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The Role of Social Factors, Lexical Borrowing and Speech Accommodation in the Variation of [q] and [?] in the Colloquial...

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THE ROLE OF SOCIAL FACTORS, LEXICAL BORROWING AND SPEECH ACCOMMODATION IN THE VARIATION OF [q] AND [ ] IN THE COLLOQUIAL ARABIC OF RURAL MIGRANT FAMILIES IN HIMS, SYRIA By RANIA HABIB A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2005

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Copyright 2005 by Rania Habib

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To the light of my life, my mother, Amira Shahem To the symbol of glory, honor, and id ealism, my father, Ibrahim Habib To the fun person, my sister, Suzi Habib To my road fellow, my brother, Husam Habib To the most tender-hearted pe rson, my brother, Faraj Habib I love you all. You have been my support all my life. I hope I will always make you proud of me.

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iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis owes a great d eal to the courses, teachings discussions and insights of my adviser, Andrew Lynch. The first course I took with him, Survey in Sociolinguistics, opened my mind to the main idea of the thesis. From that time, I started thinking about the topic and planning to pursue it. His expertise, interest in and enthusiasm towards the topic of variation and change were an en couragement to me. For this reason, I took another course with him, Seminar in Variat ion and Change, to add to my knowledge in this field. His kindness, personality and support have been of tremendous help to me. He has been a great help in my quantitative analysis. Diana Boxer has been my academic adviser as a Fulbright student before being a member on my masters committee. Her knowle dge in the field of sociolinguistics, discourse analysis, pragmatics, and Sec ond Language Acquisition (SLA) has added a great deal to my knowledge. Taking a course with her, Seminar in Second Language Acquisition, which combines discourse analys is, pragmatics and SLA, introduced me to ethnographic research and the importance of such research. It also highlighted the importance of qualitative analysis in research. She taught me that one has to always ask why when conducting research; what goodness word choice we expect to come from it. I would like to extend my thanks to a ll the faculty member s at the Linguistics Department who were part of my training in many fields and a window for widening my horizons. Caroline Wiltshire has not only been a professor to me, but also a caring person and a wonderful Graduate Coordinator. In th e three courses I took w ith her, I learned a

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v great deal about phonology and graduate resear ch. Eric Potsdam has been my inspiration in syntax. Roger Thompson, Teresa Antes, and Galia Hatav have been wonderful in teaching Materials and Methods in TESL, SL A, and Structure of Hebrew respectively. Though I did not have a chance to take a c ourse with him, Gary Miller has been wonderful with his faith in me and his a nnual evaluation letters that were full of encouragement and support during my two y ears at the Linguistics Department at the University of Florida. I would also like to pass a note of thanks to my friends and colleagues at the Linguistics Department, wishing them a ll the best in their careers. I would like to thank the Fulbright co mmission for giving me the opportunity to come to the United States of America to comp lete a masters degree at the University of Florida, funded by the Department of States. Special thanks go to Julie Gelsinger, Eleni London, Katrine Pratt, Kate DeBoer, and all the Amideast staff in Washington, D.C., who have made my stay in the U.S. enjoyable, comfortable, and easy with their advice and support. I also want to thank the Amideast sta ff in Damascus, Syria, for all the help and support they gave before coming to the U.S. : Barbra Al-Nouri, Khuzama Atassi, Rasha Rayes, and others. The biggest thanks are to my internati onal adviser, Debra Anderson, who has been a real mother to me in the absence of my real mother. She has been a great companion when I needed one. She listened and advised wh en she could. I appreciate all the things that she has done for me during the past two ye ars: staying in her home, helping me move twice, offering rides in her car when I had no car, taking trips t ogether, and having all those dinners at her home.

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vi I will never forget my friends, the so-called adorables: Carla Abrantes, Chrysa Mitraki, Asako Takimoto, Olga Perdikaki and many more with whom I spent the most enjoyable times of my life. My parents, they are the gr eatest of all; they have given me life and the world with all that it contains. They have been my inspiration. Their support has made me who I am. I hope they will always be proud of their daughter. Suzi, Faraj, Husam, my dearest of all, have always been my reference and resort. Words are not enough to express the feeling; words fail to bring out the full meaning. They have been my friends as much as you are my sister and two brothers. I love them so much. I would also like to thank my friends in Syria who kept in touch with me and followed my progress throughout these two year s: Mishleen Al-Helou, Basima Jergeos, Marline Haddad, and many more. I thank all those who opened th eir hearts and homes to me here in Gainesville, FL and in the U.S. Everyone has contributed in someway to my life. Finally, I want to extend speci al thanks to all those who participated in this study. Without them, it would not have been possible. I thank them for their enthusiasm to help and be part of my work. I am grateful to them for the rest of my life.

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vii TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...............................................................................................iv LIST OF TABLES.............................................................................................................ix ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................... xi CHAPTER 1 THE STUDY................................................................................................................1 1.1. Introduction............................................................................................................1 1.2. Previous Studies.....................................................................................................3 1.3. Hypothesis and Research Questions....................................................................11 2 METHODOLOGY.....................................................................................................12 2.1. Linguistic Variable..............................................................................................12 2.2. Social Variables...................................................................................................12 2.3. Data...................................................................................................................... 13 2.3.1. Participants................................................................................................13 2.3.2. Speech samples..........................................................................................14 2.4. Analysis...............................................................................................................17 3 QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS: THE ROLE OF SOCIAL FACTORS....................19 3.1. Age....................................................................................................................... 19 3.2. Area of Residence................................................................................................22 3.3. Social Class..........................................................................................................23 3.3.1. Education...................................................................................................24 3.3.2. Occupation.................................................................................................25 3.3.3. Income.......................................................................................................26 3.4. Sex....................................................................................................................... 26 4 LEXICAL BORROWING AND LEXICAL DIFFUSION........................................29 4.1. Lexical Borrowing...............................................................................................29 4.2. Lexical Diffusion.................................................................................................43

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viii 5 QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS: DIFFERENTIAL PATTERNS OF ACCOMMODATION................................................................................................47 5.1. Speech Accommodation and Social Identity.......................................................47 5.2. Differential Patterns of Acco mmodation among Himsi Migrants.......................48 5.3. Personal Observations on Language Accommodation........................................58 6 CONCLUSIONS........................................................................................................71 APPENDIX A THE RESULTS OF THE STEPWI SE LINEAR REGRESSION TEST PERFORMED ON THE CONTINUOUS DEPENDENT VARIABLE [Q].............74 B THE RESULTS OF THE STEPWI SE LINEAR REGRESSION TEST PERFORMED ON THE CONTINUOUS DEPENDENT VARIABLE [ ]...............76 C LEXICAL BORROWINGS.......................................................................................78 D LEXICAL DIFFUSION.............................................................................................92 E CHART OF PHONETIC SYMBOLS........................................................................97 BIBLIOGRAPHY..............................................................................................................98 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...........................................................................................105

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ix LIST OF TABLES Table page 1: Study participants.......................................................................................................... 15 2: Distribution of [q] and [ ] for each speaker...................................................................20 3: Distribution of [q] and [ ] according to age groups.......................................................21 4: Results of one-way ANOVA test for age......................................................................21 5: Results of one-way ANOVA test for area of residence.................................................23 6: Distribution of [q] and [ ] according to social class......................................................23 7: Results of one-way ANOVA test for social class..........................................................24 8: Results of one-way ANOVA test for education............................................................24 9: Results of one-way ANOVA test for occupation..........................................................25 10: Results of one-way ANOVA test for income..............................................................26 11: Distribution of [q] and [ ] according to sex.................................................................26 12: Results of one-way ANOVA test for sex.....................................................................27 13: The difference in use of [q] and [ ] between males and females within the same age groups................................................................................................................28 14: The most frequently occurring words with the [q] sound............................................37 15: Examples of the seven borrowing categories..............................................................42 16: Model summary of the dependent variable [q]............................................................74 17: ANOVAc of the stepwise linear regressi on test performed on the continuous dependent variable [q]..............................................................................................74 18: Coefficientsa of the stepwise linear regression test performed on the continuous dependent variable [q]..............................................................................................74

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x 19: Excluded variablesc by the stepwise linear regr ession test performed on the continuous dependent variable [q]...........................................................................75 20: Model summary of the dependent variable [ ]............................................................76 21: ANOVAc of the stepwise linear regressi on test performed on the continuous dependent variable [ ]..............................................................................................76 22: Coefficientsa of the stepwise linear regression test performed on the continuous dependent variable [ ]..............................................................................................76 23: Excluded variablesc by the stepwise linear regr ession test performed on the continuous dependent variable [ ]............................................................................77 24: Chart of the phonetic symbols used in tr anscription; it is mostly based on the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA).....................................................................97

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xi Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts THE ROLE OF SOCIAL FACTORS, LEXICAL BORROWING AND SPEECH ACCOMMODATION IN THE VARIATION OF [q] AND [ ] IN THE COLLOQUIAL ARABIC OF RURAL MIGRANT FAMILIES IN HIMS, SYRIA By Rania Habib August 2005 Chair: Andrew Lynch Major Department: Linguistics The present study explores the variable use of [q] and [ ] in the Colloquial Arabic of rural migrant families residing in two neighborhoods of the city of Hims, Syria. Principally, the roles of social factors (sex, age, area of re sidence, and social class), lexical borrowing and speech accommodation are analyzed. A qua ntitative study was carried out to examine the frequency of each sound in the naturally occurring speech of a sample of 36 interviewees belonging to families who migrated from rural areas, where [q] is socially dominant, to the city of Hims, where [ ] acts as a prestige marker. Speech accommodation seems to be at play in this case of apparent language change among rural-origin speakers. In general, younger sp eakers appear to accommodate more fully to city norms, using the prestige variant [ ] with a significantly higher frequency than older speakers in the Himsi context. Area of resi dence in the city of Hims also exerts a

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xii significant influence on the use of the pres tige variant. Differential patterns of accommodation were explored in a qualitative analysis highlighting the usage of individual speakers. The continued use of [q] is partially attributable to lexical borrowings from Standard Arabic into Coll oquial Arabic. The data suggest that crossgenerational change may start with particular words and then spread to other words, meaning that the mechanism of change from [q] to [ ] in migrant families in Hims could be lexical diffusion. This phenomenon is most apparent in the speech of the older generation.

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1 CHAPTER 1 THE STUDY 1.1. Introduction Sound change and the relationship between sound change and social factors has been investigated by many researchers, par ticularly Labov, who inspired many analysts to carry out studies implementing his techni ques. These kinds of studies are usually conducted to discover whether language variat ion could potentially cause a major change in a language. This interest in knowing the direction a nd consequences of language variation evokes a very part icular phenomenon in Syria: the sound change of the voiceless uvular stop [q ] to a glottal stop [ ] in colloquial speech. While these two sounds are separate phonemes in Standard Arabic (SA), the written language, they act in colloquial speech as allophones of the same phoneme /q/. The stigmatization of the use of [q] in th e Colloquial Arabic (CA) of Syria, spoken in cities like Hims, Damascus (Daher 1998a, 1998b) and Aleppo, leads the rural people to adopt the speech of the city people, so th ey can be accepted as part of the urban community. To integrate into the community, they need to be careful in pronouncing [q] as [ ], characteristic of most of the la rge cities in Syria. The use of [ ] instead of [q] is considered more civilized and city-lik e (Daher 1998a, 1998b) Job opportunities attract villagers to migrate to the cities; j obs are very limited in villages and mostly depend on agriculture. In addition, all those who want to continue th eir education at the university level have to come to live in one of the large cities where universities are located. The migration and movement to live in the city is followed by a shock; city

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2 people start to make negative comments about the rural peoples dialect or imitate their [q] sound. Thus, rural migrants start switching to the use of [ ] instead of [q]. This study will show that the only remaining use of [q] is attributed to lexical borrowings from SA (see Chapter 4). These lexical borrowings are also found in the speech of people who are originally from Hims. In the speech of some speakers, the use of the [ ] sound only in particular words draws our attention to the theory of lexical diffusion, explained in Chapter 4. When migrants to the city of Hims go back to their homes or villages, particularly the older generation, they may automatically sw itch to their original dialect, and thus, the use of [q]; some of them, particularly the younger generation, may maintain their Himsi dialect in speech even with members of th eir own family and upon their return to the village. This switch first o ccurs consciously, and then it probably becomes unconscious; the switch is associated with varied interl ocutors: strangers or relatives. A quantitative study is performed here to examine how the fact ors of age, sex, social class, and area of residence influence the use of [ ] in place of [q]. The quantitative analysis is followed by a qualitative analysis to st udy particular cases and vari ation in speech accommodation (Giles, Coupland and Coupland 1991) among speake rs. The qualitative analysis confirms many of the findings of the quantitative an alysis and highlights the importance that adopting a new identity may play in sp eech accommodation. The aim is to discover whether this type of varia tion leads to other sound ch anges and whether there is correlation between various sound changes. The issue of whether overt prestige or covert prestige will prevail in the future requires further longitudinal rese arch and investigation.

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3 It will be helpful to see in fifty years fr om now if people who live in the village have changed their speech to a great extent, which coul d be an indicator of change in progress. Hims or Homs, as some people refer to it as a result of rounding the first vowel that is also a feature of the Himsi dialect, is the third most impor tant city in Syria and it is strategically located in the fertile Orontes River Valley in the center of Syria, between Damascus to the south and Aleppo to the north. Hims is an ancient city dating back to the year 2300 B.C. and was known in Roman times as Emesa. The word Homs derives from a Canaanite root that means shyness.1 Hims governorate is the largest in Syria (43,630 sq.km.). The population of the City of Hims, according to 1994 estimates, is 644,000. 2 Its central location and size made it the third governorate in agriculture, trade and industry. Hims is distinguished from ot her Syrian governorates in its important strategic location. It is in the middle of Syria, on a hill approximately 508m above sea level. Being a central city in Syria, Hims attracts people from the neighboring countryside. The Himsi people are known for their pride in their dialect, which is characterized by the use of [ ]. For this reason, they usually stigmatize other dialects, particularly the ones that contain the [q] sound. 1.2. Previous Studies Many sociolinguistic studies have dealt with sound change in correlation with social factors (e.g. Labov, 1966, 1972; Haeri, 1991, 1992, 1996; Daher 1998a, 1998b, 1999), such as sex, age, occupation and social cl ass. All of these studi es show the degree of influence that each social factor has on the preference of one sound over another. The 1 http://www.homsonline.com/Citeis/H oms.htm. Main References: The Syrian, Britannica, Encarta and Columbia encyclopedias.... 2 2002 Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc.

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4 significance of social stratific ation in the ranking of the individuals use of a certain sound has been emphasized by Labov (1963, 1966) and adapted by many other scholars, such as Haeri (1991, 1992, 1996) and Daher (1998a, 1998b, 1999). Hurreiz (1978) likewise stresses the influence of social stratif ication on linguistic vari ation. For him, age, sex, education, and work setting are th e major social factors for change. In Principles of Linguistic Change (1994), Labov shows how social factors integrate with linguistic factor s. In this book, Labov stresses th e fact that The separation of internal from external, linguistic factors from socia l factors may seem practical to those who view language as a unified whole where tout se tient or those who believe that every feature of language has a social aspect (Labov, 1994: 1) He mentions that even schooling does not necessarily reverse the merger, for example, of the intervocalic flap of /t/ and /d/ in English. This is very much the case with respect to [q] and [ ] in Himsi Colloquial Arabic (HCA). Educators w ho use the /q/ phoneme do not influence the change from [q] to [ ] in the spoken language. People also listen to news and television programs in SA, yet they continue to use [ ] as a substitute for [q] in their speech. In Sociolinguistic Patterns (1972), Labov also stresses that the shape of linguistic behavior changes rapidly as the speakers social position changes (1972: 111). This is what we encounter when the rural people migr ate to Hims and establish a new job, a new social status, and thus, a new linguistic behavior. For him, isolation leads to linguistic diversity while the mixing of population leads to linguistic un iformity (1973: 143). This applies in our case of th e change of [q] to [ ], where rural people mix with Himsi inhabitants and adopt the new form [ ] to become part of the urban whole.

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5 According to Labov (1972), The process of sound change is not an autonomous movement within the confines of a linguistic system, but rather a complex response to many aspects of human behavior (163). Labov also refers to a number of independent extralinguistic factors, such as education, occupation, ge ographic location of the speaker, and ethnic group to which the speaker belongs. He points out in his various studies of New York City speech the influence of these factors in the preferen ce for one variable over another. The present study reflects the in fluence of some of these social factors age, sex, and social class in the ch oice between the two variants [q] and [ ]. Labov (1981: 29) indicates that vernacula r is the most systematic data for linguistic analysis and that vernacular is the most spontaneous style of speech related to the persons careful and lite rary forms of speech (Labov 1971). This view influences, explains and supports the choice of the coll oquial speech of Himsi people for the study as the most spontaneous speech. Sound change in Arabic is a feature that has been observed over the years. Many changes have occurred throughout the centuri es. One major change in Arabic was the change of interdental fricatives to stops: / /and // to [t] and [d] respectively (Daher, 1999). Daher (1998a, 1998b) performed a quantitative study on Damascus Colloquial Arabic (DCA), exploring the variation of mens and womens use of standard and colloquial variants of thr ee phonological variables: (q), 3 ( )/() and (aw)/(ay). He also studied the correlation between these variables and the extralinguistic variables of sex, age, occupation and educational level. Dahe r compared the use of the variant [q] in 3 Parentheses are used to refer to the variable (q); brackets are used to refer to the variants [q] and [ ]; and / / are used to refer to a phonological unit, /q/ and / /.

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6 Standard Arabic (SA) to its use in Colloquial Arabic (CA). He point ed out that educated women are more inclined to use the prestigious form [ ] than educated men, who tend to be more traditional. Daher pointed out that history has shown that that change took place over centuries. The study indicates that cha nge does not happen overnight. It is the coming generations that have to make th e change. Daher’s view corresponds with Labov’s view of change in progress (Labov 1972) Being a study that deals with a similar variable, (q), leads to the expecta tion that the change from [q] to [ ] in the speech of migrants to Hims may take centuries. Howeve r, Daher (1999) points out that the change that involved ( ) and () into [t] and [d] respectively was completed by the 14th century. Now the reappearance of ( ) and () or [s] and [z] as substitutes for them in speech is limited to those whose careers involve wr itten language, and thus, does not involve change in progress. It is mostly lexica l borrowings from SA which depend on the frequency of the occurrence of th ese words in the spoken language. Churchyard (1993) also dealt with the sound change of Ar abic siin /s/ that was a “palatal-alveolar sibilant in early forms of Ar abic.” It developed into a “dental-alveolar sibilant” during the early Islamic period. It then developed in He brew into a “dentalalveolar lateral fricative (a nd subsequently a sibilant)”. Churchyard’s study shows the influence of different dialects on the change from one sound to another, which is one of the issues that influences the change from [q] to [ ] in the present study. Davis (1984) deals with two non-standard pharyngeals B the voiceless fricative / / and the voiced stop / / B in the language of two generations of na tive speakers of Israeli Hebrew. The study is based on the technique developed by Labov (1966). The significance of this study lies in its reference to how the change occurs over generations and the influence of age on

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7 change. The difference in use of [q] and [ ] between children and parents is well observed in the data of this study. The relationship between sex and language has always been the concern of language researchers. In the old ages, men were considered the innovators of language change and introducers of new words to the lexicon (Jespersen 1922); women were marginalized as speakers (Coates 1996). Howe ver, most sociolinguistic work has shown that women are more inclined towards the prestige form than men (Trudgill 1974; Macaulay 1977, 1978; Newbrook 1982; Romain e 1978; Eisikovits 1987, 1988). Sex and social class have also been analyzed as independent variab les that influence sound change by Gordon and Heath (1999). That study supports my expected results that females are more attracted to the use of the prestigious form than men are and that women are more aware of the social significance of cert ain sounds. Walters (1991, 1992) explored sex, age, and education as the main factors influe ncing linguistic variati on in Tunisian Arabic. These two studies also implement a quant itative method. The first study shows that females use the non-stigmatized forms more than males. In the second study, sex, age, and education did not play a major role. Wolf (1985) addresses the replacement of /k / with a glottal stop, comparing it to the Arabic development of [q] into either a glotta l stop or a velar plosive /g/. This shows that [q] has long been the focus of change into various sounds in so me Arabic dialects. Hassan Abdel-Jawad (1981) investigated the us e of [q] in a stratified sample of Amman in Jordan. He shows how the [q] has merged with either [k], [g], or [ ] through the years: [g] in the Nomad dialect, [k] in the rural dialect, and [ ] in the urban dialects. He presents (q) as a sociolinguistic variable related to se x, social class, and urba n/rural origins. This

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8 supports my hypothesis that [q] is us ed more by rural people, whereas [ ] is used more by urban people. The influence of social class, sex, age and occupation plays a major role in the distribution of these two sounds. According to him, the “merger of the qaf 4 with the glottal stop has been one of the most sweep ing phonemic changes that many dialects of Arabic have undergone” (Haeri, 1996: 122). Haeri (1996) remarks on the lack of studies that deal with the history of Classical and non-classical Arabic: “To my knowledge there are no detailed and comprehensive studies of the language habits of Egyptian (or other Arabs) for any given historical period. That is, there are no published social histories of Classica l and non-classical Arabic varieties” (1996: 7). H aeri (1996: 10) also points out that “where newer and more recent forms emerge as variants of the older forms – ‘change in progress’ [Labov, 1973] women use these ‘non-standard’ forms more th an men. In such cases their behavior is therefore ‘innovative’”. Her st udy is carried out in light of Labov’s variationist studies (1966, 1972), and speakers are distributed accordi ng to sex, social class, occupation and age. In her comparison of the use of [q] in Classical Arabic and Cairene Arabic, Haeri found that women are more inclined towards the urban forms than men, i.e. they do not use the classical features such as [q] as much as men, though they participate in the public domain. Haeri (1996: 104) speaks of th e reappearance of [q] in Egyptian Arabic after its disappearance and merger with th e glottal stop: “Thus, on the one hand, the hamza 5 replaced the qaf in all environments, but on the other, the qaf continued to exist, not as a phoneme, but as a sound”. She quotes Garbell (1978) on the co-existence of the 4 Qaf is the Arabic name for the sound /q/. It is usually pronounced with a long /aa/; thus, I will use the word qaaf in my analysis of the data. 5 Hamza is the Arabic name for the glottal stop / /.

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9 voiceless uvular stop [q] and the glottal stop / /, who states that: “T he presence of the qaf in the urban dialects requires explanat ion because according to various accounts, sometime between the 11th to the 15th centuries, this phoneme me rged completely with the glottal stop, i.e. [q] / /” ( Haeri 1996: 105). Haeri argue s that “the qaf has been reintroduced into non-classica l dialects through a process of lexical borrowing” (1996: 105). She points out that Garbe ll (1978: 204) attri butes this to the “constant and in recent times increasing borrowing of lexemes from the literary language” (107). To confirm that the reappearance of [q] in Cair ene Colloquial speech is the result of lexical borrowings from SA, she performed an expe riment on a number of children, ages 6-12. Haeri found that it was very difficult to elicit words containing [q] from children, which meant that children acquired [q] later in lif e through formal edu cation. However, Haeri (1991, 1996) shows that education has not rest ored the [q] to colloquial speech. She contrasts the [q] with a new change in progress in Cairo, th e palatalization of pharyngealized dental stops that is observed to be more dominant in women than men at all ages (Haeri 1992). However, age remains a f actor that determines the use of those new phonological variants. In the light of the new theories, such as Optimality Theory, it is believed that people tend to optimize their speech towards th e least marked forms or structures. Haeri states that: “In terms of language change, ‘diglossic variables’ such as the qaf are changes from above the level of so cial awareness (Labov, 1994). No t only are they initially introduced through conscious linguistic decisi on, but also their use continues to be commented on by members of the speech community” (1996: 156).

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10 The idea that the prestige form is the form used by the upper class has also been explored by many writers. Bour dieu (1977: 659), for exampl e, points out that “The dominant usage is the usage of the dominant class”. In the presen t study, I would like to draw attention to the difference between the pr estige that SA carries and the prestige that the Himsi dialect and other dialects have. Th e prestige of SA relates to formal writing, formal speeches and interviews. However, in colloquial speech or naturally occurring speech, prestige is asso ciated with how sounds are exp ected to be pronounced by the people of those specific dialects In other words, while [q] is the prestige ma rker of SA, it is not necessarily the prestige ma rker of all the spoken dialects. It would thus be of interest to learn how the voiceless uvular stop [q] changes into [ ] based on sex, age, social class, and area of residence. Those two sounds were investigated by Haeri and A bdel-Jawad, yet they were i nvestigated from different approaches. Haeri speaks of the influence of classical Arabic and borrowings on the reappearance of [q] in Colloquial Arabic. A bdel-Jawad deals with the various allophones of [q] and indicates where each one is used, ye t he does not speak of it as a social marker. Daher, on the other hand, deals with this ch ange in the city of Damascus, the Syrian Capital, yet he does not extend his research to other cities where the change may be taking place. Daher also deals with Damascen e speakers, not migrants who come to live in an urban society. A further reason for the present study is to find out if there are any indications for a change in progress. It is hop ed that this study will revive interest in a long-neglected feature of the Colloquial Sy rian Arabic and perhaps other Colloquial Arabic varieties.

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11 1.3. Hypothesis and Research Questions The pride that the Himsi people show towards their dialect and the stigma that they cast on other dialects and on the [q] sound raise the following hypothesis: the two variants, [q] and [ ], are sensitive to social and st ylistic stratification. The variant [ ] is the prestige marker of the c ity of Hims. The use of [ ] is socially stratified. The questions guiding the pres ent study are the following: 1. How do the factors of age, sex, social cl ass and area of residence condition the use of the variants [q] and [ ] in the colloquial Arabic speech of rural migrant families in the city of Hims? 2. What is the role of lexical borrowing from Standard Arabic in the use of [q] in the speech of the present sample? 3. To what extent may speech accommodation to urban norms be implicated in the variation of [q] and [ ] among rural migrant speakers in Hims?

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12 CHAPTER 2 METHODOLOGY 2.1. Linguistic Variable The dependent or linguistic va riable of the present study is (q), which appears in the speech of the Himsi community as two variants: [q] and [ ].There is no specific phonological context in which [ ] occurs as a replacement for [q]. It can occur in many phonological contexts except in certain lexical borrowings fr om Standard Arabic (SA), such as [qur aan] Qur’an [liqaa ] meeting and [ aqaafe] cultural For example, [qalem] pen [raqbi] neck and [wareq] paper become [ alam], [ra bi], and [wara ] respectively. These examples show that the change coul d occur word-initially, word-internally, and word-finally. One can also observe in the give n examples that the change from [q] to [ ] is accompanied by other vowel changes, such as the change of [e] to [a]. 2.2. Social Variables The independent or extralinguistic variable s included in the quantitative analysis are the following: 1. Sex (18 males and 18 females) 2. Age (two age groups: 18-35 and 55+) 3. Social class (two social classes: Lower-middle and Upper-middle, based on family income (breadwinner income), educa tion, occupation and residential area). The study’s participants came from two residential areas in the City of Hims: AlHameeddieh and Akrama. Al-Hameeddieh is a central residential area in Hims and

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13 carries the traditional values of the City of Hims. People who live in Al-Hameeddieh are conceived of by other inhabitants of the City of Hims as upper-class; thus, as a residential area, it is imbued with prestige. On the other hand, Akrama is a newly developing residential area in the suburbs of Hims. It started developing and growing about thirty years ago and is mainly occupied by migrants from rural areas. Therefore, the two areas differ with respect to their history. The tr adition and prestige associated with AlHameeddieh is expected to have a great infl uence on the newcomers, especially since the majority of the residents are Himsies. This influence might be minor in Akrama, since the majority of the residents are not origin ally Himsies and have moved in recently. Education and occupation may also affect the person’s social class with time. For example, if one is a medical doctor or an engineer who comes from a poor family, his/her social status may change with time as s/he starts to be more known and to make more money; this might be referred to as social mobility (Haeri 1991, 1996). 2.3. Data 2.3.1. Participants Table 1 displays background information for each of the thirty-six speakers who comprise the present data set. A total of 18 males and 18 females were included. Most of the participants are from a village called Oyoun Al-Wadi where [q] is always used in colloquial speech. All participants migrated to the city of Hims from a rural area at one point in their lives or are the sons and daughter s of those migrants; th ey live in the city and occasionally go back to visit the countryside. I was personally acquainted with most of the informants, who were not picked at random. All were family members, relatives, friends and neighbors. My own family is from the village of Oyoun Al-Wadi, and I moved to Hims at the age of two years and two months. At home, my family uses the

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14 village dialect, but with distant friends and acquaintances there is a switch to the Himsi dialect. Speakers # 1, 6, 14 and 19 come fr om neighboring villages to Oyoun Al-Wadi, which also use the [q] sound in their dialect. Speaker # 1 comes from the village of Hazzoor, but his wife, speaker # 10, is from Oyoun Al-Wadi. Speaker # 6 and his wife, speaker # 19, are from the village of Ain Al -Ajooz. Speaker # 14 comes from the village of Habb Nimra. It is worth noting that some of the speaker s are related to each other: speakers # 1 and 10 are husband and wife; speakers # 3 and 12 are also married and speaker # 30 is their daughter; speakers # 8 and 18 are hus band and wife and speakers 24, 25, 33 & 34 are their children. In addition, speakers # 9 and 17 are married and their children are speakers # 26 and 27. Speakers # 5 and 15 are married. Speakers # 35 and 36 are sisters. Speaker # 28 is the son of speaker # 7. Speakers # 2 and 11 are married and are the parents of speakers # 20, 21 and 22. Speakers # 4 and 13 are husband and wife and the parents of speaker # 23. 2.3.2. Speech samples Informal, audiotape-recorded conversations in Colloquial Arabic, lasting about 45 minutes with each individual, were transcribed and analyzed. The recordings took place either in my family home in Hims or in the informants’ homes, whichever was more convenient at the time. All data were colle cted during the summer of 2004. In the interviews, I used the [ ] sound with all the in terviewees, some of whom were open to use their village dialect with me despite my use of [ ], knowing that I come from the same hometown. No one was informed of the exact focus of the study.

