as anal sex without condoms, and 90% did not use condoms with their husbands (S algado de Snyder et al. 1996: 139). As ethnographic data and key informants in this study also revealed, women lack power in their relationships with men and, es pecially when males remit back to them, they are obligated to maintain the equilibrium of the relationship. The authors point out that “women felt they owed it to their men, regardless of how much they feared the

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214 consequences (such as unwanted pregnancies, STDs or AIDS)” (Salgado de Snyder et al. 1996: 140). They conclude that “the respondents’ unconditional adherence to traditional gender roles dictated by the local culture” constitute a risk fact or for their vulnerability to HIV/AIDS (Salgado de S nyder et al. 1996: 140). Self-reported lifestyle behaviors must be in terpreted with cauti on, since there is a tendency for people to either over or under report. More men reported to smoke in Mexico than in the sample in Wimauma, ho wever, they self-reported between one and five cigarettes per day in each place. Wo men were equally candid with me about their lack of power in their relati onships, even those who were bor n here. Selena related her frustrating experience with trying to persuade her Urir eo-born husband to use condoms after the birth of her first son, only to incur his wrath. She became pr egnant again almost immediately. After the birth of her second child, Selena decided she needed an IUD, since she had problems with side effects from the Pill. She had a very difficult time obtaining an IUD from the public health de partment and she gave up on the migrant clinic, saying that they told her that th ey did not offer IUDs Through her social networks, Selena obtained an IUD from Me xico and then found a doctor in Florida who would insert it for her. She reported, “I guess it’s our fault, we [Mexican women] let our men jump on us like dogs and we let them ha ve sex with us whenever they want without using condoms. This is the only way I can ma ke sure I don’t get pregnant, even though it was a lot of work to get the IUD, it was worth it.” Selena reflects the heterogeneity of pe ople in this study. At times, they are simultaneously extremely empowered in terms of health seeking and disempowered in their interpersonal relationships. For wome n, the power differential between them and

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215 their husbands means that they have to find a way to ensure that they maintain a semblance of balance while also getting their own needs met. Men drink in both Urireo and Wimauma, which does not seem to constitute any kind of lifestyle change. However, the degree of mens’ lifestyle behaviors were divergent and heterogeneous in both Urireo a nd Wimauma. In effect, males were either non-drinkers or drinkers and if they were drinkers, they would drink in either place. The difference seems to be the amount that males drink when and if they do drink. Males in Wimauma reported drinking between one and 15 days out of the past thirty, with the mode being only one day. These males only re ported drinking one to seven drinks at a time when they drink. In contrast those in Urireo who drink reported drinking between one and thirty days out of the past thirty, with most drinking four or six days, with a range of three to 40 drinks at a time. So me men did not know how many drinks they had when they drink. Other lifestyle behaviors su ch as obtaining regular check ups and use of protective clothing in the fields were equally non-exis tent for males in the study. Only two female respondents mentioned protective clothing a nd obtaining check ups, and both live in Wimuama. This finding, however, is not unus ual, since women do not report working in the fields in Urireo and they do not feel that they have prev entive healthcare there in any case. Like diet and exercise, key informants felt that there was hope for improving people’s health through educati on and health promotion. As long time health promoter Juan Gomez noted in Wimauma: The community here is mostly undocumente d, health is much needed. I guess in a sense my job helps because what I do is free….I do not ask for documentation.

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216 What I teach is health related and I think my job helps the health of the community. The clinic provides health but a lot of pe ople do not go. That’s the only thing they can depend on, La Clinica, because they don’ t ask for social security numbers. I think the clinic is good, overall, it pr ovides health for the people, for $15 you cannot ask for anything better, the doctors and services are excellent. People do complain about waiting but le t’s be honest, it’s better to have a clinic than not to have one. I think that more outreach would be good, basic education, going into the community. People do not take care of thei r health and do not like to visit doctors for a variety of reasons, I thi nk that there is a lack of e ducation and they think that their health isn’t that impo rtant. I think that we s hould do more health education and campaigns, outreach in the communit y. People would learn more and, there are people who don’t even know where the h ealth centers are, they only go form their house to the campo. However, as Salgado et al. (1996: 141) also co nclude, “the unavailabi lity of basic health services to rural inhabitant s of Mexico is a reality th at will not change for some time…binational, bilingual programs must be developed and implemented with immigrants in both sides of the border…”. Health in Context This study shows how important contex t is to understa nding how people conceptualize their world, their strengths, options, problems and solutions. Urireanos carry within them the complex history of their hometown, which simultaneously pushes them out and pulls them back. Urireanos are not ahistorical workers, rather, they have been shaped by the dramatic histor y of the Mexican Revolution and the Cristiada. Their worldview and their options continue to be influenced by colonialism and ethnic and religious violence. It also shows that Urireanos, whether in Mexico or the US, conserve their culture and lifeways. Gender roles, heal th seeking and lifestyle behaviors continue to follow norms established in Urireo. Some changes, such as women driving, are seen as necessary adaptations to fulfilling traditiona l roles rather than a real change in gender roles per se. The consequen ces of these adaptations may impact the worldview of the

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217 US-born children of Urireanos more profoundly than the migrant herself, because it is the children who become acculturated to both US and Mexican customs. Since immigrant Urireanos tend to isolate themselves for various reasons, they do not tend to acculturate and integrate themselv es into the public life of Wimauma to the extent that some of the nor thern Mexican populations have. Just as they did in Guanajuato, Urireanos in Wimauma tend to seek private doctors over migrant clinics, but neither are sought unless they are extremely ill. This study shows that Urireanos do not place he alth at the top of th eir priority list. Working is at the top of that list. And if one is ill, one cannot work and in that case, health is of utmost importance. This fi nding has relevance for advocates, policy makers and researchers, because it means that hea lth messages targeting this population could benefit from tying work and health together. Health is not the same as well-being. The Urireanos in this study made it clear that they perceive a difference between these two concepts. To Urireanos, health can be seen as one part of well-being. It is within th is context that health can be understood in the same way as those who come from Urireo under stand it. Sacrifices, remittances, fiestas and peace of mind are also well-being issues b ecause they help to fulfill traditional role expectations. If one is unhappy with one’s job or unable to fulfill traditional role expectations such as providing remittances, role loss can ensue. The healthy worker effect pre-selects thos e who can migrate in the first place. Don Daniel is a good example of how the healthy worker effect has become a selection device in the post 9-11 era. A former H2B worker Daniel worked in Lubbock Texas, Wimauma and West Palm Beach, picking strawberries, squash and tomatoes. From 1956 to 1990, a

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218 total of 34 years, Don Daniel supported hi s family through his remittances, visiting Urireo every year for a month or two during fiestas. He migrated when he was only 13 years old. Everything was going fine until he go t into an accident in California in 1990. After spending 15 days in the hospital there, he had to come home to recuperate. Now he cannot go back. Since he has no access to land s of his own, Don Daniel’s identity as breadwinner and bracero is a s ource of pride but also irr itation. He cannot understand why his son, whom I had met in Wimauma severa l years before, prefers living in Urireo. He looks at it as if his son should make the be st of his health and go to el Norte. Daniel cannot find anyone who will accept him on “the other side” because he is older. In reality, it might have something to do with hi s reputation as liking to drink. His family members know that he wants to go and work but they also unde rstand their network members’ hesitation at crossi ng him over. No one wants to face the coyote when he demands payment. With no collateral, the family simply listens to Don Daniel relive the glory days. For the majority of Urireanos in Wimauma, their overall quality of life is just not as good as it was in Urireo, even though they ma y be physically healthier. In effect, Urireanos may possess a peace of mind that those in Wimauma may not. This has a direct impact on how people perceive themselv es, and their mental health. Within this context, Urireos tend to perceive their quality of life issues related to a wide range of circumstances, including immigration status, health of loved ones in the US or Mexico and availability to see relati ves, as critical to their physical and mental health Conclusions Mexico is still struggling with Third Worl d health issues such as infectious disease and parasitic infections. Mean while, the US focuses on chronic health

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219 conditions which require behavioral and lifesty le interventions. Urireo and Wimauma, each marginal to their own countries, face hea lth issues that are at once environmental and chronic in origin. Mexico’s populat ion has a higher mortality rate (627.6 per 100,000) and a lower life expectancy (75.3 year s) than it’s US counterpart (558.4 per 100,000 and 85 years). Infectious disease accoun ts for a great deal of the difference in these statistics because it affects the mo st vulnerable population, children under five years old, the most. For this reason, the Mexi can government estimates that one of every six years of life lost in Mexico comes from infectious diseases such as respiratory infections, diarrhea, tuberculosis and sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDS (Secretary of Health 2001: 40). Within this context, this study ha s shown how environmental health improvements, not lifestyle or behavioral changes, account for a great deal of the improved health of the Urireanos in Wimauma versus Mexico. Urireanos suddenly notice that they do not suffer from bouts of diarrhea or flu as frequently. It is important to note that their children are probably the biggest beneficiar ies of their migration, since they will probably avoid the countless illnesse s that their parents withstood in Urireo. Whether in Wimauma or Urireo, people tend to continue their traditionally held beliefs that parteras are pref erable over doctors, fresh f oods are healthier than canned foods, and corajes and emotional disturbances can cause things like cancer or diabetes. Health beliefs and traditiona l gender roles continue to shape the options Urireanos perceive themselves as ha ving. The Mexican saying, “ Es major prevenir que lamentar ” means “It’s better to prevent than to be sorry later.” Unfortunately, people do not know how to prevent, and often they do not have a clear idea of what prevention really means.

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220 Educational approaches targeting prevention are suggested in Chap ter 5, in conjunction with needed structural and po licy changes. Educational appr oaches cannot take the place of infrastructure improvements, but they s hould co-exist with the structural changes. Traditional gender roles have persisted in Urireo and continue upon migration to the US. Even women born in the US to pare nts from Urireo tend to share their mothers’ lack of power in relationships with men, es pecially since they tend to marry men from Urireo as well. Women in both Urireo a nd Wimauma suffer greater emotional distress due to their physical separati on from loved ones – sons, daug hters, fathers and mothers – which precludes them from being able to care for them as they should, given their traditional roles as caretakers and nurturers. Natalia probably provided the best example of how frustrating it is for Urireanos in Wima uma. Natalia told me how she felt, with tears in her eyes. Her mother is alone and get ting older: “If my family in Mexico is sick, I’m stressed out. I cannot vi sit them. When a person di es and you cannot go be with them before or even afterwards, it ’s really difficult, it hurts us.” The exact impact of this emotional distress is hard to gage, but the respondents in both Urireo and Wimauma cited a high number of days in the past month that they were not in good mental health, 11.0 and 8.9 respectiv ely, as compared to only 3.6 days for Hispanics in Florida. The effects of separa tion might be harder on those in Urireo, who report feeling sad, melancholy or depressed an average of 8.1 out of the past month. Those in Urireo reported an average of 12.1 da ys that they felt wo rried, tense or anxious and another 5.3 days that they could not rest or sleep enough as they needed. Although these findings are based on small samples, they show the magnitude of difference between the two groups in terms of mental health. Ment al health, drinking,

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221 accidents, liver problems and other physical ailments can be studied through the syndemic model, where all of these factors are tied toge ther and synergistically influencing each other. It is precisely in this way that Urireanos’ health is most compromised. Clearly, this is an area for future research. In both places, Urireanos saw physical hea lth and mental health as linked. Since Urireanos in Wimauma tended to have better health overall, it is important to note that they report feeling less energetic than those in Urireo. There are many potential reasons for this finding, including specu lation that Urireanos who stay or return have a better overall quality of life and peace of mind than t hose in Urireo. Alternatively, it could be that Urireanos in Wimauma are engaged in su ch physically demanding work that they are simply worn out. In either case, the important finding is that Urireanos in both places suffer from mental and physical health cons equences of migration, but for different reasons. As a result, any educational interv ention aimed at improving either the mental or physical health of Urireanos needs to ta ke into account both body and mind in order to be effective. The next chapter focuses on conclusions and offers recommendations for improving the health of people in both Urireo and Wimauma.

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222 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS All religions, arts and sciences are branches of the same tree. All these aspirations are directed toward ennobling man’s life, lifting it from the sphere of mere physical existence and leading the individual toward freedom. It is no mere chance that our older universities have developed from clerical schools. Both churches and universities – insofar as they live up to their true function – serve the ennoblement of the individual. They seek to fulfil l this great task by spreading moral and cultural understanding, renouncing the use of brute force. --Albert Einstein, “Moral Decay,” 1937 “People seem very depressed here,” obser ved my friend who came to visit me in Urireo from Guanajuato. She was also struck by how differently the people in the pueblo dressed and spoke. To a young American wo man working and living in the state’s capital city, the Urireanos whom she me t on her trip were nothing like other Guanajuatenses she knew. As Cristina observed, Urireo is special in many ways. Urireo is an ejido, traditional and, at the same time, transnational, with a long history of male out-migration. Urireo is much more multidimensional, in terms of ti me and space, than it appears, because it simultaneously lives on in various small towns like Wimauma or large cities like Chicago through its transnational people. These tran snationals, like Doa Luz or Don Antonio, take not only their culture but also their unique history with them as they seek to fulfill their dreams, and support their families, through work in the US. The result is a hybrid of culture, culture change and complex social netw orks that span various places and people. Inevitably, these same transnationals bring el ements of US culture or even, “immigrant subculture” back with them when they visit or return to Urireo. For example, during my

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223 first days of fieldwork in Ur ireo, I suddenly realized that one of the passengers on the bus was wearing a Tampa Bay Devil Rays’ baseball cap. He told me that he had gotten it when he went to pick tomatoes one season in Ruskin, Florida, a place, he added quickly, that he did not like very much, because “there is nothing to do there.” Another case of transnationals influencing traditional Urireano culture can be seen in the somewhat recent preference for “tortas de hamburguesas” or hamburgers at the placita’s only taco stand. Factors Affecting Urireanos’ Health Status: Rewards and Consequences Over the past four chapters, I have presented data from two transnational communities, with the goal of examining health status binationally. This research shows that health status is affected by multiple fact ors that work together at the same time to impact the individual. These factors operate at different levels and can combine to influence outcomes that are worse or, in some cases, better, as a resu lt of the interactions between them. This synergistic effect ha s been called syndemic because the synergy between these factors can produce multiple health problems simultaneously (Syndemics Prevention Network 2004, Singer 1994, 2003). Table 5-1 provides an overview of the dyna mics involved in the quality of life of Urireanos in both towns, and how these c onditions and mediators operate at various levels. I am defining the mediators as thos e factors that are characteristics beyond the control of the immigrant which affect his/he r abilities and worldview. These mediators are: gender, age, family hi story of migration, immigrati on laws and the strength of network ties. All of these va riables, or characteristics, co lor and shape one’s experience in either Urireo or Wimauma. As mediators, they are factors that become part and parcel of one’s life, things that one accepts at so me level in order to carry on. With the exception of immigration laws, these mediat ors are factors upon which cultural norms

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224 have evolved in Urireo, with those Urirea nos in Wimauma continuing to transmit them through their worldview. The mediators are impo rtant because they either assist or deter the individual in obtaining his/her goals, either through remittances or migration. The issue of quality of life, defined as th e sum of both mental health and physical health status, is the outcome in the model belo w. This outcome, or dependent variable, is comprised of independent variab les that operate simultaneously at the individual, family, community, society, nation-state and transnatio nal levels. This study found that the most important dependent variable was role fulfillment, which is a complex issue that is influenced by these same factors and mediators. If one cannot fulfill one’s traditional expected role, there is a great possibility that one will face “role loss” which in turn will affect one’s mental health stat us. Interviews with the Urireanos in this study showed that most young or newer immigrants did not start ou t with clearly defined goals, but rather a sense of obligation to come to the US, work hard, remit back home and provide for one’s own family once here, which has been documente d in other studies (Massey et al. 1987). As they stay longer in the US, however, immigrants, like Irma or Don Antonio, tend to focus more and set clearer goals. Once they are fulfilled, these goals are seen as rewards, which help to boost the immigrant’s view of hi s/her role fulfillment. However, if the goals are not attained or una ttainable, they can become consequences. In this way, rewards and consequences become important to one’s overall quality of life. For example, if a male migrates to the US at the age of 18 and cannot find work, he suffers mentally from his inability to fulfill hi s expected role of provider. This lack of role fulfillment is a consequence that direc tly affects his overall quality of life, which I have categorized as “role loss.” On the ot her hand, if he obtains work, can remit and

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225 fulfill his expected role, then his overall quality of life is higher. For those who are older or infirm, migrating becomes a non-option, a trend that contri butes to the healthy worker effect, as depicted below. Table 5-1 divides the conditions and medi ators into their appropriate level of analysis: individual, family, community, nati on-state and transnati onal. Mediators are not changeable but directly impact access to rewards or consequences, such as economic opportunities, migration or social status. An individual’s quality of life depends on all of the above but is also influenced by variable s such as human agency, the healthy worker effect, laws and policies at th e various levels and social cap ital at the family, community, nation-state and transnational le vels. Figure 5-1 is a graphi c representation of a three dimensional flow chart depicting conditions mediators and the outcome (reward or consequence). This flow chart is only focu sing on the family level and is provided to clarify the interrelationships that affect health status. Additional flow charts could be made for each level of analysis: indivi dual, family, community, nation-state and transnational. Table 5-1. Factors Affecting Health Status in Binational Context. Level Conditions Mediators Individual Nutrition Education Health status Gender Age Social Networks Kinship Lifestyle behaviors Socio-Economic status Mental Health status Gender Age Social and economic capital Family Family structure Remittances received Social Networks Social Capital Previous family history of migration

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226 Table 5-1. Continued. Level Conditions Mediators Community Community norms Tradition Social control gossip Infrastructure – roads, water, electricity, communications Employment Educational system Health services Social services Local government/authority Church Economic health and fiestas Norms and traditional role definition Social support Trust Nation-State Policies and Laws Immigration laws Border policing Immigration Attitudes toward immigrants & migrants Agrarian Reform laws Immigration laws Remittances as revenue Transnational Agreements: relationship between countries Degree of movement between countries Access to goods and services Strength of ties Trust between network members on both sides Figure 5-1. Flowchart of Family Co nditions, Mediators and Outcomes.

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227 In the flowchart, families who have a histor y of wage migration to the US will have stronger social networks that can help them to migrate and, later, to land jobs once here. This model is neither linear nor static. It is very dynamic and sens itive to transnational fluctuations, especially in regard to immigration laws a nd border policing, because any changes in this area affect other areas, such as the healthy worker effect or driver’s licenses. One finding, as reported in Chapter 4, is that the mental he alth status of women in both countries was most affected by not be ing able to see loved ones in the Post-9-11 era. The main reason for this is that undocumented Urireanos could come back to Mexico but they would have to get back to the US, which is now more costly and difficult. New and stricter border policing dr ove up the price for smugglers or coyotes to shuttle undocumented immigrants across the US borders, with prices quoted at up to $5000 per person (in 2002). If the US were to change its immigration policies or to issue guestworker status through “Work Visas” to undocumented workers already in the US, th is situation would change drastically, and could potentially l oosen the grip that smugglers have on the market. On the other hand, if there were move ment toward even stricter border patrolling and deportation, one could predict that ment al health issues might become worse. While those in Wimauma might have better overall physical health than those in Urireo, this study found that, mainly because of the culture shock of being in a foreign land and the stress of being undocumented, he nce vulnerable, most Urireanos reported a higher quality of life in Urireo. This could be seen as a kind of “peace of mind” that those who stay in Urireo have while those in Wimauma do not.

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228 Context of the Conclusions and Recommendations This dissertation places culture, culture ch ange and everyday practices within the context of transnational migr ation between Guanajuato a nd Florida and explores the various ways that Urireanos’ health and well be ing is affected. This context provides us with several important insights that have broad reaching implications for community development and applied anthropology in bot h communities. Economics play critical roles in this discussion, but it is not only the economics themselves but rather, how the economic structures influence the socio-econom ic practices of each town. This section first explores how cultural norms, especially in relation to gender, interface with the changing economic structures of both towns. Ethnographic research, participants and key informants pointed to the underdevelopment of Urireo and Wimauma as it impacts each town’s infrastructure and economic integration. The problem of under-development must be understood within the historical and social context of how each town is socially and economically organized. This underdevelopment can be viewed as the weak underlying structure for each town, creating vulnerabilities for residents in both places. At the same time, this same underdevelopment is the only infrastructure av ailable, and as such, it is the basis upon which any kind of development occurs. On a parallel note, the lack of development can be partially explained by the soci o-economic practices of each place. Like all economic systems, Urireanos understand certain rules, rights and obligations, including a gender division of labor. As Dalton ( 1969: 363) points out, when the rules specifying rights of acquisi tion or usage of any of these components of an economy are expressions of kinship or political relationships, the economic component is inextricably related to th e social and we have a socio-economic practice, institution or process.

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229 Urireo’s socio-economic institutions and practices resemble that of a peasant society which operates quite independently from the larger economy of nearby Salvatierra, the municipal seat only three kilo meters away. Urireanos participate in the economy of Salvatierra through their employment or labor exchange as well as sales in the market, most notably tortillas, by the torti lleras described in this study. The impact of these sales and/or labor exchange is minimal compared to the remittances sent from USbased Urireanos. Earning Mexican pesos is si mply not the same as receiving US dollars. Additionally, Urireo has only sma ll stores, usually referred to as abarrotes, whose prices are higher than one might find in a large ma rket, making the relative cost of living for bought goods higher in the pueblo than in the muni cipal seat. For exampl e, a liter of milk in Urireo cost 9 pesos, which was about $1 US, while it only cost between 6 and 7 pesos in nearby Salvatierra (2002). Urireo’s underdevelopment has become more pronounced over time, due in large part to the lack of equitabl e agrarian reform. As time has gone on, plots have become smaller and most ejiditarios do not have e nough land to truly sustain their families and sell to the market for some profit. Land has tr aditionally been a cri tical issue in Urireo, since it is tied to the Mexican Revolution, the ensuing Cristiada and on-going violence and conflict between pro-agrarian reformists a nd pro-Church factions. The lack of access to suitable plots has been worsened over the past decade, which has played a large role in making out-migration the preferred and us ually, only -option for most males. Further, Urireo’s traditional cultural norms and current economic practices place the traditional gender division of labor in conf lict. Women in Urireo are not supposed to work outside the home while males are seen as sole breadwinners. With no local

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230 economy to speak of, opportunities for unskilled young males in Urireo are limited to day labor, obtaining a parcel of land and becoming an ejiditario, driving a bus or taxi, working in the market, running a small store or obtaining employmen t in a nearby town. Without some kind of capital, however, it is highly unlikely that unskilled males without kinship or political connections to others in these occupations will be able to participate in the majority of these activities. In contrast, unskilled women have many more opportunities, especially in the three local maquiladoras, or assembly plants, which favor women over men. As a result, males tend to be under-employed and under-employable while females are employed or, at the very least, employable. Cultural norms have not kept up with these drastic economic realities, however, so women are left to negotiate their new dual ro les while gossip and social control continue to reinforce traditional roles, punishing thos e who deviate from them. Women who make and sell tortillas, for example, span both the traditional and the modern as they employ their ancient knowledge and technique for sale to neighboring Mexicans who have lost or no longer engage in this tradition personally. On the bus, headed for markets in the region, with their hundreds of wa rm tortillas packed into buckets, other Urireanos make comments or glance at them to make sure th ey know their disapproval. In another place or time, they could be seen as entrepreneurs. However, in the pres ent day case of Urireo, these women suffer stress and isolation, whic h affects their mental health status. Work for Urireanos is critical to their identity and role fulfillment. They not only need to work but they have a strong desire to get ahead, not just survive. For those in Wimauma, they also share a desire to eventu ally return to Urireo. Few Urireanos in

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231 Wimauma will admit to wanting to stay in the US. However, many worried about how they would be able to su rvive if they returned. As noted, Wimauma is also under-developed, poor and rural. Wimauma’s roots as a company town for the railroad and turpen tine mills meant that the local economy was almost always linked to larg er industries outsid e of the town itself. As a result, Wimauma never truly developed into any kind of real economic force. In the 1920s and 1930s, Wimauma formed its own mayoral form of government, but the officials were representatives of the establ ished businesses: railroads and company stores. Their allegiance was never local but with their empl oyers, who were based in the Northeastern US. Further, Wimauma’s demographic cons titution was traditionally about 50% African American. It took the passage of the Civ il Rights Act in 1964 and the Voting Rights Act in 1965 to effectively abolish segregation, ev en though there had been US Supreme Court had ruled against bus segregat ion in 1956 and entrance to un iversities based on race in 1961 as well as a number of lesser court rulings (Williams 1986). Jim Crow laws in the South had continued past these dates to keep Wimauma’s blacks from access to land or equal rights (Maio, Mohlman and Capa nna 1999). For this reason, Wimauma’s inhabitants, living in rural Hillsborough County, never had an integrated community or infrastructure. This may partially explai n why Urireanos who relocate to Wimauma understand that this is a place very much lik e their hometown, as they say, “quiet and forgotten.” However, this lack of developmen t and integration is a bout to change for all of Wimauma. Like many other places in Florida, agriculture is an industry in decline. At 40 miles from Tampa, Wimauma is the latest area to be developed to meet the growing

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232 metropolitan area’s need for housing. Ir onically, Mexicans are employed in housing construction that is taking place directly on th e sites where, for the last thirty to forty years, farmworkers picked tomatoes, peppers or strawberries. As one key informant observed, with farmwork, one works the same fields every year but with construction, “you only build that house one time.” With the housing boom, the acres left to farming decrease and so does the farmwork. It is un clear what the exact impact of this latest development might be for Urireanos. With the growth of residential housing, there may be an increased need for landscapers, which is a market niche current seasonal farmworkers might be able to fill. One conclusion of this study has to do with the small town development in both Mexico and the US. The underdevelopment of both Urireo and Wimauma places those living there at greater ris k, increasing their vulnerabi lity. When areas are so underdeveloped, there is also a lack of h ealthcare, clean water, lighting, safety and sewage systems, which in turn affects the physic al and mental health status of residents. This dissertation shows that these underlying infrastructure issues must be addressed in order to ameliorate the poor quality of life issues reflected in this research. From a Critical Medical Anthropology perspective, Urireanos in both places never really move from a Third World to a First World status but rather, they stay in a kind of “secondworld” limbo in which health di sparities are to be expected.

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233 Figure 5-2. Advertising for Valencia Lakes, 1500-home Development Opening in Wimauma, Fall 2005. Themes from the Research Seven overarching themes emerged from this research in relation to the health and well-being of transnational Urireanos. Some of them need to be explored further in more depth than was possible in this study. These are: Health status in Urireo has been affect ed by land/agrarian reform and unequal land distribution; The healthy worker effect operates on two levels to select who will migrate: 1. selfselection by the migrant and 2. selection by the smuggler of whom to assist in crossing to the US;

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234 Migration has affected traditional gender ro les and role fulfillment, creating role expansion and role loss, which in tu rn can affect one’s mental health; Despite migration, Urireanos have continue d the same health seeking behaviors and beliefs, with little acculturati on by Urireanos in Wimauma; Urireanos tended to view thei r overall quality of life as better in Urireo than in Wimauma; Urireanos in both countries felt that those in Wimaum a were probably healthier than those in Urireo, chiefl y due to their ability to ear n more money and eat better; and Despite almost 50 years of out-migration and the same amount of time in sending remittances back to Urireo, there has been no community-wide development nor infrastructure building that would improve the overall health and well-being of those left behind. Each of these themes will be explored in further detail below. First, in an indirect way, health status in Urireo has been affected by land/agrarian reform, because the lack of access to land or money affected food security, especially for the most vulnerable, the childre n. Lack of equitable agrarian reform also served as an impetus for out migration to the US. Land reform, which was only partially successful in the Bajo due to the Guerra Cristera, has continued to create schisms within the social fabric of the region to this day. Of course, Ur ireanos are more likely to stay if they have access to land. With land, they tend to al so have access to education and money, which are interrelated. But, for the most part, th e only way for people to earn enough money to fully participate in the public life of Urireo, including its two annual fiesta s, is through earning dollars. Urireo may be caught up in what can be considered a “poverty trap” (Galor and Mayer 2002, Banerjee and Newman 1993, Galo r and Stark 1990, WHO 1999). Galor and Mayer (2002) point out that poverty is not always a cause of nutri tional deficiency, but that nutritional deficien cies can also cause a lack of r eadiness for poor people to learn and

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235 intellectually progress, ultimately leading to failure. Key informants and Urireanos themselves identified child malnutrition as a pr iority. If malnutriti on is as prevalent as one might fear, then it is possi ble that current and future ge nerations of Urireanos will become “trapped,” even more so than they are currently. The “healthy worker effect” is an occupa tional health term that refers to the tendency for any sample of current workers to be the healthiest, since those who are infirm or older tend to not par ticipate in the labor force, e ither because they drop out or because they were not healthy in the first pl ace. The second theme shows that the healthy worker effect operates on two le vels within this study. Both le vels relate to the selection of workers via the market. Those who are ol der or would not be able to withstand the physical or mental stress of cr ossing illegally, with or withou t a coyote, are less likely to migrate. The second level is more blatan t, and relates to smugglers’ views on from whom they, and their networks, can reasonably extract labor upon their arrival in the US. This practice is technically debt peonage, wh ich is illegal in the US. However, it is increasingly happening in the Post 9-11 rural Mexican landscape, where it can cost up to $5000 per person to cross over. Increasingly, migration is not feasible for those who would have trouble being employed here in th e US because they could not then pay off the debt for crossing afterwards. The third theme posits that migration has affected traditional gender roles, creating both role expansion and role loss. The impact on women’s mental health in either Urireo or Wimauma seems to be more visible than that of males. Since roles should match social status, dissonance between role fulfillm ent and social status creates confusion at various levels: personal, interpersonal, family and society. The “blurring of roles” which

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236 is any kind of modification or deviance from traditionally held notions of gender and, importantly, gender division of labor, means th at confusion can ensue. For example, a role expansion for women as de facto heads of households creates dissonance since they have no corresponding increase in so cial status as “providers,” a role reserved for males. Males who migrate at a young ag e contribute to overall family survival by sending back remittances, which fulfills their expected traditional role of provider. Males who marry and remit back to both their wives and mo thers in Urireo can fulfill their traditional roles and do not experience role loss. Ofte n, once males marry they can no longer afford to simultaneously remit to their birth family and sustain their own fa milies. When males marry and stay in the US, the situation is even more difficult, as one mother told me, “I knew he would not be able to send me as much once he got married, but now I have grandchildren and that’s wh at I want: to see them.” If males are not able to fu lfill their role expectations then they become depressed and these mental health issues can affect thei r physical health. As described in Chapter 4, Mexican-based mothers who do not receive re mittances face increased mental health problems, reflected in self reports of depr ession and lost sleep. Females who are left behind when males migrate tend to have role expansion, whether because they now work in maquilas and/or their difficult roles as single mothers, which is a type of role loss. Meanwhile, both males and females who migrat e to the US face role loss because both genders work in farmwork, which means that females face role expansion, because farmwork does not pay enough for only the male to work and sustain a family. Males experience role loss because they cannot provi de for the family on their own. Females in Wimauma face a “double day” in which they fulfill their traditiona l and expanded roles

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237 as mother and worker, which I am calling ro le expansion, which cr eates depression as well. This depression can have physical effects. Post 9-11-2001, US immigration crackdowns have meant that undocumented Urireanos have not been able to visit fam ily in Mexico. An economic downturn has made it difficult for immigrants to send remittances to Mexico, which means that the Urireanos in Mexico and Flor ida tend to experience higher levels of anxiety, economic pressure and depression than they had previous to 9-11. Mothers in Urireo, ever fearful for their sons and husbands in the US, whom they see less and from whom they receive less remittance, suffer from increased stress, anxiety and mental health issues. Even in 2005, this study revealed that Ur ireanos’ identity is strongly linked to traditional gender roles. There is a delicate ba lance that must be kept between traditional and changing roles in order to maintain one’s identity. One’s identity is often tied to how one is viewed in Urireo, not how one is seen in Florida. This essentially means that there is a conflict between the real and idealized gender roles, especially for women but also for men. In light of increas ed vigilance at the US-Mex ico border, smugglers are now charging more money to shuttle Mexicans b ack to the US. This means that, for undocumented Urireanos, which is 90% of those in Wimauma, travel back from Urireo is prohibitively expensive. Unable to go and retu rn easily, migrants are less able to go back to the fiestas, demonstrate their successes and be viewed as “heroes” or “role models” as they had previous to 9-11. This means that the gratification of having made it must be further delayed, but this is only one more outward recognition that one has fulfilled an expected role. Their inability to change these structural barriers contributes to a compounded effect that increases fe elings of failure and depression.

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238 In Urireo, gossip and social control continue to enforce role compliance for a woman, which simultaneously preserves trad ition and social order while punishing perceived deviance from social norms. More than men, women left behind seem to pay the price for noncompliance, especially when absent males find out about transgressions, such as working outside the home, or infidelit y. The gossip and social control seem to be applied chiefly by women in Urireo, and the gossip can quickly reach as far as Wimauma or Chicago. One US born informant told me that his Urireo-born father would sometimes say “parecen tortille ras de Urireo” or “they act like tortilleras from Urireo” in response to people in Chicago who would speak disparagingl y about others. Ironi cally, the tortilleras tended to be objects of social control and gossi p rather than the major gossipers in this study. Nonetheless, the fact that people have this perception reveals the ways in which the pueblo continues to deal with perceive d deviance from traditional gender roles. The fourth theme parallels, and compleme nts, the third. Like traditional gender roles, culturally ingrained hea lth beliefs and behaviors persis t despite acculturation. Even though migration has shaped and blurred li nes between public and private spheres, women now must find ways to negotiate pow er relations with their husbands whether they live in Urireo or Wimauma. This is mo st visible in relation to sexual behaviors but it also permeates lifestyle behaviors relate d to diet and exercise. Health seeking behaviors, especially in relation to timing a nd type of health care to seek, remain the same in both places. Urireanos in both places tended to wait until they were too ill to work in order to seek care. Care was sought most commonly from private physicians. Women from Urireo on both side s of the border prefer part eras to doctors. Notably,

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239 mothers in both prioritize well-child visits and vaccines for their ch ildren and rarely miss appointments for their babies. Fifth, Urireanos tended to view their overall quality of life as better in Urireo than in Wimauma, even though they recognized that environmental health was better in Wimauma, and they tended to have better physical health there. One of the most important improvements in the health of Urir eanos in Wimauma is that they suffer far less enteric disease due to cleaner and more av ailable water, sewage and septic systems. However, despite these structural improveme nts, Urireanos, especially women, tended to view life in Urireo as less st ressful and less strenuous. Men tend to see Urireo as better but often they look at it as a place to come back to vacation and not to live, despite the fact that they have built hous es there that remain empty mo st of the year. The key to understanding this finding lies in the view that health is only one part of well-being, while the main aspect of well-being that intere sts those from Urireo might be best termed “peace of mind.” This is understandable. Wh ether or not one has money, life in Urireo means being surrounded by family, one’s nati ve language, traditional foods, people and structures that make sense. Life in Wimauma is the opposite. Surrounded by the unfamiliar, Urireanos in Wimauma are constantly surrounded by a language they do not speak, people who do not share their worldview, laws that they do not understand, like the one banning them from obtaining a drivers’ license if they are not resident aliens. Being undocumented, Urireanos in Wimauma fear deportation at any time. Work is long and physically challenging. All of these factors increase Ur ireanos’ stress levels and take away from their overall quality of life.

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240 The sixth theme from Urireanos in both count ries reflects that view that those in Wimauma were probably healthier than thos e in Urireo. They pointed to improved economic situations, nutrition and an environm ental health infrastructure as contributing to better health in Wimauma. However, it is important to note that there was some disagreement. Several doubted that, given the fact that people work harder in Wimauma, their health was really better. Others point ed to women’s double day and lack of social support. Still others felt that all things being equal, health status should be the same. Two migrant men pointed out that they do not ea t as well when here because they want to send as much money home as possible. Others observed that migrants “get crazy” in the US, causing them to get into more accidents. Additionally, Urireanos on both sides of the border appreciated that the US government sponsors programs like WIC and migrant clinics, which were seen as extremely needed and helpful to the lives of children. Regardless of these improvements, Urirea nos in Wimauma did not change either their lifestyle behaviors or health seeking behaviors in any signifi cant way. While their diet does change, with the introduction of canned and processed foods, including fast foods, their ways of dealing with health and well-being do not. For example, even though many observed the potentially harmful e ffects of fast and processed foods, usually through speculation that they are potentially cancer-causing, Urireanos do not make any changes to their daily behaviors or lifestyle, which could mitigate their increased risk. The result is that these lifestyle changes, especially the more sedentary way of life in Wimauma, means that people eat fast food and dr ive instead of walk to their destinations. These changes help to contribute to their weight gain, and in ma ny cases, obesity, which is a known risk factor for cardiovascular di seases including diab etes, hypertension and

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241 heart disease. Behavior change, including the introduction of exercise, balanced diets and regular health care, is a tall order for Urireanos who are focused on remitting to their loved ones in Mexico. As a result, health behaviors get passed down from parents to children, with poor results. One respondent re ported that his obese 11 year old daughter was diagnosed with Type II diabetes and was taking insulin. The seventh and last theme relates to Urireo’s continued under-development, despite the remittances and housing growth in the town. Urireo’s economy is not integrated into the region and the small mark et continues to demons trate features of a peasant economy, since the items sold tend to be locally produced and demand great physical effort with low levels of tec hnology, such as produce, farm animals and handicrafts. Investments in education, infr astructure such as roads and sewers, and technology in all areas, from agriculture to hea lth care, are desperatel y needed but viewed as elusive “dreams” by Urireanos on both side s. Hence, the underdevelopment spawns more underdevelopment, putting Urireo further and further behind. As noted in Chapter 2, Dalton (1969: 73) first described the phenomenon of “cash income growth without development.” This dissertation has show n how the concept of “old culture” continues to thrive in Urire o, despite the influx of US-origin foods, videos and clothing. This culture is conservative, clinging to traditional ways of thinking and doing, which essentially translates into a di scontinuity between the Urireanos and their neighbors, either in Mexico or in Florida, who are learning new skills or gaining more technology. Taken together, the structure of Urireo and its economy are simply not equipped to prepare Urireanos for life in the 21st Century. Community development needs to be conducted with an understanding of these dynamics. Development, which

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242 entails technological and educational reforms, needs to be incorporated into the town’s existing social structure in a way that is respectful of migration and traditional gender roles. Recommendations for Urireo and Wimauma One of the hallmarks of anthropology is listening to the recommendations of the community and portraying them within their pr oper context. The recommendations listed below come from surveys and interviews with Urireanos, key informants and health providers in both communities. I have orga nized the recommendations to specifically address issues of health and quality of life. In this se ction, I address recommendations for improving the health disparities describe d in Chapter 4, adding to the discussion the structural issues that were f ound to affect overall quality of life, as described in Table 51. Recommendations for Urireo are follow ed by a section on recommendations for Wimauma. In both sites, key informants a nd participants had di ffering but overlapping views of priorities for their towns.. For each community, recommendations will be presented in unranked order, with health as the main focus. This categorization reflects the research question that prioritized health and well-being; however, as noted in Chapter 4, health was not the first pr iority of Urireanos in eith er place. Urireanos’ recommendations for Wimauma and Urireo are presented below: 1. Health, 2. Infrastructure Improvements, Roads a nd Water, 3.Economic Development and Opportunities, 4. Education and Youth Developm ent, and 5. Security and Safety. The last section focuses on policy reforms and recommendations. Recommendations for Urireo In the words of Mexico’s Secretary of Health,

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243 Right now, Mexico dedicates only 5.6% of its wealth to health, a statistic that is lower than the 6.1% that is the average across Latin America. These resources should be increased. On one hand, there are still basic necessities that need to be covered and the health costs will continue to increase if they are not. But health services also help to stimulate the economy (Secr etary of Health 2001: 20). Increasing funding for health services in Urireo would definitely be an improvement for those living there; however, it is doubtful that these funds would serve to stimulate the economy in any real sense. Key informants and Urireanos provided recommendations for both Urireo and Wimaum a. Basically, recommendations fall into the following categories: 1. Health, 2. Infr astructure Improvements, Roads and Water, 3.Economic Development and Opportunities, 4. Education and Youth Development, and 5. Security and Safety. This section will first present the recommendations for Urireo from key informants, then from Urireanos. The next sections summarize the recommendations for Urireo and those for Wi mauma from the various respondents. The last section will present
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Title: The Guanajuato-Florida Connection: A Binational Study on Health Status and United States-Mexican Migration
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Copyright Date: 2008

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Source Institution: University of Florida
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THE GUANAJUATO-FLORIDA CONNECTION:
A BINATIONAL STUDY ON HEALTH STATUS AND UNITED STATES-
MEXICAN MIGRATION















By

ALAYNE G. UNTERBERGER


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2005





























Copyright 2005

by

Alayne G. Unterberger

































To the people of Urireo, Guanajuato, wherever you presently reside.















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

There are numerous people in both Mexico and the United States who have helped

me over the years it has taken to frame the research, pick the site, work in Mexico and

continue research here in Wimauma, Florida. I am forever grateful to the Urireanos on

both sides of the border who shared their history, culture, food and themselves with me.

People from Urireo who live in Wimauma deserve a great deal of the credit that this

research was conducted at all. While most of them are related in some ways they opened

their families, and their homes, to me on both sides of the border. They also convinced

me that their town was "special," deserving of attention and respect. David Mejia, MD,

who served as my research assistant in Urireo, had great patience with me and taught me

a great deal about Urireo, health and well-being in general.

I will always remember the numerous hours I spent learning how to peel cactus and

to make tortillas over the wood fire. Traveling to nearby pueblos to celebrate their patron

saint fiestas with my adoptive families was truly enlightening, even if it was also

exhausting. The following families were especially kind to me: Mejia, Avila, Rocha,

Rodriguez, Hernandez, Parra, Galicia and Pizano.

Arturo Zepeda, AKA Mr. MBA Urireano, kept me focused, challenged me and

supported me throughout this long ordeal. I only hope that someday I can repay him for

reading, re-reading and talking me through some of the major points in the study.









Ken Sturrock has been a great friend for many years and helped me analyze the t-

tests. I thank my mother, now deceased, for her unending support of my interest in

migration and migration studies, even though she did not share it.

Carmen Cebada, Luis Miguel Rionda, Mari Rodriguez and everyone at the Centro

de Investigaciones de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad de Guanajuato (CICSUG)

opened their offices and knowledge to me and were tremendously helpful throughout the

phases of the research. Nelly Salgado de Snyder helped me to better define my research

questions, while simultaneously giving me important pointers, even though at first I may

not have understood nor taken them. Likewise, my advisor, Allan Burns, shared his

knowledge and expertise with me.

Jessica Noel provided support and some editing while being fun at the same time.

Merrill Singer made sure I never forgot that I had a dissertation due, no matter how much

I wanted him to forget.

This research was funded by two grants. The Latin American Studies Center at the

University of Florida provided me with much needed pre-dissertation funding in the

summer of 1999 so that I could go to various pueblos in Guanajuato and Jalisco in search

of a suitable "sending community." The field research was funded by a grant from the

University of South Florida's Sunshine Environmental Research Center (Sunshine ERC)

in 2001-2. Without this funding, the research would not have been as extensive.

Last but not least, I would like to thank my staff, board members, volunteers and

supporters of the Florida Institute for Community Studies, who had to endure my over-

stressed and sometimes impatient nature during the writing of this dissertation. I promise

I will be more "sane" from now on.
















TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

A C K N O W L ED G M EN T S ............................ ........ ....................................................... iv

LIST OF TABLES ............................... ............ ..... .. ..... .. ............ ix

LIST OF FIGURES ......... ........................................... ............ xi

A B STR A C T ................................................. ............. ......... ............. xiii

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION: THE GUANAJUATO-FLORIDA CONNECTION ..................1

C ontext of the Study .................. .........4.................... ......... .. .... ... .............. ...4
Anthropological Contributions to the Study of Health and Folk Beliefs ................... 13
Critical Medical Anthropology: A Framework for Health Disparities.....................14
A Comparison of US and Mexican Health Systems ............................................26
Defining M grants: NAW S and other Data..................................... ............... 29
Migration Patterns, Farmworkers and Immigration ....................................... 41
Transnationalism and Translocalities ...................................................... 46
Anthropological Views on Community and Community Studies ...........................49
T oolbox for the D issertation ............................................................ .....................54

2 THE PLACES AND PEOPLE: URIREO AND WIMAUMA...............................58

Sim ilarities and D differences ............................................................ .....................60
U rireo de la A suci6n, G uanajuato ........................ ................ ............... .... 67
Beyond the Mexican Revolution: Braceros and Maquilas...............................73
Economic and Psychological Impact of Migrant Remittances to Mexico ..........77
Urireo Today......................................................... 8 ............... 80
W ork, Fiestas and M igration ..................................... ............................ ........ 81
La Cristiada and U rireo's U nique Past .................................... ...................... 92
It's All About the Land La Revolucion Mexicana and Hope .................................95
W im aum a: T he P lace............................................................... .. ................... 102
W imauma Today .................. ................... ...... .. ...... ....... ............ 107
Hometown Associations Between Mexico and Transnational Communities...........116
C o n clu sio n s.................................................... ................ 1 19









3 EXPERIENCES OF M IGRATION ...................................... ........................ 121

U S-M exican Relations: Changes Since 2001 ..........................................................122
Trabajadoras y M adres: Gender Roles for Urireanas ..............................................128
The Persistence of Women's and Men's Traditional Roles ................................... 133
R ole Loss in U rireo ..................................................... ...... .. ........ .. .. 37
C o n clu sio n s.................................................... ................ 14 5

4 HEALTH IN TWO COMMUNITIES ....................................... ...............149

O organization of the C hapter........................................................................ ....... 150
U S and M exican H health Priorities ........................................................................ .. 152
Health Provider Key Informant Interviews: Urireo and Ruskin Health Center .......157
Environmental Health and Risk: Pesticides, Cancer and Developmental Delays.... 167
Environmental and Social Health Status Issues............................................174
Chronic Disease and Health Status Issues.............................................. .......... 178
O their H health Status Issues ........... .................................................. ............... 181
H health and H health Status ................................................ .............................. 187
Mental Health and Health Status .................. .............. .....................192
Folk Illnesses, Folk Beliefs and Curanderos .................................... ............... 197
Gender Differences in Perceptions of Health................................... ... ..................198
A nsw ering the R research Questions ....................... .............. ................. .... 203
How Does Migration Affect Traditional Roles, Responsibilities and
Expectations, Vis A Vis Gender, Age and Social Class, and How Does
This Affect People's Health In Both a Sending Community (Urireo) and a
Receiving Com m unity (W im uam a)? ............................................ ...........203
Whom Do Urireanos Think Is Healthier Those in The US Or Those in
M exico?............... ......... .......... ....... ........ ............... 206
Are The Health Behaviors Of Urireanos In Their Sending Community
Different Than Those In The Receiving Community? ...............................208
H health in Context ......... ..... ............... ... .. .......... ......... .. 216
C o n clu sio n s.................................................... ................ 2 18

5 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................222

Factors Affecting Urireanos' Health Status: Rewards and Consequences.............223
Context of the Conclusions and Recommendations................................................228
Them es from the R research ............................................... ............................ 233
Recommendations for Urireo and W imauma..........................................................242
R ecom m endations for U rireo ........................................... ............................ 242
Recommendations from Health Providers.............................. ............... 243
Recom m endations from U rireanos................................................................. 244
H health. ............. ............................... .................................. 245
Infrastructure Improvements: Roads and Water.................................... 246
Economic Development and Opportunities...................................249
Education and Youth Development ............... .......................................249
Security and Safety ................................................ ......... ........ .... 249









R ecom m endations for W im aum a ........................................................ ..................251
Recommendations from Health Providers and Key Informants........................251
Recom m endations from U rireanos................................................................ 252
H health .......................................... ... ..... ...... .... .......................... 2 53
Infrastructure Improvements Such as Lighting, Sidewalks and Traffic Lights.253
Economic Development and Opportunities.................... .................254
Education and Youth Development................... .......................... 255
Security and Safety ............... ... .... .... ....... ........ .... ................. 256
Better and More Affordable Housing................... .... ... ............ 257
Transportation, either public or private ...................... ... .............. ......... 258
Legal and immigration policy changes................................. ............... 258
Summary of Recommendations..............................................259
Recommendations: Structural Changes and Policy Implications......................261
Policy Changes and Im plications ........................................... ............... 267
Recommendations: Educational approaches............................................. 273
Applied Anthropology and Critical Medical Anthropology.............. .......... 276
F in al T h o u g h ts ..................................................... ............. ................ 2 8 1

APPENDIX

A IN STR U M E N T S U SE D ................................................................ .....................283

B LIST OF SPANISH WORDS USED IN THIS DISSERTATION ........................294

C GLO SSAR Y O F A CR ON YM S .................................................... .....................296

LIST OF REFEREN CES ........................................................... .. ............... 297

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .................................. ...............................314
















LIST OF TABLES


Table p

1-1. Typology of Urireanos in the Study. ................ .................................

1-2. Undocumented Workers in the US ..................... .............. ............... 43

1-3. Perceptions of Mexican "Migrants" in the US and Mexico............................... 52

2-1. Key Institutions in W imauma and Urireo....................................... ............... 59

2-2. Poverty Status, W im aum a, FL ......................................... ............................ 108

2-3. Distribution of Latinos in W im aum a................................. ........................ 108

2-4. Comparison of Migrant versus Seasonal Farmworker Estimates for Florida ..........109

3-1. Selected Characteristics of Deported Aliens, Reported by the US Border Patrol,
1997 T through 2003 .................................................................. ........124

3-2. Comparison of US and Mexican Estimates on Border Deaths, 1995 to 2004..........126

4-1. US and M exican National Health Priorities. ................................... ..................... 153

4-2. Comparison of Health Problems in Urireo and Salvatierra (2002). ......................160

4-3. Ruskin Health Center Utilization Data, 2003 ........... .............................. 166

4-4. Social and Environmental Health Status Indicators for Mexico and US. ...............175

4-5. Chronic Disease and Health Status Indicators for Mexico and US......................179

4-6. Non Disease Health Status Indicators, US and Mexico. .......................................182

4-7. Demographic Overview of Respondents........... .... .............. ........ ........... 187

4-8. Health Related Quality of Life Data ............... .............................. 188

4-9. Question 1: How Would You Rate Your General State of Health, by Gender and
P la c e ...................... .. .. ......... .. .. ...................................................1 9 9

5-1. Factors Affecting Health Status in Binational Context. .........................................225









5-2. Recommended Changes by the Levels of Interventions Needed. .........................261
















LIST OF FIGURES


Figure page

1-1. Map of Urireo and Route of Migration to the US. ........................... ..................34

1-2. Transnational Urireano Family with Members in Both Wimauma and Urireo..........36

1-3. Wimauma-based Urireanos Back on Vacation, Playing Soccer, 2000.....................38

2-1. Urireo Decorated for the Fiesta of Patron Saint, Asunci6n, July 2001 ....................59

2-2. Aguas Negras or Dirty Waters, Urireo's Open Sewer Along Calle Hidalgo,
U rireo' s M ain R oad .................. ...................................... .. ............ 61

2-3. Entrance to W imauma, State Road 674, 2002 .............. .. ............... ......... ..............62

2-4. Urireo, an Ejido that is Comprised of Urireo, C6poro and Rancho Los Garcias,
Illustrated with Institutions M mentioned in Chapter 2. ............................................ 66

2-5. Location of Urireo. ......................... ......... .. .. ...... .. ............. 69

2-6. Wimauma-based Urireanos Playing Soccer in Urireo, Summer 2000 .....................91

2-7. Chicago-based Urireanos Playing Soccer in Urireo, Summer 2000 ........................91

2-8. Mexican Dancers at Wimauma's Annual Mexican Independence Day Celebration. 112

2-9. Promotional Materials for the Entrance to Valencia Lakes, a 1500-home
Development on the Corner of Highway 301 and State Road 674, the Outer
Lim its of W im aum a. .............................................. .... .... ... ........ .. .. 113

2-10. Women at Wimauma Civic Center During a Health Fair. ...................................115

3-1. Cover of the Guide for the Mexican Migrant (2004). ........................................... 122

3-2. Desert Crossing Scene from Guide for the Mexican Migrant, 2004.....................126

3-3. Two Tortilleras in Urireo Whose Sons Live in Wimauma.................................... 136

3-4. Scene Depicting Drinking, from the Guide for the Mexican Migrant, 2004............142









3-5. Substandard Trailers Powered by Electrical Cords in a Grower-run Migrant
C am p in W im aum a, 1998............................................... ............. ............... 145

3-6. W oman Resting During Strawberry Harvest........................................................ 146

4-1. Scene Depicting Prostitution from the Guide for the Mexican Migrant, 2004 ........165

4-2. Scene Depicting the Hazards of Driving Without a License from Guide for the
M exican M grant, 2004. ........... ......................... ................... ...............183

5-1. Flowchart of Family Conditions, Mediators and Outcomes............................. 226

5-2. Advertising for Valencia Lakes, 1500-home Development Opening in Wimauma,
F a ll 2 0 0 5 ...................................................................... 2 3 3

5-3. Sign in Wimauma Offering Daily Return Trips to Many Areas in Guanajuato,
such as Celaya, Apaseo el Alto, Salvatierra and Yuriria. ......................................265














Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THE GUANAJUATO-FLORIDA CONNECTION:
A BINATIONAL STUDY ON HEALTH STATUS AND UNITED STATES-MEXICAN
MIGRATION

By

Alayne G. Unterberger

December 2005

Chair: Allan Burns
Major Department: Anthropology

Migration from the Mexican state of Guanajuato to rural Florida dates to about

1970. However, little is known about how this migration affects transnational Mexicans

living in either the United States or Mexico. Urireo, Guanajuato, was identified as a

migrant sending community through research conducted in Wimauma, Florida. This

study was conducted with Mexicans from Urireo, Guanajuato, in both Urireo and

Wimauma, Florida, to assess their physical and mental health status utilizing a mixture of

qualitative and quantitative methods, including Health Status Quality of Life

questionnaires (CDC HRQOL) with 45 transnational Urireanos and a focus group with

health providers in Ruskin, Florida. The underdevelopment of Wimauma and Urireo

proved to be important to health status.

This research is important for three reasons. First, it provides context to

understanding the lives of Mexicans and their health seeking. Second, it shows that

transnational immigrants are not ahistorical but rather they bring their history with them









and it helps to define their worldview. Third, it offers practical recommendations to

health professionals and policy makers in both countries. Urireanos living on both sides

of the border provided their recommendations for improving both Wimauma and Urireo.

Seven themes emerged from this research: 1). Health status has been affected by

agrarian reform in Mexico, 2). The healthy worker effect operates at multiple levels, 3).

Migration has affected traditional gender roles and rule fulfillment expectations, affecting

mental health status, 4). Despite migration to Wimauma, Urireanos report no change in

health seeking behaviors, 5). The overall quality of life is seen as better in Mexico than in

Florida, 6). Urireanos in both countries recognized that those in Florida were physically

healthier due to cleaner water and better hygiene in the US, and 7). Despite 50 years of

migration and remittance, Urireo has seen no infrastructure-building that would improve

the overall health and well-being of those left behind.

In both the US and Mexico, women reported more mental health problems,

especially in Urireo. Qualitative data suggest that Urireanos consider health to be only

one part of well-being, and future binational research should explore this topic in greater

depth.














CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION:
THE GUANAJUATO-FLORIDA CONNECTION

Guanajuato, Mexico, was the dream fulfilled for Spaniards in the 16th century: it

had a great deal of silver and mineral resources that the Crown had long hoped for as well

as an indigenous population to work the mines (Hernandez 2002). By 1810, Guanajuato

become known as Spain's enemy, as Padre Hidalgo, a Creole (half Spanish) priest,

became the leader for the revolt that became the Mexican Revolution. The history of the

region between the 16th and 19th centuries is complex and fascinating, while at times

extremely unique and/or extremely common across Mexico (Hernandez 2002). Unique

because no other state has been so violently and passionately involved in church, state

and land reform issues. Common because so many other states share Guanajuato's long

history of sending migrants north to work in the United States.

Guanajuato is diverse geographically and demographically, with the northern and

southern parts of the state resembling more of their respective northern (Zacatecas,

Queretaro) and southern (Michoacan) neighbors. Today, Guanajuato is known for its

long tradition as a migrant sending state, one of the largest suppliers of immigrant

Mexican labor to the US since the Bracero Program was instituted in Irapuato (1942-

1964). Now 60 years later, migration is such a large part of life that it is not a question

whether a young man will migrate, it is only when he will migrate. As one religious

leader told me upon my arrival, "You cannot get the idea of migrating out of their minds;

that would be impossible. We should try to prepare them better for it."









Urireo, Guanajuato, the Mexican site of this binational study, is located in the

southern Bajio region of Guanajuato and, since about 1980, has continually sent migrants

to Wimauma, Florida. Why is migration so attractive to Urireanos? Critical antecedents

to mass outmigration include the historical lack of access to either money or land by the

vast majority of the inhabitants, the ensuing Mexican Revolution, followed by the Guerra

Cristera and the repercussions of the on-going tensions between those who took part in

agrarian reform and became communal farmers or ejiditarios and those who did not and

followed the church, known as cristeros. All of these historical and social upheavals,

taken together, mean that landless Urireanos who want to make a living and achieve a

better quality of life have few options besides migration.

Following a Critical Medical Anthropology framework, this study begins by

asking, "Do Urireo's unique history and present-day social, political and economic

structures affect the health of her people? If so, in what ways do these historical, social

and economic factors affect them in both Urireo and Wimauma?"

This study goes on to answer the question, "How does migration affect traditional

roles, responsibilities and expectations (mediated by gender, age and social class) and

how does this affect people's health in both a sending community (Urireo) and a

receiving community (Wimauma, Florida)?" My goal is to combine qualitative and

quantitative research to capture the context of work and daily life in both communities as

it shapes and reshapes health as a result of migration and the resulting isolation, changing

household composition, access to resources and social support. The idea is to gain

insight into how people in both places negotiate life and how it migration affects their

overall well-being, and health, in a more holistic perspective.









Toward that end, this dissertation explores the impact of migration on health and

health status, utilizing multiple methods: a binational ethnographic study, key informant

interviews and quality of life questionnaires (N=45) to compare health and health status,

culture, change and quality of life of Urireanos in both Florida and Guanajuato. Taking

Critical Medical Anthropology as the framework or lens through which we can view

transnational immigrants, in 1998, I began to explore and dissect the complex

relationship between migration and health status of binational Mexicans and Mexican

Americans from Urireo, Guanajuato.

Operationalized as the identification of"the political, economic, social, structural

and environmental conditions in all societies that contribute to the etiology of disease,"

Critical Medical Anthropology views class, gender and unequal power relations between

individuals, groups or nations as coming from capitalist world systems, which further

exacerbate their combined effects in an era of globalization and dependency (Baer,

Singer and Susser 1997: 35).

Health is defined as "access to and control over the basic material and nonmaterial

resources that sustain and promote life at a high level of satisfaction" (1997: 21).

Breaking from more traditional definitions of health as the absence of illness, Baer,

Singer and Susser (1997) reframe it to encompass issues of access and control over both

the tangible and intangible this approach is at once structural and materialist. An

important contribution of this approach is that it transforms health into a concept that can

be viewed as a continuous instead of an absolute or dichotomous variable. For example,

Baer, Singer and Susser (1997) set out to reframe medical anthropology from a study of

folk illnesses to encompass the structural, cultural, social and material features impacting









on the quality of life and health status. Our understanding of health status and how

Urireanos define health and well-being are informed by the Critical Medical

Anthropology perspective throughout this study.

Context of the Study

US-Mexico migration is now long established. However, the types of migrants

coming to the US have changed. Over the past ten years, more immigrants come from

indigenous and/or remote areas that previously were not migrant sending. The latest data

from the National Agricultural Workers Survey (Carroll et al. 2005) show that 17.4% of

all US farmworkers come from the state of Guanajuato. Compared to the vast literature

on social and legal impacts on US-Mexican migration, health has received relatively little

attention. Explanations for why researchers have paid less attention to health status may

be related to the complexity of both topics, health and migration, as well as the

insufficiency of current explanatory models (Rust 1991). The roles of ethnicity and

culture on health have long been studied by anthropologists (Trotter et al. 1984,

Harwood 1981, Kleinman 1980, Rubel, O'Neill and Collado-Ardon 1984). Today, one

of the central issues in medical anthropology relates to how larger social, political,

global-local articulations affect health (Farmer 1992; Scheper-Hughes 1995, Singer 1992;

Baer, Singer and Susser 1997). By examining health status binationally, the role of

migration on health status can be better explored and described in its dynamic global

context.

It is important to contextualize this discussion of migration between Urireo and

Wimauma. First, there are historical, cultural, social and structural processes that affect

all Urireanos in this study. However, this study also seeks to highlight the diversity of

situations, strategies and perspectives that families and individuals employ on a daily









basis. This is a testament to their continual hope and sense of human agency. As they say

in Mexico, "Cada cabeza es un mundo" which roughly translates to "Everyone is

different." While it might seem intuitive to most people, it is worth noting that not

everyone in Urireo migrates to the US, nor do they want to.

Second, not all migrants or immigrants are from Mexico, although this study

focuses on this group. Whenever appropriate, I have cited literature and examples from

immigrant groups other than Mexicans. Third, I recognize that not all immigrant

Mexicans work in farmwork and that, in fact, immigrants often work in a variety of

settings that do not define them. This point will be reiterated throughout the literature

review and findings presented here. Immigrant Mexicans are highly represented in low-

skilled and dangerous occupations, such as farmwork and they depend on agriculture as a

primary means of sustenance. National data show that 80% of all farmworkers are

Mexican, Mexican-American or Chicano (Carroll et al. 2005: 4) and farmwork has been

cited as the second most dangerous occupation in the US (Myers and Hard 1995). As the

National Agricultural Workers Survey (NAWS) consistently shows, because they often

do not have legal working papers or their English language skills are lacking,

farmworkers are extremely vulnerable (Mehta et al. 2000, Carroll et al. 2005). They do

not report their injuries, putting them at even higher health risks (Carroll et al. 2005).

Rust conducted an extensive literature review of the health status of farmworkers that

was published in the American Journal of Public Health (1991). Rust's analysis

influenced others, including me, to explore better ways to study health status within

mobile populations, for he concludes that (1991: 1213):

Migrant farmworker families are believed to experience poor health compared to
the general population. However, their health status has not been well measured,









and many studies have not been published in peer reviewed journals. As a result,
large gaps exist in the data on basic health status indicators in the migrant
population.

Table 1-1. Typology of Urireanos in the Study.
Type of immigrant and Urireo Wimauma
workplace
T Agricultural Day laborer works other Farmworker
R peoples' land Seasonal
A o Nursery
N Ejiditario participated in o In seasons
S agrarian reform and works Migratory
N his/her own land
A Non- Tortilleras make and sell Immigrant workers
T agricultural tortillas Store tenders,
I operators
O Health care providers Construction workers
N Salubridad, Pharmacists, Restaurant workers
A doctors, etc. Nannies for children
L Personal care of
Mil Usos Males who work as elderly
Undocumented "jacks of all trades" for day Mil usos-males who
Documented, labor work as "jacks of all
regularized trades" for day labor
Cristeros-shop keepers or sellers
in the market


This study found similarities and differences within the group I refer to as

Urireanos, or those from Urireo who live in either the US or Mexico, as depicted in Table

1-1. There are distinct groups that will be discussed throughout the study. All of the

people described in Wimauma can be considered transnational migrants, because they

have gone back and forth between Urireo and Wimauma at least three times. Some of the

people in Urireo, like former Braceros and some of the men who were interviewed while

on "vacation," are also transnationals. Urireanos use the term "Bracero" to mean anyone,

usually an older male, who works or worked in the US, remitted and is now living back

in Urireo. As will be discussed later in this chapter, Braceros get their title from a

binational US-Mexican program to import Mexican Workers between 1942 and 1964.









This study views Braceros as returned transnational migrants who live in Urireo. Many

ejiditarios have also been Braceros, which means that they are also transnationals.

While the majority of Urireanos who leave do not return to live permanently in

Mexico, there are variations of how transnational Urireano families are composed. For

example, there were few but important examples of the "strategic transnational migrant."

These males, one or two ejiditarios, were successful at being able to migrate to the US,

work, save money for a specific cause, such as a truck or tractor, and come back to Urireo

to increase the productivity of their lands or invest the money in small stores. On the

other end of the spectrum, there were one or two entire families that migrated together

and became successful in the US. This is best exemplified by a large family in Wimauma

that operates a vegetable stand in Wimauma while also successfully cultivates their ejido

lands in Urireo through wise investments in implements, fertilizers and personnel.

Extended family members in Urireo, usually cousins or uncles, whom they hire to

cultivate and harvest their parcels, work the lands while the majority of the profit comes

back to the Wimauma-based family.

In 1996, President Clinton signed the Immigration Reform Act (IRA), which

tightened controls at border crossing points, restricted immigration, especially for

Mexicans, and established a "deeming clause," so that immigrants or visitors had to

prove they were financially able to survive during their time in the US without becoming

dependent upon the state for public benefits. Immigration status, documented or

undocumented, became a new criteria for immigrants to access any number of services,

such as hospitals, food stamps and Medicare.









After 2001, and passage of the Patriot Act, which created the Department of

Homeland Security, immigration laws, and their enforcement, have become stricter. It

was much easier for Urireo's transnational migrants to regularize their immigration status

prior tol996, and most of those people now have documents, or citizenship. This group

continues to travel easily back and forth between Urireo and Wimauma. However, those

who did not regularize continue to be undocumented and cannot easily travel. Newer

undocumented immigrants have not had an opportunity to regularlize their status because

there has been no amnesty for undocumented workers since the IRCA. It is worth noting

that, despite the high financial and personal costs involved in border crossing, many of

these undocumented transnationals continue to visit family back home. For those without

documents or "papers," border crossing is illegal. Illegal border crossing is dangerous

and there is an entire economy tied to this endeavor. Those who facilitate illegal border

crossing are referred to in various ways: coyote, pollero (one who cares for chickens), or

smugglers. Fees for their services have directly increased in relation to the intensification

of border and immigration restrictions.

The second category is tortilleras, or the tortilla-makers, a group of women who

make and sell tortillas in Urireo and throughout the region of Guanajuato known as the

Bajio. In another place, these women could be thought of as entrepreneurs; however,

traditional gender roles posit that women should not work outside the home, and certainly

should not be as visible as they are. For this reason, the tortilleras tend to be the objects

of much gossip and face other forms of social control.

The third category is farmworker, whether seasonal or migrant. Farmworkers are

those who live in the US and work in agricultural work in nurseries or fields, readying the









ground, planting, picking/harvesting, cultivating, packing and shipping agricultural

produce. When I refer to immigrant workers, the fourth category, I am referring to the

vast majority of Urireanos who participated in this study. They not only work in

farmwork but also in construction, house-cleaning or even caring for elderly retirees.

These people self-identify as workers and are not tied to working in farmwork, although

they often engage in seasonal agricultural work.

There is a gender aspect to Table 1-1. Agricultural workers in Urireo are mainly

males while, in Wimauma, both genders work in the fields or packing houses. Non-

agricultural work in both places tends to be done by both males and females, however

there are important differences in the culturally held beliefs about the norms and

appropriate roles regulating women's work, depending upon where the family resides. In

Urireo, the only socially sanctioned roles for women to work outside the home are for

single women as teachers, health care workers and shop keepers/sellers. Wives in Urireo

can only engage in these professions if husbands allow them to work. Life in Wimauma

is completely different, since the labor of immigrant women is in high demand, especially

as caretakers of children or the elderly. Some of the women in this study were overly

employed in Wimauma. Conversely, many of the males in Urireo were under- or un-

employed.