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15 Table 1: Study participants Speaker # Sex Age Social class Occupation Income Education Area 1. M 77 L-M R. Gov. Employee Low Preparatory Akrama 2. M 65 L-M R. Gov. Employee Low Preparatory Akrama 3. M 64 L-M Retired Officer Low Preparatory Al-Hameeddieh 4. M 60 L-M R. Gov. Employee Low Preparatory Al-Hameeddieh 5. M 69 U-M Unemployed Mid Preparatory Al-Hameeddieh 6. M 70 U-M R. Director of Customs High B.A. Al-Hameeddieh 7. M 62 U-M Civil Engineer High B.A. Al-Hameeddieh 8. M 62 U-M Business Man High A.A. Al-Hameeddieh 9. M 64 U-M Teacher Mid A.A. Al-Hameeddieh 10. F 75 L-M Housewife Low Preparatory Akrama 11. F 59 L-M Housewife Low Elementary Akrama 12. F 61 L-M Teacher Low A.A. Al-Hameeddieh 13. F 58 L-M Gov. Employee Low Preparatory Al-Hameeddieh 14. F 59 L-M Teacher Low A.A. Al-Hameeddieh 15. F 58 U-M Housewife Mid Preparatory Al-Hameeddieh 16. F 57 U-M Housewife High High School Al-Hameeddieh 17. F 56 U-M Teacher High A.A. Al-Hameeddieh 18. F 55 U-M Housewife High Preparatory Al-Hameeddieh 19. F 61 U-M Housewife High High School Al-Hameeddieh 20. M 31 L-M Medical Doctor Low Professional Akrama 21. M 25 L-M Civil Engineer Low B.A. Akrama 22. M 33 L-M Assistant Engineer Low A.A. Akrama 23. M 30 L-M Salesman Low A.A. Al-Hameeddieh 24. M 24 U-M Medical Doctor High B.A. Al-Hameeddieh 25. M 23 U-M Salesman High High school Al-Hameeddieh 26. M 24 U-M Dentist Mid Professional Al-Hameeddieh 27. M 34 U-M Medical Doctor Mid Professional Al-Hameeddieh 28. M 27 U-M Dentist High Professional Al-Hameeddieh 29. F 35 L-M Gov. Employee Low A.A. Al-Hameeddieh 30. F 28 L-M T.A. Architecture Low M.A. student Al-Hameeddieh 31. F 24 L-M Agricultural Engineer Low Professional Al-Hameeddieh 32. F 26 L-M Agricultural Engineer Mid Professional Al-Hameeddieh 33. F 31 U-M Private Sector Employee high B.A. E. Lit. Al-Hameeddieh 34. F 28 U-M Housewife High B.A. Law Al-Hameeddieh 35. F 23 U-M Civil Engineer High Professional Al-Hameeddieh 36. F 25 U-M English Teacher High B.A. E. Lit. Al-Hameeddieh

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16 All of the conversations were very na tural and did not follow any preconceived format. The interviewees were free to speak about any topic they wanted. The conversation began by asking about family, child ren and other matters of mutual interest. After some questions and answers, if the conversation slowed down or there was not much to say, informants were asked to te ll a happy or sad story, a dream, or an experience that they had gone through. Most of the conversations flowed naturally and stories were uttered spontaneously, without being solicited. Topics varied: speaker # 1 spoke about his illness causing shortness of breath; speaker # 3 spoke about his life-long experience as an officer in the army; speaker # 6 spoke about the hi storical book that he has written and the details that it contains ; speaker # 7 related many funny stories that occurred in reality in his v illage; speaker # 10 spoke about the time she broke her hip; speaker # 12 spoke about her breast can cer operation and her daughter’s marriage; speaker # 16 spoke about her vi sit to her daughter in the Unit ed Arab Emirates; speaker # 17 spoke about family matters that happened in the absence of he r daughter; speaker # 20 spoke about the difficulties he encountered in his medical career; speaker # 23 spoke about his work and its demands; speaker # 24 spoke about his work in the hospital and his anticipated travel to Germany; speaker # 25 spoke about the girl he loves and the rejections he faces from her family and a bout his travel to Saudi Arabia and the new business he is trying to open; speaker # 29 spoke about her husband’s accident and her mother-in-law’s fall; speaker # 30 spoke about how she met her husband and about the difficulties she faces as a married woman rais ing a child and pursuing a graduate degree; speaker # 33 spoke about her failed marriag e and her divorce; and speaker # 34 spoke

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17 about her frustration because of two miscar riages and her continuous failure in the university despite he r diligent studying. These are just a few examples of the intim ate topics discussed during the recorded conversations. Most of the time, the convers ations flowed naturally, as I exchanged questions and answers with th e interviewees as an in-group member, sometimes about personal and family issues. According to La bov (1966: 43), the effects of the “observer’s paradox” may be partially overcome by obtaining samples from natural social interactions among in-group members, e.g. in teracting with family members or “peer group”. All spoke freely and openly, seemingl y oblivious of the presence of the tape recorder. During some interviews, other fam ily members were present, which imparted greater naturalness to the situation. Speaker # 17 was recorded in tw o natural settings: 1) talking to me (her daughter) and 2) talk ing to a friend who comes from a similar background and who has lived in the city for the same amount of time. These two recordings aim at examining the complete swit ch from one dialect to another that occurs in the speech of some rural migrants to the city of Hims, in an attempt to accommodate to the speech of their interlocutor. 2.4. Analysis I listened to all recordings twice, calculat ing the number of occurrences of [q] and [ ] in the speech of each informant. Raw freque ncies were entered into a stepwise linear regression test to determine th e effect of all of the extralinguistic variables on the usage of these linguistic variants. A dditionally, tests of one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) were performed on each independent variable to explore the possible significance of each

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18 of the social factors taken in isolation. The results of these qu antitative tests are discussed in the next chapter. Lexical borrowings were analyzed by se lecting speakers who had 25 % or less of the [q] sound in their speech to examine the t ype of words that contained [q]. All the words that contained the [q] sound were ex tracted and transcribed (see Appendix C). These words were compared to words uttered with the [q] sound by a native Himsi woman (speaker # 37) who was recorded to observe whether Himsi people do use the [q] sound in their speech and to confirm the existe nce of lexical borrowings in the speech of Himsies and rural migrants to Hims alike. Comparisons were also done between the extracted words and previous studies to look for similar patterns of borrowings. On the other hand, the speech of speakers which contained less than 25 % [ ], was examined and all the words that contained the [ ] sound were extracted and transcribed to examine the possibility of lexical diffusion. The findings of these investigati ons are discussed in Chapter 4. A qualitative analysis was carried out to investigate the differential patterns of speech accommodation and some views and co mments uttered by speakers, reflecting on the reasons for sound change among rural migrants in Hims. Several excerpts were chosen and transcribed to support the quantitativ e analysis and to highlight the effect of social identity on speech accommodation. A co mparison between two speakers who have similar attributes with respect to age, area of residence, education, occupation, and length of stay in Hims was conducted. Discussion of al l these issues will be presented in Chapter 5.

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19 CHAPTER 3 QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS: THE ROLE OF SOCIAL FACTORS The distribution of the linguistic variants by speaker is displayed in Table 2 below. This distribution will be discussed point by point in the subsequent sections of this chapter. In linear regression tests, two signi ficant social factors were observed for this distribution: age and area of residence (results of the tests are displayed in Appendix A & B). These are the two variables which we will discuss first (sections 3.1 and 3.2.). The regression tests discarded se x and social class (and, inde pendently, schooling, income, and occupation) as significant factors. We w ill consider each of these variables in the remaining sections and reveal the resu lts of one-way ANOVA tests for each. 3.1. Age Age plays the most significant role in the change from [q] to [ ]; the difference in the use of [q] and [ ] between the two age groups is 57 % (Table 3). The younger generation uses the prestige form [ ] much more than the older generation and will presumably continue to use it in the future, even when they go to visit their home village. This could be a strong indication that it is a change in progress because if change is carried out by the younger generation and tr ansmitted to people in their home villages and to their future children, the majority of the people in rural ar eas will only use the [ ], with the exception of lexical borrowings from SA. I take up the issue of lexical borrowings in Chapter 4. It is clear that th e younger generation is more inclined towards the new form than adults who have used the other form [q] most of their lives. The older

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20 Table 2: Distribution of [q] and [ ] for each speaker Speaker # Sex Age Social class No. of [q] tokens No. of [ ] tokens % [q] % [ ] 1. M 77 Lower-middle 209/221 12/221 95 5 2. M 65 Lower-middle 137/137 0/137 100 0 3. M 64 Lower-middle 390/390 0/390 100 0 4. M 60 Lower-middle 196/196 0/196 100 0 5. M 69 Upper-middle 240/240 0/240 100 0 6. M 70 Upper-middle 137/176 39/176 78 22 7. M 62 Upper-middle 291/315 24/315 92 8 8. M 62 Upper-middle 261/261 0/261 100 0 9. M 64 Upper-middle 231/231 0/231 100 0 10. F 75 Lower-middle 146/146 0/146 100 0 11. F 59 Lower-middle 376/376 0/376 100 0 12. F 61 Lower-middle 64/147 83/147 44 56 13. F 58 Lower-middle 367/367 0/367 100 0 14. F 59 Lower-middle 0/222 222/222 0 100 15. F 58 Upper-middle 349/349 0/349 100 0 16. F 57 Upper-middle 183/228 45/228 81 19 17. F 56 Upper-middle 194/194 0/194 100 0 18. F 55 Upper-middle 209/231 22/231 90 10 19. F 61 Upper-middle 4/120 116/120 3 97 20. M 31 Lower-middle 276/284 8/284 98 2 21. M 25 Lower-middle 248/253 5/253 98 2 22. M 33 Lower-middle 141/141 0/141 100 0 23. M 30 Lower-middle 55/233 178/233 24 76 24. M 24 Upper-middle 70/307 237/307 23 77 25. M 23 Upper-middle 60/294 234/294 20 80 26. M 24 Upper-middle 34/161 127/161 21 79 27. M 34 Upper-middle 21/109 88/109 19 81 28. M 27 Upper-middle 87/258 171/258 34 66 29. F 35 Lower-middle 15/292 277/292 5 95 30. F 28 Lower-middle 38/157 119/157 24 76 31. F 24 Lower-middle 14/198 184/198 7 93 32. F 26 Lower-middle 30/299 269/299 10 90 33. F 31 Upper-middle 19/253 234/253 7 93 34. F 28 Upper-middle 16/156 140/156 10 90 35. F 23 Upper-middle 10/128 118/128 8 92 36. F 25 Upper-middle 14/149 135/149 9 91 Total 5132/8219 3087/8219

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21 generation, particularly men, who do not car e so much about their accent (cf. Labov 1972), use the [q] sound more. This could be as cribed to the assumption that men usually tend to express more solidarity and stronger social ties with th eir rural background and thus their rural vernacula r than women do (cf. Milr oy 1980; Milroy and Milroy 1985, 1992). However, some speakers display some kind of corrective behavior, especially among women in the older age group. Labov (1972) indicated that correction towards the prestigious form is one of the steps towa rds change, particularly in women. These speakers try to imitate the younge r generation and the city peopl e, but there will be some slips of the tongue where they use [q] instead of [ ], as is the case with respect to speaker # 12 (see Chapter 5). It should be noted here, however, that the use of [q] by the younger generation most of the time is due to lexical borrowing rather than to slips of the tongue. Table 3: Distribution of [q] and [ ] according to age groups Variant No. of tokens for Age group 18-35 % Age group 1835 No. of tokens for Age group 55 + % Age group 55 + %Difference [q] 1148/3672 31 3984/4547 88 57 [ ] 2524/3672 69 563/4547 12 57 The strong difference that we observe in the data is confirmed by the stepwise regression tests that were performed (see A ppendix A & B) and the one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA), in which age emerges as highly significant, as Table 4 shows. Table 4: Results of one-way ANOVA test for age Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig. 1 181310.548 17.992 .000 34 10077.128 qaaf Between Groups Within Groups Total 181310.548 342622.341 523932.889 35 1 126712.094 23.622 .000 34 5364.137 hamza Between Groups Within Groups Total 126712.094 182380.656 309092.750 35

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22 3.2. Area of Residence According to linear regression tests, area of residence was the second most significant factor conditioning th e use of the linguistic varian ts under study. In the results of the one-way ANOVA test, we can see that differences with respect to the use of hamza are highly significant (Table 5). It seems that one’s surrounding regional environment greatly affects the way one speaks (the effect of one’s social environment was explicitly commented on by speaker # 28, mentioned in Chapter 5). Living in Al-Hameedieh, a more traditional place charged with presti ge, imposes certain standards on people. Akrama is in the suburbs of Hims; most of the people who liv e there come from villages that use the [q] sound. As a resu lt, speakers # 20, 21, and 22 seem to express solidarity with the inhabitants of that suburb, where they live and socialize, and thus they are exceptions in the age group 18-35 (the y use almost 100 % [q] in their recorded speech). I attribute this to social networ ks (Milroy 1980): the area they were brought up in, the schools they attended, and the friends and relatives with whom they associated. Speaker # 22 is a medical doctor who practi ces medicine in Akrama. He also did his medical specialization in Latakia, a city that is inhabited mostly by people who use the [q] sound. Such irregularity among some speak ers is alluded to by Milroy (1980), when she states that “a sociolinguist ic variable is not always evaluated in the same way by the whole speech community, and irre gularities may provi de evidence of linguistic change in progress” (11-12).

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23 Table 5: Results of one-way AN OVA test for area of residence Sum of Squares Df Mean Square F Sig. qaaf Between Groups 50780.199 1 50780.199 3.649 .065 Within Groups 473152.690 34 13916.256 Total 523932.889 35 hamza Between Groups 58684.001 1 58684.001 7.968 .008 Within Groups 250408.749 34 7364.963 Total 309092.750 35 3.3. Social Class Social class seems to play a minor role in the choice between [q] and [ ]. Table 6 shows a difference of 9 % between the upper-m iddle class and lower-middle class. The upper-middle class shows a slightly hi gher percentage in the use of [ ], which could also be attributed to the social networks with which these two clas ses are interacting. Table 6: Distribution of [q] and [ ] according to social class Variant Total No. of tokens for Middle Middle % Total No. of tokens for Upper-middle Upper-middle % [q] 2702/4059 67 2430/4160 58 [ ] 1357/4059 33 1730/4160 42 According to Milroy (1980) and Milr oy and Milroy (1985, 1992), people tend to show solidarity with local pe ople from their own respective class group in the use of the vernacular. The upper-middle class usually has mo re social relations with the city people and the upper class and, as a resu lt, they are more exposed to the Himsi dialect. They try to compete with the Himsi people and aspire to be equal to th em. Lower-middle class people usually continue to socialize with thei r own class, and thus have less inclination towards the change. The one-way ANOVA test c onfirms the conclusion that social class is not a significant factor in the change of [q] to [ ], as shown in Table 7 below.

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24 Table 7: Results of one-way ANOVA test for social class Sum of Squares Df Mean Square F Sig. 8648.158 1 8648.158 .571 .455 515284.731 34 15155.433 qaaf Between Groups Within Groups Total 523932.889 35 .125 .726 hamza Between Groups Within Groups Total 1131.332 307961.418 309092.750 1 34 35 1131.332 9057.689 3.3.1. Education In the results of the one-way ANOVA test, education proved to be highly significant in conditioning the use of qaaf but not hamza (Table 8). Although this finding apparently gives support to the idea that the reintroduction of [q ] into CA is the result of lexical borrowing from SA, it is the most educated who use [ ] more frequently. Although Daher (1998) attributes the reappearance of [q] to “the growth of mass communication and education in the present cen tury”, stating that “the exposure of the average speaker to SA has increased dram atically” (190), we must conclude that schooling, news, and television programs deliver ed in SA do not seem to enforce the use of [q] in colloquial speec h. Indeed, the use of [ ] in Hims is characteristic of the higher social standing generally attributed to higher levels of formal schooling. Table 8: Results of one-way ANOVA test for education Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig. qaaf Between Groups 174680.972 3 58226.991 5.335 .004 Within Groups 349251.917 32 10914.122 Total 523932.889 35 Between Groups 65763.038 3 21921.013 2.883 .051 Within Groups 243329.712 32 7604.054 hamza Total 309092.750 35

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25 3.3.2. Occupation Results of the one-way ANOVA test for o ccupation (Table 9) reveal significance with respect to the use of hamza This finding is a further indi cation that social networks influence the speech of individuals in the Hi msi community. Associat ing with people that use [ ] all the time in the workplace foments this change, as speaker # 7 points out in his conversation (mentioned in Chapter 5). Speakers of the lower class in Hims usually hold jobs which do not require immediate inte raction with upper-cla ss people, such as construction work, army positions, or low-ranking government jobs. Thus, they experience limited interaction with city peopl e. Jobs such as business, medicine, and teaching are usually held by upper-middle-cl ass people and require interaction with people from different backgrounds. This leads us to believe that o ccupation plays a role in the distribution of [q] and [ ]. However, there are exceptio ns to the rule, as we have seen in the case of speaker # 22 who is a medical doctor but shows solidarity with the lower-middle-class community of which he is a member. This confirms Milroy’s (1980) and Milroy and Milroy’s (1985, 1992) hypothesis that each class expresses solidarity with its own people and community in accordance with the degree of in tegration into that community. Table 9: Results of one-way ANOVA test for occupation Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig. qaaf Between Groups 143810.762 5 28762.152 2.270 .073 Within Groups 380122.127 30 12670.738 Total 523932.889 35 hamza Between Groups 107650.635 5 21530.127 3.206 .019 Within Groups 201442.115 30 6714.737 Total 309092.750 35

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26 3.3.3. Income Taken in isolation, speakers’ income does not seem to play an important role in the process of variation under study. The result s of the one-way ANOVA test (Table 10) clearly show this. Table 10: Results of one-way ANOVA test for income Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig. qaaf Between Groups 23683.710 2 11841.855 .781 .466 Within Groups 500249.179 33 15159.066 Total 523932.889 35 hamza Between Groups 11844.043 2 5922.021 .657 .525 Within Groups 297248.707 33 9007.537 Total 309092.750 35 3.4. Sex Table 11 shows that men use [q] with a frequency of 22 % more than women do. Statistically, however, this difference did not prove to be significant (Table 12 shows results of one-way ANOVA). Females likely use the prestige form [ ] more frequently than men do because, according to previ ous studies (e.g. Sawaie, 1994; Daher 1998a, 1998b), women are perhaps more aware of the so cial significance of certain sounds. They are more inclined towards the use of presti gious forms and are more sociolinguistically conscious than men are. Males’ preferen ce for [q] might be strengthened by the masculine connotation that [q] bears in comparison to [ ], which is perceived as a more feminine sound (Sawaie 1994). Table 11: Distribution of [q] and [ ] according to sex Variant Total No. of tokens for Males Male % Total No. of tokens for Females Female % [q] 3084/4207 73 2048/4012 51 [ ] 1123/4207 27 1964/4012 49

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27 Table12: Results of one-way ANOVA test for sex Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig. qaaf Between Groups 29813.778 1 29813.778 2.051 .161 Within Groups 494119.111 34 14532.915 Total 523932.889 35 hamza Between Groups 19646.694 1 19646.694 2.308 .138 Within Groups 289446.056 34 8513.119 Total 309092.750 35 Women probably compensate for their genera l social inferiority in Syrian society by presenting themselves as more linguist ically capable and prestigious. As AyresBennett (2004: 112) pointed out in her st udy of seventeenth century French women, women seemed “not to accept their inferior stat us, but to use linguistic differentiation as a way of showing solidarity with each other a nd difference from others.” They may be more inclined towards the prestigious forms because of the social pressure that is imposed on them: sounding pleasant and aspiring to appear more educated and urban, so that they can attract a good husband from a good social status and prosperous economic position. Despite the conflicting views about wh ether men or women are the initiator of language change, Coates (1996) had pointed out that because women are less powerful than men, they do usually use more prestige forms than men. As an additional consideration, women are the main agents in raising children in the Syrian society in general and in the Himsi community in par ticular. Since women talk to children more than men do, they influence the linguistic de velopment of their ch ildren, and hence, the adoption of the prestigious forms. As a result, linguistic change owes a great deal to the women’s sensitivity to new forms (Labov 1972: 303). The present findings complement Labov’s (1966: 288) conclusi on that women tend to use the prestigious form more than men do in New York City. Labov asserts that

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28 “women are more sensitive than men to ove rt sociolinguistic va lues” (1972: 243), and they are usually initiators of linguistic change. Other studies (e.g. Fischer 1958; Trudgill 1974; Milroy and Milroy 1985, 1992) have also argued that women are more likely to adopt innovative forms than men, and thus lead a change from above (Labov 1972). Considering age and sex of speakers by groups, we note that both males and females from the older age group show more use of [q] than [ ] in comparison with the younger generation. Table 13 reflects that in th e older age group (55+), males tend to use [q] more than females, but the di fference in the use of [q] and [ ] (17.5 %) among older speakers is not very substantial compared to the difference (39 %) between males and females in the younger age group (18-35). Howeve r, this result indicates that men in general are more inclined towa rds the use of [q] than women are. This also corresponds with the view that [ ] has more social prestige than [q] among women (Sawaie 1994; Daher 1998a, 1998b). Table 13: The difference in use of [q] and [ ] between males and females within the same age groups # of [q] tokens % of [q] # of [ ] tokens % of [ ] Males (55 +) 2092/2167 97 75/2167 3 Females (55 +) 1892/2380 79.5 488/2380 20.5 Difference 17.5 17.5 Males (18-35) 992/2040 49 1048/2040 51 Females (18-35) 156/1632 10 1476/1632 90 Difference 39 39

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29 CHAPTER 4 LEXICAL BORROWING AND LEXICAL DIFFUSION 4.1. Lexical Borrowing Boyd, Andersson and Thornell (1996) adopt Poplack, Weeler and Westwood’s (1987) definition of borrowing: Borrowing is ideally incorporation of EL [embedded language (the former language or mother language)] material in ML [m atrix language (the latter language or learned language)] discourse such that the EL material is (a) phonologically, (b) morphologically, and (c) syntac tically integrated into th e ML; and (d) use of the same material, integrated in similar ways and occurring in similar contexts is widespread in the ML speech community, including among ML monolinguals, who may be unaware of its origins in EL. Furt hermore, (e) borrowing is often limited to one lexeme. (260) Boyd et al. (1996) found in accordance with previous research by Poplack, Sankoff and Miller (1988) that morphologi cal integration is the most prominent. This morphological integration seems to be common in my data (see discussion below) Boyd et al. (1996) also found that nouns are more borrowed than verbs and adjectives from French and Swedish in the speech of the Finns and Amer icans but not in the speech of the SangoFrench bilinguals. They concluded that “ borrowing becomes a norm when the language contact becomes more establ ished and older.” (278) B oyd et al.’s (1996) findings correspond with my findings that nouns are mo re borrowed than adjectives or verbs. Poplack (1996: 305) defines borrowing as the “incorporation of foreign features into a group’s native language by speakers of that language. The native language is maintained, but is changed by the addition of the incorporated features.” Poplack (1996)

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30 asserts that this incorporation is the result of language contact and this contact has to last for a few centuries for a shift to take place. Mesthrie and Leap (2000) also define borrowing as “a technical term for the incorporation of an ite m from one language into another. These items could be (in terms of decreasing order of frequency) words, gr ammatical elements or sounds” (245). They give an example of how African languages have assimilated a gr eat number of terms from English; these terms are associated with “Christianity, technology and modernity” (250). They indicate that borrowing, to some ex tent, “can instead be seen as an adaptive strategy undertaken by speakers to enrich cert ain registers of a la nguage, rather than having to switch to the new language for that register.” Thus, borrowing from SA is a kind of enrichment to CA wit hout switching completely to SA. Lexical borrowings in Arabic have b een studied by many researchers and were referred to by different terms, such as “borrowing” (Garbell 1978), “classicism” (Ferguson 1959; Blanc 1960, 1964), and “lit erary borrowing” (Al-Ani 1976). Blanc (1964) attributes this pheno menon to “lexical suppletion”, which implies the use or borrowing of a term from Classical Arabic be cause it does not exist in Colloquial Arabic (CA), e.g. /taqaddom/ “progress” where there is no */taqaddom/ in CA. Of the same view is Palva (1969: 40), who states that “A great majority of the classicism in the ‘elevated’ colloquial are lexical, or at least indirectly du e to lexical loans. This is only natural, because modern concepts usually have no equi valents in the dialect but must be borrowed from literary language.” Mol (2003), in his di scussion of the influence of MSA (Modern Standard Arabic) on spoken dialects, also poi nts out the interferen ce of “classical words and expressions” in the speech of educated speakers: “This interference, sometimes,

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31 consists of classical pronunciation, which can be no more than a stylis tic device, but more in particular it consists of borrowings from the MSA lexic on” (78). Mol believes that “MSA is propagated more and more in the Arab world through education and the media” and also indicates that “because of the inadequacy of the dialect, an educated speaker, may, in certain circumstances, have to resort to higher language variet ies, thereby using a non-normated mixed language” (2003: 78). Furt hermore, Diem (1974: 26) indicates that borrowings occur out of necessi ty: certain vocabulary might be lacking in the dialect and are borrowed from SA. Owens’s (1991: 25) findings in Jordan support the view that borrowings from SA are “motivated to a grea t extent by need.” Owens provides examples that started to be used with the opening of the Yarmouk University in Jordan in 1976, e.g. mas q ‘course’ and q ‘a ‘classroom’. Diem (1974) indi cates that these borrowings can become part of the dialect with frequent use. Wilmsen (1995) also asserts that such borrowed words are completely assimilated into the dialect. A bu-Haidar (1992: 104) emphasizes this point in Baghdad, where words such as mu aqqaf ‘educated’ and taqaddom ‘progress’ have been assimilated into the everyday speech of Baghdadis. For Al-Ani (1976), the reintroduction of /q / into the speech of those who use the /g/, which is the most common reflex of /q / in Iraq, was the result of: 1) the huge influx of people to the city of Baghdad and their assi milation with the dialec t spoken there; and 2) “the spread of schooling and compulsory education at the elemen tary and high school levels throughout Iraq” (106). Al-Ani divides lexical borrowings into two groups (107108): 1) Items that are borrowed with their lite rary unchanged morphological form, e.g. verses from the Qur’an, sayings, etc: e.g. qiyaama “resurrection.”

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32 2) Items in which the morphological form changed to fit the morphology of the dialect: e.g. šooq “longing” [In SA, this word is pronounced šauuq ]. However, Al-Ani points out that some items are pr onounced interchangeably as /q/ or /g/: e.g. šaqq/ šagg “tear, split off”. He concludes that /q/ is not a replacement for /g/, but it is used as a result of the literary influence on the dialect. The /g/ remains the dominant phonetic feature and it occurs in high frequency words. Haeri (1991) points out that the existence of /q/ in Cairene Arabic is due to “lexical borrowing” from “Classical Arabic” after the merger of /q/ into / / between the 11th and 15th centuries (Garbell 1978). Garbell (1978) o ffers an explanation of this phenomenon: “A special difficulty with regard to the dating of phonetical and/ or phonological changes in Arabic dialects in general is caused by th e constant – and in recent times increasing – borrowings of lexemes from the literary language” (204). Haeri (1991, 1996) indicates that in order to avoid words containing th e [q] sound in SA, people tend to use other words that have similar meaning but do not contain the [q] sound, e.g. [muSHaf] “copy of the Qur’an” for [qur aan] “Qur’an” and [maSr] “Egypt or Cairo” for [qaahira] “Cairo”. I have noticed similar use in my data; many sp eakers use, for example, the word [yiHki] “he speaks” for the word [yaquul] “he says”. Haeri’s study confirms Haugan’s (1950) and Weinreich’s (1974) hypothese s that nouns are the most borrowed among grammatical categories. Haeri concludes that education is a crucial factor in determining the reoccurrence of [q] as lexical borrowings. She affirmed he r hypothesis regarding lexical borrowing by an experiment performed on children between the ages of 6-12.