Methodologically, then, it is important for this study to recognize the role of

farmwork in the health status of the immigrant Mexicans who participated in this study.

But I also recognize that migration is a family/household strategy which affects the health

status of farmworkers, their family members and former farmworkers in order to better

gage long-term and community effects of migration. Since the National Agricultural









Workers Survey (NAWS) only interviews current farmworkers, research limited only to

current farmworkers could suffer from the healthy worker effect. The healthy worker

effect, an occupational health term which refers to the tendency for any sample of current

workers to be the healthiest, since those who are infirm or older tend to drop out of the

labor force, operates on two levels. First, those who are older or would not be able to

withstand the physical or mental stress of crossing illegally (or with a coyote) are less

likely to migrate. Second, migration is not feasible for those who would have trouble

being employed here in the US because they could not then pay off the debt for crossing

afterwards. Therefore, those who would be sicker, injure themselves or otherwise

become ill simply are not represented in NAWS data. Nonetheless, this dataset is the

most complete sample of farmworkers available, and for this reason these data will serve

as a reference point to the primary data presented here.

This research is instead concerned with capturing the overall context of the lives of

Mexicans both at home and abroad so that we can gain a more complete understanding of

their health and mental health status. Mixed methods were utilized, including

ethnography, interviews, a focus group and health status questionnaires in both countries.

At this juncture, it is important to make two comments. First, I collected

qualitative and quantitative data utilizing a mixture of methods in a binational context.

The strength of this study rests on the qualitative data more than the quantitative data,

chiefly due to the small number of respondents in my dataset, a total of 23 in Wimauma

and only 22 in Urireo. For this reason, although I have included the data analyses of the

quantitative data in this dissertation, they should be viewed as illustrative rather than

definitive statistics on this non-random sample. Second, I believe that future studies









should strive to gather robust samples upon which statistically valid tests could be run on

a binational group such as this.

This study contributes to our knowledge of immigrant and migrant health in three

ways. First, it brings a focus on health through the lens of a Critical Medical

Anthropology perspective to inform the existing literature on migration, gender and

acculturation. Second, Guanajuato has been a sending state for almost 70 years;

however, relatively little research has been conducted on the impact of this migration

binationally with only one notable study to date (Durand 1994). Third, this study

illustrates how binational research is needed in order to better understand, and, from that

understanding, make informed recommendations for improving health on both sides of

the border, as summarized in Chapter 5.

This dissertation explores the inter-relationships between migration, gender and

health of transnational Mexicans in both Urireo, Guanajuato and Wimauma, Florida.

Religion, politics, access to resources and knowledge, and power relations in general play

large roles that will be explored through the framework or lens of Critical Medical

Anthropology throughout these discussions. While this dissertation focuses on primary

and secondary research findings, it is written in the spirit of applied anthropology, so that

conclusions and problems will be balanced with practical considerations and

recommendations whenever possible. It is hoped that the findings, conclusions and

recommendations are utilized by a wide range of audiences, including policymakers,

students, farmworkers, immigrants' rights advocates, researchers, health providers and

educators.









Research Question

This study contextualizes, describes and explains health status within a fluid

transnational migration of people from one sending community and one receiving

community. In order to capture this fluidity, the overarching research question is multi-

faceted: How does migration affect traditional roles, responsibilities and expectations,

vis a vis gender, age and social class, and how does this affect people's health in both a

sending community (Urireo) and a receiving community (Wimauma)?

This question must be parsed into several smaller questions. These are as follows:

1. Whom do Urireanos think is healthier those in the US or those in Mexico?

2. In what ways have 60 years of migration to the US changed people's expectations
of traditional roles when they are in the US or in Mexico?

a. Specifically, do women in Urireo see their gender roles expand as males
remain absent, working in the US?

b. As males' roles change, how do women's roles change?

c. How do changing roles affect mental health and health status of both the
males and females?

3. Are the health behaviors of Urireanos in their sending community different than
those in the receiving community?

There were other questions that also interested me; however, they need to be studied at

another point in greater depth. These include "How does age at first migration relate to

health and mental health status at the individual level?" and "Do returned migrants have

different behaviors and what are the health consequences of these behaviors?"

This research is framed within the context of unequal economic and political power

relations in Guanajuato, which I argue caused ongoing poverty in rural Mexico and a

subsequent inability of many Urireanos to find economically viable options other than

migration due to historical and social realities. The next section explores the history of









US-Mexican migration, issues related to how anthropologists traditionally viewed

communities, binational studies, health and health status. Binational health studies, with

a focus in medical anthropology, are rare. A detailed description of the contributions

from anthropology and Critical Medical Anthropology follows.

Anthropological Contributions to the Study of Health and Folk Beliefs

Baer, Singer and Susser (1997: 14) point out that anthropologists have focused on

health concerns since at least the 1920s but that medical anthropology became a subfield

in the 1950s. Anthropologists have long studied folk beliefs and illnesses, such as susto,

empacho and malde ojo (Trotter et al. 1984, Trotter 1985a, 1985b, Baer and Penzell

1993, Rubel, O'Neill and Collado-Ardon 1984). Folk illnesses can be categorized as

Destino (fate) or Castigo de Dios (God's punishment), which are tied to deeply held

beliefs about religion and trust in God as a supreme being who knows what is best

(Trotter 1984; Salgado de Snyder et al. 1998, Rubel, O'Neill and Collado-Ardon 1984).

The majority of rural Mexicans have strong religious beliefs and they reinforce and are

reinforced by ethnomedical systems and folk healers such as curanderos (curers),

yerberos (herbalists), sobadores (massaging healers) and brujos (witches/warlocks)

(Reinert 1986).

Since they are the caretakers of the family's health, mothers are acquainted with

folk healing practices and often begin treatments, teas or massages in the home at the first

sign of illness (Trotter 1984, Reinert 1986). Healers can be male or female, curanderos

and brujos use prayer and are believed to have God-given spiritual healing powers (Dean

1998: 46). Dean (1998) reports that many curanderos refer patients for biomedical care

if they recognize a serious medical condition. Mexicans often choose between, and

combine, these dual systems of care depending on the illness.









In 1992, there was a large pesticide poisoning in Ruskin Florida, reported on by

Baer and Penzell (1993). While clinicians verified the symptoms and blood levels to be

consistent with pesticide intoxication, research with farmworkers revealed the power of

ethnomedical versus biomedical beliefs. Baer and Penzell (1993) found that most

workers attributed their symptoms to susto, a folk illness in which the affected person

suffers from soul loss due to a startling or frightening event. In this case, the fright of

being sprayed with pesticides displaced their souls, leading them to have an imbalance in

their body. Respondents identified the cause of illness as susto, due to having been

frightened at being sprayed by the pesticide. In other words, the researchers found that it

was not the toxicity of the pesticide but rather the act of spraying itself that caused the

illness susto (Baer and Penzell 1993). The authors report that pesticide susto is treated in

the same way as all susto cases, by a curandero/a who uses prayer, candles, eggs and

other materials to restore the soul. While this approach fits the ethnomedical worldview

of causation of the respondents, the authors point out that it does not affect the toxicity of

the chemicals involved (1993). Pesticide exposure has been explored by epidemiologists

and anthropologists alike, and will be reviewed later in Chapter 4.

Urireo has sobadores, curanderos, and one brujo at Rancho Los Garcias. While I

spoke with one sobador and a curandera, they did not consent to be interviewed for this

study. I was able to interview their patients and this data is included here.

Critical Medical Anthropology: A Framework for Health Disparities

Anthropologists in the 1990s worried about the future of our discipline, fearing

either that we would become overly self-absorbed and post-modem (Harris 1999) or

focus so narrowly that we would become obsolete in a fast-paced, technologically

advanced world full of scientific discovery and new data (Moore 1994, Singer 1992).









Anthropologists looked for ways to unify the four fields of the discipline that were

increasingly distancing themselves from each other. Singer (1992: 90) observed that "the

anthropology of the 1990s is self-absorbed in a crise de conscience over its very purpose

and dominant method." Citing fragmentation within the discipline, Moore (1994)

suggested that the Human Genome Project would bring a new dataset to anthropology,

which in turn needed to find more effective theory that would focus on processes referred

to as ethnogenesis. Ethnogenesis was presented as a good alternative to the status quo,

referred to as cladistics. Moore explains that cladistics essentially lock ethnic groups into

cultural types. Recognizing that technological advances would give an edge to biological

anthropologists, Moore (1994: 96) envisioned that geneticists, linguists, archeaologists

and cultural anthropologists could collaborate toward theory-building by integrating the

new data and discoveries of the Human Geneome Project. In this way, ethnogenesis

could "build bridges" between the four fields.

At the same time, medical anthropology underwent a similar questioning with

Critical Medical Anthropology, which charged that

conventional medical anthropology suffers from several notable limitations ...
including: a narrow understanding of social relations, inattention to the political
structuring of meaning in the clinical setting; a desocialized approach to the
human/environment relationship and far-reaching medicalization (Singer 1990).

Critical Medical Anthropology is concerned with structural and global processes

related to capitalism and inequality: "it understands health issues within the context of

encompassing political and economic forces including forces of institutional, national,

and global scale that pattern human relationships, shape social behaviors, condition

collective experiences, reorder local ecologies and situate cultural meanings" (Baer et al

1997: 27).









Baer, Singer and Susser (1997: 50) posit that agrarian states, which are highly

stratified both socially and culturally, create "an inherently unstable societal-

environmental dynamic" which leads to malnutrition, infectious disease and mortality.

Political and social structures are seen as directly influencing the health of the population.

In the case of Urireo, and the entire state of Guanajuato for that matter, agrarian

reform and the uneven distribution and participation in the process can be seen as playing

a major role in the construction of social class. Social class stagnation and the

distribution of wealth continue to distinguish the "haves" from the "have-nots" which

also influences their health status. The argument is not that these structural constructions

wholly determine health status, but rather that they create the conditions that make it

harder for those on the lower end of the social class continuum to achieve the same health

status as those on the higher end.

Citing McNeil (1977), Baer, Singer and Susser point out that "epidemics have

played a major role in the expansion of agrarian states throughout history, especially in

their incorporation of indigenous societies" (1997:49), which can be seen as

macroparasitism, defined as "large organisms, including humans, that expropriate food

and labor from conquered or low-status groups" (1997: 50). Guanajuato is actually a

good case study in macroparasitism. First, Spanish conquistadores enslaved and

expropriated the indigenous populations' labor in the silver mines of Guanajuato

(Guerrero 1998). Next, we know from the history of the region that the hacendados,

having received a land grant from Spain, extracted labor from the indigenous populations

and also charged them tributes (fees to the crown). As time went on, the indigenous

population suffered great debts from a lack of ability to pay the ever growing tributes,









which meant that they had to find additional resources or work harder to comply (Wolf

1982, Guerrero 1998, Hernandez 2000). As the population grew, there were less

resources and an ever growing instability. This topic will be explored in greater detail in

Chapter 2.

Migration is the latest extension of this unequal relationship, as some researchers

have pointed out that Mexico is actually exporting its labor through out-migration (Passel

2005, Massey 1998). Migrants remit money back to Mexican family members, which

provides a net income to the rural working poor, taking the burden off the state to provide

jobs, services or continued agrarian reforms.

This section will utilize Critical Medical Anthropology to explain some of the

literature within their legal, social and political contexts that serve as the political ecology

of health in rural Mexico and in rural Florida. Baer, Singer and Susser (1997: 52)

highlight the importance of action within Critical Medical Anthropology, "political

ecology is committed to praxis the merger of theory and action" (Baer, Singer and

Susser 1997:52), and this perspective will be utilized in Chapter 5: Conclusions and

Recommendations.

There are few studies that have examined the relationship between land reform and

health status. One notable example was conducted by epidemiologists in the state of

Chiapas, Mexico. Ochoa-Diaz et al. looked at the health of rural children in Chiapas

within the context of agarian reform:

there is strong evidence to suggest that the low standard of living and poor health
and nutritional status in Chiapas, particularly amongst the peasant population, are
partially due to the fact that this State did not participate in agrarian reforms
initiated after the Mexican Revolution. This has prolonged an unequal social
structure focused on the land tenure system. (1999: 262)









Authors compared land tenure and maize production among the ejiditarios and private

farmers. As in the case of Urireo, the authors found that medical interventions may be

able to prevent some childhood health problems but that the real key to decreasing health

disparities requires structural changes beyond medical science:

there is much evidence to show that social changes are more effective than medical
interventions in reducing health inequalities. Thus to reduce health inequalities and
improve health status among poorer population groups from rural Chiapas it is
essential to ensure that the campesinos and indigenous population have equitable
access to power and resources, once of the central demands of the Zapatista rebels.
(Ochoa-Diaz et al. 1999: 269)

Mexico and the US have different health systems, as will be explored in further

depth in Chapter 4. Two issues are important to note at this juncture. First, as Oehmke

and Sanchez-Bane (1999: 9) point out, Mexico considers healthcare a right while, in the

US, "care seems more of a privilege." Second, each country must prioritize its own

health needs while simultaneously working binationally to curb diseases that cross

borders:

There are health problems that are more prevalent on one side of the border than on
the other side. It can thus be observed that some border priorities are based on
problems that are relevant to one side of the border but not to the other side. For
example, the prevalence of high rates of diarrheal disease on the Mexican side is
one of the major concerns of the Mexican communities because of associated
problems of high mortality among children under 5 years of age, malnutrition and
potential complications for the development of other more severe diseases with life
threatening consequences. On the other hand, the US side is more concerned with
suicides than the Mexican side. (Oehmke and Sanchez-Bane 1999: 10)

Baer, Singer and Susser (1998: 28) observe "at all levels the health care systems of

advanced capitalist nations reproduce the structures of class relations." This is clearly

seen in Mexico, where there is great disparity between the types of care one receives,

even though Article 4 of the Mexican Constitution guarantees health care to all citizens

(Canak and Swanson 1998:163). Mexico's health system is organized by occupational









status, with public/government employees being covered by a national system of ISSTE,

Institute de Seguro Social de Trabajadores del Estado, encompassing clinics, pharmacies

and hospitals. Employees in the private sector, including those who are self-employed,

are covered under the Instituto Mexicano de Seguro Social (IMSS), the largest of all the

health systems (Canak and Swanson 1998).

Those who do not participate in either of these formal sectors can obtain healthcare,

guaranteed under the Mexican Constitution (1917), under the system of Seguro Social

(Social Insurance or SS). Since the devaluation of the Mexican peso in 1994, health

services have been decreased at every level; however, the impact is most pronounced

under the IMSS. With the growth of foreign assembly plants, known as maquiladoras or

maquilas, across Mexico, employment increased. These new employees' healthcare was

to be paid into and covered under the IMSS system. Further complicating this situation,

Mexico's labor laws allow employers to specify gender, age and skill level as mandatory

requirements for employment. Maquilas tend to favor younger females for a wide range

of jobs, from electronics to garment assembly. Employers are required to report their

employees to the federal government and to pay their corresponding part of health care to

IMSS; however, this system is not enforced and tends to be voluntary. Since 1996, IMSS

has been in crisis, offering little in the way of prescriptions or tertiary care that it once

offered to the "working class."

In contrast, health services under Seguro Social were never exceptionally good.

Mexico has always had a large population of rural and poor people who are either

ejiditarios, peasants, children or elderly. These rural people are also highly indigenous,

and rural areas often lack infrastructure such as sewage, secondary schools, paved roads









or dentists. In order to bring healthcare to these rural villages, the Mexican government

requires that all medical students, as a mandatory part of their training, staff the Seguro

Social clinics, known as Salubridad (Healthiness), for at least one year (Canak and

Swanson 1998: 164). These medical residents are known aspasantes.

Charged with special projects on top of attending to the health of the community,

pasantes are assigned to a clinic and are usually from a different region of Mexico. This

was the case in Urireo, where the pasante, a female doctor, was from a city in the state of

Jalisco. In her key informant interview, she noted the differences between her life and

life in the Urireo: "Yesterday I saw 51 people, today I saw 21. I would say the consults

are primarily in this order: childhood infections, especially respiratory, then we see many

pregnant women, then chronic disease (diabetes, cancer, heart disease)." She listed

childhood malnutrition, a lack of hygiene, contaminated water, leprosy, brucelosis and a

"genetic predisposition" for neural tube defects, mental retardation and neurological

disorders as major problems. These kinds of problems were not things her family would

face, she observed, because they lived in the city, would never have farm animals like

goats, who transmit brucelosis, living with them, and were not genetically predisposed

for birth defects.

Thepasante, who was fairly popular with the community, had been assigned health

education for her project named Progresa, aimed at alleviating poverty. Progress

replaced Pronasal, a program created in 1989 under then-President Carlos Salinas de

Gortari entitled Programa Nacional de Solidaridad (Pronasol), described as "a

programme driven by political considerations" (Rocha 2001: 515). In fact, Rocha and

others concluded that "it has by now become widely accepted that Pronasol, or









'PRInasol' as the program came to be known in popular usage, played an important role

in facilitating the party's remarkable recovery during the Salinas years." President

Zedillo, in an effort to distance himself from Salinas, introduced the Progama de

Educaci6n, Saludy Alimentaci6n, which became known as Progresa, in 1997 (Rocha

2001: 516). Progresa was meant to be apolitical, divorced from the problems faced by its

predecessor Pronasal, and was committed to nothing less than helping the most

marginalized "to meet their basic necessities in the areas of education, health and

nutrition so that the household members can develop the qualifications and skills they

need to break the cycle of poverty" (Rocha 2001: 520).

In an effort to be fairer, Progresa began with a house to house survey, conducted by

students and government officials from Salvatierra, to identify eligible families.

According to Department of Infants and Families (DIF) officials in Salvatierra, "many

people in Urireo do not trust. Either they would not open the door or they would simply

not give us the information we needed." While this might be true, many of the women

who participated in the Progresa program with thepasante expressed confusion about

why they had been selected. Some stated that they did not remember answering any

survey but that they were told by Salubridad that they were going to participate, which

for them meant the following: 1. 50 pesos for food per week; 2. having to attend classes

at Salubridad every month; and 3. obtaining childhood vaccines and regular well-child

visits at the Salubridad.

These participants did not complain about being in the program. In fact, the

pasante was rather good at presenting the information in an interactive and fun manner;

however, the topics were sometimes redundant or just irrelevant to the women involved.









Thepasante had no control over the curriculum and was told to only present the

information that she was sent from Mexico City's office of Progresa. I remember that

one of the topics was the importance of prenatal care. However, some of the women

were already grandmothers who felt that this was something for which apartera, or

midwife, would be best qualified.

Most disconcerting was that families with children with special needs, such as the

family with whom I stayed, were not selected for this program nor were several of the

most vulnerable families in Urireo, causing much speculation on the part of the

community as to the intentions of the government and it's representatives toward them.

Rocha analyzed whether Progresa played the same role as Pronasal had in garnering

votes for the PRI, and she concluded that "while the techniques of manipulating social

services and their delivery may have changed from Pronasal to Progresa, the intentions of

the executive in politicizing these programmes remained very similar for the most part"

since the money spent by Progresa statistically translated to votes for the PRI, even in

states like Guanajuato which voted for the rival party, known as the PAN (Rocha 2001:

537).

Even though the ejiditarios had more access to land and to health services through

governmental interventions such as agrarian reform and Progresa, issues of trust and

manipulation, politics and a lack of true access continue to play major roles in the

ongoing drama of rural Mexico. Health disparities are interwoven into this drama,

sometimes as a cause and sometimes as a result of the larger processes.

The take-home lesson is that the health disparities are still extreme. As illustrated

in the case of the pasante, an upper middle class urban dweller, and her patients in rural









Urireo, the political ecology of a place like Urireo remains a powerful tool in explaining

why preventable health problems continue to plague poor communities. As cited above,

Ochoa-Diaz et al. (1999), in their study in rural Chiapas, found a similar situation. In both

cases, since agrarian reform did little to dramatically change the power or class structure,

the structure allowed for various and interrelated health problems to persist within the

most vulnerable of the society. Structural, not medical, reforms are needed in order to

bring more equity to the health of the population. Critical Medical Anthropology views

this discussion as part of the micro-macro level analysis of health and well-being (Baer,

Singer and Susser 1997: 32).

Singer introduced the term syndemic in 1994, and it has become a focus for public

health within the US Centers for Disease Control, which has established a Syndemic

Prevention Network (2004), who now define syndemic as

SYNDEMIC Isyn-dem-icl (noun): two or more afflictions, interacting
synergistically, contributing to excess burden of disease in a population. Related
concepts include: linked epidemics, interacting epidemics, connected epidemics,
co-occurring epidemics, comorbidities, and clusters of health-related crises.

The Syndemics Prevention Network states that the medical model is inadequate for

improving community and public health problems, because many of these problems are

rooted in social and structural inequalities (Syndemic Prevention Network 2004). They

offer the following as the potential advantages of utilizing a syndemic approach

(Syndemic Prevention Network 2004): "Part of the promise inherent in a syndemic

orientation, however, lies in its ability to provide a mandate for

* disrupting forces that cause multiple health-related problems to cluster

* repairing fragmentation of the infrastructure needed to protect the public's health

* expanding research and action agendas by more explicitly linking health and social
justice









* introducing new methods of analysis and synthesis

* establishing a science base for a "community health bill of rights"

Much of the theory supporting syndemics was modeled on Singer's long history of

research and activism with the AIDS epidemic (1992, 1994, 1995, 2003). AIDS

disproportionately affects minorities who live in urban clusters that also face epidemic

rates of violence, substance abuse and environmental hazards (Baer, Singer and Susser

1997; Singer 1992, 2003). However, other health issues lend themselves equally well to

a syndemic approach, as reflected in the example of Progresa above. Syndemics also

help to explain part of the reasons for the poorer mental health of undocumented

immigrants such as those in this study. In the United States, undocumented immigrants -

either because they perceive they cannot access services or because legislation bars them

from doing so do not qualify for federal means tested public benefits such as Food

Stamps, insurance, housing or, in some cases, healthcare.

Since 2001, undocumented immigrants in all but four states (North Carolina, Utah,

Virginia and Tennessee) are banned from obtaining Driver's Licenses, which in turn

affects their ability to acquire car insurance, produce valid identification or open bank

accounts (Waslin 2002). This added stress is synergistically interacting with other risk

factors to create the conditions ripe for more acute health problems. One area that could

be investigated would be the synergistic health effects of immigrants' level of

environmental hazards due to living in overcrowded substandard housing that is often

located in proximity to chemical hazards, either in rural areas with pesticide spraying or

in urban areas where there are toxic waste sites.

The difficulties with a Critical Medical Anthropology approach, including a

syndemic approach, lie in not in identifying the problems or contradictions, but in finding









solutions to the complex and interrelated problems of health disparities. Of particular

interest is finding the right leadership to make change occur, a topic that is addressed in

Chapter 5. Fifteen years ago, Singer initially proposed six areas as examples for praxis

related to a "new" critical medical anthropology (1990: 185): "1. designing health related

studies to help community groups in challenging the medical establishment... 2.

participating in the "liberation" of existing medical or other health-related knowledge for

use by community-based and national health advocacy groups... 3. developing databanks

on health issues to arm unions, women's organizations, civil rights groups, tenants'

associations, patient's rights groups, environmentalists, and community agencies in their

struggle with medical, governmental and corporate bodies. 4. working with health

advocacy and social change organizations to develop programs directed at empowering

patients in their encounters with the medical system. 5. sharing knowledge, resources,

skills with anti-imperialist national liberation movements and underdeveloped socialist

countries initiating society-wide health improvement campaigns. 6. investing and

exposing what McKinlay calls the "manufacturers of illness."

Singer documents how a Critical Medical Anthropology perspective was used to

design programs and create social change in a 1992 article comparing three AIDS

prevention projects. The anthropologists, together with community activists and health

promoters, worked together to incorporate research findings into interventions and

training for community members (Singer 1992: 93). He stresses the need to hold

meetings, or reuniones, with participants and to form volunteer groups to carry out the

change (1992: 94). Weeks et al. (1995: 262) conclude, from one of the same Critical

Medical Anthropology projects described by Singer (1992), that ethnic and cultural









groups can empower themselves "to create an environment of support for its infected or

at-risk members by controlling its own prevention messages and strategies."

A Comparison of US and Mexican Health Systems

Unlike Mexico, the US health system has never technically had a system of

coverage tied to employment sector. The health system is not a system, per se, as much

as it is a private insurance driven business model. Biomedicine and US healthcare have

been characterized as hegemonic because they reflect "social class, racial/ethnic and

gender relations" (Baer, Singer and Susser 1997: 214).

The US has a public health system which is comprised of federal, state and local

levels of health care. This public system is governed under a series of government

sponsored entitlement programs linked to poverty levels, ethnicity (Native Americans)

and, in only one case, occupational status. The only occupational group to have ever had

an entitlement healthcare program is "migrant farmworkers," for whom the Bureau of

Primary Healthcare, part of the Department of Health Resources and Services

Administration (HRSA), operates an Office of Migrant Health, which funds programs

under Section 330 of the Migrant Health Act. These federal funds sponsor the nation's

migrant clinics.

To understand how this system came into being, one must first look to the history

of legislation regarding civil rights, agriculture and agricultural workers. Agriculture in

the US continues to be heavily subsidized under our US government, directed by the

USDA or US Department of Agriculture. The USDA is responsible for many aspects of

food safety, commerce, employment, enforcement and even housing for farmworkers.

The nation's major labor laws, including the Fair Wage and Hour legislation (1935)

which categorically excludes farm labor from the minimum wage, were passed during the









1930s. During this time frame, farmworkers were predominantly African Americans and

poor southern white sharecroppers who were able to work seasonally by migrating from

farm to farm, region to region, as needed. Many of these people were desperately poor

and one bad year could bring them to the brink of homelessness, as depicted by early

folksingers like Woody Guthrie. Not much has changed since those days except for

the ethnicity of the workers themselves. Agriculture continues to be seasonal,

unpredictable and in need of low-wage workers, as described below:

The inherent unpredictability of agriculture the freezes, droughts, heat waves,
crop diseases and market-price fluctuations only heightens the general uncertainty
of farm labor. Farmworkers are almost never given extra compensation to cover
the constant displacement and downtime that marks their lives. Jobs involving
seasonality and migration do not necessarily force employees into poverty. Many
seasonal workers from schoolteachers to construction workers in northern states -
earn a steady living...typically seasonal or travel-based industries pay workers
enough money to cover periods of unemployment or underemployment, and
provide adequate benefits to compensate workers for the expense, dislocation and
stress of constant travel. At the very least, these industries ensure that their
workers earn a living wage. The nation's agricultural industry has always relied on
the existence of a large number of poor workers who have few job options.
Workers accept low wages and take on the burdens of uncertain seasonal labor
force for the simple reason that there is little else available to them. (Rothenberg
1998: 25)

Low wages are also kept low by an oversupply of workers. As Davies et al. (1998:

1106) concluded in their study of the impact of migration on wages,

Like education, migration is a form of investment in human capital and as such
migration presumably yields higher future returns...lack of internal mobiity also
perpetuates high concentrations of the Mexican-born population. The continued
entry of migrants from Mexico who are good labor market substitutes for earlier
migrants results in continued job competition between the groups, which in turn
restricts wage growth for them.

Rothenberg (1998: 204) argues persuasively that "by denying farmworkers the

basic protections extended to virtually every other American, the federal government

officially accepted, and in fact, institutionalized the second-class status of agricultural









laborers." Over the years, the federal government put in place key programs to assist

agricultural workers, including Migrant Education, Migrant Head Start, Migrant Health

and job training under the Job Training Partnership Act. Some have argued that these

programs are really a subsidy to agribusiness and are not designed to really help the

worker, as a former Jamaican farmworker-turned-activist eloquently proposed:

Government assistance programs for farmworkers are premised on the idea that the
farm laborers' poverty is a permanent feature of American agriculture. The goal of
educational and job-training programs is to try to improve the lives of farmworkers
and their children by helping them get out of agricultural labor and find more stable
jobs...they all reflect a basic vision that the poverty and powerlessness of
farmwokrers is inevitable. None of these programs seeks to transform the farm
labor system itself and none addresses the economic structure that defines farm
laborers as the epitome of America's working poor. (Livingston 1998: 225)

In 1990, Florida received designation as a "border state" with Mexico due to the

large numbers of Mexican migrant and seasonal farm workers (referred to as M/SFW)

within state boundaries. Under the US Department of Health and Human Services, a

migrant farmworker is defined as an individual who is required to be absent from a

permanent place of residence, for the purpose of seeking employment in agricultural

work. Seasonal farmworkers travel less and are defined as individuals who are employed

in farmwork but do not move from their primary residence in search of work. Not all

farmworkers are Mexican in origin; African-Americans, Puerto Ricans, Haitians,

Guatemalans and Central Americans also comprise the M/SFW workforce. The federal

government estimates that farmworkers number some 3.5 to 5 million persons in the US,

with approximately 435,373 of them in Florida (DHHS, Migrant Health Program 1985).

Hillsborough County estimates that there are 15,000 farmworkers in the unincorporated

areas in south and east county (Hillsborough County Planning Commission 1998).









The largest database available on this population comes from the US Department of

Labor: the National Agricultural Workers Survey or NAWS, which interviews about

5,000 farmworkers per year (Mehta et al. 2000, Mines, Gabbard and Steirman 1997,

Carroll et al. 2005). From these databases, we know that the vast majority of

farmworkers and immigrants are uninsured under the private insurance system upon

which the US operates. Estimates vary but NAWS data show that only 23% of all

workers were covered by health insurance (Carroll et al. 2005: xi). Most disconcerting,

only 46% thought that worker's compensation insurance would cover an on the job injury

and 8% did not know if they would be covered at all (Carroll et al. 2005: xi).

In 1998, Arrieta, Walker and Mason obtained a subset of NAWS data only on

Florida to get a better idea of farmworkers' access and well-being. They found that only

6% of the farmworkers had employer-provided health insurance (1998: 43). Only 31%

reported that they had received compensation for workdays lost to work related injuries

(Arrieta, Walker and Mason 1998: 43). More recently, unemployment insurance was

something farmworkers understood, with 76% of the authorized workers and only 4% of

the unauthorized workers reporting that they would qualify (Carroll et al. 2005: xi).

Defining Migrants: NAWS and other Data

A discussion of labels and categorization is a starting point in addressing Mexican

immigration. The questions beg for clarification: Who are migrants? Who are

farmworkers? and possibly most importantly, How do Mexican immigrants view

themselves? Do they agree with these categories? Relevant to this discussion is another

question: Who are the people compelled to study them? Why are we fascinated by them?

After all, migration is as old as humankind; people have moved around this vast planet

for as long as humans have been here.









Is Rothenberg correct when he states "Whether recounted poignantly by John

Steinbeck, Carey McWilliams, Edward R Murrow or Robert Coles, farmworkers' status

represents a central ethical claim within the twentieth century America" (1998: xiv)?

Whether or not we agree with this assertion, the use of the word migrant is a codeword,

specifically conjuring up an image of a person or family from Mexico, poor, moving

from place to place with a bunch of people in a beat up car. It was not always this way.

The NAWS conducted 6,472 interviews between 2000 and 2002, yielding the

following results. As in years past, about 42 percent of the current crop workers

interviewed fit this definition of migrant workers (Carroll 2005: ix). NAWS interviewers

obtained social, family and job histories from each worker interviewed. Forty-six percent

(46%) of the Mexican-born were from the traditional sending states of Guanajuato,

Jalisco and Michoacan (Carroll et al. 2005: 55). Fifty-three percent of the hired crop

force did not have work authorization (down slightly from 55% in 1999-2000) and 99%

of the newest immigrants lacked legal working documents.

Farmworkers continue to be Mexican, Spanish-speaking, young and male. Of all

workers, the average age was 33, "79% were male, 58% were married and 51% were

parents with an average of two children" (Carroll et al. 2005). Eighty one percent of all

workers speak Spanish with 44% reporting that they did not speak any English. Literacy

issues have continued to be obstacles to their learning English in the first place. Carroll

et al. found that only 6% of foreign born workers had completed high school while 56%

of US born workers had (2005: x).









Some have argued that US agriculture is based on a plantation economy, which

utilizes workers as needed and does not reflect true living costs. Rothenberg astutely

observes that

Farmworkers' poverty does not result from their low wages alone, but from the
combination of low wages and temporary, seasonal employment. While their
hourly wages vary considerably and are often in excess of the minimum wage, the
lives of farmworkers are marked by fluctuating periods of unemployment and
underemployment... .the number of weeks farmworkers are employed does not take
into consideration the time they spend searching for work, working part time early
or late in the season or being unemployed as a result of weather or market
conditions. In addition, there is a general oversupply of workers. (1997: 24)

Farmworker wages continue to decline. Echoing Rothenberg's findings, NAWS

data point to at least two reasons for farmworker povety: 1. lack of work and 2. low pay,

which increases with length of time with one grower (Carroll et al. 2005). The average

worker worked 34 and a half weeks in farmwork and five weeks in non-farmwork in the

past year (2000-1). Workers averaged 42 hours per week, with hourly earnings of $7.25,

but wages increased when they worked longer (years) for the same employer. In NAWS'

previous report (Mehta et al. 2000), it was estimated that wages had fallen 111% since

the 1950s, a trend that continues: "Real hourly earnings declined between 1993 and 1996

and then fell again slightly between 2000 and 2001" (Carroll et al. 2005: x). Hence,

incomes are low: 30% lived below poverty guidelines, with an average individual income

between $10,000 and $12,499 (Carroll et al. 2005: xi). The average farmworker's family

income is only slightly higher than that of an individual, $15,000 to $17,499, with the

mode, or majority still citing an income of $10,000 to $12,499 per year (Carroll et al.

2005: 64). This could account for the finding that 22% of families of three lived in

poverty, with families of six or more two times more likely (50%) to live in poverty

(Carroll et al. 2005: 48).









Despite the bleak picture these findings suggest, only 22% of all interviewees

stated that anyone, including themselves, had received any public benefit in the previous

two years. Fifteen percent (15%) indicated they or someone in their family had received

Medicaid, 11% indicated they had gotten WIC assistance (Women Infants and Children)

and 8% stated they had received Food Stamps (Carroll et al. 2005: xi). Carroll et al.

found that the majority of the foreign born farmworkers were either here less than a year

(17%) or more than 14 years (29%), meaning that the "newcomer" farmworkers have

grown since 1993-94, when they were only 10% of all farmworkers (2005: 5). This

could also be illustrating the fact that many people leave farmwork quickly, if they are

able. This binational research found that most respondents were happy to move into

higher paying jobs in construction or services.

One major drawback to relying on NAWS data lies in the design of the survey.

Data collection is conducted only with current farmworkers and there is no long-term

followup included in the design. It relies on the interviewer picking a sample of

participants in the field. Much of the work in farmwork is organized under a sub-

contractor model. The grower, or the owner of the farm, hires a subcontractor who then

looks for his/her crew to conduct the work as contractors to the subcontractor. The

subcontractor who hires the workers is known as a "crew leader." The crew leader, not

the grower, is responsible for hiring the workers. Under this model, if the workers are

undocumented or in possession of illegal or false documents, it is the crew leader who

takes responsibility, not the farm owner or grower.

The NAWS requires that interviewers obtain permission from the grower or crew

leader. This feature means that, since many NAWS interviewers are male, there could be









an undersampling of women. Additionally, the design selects sites randomly when

farmwork is seasonal, not random. One year, the NAWS selected a random sample of

farms in Hillsborough County during the months of July and August, traditionally the

slackest months for agricultural work. These factors, especially the need to gain

permission from the crew leader, seriously affect whom is interviewed by NAWS

interviewers, and hence, the data reported.

The latest NAWS found that 79% of all their respondents were male, with males

more likely to be unauthorized then women (56% versus 39%) (Carroll et al. 2005: 9).

About 58% of all workers were married, up from 52% in 1992-3, and 51% or the

majority were parents (Carroll et al. 2005: 12). Most workers had two children, with

96% of them being minors (Carroll et al. 2005: 12). Newcomer males, who are usually

unauthorized, tend to live away from their children, with international migrants making

up 85% of all those living apart from their children (Carroll et al. 2005: 15). This fits

with other data suggesting that males migrate first and send for families later, once their

economic situation improves.

Migration Patterns in Historical Context

As Bean et al (1998) point out, until the Mexican American War, parts of

California and the state of Texas pertained to Mexico. Once the political boundaries

between the US and Mexico were finalized, the first true "wave of Mexican immigration"

occurred in 1919, due to a labor shortage in the US. This pattern has continued through

the present, with Mexicans coming to the US in search of work, as evidenced by

headlines in the newspapers and magazines. Clarke (2000: 226) points out that between

1845 and 1854, the US annexed Texas, New Mexico and California and granted









citizenship to the thousands of Mexicans who resided there; however, it is unknown how

many people this might be. Clarke estimates that the Mexican population in the US could

have been between 381,000 and 562,000 by 1900 (2000: 226). The 1920s saw the US

develop its first real immigration policy, and it was during this timeframe that

Professional gangs first developed to profit from smuggling Mexicans across the
border in groups in order to supply contract labor to American farms and factories.
As was to happen on several occasions throughout the twentieth century, the
Mexican workers that had been welcomed as cheap labor in factories and farms
when work was plentiful found the situation very different when economic
recessions made jobs scarce. (Clarke 2000: 229)


Figure 1-1. Map of Urireo and Route of Migration to the US.









When the demand for labor decreased during the Great Depression of the 1930s,

the US repatriated many Mexican origin individuals (Bean et al. 1998). In the decade

leading up to World War II (1942), there was a growing conflict between labor unions

and immigrants, with labor organizations accusing immigrant workers of undercutting

American workers and becoming a financial drain on government (Clarke 2000: 229).

It is important to note that the early migration pattern of Mexicans was to urban

centers, with 85% of all Mexicans and Mexican Americans living in cities by 1970

(Clarke 2000: 230). Migration in the early part of the 20th century is also linked to the

railroad. Like millions of other immigrants, Mexicans worked on the railroads and,

partly due to this fact, they were able to settle in railroad centers, going first to the

Midwest, then the Northeast and East Coast in general (Clarke 2000: 230).

Massive modern rural migration can be traced to the US' need for agricultural

workers during World War II, not to the Mexicans' preferences. The Bracero Program,

which recruited Mexican nationals to work in US agriculture as temporary contract

workers, began in 1943 but was discontinued in 1964 by the US (Bean et al. 1998: 7,

Thomas-Lycklama a Niejeholt 1980). However, the Bracero legacy lives on, and the

regions in which the most numbers of Braceros signed up tend to be the same areas that

today "send" young migrants to the US on a daily basis (Wilsonl997). Thomas-

Lycklama a Niejeholt (1980) points out that a constant supply of farmworkers is needed

since agricultural labor is seasonal and dangerous.

Years ago, one migrating Urireo-bom key informant, as he was working on his car

in order to take it from Wimauma to Michigan to pick cucumbers for the summer, told

me simply "I guess you could say people from Urireo like to travel." For some reason,









this sentence has stuck in my mind ever since. His wife had clearly stated her preference

to him and to me that she wanted to stay in one place, for their daughter's education.

Do farmworkers really like to travel? Or is it part of the "job" so to speak? Who

migrates? Who settles? Who goes back to Mexico?





























Figure 1-2. Transnational Urireano Family with Members in Both Wimauma and Urireo.

Several authors have contributed to a growing body of knowledge on such items.

Massey et al. (1987) published a seminal binational study that analyzed probability of

migration based on the following: 1. Household characteristics: dependency, land

ownership and business ownership; 2. Personal characteristics: age, sex, education, labor

force status, occupation and 3. Characteristics of the migrant experience itself: person's









prior migrant experience and father's prior migrant experience (1987: 291). Further they

identified six principles of international migration:

1. Migration originates historically in structural changes that affect the relations of
production in sending and receiving societies.

2. Once international migration begins, social networks develop to make foreign
employment increasingly accessible to all classes of the sending society.

3. As international migration becomes more accessible it is widely incorporated into
household survival strategies and is used during stages of the life cycle when
dependence is greatest, during periods of economic stress, or in efforts of
socioeconomic advancement.

4. The experience of international migration affects individual motivations, household
strategies and community organizations in ways that encourage further migration.

5. The maturation of migrant networks is facilitated by an ongoing process of
settlement, whereby migrants build personal, social and economic ties to the
receiving society as they accumulate time abroad.

6. The operation of migrant networks is made possible by an ongoing process of
return whereby temporary and recurrent migrants move back and forth between
sending and receiving societies and settled migrants re-emigrate back to their
places of origin (Massey et al. 1987: 285-6).

Massey et al. made great strides in understanding how migration to the US relates

to the complexities and interrelationships between place of origin, age, gender,

political/economic context and social status (1987: 290):

data from both rural and urban areas suggest that US migration was, indeed used as
a mechanism for adjustment to structural change. Whether the changes involved
the mechanization of fields or factories, a rise in probability of international
migration ensued. The high probability of departure in all periods (1940 on)
indicates the extent to which migration has become a permanent part of survival
strategies within the communities, however. Indeed, a majority of rural origin men
could always expect to work in the US (the lowest lifetime probability was .56), as
could at least one in three urban-origin migrants.




























Figure 1-3. Wimauma-based Urireanos Back on Vacation, Playing Soccer, 2000.

Massey et al. also contributed to our understanding of the probabilities of who will

not leave and who will come back and settle in Mexico. Following their six principles,

they found some surprising and some not as surprising findings, which are

summarized below. First, there are rural and urban differences, with rural people being

significantly more likely to migrate to the US. Massey et al. (1987:291) proposed a rural

explanatory model in which the probability of migrating to the US "is increased by prior

migrant experience, by being a day laborer and by increasing dependency within the

household, while the chances of US migration are lowered by owning farmland or a

business and by advancing age." On the other hand, they concluded that the two most

important variables predicting migration are: fathers' migrant experience and access to a

means of production (Massey et al. 1987: 291). In other words, if the family owns a

business and/or farmland, it is less probable that the father will migrate. The age of the

father was critical to his decision to migrate, with those most likely to leave being

younger (under 35) when they are in the phase of the life cycle where they have a









growing family (Massey et al. 1987: 294). The authors explained this as a "self feeding

social process." Since 75% of all rural fathers have no land nor business, they are very

likely to migrate to the US (Massey et al. 1987: 295).

In their study, 57% of all migrants remain abroad after 10 years and, after 15 years,

rural and urban migrants are equally probable to stay in US (Massey et al. 1987: 309).

The most important variable to bringing them back to Mexico is land ownership (1987:

312). The model they ultimately constructed views the migrant most likely to return

being "the older married undocumented migrant with a wife, children house and property

in Mexico who has been in the US under 5 years working at or near the minimum wage

in an urban job" (1987: 310). More recently, Massey stated the following

If you come from a community where fifty or sixty percent of the residents have
been to the United States, it's very easy to find someone who can tell you where to
go, how to cross the border, how much it's going to cost, how to find a coyote,
what places to seek work and who to stay with when you get there. All this
information is readily available. So as more people go to the United States, the
costs and risks of migration fall and the potential benefits rise substantially. Once
one person in a community goes to the United States the community begins to be
transformed. After that person comes back, everyone to whom that person is
related has a social tie to someone who's been to the United States. That social tie
is a resource that enables people to gain access to the United States, which opens
up further avenues to still more people (Massey 1998: 152).

Essentially, Massey is explaining a concept entitled "network mediated chain

migration," which Wilson (1998) elaborates as operating on five principles that speak to

the particulars of the Urireo-Wimauma situation. As the first principle, she observes that

"networks are multilocal, encompassing a variety of geographical distributions" (Wilson

1998: 394). In the case of Urireo, the migration pattern originates in both urban and rural

directions. An early group went to work in factories in Chicago while, shortly after, a

much larger and more consistently contracted group, known as Braceros, began working

in agriculture in California, North Carolina, Midwestern states, and, lastly, Florida. This









pattern is repeated across Mexico in areas where the Bracero Program, in collaboration

with the US Department of Labor, set up regional recruitment centers. In Guanajuato, the

center was located in Irapuato, about an hour from Urireo in the most central area of the

state (Durand 1994: 131).

The second principle is that networks emerge through work sites and types of work,
depending on the availability of employment and spread mostly through word of
mouth. This principle is important because, based on employment fluctuations, the
receiving communities can change and fluctuate as well (Wilson 1998: 394).

This happened early on in the case of Chicago as a receiving community, according

to key informants in Urireo. Since going to work in the factories seemed preferable to

most Urireoanos and many others across Mexico, Chicago became saturated with a

Mexican workforce. Once saturated, they were re-routed to rural and agricultural

worksites.

The third, fourth and fifth principles relate to the strength of ties and the differential

implications between them. Based on the work of Mark Granovetter (1974), who found

that weaker ties were actually more fruitful for his informants in finding employment

than stronger ties, Wilson (1998) poses the third principle as "the strength of weak ties."

Essentially, networks are fluid at both the sending and receiving points, which means that

an immigrant has multitudes of weak ties, or acquaintances, at both sides. To his

surprise, Granovetter (1974) found that acquaintances were often instrumental in serving

as "bridges" to employment, because they connect denser network clusters.