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33 Abdel-Jawad (1981) stat es that /q/ and / / are in free variation in Ammani Arabic, except for some terms that maintained their [q] sound, such as /qur aan/. He also attributes the presence of [q] in some colloqu ial words to the lexical status of those words: the closer the word is to SA, the more likely it will be realized with a [q]. AbdelJawad explains this phenomenon in the light of a reversal of the merger due to lexical borrowing or dialect borrowi ng or standardization proce sses (216). This view is problematic because of the use of two theo ries reversal of merger and lexical borrowing to explain the co-existence of the two phonemes: /q/ and / /, because according to Al-Ani (1976), the /q/ is not re placing the /g/. In A bdel-Jawads case and our case here, the /q/ is not a nd will not be replacing the / / either. Holes (1987) rejects a phonologica l analysis of the existenc e of /q/ in some lexical items in CA; he emphasizes that it is a lexi cal matter in the sense that people, due to exposure to SA, internalize some of its lexi cal items (103). Blanc ( 1960) also points out that most of the learned lexica l items that contain the qaaf do not have an equivalent with the glottal stop in CA. Haeri (1991) supports this view, st ating that speakers use lexical items with a [q] which often lack dialectal equi valent (147). This lead s to the belief that the process of the reappear ance of qaaf is lexical rather than phonological. Early on Ferguson (1959) pointed out that the use of borrowing in CA is a common phenomenon in a diglossic society. For him, this leads to the existence of an intermediate Arabic variety: The communicative tensions which arise in the diglossia situati on may be resolved by the use of relatively uncodified, unstable, intermediate forms of the language ( Arabic al-lu ah al-wuST the intermediate language ) and repeated borrowing of vocabulary items from H [SA] into L [CA]. (332)

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34 Ferguson asserts that these borrowings are used in CA with the colloquial morphology and syntax, unlike when they are used in “sem iformal or cross-dialec tal situations” (332). Many other studies have dealt with th is middle variety. Al-Toma (1969, 1974), for example, calls this phenomenon “Inter-Arabi c”, describing a variety that is mainly colloquial but is enriched by SA. Many researcher s agree that there are different levels of Arabic or that Arabic can be viewed as a continuum of speech varieties (Ferguson 1959; Blanc 1960; Badawi 1973; Al-Toma 1974; El -Hassan 1978; Zughoul 1980; Sallam 1980; Meiseles 1980; Hussein 1981; Mitchell 1978, 1980, 1986; Elgibali 1988; Abdel-Jawad 1981, 1987; Al-Batal 1992; Holes 1995; Hary 1996). Daher (1998a) denotes that “borrowing be tween SA and CA is a one-way process: CA is constantly adopting new words and phr ases from SA but SA does not borrow from CA” (75-76). He points out that the existence of cognate pairs is not only an indication of a common ancestor (Abdel-Jawad 1981: 132) but also may refl ect the borrowing that is taking place from SA into CA (Daher 1998a: 76) He gives examples from SA that have been integrated into the DA (Damascus Arabic) system (e.g. ka r becam e kt r “many/much”; bil d became bl d “countries” ; lawn became l n “color”, etc.) (77). Daher (1998a) goes on to emphasize that “mor e technical or erudite domains, however, such as politics, science and economics tend to include more identical items than nonidentical ones, which suggests relatively recent borrowing” (78). Identical items refer to cognate pairs in contrast to non-identical items that suggest non-cognate pairs. Daher uses the term “hybridization” (106) to describe the integration phenomenon that most borrowed words from SA undergo in DA, such as the use of the DA mood marker b(i)as a prefix to SA verbs. He explains that, first, “many such items have by

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35 now been incorporated into DA to the point where speakers have begun to replace the [q] with [ ]” and, secondly, “as speakers have become accustomed to hearing and using [q], [q] has begun to be generalized to other le xical items that were long used in DA with only the [ ]” (1998a: 184). Daher excluded from his quantitative data place names, such Dimašq “Damascus”, lexical items, such as aq fa “education, culture”, and lexical doublets, such as q n n “law, statute” and n n (SA q n n ) “musical instrument” (1998a: 148-149). This exclusion was based on Walters (1989) and was intended to avoid skewing the data because of the high occurrence of these words. Despite Daher’s admittance that borrowing from SA is a major factor in the reappearance of [q] in DA, he does not exclude completely phonologica l factors or variation. Daher mentions some linguistic factors that might be the reason that [q] is used in some words, such as the existence of / / in a word that must be realized as [ ]. However, from my observations of my data, words such as / aqall/ ‘less’ are realized as both [ aqall] and [ a all]. This example eliminates the possibility that existence of / / leads to the pronunciati on of /q/ as [q]. He also indicates that frequency plays a role in the use of [q] and existence of [ ]; the more frequent the word, the more use of [ ] and the least frequent, the more use of [q]. This frequency factor plays a role in my data w ith regards to lexical diffusion (see section 4.2. below). The more frequent the word, the more likely it is to be adopted by the older generation with the [ ] sound. However, it is known that the least frequent words are technical and specialized words (Holes 1995) used to convey particular ideas. Daher

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36 (1998a) concludes that the major factor for th e reappearance of [q ] in DA is “direct borrowing of many SA lexical item s” (191). He points out that: Recent borrowings from SA into DA retain their specialized mean ings and their SA phonology: /q/ remains /q/. As these lexi cal borrowings lose their novelty, they gain wider acceptance and begin to be used more frequently in different contexts, with a corresponding expansion of meaning. As the meaning is broadened, and the word is integrated more and more into DA, it becomes subject to phonological variation: (q) begins to be realized as both [q] and [ ]. (1998a: 191) In order to analyze lexical borrowings in the present data, speakers who had 25 % or less of the [q] sound in their speech were i nvestigated to see if the words that the [q] occurred in were borrowed words and if there were similarities among the various speakers with regards to the type of words that are borrowed from SA. Sixteen speakers had 25 % or less of [q] in their speech. All the words that contained a [q] sound were extracted and transcribed (see Appendix C). A total of 476 tokens with the [q] sound occurred in the speech of the 16 informants. 423 tokens, i.e. 89 % of the total number of tokens, occurred more than once, and 53 toke ns, i.e. 11 %, occurred only once. Words that come from the same root are grouped together, e.g. mu a[q][q]aff ‘educated (M)’, mu a[q][q]affi ‘educated (F)’, a[q]aaftu ‘his education’, a[q]aafte ‘my education’, a[q]aafe ‘cultural’, and a[q]aafi ‘education’. They could be verbs, nouns, adjectives, or adverbs, and they could be inflected for gender, number, person, and tense. The twenty-eight most frequent words in th e data are presented in Table 14 below.

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37 Table 14: The most frequently oc curring words with the [q] sound Word # Word in Arabic Translation in English # of tokens % of tokens 1. mi[q]tini ‘convinced’ 35 7 2. [q]arrar ‘decision/decree’ 24 5 3. [q]ism ‘department’ 20 4 4. [q]aaf ‘the Arabic name for the sound [q]’ 19 4 5. ta[q]riiban ‘approximately’ 15 3 6. a[q]aafi ‘education/culture’ 15 3 7. [q]arD ‘bank loan’ 14 3 8. a[q]d ‘contract’ 13 3 9. [q]aanuun ‘law/legislation’ 12 3 10. ra[q]am ‘number’ 11 2 11. [q]ubuul ‘admission’ 11 2 12. taw[q]ii ‘signing’ 10 2 13. mu[q]iimiin ‘(medical) resident’ 9 2 14. mla[q]aH ‘vaccinated (M)’ 9 2 15. Taba[q]a ‘social class’ 8 2 16. Hu[q]uu[q] ‘Law school’ 8 2 17. ta [q]iim ‘sterilization’ 8 2 18. Huruu[q] ‘burns’ 8 2 19. alaa[q]a ‘relation’ 7 1 20. manTe[q] ‘logic’ 7 1 21. na[q]aabi syndicate 7 1 22. mitwa[q][q]e ‘expecting (M)’ 6 1 23. afrii[q]ya ‘Africa’ 6 1 24. i[q]a ‘trust’ 6 1 25. yista[q]ir ‘settle (M)’ 6 1 26. l[q]aDaa ‘judiciary’ 6 1 27. muraa[q]abi ‘proctoring’ 6 1 28. a[q]all ‘less’ 6 1 Total 312 66 % One exception to the 25 % [q] rule is sp eaker # 28, who had 34 % of [q] in his speech; however, that is due to hi s frequent repetition of the word qaaf ‘the Arabic name of the sound [q]’, i.e. 16 tokens out of 86 tokens (see Appendix C) The word [q]aanuun ‘legislation/law’ also occurred 10 times, includi ng plural, that is, about 12 % of the total number of tokens with the [q] sound. Another frequently occurring word in his speech is

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38 mla[q]aH vaccinated (M) with its various inflec tions with regards to gender, number, person and part of speech; it constitutes 9 t okens out of the 86 tokens. These three frequently occurring words constitute 14 % out of the 34 % of [q] in his speech, which makes him equal to other speakers that have 25 % or less [q] in their speech. There are other frequently occurring wo rds in his speech, such as ta[q]wiim orthodontia/orthodontics, ta[q]iim sterilization, and afrii[q]iya Africa, which are mostly technical terms, used us ually in dentistry and medicine. In a further step to determine whether th ese migrants really use lexical borrowing, a native Himsi woman (speaker # 37) was record ed and her speech was analyzed to see if her speech contains any lexica l borrowings. She is about 40 year s of age, of Himsi origin, and has no ties to the countryside. The number of tokens of [q] and [ ] in her speech were not included in the quantitative study in Chap ter 3 since she is not a migrant from the countryside to the city. The purpose of reco rding her was to make comparisons between her speech as a Himsi informant with those w ho are not originally from Hims. Her speech contained 211 tokens in all: 202 tokens of [ ] and 9 tokens of [q], i.e. 96 % of [ ] and 4 % of [q]. Examining her speech closely, I wa s able to extract the following words that contain the [q] sound and transcribe them; th ese words are borrowed from SA, and some of them represent the names of events as in example (6) below or the name of a union as in example (8) below. The words are as follows: 1. muraa[q]eb dawaam proctor of attendance (M) 2. ta[q]liidiyi traditional (F) 3. bhalli[q]aa in this meeting 4. m[q]arrirriin we had a decision

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39 5. sta[q]all ‘became independent (M)’ 6. l usbuu ssa[q]aafe lfaranse ‘the French Cultural Week’ 7. na[q]aabit ‘syndicate’ 8. raabiTit aSdi[q]aa lmu taribiin ‘the Immigrants Friends Union’ 9. nna[q]aabi ‘the syndicate’ Nonetheless, it is worth noting that the second word ta[q]liidiyi ‘traditional (F.)’ was corrected by her immediately after sa ying it the first time with the [q] sound, pronouncing it as ta[]liidiyi This might be a case of tr ying to phonologically assimilate borrowed words (Diem 1974; Wilmsen 1995; Abu-Haidar 1992; Al-Ani 1976; Daher 1998) to the Himsi dialect, using the [ ] sound in place of the [q] sound. This example of correction is a furt her indication of the prestige that [ ] is endowed with in the Himsi community. Some of these [q]-sounding words th at are found in the speech of speaker # 37 are also found in the speech of the migrants to the city of Hims and their children, who seem to accommodate to the speech of the Himsi people; however, due to the lack of certain terminology in CA, they resort to term s from SA to complete their meaning, in a way similar to the one observed in the speech of speaker #37. The word muraa[q]eb ‘proctor’ occurred in the speech of othe r speakers three times, though in different inflections or parts of sp eech. In addition, the word m[q]arrirriin ‘we had a decision’ occurred in the speech of many migrants in different forms. Furthermore, sta[q]all ‘became independent (M)’ occurred three times in the speech of other migrant speakers, in various forms. ssa[q]aafe ‘Cultural’ is another frequent ly occurring word in the speech of non-Himsi people. na[q]aabi ‘syndicate’ and aSdi[q]aa ‘Friends’ do also appear in

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40 the speech of migrants. Conse quently, we may conclude that 1) the appearance of some words with the [q] sound is due to lexical borrowings from SA and that 2) non-Himsi and native Himsi people behave similarly with respec t to lexical borrowings from SA. If we compare the lexemes that occur w ith the [q] sound in the speech of those migrants to previous studies that advocate the theory of lexical borrowing from SA, we find that there are many words in common. For example, Haeri (1991, 1996) found a list of ten words that are most frequent ly borrowed in Cairene Arabic (115): 1. [mooqif/mawquif] “position, opinion” 2. ilaaqa] “relation, relationship” 3. [qiSSa] “story, tale’ 4. [qaahira] “Cairo” 5. [Sadiiq] “friend” 6. [musiiqa] “music” 7. [qism] “department/ section” 8. [qur aan] “Qur’an” 9. [qiima] “value, worth” 10. [qowwa] “power, strength” Haeri arranged the ten words in the order of frequency they occurred. Most of these words are found in my data with the [q] sound with the exception of [qiSSa] ‘story, tale’, [qaahira] ‘Cairo’, and [musiiqa] ‘music’, further confirming th at the existence of [q] in CA is the result of lexical borrowing. Qaahira might not have occurred in my data because speakers did not come across the topi c of Egypt, its geography, or its capital. The other two words might have already been a ssimilated to the phonol ogical system of the

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41 Himsi dialect, i.e. the [q] started to be pronounced as [ ]. It is no coincidence that the words that occur in Cairene Ar abic and in Himsi Arabic w ith the [q] sound are the same. This is an indication that lexical borrowing is the main reason that some words are pronounced with the [q] sound, and that th is phenomenon is the result of “masseducation” in CA, which was introduced in Egypt in the early decades of the 20th century (Haeri 1991: 116, 146). Such is the case in Syri a, where SA is used as the medium of instruction in many subjects, particularly in teaching Arabic Language Courses at schools. In her study of Cairene Arabic, Haer i (1991, 1996) found that the lexical borrowings extracted from her data bel onged to one of the following categories: 1. Place name 2. Proper name 3. institution name 4. job title 5. Literary, political or religious terms. This is also confirmed in my data. However, in addition to these categories, the data warrants the addition of the following two categories: 6. Technical terms or jargon that is specific to certain fields, such as medicine, dentistry, etc. 7. Idioms and some sayings. Table 15 below presents some examples of each of the above-mentioned categories.

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42 Table 15: Examples of the seven borrowing categories Example English translation Example English translation afrii[q]ya Africa l iraa[q] Iraq Place name bil[q]uSuur In the ‘name of an area in Damascus’ l[q]aami li ‘the name of a city in the northeast of Syria’ Proper name l[q]diis yuHanna John the Baptist ya [q]uub Jacob Job title lmulHa[q] a[q]aafe ‘Cultural Attach’ lra[q]iib ‘ the sergeant’ institution name lmarkaz a[q]aafe lbriiTane The British Council lmarkaz lsa[q]aafe The Cultural Center Hal[q]it BaH ‘seminar’ munaa[q]aSa tender Literary, political or religious terms i[q]Taa iiyi ‘Feudal (F Adj)’ l[q]ur aan ‘the Qur’an’ ta[q]wiim ‘orthodontia/ort hodontics’ taxTiiT lmawaa[q]e Site planning Technical terms or jargon or disease names bl iddi ldara[q][q]iyi ‘in the thyroid gland’ Taba[q]e miHware ‘sonogram’ Idioms ra san ala a[q]eb ‘upside down’ [q]irre tirfe ‘confess confess’ The use of qaaf in lexical borrowings from SA does not require extensive knowledge of SA because the educated and non-educated also use lexical borrowings from English and French, for example, though they do not know thes e languages (Haeri 1991, 1996). Words seem to transfer from one speaker to another through conversation, particularly technical terms or jargon and idioms or sayings. In this study, I also examined the number of nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs that are borrowed from SA. The results confir m the findings of prev ious studies (Haugan 1950; Weinreich 1974; Haeri 1991, 1996; Boyd et al. 1996) that nouns are the most borrowed lexical items. Among the 476 tokens 284 tokens are nouns; 88 tokens are

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43 verbs; 82 tokens are adjectives ; 21 tokens are adverbs; and th ere was one determiner. It is clear that the lexical category ‘noun’ is the most borrowed. This might be due to the great number of proper nouns that could include na mes of people, places, diseases, technical terms, jargon, and so on. Later on these nouns ma y assimilate into the spoken dialect and verbs and other parts of speech may emerge from the same borrowed items, as has already happened with some words, e.g. a[q]aafi ‘education’, mu a[q][q]af ‘educated (M)’, etc. MacNeil and Cran (2005), fo r example, estimated th at one-fifth of all English verbs began life as nouns (3). 4.2. Lexical Diffusion The essence of lexical diffusion theory is that “sound changes occur word by word” (Deumert and Mesthrie 2000: 118). The theory thus implies that sound change does not occur in all words at the same time and th at change may occur in some words before others. Chen (1972, cited in Deumert and Mesthrie 2000: 119) proposed the S-curve pattern, suggesting that: 1. Initially the new pronunciation is to be found in a few common words. These are often words or groups of words im portant to a subgroup or subculture within the community. 2. The change then spreads to other words at a relatively rapid rate. 3. At the final stage, the rate of the cha nge slows down with the few last words to undergo the change. Chen’s theory seems to apply in my da ta. Looking at speakers (See Appendix D) who had very low percentages of [ ] in their speech, I was able to extract and transcribe the words that are used by those speakers with the [ ] sound; some of the speakers were

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44 not even aware that they were using the [ ] sound. Speaker # 7, for example, who spoke at length about how people who migrate from the village try to imitate the speech of the Himsi community, indicated that he is one of those people who did not change his speech at all and that he is proud of his accent. Nonetheless, by examining his speech, I found a number of words used by him with the [ ] sound. This indicates that sometimes people are unaware of what they say (Labov 1966, 1972). Wolfson (1989), based on evidence from various studies (Wolfson and J udd 1983; Labov 1966; Blom and Gumperz 1972; Brouwer, Gerritsen and DeHaan 1979; Pica 1983), asserted that native speakers’ intuition is inadequate and “notoriously unreliable” (44), since it does not reflect “actual patterns of speech behavior” (43). This case of speaker # 7 could also be an indication that it is a change from below the level of consci ousness (Labov 1972, 2001), which characterize men as the innovators of linguistic change. Wo men of the older generation did not seem to have particular terms with the [ ] sound in their speech, as is the case with speakers # 10, 11, 13, 15, and 17. In the case of speaker s # 16 and 18, the phenomenon goes beyond lexical diffusion; it is attributed to speech accommodation. Women accommodate their speech to the interlocutor to show prestige, as is the case with speakers # 12, 14, 17 (See discussion about speaker # 17 in Chapter 4) and 19. Seven speakers had less than 25 % pronunciation of (q) as [ ] (see Table 2). The total tokens of [ ] in their speech is 155. The word halla that occurs in free variation with halle 1 ‘now’ constitutes 57 tokens of the total 155 tokens, that is, 37 % of the total 1 The variation occurs in pronouncing the vowel [e] (part of the vowel system of the migrants’ original dialect) as [a] (part of the vowel system of the Himsi dialect). It is worth notin g here that some speakers switch completely between the two dialects; others only change the [q] into [ ]; and others have an intermediate dialect in which the change of [q] into [ ] is half way as one can see in speaker # 12 who corrects herself sometimes and pr onounces the same words with either a [q] sound or an [ ] sound in the

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45 number of tokens. This is a clear indication that lexical di ffusion is at work here. The second most frequent occurring word is yi[]uul “he says” with its different inflections according to gender, person, number and tense; this word occurs 34 times, that is, 22 % of the total number of tokens. This constitutes further evidence that change may occur word by word rather than all at the same ti me. However, this word by word change seems to be more common among speakers of the ol der generation, particularly men, than those among the younger generation, who seem to accommodate to the speech of their interlocutors. Nonetheless, their speech tends to be aided, as is the speech of native Himsies (speaker #37), with lexical borrowings from SA rather than lexical diffusion. The third most frequent word is []aam, a kind of filler that literally means ‘he stood’ or ‘he did’, along with its vari ous inflections according to number, gender, person, and tense. This word constitutes 13 tokens, that is almost 8 % of the total number of tokens. The fourth most common word to occur with the [ ] sound is []aaf ‘the glottal stop’. 2 This word constitutes 9 tokens of the total number of tokens, that is, about 6 %. The fifth and sixth most common words are wa[]t ‘time’ and ni[]od ‘we sit down’ with their other inflections as well; they occurred 6 tim es each, i.e. about 4 % of the total number of tokens for each and 8 % for both. Finally, ba[]a, a filler that literally means ‘stayed’ but in discourse means ‘so/such that’, occurred 5 times, i.e. about 3 %. ma[]ibra “cemetery” same conversation (see discussion in Chapter 5). The intermediate dialect also applies in the case of vowel change where in the same co nversation some speakers can either change the vowels or maintain the ones of their original vowel system. 2 One can notice here that people transform [q]aaf (the name of the sound [q] in Arabic) to [ ]aaf to talk about the glottal stop, though the name of the glottal stop in Arabic is hamza.

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46 and sal[] “boil” occurred 3 times each in the speech of speakers # 18 and 16 respectively; they cons titute together about 4 % of the total tokens. As a result, these seven words constitute about 88 % of the total tokens pronounced with [ ]. There are 20 miscellaneous words whic h form 12 % of the total number of tokens; these words occur once each with the exception of []addeeh “how much” that occurs with another word that comes from the same root: hall[]addiini “this much”. It seems that these words are very common in everyday use. They may have to do with asking or talking about prices, such as the two previously mentioned words or the word Ha[][]aa “its price (F)”; they could refer to directions, such as m[]aabel “opposite/facing” and lafoo[] “upstairs”; others may be idioms that might be more common with the [ ] sound, such as alla yiwaff[]uu “God provides for him”; and there is a word pronounced with [ ] as an imitation to a person who uses the [ ] sound, i.e. ar[]a “more advanced”. This word occurred in the speech of speak er # 7 (see Appendix D). We can conclude that the frequency of cer tain words in everyday life can affect the acquisition of these words and the assimilation of them into one’s speech, as is the case in the speech of the older generation. This fi nding confirms Chen’s (1972) first suggestion above: change begins with “a few common wo rds” and then spreads to other words. However, it is beyond the scope of this study to confirm the second and third proposals of lexical diffusion theory because this require s longitudinal studies to see how rapid the spread is and whether there is a spread to other words.

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47 CHAPTER 5 QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS: DIFFERENTIAL PATTERNS OF ACCOMMODATION 5.1. Speech Accommodation and Social Identity The concept of social identity may cast light on some of the differences among individual speakers whom we will highlight in this chapter. Even though two speakers share a series of social characteristics – level of education, age group, occupation, etc. – they may differ in their linguistic behavior. As a participant in th e interaction and from my personal knowledge of the participants (as pr eviously explained), I was able to locate a great number of phonological vari ables in the informants’ speech. Usage of the variants differed from one speaker to the next, brin ging to mind Giles, Coupland and Coupland’s (1991) idea that not all speakers can simply imitate in the same way any variety they encounter. According to Giles et. al’s ( 1991) theory of speech accommodation, people tend either to converge when they wish to de crease the social distance among each other, i.e. use the same style of speaking, or to dive rge when they wish to increase that social distance and distinguish themselves from othe r speakers, i.e. use a different style of speaking. Social identity may be fluid, and is shap ed by personal choices made with respect to one’s linguistic repertoire. For example, James and Lesley Milroy (1985, 1992), in a study done in Belfast, found that among the wo rking class, workers tend to use the vernacular norms, and thus “covert prestig e”, to show solidarity. On the other hand, Labov (1966, 1972) showed that some people in New York City tended to adopt the

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48 prestigious form of /r/ to show affiliation with the upper class. Furthermore, Gal (1979) found in her study of Oberwart that people made language choices between German and Hungarian according to the social circumst ances, that is, domain and social networks. German was associated with modernity and economic prosperity; Hungarian was associated with peasantness. Women in Oberwart adopted the German language because they wanted to get married to German-sp eaking wage laborers. These women “do not want to be peasants; they do not present them selves as peasants in speech” (Gal 1978: 13). To quote Norton (1997: 410), “identity relate s to desire – the de sire for recognition, the desire for affiliation, and the desire for s ecurity and safety.” However, if one does not have the necessary motivation or desire to accommodate a different form in speech, social integration may be greatly hindere d. Such tendencies are evident among migrant speakers in Hims: some live for years in the city and never ad opt the new form since they do not have the desire to adopt a new ident ity. On the other hand, some people choose to be identified as urban, and strive to adapt their speech to Himsi norms. 5.2. Differential Patterns of Accommodation among Himsi Migrants It has been observed that speaker s vary in their use of [q] and [ ]; this variation could be among speakers from the same sex and age group, level of education, occupation and length of stay in the city of Hims. For example, Speakers # 17 and #12 reflect different degrees of adaptation to th e urban variety. Speaker # 17 was recorded in two different natural settings. The first recording was a convers ation with me, her daughter, with whom one would expect that sh e will freely use her original rural dialect characterized by [q]; indeed, she uses [q] 100 % (see table 2). The second recording was with a personal friend (Speaker # 14) who herself is from a village that uses the [q]

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49 sound. Living in the city for a long period of time, speaker # 14 also came to the realization that [ ] is the prestigious form and should be used with people from outside the family circle. Though speaker # 17 knows all these facts about her friend, she reverts to the Himsi dialect and uses 100% [ ]. In her speech, she on ly had three lexical borrowings with [q] (see Appendix C). Below is an extract from the speech of speaker # 17 with her friend (speaker # 14), wher e one can see her constant use of [ ]: Excerpt 1: Complete switch to the [ ] sound by speaker # 17: In this conversation, not only can one s ee the complete switch from [q] to [ ], but also the naturalness of th e conversation. Basically, th e two women are gossiping: 1. Speaker # 17: bhadaak lwa[ ], maa kaanoo ya irfoo, yimken, maa kaan fii dakaatra ktiir, wa laa kaan Hadaa, masallan, maa ya irfoo. fa a, ha-ha abb, wxaTbiillu, maa [ ]illik, baddon yi auuzuu. fa a bimuut, ee Dallet DDai a killa zi laani, aktar min sini, maa Hadaa yi mol kibbi bbaituu. 2. Speaker # 14: ee kaanoo yidi[ ][ ]oo aliblaTa ( )1, halla[ ], araas TTauuli 3. Speaker # 17: halla[ ],ween? araas TTauuli! halla[ ], bikuun lmaiyet hoon, issa maa aaluu, wil irs, wiTTabl ma yid[ ][ ] bbait iiraanon; bbait l iiraan llii anbon TTabil ma yid[ ][ ], uu ra iyik? 1 Empty parentheses indicate that a word or more were not understood during transcription.

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50 4. Speaker # 14: halla[ ], maa ba[ ]a tifro[ ] ma Hadaa. 5. Speaker # 17: yoom llii t auuzet bint (name), haai axdet waaHed [ ]raayibnaa, muu [ ]raayibnaa, waaHed mnDDai a, min inna, whalla[ ], hiyyi biss uudiyyi, hiyyi wiyyaah, duktoor huwwi. Kaan maiyyet ooz bint ammuu, ifte kiif? w abb, w aarna huwwi bilHaara, aarna, yi nii, maa fii eer TTarii[ ] been beetna wbeet, wbeetna wbeet lmaiyyet. 6. Speaker # 14: ee. 7. Speaker # 17: ee, yi nii, whuwwi [ ]raayibon. Awall ee, l imm, tSauuwre, immuu, immuu, muu l imm, baddee [ ]uul, martuu, martuu, bint amm baiyyuu, whiyyi bint amm, wlmaraa, wlmaraa bint ammuu la abb, tSauuwre, yi nii, kiif l[ ]irbi, ntabahte kiif? yi nii, martuu la abb. (to her daughter) maa badee i rab, immee. (To her friend) martuu la abb, martlmaiyyet, bitkuun, bint ammit immuu, afwan, immuu bint ammit immuu la abb, whiyyi btiHkom bint ammuu la abb bnafs lwa[ ]t, ntabahte? biy oo, bi iiboo TTabl. maa kaan issa, maa kaan (name), uu kaan iluu, uu kaan iluu maiyyet? maa kaan iluu ee ahr ahreen, heek ee 8. Daughter of Speaker # 17: ( )?

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51 9. Speaker # 17: (to her daughter) yoom irs (name), maa badee ee, immee. (To her friend) lmuhimm, bi iiboo TTabl wbiball oo dda[ ][ ], [ ]al, bitruuH, hiyyi muu bint ammtaa, l imm, [ ]al, bitruuH, la ind bint xaalaa, [ ]al, taaxod bil izin. [ ]aletla, ainee, alla yihanniikon. miloo llii badkon yeeh. Wween ma yid[ ][ ]oo TTabl, yi nii, that daaruu lalmaiyyet, tSauuwree? Translation: 1. Speaker # 17: At that time, they did not know, maybe, there weren’t many doctors, and no one, for example, they didn’t know Suddenly, the young man, and they had engaged for him, I am telling you, they want to make him marry. Suddenly, he dies. So, the whole village remained sad, more than one year; no one makes kibbi in his house. 2. Speaker # 14: Yes, they used to hammer on the stone, ( ) now, on the head of the table. 3. Speaker # 17: where now? On the head of the table! Now, the dead will be here; they have not yet removed him, and the wedding, a nd the drum is beating in his neighbors’ house; in the neighbors’ house th at is next to them the dr um is beating, what is your opinion? 4. Speaker # 14: Now, no one cares. 5. Speaker # 17: the day (name) got married. She took one who is our relative, not our relative, one that is from the village, from our place, and now she is in Saudi, she and he. He is a doctor. The husband of his cous in’s daughter (from fa ther side) was dead,

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52 you see how? And a young man, and our neighbo r in the area, our neighbor, this means, there is only the street betwee n our house and the house-our house and the house of the dead. 6. Speaker # 14: Yes. 7. Speaker # 17: Yes, this means, and he is their relative. The fi rst thing, the mother, imagine! His mother, his mother, not the moth er, I want to say, his wife, his wife is the cousin of his father (from the father si de), and she is the cousin (from the father side), the wife, and the wife is the cous in of the young man (from the father side), imagine! This means, how the relation is! Did you pay attention to (how related)? This means, the wife of the young man – (to her daughter) I don’ t want to drink, mother – (To her friend) the wife of the young man, the wife of the dead is the cousin of his mother, sorry, the cous in of the mother of the young man, and she is the cousin of the young man at the same time, did you pay attention? So, they come, they bring the drum, he was not yet, he was not (name), how long was he, how long was he dead? He was not yet a m onth, two month, around this. 8. Daughter of Speaker # 17: ( )? 9. Speaker # 17: the day of the wedding of (name) – (To her daughter) I do not want anything, mother – The important thing, they bring the drum, and they start beating. So, she goes, she, she is her cousin, the mo ther, so, she goes to her cousin from (her mother side), so, to take permission. She told her, my eyes, God bring joy to your hearts, do whatever you want. And where th ey are beating the drum, this means, under the dead house, imagine!