Wilson (1998) proposes that the fourth principle is the result of these bridges, that

the diffuse networks expand, serve as new and bigger sources of informational exchanges

and bridges. As the network expands, it creates diffuse social capital as a result (1998:

395). The last principle, related to principle number four, recognizes that clusters of









immigrants form dense networks which form a "dense social capital." She puts forward

the idea that social capital is actually a continuum of diffuse to dense and not purely one

nor the other (1998: 395). As a result of this, the immigrant can chose from multiple

receiving communities, jobs and social opportunities. Jobs also fluctuate, with supply

and demand as well as seasons, which means that there is an added dimension to job

seeking that large social networks are uniquely suited to address. Since "farm labor is

organized in respect to crop specialization" (Thomas-Lycklama a Niejeholt 1980), the

system does not make itself responsible for providing on-going employment but demands

that workers be available when crops are ready.

This dynamic means that wages are kept low. Alba (2004), recognizing that there

are push-pull factors, maintains that "migration from Mexico to the US is primarily

economically motivated. Nominal wage differentials have been hovering for years at

about a 10 to 1 ratio, in favor of the US, for manual and semi-skilled jobs" (2004: 2).

Migration Patterns, Farmworkers and Immigration

It has been said that counting farmworkers and undocumented people is an

"impossible" task (Mines, personal communication, 2002). This has not deterred the US

Department of Labor and some demographers from trying to arrive at the elusive

numbers. This section summarizes the demographic distributions and social status of

farmworkers, immigrant Mexicans and transnational Mexicans. Between 1990 and 2000,

US Census data revealed that Mexican immigrants in the United States labor force grew

from 2.6 million to 4.9 million (Grieco and Ray 2004).

The Mexican-born demographic is critical to understanding recent data. Passel, a

demographer, re-analyzed Census and Department of Labor data to examine the work

patterns for immigrants. Passel cited that there were 35.7 million foreign born









immigrants in the US in 2004, with 61% being legal permanent residents (21.7 million),

29% were undocumented migrants (10.3 million), 7% were refugees (2.5 million) and 3%

were temporary legal residents (1.2 million) (Passel 2005: 7). Passel's analyses found

that Mexicans comprise 57% of all undocumented residents in the US, 5.9 million out of

a total of 10.3 million in March 2004 (Passel 2005: 1). Most of these undocumented

immigrants arrived since 1990, when IRCA was still in effect (Passel 2005: 8). Between

1990 and 1994, about 450,000 people per year entered, for 2.2 million persons. In the

next timeframe, from 1995-1999, about 750,000 per year or 3.6 million, entered.

Migration decreased slightly from 2000 to 2004, with 700,000 per year, at a net of 3.1

million people (Passel 2005: 8).

A growing number of Mexicans are unauthorized to work in this country, yet data

show that 60% of all Mexican-born workers over 16 participate in the labor force (Grieco

and Ray 2004). One in three employed Mexicans, or 300,000 persons, work in farming,

fishing and forestry occupations, making up a total of 13% of all workers in this category

(Grieco and Ray 2004). Mexicans make up 7.7% of all construction workers (Grieco and

Ray 2004).

It is estimated that 80 to 85 percent of all Mexican immigration has been

undocumented (Passel 2005, Carroll et al. 2005). A sizeable sub-population of the

undocumented, 1.7 million people, are minors (Passel 2005: 1). By the end of 2005,

Passel forecasted that there could be more than 6.5 million undocumented Mexicans

(2005: 2), with 68% of these persons living in eight states: California (24%), Texas

(14%), Florida (9%), New York (7%), Arizona (5%), Illinois (4%), New Jersey (4%) and

North Carolina (3%) (2005: 2). Between 2002 and 2004, Passel estimates that Florida









received 850,000 undocumented immigrants, largely Mexican (2005: 9). The age

breakdown for the 10.3 million undocumented migrant population is as follows:

Table 1-2. Undocumented Workers in the US
Age Group Male Female
Undocumented Children < 18 yrs 1.7 million or 17%

Undocumented 18 39 yrs 4.5 million 3.0 million
146 males per 100females 43% 29%
Undocumented 40 and over 1 million or 11%
Source: Passel 2005.

Table 1-2 summarizes the findings of the latest study available on undocumented

workers (following Passel 2005). This study showed that the majority of undocumented

workers are males, between the ages of 18 and 39 and that, for every 100 female workers,

there are 146 males. The ratio of males to females is almost 4:3, or 43% to 29%. It is

worth noting that there are long-term consequences of these findings. The largest group

of undocumented workers, those 7.5 million men and women, also represents the most

active reproductive age range.

One in three Mexicans work in agriculture. Since farmwork is an extremely high

turnover industry and since most injured or ill farmworkers cannot remain in the fields,

many health problems may go unrecorded. This phenomena is referred to in occupational

health as the "healthy worker effect." Many workers continue to work even though they

are ill, however, once they become too ill to work, they are not able to be counted.

Because of the healthy worker effect, only those healthy enough remain in the

fields. Those who become ill or injured on the job either no longer work or no longer

work in this occupation. This explains why the vast majority of people who have done

U.S. farm work are no longer so engaged. As a result, it is quite difficult to assess the









health needs of the population of agriculture-impacted workers by limiting research to the

currently employed workers (Mines et al. 1997, Richard Mines, US Department of Labor,

personal communication, 1999).

As the farmworker population is very heterogeneous, the Florida Migrant Interstate

Program (FMIP 1996) compiled a "snapshot view" to learn more about who are Mexican

farmworker children in our state. This data is limited, given that the farmworker

populations are extremely fluid, however, it is the best data available at the county level

that links sending-receiving states. This FMIP study, conducted during the 1995-1996

school year, found that "ten of Florida's 67 school districts accounted for nearly 70% of

all migrant students in the state. These were, in descending order: Palm Beach, Polk,

Collier, Hillsborough, Dade, St. Lucie, Manatee, Hardee, Okeechobee and Lee" (FMIP

1996: 2). The study site is Hillsborough County, which was ranked third in this study.

Statewide, the breakdown of migrant children estimates that the largest sending

state is Michoacan (N=2,004), followed by Guanajuato (N=1,588) and Guerrero

(N=1,560) (FMIP 1996). Hillsborough County sees a somewhat different pattern:

Guerrero (N=302), Guanajuato (N=247) and Michoacan (N=178).

Ethnographic data from Wimauma and migration pockets within Hillsborough

County shows that there is a geographic separation between the migrating, seasonal and

settled/former migrant farmworker populations. Migrating populations, in large part, live

in more remote camps and they are from Guanajuato. Those who live in Ruskin tend to

be non-migrating/seasonal and have origins in Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon, Hidalgo and

border regions. One influencing factor to settlement is the new migrant housing in this

area is set up in such a way that only those currently engaged in farmwork can access.









Since workers must sign a year lease, there is no way that a migrating family can access

these apartments; therefore, only seasonal workers benefit from the USDA housing.

Last, there are those who tend to hail from Guerrero or Michoacan living in the most

southern part of the county.

Over the years, the US has tried several strategies to address issues of

undocumented Mexicans. The most popular and far reaching legislation, the Immigration

Reform and Control Act (IRCA), signed by President Reagan, in five years (1989-1994)

gave legal status to 2 million undocumented migrants living here before 1982 (Bean et al.

1998). IRCA is especially important since it allowed young workers residing in the US

to sponsor their parents and younger or older Mexicans to come to the US (Thomas-

Lycklama a Niejeholt 1980). Unlike their sponsors, these new immigrants were

increasingly feminine and older, hence, "less productive members of the society," which

lead to concern about public benefits to immigrants, following California's example with

Proposition 187, which limited benefits to immigrants (Bean et al. 1998).

The rising hazards of border crossing and the ongoing economic crisis in Mexico

gave undocumented migrants new reasons to remain abroad and, when combined with

IRCA's legalization of 2.3 million persons, tilted Mexican immigration decisively toward

permanent United States settlement. In a few short years IRCA transformed migration

flows from a seasonal, undocumented, and regionally specific flow in which rural males

predominated to an urbanized and greater female population of permanent settlers who

were increasingly dispersed throughout the United States (Bean et al. 1998: 3). IRCA

dramatically changed the demographic distribution of the US, while at the same time

creating an idealized view of "amnestia" or amnesty within migrant sending









communities across Mexico. To get a feeling of IRCA's impact, data show that, in the

nine years from 1987 through 1995, 2.7 million Mexicans were admitted to permanent

resident status, twice the number admitted over the prior twenty-two years combined

(Bean et al. 1998: 12).

The implementation of IRCA's employer sanctions, meanwhile, undermined wages

and working conditions for Mexican workers in the United States, opening up wide gaps

between documented and undocumented migrants. In addition to fomenting wage

discrimination, IRCA pushed employers toward labor subcontracting in order to escape

its burdensome paperwork requirements and to eliminate the risk of prosecution for

unauthorized hiring. The passage of California's Proposition 187 in 1994 sought to bar

undocumented immigrants from attending public schools, using public hospitals or

clinics, or receiving public assistance, and in 1996 the United States Congress

disenfranchised noncitizen legal immigrants from means-tested social programs. The

post-IRCA period is thus characterized by growing political distinctions between

undocumented, documented, and naturalized immigrants and widening economic gaps

between them (Bean et al. 1998).

Transnationalism and Translocalities

Of all new immigrants, Mexicans have been the slowest to naturalize (Bean et al.

1998: 9). As new communities were founded, these immigrants began to settle down

and migrate less, creating a transnational network, with workers belonging both in the US

and Mexico. Appadurai (1991, 1995), recognizing that there are always locations that

become the focal points of transient and migratory groups, introduced the term

"translocalities" to mean "many such locations create complex conditions for the

production and reproduction of locality, in which ties of marriage, work, business and









leisure weave together various circulating populations" (1995: 216). These translocalities

provide the basis for further migration, and are sometimes referred to as "daughter

communities" (Massey et al. 1987). The idea of daughter and/or translocal communities

is a phenomenon that pre-dates Mexican immigration and was documented during the

dustbowl migrants, white sharecroppers who migrated in search of any work, in the mid

1900s. Carey McWilliams (1976: 35), noted sociologist and author of Ill Fares the Land

in California's factory of farms, observed how a community reproduces itself:

Some of the migrant settlements are, moreover, good-sized communities,
numbering from 4000 to 8000 residents. Since most of them are located in
unincorporated areas, they have no local fire or police protection, nor for that
matter, any type of local self-government. They exist merely as satellite or fringe
growths, potential rural slums, on the outskirts of important communities. Coming
to California in search of farms, migrants have been lucky to get a shack. Many of
these new migrant settlements are, in effect, transplanted communities. It is not
at all uncommon to find that most of the families, in a particular migrant shacktown
or along a particular street....are from the same community. The migrant
settlement at Greenfield, California, is made up of about 200 former residents of
Carroll County, Arkansas.

Kearney (1991:59) describes "transnational communities" as having their own

nature, transcending the idea of "sending" and "receiving" states. Kearney observes that

this migration has an added political dimension: "what the ethnography of transnational

migration suggests is that such communities are constituted transnationally and thus

challenge the defining power of the nation-states they transcend." These transnational

communities, or translocalities, are based on social and kin networks that extend over at

least two nations, which is the case for Urireo, Chicago, Wimauma and West Palm Beach

Florida. While Kearney utilizes the term transnational, Massey et al. (1987) refer to these

communities as "daughter communities" and have amassed a vast database at the

University of Pennsylvania. One example of knowing a transnational community when

you see it comes from my own experience at the bus station in Salvatierra:









Urireo's connection to Chicago is strong, so strong that signs in the bus station and
the travel agencies simply say "Chicago," not USA or even names of states.
Curiously, most of the bus destinations do not mention states at all, only cities, as
one of the pictures shows. The list reads like a Spanglish-ized attempt to sound out
strange sounding places as Mexicans invariably pronounce their receiving
communities, such as: Decatur, IL or GA (spelled Dekator); Quincy, FL (spelled
Quenci); West Palm Beach, FL (Wes Palm), Harlingen, TX (Harligen) and
Wimauma, FL (Wimama).

Sometimes our participants did not really know the geography of the local region in

which they had worked, which makes sense due to them not having transportation nor

much time to visit surrounding areas. For example, some of those interviewed in either

Mexico or Florida were unclear about exactly where and for whom their loved ones or

even sometimes themselves, had worked.

As Burns found in his work with transnational Mayan refugees in Indiantown,

Florida (1993, 1999, 2000), when a group leaves its native country and becomes

transnational in the US, it develops features that come from their birth and traditional

culture as well as their newfound homeland. The result for the Maya was not only a bi-

nationalism but a tri-nationalism that included Guatemala, Mexico and the US (Burns

1999: 138).

Burns (1999: 141) found that "the availability of agricultural labor, the small town

atmosphere and the hospitality offered by the Catholic Church have put Indiantown into

the migration network of the Mayan diaspora." This support has helped the Mayans to

adapt, work and start anew in their adoptive town. It has also allowed them to continue

their culture and traditions while merging them into a more "Americanized" lifestyle.

Like the Urireanos in this study, they have become transnational people who navigate

between multiple worlds simultaneously (Burns 1999, 2000).









There are important differences between the Mayans in Indiantown and the

Urireanos in this study. First, the conditions of migration are very different; Urireanos

did not endure a brutal ethnic civil war as did the Maya. Second, Urireanos have a long

tradition of wage migration to the US and this is almost a rite of passage for single men,

and whole families rarely migrate at the same time. Third, the Urireanos are not refugees

but undocumented workers who try to stay invisible, work and remit. They are here

temporarily, at least at first, and tend to be reluctant to mix with other groups due to their

high levels of mistrust. Fourth, Urireanos have never received any kinds of outright

community support, except for food pantries at the local missions and some remembrance

during Christmas. This may be why most Urireanos worry so much about "the poor" in

Wimauma. They, too, feel alone and lack resources or support. Urireanos focus on

Urireo first, whether they are physically in Mexico or Florida.

Anthropological Views on Community and Community Studies

Anthropologists have specialized in community studies, including fields like

peasant studies since the 1940s (Redfield 1941, 1947, 1956; Wolf 1955, 1982; Wagley

1968). Redfield looked at small groups and towns across Latin America and described

their communalities along a folk-urban continuum (Redfield 1947). Fearing that this

model tended to paint whole communities in too broad strokes, Wagley and Harris (1955)

provided a typology of Latin American subcultures in an effort to better describe and

understand the heterogeneity of the communities within which anthropologists had been

working. Wagley and Harris describe the dichotomous co-existence of subcultures

within even small pueblos, such as Urireo, in which peasants live beside "upper-class

townsmen" who control the political and economic features of the pueblo (1955: 438).









They characterized this typology as "town subculture" and theorized that it was the

"predominant trend in contemporary Latin America" (1955: 439).

Over time, there have been critiques, evaluation, theorizing and finally, re-

evaluation of almost all aspects of border, community and peasant studies. One of the

key elements in this re-evaluation is the idea that communities are more dynamic than

previously thought. Communities are linked to other communities and often respond to

multiple internal and external forces simultaneously and in more than one direction.

Foster (1960) helped bring about a re-evaluation, since he long ago theorized that

acculturation is a two-way process that resulted in mutual modification of New World

Hispanic and indigenous cultures. Alvarez reviewed border studies and concluded that

ethnography on both sides of the border is really a kind of binational study that has to

take the micro-macro processes on both sides into account (Alvarez 2000).

Wolf (1955: 454) spent a lifetime looking at typologies of communities and

presented an outline of Latin American peasants, in which he observed that "the peasant

aims at subsistence, not at reinvestment." This finding is important to studying the

behaviors of migrants from Latin America who reinvest in their home communities

through remittances. Wolf argued persuasively that the difference between farmers and

peasants in rural Latin America was precisely how each views their enterprise. Farmers

look at agriculture as "a business enterprise" and focus on reinvestment. Peasants look to

agriculture as a way to survive, so when and if peasants are asked to change crops,

strategies or farming techniques, they are rarely successful because they have no

additional resources or extra funding to help them (Wolf 1955).









Keamey (1996) argues that we are currently in a "post-peasant" world in which

peasants have multiple roles and interact within diverse circles, so that while they may

and do employ agriculture as an economic strategy, they may also simultaneously pursue

non-agricultural strategies and they may migrate across borders, making them members

of transnational communities. The people in this study are just that: transnational

citizens. They may be or have been farmworkers but they are mainly people who are

pursuing the American Dream, however elusive it might be. Sometimes the dream is

chased by working in the fields but, increasingly, it is pursued through jobs that are less

seasonal and more likely to provide a steady paycheck, like housekeeping for women or

construction for men.

Besides Keamey, other social scientists have been paying attention to transnational

immigrants and their experiences (Bums 1993, 1999, 2000, Menjivar 2000, Wilson

2002). Menjivar studied Salvadorans who immigrated to San Francisco, California and

how their social networks functioned. She found that transnationals' social networks

change over time and use and that "they differ as waves of the same immigrant

group... arrive at different historical junctures and so are exposed to dissimilar conditions.

Thus even for the same immigrant group, the receiving context makes a huge difference"

(Menjivar 2000: 239). This view contributes significantly to a view of social networks,

and transnationality, as increasingly dynamic and less and less static.

Anthropologists and social scientists have provided great contributions to an

understanding of not just community or border studies and have brought forth a deeper

understanding of transnationality and migration (Kearney 1996, Wilson 1997, Durand

1994, Burns 1993, 1999, 2000). Burs (1999: 148) points out that anthropologists and









other social scientists need to become more adept at studying the complexities involved

in transnational migration and identity, whether it be porous or situational:

migration studies have a long history in anthropology, but they have focused more
on sending or receiving communities and not on the processes of moving between
several sending and receiving communities. Even the research reported on here
reflects a point of view of only a few of the many communities of the diaspora that
adds to the identity of the Maya.

In this spirit, this study looks at transnational Mexican-US migration as fluid and

affecting people on both sides of the border simultaneously. This migration affects all

facets of life on both sides of the border because it reshapes social relationships, gender,

worldview and health behaviors not only in Mexican sending communities but also in the

thousands of receiving communities in the US.

Table 1-3. Perceptions of Mexican "Migrants" in the US and Mexico
Descriptor Mexico US
Legal Status Migrant MEXICAN (popular culture) Illegal (popular culture, Border
Transnational workers (Mexican Patrol)
government) Foreigner (popular culture)
Guestworker (policy makers)
Undocumented (press, academics)
Wetback (popular culture)
Social Rural rather than urban (policy makers) Foreigner-Wetback (popular
Context Hero (economic) (family members) culture)
Good and responsible fathers, sons (family Hard workers (employers)
members, community, popular culture) Invisible (policymakers,
Brave-adventurers (youth, popular culture) advocates)
Breadwinner (family, politicians) Humble "peasant" (advocates)
Drinkers (family members, migrants, Needy (advocates)
providers) Farmworkers (popular culture)
Migrants (popular culture)
Returned migrants: troubled or sick Single men (providers)
HIV+, Enjoy agriculture (employers)
Drug/alcohol dependent (community Risk behaviors (providers)
leaders, policymakers, church)
Social Class Middle or working class rural (popular "poorest of the poor" (advocates)
culture) "Third World Health Status"
Social climbers (migrants themselves) (advocates)









Table 1-3 illustrates how Mexican and US perceptions of migrants differ on all

three levels: legal status, social context and social class. On both sides, perceptions of the

intention of the migrant honorable or dishonorable color the ways in which the

migrant is depicted in each country's popular culture, by policy makers, the media,

employers and family members. These differences permeate any discussion of "migrant"

and often create dissonance, both internal and external. "Migrant" has become a

codeword for illegal immigrant, synonymous with "wetback." In fact, migrant is applied

to almost anyone of Mexican descent who appears to be lower class or less educated. In

US popular culture, migrant only refers to Mexicans, and usually the more recent

immigrants. Besides their well-deserved reputation as hard workers, US popular culture

allows Mexican transnationals little respect. In fact, it is almost inconceivable to most

Americans that migrants are viewed completely differently in their home country. The

idea that Mexicans consider migrants to be transnational workers who are breadwinners,

heroes to be looked up to, brave and responsible husbands and fathers challenges the

perceptions most Americans have of migrants. Migrants are characterized as

farmworkers or agricultural laborers. In US schools, children born to farmworking

parents report that even other Mexican children whose parents are not farmworkers make

fun of them, call them mojados or wetbacks, beaners or simply "migrants," which is

supposed to be derogatory.

These contrasting contexts of each country mean that the treatment a transnational

Mexican can expect differs. Crossing over to the other side means that a young man will

no longer be treated the same way when he returns to Urireo. The idea that he will prove

himself and become a hero means that it is worth risking his life, "working like a mule"









and remitting to his family, because this fulfills an expected role. In the US he will find

very little sympathy for his plight, low pay, long hours, strenuous work and loneliness

because he will be separated from his family, which is the center of his social life. In

addition, he will live with the constant fear of Border Patrol and face daily

discrimination. He will think about the fiestas in Urireo and will plan for the day when

he can go back, prove how successful he is, court his sweetheart, maybe even marry her,

and spend a few weeks back home "on vacation."

Increasingly, females also share this dream and this path. While it is still less

frequent for a young woman to go alone to the US, the phenomenon is becoming more

common. An important finding from this research is that the expectations of males and

females related to migration are very different. Issues of gender and role expectations

emerge in all facets of this study. The persistence of traditional gender roles and

expectations continue in the face of globalization and transnational migration, meaning

that women must constantly renegotiate their roles to maintain a balance within the

family, but especially with their relationships with men.

Toolbox for the Dissertation

This dissertation uses a variety of tools to describe and inform health and health

status of migration from cultural, epidemiological and sociological perspectives. Critical

Medical Anthropology provides a lens through which the local and global structural,

political and cultural constructions influence the health, mental health and well-being of

Urireanos in both Mexico and Florida. Comparative and holistic perspectives, hallmarks

of anthropology, were employed throughout the eight years I have spent with Urireanos

in both Mexico and Florida working on issues related to migration and health. Early on,

it was clear how important it would be for this research to take into account the context of









the lives of the Urireanos on both sides of the border. Especially after 9-11-2001,

discussions of transnationalism, moving across borders, visiting and maintaining ties

have become marked by more uncertainty, stress and at times resignation.

Being a woman turned out to be a good thing for my research. It would have been

very difficult to gain the confidence of the people in either Urireo or Wimauma without

the support of the women, who predominate Urireo. It is also a question of solidarity

with women more than anything else that allowed me to learn about the pueblo, the way

of life, their trials and tribulations as well as their history.

In order to maintain a clearer view of the context of the lives of Urireanos on both

sides of the border, certain methodological tools were used. First, literature from Mexico

and the US was reviewed, including archival history from the Archivos Generales de la

Naci6n (National Archives) in Mexico City, to gain perspective on the history of Urireo.