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53 On the other hand, speaker # 12 uses 44 % [q] and 54 % [ ], which indicates that this speaker has not adopted the new dialect completely, though she is about the same age as speaker # 17 and has lived in Hims for the same amount of time (35 years). Both speakers are elementary school teachers with the same level of education. The only difference between these two women is that speaker # 17 comes from an upper-middle class, and speaker # 12 comes from a lower-m iddle class. However, as was shown in Chapter Three, social class is not a major factor conditioning this variable process. The difference between these two speakers could be at tributed either to their social networks (Milroy 1980; Milroy & Milroy 1985, 1992), whic h might have influenced their degree of acquisition of the new dialect, or to the possibility suggested by Giles et. al. (1991) that not all speakers possess equal ability or desire to accommodate fully to a different linguistic variety. It is important to note that speaker # 12 corrects herself sometimes, replacing the [q] sound with the [ ] sound in some words, repeating these same words immediately after they have been pronounced with the [q] sound or pronouncing them differently on different occasions within the same conversati on. This occurrence reflects a kind of selfcorrection towards the prestigious form, rather than self-correction towards a more grammatical or more comprehensible form This is best explained by applying a Labovian framework here. Labov (1972: 178) points out, in his summary of the mechanism of sound change, that “stigmatization initiate[s] change from above a sporadic and irregular correc tion of the changed forms towards the model of the highest status group – that is, the prestige model .” The correction implemented by speaker # 12

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54 might be due to her knowledge of which form is prestigious but the inability to apply this knowledge all the time. The result is, thus, 44 % pronunciation of [q] and 56 % pronunciation of [ ]. This situation perhaps reflects what Labov (2001) has termed ‘linguistic insecurity’, an indication that th e speaker recognizes “an exterior standard of correctness” (Labov 2001: 277) and tr ies to adopt that standard. Correction towards the prestigious form is evident in speaker # 12’s response to my question about her daughter’s marriage and her life with her husband. One can notice in Excerpt 2 below the variation between [q]aalitluu and []aalitluu ‘she told him’ in lines 1 and 5 respectively and the variation between [q]alla ‘he told her’ and bi[]illaa ‘he tells her’ in line 5: Excerpt 2: 1. Speaker # 12: ktiir, ni kor alla, ktiir. [q]aalitluu maa aad ( ). huuwwi maa aalla ktiir aaTer bi iraHa. ee. kaan aTuul yi ref laiyye. aafoo ba Don wt arrfoo aba Don. 2. Researcher: wallah! 3. Speaker # 12: ee. Saar naSiib. a[ ]baal indik yaa rabb. 4. Researcher: allah yisallmik. Killik zoo[ ]. 5. Speaker # 12: a[ ]baal llii yistaahelik yaa rabb, yaa raanyaa. ee. wallah wheek Saar naSiib wilHamdilla ktiir mabsuuTiin, wfihem waD aa. [ ]aalitluu anaa bade kammel diraastee. [q]alla allah ma ik, mitil maa baddik. ee. halla[ ] bi[ ]illaa izaa baddik truuHee ……

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55 Translation: 1. Speaker # 12: a lot, thanks be to God, a lot! She told him there isn’t no more ( ). He, God protects him, very good in surger y. Yes. He was always checking on me. They saw each other and got to know each other. 2. Researcher: By God! 3. Speaker # 12: yes. Fortune happened (idi om meaning they got married). (Idiom meaning she wishes the same to happen to me: to get married) by God’s will. 4. Researcher: God protect you. You are all manners. 5. Speaker # 12: (idiom meaning she wishes the same to happen to me: to get married to some one who deserves me) by God’s will. Yes. By God, and so, they got married (idiom, lit. Fortune happened), and thanks be to god they are very happy, and he understood her situation. She told him, I want to continue my education. He said God be with you, as you want. Yes. Now, he tells her if you want to go Vartiation in the use of [q] and [ ] is also apparent in sp eaker # 12’s reply to my inquiry about the possibility of dividing the middle class into differe nt levels and whom she would consider to belong to what level. I gave her the names of some people that we both knew and asked how she would classify them. One can obviously see in Excerpt 3 her use of Taba/q/a as both Taba[ ]a and Taba[q]a “class”: Excerpt 3: 1. Speaker # 12: Tab an, hadool badde [ ]illik muu Taba[ ]a wwusTaa, lee ? l annuu am ySirrlon i aanat. yu tabaroo a niiyaa, Taba[q]a aniiyyi. After a few turns she continued to say: 2. Speaker # 12: ee, ee, a niiyaa. amma TTaba[q]a lwwusTaa, anaa ma[ ]illik,

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56 mitil lm allmiin maa byiHsinoo yi tiroo saiyyaraat. Maa fiiyyon, l annuu ssiiyyaara badda m aa waaHed, xaSSatan izaa kaan m aa waaHed yi nii m allem waaHed bilbeet. ee. l annuu duubuu yi nii yaakol wyi rab. Maa fiih yi nii. innuu maanuu fa[ ]iir yi nii biiHaawel innuu, heek. Translation: 1. Speaker # 12: of course, those, I want to tell you, are not middle class, why? Because they get (financial) assistance. They are considered rich, upper (lit. rich) class. After a few turns she continued to say: 2. Speaker # 12: yes, yes, rich. On the othe r hand, the middle class, I am telling you, like teachers who cannot afford to buy cars. They cannot because the car requires one salary, especially if there was one salary, th is means, one teacher in the house. Yes. Because barely, this means, he can eat and drink, He cannot, this means. That is, he is not poor, this means, he tries, that is, so. The differential patterns of accommodation and variation in some rural migrants’ speech are clear, when one compares the word fa[]iir “poor (M)” that occurred in excerpt 3 with the [ ] sound with the words fa[ ]iira “poor (F)”and fi[q]raa “poor (Pl)” that occurred in exce rpt 4 with both an [ ] sound and a [q] sound: Excerpt 4: 1. Researcher: Tab an, Tab, halla[ ], bira yik innuu fii nnaas a niyaa, bass muu irfaaniin yi ii oo biHayaaton. hal bti tibriyon a niyaa walla mni tibiron wwusTaa. halla[ ], fii naas biDDai a ktiir, inte bta irfee! 2. Speaker # 12: ee.

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57 3. Researcher: wmaanon irfaaniin yi ii oo 4. Speaker # 12: hadool nafsiiton fa[ ]iira 5. Researcher: uu bti tibriyon, hadool, uu bti tibriyon, masalan 6. Speaker # 12: bxil 7. Researcher: ee, uu bti tibriyon, Taba[q]a aniiyi walla Taba[q]a wwusTaa. aai iin mitlik mitlee, yi nii maanon aai iin aHsan minninnaa, ma buuT walla la ? 8. Speaker # 12: yu tabaroo wwusTaa, ma naahaa, [ ]add maykuun ma on maSaaree wbyit addoo xibz w inib. ai uu ma naahaa? fi[q]raa fi[q]raa aiwaa Translation: 1. Researcher: Of course, ok, now, in your opini on, that is, there ar e rich people, but they do not know how to live in their life. Do you consider them rich or we consider them middle. Now, there are a lo t people in the v illage, you know, 2. Speaker # 12: yes. 3. Researcher: and they don’t know how to live 4. Speaker # 12: those have a poor soul. 5. Researcher: what do you consider those, what do you consider them, for example? 6. Speaker # 12: meanness 7. Researcher: yes, what do you consider them, rich class or middle class. They live like you and me, that means, they do not li ve better than us right or wrong? 8. Speaker # 12: they are considered middle, that means, no matter how much money they have, they eat bread and grapes for lunch. What does that mean? Poor, poor, yes.

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58 Consequently, one could say that individua l speakers differ in their degree of acquisition of the Himsi dialect. Some pe ople accommodate fully to the new dialect; others vary their speech. In the case of speaker # 12, it is not a matter of stylistic variation; it is more the lack of a firm grip on the new dial ect. This kind of variation can be observed in the speech of many others. For example, speaker # 19 uses the word /maqbra/ ‘cemetery’ at the beginning of the conversation three times with the [ ] sound, mabra, and much later in the conversation with the [q] sound, maqbra In general terms, one may start to use some features of the Himsi dialect, and then later on produce the same word with village dialect features. In the course of the r ecorded conversations, some speakers volunteered their personal though ts on language use and migrant identity in Hims. These details are pres ented in section 5.3 below. 5.3. Personal Observations on Language Accommodation Some participants in the study expressed cu riosity about the topic of my research. When asked what I was looking for in their speech, I would respond th at I could not tell them. If they insisted, I would say that I was observing the social influence on people’s dialects and the difference between children a nd their parents. As a result, they offered some interesting comments about why this sort of accommodation occurs and some of them even referred explicitly to the change of [q] into [ ], without any sort of indication from me that this particular phenomenon wa s my focus. Many topics and themes were raised and discussed in th e conversations and which support many of the findings and ideas expressed earlier on in the study. First, occupation, social networks, and appearing more civilized emerged as important factors for the change of [q] into [ ] in the speech of the rural migrants, based

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59 on comments uttered by some participants in the study. For example, Speaker # 7 started his conversation with a comment on how people who come from the village to the city change their accent. He gave a few possible reasons for this change, pointing out in Excerpt 5 that occupation, soci al networks, and appearing mo re city-like forces rural migrants to accommodate to the speech of th e city people. These perspectives presented by speaker # 7 give support to some of the theo retical notions that have been expressed in this study and in previous studies: Excerpt 5: In this excerpt, the speak er begins answering my que stion about how long he has been living outside the village. He points out how some people cha nged their dialect as soon as they left the village. He is a littl e critical of those people because later on he indicates that those who have a strong persona lity, like his, do not change their dialect and do not care about what other people say. For him, people change their dialect as a kind of adjustment, adaptation or what we call accommodation to th e speech of their surroundings: school, 2 friends, neighbors, etc., or to “show off” and appear more “civilized”: 1. Speaker # 7: biHduud ee arb iin, ma ba ref, tlaatau arb iin sini, issa nafs l[q]aaf wnafs lhada maa aiyyartu. (Name) Tile mniDDee a. awal yoom raaH a aam a. ba d isbuu ri i aDDee a ma yiHke bil[ ]aaf, rifte kiif? yi nii, fii aalem muba aratan aiyiret. 2 ‘School’ here refers to the fact that the person he mentions in line 5 is a school teacher. Thus, here ‘school’ does not refer to education; it refers to th e influence that a person’s occupation and surroundings could have on him/her, and how a person tries to accommodate to her/his interlocutors. It is an indication that integration in the community requires changes in the person’s linguistic behavior.

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60 2. Researcher: hiyyi, hiyyi, haaii, haaii hadafe, ee. 3. Speaker # 7: immik bil axiir nfaraD laiyya, nfaraD laiyya, bass maana mabsuTa, yi nii, maa bitkuun mirtaaH a, badda tiHke bil[ ]aaf been rif[q]aata. Saaret tix al ....3 kil ee Til oo mafruuD laiyon auu m aiyyen, uu ismuu? Bass eh, fii aalem maa htammet. anaa biTri[q]a, bi milaa bilmaTr[q]a, wxalle waHed yistar e yiHke, yi nii maa b uu ismuu. 4. Researcher: ee. huuwwi, haada hadafe, hadafe, innuu uuf tta iir l i tma e alah it l insaan. 5. Speaker # 7: tta iir l i tma e, innuu immik nfaraD laiyya; farDet lmadersi, farDet laiyya rif[ ]aata, iiraana byiHkoo bil[ ]aaf, la[q]et Haala ariibi, badda tit a[q]lam ma auu musaayaratan, badda tsaayer. fii nau iyyi badda tsaayer, fii nau iyyi badda t uuf Haala wayi. innuu matiHke bil[ ]aaf, tu tabar innuu l[ ]aaf a li HaDaariyyi. fii nau min lmusaayara; fii nau aufit Haal, ee, fii iddit, fii iddit, a laat, muu a iraat bit a er al. 3 Dots indicate that some speech is not transcribed because it does not add any new or relevant information to the discussion.

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61 Translation: 1. Speaker # 7: about forty, I don’t know, fortythree years, still the same qaaf and the same accent; I did not change it. (Name) left the village. The first day he went to the university. After one week, he came b ack to the village speaking with [ ]aaf, do you know how? this means, there are people who changed right away. 2. R: it-it, this-this is my goal, yes. 3. Speaker # 7: your mother at the end it was imposed on her, it was imposed on her, but she is not happy. It means, she will not be comfortable, she wants to speak with the [ ]aaf among her friends. She became embarra ssed, but she is not comfortable, (to my mother) is this right or not? ….. All those who left, it was imposed on them a particular atmosphere, what is it called? Bu t, eh, there are people who did not care. I hammer, I do it with the hammer, and let anyone dare to talk, it means, not what it is called. 4. R: yes, it, this is my goal. My goal is, that is, to see the social influence on the accent of Man. 5. Speaker # 7: the social influence, that is, your mother it was imposed on her; the school imposed on her; her friends imposed on her, her neighbors; they speak with the [ ]aaf. She found herself a stranger; she wa nts to adapt to the atmosphere for adjustment; she wants to adjust. There is a kind that wants to adjust; there is a kind that wants to appear arro gant a little. That is, sh e is speaking with the [ ]aaf, she is considered, that is, the [ ]aaf a civilized thing. There is a kind of adjustment; there is a kind of arrogance, yes, ther e are a numberthere are a num ber of things, factors that have an influence on the

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62 Second, possessing a strong personality and clin ging to one’s original identity are some of the reasons behind the maintenance of one’s mother dialect. On the other hand, the past superiority of the city people w ith regards to technol ogy, construction and electricity led the migrant rural people in the past to imitate city people in many aspects of life, including language, out of fear of appearing backward and awkward. These multiple topics were stated clearly by speaker # 7 in Excerpt 6 below: Excerpt 6: 1. Speaker # 7: willii induu-willii induu min, bitSwwar anaa haddi, llii induu min axSiituu l[q]awiyyi: “laa ta[q]ol aSle wa faSle, innamaa aSlu lfata maa ( )” innuu maa bitfro[q] ma oo; lahi tuu maa bi aiyyera l innuu haai lahi tuu. (To my mother) walla a li kbiiri. am niHkiila [q]iSSitnaa. ee. fii. maa bitfro[q] ma oo lahi tuu, biyitamm yiHkiiyya lahi tuu l aSliyyil aSliyyil aSliyyi biiHaafe laiyyaa, bass aHyaanan awaamel ktiiri, zaman Tawiil, m aa irtuu ma rif[q]aatuu bitxalliih ( ) li annuu lHaDaara, lee lHaDaara halle[q] li annuu min ee niHina min DDai a. DDai a halle[q] Saaret HaDaariyyi aktar min lmadiini, bass bin ee, ibn DDai a bitamm xaaiyef minnaa. a iiyaamnaa, anaa w immik, wil[q]abil minna llii kaanuu yinziloo almadiini, yi tibroo lmadiini HaDaara wDDai a fallaH. 2. Researcher: Tab an.

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63 3. Speaker # 7: mitxallef, fii taxallof, lizaalek aii a li, masalan, biyistaxdimaa ibn lmaddini auu biyiHkiiyyaa induu halbeet smiintoo ( ) traab, wkazaa induu halbeet smiintoo, induu halfern, induu halzift, maa kaan innaa zift. induu kahrabaa, maa kaan innaa kahrabaa, innuu haadaa HaDaare. biyi ee b[q]alb xaaiyef minnuu, lizaalik badduu yi[q]alduu, aa? …… Translation: 1. Speaker # 7: and that who has-who has, I imagine this, that who has a strong personality: “Do not say my origin and my story, the origin of a person is what ( )”. That is, he does not care; his accent does not change because this is his accent. (To my mother) by God, this is a big thing (issue). We are tel ling her our story. (To me) yes, there is. He does not car e about his accent; he continue s to talk it, his originaloriginal-original accent, he protects it but sometimes many factors: long time, integration with his friends lets him ( ) because civilization. Why civilization? Now, because we come, we, from the village. The village, now, became more civilized than the city, but we come, the vi llage person remains afraid of it. In our days, your mother and I and those before us, those who used to come to the city consider the city civilizati on and the village peasant. 2. R: Of course. 3. Speaker # 7: backward. There is backwa rdness. Because of that any thing, for example, the city person uses or says it. He has this house from cement ( ) soil, and so; he has this house from cement; he ha s this stove; he has this tar; we did not

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64 have tar; he has electricity; we did not have electricity. That is, th is is civilization. He comes with a frightened heart. For that reason, he wants to imitate it, right? Third, the pride of the Himsi people in thei r own dialect and their negative attitude towards other dialects and people from the countryside was one of the themes that speaker # 7 touched on in Excerpt 7 below: Excerpt 7: 1. Speaker # 7: ee. t e la[q]illik, lee la innuu mi taddiin blah iton min naaHiyi aSabiyyi. lHimSe min naaHiyi aSabiyyi, wa laisa min naaHiyi ( ). lHimSe biyi tiber Haaluu ibn madiini wa biyi tiber ( name & name) filleeHiin ( ). Translation: 1. Speaker # 7: yes. Come, let me tell you w hy. Because they are proud of their dialect from one side. The Himsi, from a fanatic side and not from a ( ) side. The Himsi considers himself a city person and considers (name and name) peasants ( ). Fourth, education, striving to integrate into the Himsi community, embarrassment of one’s own dial ect, and the influence of th e parents’s dialects on their children’s dialect emerged as important factor s in determining the choice between [q] and [ ], as Excerpt 8 below illustrates: Excerpt 8: In this excerpt, speaker # 28 indicates that school4 is a major factor in influencing change in people’s speech. This change re sults either from integration into the community, and thus, a speaker will natura lly use the language used by the whole community, or from being embarrassed among one’ s friends and classmat es that s/he has 4 Here, ‘school’ does refer to education and wh ere a person does receive his/her education.

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65 to accommodate to their speech. In line 8, he refers to the influence of the parents’ dialect on the children’s dialect and that it plays a f actor in shaping the children’s dialect: 1. Researcher: anaa muu lmafruuD [ ]uul uu mauDuu e, huwwi tta iir l i timaa e allah i, lfar[ ] been luulaad w ahlon. 2. Speaker # 28: leeke, yimken llii bikuun bilmadrasi, bi[ ]ee biDDai a ( ). llii biyib[ ]a lassaanawee biDDai a, ween maa raaH maraH tit aiyyar lahi tuu. llii bi[ ]ee lassaanawee. llii biyiTla mnil i daadee byit aiyyar. anaa haaii am bi Tiike ( ). llii biyiTla mnil i daadee wmin l ibtidaa ee, huuwwi wwalad, daxal l i daadee, ssaanawee bHimS btit aiyyar lahi tuu. fii sababeen lata yir llah i, heek anaa bHiss, 3. Researcher: uu ra yak? 4. Speaker # 28: innuu, innuu, awall ee, innuu huuwwi, mitil maa [q]iltee, l ixtilaaT bilmu tama ,yi nii, innuu lwaaHed b akil Tabii ee, badduu yiSiir yiHkee mitil rif[ ]aatuu, w ee taanee, huuwwi lxa al, fii xa al min llah i, yi nii, biyiSiir lwaaHed bi[q]arrer innuu yi aiyyiraa, muu innuu btit aiyyar til[q]aa iiyan, innuu, anaa baddee iHkee, haadaa kiif-haadaa ki if bibbaiyen? bibbaiyen mu arrad maa faat abaituu, byir a allah i l[ ]adiimi. Fhimtee laiyyee kiif? 5. Researcher: biDDabT. 6. Speaker # 28: fii xa al wfii ee biSiir til[q]aa ee, amma anaa xil[ ]aan bHimS, lahi te himSSiyyi; inte, ma alan, xil[ ]aani bHimS 7. Researcher: halla[ ], anaa xili[ ]t, [ ]uul iit imree sinteen aHimS.

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66 8. Speaker # 28: ee, halla[ ], inte xil[ ]aani bHimS, bass maa i tee biDDai a. yimken inte kamaan la innuu abuuke w ummik. ee, anaa lbaaba byiHkee Dai a ee, bass lmaama la lmaama ribyaani b aam, fhimtee loon? inte yimken l abb wl imm a arroo leeke. halla[ ], ma alan, anaa l abb wl imm. anaa lbaaba byiHkee Dai a ee wlmaama btiHkee aamee. anaa Til et lahi te maanaa aamiyyi wmaanaa Dai a iyyi, Til et, yi nii, HimSe aDai a ee…. 9. Researcher: ee, w anaa. Translation: 1. Researcher: I am not supposed to say what is the topic; it is the social influence on the dialect, the difference between the children and their parents….. 2. Speaker # 28: look! It might be that those who are in school, st ayed in the village ( ). Those who stayed up to high school in the village, wherever they go, they will not change their dialect. Those who stayed up to high school. Those who left from preparatory school change. I will give you ( ). That who left from preparatory school and elementary school, as a child, en tered preparatory school, high school in Hims, his dialect changes. There are two reasons for dialect change, that is how I feel, 3. Researcher: what is your opinion? 4. Speaker # 28: that is, that is the first thing, that is it is as you said, the integration with society, this means, that is, one in a natural way wants to start talking like his friends, and a second thing, it is embarrass ment. There is embarrassment from the dialect, this means, one starts to want to, that is, change not that it changes spontaneously, that is, I want to talk, that is how-that is how it shows. It shows once he enters his house; he goes back to his old dialect. Did you understand me, how?

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67 5. Researcher: exactly! 6. Speaker # 28: there is embarrassment and there is something that happens spontaneously. On the other hand, I am bor n in Hims; my accent is Himsi; you are, for example, born in Hims. 7. Researcher: now, I was born. Say, I came, my age was two years, to Hims. 8. Speaker # 28: yes, now, you were not born in Hims, but you are not living in the village. Maybe, you are also, because your fa ther and your mother. Yes, I, my father speaks with the village accen t, but my mother, no. my mother was brought up in Damascus, do you understand how? You, maybe, the father and the mother influenced you. Now, for example, I, the father rand the mother. I, my father speaks with the village accent and my mother speaks Damascene. I, my accent came out not Damascene nor from the village; it came out, it means, Himsi mixed with village accents 9. Researcher: yes, and I too. Furthermore, schooling or education seems to be the main force behind adopting or accommodating to a new form, as Excerpt 9 below demonstrates. The influence of schooling on one’s dialect is due to the am ount of time that students spend with their friends at school. This was confirmed by th e one-way ANOVA test that showed that school is highly significant in determin ing the use of the [q] (see Chapter 3). Excerpt 9: 1. Speaker # 28: innuu lmadrasi hiyyi l asaas After a few turns, he asserts: 2. Speaker # 28: yi nii niSS lwa[ ]t

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68 Translation: 1. F: that is, school is the base. 2. F: it means, half the time Fifth, accommodation to the speech of the inte rlocutor is also confirmed by speaker # 28 who presents examples of relatives who change the [q] into [ ], when they converse with people outside the family circle. Ex cerpt 10 illustrates how rural migrants do accommodate their speech to the speech of the city people: Excerpt 10: 1. Speaker # 28: l innuu, anaa ba ref min mart ammee, min hadool llii byiHkoo Dai a ee, bi allsoo Hakyon, bass badda tinzol kilmaat, yi nii, kilmaat He continues to say after a few turns: 2. Speaker # 28: umm. mart ammee (name) btiHkee bil[q]aaf. btiHkee bil[ ]aaf heek been l aalam, Tabii a, innuu lwaaHed biHaawel, badduu y aiyyer. 3. Researcher: b akel laa iraadee Translation: 1. Speaker # 28:because, I know from my uncle’s wife, from those who speak the village accent; they straighten their tal k, but words want to come down, it mean words He continues to say after a few turns: 2. Speaker # 28: The mother. My uncle’s (nam e) wife speaks with the qaaf. She speaks with the [ ]aaf, so, among people. That is norm al, that is, one wants to change 3. Researcher: in an automatic way

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69 Sixth, the surrounding environment, societ y, and embarrassment constitue the main reasons for the linguistic change that rura l people undergo, as speaker # 28 puts it. The Himsies’ ridiculing of rural people dialects also appears to be a factor influencing the change of [q] into [ ], as excerpt 11 below shows: Excerpt 11: 1. Speaker # 28: maa ribyaan biDDai a, lbii a btixtilef ktiir, fii xu uuni, am [ ]illik fii xu uuni hiniik fii [ ]asaawi bilkalaam 2. Researcher: ma ak Ha[ ][ ] 3. Speaker # 28: hoonee biDall lwaaHed ( ), yi nii, auwallan, lbii a, ala fikra lbii a btixtilef ktiir, lbii a, ba deen lmu tama ba deen min naaHiyit lxa al. hadool killon aglaat biDDarbboo aba Don. 4. Researcher: hoonee lHamaaSni byitmahzoo leenaa 5. Speaker # 28: ee, fauran byil[ ]iTuulik kilimtik. Translation: 1. Speaker # 28: He was not brought up in the village. The environment differs a great deal. There is vulgarity, I am telling you, th ere is vulgarity there. There is harshness in speech 2. Researcher: you are right! 3. Speaker # 28: here, one remains ( ), th is means, first, the environment, as an idea, the environment differs a lot. The environment, then the society, then from the side of embarrassment. These are all thi ngs that affect each other. 4. Researcher: here, the Hi msies make fun of us

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70 5. Speaker # 28: yes, right away, they catch your words. Finally, political issues appear to be one further factor, affecting a sound change and influencing the choice between [q] and [ ], as speaker # 28 states in excerpt 12 below: Excerpt 12: 1. Speaker # 28: ….. am illik l umuur ssiyaasiiyyi bit asser Translation: 1. Speaker # 28: ….. I am telling you political matters have an influence One can clearly see that the observations of this study are confirmed by ordinary people who have lived in Hims for a long pe riod of time and know a great deal about the attitude of the Himsi speech community towards other speech communities. In conclusion, accommodation to the speech of the Himsi community occurs among rural people to different degrees. Some people accommodate fully; others accommodate halfway, resulting in an intermediate dialect; still there are others who do not accommodate at all because they are not concerned with urban prestige. Nonetheless, some of these speakers appear to be changing some words from [q] to [ ] without consciously realizing they are doing so, as in the case of speaker # 7. In his speech, I spotted a number of words pronounced with the [ ] sound (cited in Chapter 4 a nd in Appendix D). This fact tells us that people might be changing thei r speech towards the prestigious form without even realizing the change.

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71 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS It has been demonstrated that age plays th e major role in the change from [q] to [ ] in the city of Hims, followed in importance by residential area. Sex and social class play minor roles in the change. It was noted that women use the prestigious form slightly more than men do. This study cannot confirm that the change of [q] into [ ] is a change in progress; this requires further investigation and recordings of more people who live in the village to see if this change is spreading to the rural areas. There are indications of a change in progress, but only a longitudinal study can confirm this. What the present study does seem to conf irm is that speech accommodation is the mechanism by which migrant groups change th eir dialect; they want to appear more prestigious by taking on a ne w dialect and thus an urban identity. Though Haeri (1991, 1996) and Daher (1998a, 1998b) think that edu cation is the reason for the increasing use of [q] in the speech of Cairene and Damascen e Colloquial Arabic respectively, this study shows that education plays two polar roles. First, it has a reverse effect on people who migrate from villages and use the [q] variant. Being highly educated, these migrants get jobs that lead them to interaction with th e city people, reducing their use of [q] and increasing their use of [ ]. Second, education has been shown to exert an influence on the occurrence of [q] as lexical borrowings from SA. However, these lexical borrowings are not only present in the speech of the educated speaker; they are also observed in the speech of those who received less education, e.g. speaker # 25. It has also been noticed

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72 with regards to some speakers in whose speech the [q] is dominant that some words are adopted with the [ ] sound due to their frequent use. This phenomenon was explained in light of the theory of lexical diffusion. This study has tried to avoid the “obser ver’s paradox” (Labov, 1972: 43) in every possible way, but one can never make a conclu sive claim that speakers did not monitor their speech to some degree. The awareness of being recorded may have provoked some people to use the prestige form more freque ntly, but this awareness would perhaps have been attenuated by the fact that the intervie wer is part of their community and comes from the same village. It seems likely to me that if the same people were recorded with different interlocutors in different situations the prestige form [ ] would be more frequent, as one recorded conve rsation between speaker # 17 a nd a friend of hers shows. In this conversation, speaker # 17 used [ ] 100 %, whereas she used 100 % [q] in another recorded conversation with me her daughter. This is a complete switch from one dialect to another to accommodate to the speech of the interlocutor who comes from a different background and to fulfill the need to sound prestigious. In order to confirm the results of this study one would have to examine methodically the issue of covert prestige in the countryside. Upon retu rn to the village, one is expected to use his/her original di alect. Otherwise, the village community may stigmatize the use of a different dialect or the softening of [q]. The stigmatization is usually directed at the older generation more than it is directed at the younger generation who has been born and raised in the city or has moved to the city at a very young age. The older generation would be perceived by th e village people as haughty, presumptuous, or pretentious, if they try to use the city dialect with them. Thus, this conflict between

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73 two identities and two kinds of prestige ma y create a problem to individuals who have undergone the change. This sound change cannot be interpreted fu lly without reference to or extensive knowledge of the history of such change or th e history of the area where the change is taking place, which is unfortunately lacking (Haeri 1991, 1996). The emphasis on the Arabic roots and the Quran as a basis for the Arabic language may prevent the occurrence of complete merger of [q] and [ ] or the extension of this merger to SA. The great stylistic and social varia tion that prevails in the city of Hims reflects a consistent pattern. Speakers # 20, 21, and 22 are excepti ons; living in one of the suburb areas of Hims where most of the community uses the [q] sound, they continue to use the [q] sound in their speech in contrast to all the younge r generation who show greater use of the [ ] sound. Though this study only deals with the change of [q] to [ ], it is worth mentioning that many other sound changes accompany this change, such as the change of the vowel [e] to [a] between consonants, [ee] to [aa] and the epenthesis of [a] between initial consonant clusters. There are other vowel ch anges involved as well, all beyond the scope of this study. It is my hope that the presen t study will open the way fo r further research in other Syrian cities as well as in other count ries, such as Lebanon, where a similar change may be taking place. In these other places, it would be interesting to discover which sound is favored more: [q] or [ ].

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74 APPENDIX A THE RESULTS OF THE STEPWISE LI NEAR REGRESSION TEST PERFORMED ON THE CONTINUOUS DEPENDENT VARIABLE [Q] Table 16: Model summary of the dependent variable [q] Model R R Square Adjusted R Square Std. Error of the Estimate 1. Age .588a .346 .327 100.385 2. Area .654b .428 .393 95.294 a. Predictors: (Constant), Age group b. Predictors: (Constant), Age group, Area Table 17: ANOVAc of the stepwise linear regression test performed on the continuous dependent variable [q] Model Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig. 181310.548 1 181310.548 17.992 .000a 342622.341 34 10077.128 1 Regression Residual Total 523932.889 35 224260.706 2 112130.353 12.348 .000b 299672.183 33 9080.975 2 Regression Residual Total 523932.889 35 a. Predictors: (Constant), Age group b. Predictors: (Constant), Age group, Area c. Dependent Variable: qaaf Table 18: Coefficientsa of the stepwise linear regressi on test performed on the continuous dependent variable [q] Unstandardized Coefficients Standardized Coefficients t Sig. Model B Std. Error Beta -74.625 53.865 -1.385 .175 1 (Constant) age group 142.155 33.513 .588 4.242 .000 -174.421 68.705 -2.539 .016 139.180 31.843 .576 4.371 .000 2 (Constant) age group area 87.355 40.167 .287 2.175 .037 a. Dependent Variable: qaaf

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75 Table 19: Excluded variablesc by the stepwise linear regres sion test performed on the continuous dependent variable [q] Beta In t Sig. Partial Correlation Collinearity Statistics Model Tolerance 1 sex class area school income occupation .272a -.127a .287a -.199a -.206a -.274a 2.049 -.911 2.175 -1.061 -1.515 -1.889 .048 .369 .037 .296 .139 .068 .336 -.157 .354 -.182 -.255 -.312 .997 1.000 .998 .546 1.000 .851 2 sex class school income occupation .221b .030b -.118b -.088b -.174b 1.682 .194 -.638 -.578 -1.108 .102 .847 .528 .567 .276 .285 .034 -.112 -.102 -.192 .951 .730 .519 .764 .700 a. Predictors in the Model: (Constant), Age group b. Predictors in the Model: (Constant), Age group, Area c. Dependent Variable: qaaf

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76 APPENDIX B THE RESULTS OF THE STEPWISE LI NEAR REGRESSION TEST PERFORMED ON THE CONTINUOUS DEPENDENT VARIABLE [ ] Table 20: Model summary of the dependent variable [ ] Model R R Square Adjusted R Square Std. Error of the Estimate 1. Age .640a .410 .393 73.240 2. Area .760b .577 .551 62.952 a. Predictors: (Constant), Age group b. Predictors: (Constant), Age group, Area Table 21: ANOVAc of the stepwise linear regression test performed on the continuous dependent variable [ ] Model Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig. 1 Regression 126712.094 1 126712.094 23.622 .000a Residual 182380.656 34 5364.137 Total 309092.750 35 2 Regression 178316.452 2 89158.226 22.498 .000b Residual 130776.298 33 3962.918 Total 309092.750 35 a. Predictors: (Constant), Age group b. Predictors: (Constant), Age group, Area c. Dependent Variable: hamza Table 22: Coefficientsa of the stepwise linear regressi on test performed on the continuous dependent variable [ ] Unstandardized Coefficients Standardized Coefficients t Sig. Model B Std. Error Beta 1 (Constant) 267.310 39.300 6.802 .000 age group -118.839 24.451 -.640 -4.860 .000 2 (Constant) 376.698 45.386 8.300 .000 age group -115.578 21.036 -.623 -5.494 .000 area -95.752 26.535 -.409 -3.609 .001 a. Dependent Variable: hamza

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77 Table 23: Excluded variablesc by the stepwise linear regres sion test performed on the continuous dependent variable [ ] Collinearity Statistics Model Beta In t Sig. Partial Correlation Tolerance 1 sex -.289a -2.325 .026 -.375 .997 class .202a 1.535 .134 .258 .966 area -.409a -3.609 .001 -.532 .998 school .026a .142 .888 .025 .546 income .192a 1.484 .147 .250 1.000 occupation .256a 1.858 .072 .308 .851 2 sex -.211b -1.886 .068 -.316 .951 class -.090b -.608 .547 -.107 .596 school -.104b -.654 .518 -.115 .519 income -.008b -.061 .952 -.011 .764 occupation .084b .618 .541 .109 .700 a. Predictors in the Model: (Constant), Age group b. Predictors in the Model: (Constant), Age group, Area c. Dependent Variable: hamza

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78 APPENDIX C LEXICAL BORROWINGS 1) Speaker # 17: 1. bit[q]ayyem (V) ‘she evaluates’ 2. Ha[q]iir (N) ‘despicable scorned, wretched, despised, mean, abject’ 3. Ha[q]iir (N) ‘despicable scorned, wretched, despised, mean, abject’ 2) Speaker # 19: 1. [q]arrart (V) ‘I decided’ 2. [q]aaDe (N) ‘judge’ 3. [q]arrar (V) ‘he decided’ 4. sta[q][q]arro (V) ‘they settled’ 3) Speaker # 23: 1. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 2. alaa[q]aate (N) ‘my relations’ 3. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 4. ar[q]a (Adj) ‘more advanced’ 5. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 6. bitla[q][q]en (V) ‘dictates orally’ 7. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 8. bit[q]inaa (V) ‘I excel in/ am skillful in’ 9. bit[q]inaa (V) ‘I excel in/ am skillful in’ 10. Taba[q]aat wusTa (N) ‘middle classes’ 11. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 12. TTaba[q]a lwusTa (N) ‘the middle class’ 13. TTaba[q]a lwusTa (N) ‘the middle class’ 14. TTaba[q]a lwusTa (N) ‘the middle class’ 15. TTaba[q]a lwusTa (N) ‘the middle class’ 16. TTaba[q]a lwusTa (N) ‘the middle class’ 17. TTaba[q]a lmuxmaliyi (N) Lit. ‘the velv et class’, meaning ‘the wealthy class’ 18. munaa[q]aSa (N) ‘tender’ 19. munaa[q]aSa (N) ‘tender’ 20. ninti[q]Don (V) ‘we criticize them’ 21. i[q]Taa iiyi (Adj) ‘feudal (F)’ 22. [q]ruuDa (N) ‘(bank) Loans’

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79 23. [q]ruuDa (N) ‘(bank) Loans’ 24. [q]ruuDa (N) ‘(bank) Loans’ 25. [q]ruuDa (N) ‘(bank) Loans’ 26. [q]ruuDit (N) ‘(bank) Loans’ 27. [q]arD (N) ‘(bank) loan’ 28. [q]arD (N) ‘(bank) loan’ 29. [q]arD zeraa e (N) ‘(bank) agricultural loan’ 30. [q]ruuDa (N) ‘(bank) Loans’ 31. l[q]arD (N) ‘the (bank) loan’ 32. l[q]arD zeraa e (N) ‘(bank) agricultural loan’ 33. l[q]arD zeraa e (N) ‘(bank) agricultural loan’ 34. l[q]arD zeraa e (N) ‘(bank) agricultural loan’ 35. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 36. mud[q]e (Adj) ‘abject/wretched/degrading/debasing’ 37. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 38. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 39. fu[q]araa lbaduu (N) ‘the poor of the Bedouin’ 40. fasaad axlaa[q]e (Adj) ‘moral corr uption/depravation/pervertedness’ 41. l[q]aDaaya (N) ‘court cases’ 42. muntha lru[q][q]ii (N) ‘ultimate advancement/rise’ 43. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 44. l[q]ur aan (N) ‘the Qur’an’ 45. l[q]diis yuHanna (N) Lit Saint John, meaning ‘John the Baptist’ 46. l[q]diis yuHanna (N) Lit Saint John, meaning ‘John the Baptist’ 47. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 48. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 49. TTaba[q]a l anniyi (N) Lit. ‘the ri ch class’, meaning ‘the upper class’ 50. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 51. a[q]alla (Adj) ‘the least’ 52. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 53. [q]aaDe (N) ‘judge’ 54. mitwa[q][q]e (Adj) ‘expecting’ 55. nSa a[q]t (V) ‘shocked’ 4) Speaker # 24: 1. musta[q][q]il (Adj) ‘independent (M)’ 2. musta[q][q]ili (Adj) ‘independent (F)’ 3. [q]ubuul (N) ‘admission’ 4. min [q]ibal (Adv) ‘from (e.g. a source)’ 5. manTi[q]iyi (Adj) ‘logical (F)’ 6. l[q]ubuul (N) ‘the admission’

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80 7. l[q]ubuul (N) ‘the admission’ 8. l[q]ubuul (N) ‘the admission’ 9. l[q]ubuul (N) ‘the admission’ 10. lra[q]am (N) ‘number (phone)’ 11. [q]ism lviiza (N) ‘visa department/section’ 12. l[q]ubuul (N) ‘the admission’ 13. l[q]ubuul (N) ‘the admission’ 14. [q]tana t (V) ‘I became convinced’ 15. lmu[q]iimiin (Adj) ‘the residents’ 16. mu[q]iimiin (Adj) ‘residents’ 17. nit a[q]lam (V) ‘we adapt’ 18. lmu[q]iimiin (Adj) ‘the residents’ 19. it a[q]lam (V) ‘we adapt’ 20. it a[q]lam (V) ‘we adapt’ 21. lmu[q]iimiin (Adj) ‘the residents’ 22. [q]ism l iraaHa (N) ‘the surgery department’ 23. [q]ism (N) ‘department’ 24. [q]ism (N) ‘department’ 25. [q]ism lruDuuD (N) ‘the contusions department’ 26. l[q]ism (N) ‘the department’ 27. lHuruu[q] (N) ‘the Burns’ (referring to department) 28. lHuruu[q] (N) ‘the Burns’ 29. [q]ism l iraaHa (N) ‘the surgery department’ 30. [q]ism lruDuuD (N) ‘the contusions department’ 31. mitmazze[q][q] (Adj) ‘torn’ 32. b[q]ism l iraaHa (N) ‘i n the surgery department’ 33. dara[q] (N) ‘thyroid’ 34. i[q]di (N) ‘growth’ 35. bl iddi ldara[q][q]iyi (A dj)‘the thyroid gland’ 36. b[q]ism lruDuuD (N) ‘in the contusions department’ 37. bhal[q]ism (N) ‘ in this department’ 38. lmu[q]iimiin (Adj) ‘the residents’ 39. lmu[q]iimiin (Adj) ‘the residents’ 40. [q]arrart (V) ‘ I decided’ 41. litta [q]iim (N) ‘for sterilization’ 42. bi a[q][q]em (V) ‘he sterilizes’ 43. lm a[q][q]ami (Adj) ‘the sterilized (F)’ 44. lHuruu[q] (N) ‘the Burns’ 45. [q]ism (N) ‘department’ 46. lHuruu[q] (N) ‘the Burns’ 47. lHuruu[q] (N) ‘the Burns’ 48. lHuruu[q] (N) ‘the Burns’

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81 49. [q]ism lruDuuD (N) ‘the contusions department’ 50. lHuruu[q] (N) ‘the Burns’ 51. [q]ism lruDuuD (N) ‘the contusions department’ 52. [q]ism l iraaHa (N) ‘the surgery department’ 53. ma[q]ruun (Adj) ‘accompanied’ 54. bil[q]iraa a (N) ‘with reading’ 55. blHuruu[q] (N) ‘in the Burns’ 56. lmu[q]iimiin (Adj) ‘the residents’ 57. lmu[q]iimiin (Adj) ‘the residents’ 58. a[q]d (N) ‘contract’ 59. a[q]d (N) ‘contract’ 60. ta aa[q]od (N) ‘contracting’ 61. mit aa[q]diin (Adj) ‘those who signed a contract’ 62. lmit aa[q]ed (Adj) ‘he who signed a contract’ 63. mit aa[q]diin (Adj) ‘those who signed a contract’ 64. mit aa[q]diin (Adj) ‘those who signed a contract’ 65. lmit aa[q]ed (Adj) ‘he who signed a contract’ 66. mit aa[q]diin (Adj) ‘those who signed a contract’ 67. lmit aa[q]diin (Adj) ‘those who signed a contract’ 68. [q]an iton (N) ‘she convinced them’ 69. aSdi[q]aa (N) ‘friends’ 70. aa e[q] (N) ‘obstacle’ 5) Speaker # 25: 1. sti[q]laaliyi (N) ‘independence’ 2. yi[q]ayyidu (V) ‘confines (M) him’ 3. yi[q]ayyidne (V) ‘confines (M) me’ 4. a[q]d (N) ‘contract’ 5. l a[q]d (N) ‘the contract’ 6. asi[q]a (N) ‘based on trust’ 7. twa[q][q]e le (V) ‘you sign for me’ 8. ssaa e[q] (N) ‘driver’ 9. ya [q]uub (N) ‘Jacob: proper noun’ 10. l i[q]aami (N) ‘residence’ 11. b[q]ism akkaat (N) ‘in the checks’ department’

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82 12. b[q]ism akkaat (N) ‘in the checks’ department’ 13. l[q]ism (N) ‘department’ 14. mi[q]tini (Adj) ‘convinced’ 15. na[q]S tarwiyi bddmaa (N) ‘blood deficiency in the brain’ 16. ra[q]am (N) ‘number 17. i[q]aaratu (N) ‘his properties’ 18. titnaa[q]a (V) ‘she discusses’ 19. Hu[q]uu[q] (N) ‘Law school’ 20. m[q]ayyadi (Adj) ‘confined’ 21. ta[q]riir maSiir (N) ‘self-determination’ 22. [q]tana t (V) ‘I became convinced’ 23. [q]tana t (V) ‘I became convinced’ 24. [q]tana t (V) ‘I became convinced’ 25. ni[q]aa aat (N) ‘discussions’ 26. maw[q]ef (N) ‘stand’ 27. bilmu[q]aabel (Adj) ‘in return’ 28. maw[q]ef (N) ‘stand’ 29. hal[q]anaa aat (N) ‘these convictions’ 30. lmanTe[q] (N) ‘the logic’ 31. biyi[q]tini (V) ‘he becomes convinced’ 32. [q]anaa aat (N) ‘convictions’ 33. [q]anaa aat (N) ‘convictions’ 34. lwaa[q]e (N) ‘the reality’ 35. [q]anaa aaton (N) ‘their convictions’ 36. [q]tana t (V) ‘I became convinced’ 37. ti[q]tin e (V) ‘you become convinced’ 38. ti[q]tin e (V) ‘you become convinced’ 39. ti[q]tin e (V) ‘you become convinced’ 40. [q]tana t (V) ‘I became convinced’ 41. mi[q]tin a (Adj) ‘she is convinced’ 42. ti[q]tin (V) ‘you become convinced’ 43. mi[q]tin a (Adj) ‘she is convinced’ 44. ti[q]tin e (V) ‘you become convinced’ 45. ti[q]tin e (V) ‘you become convinced’

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83 46. yi[q]tini (V) ‘he becomes convinced’ 47. yi[q]na (V) ‘he becomes content’ 48. yi[q]tini (V) ‘he becomes convinced’ 49. yi[q]tini (V) ‘he becomes convinced’ 50. yi[q]tini (V) ‘he becomes convinced’ 51. yi[q]na (V) ‘he becomes content’ 52. ra[q]am (N) ‘number’ 53. a[q]all (Adj) ‘less’ 54. [q]tana t (V) ‘I became convinced’ 55. [q]tana t (V) ‘I became convinced’ 56. mi[q]tine (Adj) ‘he is convinced’ 57. ra[q]am (N) ‘number’ 58. lra[q]am (N) ‘the number’ 59. ra[q]am (N) ‘number’ 6) Speaker # 26: 1. mitwa[q][q] iin (Adj) ‘anticipating (pl.)’ 2. twa[q]a aw (V) ‘they expected/anticipated’ 3. tanaa[q]oD (N) ‘ambivalence/contradiction’ 4. u[q]uubaat (N) ‘punishments’ 5. u[q]uubaat (N) ‘punishments’ 6. u[q]uubaat (N) ‘punishments’ 7. alaa[q]a (N) ‘relation’ 8. bi aa[q]eb (V) ‘punishes’ 9. twa[q][q]a na (V) ‘we anticipated’ 10. m[q]arrarra (Adj) ‘decided upon/ provisioned’ 11. laa ta[q][q]ul (V) ‘not less than’ 12. [q]asaa em (N) ‘coupons’ 13. a[q]ii[q]a (N) ‘migraine’ 14. lra[q]iib (N) ‘ the sergeant’ 15. l iraa[q] (N) ‘the Iraq’ 16. l iraa[q] (N) ‘the Iraq’ 17. l[q]aami li (N) ‘the name of a city in the north-east of Syria’ 18. l[q]anawaat (N) ‘TV channels’

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84 19. l[q]anawaat (N) ‘TV channels’ 20. [q]aDo (V) ‘they destroyed’ 21. l iraa[q] (N) ‘the Iraq’ 22. ttaH[q]ii[q] (N) ‘investigation’ 23. ttaH[q]ii[q]aat (N) ‘investigations’ 24. nna[q]aabi (N) ‘the syndicate’ 25. nna[q]aabi (N) ‘the syndicate’ 26. nna[q]aabi (N) ‘the syndicate’ 27. nna[q]aabi (N) ‘the syndicate’ 28. nna[q]aabi (N) ‘the syndicate’ 29. wa[q][q]a (V) ‘he signed’ 30. mitwa[q][q]a u (Adj) ‘I (M) expect him’ 31. l alaa[q]aat l i timaa iyi (N)‘social relationships’ 7) Speaker # 27: 1. mu[q]aarani (N) ‘comparison’ 2. yi [q]od (V) ‘holds (a meeting for example)’ 3. yi [q]od (V) ‘holds (M) (a meeting for example)’ 4. ti [q]od (V) ‘holds (F) (a meeting for example)’ 5. taa er lbundu[q][q]iyi (N) ‘t he Merchant of Venice’ 6. lma[q]aa ed (N) ‘university seats’ 7. [q]aanuune (Adj) ‘legal’ 8. [q]aanuune (Adj) ‘legal’ 9. a[q]lliyi (N) ‘mentality’ 10. a[q]lliyi (N) ‘mentality’ 11. a[q]lliyi (N) ‘mentality’ 12. manTe[q] (N) ‘logic’ 13. lxanda[q] (N) ‘trench/ditch/sap’ 14. faa[q]di kayaanik (Adj) ‘ you (F) have lost your essence/soul’ 15. [q]an ita (V) ‘she convinced her’ 16. ti[q]na ni (V) ‘she convince me’ 17. yi[q]tini (V) ‘he becomes convinced’ 18. [q]tana (V) ‘he became convinced’ 19. adiim sa[q]aafi (N) ‘lacks education’ 20. bi a[q]all (Adj) ‘with less’ 21. waa[q]e (N) ‘reality’

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85 8) Speaker # 28: 1. ta[q]wiim (N) ‘orthodontia/orthodontics’ 2. ta[q]wiim (N) ‘orthodontia/orthodontics’ 3. ta[q]wiim (N) ‘orthodontia/orthodontics’ 4. fa[q]aT (Adv) ‘only’ 5. tta[q]wiim (N) ‘the orthodontia/orthodontics’ 6. tuusa[q]e (V) ‘you (F) trust’ 7. billu[q]aaH (N) ‘with the vaccination’ 8. mla[q]aH (Adj) ‘vaccinated’ 9. byitla[q][q]aHo (V) ‘they are vaccinated’ 10. ta[q]arruHaat (N) ‘canker sores’ 11. a[q]all (Adj) ‘less’ 12. bin a[q][q]em (V) ‘we sterilize’ 13. ta [q]iim (N) ‘sterilization’ 14. afrii[q]ya (N) ‘Africa’ 15. ta [q]iim (N) ‘sterilization’ 16. a [q]am (Adj) ‘more sterilized’ 17. afrii[q]ya (N) ‘Africa’ 18. afrii[q]ya (N) ‘Africa’ 19. afrii[q]ya (N) ‘Africa’ 20. afrii[q]ya (N) ‘Africa’ 21. afrii[q]ya (N) ‘Africa’ 22. yenti[q]el (V) ‘it is transmitted’ 23. inti[q]aalu (N) ‘its transmission’ 24. bil alaa[q]aat l inssiyi (N) ‘sexual relations’ 25. l alaa[q]a (N) ‘relation’ 26. l alaa[q]a (N) ‘relation’ 27. l[q]aanuun (N) ‘legislation/law’ 28. l[q]aanuun (N) ‘legislation/law’ 29. mla[q][q]aHa (Adj) ‘vaccinated (F)’ 30. llu[q]aaH (N) ‘vaccination’ 31. mla[q]aH (Adj) ‘vaccinated (m)’ 32. mla[q]aH (Adj) ‘vaccinated (m)’ 33. lu[q]aHu (N) ‘its vaccine’ 34. mla[q]aH (Adj) ‘vaccinated (m)’ 35. awraa[q] Tibbiyi (N) ‘medical papers’ 36. alaa[q]aat inssiyi (N) ‘sexual relations’ 37. mu a[q][q]at (Adj) ‘temporary’ 38. lmu a[q][q]at (Adj) ‘the temporary’

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86 39. l[q]aanuun (N) ‘legislation/law’ 40. Tabiib l[q]albiyi (Adj) ‘Cardiologist’ 41. waase[q] (Adj) ‘trustful/convinced/sure’ 42. l[q]awaaniin (N) ‘legislations/laws’ 43. ttaH[q]ii[q]aat (N) ‘investigations’ 44. l[q]awaaniin (N) ‘legislations/laws’ 45. [q]aanuun (N) ‘legislation/law’ 46. [q]aanuun (N) ‘legislation/law’ 47. ahaadit ta[q]diir (N) ‘certificate of achievement’ 48. binna[q]aabi (N) ‘in the syndicate’ 49. binna[q]aabi (N) ‘in the syndicate’ 50. [q]aanuun (N) ‘legislation/law’ 51. [q]aanuun (N) ‘legislation/law’ 52. [q]aanuun (N) ‘legislation/law’ 53. [q]aabel (Adj) ‘prone to/ susceptible to’ 54. l[q]aDaa (N) ‘judiciary’ 55. l[q]aDaa (N) ‘judiciary’ 56. l[q]aDaa (N) ‘judiciary’ 57. t[q]aarnee (V) ‘you (F) compare’ 58. bi[q]arrer (V) ‘decides (M)’ 59. til[q]aa iyan (Adv) ‘spontaneously’ 60. til[q]aa e (Adj) ‘spontaneous’ 61. [q]adar l imkaan(N) ‘as much as possible’ 62. lqaaf (N) ‘the name of the sound /q/’ 63. lqaaf (N) ‘the name of the sound /q/’ 64. lqaaf (N) ‘the name of the sound /q/’ 65. lqaaf (N) ‘the name of the sound /q/’ 66. lqaaf (N) ‘the name of the sound /q/’ 67. lqaaf (N) ‘the name of the sound /q/’ 68. billqaaf (N) ‘with the name of the sound /q/’ 69. lqaaf (N) ‘the name of the sound /q/’ 70. lqaaf (N) ‘the name of the sound /q/’ 71. billqaaf (N) ‘with the name of the sound /q/’ 72. qaaf (N) ‘the name of the sound /q/’ 73. lqaaf (N) ‘the name of the sound /q/’ 74. lqaaf (N) ‘the name of the sound /q/’ 75. lqaaf (N) ‘the name of the sound /q/’ 76. [q]arreb (V) ‘come closer (M)’ 77. [q]arreb (V) ‘come closer (M)’ 78. qaaf (N) ‘the name of the sound /q/’ 79. lqaaf (N) ‘the name of the sound /q/’ 80. bimanTi[q]u (N) ‘in his logic’ 81. manTi[q]iyan (Adv) ‘logically’ 82. manTi[q]iyan (Adv) ‘logically’ 83. lanni[q]aa (N) ‘for discussion’

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87 84. iTla[q]an (Adv) ‘never/ever’ 85. nni[q]aa (N) ‘the discussion’ 86. a[q]iim (Adj) ‘ineffectual/useless’ 9) Speaker # 29: 1. taw[q]ii (N) ‘signing’ 2. ywa[q][q]e (V) ‘ He signs’ 3. ywa[q][q]e (V) ‘He signs’ 4. Taba[q]e miHware (Adj) ‘sonogram’ 5. Taba[q]e miHware (Adj) ‘sonogram’ 6. fa[q]ara xaamsi (N) ‘fifth vertebra’ 7. bil[q]uSuur (N) ‘in the name of a place’ 8. m[q]arrerriin (Adj) ‘they had the decision’ 9. Hu[q]uu[q] (N) ‘Law school’ 10. Hu[q]uu[q] (N) ‘Law school’ 11. wa[q][q]a naaha (V) ‘we signed it’ 12. [q]arrart (V) ‘I decided’ 13. twa[q][q]a t (V) ‘I excepted’ 10) Speaker # 30: 1. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 2. l a[q]wa (Adj) ‘the strongest’ 3. l a[q]wa (Adj) ‘the strongest’ 4. itifa[q]yaat (N) ‘treaties’ 5. da[q]ii[q]iin (Adj) ‘accurate (pl.)’ 6. a[q]all (adj) ‘less’ 7. la[q]ubuule (N) ‘for my admission’ 8. yiraa[q]eb (V) ‘observe (M)’ 9. yiraa[q]eb (V) ‘observe (M)’ 10. ra[q]amu (N) ‘his [phone] number’ 11. ra[q]amkon (N) ‘your (pl.) [phone] number’ 12. [q]ubuul (N) ‘admission’ 13. lmulHa[q] (N) ‘Attach’ 14. a[q]aafe (Adj) ‘Cultural’ 15. lmulHa[q] (N) ‘Attach’ 16. a[q]aafe (Adj) ‘Cultural’ 17. lmulHa[q] (N) ‘Attach’ 18. a[q]aafe (Adj) ‘Cultural’ 19. lmarkaz a[q]aafe lbriiTane (Adj) Lit. ‘British Cultural Center’ = ‘British Council’

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88 20. lmarkaz a[q]aafe lbriiTane (Adj) Lit. ‘British Cultural Center’ = ‘British Council’ 21. ta[q]riiban (Adv) ‘approximately’ 22. [q]udra ala (N) ‘capability to 23. ttixaaz l[q]raar (N) ‘take the decision’ 24. mu tama na l ar[q]e (Adj) ‘our Oriental society’ 25. bilwa[q]t lraahen (N) ‘in our present day’ 26. aSdi[q]aa na (N) ‘our friends’ 27. mahaaratu l a[q]lyyi (Adj) ‘the mental skills’ 28. [q]udraat (N) ‘capabilities’ 29. [q]ad yakuun (det) ‘might be’ 30. ma nta[q]Set min ru uultu (V) ‘did not depreciate his masculinity’ 31. ma [q]illak (V) ‘I am telling you’ 32. [q]aadira (Adj) ‘capable (F)’ 33. l[q]ubuul (N) ‘the admission’ 34. kint m[q]arrira (Adj) ‘I had decided’ 35. taxTiiT lmawaa[q]e (N) ‘the site planning’ 36. maw[q]e (N) ‘site’ 37. lmawaa[q]e ssakanniyi (N) ‘residential sites’ 11) Speaker # 31: 1. irhaa[q] (N) ‘exhaustion’ 2. lmu[q]aabali (N) ‘interview’ 3. lmuraa[q]abaat (N) ‘proctoring (pl.)’ 4. [q]aaf (N) ‘the name of the sound [q]’ 5. muraa[q]abi (N) ‘proctoring’ 6. l[q]aa aat (N) ‘halls’ 7. [q]aa ed (N) ‘leader’ 8. [q]araar waziir (N) ‘a minister’s decree’ 9. [q]araar waziir (N) ‘a minister’s decree’ 10. [q]araar (N) ‘decree’ 11. l[q]araar (N) ‘the decree’ 12. l[q]araar (N) ‘the decree’ 13. ta[q]riir Tibbi (N) ‘medical report’ 14. [q]arrart (V) ‘I decided’ 12) Speaker # 32: 1. Hal[q]it BaH (N) ‘Seminar’ 2. dibloom [q]tiSaad (N) ‘higher stud ies diploma in Commerce’

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89 3. Hal[q]it BaH (N) ‘Seminar’ 4. Hal[q]it BaH (N) ‘Seminar’ 5. Hal[q]aat BaH (N) ‘Seminars’ 6. Ha[q]iira (N) ‘des picable, scorned, wretche d, despised, mean, abject’ 7. [q]irre tirfe (V) ‘confess confess’ 8. Ha[q]iira (N) ‘des picable, scorned, wretche d, despised, mean, abject’ 9. l[q]iraa a (N) ‘reading’ 10. [q]iraa aate (V) ‘my readings’ 11. mu a[q][q]affi (Adj) ‘educated (F)’ 12. muta[q]aa id (Adj) ‘retired’ 13. t[q]aa do (V) ‘they retired’ 14. sta[q]aalo (V) ‘they resigned’ 15. yista[q]iilo (V) ‘they resign’ 16. yista[q][q]irro (V) ‘they settle’ 17. yista[q][q]irro (V) ‘they settle’ 18. Hal[q]it BaH (N) ‘Seminar’ 19. bil[q]aaf (N) ‘with the name of the sound /q/’ 20. bil[q]aaf (N) ‘with the name of the sound /q/’ 21. ra san ala a[q]eb (N) ‘upside down’ (idiom) 22. Ha[q]iir (N) ‘d espicable, scorned, wretched, despised, mean, abject’ 23. ra[q]am (N) ‘number’ 24. a[q]aaftu (N) ‘his education’ 25. a[q]aafte (N) ‘my education ’ 26. a[q]aaftu (N) ‘his education’ 27. yitnaa[q]a (V) ‘he discusses’ 28. l a[q]aafe (N) ‘the culture’ 29. btit a[q][q]ad (V) ‘She gets a complex (F)’ 30. a[q]aaftu (N) ‘his education ’ 13) Speaker # 33: 1. i[q]tini (V) ‘I was convinced’ 2. l a[q]d (N) ‘the contract’ 3. mu a[q][q]aff (Adj) ‘educated’ 4. ta[q]riir Tibbe (N) ‘medical report’ 5. ta[q]riir TTabiib (N) ‘medical doctor report’ 6. tta[q]aaliid (N) ‘the traditions’ 7. ta[q]riir (N) ‘report’ 8. ta[q]riir (N) ‘report’ 9. tta[q]riir (N) ‘the report’ 10. [q]aader (Adj) ‘capable’ 11. u[q]uul kbiire (N) Literally ‘big minds’, meaning ‘clever minds’

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90 12. btint[q]id (V) ‘she criticizes’ 13. muTla[q] Haal (N) ‘a paper given to a person to prove s/he is not married’ 14. si[q]a (N) ‘trust’ 15. was[q]iin (Adj) ‘they are trustful’ 16. uusa[q] (V) ‘I trust’ 17. ra[q]am mobayle (N) ‘n umber of my cell phone’ 18. ra[q]ame (N) ‘my [phone] number’ 14) Speaker # 34: 1. muraha[q]a (N) ‘adolescence’ 2. t a[q]lamna (V) ‘we adjusted’ 3. ar[q]a (Adj) ‘more advanced/ risen’ 4. [q]arD (N) ‘loan’ 5. maw[q]ef (N) ‘stand’ 6. Sdi[q]aa (N) ‘friends’ 7. Sadii[q] (N) ‘friend (M)’ 8. [q]ulaa (N) ‘ulcerative stomatitis’ 9. [q]araar (N) ‘decision’ 10. ista[q][q]ir ala ra i (V) ‘settle on one opinion’ 11. Hu[q]uu[q] (N) ‘Law’ 12. Hu[q]uu[q] (N) ‘Law’ 13. Hu[q]uu[q] (N) ‘Law’ 15) Speaker # 35: 1. yista[q]ir (V) ‘settle (M)’ 2. lmarkaz lsa[q]aafe (Adj) ‘the Cultural Center’ 3. bilmunaa[q]aSaat (N) ‘in the biddings’ 4. munaa[q]aSaat (N) ‘tender’ 5. l[q]isim (N) ‘department’ 6. twa[q][q]e (V) ‘she signs’ 7. ra[q]aabi (N) ‘proctoring’ 8. taw[q]ii (N) ‘signing’ 9. bwa[q][q]e (V) ‘I sign’ 10. taw[q]ii (N) ‘signing’ 16) Speaker # 36: 1. m[q]arrirra (Adj) ‘I had made a decision’ 2. tsta[q][q]arr (V) ‘settle (F)’ 3. ltaHaliil lmanTi[q]e (Adj) ‘the logical analysis’ 4. [q]ism lriyaDiyaat (N) ‘the mathematical section’

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91 5. lal[q]ubuul (N) ‘for admission’ 6. Hu[q]uu[q] (N) ‘Law school’ 7. Hu[q]uu[q] (N) ‘Law school’ 8. [q]aa imi (N) ‘a list’ 9. lmu[q]abali (N) ‘the interview’ 10. lmu[q]abali (N) ‘the interview’ 11. musa[q][q]aff (Adj) ‘educated (M)’ 12. mu[q]abali (N) ‘interview’