Urireo has very little written history and no historian in the town, however, I was able to

check the information people shared with me against what was documented at the

National Archives and in the literature that was available. Many sources were consulted

for each literature review, including newspaper articles and academic publications.

Second, key informant interviews with health providers, long-term residents and

the clergy in both towns helped to clarify strengths, weaknesses, differences and

similarities. These interviews lasted between two and four hours each, with several key

informants being interviewed three or four times. Third, health interviews which included

the same questions, were conducted in both Wimauma and Urireo. These interviews

included a family health history, history of migration, CDC Health Related Quality of

Life Index (CDC HRQOL) and a bit of oral history (See Appendix B for instruments).









Fourth, ethnography was conducted within both Urireo and Wimauma, within the

homes, clinics, doctor's offices, public and private spaces that Urireanos occupy.

Ethnography included participant-observation in Urireanos homes in both Florida and

Mexico, living in Urireo for a total of six months, spending an additional month in

Salvatierra, the municipal seat that is located three kilometers from Urireo. Additionally,

I have worked in Wimauma as an anthropologist, soccer coach, social worker and

generally "hanging out" in stores, markets, migrant housing and events such as "Sweet 15

birthday parties" or quincefieras over the past ten years or so. I had also conducted

several previous studies in the migrant/community clinic, Suncoast Community Health

Centers, since 1991.

People in Urireo knew me from Wimauma when I got there, especially because I

arrived with a family now settled in Wimauma, who gave me their house to stay in. As a

result of my own "transnationalism," I became known as "La Guerita" a nickname that

refers to me being "lighter skinned" or "blond" and obviously non-Mexican to Urireanos

in both Mexico and Wimauma. To my knowledge, I am the only researcher, Mexican or

not, to have every studied Urireo. Being an outsider and living in Urireo, I was

extremely visible; however at times this worked to my advantage. In general, I had very

little difficulty in conducting this binational research. However, my "outsider status"

may have contributed to the difficulties I had in conducting focus groups with Urireanos

in either place. I had planned in my original proposal to hold focus groups to discuss

Urireo's migration patterns, health status and recommendations for improvement.

Arranging for a focus group requires that participants be available at the same time and

place for at least 90 minutes. Focus groups are tools first used in market research, but









which have proven important to social scientists in order to gain a more in-depth

understanding of an issue or elicit recommendations from a particular group (Morgan

1993). Unfortunately, Urireanos were unable or unwilling to commit to sitting down

together to participate in a focus group. After four attempts in each site, Wimauma and

Urireo, I gave up trying to bring them together for the groups and instead continued to

meet with families or individuals one-on-one. There were three people who were more

willing to participate in the groups in Wimauma, however, and I asked them their views

on why others were not as willing to participate. Their answer was that people are overly

busy and that they probably distrust sitting down together and the gossip that might ensue

after the group was over. In retrospect, focus groups were probably not the best choice

for a community as divided as Urireo. One focus group was conducted with health

providers from the community and migrant health center in Ruskin Florida, located

beside Wimauma.

Both of these communities have strengths and weaknesses. This study was not

conducted to find out if one is "better than the other." However, the structures of each

community are important, from a Critical Medical Anthropology perspective, because

they relate to how much or little access people have to health seeking. This is not to say

that the structures determine people's health but rather that they are important to consider

in the larger micro-macro- perspective of health in two rural communities. Each section

will highlight those features that contribute to health and well-being, as informed through

the methods described above. Participants were asked to give their opinions on if they

felt people were healthier in the US or Mexico and for what reasons. This data is part of

the analysis, as is epidemiologic data from the local clinics in Florida and Guanajuato.














CHAPTER 2
THE PLACES AND PEOPLE: URIREO AND WIMAUMA

Cristina was born in 1981 in Florida to parents from Urireo. The youngest of

twelve children, she goes back to Urireo every year to accompany her mother for the Our

Father of Health patron saint celebrations, known as la fiesta de Nuestro .i'i,'r de la

Salud, in December through January 6. Her family is one of the first families from

Urireo to settle in Wimauma. Now a student at the University of South Florida, Cris is the

first person from her family to go this far educationally. But her heart is in Urireo:

Our town is special. It started out as a really poor town. People came here, like my
parents, and they had the "American Dream thing" and they eventually brought
everyone over here to Wimauma. The person who first came here went back for
his uncle, his son and the next thing you know, you have all the families from
Urireo throughout the country, in Chicago, West Palm and here. The special thing
about my town is the people. We continue to go back on a regular basis to see our
family. That's who we care about and who we identify with. Comparing us to
other Mexicans, they are not attached to their towns like we are. Our kids have a
passion for the town, they love it. I met people from Urireo who live in Texas,
Chicago, we all love it with a passion. We don't forget about it. I don't think
anyone ever will. Those who are left behind, they have the choice to migrate too.
Hopefully Urireo won't end up alone. A lot of people say they want to go back but
I doubt they will ever go permanently. My parents want to be buried there. They
have their house there and they have their house here; but their house there is "all
alone (Tienen sus casas alli and tienen sus casas aqui y son casas solas).

Separated by a border and thousands of miles, Urireo and Wimauma sometimes

seem like they are worlds apart while being ever-present in people's daily life. Urireo

and Wimauma are very different places, with different histories, economies and

placement in our ever globalized world, but they share some structural features.











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", *"; ::..2-tf' *,;.* ..*.- \
.r | f j b.
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Figure 2-1. Urireo Decorated for the Fiesta of Patron Saint, Asunci6n, July 2001.

Each community has its own set of institutions, stakeholders, policy-makers and

influencers. Key to both communities are the following institutions:

Table 2-1. Key Institutions in Wimauma and Urireo
Institution Wimauma Urireo
Church Catholic: Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe Catholic: Parroquia de
Urireo
Protestant: Beth El Farmworker Mission,
Good Samaritan Mission, Church of God,
Iglesia de Dios
Education Public Schools: Wimuama Elementary: Primary School
Cypress Creek Elementary, Eisenhower Catholic School
Middle, East Bay High School Telesecundaria

Private: RCMA Charter School
Government County Commissioner to Hillsborough Delegado or Delegada
County Commission
Municipal President in
Senator, Congressperson Salvatierra









Table 2-1. Continued.
Institution Wimauma Urireo
Social and *County: Hillsborough County Social Departamento de
Human Services, Hillsborough County Hispanic Infantes y Familias
Services Liaison (DIF), make visits to
Urireo, based in
* Denotes that Limited: Beth El Farmworker Mission (site Salvatierra
these are not for other agencies), Good Samaritan Mission
located in (site for other agencies), Iglesia de Guadalupe
Wimauma (site for Catholic Charities)
Public Safety Hillsborough County Sherriff's Office None
Hillsborough County Fire and Rescue
Businesses and Mexican owned and operated Pharmacies
Commerce Non-Mexican owned and operated Private doctors
Shop Owners
*South Shore Roundtable Market Vendors
Note: Denotes that these are not located in Wimauma

Table 2-1 shows that Wimauma, an underdeveloped rural town in Florida, just by

virtue of being located in the First World, offers more services and boasts a stronger

infrastructure for public safety and education in comparison to Urireo. While both

Urireo and Wimauma have institutions such as health and business sectors, the level of

collaboration between them in Mexico is far less than that found in Florida.

Additionally, Wimauma is more integrated into the surrounding areas of Florida than

Urireo is to her Guanajuato neighbors. The vertical and horizontal linkages that happen

in the US between institutions and people work completely differently in Urireo, where

many of the points of intersection touch on the Church, either through the school or

through fiestas as part of business.

Similarities and Differences

Urireo and Wimauma share five qualities. Besides the fact that Urireanos live in

both places, these qualities are not at first very visible but they are common across both

towns. First, both communities are rural and lack amenities or services that neighboring









communities enjoy. For example, Wimauma has very poor lighting while neighboring

Sun City has excellent lighting. Urireo has "aguas negras" or open dirty water sewers,

while at three kilometers away, Salvatierra has piped sewage. Second, both communities

are about the same size, at least according to each country's Census, which estimates

them to be more or less 8000 people each. Third, both communities are viewed as having

a negative past and a not-so-great current reputation since both suffered from poverty and

violence and their on-going effects. While Urireo suffered greatly during the Cristiada,

Wimauma, historically 50% African American, was also home to turpentine mills which

were known to be abusive to workers in a very segregated and racist South. In both cases,

the fact that they are located in rural areas only helped to worsen the situation by creating

more isolation for their inhabitants.

























Figure 2-2. Aguas Negras or Dirty Waters, Urireo's Open Sewer Along Calle Hidalgo,
Urireo's Main Road.






























Figure 2-3. Entrance to Wimauma, State Road 6/4, 2002.

Fourth, both Wimauma and Urireo are both economically dependent upon

agriculture but rapidly becoming less-so. Wimauma was founded in the 1900s, when the

timber industry and large scale agriculture were the driving forces in the area. Urireo is

located next to the Rio Lerma, the river which feeds richest area of Guanajuato, known as

the Bajio, a major producer of corn and beans in Mexico. In Urireo, the parcelas, parcels

or plots of land, have been divided and passed on to heirs, with the result that the

farmable land for each communal farmer, known as an ejiditario, is very small. Mexico

has tried several strategies over the years to increase access to land, but the result has

been that many ejiditarios have plots that are too small to produce a living wage. For

this reason, most ejiditarios also work for others or in any other kind of work they can

find.

As time has passed, housing needs from the Metropolitan Tampa area have crept

into agricultural areas to the north and south, including Wimauma. Currently, there are









several large housing developments underway in Wimauma on the very sites where

farmworkers used to sow, cultivate and harvest tomatoes, strawberries and spinach.

Last, neither Wimauma nor Urireo has direct political representation. While

Wimauma was incorporated in 1925 and had a mayoral city government for a short time,

now it is part of unincorporated Hillsborough County and shares one county

commissioner from the south county region. Urireo has no mayor, even though the

ejiditarios elect a delegado who is to serve the interests of the ejido for the year. This

delegado tends to speak for the town, even for people who have not elected him or her,

because they have no land and are not voting members of the ejido. Hence the delegado

is not directly nor democratically elected to serve the entire town, which means that he or

she cannot possibly please all the constituencies. This form of representation is also

inadequate because so many ejiditarios are in the US that they cannot vote and have to

send proxy voters to elections. Meanwhile, since the delegado is only one person and

there are three communities in Urireo Urireo, C6poro and Rancho Los Garcias there

are many issues that need to be addressed, with each area having different priorities.

Structurally, Urireo and Wimauma are small towns, somewhat forgotten by the

area around them and characterized as poor. At the same time, each have people who

care deeply about them and see them as home. Living in either Wimauma or Urireo is

not easy. The very fact that they are rural areas increases their inhabitants' vulnerability

to a variety of risks due in part to their lack of political power and a weak infrastructure.

This infrastructure has a direct impact on people's quality of life, because it creates other

deficiencies, including a lack of transportation, lack of services and a lack of housing.









Economists coined the term "poverty trap" to describe areas like Wimauma and

Urireo. Banerjee and Newman (1993: 211) point out that

poverty matters to positive economics because it transforms the way the entire
economy works. Arguments for this proposition abound in the development
literature. The simplest and most influential is based on the premise that the poor
have some behavioral trait that makes them stay poor: poverty is a "trap." The
fraction of nonpoor in the population then determines the potential for wealth
accumulation of the economy; countries with fewer poor will grow faster...this
argument is somewhat unsatisfying because it is not clear that the evident
behavioral differences between the poor and everyone else the poor save less
and are less likely to become entrepreneurs, for example arise from differences
in preferences and abilities or instead from differences in the economic
environment.


Banerjee and Newman studied the microeconomics of poor households to determine the

dynamics of the poverty trap phenomenon. They conclude that the poor in India act like

the poor in America and vice versa (1993: 215). They go on to observe that a poor

American would have an income that would be the equivalent of an Indian of middle

class or better status, leading them to ask why a poor American would not act more like a

middle-class Indian. They conclude with another question, which they go on to answer

themselves: "Why does it seem as though relative (italics in original), rather than

absolute, poverty is what matters?...it may be true that the poor in America have ten times

the food as the poor in India, but they also need ten times the food to pay for the

monitoring or education required for production" (Banerjee and Newman 1993: 215).

Thus, the poverty trap is a cycle in which the poor lack access to enough resources to

help jump-start them out of poverty, even though they may have some resources already.

Economists have been studying exactly what factors would help to encourage such a

jump-start, including access to credit (Banerjee and Newman 1993), better health status

(WHO 1999) and nutrition (Galor and Mayer 2002).









On a similar note, the World Health Organization (WHO) argued that "because ill

health traps people in poverty, sustained investment in the health of the poor could

provide a policy lever for alleviating persistent poverty" (WHO 1999: 396). Healthier

people are more productive, and studies have found that the greatest benefit to society is

yielded by helping the most vulnerable to be healthier (WHO 1999: 398). While most

literature points to the need to focus on child feeding programs for the Third World, this

document posits that "there is evidence that adult health depends in part on child health

and itself directly influences labor productivity.., improved adult health will improve the

dependency ratio both by reducing mortality among the economically active and by

reducing premature retirement that results from illness (WHO 1999: 399). When none of

these interventions occur, however, the poverty trap continues to present the poor with

difficult and unattractive options, often relating to choices between migrating or safety,

eating or medical care. Galor and Mayer (2002) focus on the poverty trap from the

perspective of nutritional deficiency as a causal variable that keeps communities poor, a

concept that has relevance for Urireo, as will be discussed in Chapter 4.

This Chapter first focuses on the history and people of Urireo Mexico, followed

by a review of Wimauma, Florida.









































Figure 2-4. Urireo, an Ejido that is Comprised ofUrireo, C6poro and Rancho Los
Garcias, Illustrated with Institutions Mentioned in Chapter 2.

As depicted in Figure 2-4, Urireo is a composite of three areas, which ascend in

altitude along Hidalgo Street, the "mostly paved" but often muddy link between the

areas, which altogether measures only about 2 miles. Transportation, clinic services and

the public primary school are clustered at the Northeast end of Urireo, which means that

those from C6poro or Rancho Los Garcias have longer walks.

The ethnography of the sending and receiving community allowed me to

understand the critical roles that Urireo's history and structure continue to play in how

Urireanos conceptualize their worldview. I was especially interested in how their


Rancho Urireo Salvatierra
Garcias Po. Guanajuato KM
s Garcias Pop. Municipal -


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Ejidital

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field= 5
(ejido) I .

S/Taxi
Church / Stand
School
Calle Hidalgo So

S Urireo Bus "pesera"
E Placita stop

N


Celaya


Church


W









worldview, carried with them as they become transnationals in places like Chicago,

Wimauma or Decatur, shapes their perceptions of options and ways of characterizing

their lives. In this next section, I will pay special attention to the way Urireo's unique

history has influenced Urireanos' identity, migration, life and health in both Mexico and

the United States.

Urireo de la Asuci6n, Guanajuato

Enrique Santos looked at me, leaned forward, pushed his hat back and said "Urireo

is a pueblo of resistance (pueblo de resistencia). If we are not apueblo de resistencia,

then why do we look like this?" What he meant was, obviously, the color of their skin

and the indigenous look to the people of Urireo, which is markedly different from nearby

Salvatierra or even some of the other pueblos. He wondered how it was possible for me

not to notice that the Urireanos in Florida were darker than other Mexicans. I explained

that we have Mexicans from all over and that there are darker Mexicans, from Oaxaca or

even Chiapas. He did not buy it. Instead, he posited to me that Urireo de Asuci6n was

founded by indigenous peoples from other tribes who came to the Bajio, beside the River

Lerma, because of it's abundant soil and wildlife. I asked Enrique if he thought the

people were Purepecha, an indigenous tribe referred to as "lower Aztecs" (Fernandez

2000), as the previous Priest had told his flock. Enrique said, "I don't think so, we look

different than them that priest came from Michoacan, where there are Purepecha, but

we are not the same people we are taller."

Historically, the people in the Bajio have been marginalized and this

marginalization seems to have begun at the earliest period of colonization. By about

1550, the Virrey decided that there was nothing of real importance, such as gold and

silver there. The Virrey then faced quite a dilemma with Spanish settlers and land









owners, encomenderos and hacendados, in the area, who had curried favor with the

Crown in the hopes of striking it rich, which did not happen.

The exact origin or origins of the people that now live in Urireo, C6poro and Los

Garcias remains elusive: after many hours researching this at the Archivos Generales de

La Naci6n in Mexico City, I found no clear reference. The local historian from

Salvatierra, Vicente Ruiz Arias (1994) did not focus much on Urireo or it's antecedents

in his four tomes of Municipal History in the local archives. In the brief section on

Urireo, Ruiz (1994) states that

Urireo, vocablo purepecha que significa "nariz" a "adelante. En Nahualt se
pronuncia Yacac, Tlayacac o Tlayacaque del vocablo Teyacancantiuh que signifca
"ir guiando a otro. En el siglo XVI se daba ese nombre al indio que servia de
guia en los caminos a los curas que salian a administrar los sacraments.

Urireo, in purepecha, means "nose" "forward." In Nahuat it would be pronounced
Yacac, Tlayacac o Tlayacaque, in the Teyacancantiuh vocabulary, which would
mean "he who guides the other." In the 16th century, this name was given to the
Indian who served as a guide to the priests who would come to pueblos to
administer sacraments.

Ruiz (1994), through his research at the National Archives, found that two Indians,

Juan Bautista and Juan Miguel, solicited, and received, cattle to form the pueblo from

Viceroy Don Lorenzo Suarez de Mendoza, the Count of La Coruia, on July 10, 1580.

Ruiz's (1994) research indicates that C6poro was already in existence by 1580 but that it

was not part of Urireo, because he writes that "the community was comprised of

purepecha and chichimeca Indians who were found throughout Cerro Prieto, Paracuaro

and C6poro." It was not until 1755, however, that Urireo formally received any real land.

At this time, one hacendado, or hacienda owner, was granted lands, Don Fernando

Lopez Ballesteros. It seems that he had already established a hacienda before obtaining

this land grant; however it was officially named and granted in 1755 as the Hacienda Ojo










de Agua or Water Spring, in what is now considered Urireo. Ruiz writes that the

Franciscan Order, from the Acambaro Region to the south of Urireo, were in charge of

the evangelization of the pueblo, and that Urireo had a hospital from its earliest times,

citing a document from 1659 (Ruiz 1994).


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Figure 2-5. Location of Urireo.

Regardless of the exact origins of those who met the Spaniards back in the

sixteenth century, the notion that the inhabitants of Urireo were resisting and/or that they

were looking to protect themselves seems to be supported in the early documents of the

Archives Generales de laNaci6n (AGN) and in the writings of Ruiz Arias (1994). In

many areas of what is now considered the Bajio, there are references to abuse by the

hacendados documented by scribes back to the King of Spain. Specifically, I found two









examples during the colonial era in which those in Urireo, subjects of the owner of

Hacienda Ojo de Agua, Don Fernando Ballesteros, suffered to the extent that the scribe

documented abuses (AGN, Tierras). Poor treatment of the indigenous population sparked

the Royal Scribe to write letters to the Crown to ask that something be done to assure that

the lands and livestock, known as mercedes, due to the indigenous be given over. The

hacendados, namely Ballesteros, had refused to comply with the Crown's order that they

be given over a period of more than one hundred years. Wolf documented this same

tendency all over Latin America, and noted that interventions were rarely altruistic:

Such Indian leaders and royal officials rallied to the defense of the native
communities if they saw their own sources of power and profit threatened by
outside interests. At the same time, confronted with an increasing demand for labor
by industrial and agricultural entrepreneurs in the face of a decreasing native
population, many were persuaded to reduce the level of their zeal as public
defenders (Wolf 1982: 146).

Wolf (1955, 1982) and Wagley and Harris (1955) observed that this was common

across Latin America and that the net effect was for indigenous populations to adopt a

different, peasant, subculture. Wolf argues that, especially during colonial times,

communities such as Urireo could not truly unite because there were always shifting

loyalties and alliances, sometimes with the viceroyalty and sometimes against them in

favor of the hacendados (1982: 148). This situation was particularly true for Urireo since

there was a constant set of conflicts between hacendados, viceroys, indigenous leaders

and the Church. Apparently, there was also conflict between the Carmelite and

Franciscan priests who viewed the situation in Urireo very differently. This may be

partly explain why Urireo was given to one and then another municipality to govern.

During colonization, Urireo first belonged to the municipality of Michoacan and then to

Salvatierra. Apparently, neither local government took much interest in the pueblo.









At around the same time, the Church, namely the Carmelites or Carmelitas

Descalzos, became active in Urireo and took the side of the hacendados against the

indigenous and mestizos of Urireo, which resulted in a further lack of power for the

peasants from the beginning.1 The notion that the Carmelites were now operating against

the Franciscans shows that the Catholic Church also played a significant role in the unrest

of the area. Besides friction between the Church and the Crown, Spain's system of

imperial extraction and tributes helped to set the stage for how rural and indigenous

communities worked and how obligations got met:

From the perspective of the larger Hispanic colonial order, the Indian communities
did not constitute its primary foundations but rather its secondary, lateral supports.
The center of the order consisted of the mining economy and the activities that
supplied it. The Indian communities, in turn, acted as reservoirs of labor and as
sources of cheap agricultural and craft products. Where the Indians had to pay
tribute in money, they had to hire themselves out for wages or produce for a
market. Alternatively, they worked off tribute obligations through payments in
kind (Wolf 1982: 149).

According to documents from the National Archives (Tierras 36342, Exp. 8, pp 1-

25), the owner of Hacienda Ojo de Agua, Don Fernando Lopez Ballesteros, conspired

with the Carmelites against the Franciscan priests, who were pressuring him to honor his

commitments to the indigenous population by ceasing to charge them Mercedes and to

give indigenous peoples lands that had been granted to them by the Crown. The title to

his land, held by the royal scribe, Juan Jose Prosique de Zarazua, was a point of

contention in these documents. The Scribe also went against Ballesteros in opposing his

misuse of Indians. In 1747, Scribe Prosique de Zarazua wrote a thirty page document


1 The parallel to the Cristiada is impressive, because, later, the Church took the side of
the landowners again, but went further in advocating violence against that those in favor
of agrarian reform.









outlining Ballesteros' refusal to cease charging Indians illegal Mercedes, extracting labor

and violating the law. It was not until 1777 that this issue was finally resolved, with

several but not all Indians receiving cattle and lands.

Over time, land continued to loom as the number one concern for Urireo's

indigenous and mestizo residents alike. Land continued to be held in the hands of the

few original families that received land grants from Spain during the colonial period.

Thus, power was exclusively held over centuries. Those with the power were religious

and particularly protective over what they viewed as "Spanish." Octavio Paz argues that

in its origin, Mexico is conservative (1961). Paz argued in the Labyrinth of Solitude that

the movement towards agrarian reform and Zapatismo in particular was not at all liberal

in its origin, rather, it was conservative, a turning back, a call for the return of land, the

ejido system, which, he argued, was respected by the Spaniards (Paz 1961:341). In this

way, the Mexican Revolution was able to draw support for change, but this change

represented a return to past values.