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92 APPENDIX D LEXICAL DIFFUSION 1) Speaker # 1: 1. alla yiwaff[ ]uu ‘God provides for him’ 2. halle[ ] ‘now’ 3. lafoo[ ] ‘upstairs’ 4. halle[ ] ‘now’ 5. xil[ ]et ‘she was born’ 6. halle[ ] ‘now’ 7. halle[ ] ‘now’ 8. wi[ ] et ‘she fell’ 9. halle ] ‘now’ 10. halle[ ] ‘now’ 11. halle ] ‘now’ 12. halle[ ] ‘now’ 2) Speaker # 5: 1. [ ]aamet ‘Lit. ‘she stood’; it is a kind of filler that means ‘she did’) 2. liHi[ ]a ‘he followed her’ 3. [ ]allon ‘ he told them’ 4. [ ]aamoo ‘Lit. ‘they stood’; (it is a kind of filler that means ‘they did’) 5. [ ]aTTa uuh ‘They cut it up’ 6. bit[ ]uul ‘It says’ 7. [ ]aamet ‘Lit. ‘she stood’; it is a kind of filler that means ‘she did’) 8. bhalwa[ ]t ‘in this time’ 9. halla[ ] ‘now’ 10. halla[ ] ‘now’ 11. m[ ]aabel ‘opposite/facing’ 12. ba[ ]a ‘Lit. ‘stayed’ ; (it is a kind of filler that means ‘so’) 13. [ ]aamoo ‘Lit. ‘they stood’; (it is a kind of filler that means ‘they did’) 14. bwa[ ]ta ‘at that time’ 15. [ ]alluu ‘ he told him’ 16. [ ]alluu ‘ he told him’ 17. [ ]aamoo ‘Lit. ‘they stood’; (it is a kind of filler that means ‘they did’)

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93 18. [ ]aamoo ‘Lit. ‘they stood’; (it is a kind of filler that means ‘they did’) 19. [ ]aam ‘Lit. ‘he stood’; ( it is a kind of filler that means ‘he did’) 20. la[ ]a ‘he found’ 21. [ ]aam ‘Lit. ‘he stood’; ( it is a kind of filler that means ‘he did’) 22. bit[ ]uul ‘It says’ 23. [ ]aamoo ‘Lit. ‘they stood’; (it is a kind of filler that means ‘they did’) 24. bi[ ]uulo ‘They say’ 25. [ ]aalitluu ‘she told him’ 26. [ ]imt ‘Lit. ‘I stood’; it is a kind of filler that means ‘I did’) 27. halla[ ] ‘now’ 28. assuu[ ] ‘to the market’ 29. l[ ]ablon ‘those before them’ 30. t[ ]uule ‘you say’ 31. wa[ ]t ‘time’ 32. halle[ ] ‘now’ 33. lwa[ ]t ‘the time’ 34. [ ]aam ‘Lit. ‘he stood’; ( it is a kind of filler that means ‘he did’) 35. bi[ ]uulo ‘They say’ 36. halle[ ] ‘now’ 37. ba[ ]a ‘Lit. ‘stayed’; (it is a kind of filler that means ‘so’) 38. wa[ ]ta ‘at that time’ 39. [ ]aal ‘he said’ 3) Speaker # 7: 1. bil[ ]aaf ‘with the gl ottal stop (this name is given to the glottal stop taking tha name of the sound [q] and qaaf and changing it to aaf; the name of the glottal stop is supposed to be the hamza )’ 2. bil[ ]aaf ‘with the glottal stop’ 3. bil[ ]aaf ‘with the glottal stop’ 4. bil[ ]aaf ‘with the glottal stop’ 5. bil[ ]aaf ‘with the glottal stop’ 6. bil[ ]aaf ‘with the glottal stop’ 7. l[ ]aaf ‘the glottal stop’ 8. halla[ ] ‘now’ 9. yi[ ] adoo ‘they sit down’ 10. yi[ ] adoo ‘they sit down’ 11. halla[ ] ‘now’ 12. halla[ ] ‘now’ 13. halla[ ] ‘now’ 14. bil[ ]aaf ‘with the glottal stop’

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94 15. bil[ ]aaf ‘with the glottal stop’ 16. ar[ ]a ‘more advanced’ 17. ba[ ]a ‘thus/ so that’ 18. byin[ ]i oo TTeer ‘Idiom: Lit. they carve the bird (they are very smart)’ 19. halla[ ] ‘now’ 20. halla[ ] ‘now’ 21. halla[ ] ‘now’ 22. halla[ ] ‘now’ 23. halla[ ] ‘now’ 24. halla[ ] ‘now’ 4) Speaker # 16: 1. slaa[ ]a ‘boiled’ 2. sal[ ] ‘boil’ 3. sal[ ] ‘boil’ 4. [ ]al ‘It is a kind of filler that means ‘such/it was said’’ 5. ni[ ] od ‘we sit down’ 6. ni[ ] od ‘we sit down’ 7. ni[ ] od ‘we sit down’ 8. l[ ]a di ‘the sitting’ 9. bit[ ]illa ‘ she tells her’ 10. [ ]al ‘It is a kind of filler that means ‘such/ it was said’’ 11. halle[ ] ‘now’ 12. [ ]aam ‘Lit. ‘he stood’; (it is a kind of filler that means ‘he did’) 13. halle[ ] ‘now’ 14. [ ]al ‘It is a kind of filler that means ‘such/ it was said’’ 15. ba[ ]a ‘Lit. ‘stayed’; (it is a kind of filler that means ‘so’) 16. [ ]al ‘It is a kind of filler that means ‘such/ it was said’’ 17. [ ]aalet ‘she said’ 18. [ ]al ‘It is a kind of filler that means ‘such/ it was said’’ 19. halle[ ] ‘now’ 20. halle[ ] ‘now’ 21. halle[ ] ‘now’ 22. ba[ ]a ‘Lit. ‘stayed’; (it is a kind of filler that means ‘so’) 23. [ ]aal ‘he said’ 24. [ ]aaletle ‘she told me’ 25. [ ]aaletle ‘she told me’ 26. wa[ ]t ‘time’ 27. halle[ ] ‘now’

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95 28. halle[ ] ‘now’ 29. halle[ ] ‘now’ 30. t[ ]illa ‘ she tells her’ 31. t[ ]illa ‘ she tells her’ 32. [ ]aaletla ‘she told her’ 33. [ ]aaletla ‘she told her’ 34. [ ]al ‘it is a kind of filler that means ‘such/it was said’’ 35. [ ]aaletla ‘she told her’ 36. [ ]aalet ‘she said’ 37. bit[ ]illa ‘she tells her’ 38. [ ]al ‘It is a kind of filler that means ‘such/ it was said’’ 39. [ ]aal ‘he said’ 40. halle[ ] ‘now’ 41. [ ]al ‘It is a kind of filler that means ‘such/ it was said’’ 42. [ ]al ‘It is a kind of filler that means ‘such/ it was said’’ 43. ma [ ]uul ‘is it possible’ 44. halle[ ] ‘now’ 45. halle[ ] ‘now’ 5) Speaker # 18: 1. halle[ ] ‘now’ 2. ma[ ]bra ‘cemetery’ 3. [ ]iltillu ‘I told him’ 4. ma[ ]bra ‘cemetery’ 5. ma[ ]ibra ‘cemetery’ 6. lhalle[ ] ‘up to now’ 7. halle[ ] ‘now’ 8. halle[ ] ‘now’ 9. [ ]iltillu ‘I told him’ 10. aa[ ]el ‘quiet’ 11. lhalle[ ] ‘up to now’ 12. halle[ ] ‘now’ 13. [ ]aliili ‘little (F)’ 14. halle[ ] ‘now’ 15. halle[ ] ‘now’ 16. halle[ ] ‘now’ 17. zar[ ]aa ‘blue (F)’ 18. [ ]addeeh ‘how much’ 19. aam[ ]a ‘dark’ 20. hall[ ]addiini ‘this much’

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96 21. halle[ ] ‘now’ 22. halle[ ] ‘now’ 6) Speaker # 20: 1. halle[ ] ‘now’ 2. halle[ ] ‘now’ 3. halle[ ] ‘now’ 4. halle[ ] ‘now’ 5. Ha[ ][ ]aa ‘its price’ 6. halle[ ] ‘now’ 7. halle[ ] ‘now’ 8. halle[ ] ‘now’ 7) Speaker # 21: 1. lhalle[ ] ‘up to now’ 2. halle[ ] ‘now’ 3. halle[ ] ‘now’ 4. halle[ ] ‘now’ 5. halle[ ] ‘now’

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97 APPENDIX E CHART OF PHONETIC SYMBOLS Table 24: Chart of the phonetic symbols1 used in transcription; it is mostly based on the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) Bilabial Labiodental Dental Alveolar Postalveolar Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal Plosive b t d T2 D3 k q Nasal m n Trill r Fricative F s z S5 x H6 h Approximants w7 l y8 1 Symbols that appear on the right are voiced; the ones on the left are voiceless. The footnoted symbols are not IPA symbols. 2 /T/ is a voiceless alveolar emphatic fricative. 3 /D/ is a voiced alveolar emphatic fricative. 4 / / is a voiced interdental emphatic fricative. 5 /S/ is a voiceless alveolar emphatic fricative. 6 /H/ is a voiceless pharyngeal fricative. 7 /w/ is a voiced labio-velar semivowel. 8 /y/ is a voiced palatal semivowel.

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98 BIBLIOGRAPHY Abdel-Jawad, Hassan. (1981). Phonological and Social Variation in Arabic in Amman Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. Abdel-Jawad, Hassan Rashid. (1987). Cross-dial ectical variation in Arabic: Comparing prestigious forms. Language in Society 16, 359-367. Al-Ani, Salman H. (1976). The development and distribution of the Ar abic ‘qaf’ in Iraq. In Readings in Arabic Linguistics (1978), Al-Ani, Salman H. [Ed]. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Linguistics Club. Al-Batal, Mahmoud. (1992). Diglos sia proficiency: The need fo r an alternative approach to teaching. In The Arabic Language in America Roushdy, A. [Ed]. Detroit: Wayne State University Press. Al-Toma, Saleh. (1969). The Problem of Diglossia in Ar abic: A Comparative Study of Iraqi and Classical Arabic. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Al-Toma, Saleh. (1974). Language education in Arab countri es and the role of the academics. In Advances in Language Planning Fishman, J. [Ed]. 279-313. The Hague: Mouton. Ayres-Bennett, Wendy. (2004). Sociolinguistic Variation in Seventeenth-Century France: Methodology and Case Studies. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. Badawi, El-Said M. (1973). Mustawayat Al-‘arabiyya Al-Mu’aSira fi MiSr ( Levels of Contemporary Arabic in Egypt ). Cairo: Dar Al-Ma’aref. Blanc, Haim. (1960). Stylistic variation in s poken Arabic: A sample of interdialectal educated conversation. In Contributions to Arabic Linguistics Ferguson, Charles [Ed], 81-156. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Blanc, Haim. (1964). Communal Dialects in Baghdad Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Blom, J. P., and J. J. Gumperz. (1972). So cial meaning in linguist ic structures: Codeswitiching in Norway. In Directions in Sociolinguistics Gumperz, J. J., and Hymes, Dell [Eds]. New York: Ho lt, Rinehart & Winston, 404-434.

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99 Bourdieu, Pierre. (1977). The econo mics of linguistic exchanges. Social Science Information 16(6), 645-668. Boyd, Sally, Paula Andersson, and Christina Th ornell. (1996). Patterns of incorporation of lexemes in language contact: Langua ge typology or soci olinguistics? In Towards a Social Science: Pape rs in Honor of William Labov Guy, Gregory R., Feagin, Crawford, Schiffrin, De borah, and Baugh, John [Eds], 259-284. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Brouwer, D., M. Gerritsen, and D. DeHaan. (1979). Speech differences between men and women: On the wrong track? Language in Society 8(1), 33-50. Chen, M. (1972). The time dimension: Contri bution toward a theory of sound change. Foundations of Language 8, 457-498. Churchyard, H. (1993). Early Arabic siin and s iin in light of the proto-Semitic fricativelateral hypothesis. In Perspectives on Arabic linguisti cs V: Papers from the Fifth Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics, Eid, Mushira, and Holes, Clive [Eds], 313-342. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Coates, Jennifer. (1996). Women, Men and Language London; New York: Longman Group Limited. Daher, J. (1998a). Linguistic Variation in Damascus Arabic: A Quantitative Analysis of Men's and Women's Speech Dissertation, New York University. Daher, J. (1998b). Gender in linguistic variati on: The variable (q) in Damascus Arabic. Perspectives on Arabic linguistics X I: Papers from the Eleventh Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics, Benmamoun, Elabbas, Eid, Mushira, and McCarthy, John [Eds], 183-206. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Daher, J. (1999). ((theta)) and ((eth)) as Ternary and Binary Variables in Damascene Arabic. In Perspectives on Arabic linguistics XII: Papers from the Twelfth Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics, Benmamoun, Elabbas [Ed], 163-182. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Davis, L. M. (1984). The pharyngeals in Hebr ew: Linguistic change in apparent time. Folia Linguistica Historica, 5(1), 25-32. Deumert, Andrea and Rajend Mesthrie. (2000 ). Language variation and change. In Introducing Sociolinguistics Mesthrie, Rajend, Swann, Joan, Deumert, Andrea, and Leap, William L. [Eds], 114-147. Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

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104 Walters, Keith. (1991). Women, men, and linguistic variation in the Arab World. In Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics III: P apers from the Third Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics, Comrie, Bernard, and Eid, Mushira [Eds], 199-229. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Walters, Keith. (1992). A sociolinguistic descri ption of (u:) in Korba Arabic: Defining linguistic variables in contact situations and relic areas. In Perspectives on Arabic linguistics IV: Papers from the Fourth Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics, Broselow, Ellen, Eid, Mushira, and Mc Carthy, John [Eds], 181-217. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Weinreich, Uriel. (1974). Language in Contact. The Hague: Mouton Publishers. Wolf, H. J. (1985). Glottal stop in Orgosol o: Thoughts on Sardinian phonetic chronology; Knacklaut in Orgosolo: Uberlegungen zur sardischen Lautchronologie. Zeitschrift fur romanische Philologie, 101(3-4), 269-311. Wolfson, Nessa, and E. Judd [Eds]. (1983). Sociolinguistics and Language Acquisition. Rowley, MA: Newbury House. Wolfson, Nessa. (1989). Perspectives: Socioli ngistics and TESOL Boston: Heinle and Heinle Publishers. Zughoul, M. R. (1980). Diglossia in Arabic: Investigating solutions. Anthropological Linguistics 22, 201-211.

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105 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Rania Habib was born on August 9, 1971, in Oyoun Al-Wadi, Syria. She moved to Hims, Syria, at the age of two, where she attended primary, prepar atory, and high school. At the age of sixteen, Rania left Syria to li ve in the island of St. Lucia, West Indies, where she stayed for 7 years. While in the Caribbean, Rania attained a Diploma in Starting Your Own Business in 1991 from the International Correspondence School, Scranton, PA, USA. After finish ing her diploma, Rania work ed as a store manager in Castries, St. Lucia, W.I., for three years. U pon her return to Syria in 1994, she worked as a receptionist in Al-Safir Hotel, Hims, Syri a, for a few months. Then, she decided to complete her education at the university level and pursue a career as an academic professor, teaching English as a Foreign La nguage and other English related subjects. She attained her bachelor’s degr ee in English literature in 1999 from the Department of English, Al-Baath University, Hims, Syria. In each of her undergraduate academic years, she received the Al-Basil Ce rtificate of Achievem ent and a prize for outstanding scholarship. Her ambition encouraged her to continue her education; thus, she attained a Higher Studies Diploma in E nglish Literary Studies in 2000 from the Department of English, Al-Baath Univers ity, Hims, Syria, as a requirement for completing a master’s degree. During her dipl oma year, Rania started teaching English as a Foreign Language at The Institute of Langua ges, Al-Baath University, Hims, Syria, in January 2000. She continued to teach English as a Foreign Language at The Institute of Languages, Al-Baath University, Hims, Syri a until August 2003. While she was teaching

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106 at the Institute, she started t eaching English for Specific Purposes to thirdand fourthyear chemical engineering students and to fourthand fifth-year food and nutrition Engineering students at The Faculty of Petr oleum and Chemical Engineering, Al-Baath University, Hims, Syria. Rania taught English for Specific Purposes for only one year because early in 2001, she was officially appointed at The Institu te of Languages, Al-Baath University, Hims, Syria. Shortly after her appointment, she becam e the Vice Director of The Institute. Her teaching experience at the Institute includes t eaching English courses of different levels and TOEFL to M.A. students, assistant lect urers, teaching assistants, and university professors from all different academic depart ments. The courses involve the development of all kinds of skills like reading, listeni ng, vocabulary, writing and speaking. Her duties also involved the construction of placement tests and the evaluation of tests for M.A. and Ph.D. candidates. Those tests included inst antaneous translation and oral and written comprehension. Due to her commitment and dedi cation to her work at The Institute, she received Employee of the Year (2002) awar d and prize from Al-Baath University. During this time, Rania also taught at private institutes various Engl ish courses of different levels including TOEFL, Translation, Reading Co mprehension and Writing to undergraduate students who are pursuing a major in translatio n or English literature She also privately tutored many English literature students in various subjects, such as phonetics and phonology, drama, translation, prose, poetry, and other fields. He r private tutoring included students who were interested in English as a foreign language and who were from various levels: beginners, intermediate advanced and TOFEL, including helping a SAT student in the verbal section. Furthe rmore, Rania did many translation jobs

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107 including research papers from English into Ar abic and from Arabic into English. This is not to mention her great contribution to the tran slation of the major pa rt of the website of Al-Baath University and the revision of the translation of others. In 2003, Rania received the Fulbright Scholarsh ip to complete a master’s degree in linguistics at the University of Florida for the academic years 2003 to 2005. As she was completing her master’s degree, Rania re ceived two Certificates of Academic Achievement from the University of Florida for outstanding academic accomplishment for the academic years 2003-2004 and 2004-2005. Within her major in linguistics, Rania decided to attain a minor in Teaching Eng lish as a Second Language. Rania will pursue a Ph.D. degree at the Linguistics Program at the University of Florida, supported by a research assistantship offered by the University of Florida. As a graduate student at the University of Florida, Rani a taught several courses: Schol arly Writing at the Linguistic Program in the academic year 2003-2004 and Arabic language (ARA 1120 & ARA 1121) at the Arabic Program in the academic year 2004-2005. Rania received training in teaching English as a second language through a teacher’s training course in 2001 at The Inst itute of Languages, Al-Baath University, Hims, Syria. She also received training in teaching Arabic as a second language through an Arabic Instructor Training Seminar in 2004 at Middlebury Co llege, Arabic School, Middlebury, Vermont. Rania presented three posters and a summary in June 2001 at the 1st International English Teaching Conferen ce, Institute of Languages, Al-Baath University, Hims, Syria. The work entitled “Developing Materials for the English Class” was published in 2001 in The Proceedings of the 1st International English Teaching Conference, Hims: Al-Baath University Press, pp 32-36. Rania also presented in a panel

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108 session a paper entitled “Is It Left-Dislocation or Copy Ra ising in Arabic?” at the Graduate Student Council Forum, April 2005. The abstract is published in the 2005 publications in the University of Florida’s Libraries. Rania’s love to help others rendered many professional services and volunteer work to the University of Florida and Al-Baath University. She participated in many cultura l enrichment seminars and presentations through the Fulbright Program and the International Center at the University of Florida. Rania was a member of the Higher Educati on Committee at Al-Baath University, Hims, Syria. She is currently a member of the Linguistics Society, the Arab Cultural Association, Graduate Assistants United, and the American Asso ciation of Applied Linguistics (AAAL).


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Title: The Role of Social Factors, Lexical Borrowing and Speech Accommodation in the Variation of q and ? in the Colloquial Arabic of Rural Migrant Families in Hims, Syria
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Copyright Date: 2008

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THE ROLE OF SOCIAL FACTORS, LEXICAL BORROWING AND SPEECH
ACCOMMODATION IN THE VARIATION OF [q] AND [7] IN THE COLLOQUIAL
ARABIC OF RURAL MIGRANT FAMILIES IN HIMS, SYRIA













By

RANIA HABIB


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2005




























Copyright 2005

by

Rania Habib






















To the light of my life, my mother, Amira Shahem
To the symbol of glory, honor, and idealism, my father, Ibrahim Habib
To the fun person, my sister, Suzi Habib
To my road fellow, my brother, Husam Habib
To the most tender-hearted person, my brother, Faraj Habib
I love you all.
You have been my support all my life.
I hope I will always make you proud of me.
















ACKNOWLEDGE1VENTS

This thesis owes a great deal to the courses, teachings, discussions and insights of

my adviser, Andrew Lynch. The first course I took with him, Survey in Sociolinguistics,

opened my mind to the main idea of the thesis. From that time, I started thinking about

the topic and planning to pursue it. His expertise, interest in and enthusiasm towards the

topic of variation and change were an encouragement to me. For this reason, I took

another course with him, Seminar in Variation and Change, to add to my knowledge in

this field. His kindness, personality and support have been of tremendous help to me. He

has been a great help in my quantitative analysis.

Diana Boxer has been my academic adviser as a Fulbright student before being a

member on my master' s committee. Her knowledge in the field of sociolinguistics,

discourse analysis, pragmatics, and Second Language Acquisition (SLA) has added a

great deal to my knowledge. Taking a course with her, Seminar in Second Language

Acquisition, which combines discourse analysis, pragmatics and SLA, introduced me to

ethnographic research and the importance of such research. It also highlighted the

importance of qualitative analysis in research. She taught me that one has to always ask

'why' when conducting research; what goodness word choice we expect to come from it.

I would like to extend my thanks to all the faculty members at the Linguistics

Department who were part of my training in many fields and a window for widening my

horizons. Caroline Wiltshire has not only been a professor to me, but also a caring person

and a wonderful Graduate Coordinator. In the three courses I took with her, I learned a










great deal about phonology and graduate research. Eric Potsdam has been my inspiration

in syntax. Roger Thompson, Teresa Antes, and Galia Hatay have been wonderful in

teaching Materials and Methods in TESL, SLA, and Structure of Hebrew respectively.

Though I did not have a chance to take a course with him, Gary Miller has been

wonderful with his faith in me and his annual evaluation letters that were full of

encouragement and support during my two years at the Linguistics Department at the

University of Florida.

I would also like to pass a note of thanks to my friends and colleagues at the

Linguistics Department, wishing them all the best in their careers.

I would like to thank the Fulbright commission for giving me the opportunity to

come to the United States of America to complete a master' s degree at the University of

Florida, funded by the Department of States. Special thanks go to Julie Gelsinger, Eleni

London, Katrine Pratt, Kate DeBoer, and all the Amideast staff in Washington, D.C., who

have made my stay in the U. S. enj oyable, comfortable, and easy with their advice and

support. I also want to thank the Amideast staff in Damascus, Syria, for all the help and

support they gave before coming to the U.S.: Barbra Al-Nouri, Khuzama Atassi, Rasha

Rayes, and others.

The biggest thanks are to my international adviser, Debra Anderson, who has been

a real mother to me in the absence of my real mother. She has been a great companion

when I needed one. She listened and advised when she could. I appreciate all the things

that she has done for me during the past two years: staying in her home, helping me move

twice, offering rides in her car when I had no car, taking trips together, and having all

those dinners at her home.









I will never forget my friends, the so-called adorables: Carla Abrantes, Chrysa

Mitraki, Asako Takimoto, Olga Perdikaki and many more with whom I spent the most

enj oyable times of my life.

My parents, they are the greatest of all; they have given me life and the world with

all that it contains. They have been my inspiration. Their support has made me who I am.

I hope they will always be proud of their daughter. Suzi, Faraj, Husam, my dearest of all,

have always been my reference and resort. Words are not enough to express the feeling;

words fail to bring out the full meaning. They have been my friends as much as you are

my sister and two brothers. I love them so much.

I would also like to thank my friends in Syria who kept in touch with me and

followed my progress throughout these two years: Mishleen Al-Helou, Basima Jergeos,

Marline Haddad, and many more.

I thank all those who opened their hearts and homes to me here in Gainesville, FL

and in the U.S. Everyone has contributed in someway to my life.

Finally, I want to extend special thanks to all those who participated in this study.

Without them, it would not have been possible. I thank them for their enthusiasm to help

and be part of my work. I am grateful to them for the rest of my life.




















TABLE OF CONTENTS


page


ACKNOWLEDGE1VENT S ................. .............. iv..............


LI ST OF T ABLE S ............. ........... .............. ix...


AB STRAC T ................ .............. xi


CHAPTER


1 THE STUDY ............. ........... ...............1......


1.1. Introduction............... ..............1
1.2. Previous Studies................. .. .............

1.3. Hypothesis and Research Questions ................. ....__ ............ ........1


2 IVETHODOLOGY ............. .....__. ...............12....


2.1. Linguistic Variable .............. ...............12....
2.2. Social Variables ............... ...............12.__. ......
2.3. Data............... ...............13.

2.3.1. Participants .............. ...............13._ _.......
2.3.2. Speech samples............... ...............14
2.4. A analysis .............. ...............17....


3 QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS: THE ROLE OF SOCIAL FACTORS .............. ....19


3.1. Age.. ....._ ....__....._ ....__.....___ ............_..........19
3.2. Area of Residence............... ..............2
3.3. Social Class............... ...............23.
3.3.1. Education............... ...............2

3.3.2. Occupation............... ...............2
3.3.3. Incom e .............. ...............26....
3.4. Sex .............. ...............26....


4 LEXICAL BORROWING AND LEXICAL DIFFUSION ................. ................ ..29


4. 1. Lexical Borrowing ................. ...............29...............
4.2. Lexical Diffusion ................. ...............43...............











5 QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS: DIFFERENTIAL PATTERNS OF
ACCOMMODATION ................. ...............47.................

5.1. Speech Accommodation and Social Identity ................. ............ ...............47
5.2. Differential Patterns of Accommodation among Himsi Migrants................__....48
5.3. Personal Observations on Language Accommodation ................. .............__..58

6 CONCLUSIONS .............. ...............71....

APPENDIX

A THE RESULTS OF THE STEPWISE LINEAR REGRESSION TEST
PERFORMED ON THE CONTINUOUS DEPENDENT VARIABLE [Q] .............74

B THE RESULTS OF THE STEPWISE LINEAR REGRESSION TEST
PERFORMED ON THE CONTINUOUS DEPENDENT VARIABLE [7]......_.......76

C LEXICAL BORROWINGS .............. ...............78....

D LEXICAL DIFFUSION .............. ...............92....

E CHART OF PHONETIC SYMBOLS .............. ...............97....

BIBLIOGRAPHY ................. ...............98.......... ......

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................. ...............105......... ......


















LIST OF TABLES

Table pg

1: Study participants .............. ...............15....

2: Distribution of [q] and [7] for each speaker............... ...............20

3: Distribution of [q] and [7] according to age groups............... ...............21.

4: Results of one-way ANOVA test for age .............. ...............21....

5: Results of one-way ANOVA test for area of residence ................. .......................23

6: Distribution of [q] and [7] according to social class ................. .......... ...............23

7: Results of one-way ANOVA test for social class............... ...............24.

8: Results of one-way ANOVA test for education .............. ...............24....

9: Results of one-way ANOVA test for occupation .............. ...............25....

10: Results of one-way ANOVA test for income .............. ...............26....

11: Distribution of [q] and [7] according to sex ................. ...............26...........

12: Results of one-way ANOVA test for sex............... ...............27..

13: The difference in use of [q] and [7] between males and females within the same
age groups .............. ...............28....

14: The most frequently occurring words with the [q] sound ................. .....................37

15: Examples of the seven borrowing categories ................ ...............................42

16: Model summary of the dependent variable [q] ................ ...............74.............

17: ANOVAe of the stepwise linear regression test performed on the continuous
dependent variable [q] .............. ...............74....

18: Coefficientsa of the stepwise linear regression test performed on the continuous
dependent variable [q] .............. ...............74....










19: Excluded variables by the stepwise linear regression test performed on the
continuous dependent variable [q] .............. ...............75....

20: Model summary of the dependent variable [7] .............. ...............76....

21: ANOVAe of the stepwise linear regression test performed on the continuous
dependent variable [7] .............. ...............76....

22: Coefficientsa of the stepwise linear regression test performed on the continuous
dependent variable [7] .............. ...............76....

23: Excluded variables by the stepwise linear regression test performed on the
continuous dependent variable [7]............... ...............77..

24: Chart of the phonetic symbols used in transcription; it is mostly based on the
International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA)............... ...............97.

















Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

THE ROLE OF SOCIAL FACTORS, LEXICAL BORROWING AND SPEECH
ACCOMMODATION IN THE VARIATION OF [q] AND [7]
IN THE COLLOQUIAL ARABIC OF RURAL MIGRANT FAMILIES
IN HIMS, SYRIA


By
Rania Habib

August 2005
Chair: Andrew Lynch
Maj or Department: Linguistics

The present study explores the variable use of [q] and [7] in the Colloquial Arabic

of rural migrant families residing in two neighborhoods of the city of Hims, Syria.

Principally, the roles of social factors (sex, age, area of residence, and social class),

lexical borrowing and speech accommodation are analyzed. A quantitative study was

carried out to examine the frequency of each sound in the naturally occurring speech of a

sample of 36 interviewees belonging to families who migrated from rural areas, where [q]

is socially dominant, to the city of Hims, where [7] acts as a prestige marker. Speech

accommodation seems to be at play in this case of apparent language change among

rural-origin speakers. In general, younger speakers appear to accommodate more fully to

city norms, using the prestige variant [7] with a significantly higher frequency than older

speakers in the Himsi context. Area of residence in the city of Hims also exerts a










significant influence on the use of the prestige variant. Differential patterns of

accommodation were explored in a qualitative analysis highlighting the usage of

individual speakers. The continued use of [q] is partially attributable to lexical

borrowings from Standard Arabic into Colloquial Arabic. The data suggest that cross-

generational change may start with particular words and then spread to other words,

meaning that the mechanism of change from [q] to [7] in migrant families in Hims could

be lexical diffusion. This phenomenon is most apparent in the speech of the older

generation.















CHAPTER 1
THE STUDY

1.1. Introduction

Sound change and the relationship between sound change and social factors has

been investigated by many researchers, particularly Labov, who inspired many analysts

to carry out studies implementing his techniques. These kinds of studies are usually

conducted to discover whether language variation could potentially cause a maj or change

in a language. This interest in knowing the direction and consequences of language

variation evokes a very particular phenomenon in Syria: the sound change of the

voiceless uvular stop [q] to a glottal stop [7] in colloquial speech. While these two sounds

are separate phonemes in Standard Arabic (SA), the written language, they act in

colloquial speech as allophones of the same phoneme /q/.

The stigmatization of the use of [q] in the Colloquial Arabic (CA) of Syria, spoken

in cities like Hims, Damascus (Daher 1998a, 1998b) and Aleppo, leads the rural people to

adopt the speech of the city people, so they can be accepted as part of the urban

community. To integrate into the community, they need to be careful in pronouncing [q]

as [7], characteristic of most of the large cities in Syria. The use of [7] instead of [q] is

considered more 'civilized' and 'city-like' (Daher 1998a, 1998b). Job opportunities

attract villagers to migrate to the cities; jobs are very limited in villages and mostly

depend on agriculture. In addition, all those who want to continue their education at the

university level have to come to live in one of the large cities where universities are

located. The migration and movement to live in the city is followed by a shock; city









people start to make negative comments about the rural people's dialect or imitate their

[q] sound. Thus, rural migrants start switching to the use of [7] instead of [q]. This study

will show that the only remaining use of [q] is attributed to lexical borrowings from SA

(see Chapter 4). These lexical borrowings are also found in the speech of people who are

originally from Hims. In the speech of some speakers, the use of the [7] sound only in

particular words draws our attention to the theory of lexical diffusion, explained in

Chapter 4.

When migrants to the city of Hims go back to their homes or villages, particularly

the older generation, they may automatically switch to their original dialect, and thus, the

use of [q]; some of them, particularly the younger generation, may maintain their Himsi

dialect in speech even with members of their own family and upon their return to the

village. This switch first occurs consciously, and then it probably becomes unconscious;

the switch is associated with varied interlocutors: strangers or relatives. A quantitative

study is performed here to examine how the factors of age, sex, social class, and area of

residence influence the use of [7] in place of [q]. The quantitative analysis is followed by

a qualitative analysis to study particular cases and variation in speech accommodation

(Giles, Coupland and Coupland 1991) among speakers. The qualitative analysis confirms

many of the findings of the quantitative analysis and highlights the importance that

adopting a new identity may play in speech accommodation. The aim is to discover

whether this type of variation leads to other sound changes and whether there is

correlation between various sound changes. The issue of whether overt prestige or covert

prestige will prevail in the future requires further longitudinal research and investigation.










It will be helpful to see in fifty years from now if people who live in the village have

changed their speech to a great extent, which could be an indicator of change in progress.

Hims or Homs, as some people refer to it as a result of rounding the first vowel that

is also a feature of the Himsi dialect, is the third most important city in Syria and it is

strategically located in the fertile Orontes River Valley in the center of Syria, between

Damascus to the south and Aleppo to the north. Hims is an ancient city dating back to the

year 2300 B.C. and was known in Roman times as Emesa. The word "Homs" derives

from a Canaanite root that means shyness.l Hims governorate is the largest in Syria

(43,630 sq.km.). The population of the City of Hims, according to 1994 estimates, is

644,000. 2 Its central location and size made it the third governorate in agriculture, trade

and industry. Hims is distinguished from other Syrian governorates in its important

strategic location. It is in the middle of Syria, on a hill approximately 508m above sea

level. Being a central city in Syria, Hims attracts people from the neighboring

countryside. The Himsi people are known for their pride in their dialect, which is

characterized by the use of [7]. For this reason, they usually stigmatize other dialects,

particularly the ones that contain the [q] sound.

1.2. Previous Studies

Many sociolinguistic studies have dealt with sound change in correlation with

social factors (e.g. Labov, 1966, 1972; Haeri, 1991, 1992, 1996; Daher 1998a, 1998b,

1999), such as sex, age, occupation and social class. All of these studies show the degree

of influence that each social factor has on the preference of one sound over another. The


1 http://www.homsonline.com/Citeis/Homs.htm Main References: The Syrian, Britannica, Encarta and
Columbia encyclopedias....

2 2002 Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc.









significance of social stratification in the ranking of the individual's use of a certain

sound has been emphasized by Labov (1963, 1966) and adapted by many other scholars,

such as Haeri (1991, 1992, 1996) and Daher (1998a, 1998b, 1999). Hurreiz (1978)

likewise stresses the influence of social stratification on linguistic variation. For him, age,

sex, education, and work setting are the maj or social factors for change.

In Principles of Linguistic Change (1994), Laboy shows how social factors

integrate with linguistic factors. In this book, Laboy stresses the fact that "The separation

of 'internal' from 'external,' 'linguistic factors' from 'social factors' may seem practical

to those who view language as a unified whole where tout se tient, or those who believe

that every feature of language has a social aspect" (Labov, 1994: 1). He mentions that

even schooling does not necessarily reverse the merger, for example, of the intervocalic

flap of/t/ and /d/ in English. This is very much the case with respect to [q] and [7] in

Himsi Colloquial Arabic (HCA). Educators who use the /q/ phoneme do not influence the

change from [q] to [7] in the spoken language. People also listen to news and television

programs in SA, yet they continue to use [7] as a substitute for [q] in their speech.

In Sociolinguistic Patterns (1972), Laboy also stresses that "the shape of linguistic

behavior changes rapidly as the speaker's social position changes" (1972: 111). This is

what we encounter when the rural people migrate to Hims and establish a new j ob, a new

social status, and thus, a new linguistic behavior. For him, "isolation leads to linguistic

diversity while the mixing of population leads to linguistic uniformity" (1973: 143). This

applies in our case of the change of [q] to [7], where rural people mix with Himsi

inhabitants and adopt the new form [7] to become part of the urban whole.









According to Labov (1972), "The process of sound change is not an autonomous

movement within the confines of a linguistic system, but rather a complex response to

many aspects of human behavior" (163). Laboy also refers to a number of independent

extralinguistic factors, such as education, occupation, geographic location of the speaker,

and ethnic group to which the speaker belongs. He points out in his various studies of

New York City speech the influence of these factors in the preference for one variable

over another. The present study reflects the influence of some of these social factors -

age, sex, and social class in the choice between the two variants [q] and [7].

Labov (1981: 29) indicates that vernacular is the "most systematic data for

linguistic analysis" and that vernacular is the most spontaneous style of speech related to

the person's careful and literary forms of speech (Labov 1971). This view influences,

explains and supports the choice of the colloquial speech of Himsi people for the study as

the most spontaneous speech.

Sound change in Arabic is a feature that has been observed over the years. Many

changes have occurred throughout the centuries. One maj or change in Arabic was the

change of interdental fricatives to stops: /8/and /8/ to [t] and [d] respectively (Daher,

1999). Daher (1998a, 1998b) performed a quantitative study on Damascus Colloquial

Arabic (DCA), exploring the variation of men' s and women' s use of standard and

colloquial variants of three phonological variables: (q), 3 (8)/(6) and (aw)/(ay). He also

studied the correlation between these variables and the extralinguistic variables of sex,

age, occupation and educational level. Daher compared the use of the variant [q] in


3 Parentheses are used to refer to the variable (q); brackets are used to refer to the variants [q] and [7]; and
/ / are used to refer to a phonological unit, /q/ and /7/.









Standard Arabic (SA) to its use in Colloquial Arabic (CA). He pointed out that educated

women are more inclined to use the prestigious form [7] than educated men, who tend to

be more traditional. Daher pointed out that history has shown that that change took place

over centuries. The study indicates that change does not happen overnight. It is the

coming generations that have to make the change. Daher's view corresponds with

Labov' s view of change in progress (Labov 1972). Being a study that deals with a similar

variable, (q), leads to the expectation that the change from [q] to [7] in the speech of

migrants to Hims may take centuries. However, Daher (1999) points out that the change

that involved (6) and (6) into [t] and [d] respectively was completed by the 14th century.

Now the reappearance of (6) and (6) or [s] and [z] as substitutes for them in speech is

limited to those whose careers involve written language, and thus, does not involve

change in progress. It is mostly lexical borrowings from SA which depend on the

frequency of the occurrence of these words in the spoken language.

Churchyard (1993) also dealt with the sound change of Arabic siin /s/ that was a

"palatal-alveolar sibilant in early forms of Arabic." It developed into a "dental-alveolar

sibilant" during the early Islamic period. It then developed in Hebrew into a "dental-

alveolar lateral fricative (and subsequently a sibilant)". Churchyard's study shows the

influence of different dialects on the change from one sound to another, which is one of

the issues that influences the change from [q] to [7] in the present study. Davis (1984)

deals with two non-standard pharyngeals the voiceless fricative /h/ and the voiced stop

/9 / in the language of two generations of native speakers of Israeli Hebrew. The study

is based on the technique developed by Labov (1966). The significance of this study lies

in its reference to how the change occurs over generations and the influence of age on










change. The difference in use of [q] and [7] between children and parents is well

observed in the data of this study.

The relationship between sex and language has always been the concern of

language researchers. In the old ages, men were considered the innovators of language

change and introducers of new words to the lexicon (Jespersen 1922); women were

marginalized as speakers (Coates 1996). However, most sociolinguistic work has shown

that women are more inclined towards the prestige form than men (Trudgill 1974;

Macaulay 1977, 1978; Newbrook 1982; Romaine 1978; Eisikovits 1987, 1988). Sex and

social class have also been analyzed as independent variables that influence sound change

by Gordon and Heath (1999). That study supports my expected results that females are

more attracted to the use of the prestigious form than men are and that women are more

aware of the social significance of certain sounds. Walters (1991, 1992) explored sex,

age, and education as the main factors influencing linguistic variation in Tunisian Arabic.

These two studies also implement a quantitative method. The first study shows that

females use the non-stigmatized forms more than males. In the second study, sex, age,

and education did not play a maj or role.

Wolf (1985) addresses the replacement of /k/ with a glottal stop, comparing it to the

Arabic development of [q] into either a glottal stop or a velar plosive /g/. This shows that

[q] has long been the focus of change into various sounds in some Arabic dialects.

Hassan Abdel-Jawad (1981) investigated the use of [q] in a stratified sample of Amman

in Jordan. He shows how the [q] has merged with either [k], [g], or [7] through the years:

[g] in the Nomad dialect, [k] in the rural dialect, and [7] in the urban dialects. He presents

(q) as a sociolinguistic variable related to sex, social class, and urban/rural origins. This










supports my hypothesis that [q] is used more by rural people, whereas [7] is used more by

urban people. The influence of social class, sex, age and occupation plays a maj or role in

the distribution of these two sounds. According to him, the "merger of the qaf 4 with the

glottal stop has been one of the most sweeping phonemic changes that many dialects of

Arabic have undergone" (Haeri, 1996: 122).

Haeri (1996) remarks on the lack of studies that deal with the history of Classical

and non-classical Arabic: "To my knowledge, there are no detailed and comprehensive

studies of the language habits of Egyptian (or other Arabs) for any given historical

period. That is, there are no published social histories of Classical and non-classical

Arabic varieties" (1996: 7). Haeri (1996: 10) also points out that "where newer and more

recent forms emerge as variants of the older forms 'change in progress' [Labov, 1973] -

women use these 'non-standard' forms more than men. In such cases their behavior is

therefore 'innovative'". Her study is carried out in light of Labov' s variationist studies

(1966, 1972), and speakers are distributed according to sex, social class, occupation and

age. In her comparison of the use of [q] in Classical Arabic and Cairene Arabic, Haeri

found that women are more inclined towards the urban forms than men, i.e. they do not

use the classical features such as [q] as much as men, though they participate in the

public domain. Haeri (1996: 104) speaks of the reappearance of [q] in Egyptian Arabic

after its disappearance and merger with the glottal stop: "Thus, on the one hand, the

hamza 5 replaced the qaf in all environments, but on the other, the qaf continued to exist,

not as a phoneme, but as a sound". She quotes Garbell (1978) on the co-existence of the

4 Qaf is the Arabic name for the sound /q/. It is usually pronounced with a long /aa/: thus, I will use the
word qaaf in my analysis of the data.

5 Hamza is the Arabic name for the glottal stop /7/.









voiceless uvular stop [q] and the glottal stop /7/, who states that: "The presence of the qaf

in the urban dialects requires explanation because according to various accounts,

sometime between the 11Ith to the 15th centuries, this phoneme merged completely with

the glottal stop, i.e. [q] /7/" ( Haeri 1996: 105). Haeri argues that "the qaf has been

reintroduced into non-classical dialects through a process of lexical borrowing" (1996:

105). She points out that Garbell (1978: 204) attributes this to the "constant and in

recent times increasing borrowing of lexemes from the literary language" (107). To

confirm that the reappearance of [q] in Cairene Colloquial speech is the result of lexical

borrowings from SA, she performed an experiment on a number of children, ages 6-12.

Haeri found that it was very difficult to elicit words containing [q] from children, which

meant that children acquired [q] later in life through formal education. However, Haeri

(1991, 1996) shows that education has not restored the [q] to colloquial speech. She

contrasts the [q] with a new change in progress in Cairo, the palatalization of

pharyngealized dental stops that is observed to be more dominant in women than men at

all ages (Haeri 1992). However, age remains a factor that determines the use of those new

phonological variants.

In the light of the new theories, such as Optimality Theory, it is believed that

people tend to optimize their speech towards the least marked forms or structures. Haeri

states that: "In terms of language change, 'diglossic variables' such as the qaf are changes

from above the level of social awareness (Labov, 1994). Not only are they initially

introduced through conscious linguistic decision, but also their use continues to be

commented on by members of the speech community" (1996: 156).









The idea that the prestige form is the form used by the upper class has also been

explored by many writers. Bourdieu (1977: 659), for example, points out that "The

dominant usage is the usage of the dominant class". In the present study, I would like to

draw attention to the difference between the prestige that SA carries and the prestige that

the Himsi dialect and other dialects have. The prestige of SA relates to formal writing,

formal speeches and interviews. However, in colloquial speech or naturally occurring

speech, prestige is associated with how sounds are expected to be pronounced by the

people of those specific dialects. In other words, while [q] is the prestige marker of SA, it

is not necessarily the prestige marker of all the spoken dialects.

It would thus be of interest to learn how the voiceless uvular stop [q] changes into

[7] based on sex, age, social class, and area of residence. Those two sounds were

investigated by Haeri and Abdel-Jawad, yet they were investigated from different

approaches. Haeri speaks of the influence of classical Arabic and borrowings on the

reappearance of [q] in Colloquial Arabic. Abdel-Jawad deals with the various allophones

of [q] and indicates where each one is used, yet he does not speak of it as a social marker.

Daher, on the other hand, deals with this change in the city of Damascus, the Syrian

Capital, yet he does not extend his research to other cities where the change may be

taking place. Daher also deals with Damascene speakers, not migrants who come to live

in an urban society. A further reason for the present study is to find out if there are any

indications for a change in progress. It is hoped that this study will revive interest in a

long-neglected feature of the Colloquial Syrian Arabic and perhaps other Colloquial

Arabic varieties.









1.3. Hypothesis and Research Questions

The pride that the Himsi people show towards their dialect and the stigma that they

cast on other dialects and on the [q] sound raise the following hypothesis: the two

variants, [q] and [7], are sensitive to social and stylistic stratification. The variant [7] is

the prestige marker of the city of Hims. The use of [7] is socially stratified.

The questions guiding the present study are the following:

1. How do the factors of age, sex, social class and area of residence condition the use

of the variants [q] and [7] in the colloquial Arabic speech of rural migrant families

in the city of Hims?

2. What is the role of lexical borrowing from Standard Arabic in the use of [q] in the

speech of the present sample?

3. To what extent may speech accommodation to urban norms be implicated in the

variation of [q] and [7] among rural migrant speakers in Hims?















CHAPTER 2
IVETHODOLOGY

2.1. Linguistic Variable

The dependent or linguistic variable of the present study is (q), which appears in

the speech of the Himsi community as two variants: [q] and [7].There is no specific

phonological context in which [7] occurs as a replacement for [q]. It can occur in many

phonological contexts except in certain lexical borrowings from Standard Arabic (SA),

such as [qur7aan] Qur 'an, [1iqaa7l] meeting, and [6aqaafe] cultural. For example, [qalem]

pen, [raqbi] neck, and [wareq] paper become [7lalam], [raclbi], and [wara7] respectively.

These examples show that the change could occur word-initially, word-internally, and

word-finally. One can also observe in the given examples that the change from [q] to [7]

is accompanied by other vowel changes, such as the change of [e] to [a].

2.2. Social Variables

The independent or extralinguistic variables included in the quantitative analysis

are the following:

1. Sex (18 males and 18 females)

2. Age (two age groups: 18-35 and 55+)

3. Social class (two social classes: Lower-middle and Upper-middle, based on

family income (breadwinner income), education, occupation and residential area).

The study's participants came from two residential areas in the City of Hims: Al-

Hameeddieh and Akrama. Al-Hameeddieh is a central residential area in Hims and









carries the traditional values of the City of Hims. People who live in Al-Hameeddieh are

conceived of by other inhabitants of the City of Hims as upper-class; thus, as a residential

area, it is imbued with prestige. On the other hand, Akrama is a newly developing

residential area in the suburbs of Hims. It started developing and growing about thirty

years ago and is mainly occupied by migrants from rural areas. Therefore, the two areas

differ with respect to their history. The tradition and prestige associated with Al-

Hameeddieh is expected to have a great influence on the newcomers, especially since the

maj ority of the residents are Himsies. This influence might be minor in Akrama, since the

maj ority of the residents are not originally Himsies and have moved in recently.

Education and occupation may also affect the person's social class with time. For

example, if one is a medical doctor or an engineer who comes from a poor family, his/her

social status may change with time as s/he starts to be more known and to make more

money; this might be referred to as social mobility (Haeri 1991, 1996).

2.3. Data

2.3.1. Participants

Table 1 displays background information for each of the thirty-six speakers who

comprise the present data set. A total of 18 males and 18 females were included. Most of

the participants are from a village called Oyoun Al-Wadi where [q] is always used in

colloquial speech. All participants migrated to the city of Hims from a rural area at one

point in their lives or are the sons and daughters of those migrants; they live in the city

and occasionally go back to visit the countryside. I was personally acquainted with most

of the informants, who were not picked at random. All were family members, relatives,

friends and neighbors. My own family is from the village of Oyoun Al-Wadi, and I

moved to Hims at the age of two years and two months. At home, my family uses the









village dialect, but with distant friends and acquaintances there is a switch to the Himsi

dialect. Speakers # 1, 6, 14 and 19 come from neighboring villages to Oyoun Al-Wadi,

which also use the [q] sound in their dialect. Speaker # 1 comes from the village of

Hazzoor, but his wife, speaker # 10, is from Oyoun Al-Wadi. Speaker # 6 and his wife,

speaker # 19, are from the village of Ain Al-Ajooz. Speaker # 14 comes from the village

of Habb Nimra.

It is worth noting that some of the speakers are related to each other: speakers # 1

and 10 are husband and wife; speakers # 3 and 12 are also married and speaker # 30 is

their daughter; speakers # 8 and 18 are husband and wife and speakers 24, 25, 33 & 34

are their children. In addition, speakers # 9 and 17 are married and their children are

speakers # 26 and 27. Speakers # 5 and 15 are married. Speakers # 35 and 36 are sisters.

Speaker # 28 is the son of speaker # 7. Speakers # 2 and 11 are married and are the

parents of speakers # 20, 21 and 22. Speakers # 4 and 13 are husband and wife and the

parents of speaker # 23.

2.3.2. Speech samples

Informal, audiotape-recorded conversations in Colloquial Arabic, lasting about 45

minutes with each individual, were transcribed and analyzed. The recordings took place

either in my family home in Hims or in the informants' homes, whichever was more

convenient at the time. All data were collected during the summer of 2004. In the

interviews, I used the [7] sound with all the interviewees, some of whom were open to

use their village dialect with me despite my use of [7], knowing that I come from the

same hometown. No one was informed of the exact focus of the study.










Table 1: Stud p rticipa ats
Speaker Sex Age Social Occupation Income Education Area
# class
1. M 77 L-M R. Gov. Low Preparatory Akrama
Employe
2. M 65 L-M R. Gov. Low Preparatory Akrama
Emloee
3. M 64 L-M Retired Officer Low Peatoy Al-Hameeddieh
4. M 60 L-M R. Gov. Low Preparatory Al-Hameeddieh
Employe
5. M 69 U-M Unemploye Mid Peatoy Al-Hameeddieh
6. M 70 U-M R. Director of High B.A. Al-Hameeddieh
Customs
7. M 62 U-M Civil Engineer Hih B.A. Al-Hameeddieh
8. M 62 U-M Business Man Hih A.A. Al-Hameeddieh
9. M 64 U-M Teacher Mid A.A. Al-Hameeddieh
10. F 75 L-M Housewife Low Peatoy Akrama
11. F 59 L-M Housewife Low Elementr Akrama
12. F 61 L-M Teacher Low A.A. Al-Hameeddieh
13. F 58 L-M Gov. Emloyee Low Preprty Al-Hameeddieh
14. F 59 L-M Teacher Low A.A. Al-Hameeddieh
15. F 58 U-M Housewife Mid Peatoy Al-Hameeddieh
16. F 57 U-M Housewife High High School Al-Hameeddieh
17. F 56 U-M Teacher Hih A.A. Al-Hameeddieh
18. F 55 U-M Housewife Hih Peaaoy Al-Hameeddieh
19. F 61 U-M Housewife High High School Al-Hameeddieh
20. M 31 L-M Medical Doctor Low Professional Akrama
21. M 25 L-M Civil Engineer Low B.A. Akrama
22. M 33 L-M Assistant Low A.A. Akrama
Engineer
23. M 30 L-M Salesman Low A.A. Al-Hameeddieh
24. M 24 U-M Medical Doctor Hih B.A. Al-Hameeddieh
25. M 23 U-M Salesman High Hih school Al-Hameeddieh
26. M 24 U-M Dentist Mid Professional Al-Hameeddieh
27. M 34 U-M Medical Doctor Mid Professional Al-Hameeddieh
28. M 27 U-M Dentist High Professional Al-Hameeddieh
29. F 35 L-M Gov. Emloyee Low A.A. Al-Hameeddieh
30. F 28 L-M T.A. Low M.A. student Al-Hameeddieh
Architecture
31. F 24 L-M Agricultural Low Professional Al-Hameeddieh
Engineer
32. F 26 L-M Agricultural Mid Professional Al-Hameeddieh
Engineer
33. F 31 U-M Private Sector high B.A. E. Lit. Al-Hameeddieh
Emloee
34. F 28 U-M Housewife Hih B.A. Law Al-Hameeddieh
35. F 23 U-M Civil Eineer High Professional Al-Hameeddieh
36. F 25 U-M English High B.A. E. Lit. Al-Hameeddieh
Teacher









All of the conversations were very natural and did not follow any preconceived

format. The interviewees were free to speak about any topic they wanted. The

conversation began by asking about family, children and other matters of mutual interest.

After some questions and answers, if the conversation slowed down or there was not

much to say, informants were asked to tell a happy or sad story, a dream, or an

experience that they had gone through. Most of the conversations flowed naturally and

stories were uttered spontaneously, without being solicited. Topics varied: speaker # 1

spoke about his illness causing shortness of breath; speaker # 3 spoke about his life-long

experience as an officer in the army; speaker # 6 spoke about the historical book that he

has written and the details that it contains; speaker # 7 related many funny stories that

occurred in reality in his village; speaker # 10 spoke about the time she broke her hip;

speaker # 12 spoke about her breast cancer operation and her daughter' s marriage;

speaker # 16 spoke about her visit to her daughter in the United Arab Emirates; speaker #

17 spoke about family matters that happened in the absence of her daughter; speaker # 20

spoke about the difficulties he encountered in his medical career; speaker # 23 spoke

about his work and its demands; speaker # 24 spoke about his work in the hospital and

his anticipated travel to Germany; speaker # 25 spoke about the girl he loves and the

rej sections he faces from her family and about his travel to Saudi Arabia and the new

business he is trying to open; speaker # 29 spoke about her husband's accident and her

mother-in-law' s fall; speaker # 30 spoke about how she met her husband and about the

difficulties she faces as a married woman raising a child and pursuing a graduate degree;

speaker # 33 spoke about her failed marriage and her divorce; and speaker # 34 spoke









about her frustration because of two miscarriages and her continuous failure in the

university despite her diligent studying.

These are just a few examples of the intimate topics discussed during the recorded

conversations. Most of the time, the conversations flowed naturally, as I exchanged

questions and answers with the interviewees as an in-group member, sometimes about

personal and family issues. According to Labov (1966: 43), the effects of the "observer' s

paradox" may be partially overcome by obtaining samples from natural social

interactions among in-group members, e.g. interacting with family members or "peer

group". All spoke freely and openly, seemingly oblivious of the presence of the tape

recorder. During some interviews, other family members were present, which imparted

greater naturalness to the situation. Speaker # 17 was recorded in two natural settings: 1)

talking to me (her daughter) and 2) talking to a friend who comes from a similar

background and who has lived in the city for the same amount of time. These two

recordings aim at examining the complete switch from one dialect to another that occurs

in the speech of some rural migrants to the city of Hims, in an attempt to accommodate to

the speech of their interlocutor.

2.4. Analysis

I listened to all recordings twice, calculating the number of occurrences of [q] and

[7] in the speech of each informant. Raw frequencies were entered into a stepwise linear

regression test to determine the effect of all of the extralinguistic variables on the usage

of these linguistic variants. Additionally, tests of one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA)

were performed on each independent variable to explore the possible significance of each









of the social factors taken in isolation. The results of these quantitative tests are discussed

in the next chapter.

Lexical borrowings were analyzed by selecting speakers who had 25 % or less of

the [q] sound in their speech to examine the type of words that contained [q]. All the

words that contained the [q] sound were extracted and transcribed (see Appendix C).

These words were compared to words uttered with the [q] sound by a native Himsi

woman (speaker # 37) who was recorded to observe whether Himsi people do use the [q]

sound in their speech and to confirm the existence of lexical borrowings in the speech of

Himsies and rural migrants to Hims alike. Comparisons were also done between the

extracted words and previous studies to look for similar patterns of borrowings. On the

other hand, the speech of speakers which contained less than 25 % [7], was examined and

all the words that contained the [7] sound were extracted and transcribed to examine the

possibility of lexical diffusion. The findings of these investigations are discussed in

Chapter 4.

A qualitative analysis was carried out to investigate the differential patterns of

speech accommodation and some views and comments uttered by speakers, reflecting on

the reasons for sound change among rural migrants in Hims. Several excerpts were

chosen and transcribed to support the quantitative analysis and to highlight the effect of

social identity on speech accommodation. A comparison between two speakers who have

similar attributes with respect to age, area of residence, education, occupation, and length

of stay in Hims was conducted. Discussion of all these issues will be presented in Chapter
















CHAPTER 3
QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS: THE ROLE OF SOCIAL FACTORS

The distribution of the linguistic variants by speaker is displayed in Table 2 below.

This distribution will be discussed point by point in the subsequent sections of this

chapter. In linear regression tests, two significant social factors were observed for this

distribution: age and area of residence (results of the tests are displayed in Appendix A

& B). These are the two variables which we will discuss first (sections 3.1 and 3.2.). The

regression tests discarded sex and social class (and, independently, schooling, income,

and occupation) as significant factors. We will consider each of these variables in the

remaining sections and reveal the results of one-way ANOVA tests for each.

3.1. Age

Age plays the most significant role in the change from [q] to [7]; the difference in

the use of [q] and [7] between the two age groups is 57 % (Table 3). The younger

generation uses the prestige form [7] much more than the older generation and will

presumably continue to use it in the future, even when they go to visit their home village.

This could be a strong indication that it is a change in progress because if change is

carried out by the younger generation and transmitted to people in their home villages

and to their future children, the maj ority of the people in rural areas will only use the [7],

with the exception of lexical borrowings from SA. I take up the issue of lexical

borrowings in Chapter 4. It is clear that the younger generation is more inclined towards

the new form than adults who have used the other form [q] most of their lives. The older










Table 2: Distr bution of [q] and [7] for each speaker
Speaker # Sex Age Social class No. of [q] No. of [7] % [q] % [7]
tokens tokens
1. M 77 Lower-middle 209/221 12/221 95 5
2. M 65 Lower-middle 137/137 0/137 100 0
3. M 64 Lower-middle 390/390 0/390 100 0
4. M 60 Lower-middle 196/196 0/196 100 0
5. M 69 Uppe-middle 240/240 0/240 100 0
6. M 70 Uppe-middle 137/176 39/176 78 22
7. M 62 Uppr-middle 291/315 24/315 92 8
8. M 62 Uppr-middle 261/261 0/261 100 0
9. M 64 Uppe-middle 23 1/231 0/231 100 0
10. F 75 Lower-middle 146/146 0/146 100 0
11. F 59 Lower-middle 376/376 0/376 100 0
12. F 61 Lower-middle 64/147 83/147 44 56
13. F 58 Lower-middle 367/367 0/367 100 0
14. F 59 Lower-middle 0/222 222/222 0 100
15. F 58 Uppr-middle 349/349 0/349 100 0
16. F 57 Upper-middle 183/228 45/228 81 19
17. F 56 Uppr-middle 194/194 0/194 100 0
18. F 55 Uppr-middle 209/231 22/231 90 10
19. F 61 U pr-middle 4/120 116/120 3 97
20. M 31 Lower-middle 276/284 8/284 98 2
21. M 25 Lower-middle 248/253 5/253 98 2
22. M 33 Lower-middle 141/141 0/141 100 0
23. M 30 Lower-middle 55/233 178/233 24 76
24. M 24 Uppe-middle 70/3 07 23 7/3 07 23 77
25. M 23 Uppe-middle 60/294 234/294 20 80
26. M 24 Upper-middle 34/161 127/161 21 79
27. M 34 Uppr-middle 21/109 88/109 19 81
28. M 27 U pr-middle 87/258 171/258 34 66
29. F 35 Lower-middle 15/292 277/292 5 95
30. F 28 Lower-middle 38/157 119/157 24 76
31. F 24 Lower-middle 14/198 184/198 7 93
32. F 26 Lower-middle 30/299 269/299 10 90
33. F 31 Uppr-middle 19/253 234/253 7 93
34. F 28 Uppr-middle 16/156 140/156 10 90
35. F 23 Uppr-middle 10/128 118/128 8 92
36. F 25 Uppr-middle 14/149 135/149 9 91
Total 5132/8219 3087/8219










generation, particularly men, who do not care so much about their accent (cf. Labov

1972), use the [q] sound more. This could be ascribed to the assumption that men usually

tend to express more solidarity and stronger social ties with their rural background and

thus their rural vernacular than women do (cf. Milroy 1980; Milroy and Milroy 1985,

1992). However, some speakers display some kind of corrective behavior, especially

among women in the older age group. Labov (1972) indicated that correction towards the

prestigious form is one of the steps towards change, particularly in women. These

speakers try to imitate the younger generation and the city people, but there will be some

slips of the tongue where they use [q] instead of [7], as is the case with respect to speaker

# 12 (see Chapter 5). It should be noted here, however, that the use of [q] by the younger

generation most of the time is due to lexical borrowing rather than to slips of the tongue.

Table 3: Distribution of [q] and [7] according to age groups
Variant No. of tokens % Age No. of tokens % Age %Difference
for Age group group 18- for Age group group 55 +
18-35 35 55 +
[q]1148/3672 31 3984/4547 88 57
[7] 2524/3 672 69 563/4547 12 57

The strong difference that we observe in the data is confirmed by the stepwise

regression tests that were performed (see Appendix A & B) and the one-way analysis of

variance (ANOVA), in which age emerges as highly significant, as Table 4 shows.