In order to understand the particular flavor of Guanajuato and Central Mexico, it is

critical to first understand its particular history. As absolute ruler of Mexico for 35 years,

Porfirio Diaz served as president from 1876-80 and as dictator from 1884-1911, a time

period referred to as the Porfiriato. Diaz, like Benito Juarez, his one-time ally turned

enemy, was an Indian from Oaxaca. Under the Porfiriato, everythingFF from gender

roles to work were defined by the regime; women were to be submissive, stay at home,

taking care of children while men worked and operated in the public sphere. For this

reason, many social scientists find that the Porfiriato is still important to the cultural

fabric of Mexico, especially as pertains to genderized work in a global economy (Finkler









1994). Economically speaking, Mexico became more open to modernization and foreign

investment under Diaz' long rule. Konrad (1995: 24) states that the "Porfirian strategy

was a success insofar as it resulted in the expansion and diversification of the Mexican

economy and the building of infrastructures for an export-oriented industrial nation."

Now, almost 100 years later, Mexico has rediscovered these same strategies, but the

circumstances and links between economics, domestic politics and foreign relations is

considerably different.

Beyond the Mexican Revolution: Braceros and Maquilas

In 1823, the United States issued the Monroe Doctrine which warned Europe

against the recolonization of the newly independent Spanish American republics.

Meanwhile, during the 1830's, elites worried about the future of the country, and the rise

of caudillos, self-interested military dictators backed by private armies, was seen. As

Smith (2000) and Cockcroft (1996: 94) independently note, by invoking the Monroe

Doctrine, the US intervened in Mexico at least eight times before WWII, again

strengthening Mexico's foreign policy convictions. A popular Mexican saying attributed

to Benito Juarez, Mexico's first president, iPobre Mexico, tan lejos de Dios y tan cerca

de los Estados Unidos! is literally translated as "Poor Mexico, so far from God and so

close to the US!." The saying exemplifies the historical perspective of many Mexicans.

The Mexican Revolution ended in 1917, ending the three pronged effort by Zapata

and Villa (radical), Carranza (moderate) and Obregon (labor leader). Carranza emerged

the big winner, having orchestrated Zapata's assassination and discredited Obregon

(Cockcroft 1996: 95). 1917 saw the first Mexican Constitution, widely held as an

example of liberal idealism.









By the 1930s, the world faced a deep recession, the US and Mexico again clashed

when the US deported Mexican agricultural workers, citing them as the cause of

underemployment of nationals (Cockcroft 1996: 94). In the WWII economy, however,

the US again needed agricultural workers and initiated the Bracero Program in 1942.

Bracero was a binational program which recruited Mexican nationals to work in US

agriculture as temporary contract workers (Bean et al. 1998: 7, Thomas-Lycklama a

Niejeholt 1980).

In 1964, when the post WWII boom economy was ever expanding, the US

unilaterally discontinued Bracero, but Mexican migration to work in US agriculture

continued (Bean et al. 1998: 7). With the ending of Bracero, Mexico looked for other

models for economic revitalization strategies (South 1990). They found one in Asia,

particularly Japan and Taiwan. Asia's growing economy, based on foreign-built factories

in specially defined free trade zones, allowed foreign companies to employ Asians to

produce or assemble goods for an export economy. In 1965, the Mexican Government

initiated the Programa de Industrializaci6n de la Frontera Norte de Mexico/Border

Industrialization Program (BIP) which established limited free trade zones on the

Mexico-US border (South 1990; LaBotz 1993). The Mexican version of these factories

became known as maquiladoras or maquilas, defined as "assembly manufacturers in

Mexico whose production is primarily destined for export markets" (South 1990: 549).

By 1966, regulations and policies were formed to attract foreign companies to

build assembly plants modeled after the successful Asian model. Maquiladoras

proliferated at the same time as the United States faced the late 1970's early 1980's

recession, which gave US-based companies an additional incentive to seek to lower their









labor costs by crossing the border (South 1990). Cockcroft (1996: 97) describes

Mexico's state supported economic miracle from 1940 to 1960: "agricultural production

increased 100%, industrial production 120%" through import substitution (ISI).

Between 1960 and 1980, Mexico's import substitution strategies continued to be

far reaching, but slowdown was apparent: the government put money into modernizing

factories and agriculture while food was subsidized and price controls kept costs down

(Cockcroft 1996: 97). NAFTA, or the North American Free Trade Agreement, was

begun in 1994 and maquilas proliferated past the border areas to even small towns in

states like Guanajuato or Hidalgo.

With the collapse of the Mexican Peso around the same time, Mexico underwent

structural adjustment (LaBotz 1995). Lazaro Cardenas' sacrosanct commitment to social

programs for the poorest segments in Mexico was changed in 1995 by President Salinas

when he introduced the National Solidarity Program, which further solidified Mexico's

resolution toward privatization and structural adjustment under IMF and World Bank

policies. This required tinkering with the Mexican Constitution, namely, Article 39, ejido

reform. La Botz (1995: 24) documents how this act effectively did away with Article 27,

which stated that Mexico owned the lands and provided for communal ownership,

ensuring access for all. Around 1994, neoliberal economics begin to more directly drive

domestic and foreign policy, subsidies to maize production and the "tortilla" are

discontinued, causing an increase in costs for food staples (Cockcroft 1996). As a result,

NAFTA did not decrease illegal Mexican migration to the US, as Pastor and Fernandez

(1998: 197) observed:

the debates on migration might offer a clue to the future of the relationship
[between US and Mexico]. The main arena for the debates has always been









Congress. All the fears, hopes and interests of the US that are generated by
immigration are collected and sorted by members of Congress...although some of
NAFTA's proponents argued that it would reduce migration, they were wrong in
the short and medium terms. Until the income gap between the US and Mexico
narrows significantly and under the best of circumstances, that won't happen for
decades the US-Mexican border will function as a powerful magnet. The more
the two economies integrate, the more the two societies will combine.

It was 1996 when I first visited Salvatierra, Guanajuato with a friend of mine from

a nearby state. His sister, Maria, and her family lived in Salvatierra and operated a store

in the main plaza of the town. Maria and her family referred to Salvatierra as "rancho, "

meaning country, which I at first did not quite grasp. After all, Salvatierra is the

municipal seat of Salvatierra, Guanajuato. There are paved roads, rolling hills and

picturesque churches, whose long history evidenced by many centuries of Carmelite

Catholic tradition. I was unsure of the fairness of their assessment. Salvatierra seemed

like an older, somewhat past its prime, medium sized town that was a bit stuck in time

but not necessarily rural or backward. Little did I know that I would later spend a

considerable amount of time in a real rancho or ejido that is only three kilometers from

Salvatierra by the name of Urireo.

Although physically close to Salvatierra, Urireo is light years away from it both in

terms of culture and tradition. A common remark throughout my research was "Urireo

didn't even have a paved road until 2001. Now we have potholes." A Chicago-born son

to parents from Urireo occasionally comments to me "My parents are stuck in the 1500's.

I don't see how you could live in that place (Urireo)." When it rains, mud fills the

streets and even partially paved roads often resemble their pre-paved days most of the

time.









Economic and Psychological Impact of Migrant Remittances to Mexico

Guanajuato is a relatively small state located in central Mexico, and is the sixth

most populous state in Mexico with 3,982,593 residents in 1990 Census, making up about

5% of the total national population (INEGI, 1995). Today, the population is young, with

40% of them being under 15 years of age and 28% between 15 and 29 (INEGI 1995).

While it is hard to gage how many Guanajuatenses are in the US, one key indicator is

remittances. Remittances from migrants in the US are second only to oil exports in terms

of income to Mexico (Lozano-Ascencio 2002). Guanajuato has recently become the

Mexican state that receives the most remittances from US-based migrants, for a total of

9.3% of all remittances to the country (Lozano-Ascencio 2002). Estimates put

Guanajuato's share of remittances at $309 million US every quarter, with $8.9 billion in

remittances being sent back to Mexico annually (Lozano-Ascencio 2002).

I met Araceli on the bus, she was a little shy but I could tell she wanted to ask me

something. Araceli's two children were well-behaved but obviously uncomfortable. The

bus was overcrowded and we were sitting like sardines as the ancient vehicle strained to

get us from Urireo's dirt roads to the paved road leading to Salvatierra. Araceli was on

her way to the bank to see if her husband had sent the money he promised. He did not

make it back this year because "his papers aren't good" but he wants her and the children

to move to Florida instead. She was pretty clear that she did not want to go. She said,

"My mother had the same problem 20 years ago with my father." Now, her parents are

older and she wants to stay and take care of them. Araceli did not come out and say it but

it seemed like her husband does not always send money, or at least, enough money. She

did say, almost making it into a question, about three times that "los hombres andan ali y

se les olvidan de sus responsabilidades, or "Men go over there and they forget about









their obligations." I understood. I could not do anything but look at her and tell her I do

not know her husband and I do not know what he had been doing in Florida. She did not

seem relieved nor happy at this news, only a bit disappointed. I think she suspected that

he had another family and she was at the point where she just wanted to know. Her face

revealed her dilemma. After a minute, she confided to me that she would rather stay in

Mexico and work anywhere, even the Mabe Maquiladora. She said she could not work

because her husband would find out and be upset. Her employment would be seen as

proof he is not a good provider, which would jeopardize the money he does remit.

Immigrants to the US often speak of their sacrifices in leaving their families,

sending money back and not spending it on frivolous items. People in Urireo also talk

about their sacrifices in order to help each other gain a better life. Often, families in

Urireo related stories of saving up money to be able to finance a young male to cross over

to the US and work, so he can remit back.

Exact figures for the percentage of households in Urireo receiving remittances is

unknown; in this study, I found that most people did receive something but they did not

receive enough. There was discrepancy between reports from those who received in

Urireo and those who sent remittances in Wimauma. However, bank transfer data show

that one in eight households in the state of Guanajuato receives money from a migrant in

the US (Orozco 2005). There is also a psychological effect in the sending and receiving

of these remittances. On one hand, the migrant who sends the money is fulfilling a social

obligation that he or she made before leaving. After all, the idea is that this person is

coming to the US and all are making some sort of sacrifice for the good of the household.

At the same time, if the money does not arrive, there is a lack of fulfillment or









compliance. As in Araceli's case, when the money does not arrive or if it does not arrive

as it was expected to arrive, questions arise about the migrant, his or her activities and,

ultimately, loyalty. In this context, Araceli's sacrifices needed to be matched by her

husband's, and one way to do this is through remittances.

US-Mexico migration studies have become increasingly sophisticated over the past

20 years and have benefited from binational collaborations between Mexican and

American scholars (Massey and Durand 2004; Massey et al. 1987; Durand 1994; Mines

et al. 1997). Theoretical approaches that rely on traditional "push-pull" theories related to

Mexico's poor economy pushing workers out at the same time as the US' need for cheap

labor pulling Mexicans to work in the US have been replaced by models which take

individual motivations and socio-economic resources into account (Wilson 1997, 1998,

2000; Maciel and Herrera Sobek 1998; Gendreau and Gimenez 1998). Migration studies

now utilize longitudinal and multi-site data to demonstrate the complexities involved in

US-Mexico migration (Wilson 1998, Massey et al. 1987; Durand 1994; Durand and

Massey 2004).

The finding that Mexican migration is often a family's temporary survival strategy

in which the family and the migrant him/her-self expect to return (Gendreau and

Gimenez 1998: 3), which in turn strengthens and transforms the link back to the

homeland, proved a key insight that changed migration studies' presumption of the one

way flow of people and replaced it with a more circular model (Maciel and Herrera

Sobek 1998). Espinoza compared migration from ejidos in municipalities of Salvatierra

and Apaseo el Alto and found that "for some, going to work the fields in the US

represented the possibility for them to gain resources for production [on their parcels] and









return more or less as successful in order to be able to stay in the community; for others,

it was a journey without return. In either case, the migration process never ended"

(Espinoza 1996: 4).

Urireo Today

The area of Mexico known as the Bajio is extremely fertile and is a major

agricultural producer. The Bajio is the southern region of Guanajuato that borders on the

neighboring state of Michoacan. Outside of Salvatierra, the area is extremely rural.

Urireo, San Juan and Ballesteros were all parts of haciendas that were divided under

agrarian reform in the middle 1900s. Cornfields, cows and parcels of land (parcelas) are

common, often incongruously beside a maquiladora or a major road, like the one

connecting Salvatierra to Urireo (see Figure 2-2). Throughout the region's history,

Salvatierra has been the "capital" of the Bajio while small pueblos like Urireo faced

hardship, poverty and desperation directly linked to issues of land reform and access to

land. As time went on, descendants of the hacendados tended to live in Salvatierra

instead of the haciendas and their wealth somewhat insulated them from the realities of

their rural counterparts. As depicted in Figure 2-4, Urireo is actually three smaller

entities, C6poro, Urireo and Rancho Los Garcias, with a total population estimated at

8,000 between them. However, since males migrate at a young age and many do not

return, the real population is more like 4,300 or so, comprised mainly of women, older

returned migrants, who call themselves Braceros, and children.

Urireo is closest to the highway, which goes directly to Salvatierra, while C6poro is

located about halfway up the cerro, or hill, and Rancho Los Garcias (Los Garcias) is at

the top of the cerro. All three areas function as Urireo and fall under the same ejido,

electing only one delegado per year to make decisions about the areas for that year.









Urireo is short for Urireo de la Asunci6n. Urireo reportedly means "one who leads by the

nose in Purepecha." More than one woman in Urireo joked that "We really like our

fiestas more than anything else!" in reference to the fact that most pueblos only celebrate

one saint, while here they celebrate two.

The two fiestas per year mean that most of the year is spent planning for one or the

other. The celebration of the town's patron saint, Nuestra Virgen de la Asunci6n since

Urireo was originally called Urireo de la Asunci6n is on August 15. The second is the

celebration of the Nuestro SeZor de la Salud, Our Father of Health, equivalent to Jesus,

which starts in mid-December and ends January 6. In essence, Urireo celebrates both the

female and the male through these two fiestas.

Asunci6n or a combination of Asunci6n are common names for both males and

females in Urireo (e.g. Asunci6n, Maria de la Asunci6n, Jose Asunci6n). Asunci6n

becomes "Chon" or "Chona" in daily use in Urireo. The name Jesus, in recognition of

Nuestro .i,,vr de la Salud, is also common, even though most people use the nickname

Chui for Jesus.

Work, Fiestas and Migration

In December 2001, I arrived in Urireo at the height of celebration of the Nuestro

Sefior de la Salud fiesta, which culminated on January 6, 2002. Streamers filled the

streets, people milled around everywhere. There were highly decorated beds, complete

with satin pillows and fine linens, in the street, awaiting the arrival ofNuestro Sefior, or

Jesus, as pilgrims carried him from house to house. All of this was highly festive and

people were in great spirits, even if the recent September 11 attacks meant that there were

less returned migrants this year. But what struck me the most were the fireworks. There









were fireworks, called castles or castillos, at about every 400 feet. These fireworks were

multiple levels, loud and extremely bright. Children as young as five were helping to set

off the show, which was conducted within the confines of Urireo's narrow streets, which

in some cases were not even wide enough for a car to pass through. As a result, the

fireworks seemed dangerous to me, which only seemed to make my Urireano friends

laugh and respond, "Yes, that's part of the fun." The whole atmosphere of chaos was

augmented by gunpower smoke everywhere, sometimes making it hard to see.

Due to a 50 year trend of out-migration to the US, Urireanos began to immigrate

first to Chicago, then California and then Florida (starting around 1982). Most of the

year, except during the fiestas, the male-female distribution is decidedly skewed toward

the female.

Urireo has very good soil and this area of Guanajuato, the Bajio, is the major

producer of corn and beans for the country. As more and more families have migrated to

the US, many ejido parcels have been rented out to others and there are serious political

and social problems resulting from a poor distribution of good farming land. In general

there is a lack of access to arable lands, while many migrants living in the US own

parcels they cannot farm and then rent them out.

There are three maquiladoras, or assembly plants, located at the main highway that

passes by Urireo. One is Korean owned and two are Mexican. Two are garment and

textile producing and one of these is the Mabe, manufacturer of small appliances and

refrigerators. Maquiladoras almost exclusively hire females between the ages of 18 and

24 and almost always start them on the 6 PM to 9 AM shift. Hence, young males tend to

be under- and un-employed, which poses added difficulties for them in complying with









their socially ascribed roles as providers and heads of households. The net result of these

factors is synergistic, culminating in Northern migration.

In August, December and the beginning of January, the town teems with people,

returned migrants are reunited with their Mexican families, money is spent in the market

and the town comes alive. Many colored streamers line the streets, fireworks are aplenty

and food is everywhere. Those who want to celebrate with fireworks or by having

pilgrims carry the statue of Nuestro SeZor or la Virgen to a table in front of their houses

pay the church a fee for the honor. Fascinated by the amount of fireworks, I asked

families how much they normally spent per night on the fireworks. I estimate that the

fireworks alone must cost at least $500 per night, and each celebration lasts two weeks or

14 days, which means that, all together, Urireo spends at least $7,000 per fiesta per year,

a total of at least $14,000. At least some of this money comes from remittances sent from

migrants in the US.

There is not much consensus in Urireo but people agree on only one thing: they live

for thesefiestas. In fact, mothers who receive remittances from their sons and daughters

delight in spending this money on decorations for the street, contributions to the church

to make the fiesta as big as possible and of course, on full course meals. Having two

major fiestas per year instead of only one has the effect of stimulating the economy not

once but twice per year. This also has the effect of depleting household incomes by the

same degree twice a year. The effects of this income depletion are far-ranging and affect

various aspects of life in Urireo, from nutrition to community development.

However, when there is nofiesta to plan for or celebrate, Urireo changes. By that, I

mean that the people change. Once the fiestas are over, the migrants go back to the US









and sometimes it takes awhile for them to find work, pay off the coyotes who take them

across the border illegally and save enough to send back as remittances. Many Mexican

families actually fund the migrant, usually a single male son, on this dangerous journey.

Meanwhile, with no remittances, little work available to males and a generally depressed

agricultural economy, Mexican families make due without meat and expound on the

benefits of eating hand made corn tortillas with hot chile salsa. Families told me often

that "this corn is the basis of life, you do not need to eat anything else. Twenty tortillas a

day will make you strong!"

The local parochial group published a newsletter in August of 1997 to share

Urireo's history, song and, especially the fiestas. Written primarily by the previous

parrish priest, who believed that Urireanos were predominantly Purepecha in origin, this

document was written to "be an instrument for community dialogue so that we can get

back to our customs and traditions that our parents have given us." The newsletter,

given to me by a young woman who is active in the Church, also states the following:

* The fiesta is the "heart of the purepecha culture;"

* At the heart of thefiesta is the faith of the community but we also know that the
fiesta is more than religious, it is also economic, social and familial, recreation and
artistic;

* "The dominant, hedonistic-, consumption- and economically- centered culture has
introduced damaging and destructive elements into our fiesta;"

* Lospicaros are special breads baked only during the fiestas, which are meant to
welcome people to Urireo. In prehispanic days, the picaros were formerly made of
corn and were a sign of hospitality. With the arrival of the Spaniards, picaros
began being made of wheat flour and colored red to symbolize the fiesta.

* During the fiesta in August, a special meal with mole and turkey should be eaten,
along with the ancient custom of colored tortillas. In January, the fiesta should
include goat and colored tortillas as well.









Urireo's song was written by J. Jesus Rivera Zepeda in 1968, set to the music of

another song, "Mfusica de la Feria de las Flores. This song, entitled "Welcome to

Urireo" or "Bienvenidos a Urireo" has twelve stanzas. There are three aspects of the

song that are intriguing: 1. Rivera utilizes the indigenous word "chiquihites, or hand-

woven baskets, a word that is used much less today, 2. Rivera mentions the haciendas

and small towns near Urireo, such as La Moncada and Ojo de Agua, and it is still

customary for Urireanos to attend the fiestas of their neighbors, just as he urges these

people to sing as one in Urireo; and 3. he mentions the castillos, or fireworks, in his

song, indicating that this tradition is also at least 30 years old. Below are a few excerpts

from the song:


Invitada es la region
A las fiestas de Urireo.
Y por vieja tradition,
Hoy nos vamos de paseo.

Picaros por toneladas
Chiquihites de tortillas.
Quesadillas por mantadas
Y muchas otras cosillas.

Alli en la mera placita
Dando vueltas las parejas
Las cornetas pita y pita
Pa' gusto de las orejas

En la noche la kermes
Y el Castillo tan bonito,
Sin falta los buscapies
Y la quema del torito

Salvatierra y la Moncada
Charco Largo y Tarimoro,
La Angostura y Ojo de Agua
Todos cantamos en coro.


Everyone in the region is invited
To the fiestas in Urireo.
And, following our old tradition
Today we are going to go for a stroll.

Picaros by the ton
Baskets of tortillas.
Tons of quesadillas
And many other little things.

Right there in the square
The couples walk around
The coronets sound
To the pleasure of the ears.

At night will be the service
And the fireworks so beautiful
We will not need small talk
And there will be the burning of the bull

Salvatierra and la Moncada
Charco Largo and Tarimoro,
La Angostura and Ojo de Agua
We will all sing as one.


Spanish English









Some respondents seem to be in agreement with the idea that the long-standing

conflicts that began during the Revolution and that continued during the Cristiada over

land and the role of the church in discouraging those eligible from gaining ejido lands

have shaped Urireo, C6poro and the general region and have encouraged outmigration.

People are not united, not even within the same families, and in reality have never been.

It has been family against family and it continues today. The only difference is that now,

instead of fighting with weapons, it seems like they are fighting with each other by seeing

who can put on the best fiesta during either Nuestro SeZor de la Salud in December or

the Virgen de la Asunci6n in August. Money has become the weapon here and really, the

only way to obtain it in large enough quantities is for someone in the household to

migrate to the US and remit.

Luisa's husband, Don Alberto, an ejiditario who is active within the ejido and

whose father was one of the first delegados, is annoyed by the idea that the young people

in Urireo and C6poro, where he lives, do not know their history. He blames their parents,

for various reasons. He says that "many parents only instill religion and going to church

to their children and they do not worry about history. I say, how can you form an opinion

if you do not know history? It's the parents' fault because today we have books and

stories." He suggested that there should be a museum or some sort of display for the

fiestas to educate the youth, even returned migrants whose parents never told them their

history.

It is worth noting that Mexican migration has been going on since at least 1942 but

there have been no real attempts to formalize links between sending and receiving

communities or even migrants' return visits not linked to fiestas. The draw of tradition,