Table 4: Results of one-way ANOVA test for age
Mean
Sum of Suares df Suare F Sg
qaaf Between Groups 181310.548 1 181310.548 17.992 .000
Within Groups 342622.341 34 10077.128
Total 523932.889 35
hamza Between Groups 126712.094 1 126712.094 23.622 .000
Within Groups 1823 80.656 34 5364.137
Total 309092.750 35









3.2. Area of Residence

According to linear regression tests, area of residence was the second most

significant factor conditioning the use of the linguistic variants under study. In the results

of the one-way ANOVA test, we can see that differences with respect to the use of hamhhhhhhhh~~~~~~~~~za

are highly significant (Table 5). It seems that one's surrounding regional environment

greatly affects the way one speaks (the effect of one' s social environment was explicitly

commented on by speaker # 28, mentioned in Chapter 5). Living in Al-Hameedieh, a

more traditional place charged with prestige, imposes certain standards on people.

Akrama is in the suburbs of Hims; most of the people who live there come from

villages that use the [q] sound. As a result, speakers # 20, 21, and 22 seem to express

solidarity with the inhabitants of that suburb, where they live and socialize, and thus they

are exceptions in the age group 18-35 (they use almost 100 % [q] in their recorded

speech). I attribute this to social networks (Milroy 1980): the area they were brought up

in, the schools they attended, and the friends and relatives with whom they associated.

Speaker # 22 is a medical doctor who practices medicine in Akrama. He also did his

medical specialization in Latakia, a city that is inhabited mostly by people who use the

[q] sound. Such irregularity among some speakers is alluded to by Milroy (1980), when

she states that "a sociolinguistic variable is not always evaluated in the same way by the

whole speech community, and irregularities may provide evidence of linguistic change in

progress" (11-12).









Table 5: Results of one-way ANOVA test for area of residence
Sum of Mean
Shares Df Sqare F Si.
qaaf Between Groups 50780.199 1 50780.199 3.649 .065
Within Groups 473152.690 34 13916.256
Total 523932.889 35
hamza Between Groups 58684.001 1 58684.001 7.968 .008
Within Groups 250408.749 34 7364.963
Total 309092.750 35

3.3. Social Class

Social class seems to play a minor role in the choice between [q] and [7]. Table 6

shows a difference of 9 % between the upper-middle class and lower-middle class. The

upper-middle class shows a slightly higher percentage in the use of [7], which could also

be attributed to the social networks with which these two classes are interacting.

Table 6: Distribution of [q] and [7] according to social class
Variant Total No. of Middle % Total No. of Upper-middle
tokens for tokens for %
Middle Uppr-middle
[] 2702/4059 67 2430/4160 58
[7] 1357/4059 33 173 0/4160 42

According to Milroy (1980) and Milroy and Milroy (1985, 1992), people tend to

show solidarity with local people from their own respective class group in the use of the

vernacular. The upper-middle class usually has more social relations with the city people

and the upper class and, as a result, they are more exposed to the Himsi dialect. They try

to compete with the Himsi people and aspire to be equal to them. Lower-middle class

people usually continue to socialize with their own class, and thus have less inclination

towards the change. The one-way ANOVA test confirms the conclusion that social class

is not a significant factor in the change of [q] to [7], as shown in Table 7 below.









Table 7: Results of one-way ANOVA test for social class
Sum of Squares Df Mean F Sig.
Square
qaaf Between Groups 8648.158 1 8648.158 .571 .455
Within Groups 5152 84.731 34 15155.433
Total 523932.889 35
hamza Between Groups 1131.332 1 1131.332 .125 .726
Within Groups 307961.418 34 9057.689
Total 309092.750 35

3.3.1. Education

In the results of the one-way ANOVA test, education proved to be highly

significant in conditioning the use of qaa but not hamnza (Table 8). Although this finding

apparently gives support to the idea that the reintroduction of [q] into CA is the result of

lexical borrowing from SA, it is the most educated who use [7] more frequently.

Although Daher (1998) attributes the reappearance of [q] to "the growth of mass

communication and education in the present century", stating that "the exposure of the

average speaker to SA has increased dramatically" (190), we must conclude that

schooling, news, and television programs delivered in SA do not seem to enforce the use

of [q] in colloquial speech. Indeed, the use of [7] in Hims is characteristic of the higher

social standing generally attributed to higher levels of formal schooling.

Table 8: Results of one-way ANOVA test for education
Sum of Mean
Shares df Suare F Si.
qaaf Between Groups 1 74680.972 3 58226.991 5.335 .004
Within Groups 349251.917 32 10914.122
Total 523932.889 35
hamza Between Groups 65763.038 3 21921.013 2.883 .051
Within Groups 243329.712 32 7604.054
Total 309092.750 35









3.3.2. Occupation

Results of the one-way ANOVA test for occupation (Table 9) reveal significance

with respect to the use of hamnza. This finding is a further indication that social networks

influence the speech of individuals in the Himsi community. Associating with people that

use [7] all the time in the workplace foments this change, as speaker # 7 points out in his

conversation (mentioned in Chapter 5). Speakers of the lower class in Hims usually hold

jobs which do not require immediate interaction with upper-class people, such as

construction work, army positions, or low-ranking government jobs. Thus, they

experience limited interaction with city people. Jobs such as business, medicine, and

teaching are usually held by upper-middle-class people and require interaction with

people from different backgrounds. This leads us to believe that occupation plays a role

in the distribution of [q] and [7]. However, there are exceptions to the rule, as we have

seen in the case of speaker # 22 who is a medical doctor but shows solidarity with the

lower-middle-class community of which he is a member. This confirms Milroy's (1980)

and Milroy and Milroy's (1985, 1992) hypothesis that each class expresses solidarity

with its own people and community in accordance with the degree of integration into that

community .

Table 9: Results of one-way ANOVA test for occupation
Sum of Mean
Shares df Suare F Sg
qaaf Between Groups 143810.762 5 28762.152 2.270 .073
Within Groups 380122.127 30 12670.738
Total 523932.889 35
hamza Between Groups 107650.635 5 21530.127 3.206 .019
Within Groups 201442. 115 30 6714.737
Total 309092.750 35










3.3.3. Income

Taken in isolation, speakers' income does not seem to play an important role in the

process of variation under study. The results of the one-way ANOVA test (Table 10)

clearly show this.

Table 10: Results of one-way ANOVA test for income
Sum of Mean
Shares df Suare F Si.
qaaf Between Groups 23683.710 2 11841.855 .781 .466
Within Groups 500249.179 33 15159.066
Total 523932.889 35
hamza Between Groups 11844.043 2 5922.021 .657 .525
Within Groups 297248.707 33 9007.537
Total 309092.750 35

3.4. Sex

Table 11 shows that men use [q] with a frequency of 22 % more than women do.

Statistically, however, this difference did not prove to be significant (Table 12 shows

results of one-way ANOVA). Females likely use the prestige form [7] more frequently

than men do because, according to previous studies (e.g. Sawaie, 1994; Daher 1998a,

1998b), women are perhaps more aware of the social significance of certain sounds. They

are more inclined towards the use of prestigious forms and are more sociolinguistically

conscious than men are. Males' preference for [q] might be strengthened by the

masculine connotation that [q] bears in comparison to [7], which is perceived as a more

feminine sound (Sawaie 1994).

Table 11: Distribution of [q] and [7] according to sex
Variant Total No. of Male % Total No. of Female %
tokens for tokens for
Males Females
[] 3084/4207 73 2048/4012 51
[7] 1123/4207 27 1964/4012 49









Tablel2: Results of one-way ANOVA test for sex
Sum of Mean
Shares df Suare F Si.
qaaf Between Groups 29813.778 1 29813.778 2.051 .161
Within Groups 494119. 111 34 14532.915
Total 523932.889 35
hamza Between Groups 19646.694 1 19646.694 2.308 .138
Within Groups 289446.056 34 8513.119
Total 309092.750 35

Women probably compensate for their general social inferiority in Syrian society

by presenting themselves as more linguistically capable and prestigious. As Ayres-

Bennett (2004: 112) pointed out in her study of seventeenth century French women,

women seemed "not to accept their inferior status, but to use linguistic differentiation as a

way of showing solidarity with each other and difference from others." They may be

more inclined towards the prestigious forms because of the social pressure that is

imposed on them: sounding pleasant and aspiring to appear more educated and urban, so

that they can attract a good husband from a good social status and prosperous economic

position. Despite the conflicting views about whether men or women are the initiator of

language change, Coates (1996) had pointed out that because women are less powerful

than men, they do usually use more prestige forms than men. As an additional

consideration, women are the main agents in raising children in the Syrian society in

general and in the Himsi community in particular. Since women talk to children more

than men do, they influence the linguistic development of their children, and hence, the

adoption of the prestigious forms. As a result, linguistic change owes a great deal to the

women's sensitivity to new forms (Labov 1972: 303).

The present findings complement Labov' s (1966: 288) conclusion that women tend

to use the prestigious form more than men do in New York City. Laboy asserts that









"women are more sensitive than men to overt sociolinguistic values" (1972: 243), and

they are usually initiators of linguistic change. Other studies (e.g. Fischer 1958; Trudgill

1974; Milroy and Milroy 1985, 1992) have also argued that women are more likely to

adopt innovative forms than men, and thus lead a change from above (Labov 1972).

Considering age and sex of speakers by groups, we note that both males and

females from the older age group show more use of [q] than [7] in comparison with the

younger generation. Table 13 reflects that in the older age group (55+), males tend to use

[q] more than females, but the difference in the use of [q] and [7] (17.5 %) among older

speakers is not very substantial compared to the difference (39 %) between males and

females in the younger age group (18-35). However, this result indicates that men in

general are more inclined towards the use of [q] than women are. This also corresponds

with the view that [7] has more social prestige than [q] among women (Sawaie 1994;

Daher 1998a, 1998b).

Table 13: The difference in use of [q] and [7] between males and females within the same
age groups
# of [q] tokens % of [q] # of [7] tokens % of [7]
Males (55 +) 2092/2167 97 75/2167 3
Females (55 +) 1892/23 80 79.5 488/23 80 20.5
Difference 17.5 17.5
Males (18-35) 992/2040 49 1048/2040 51
Females (18-35) 156/1632 10 1476/1632 90
Difference 39 39
















CHAPTER 4
LEXICAL BORROWING AND LEXICAL DIFFUSION

4.1. Lexical Borrowing

Boyd, Andersson and Thornell (1996) adopt Poplack, Weeler and Westwood' s

(1987) definition of borrowing:

Borrowing is ideally incorporation of EL [embedded language (the former language
or mother language)] material in ML [matrix language (the latter language or
learned language)] discourse such that the EL material is (a) phonologically, (b)
morphologically, and (c) syntactically integrated into the ML; and (d) use of the
same material, integrated in similar ways, and occurring in similar contexts is
widespread in the ML speech community, including among ML monolinguals, who
may be unaware of its origins in EL. Furthermore, (e) borrowing is often limited to
one lexeme. (260)

Boyd et al. (1996) found in accordance with previous research by Poplack, Sankoff and

Miller (1988) that morphological integration is the most prominent. This morphological

integration seems to be common in my data (see discussion below). Boyd et al. (1996)

also found that nouns are more borrowed than verbs and adj ectives from French and

Swedish in the speech of the Finns and Americans but not in the speech of the Sango-

French bilinguals. They concluded that "borrowing becomes a norm when the language

contact becomes more established and older." (278) Boyd et al.'s (1996) Eindings

correspond with my findings that nouns are more borrowed than adj ectives or verbs.

Poplack (1996: 305) defines borrowing as the "incorporation of foreign features

into a group's native language by speakers of that language. The native language is

maintained, but is changed by the addition of the incorporated features." Poplack (1996)









asserts that this incorporation is the result of language contact and this contact has to last

for a few centuries for a shift to take place.

Mesthrie and Leap (2000) also define borrowing as "a technical term for the

incorporation of an item from one language into another. These items could be (in terms

of decreasing order of frequency) words, grammatical elements or sounds" (245). They

give an example of how African languages have assimilated a great number of terms

from English; these terms are associated with "Christianity, technology and modernity"

(250). They indicate that borrowing, to some extent, "can instead be seen as an adaptive

strategy undertaken by speakers to enrich certain registers of a language, rather than

having to switch to the new language for that register." Thus, borrowing from SA is a

kind of enrichment to CA without switching completely to SA.

Lexical borrowings in Arabic have been studied by many researchers and were

referred to by different terms, such as "borrowing" (Garbell 1978), "classicism"

(Ferguson 1959; Blanc 1960, 1964), and "literary borrowing" (Al-Ani 1976). Blanc

(1964) attributes this phenomenon to "lexical suppletion", which implies the use or

borrowing of a term from Classical Arabic because it does not exist in Colloquial Arabic

(CA), e.g. /taqaddom/ "progress" where there is no */taqaddom/ in CA. Of the same view

is Palva (1969: 40), who states that "A great maj ority of the classicism in the 'elevated'

colloquial are lexical, or at least indirectly due to lexical loans. This is only natural,

because modern concepts usually have no equivalents in the dialect but must be borrowed

from literary language." Mol (2003), in his discussion of the influence of MSA (Modern

Standard Arabic) on spoken dialects, also points out the interference of "classical words

and expressions" in the speech of educated speakers: "This interference, sometimes,









consists of classical pronunciation, which can be no more than a stylistic device, but more

in particular it consists of borrowings from the MSA lexicon" (78). Mol believes that

"MSA is propagated more and more in the Arab world through education and the media"

and also indicates that "because of the inadequacy of the dialect, an educated speaker,

may, in certain circumstances, have to resort to higher language varieties, thereby using a

non-normated mixed language" (2003: 78). Furthermore, Diem (1974: 26) indicates that

borrowings occur out of necessity: certain vocabulary might be lacking in the dialect and

are borrowed from SA. Owens's (1991: 25) findings in Jordan support the view that

borrowings from SA are "motivated to a great extent by need." Owens provides examples

that started to be used with the opening of the Yarmouk University in Jordan in 1976, e.g.

za~saq 'course' and qa'a 'classroom'. Diem (1974) indicates that these borrowings can

become part of the dialect with frequent use. Wilmsen (1995) also asserts that such

borrowed words are completely assimilated into the dialect. Abu-Haidar (1992: 104)

emphasizes this point in Baghdad, where words such as aueaqqaf 'educated' and

taqaddon; 'progress' have been assimilated into the everyday speech of Baghdadis.

For Al-Ani (1976), the reintroduction of /q/ into the speech of those who use the

/g/, which is the most common reflex of /q/ in Iraq, was the result of: 1) the huge influx

of people to the city of Baghdad and their assimilation with the dialect spoken there; and

2) "the spread of schooling and compulsory education at the elementary and high school

levels throughout Iraq" (106). Al-Ani divides lexical borrowings into two groups (107-

108):

1) Items that are borrowed with their literary unchanged morphological form, e.g.

verses from the Qur'an, sayings, etc: e.g. qiyaana "resurrection."









2) Items in which the morphological form changed to fit the morphology of the

dialect: e.g. Sooq "longing" [In SA, this word is pronounced Sauuq]. However,

Al-Ani points out that some items are pronounced interchangeably as /q/ or /g/:

e.g. Saqq/ Sagg "tear, split off'.

He concludes that /q/ is not a replacement for /g/, but it is used as a result of the literary

influence on the dialect. The /g/ remains the dominant phonetic feature and it occurs in

high frequency words.

Haeri (1991) points out that the existence of /q/ in Cairene Arabic is due to "lexical

borrowing" from "Classical Arabic" after the merger of /q/ into /7/ between the 11Ith and

15th centuries (Garbell 1978). Garbell (1978) offers an explanation of this phenomenon:

"A special difficulty with regard to the dating of phonetical and/or phonological changes

in Arabic dialects in general is caused by the constant and in recent times increasing -

borrowings of lexemes from the literary language" (204). Haeri (1991, 1996) indicates

that in order to avoid words containing the [q] sound in SA, people tend to use other

words that have similar meaning but do not contain the [q] sound, e.g. [muSHaf] "copy of

the Qur'an" for [qur7aan] "Qur'an" and [maSr] "Egypt or Cairo" for [qaahira] "Cairo". I

have noticed similar use in my data; many speakers use, for example, the word [yiHki]

"he speaks" for the word [yaquul] "he says". Haeri's study confirms Haugan's (1950) and

Weinreich' s (1974) hypotheses that nouns are the most borrowed among grammatical

categories. Haeri concludes that education is a crucial factor in determining the

reoccurrence of [q] as lexical borrowings. She affirmed her hypothesis regarding lexical

borrowing by an experiment performed on children between the ages of 6-12.









Abdel-Jawad (1981) states that /q/ and /7/ are in free variation in Ammani Arabic,

except for some terms that maintained their [q] sound, such as /qur7aan/. He also

attributes the presence of [q] in some colloquial words to the "lexical status" of those

words: the closer the word is to SA, the more likely it will be realized with a [q]. Abdel-

Jawad explains this phenomenon in the light of a "reversal" of the merger due to "lexical

borrowing" or "dialect borrowing or standardization processes" (216). This view is

problematic because of the use of two theories reversal of merger and lexical

borrowing to explain the co-existence of the two phonemes: /q/ and /7/, because

according to Al-Ani (1976), the /q/ is not replacing the /g/. In Abdel-Jawad's case and

our case here, the /q/ is not and will not be replacing the /7/ either.

Holes (1987) rej ects a phonological analysis of the existence of /q/ in some lexical

items in CA; he emphasizes that it is a lexical matter in the sense that people, due to

exposure to SA, "internalize" some of its lexical items (103). Blanc (1960) also points out

that most of the learned lexical items that contain the qaaf do not have an equivalent with

the glottal stop in CA. Haeri (1991) supports this view, stating that "speakers use lexical

items with a [q] which often lack dialectal equivalent" (147). This leads to the belief that

the process of the reappearance of qaaf is lexical rather than phonological.

Early on Ferguson (1959) pointed out that the use of borrowing in CA is a common

phenomenon in a diglossic society. For him, this leads to the existence of an intermediate

Arabic variety:

The communicative tensions which arise in the diglossia situation may be resolved
by the use of relatively uncodified, unstable, intermediate forms of the language
(... Arabic al-lugah al-wuSTa 'the intermediate language' ...) and repeated
borrowing of vocabulary items from H [SA] into L [CA]. (332)









Ferguson asserts that these borrowings are used in CA with the colloquial morphology

and syntax, unlike when they are used in semiformall or cross-dialectal situations" (332).

Many other studies have dealt with this middle variety. Al-Toma (1969, 1974), for

example, calls this phenomenon "Inter-Arabic", describing a variety that is mainly

colloquial but is enriched by SA. Many researchers agree that there are different levels of

Arabic or that Arabic can be viewed as a continuum of speech varieties (Ferguson 1959;

Blanc 1960; Badawi 1973; Al-Toma 1974; El-Hassan 1978; Zughoul 1980; Sallam 1980;

Meiseles 1980; Hussein 1981; Mitchell 1978, 1980, 1986; Elgibali 1988; Abdel-Jawad

1981, 1987; Al-Batal 1992; Holes 1995; Hary 1996).

Daher (1998a) denotes that "borrowing between SA and CA is a one-way process:

CA is constantly adopting new words and phrases from SA but SA does not borrow from

CA" (75-76). He points out that the existence of cognate pairs is not only an indication of

a common ancestor (Abdel-Jawad 1981: 132) but also may reflect the borrowing that is

taking place from SA into CA (Daher 1998a: 76). He gives examples from SA that have

been integrated into the DA (Damascus Arabic) system (e.g. kaGD became kthi

"many much "; bilaFd became blaFd "countries"; laun became lon "color", etc.) (77).

Daher (1998a) goes on to emphasize that "more technical or erudite domains, however,

such as politics, science and economics tend to include more identical items than non-

identical ones, which suggests relatively recent borrowing" (78). Identical items refer to

cognate pairs in contrast to non-identical items that suggest non-cognate pairs.

Daher uses the term "hybridization" (106) to describe the integration phenomenon

that most borrowed words from SA undergo in DA, such as the use of the DA mood

marker b(i)- as a prefix to SA verbs. He explains that, first, "many such items have by









now been incorporated into DA to the point where speakers have begun to replace the [q]

with [7]" and, secondly, "as speakers have become accustomed to hearing and using [q],

[q] has begun to be generalized to other lexical items that were long used in DA with

only the [7]" (1998a: 184).

Daher excluded from his quantitative data place names, such Dimaiq "Damascus",

lexical items, such as Gaqafa "education, culture", and lexical doublets, such as qanun

"law, statute" and 7iminn (SA qanun) "musical instrument" (1998a: 148-149). This

exclusion was based on Walters (1989) and was intended to avoid skewing the data

because of the high occurrence of these words. Despite Daher' s admittance that

borrowing from SA is a maj or factor in the reappearance of [q] in DA, he does not

exclude completely phonological factors or variation. Daher mentions some linguistic

factors that might be the reason that [q] is used in some words, such as the existence of

/7/ in a word that must be realized as [7]. However, from my observations of my data,

words such as /7laqall/ 'less' are realized as both [7laqall] and [7a7all]. This example

eliminates the possibility that existence of /7/ leads to the pronunciation of /q/ as [q]. He

also indicates that frequency plays a role in the use of [q] and existence of [7]; the more

frequent the word, the more use of [7] and the least frequent, the more use of [q]. This

frequency factor plays a role in my data with regards to lexical diffusion (see section 4.2.

below). The more frequent the word, the more likely it is to be adopted by the older

generation with the [7] sound. However, it is known that the least frequent words are

technical and specialized words (Holes 1995) used to convey particular ideas. Daher









(1998a) concludes that the maj or factor for the reappearance of [q] in DA is "direct

borrowing of many SA lexical items" (191). He points out that:

Recent borrowings from SA into DA retain their specialized meanings and their SA
phonology: /q/ remains /q/. As these lexical borrowings lose their novelty, they
gain wider acceptance and begin to be used more frequently in different contexts,
with a corresponding expansion of meaning. As the meaning is broadened, and the
word is integrated more and more into DA, it becomes subj ect to phonological
variation: (q) begins to be realized as both [q] and [7]. (1998a: 191)

In order to analyze lexical borrowings in the present data, speakers who had 25 %

or less of the [q] sound in their speech were investigated to see if the words that the [q]

occurred in were borrowed words and if there were similarities among the various

speakers with regards to the type of words that are borrowed from SA. Sixteen speakers

had 25 % or less of [q] in their speech. All the words that contained a [q] sound were

extracted and transcribed (see Appendix C). A total of 476 tokens with the [q] sound

occurred in the speech of the 16 informants. 423 tokens, i.e. 89 % of the total number of

tokens, occurred more than once, and 53 tokens, i.e. 11 %, occurred only once. Words

that come from the same root are grouped together, e.g. muea~q][q/aff 'educated (M)',

mu ea~q][q~aff 'educated (F)', Gaq~aftu 'his education', Gaq~afte 'my education',

Gaq~afe 'cultural', and Gaq/aafi 'education'. They could be verbs, nouns, adjectives,

or adverbs, and they could be inflected for gender, number, person, and tense. The

twenty-eight most frequent words in the data are presented in Table 14 below.









Table 14: The most frequently occurring words with the [q] sound
Word # Word in Arabic Translation in English # of tokens % of tokens
1. mi[qltinig 'convinced' 35 7
2. [qlarrar 'decision/decree' 24 5
3. [qlism 'department' 20 4
4. [qlaaf 'the Arabic name for the 19 4
sound []
5. ta[qlriiban 'approximately' 15 3
6. Ga[qlaafl 'education/culture' 15 3
7. [qlarD 'bank loan' 14 3
8. Va[qld 'contract' 13 3
9. [qlaanuun 'law/legslation' 12 3
10. ra[qa 'number' 11 2
11. [qlubuul 'admission' 11 2
12. taw[qliir 'signing' 10 2
13. mu[qliimiin (medical) resident' 9 2
14. mla[qlaH 'vaccinated (M)' 9 2
15. Taba qa 'social class' 8 2
16. Hu quu~q 'Law school' 8 2
17. taf[qliim 'sterili zati on' 8 2
18. Hurou[] 'burns' 8 2
19. Valaa[qlla 'relation' 7 1
20. manTe~q 'logc' 7 1
21. na[q aabi sydicate 7 1
22. mitwa[q][qleg 'expecting (M)' 6 1
23. 7afrii [qlya 'Africa' 6 1
24. Gi qa 'trust' 6 1
25. yit~~r'settle (M'6 1
26. l[qlaDaa7 'judiciary' 6 1
27. muraa[qlabi 'poctoring' 6 1
28. 7a[qlall 'less' 6 1
Total 312 66 %

One exception to the 25 % [q] rule is speaker # 28, who had 34 % of [q] in his

speech; however, that is due to his frequent repetition of the word qaaf 'the Arabic name

of the sound [q]', i.e. 16 tokens out of 86 tokens (see Appendix C) The word [q~aanuun

'legislation/law' also occurred 10 times, including plural, that is, about 12 % of the total

number of tokens with the [q] sound. Another frequently occurring word in his speech is









mla~qaH 'vaccinated (M)' with its various inflections with regards to gender, number,

person and part of speech; it constitutes 9 tokens out of the 86 tokens. These three

frequently occurring words constitute 14 % out of the 34 % of [q] in his speech, which

makes him equal to other speakers that have 25 % or less [q] in their speech. There are

other frequently occurring words in his speech, such as ta~q/wiim

'orthodontia/orthodontics', ta f~q/iim 'sterilization', and 7afr~ii~q/iya 'Af rica', which are

mostly technical terms, used usually in dentistry and medicine.

In a further step to determine whether these migrants really use lexical borrowing, a

native Himsi woman (speaker # 37) was recorded and her speech was analyzed to see if

her speech contains any lexical borrowings. She is about 40 years of age, of Himsi origin,

and has no ties to the countryside. The number of tokens of [q] and [7] in her speech were

not included in the quantitative study in Chapter 3 since she is not a migrant from the

countryside to the city. The purpose of recording her was to make comparisons between

her speech as a Himsi informant with those who are not originally from Hims. Her speech

contained 211 tokens in all: 202 tokens of [7] and 9 tokens of [q], i.e. 96 % of [7] and 4 %

of [q]. Examining her speech closely, I was able to extract the following words that

contain the [q] sound and transcribe them; these words are borrowed from SA, and some

of them represent the names of events as in example (6) below or the name of a union as

in example (8) below. The words are as follows:

1. muraa[qleb dawaam 'proctor of attendance (M)'

2. ta[qlliidivi 'traditional (F)'

3. bhalli[qlaa7l 'in this meeting'

4. m[qlarrirriin 'we had a decision'









5. sta[qlall 'became independent (M)'

6. 17lusbuuY ssa[qlaafe Ifaranse 'the French Cultural Week'


7. na[qlaabit 'syndicate'

8. raabiTit 7laSdi[qlaa7l Imuytaribiin 'the Immigrants Friends Union'

9. nna[qlaabi 'the syndicate'

Nonetheless, it is worth noting that the second word ta~q/liidivi 'traditional (F.)'

was corrected by her immediately after saying it the first time with the [q] sound,

pronouncing it as ta[7liidivi. This might be a case of trying to phonologically assimilate

borrowed words (Diem 1974; Wilmsen 1995; Abu-Haidar 1992; Al-Ani 1976; Daher

1998) to the Himsi dialect, using the [7] sound in place of the [q] sound. This example of

correction is a further indication of the prestige that [7] is endowed with in the Himsi

community. Some of these [q]-sounding words that are found in the speech of speaker #

37 are also found in the speech of the migrants to the city of Hims and their children, who

seem to accommodate to the speech of the Himsi people; however, due to the lack of

certain terminology in CA, they resort to terms from SA to complete their meaning, in a

way similar to the one observed in the speech of speaker #37. The word muraaq/eb

'proctor' occurred in the speech of other speakers three times, though in different

inflections or parts of speech. In addition, the word m~q/arrirriin 'we had a decision'

occurred in the speech of many migrants in different forms. Furthermore, sta~qall

'became independent (M)' occurred three times in the speech of other migrant speakers,

in various forms. ssa~qaafe 'Cultural' is another frequently occurring word in the speech

of non-Himsi people. na~q~abi 'syndicate' and 7aSdi~q~aa 'Friends' do also appear in









the speech of migrants. Consequently, we may conclude that 1) the appearance of some

words with the [q] sound is due to lexical borrowings from SA and that 2) non-Himsi and

native Himsi people behave similarly with respect to lexical borrowings from SA.

If we compare the lexemes that occur with the [q] sound in the speech of those

migrants to previous studies that advocate the theory of lexical borrowing from SA, we

find that there are many words in common. For example, Haeri (1991, 1996) found a list

of ten words that are most frequently borrowed in Cairene Arabic (1 15):

1. [mooqif/mawquif] "position, opinion"

2. [Yilaaqa] "relation, relationship"


3. [qiSSa] "story, tale'

4. [qaahira] "Cairo"

5. [Sadiiq] "friend"

6. [musiiqa] "music"

7. [qism] "department/ section"

8. [qur7aan] "Qur'an"

9. [qiima] "value, worth"

10. [qowwa] "power, strength"

Haeri arranged the ten words in the order of frequency they occurred. Most of these

words are found in my data with the [q] sound with the exception of [qiSSa] 'story, tale',

[qaahira] 'Cairo', and [musiiqa] 'music', further confirming that the existence of [q] in

CA is the result of lexical borrowing. Qaahira might not have occurred in my data

because speakers did not come across the topic of Egypt, its geography, or its capital. The

other two words might have already been assimilated to the phonological system of the










Himsi dialect, i.e. the [q] started to be pronounced as [7]. It is no coincidence that the

words that occur in Cairene Arabic and in Himsi Arabic with the [q] sound are the same.

This is an indication that lexical borrowing is the main reason that some words are

pronounced with the [q] sound, and that this phenomenon is the result of "mass-

education" in CA, which was introduced in Egypt in the early decades of the 20th century

(Haeri 1991: 116, 146). Such is the case in Syria, where SA is used as the medium of

instruction in many subj ects, particularly in teaching Arabic Language Courses at

schools.

In her study of Cairene Arabic, Haeri (1991, 1996) found that the lexical

borrowings extracted from her data belonged to one of the following categories:

1. Place name

2. Proper name

3. institution name

4. job title

5. Literary, political or religious terms.

This is also confirmed in my data. However, in addition to these categories, the data

warrants the addition of the following two categories:

6. Technical terms or j argon that is specific to certain fields, such as medicine,

dentistry, etc.

7. Idioms and some sayings.

Table 15 below presents some examples of each of the above-mentioned categories.









Table 15: Examples of the seven borrowing, categories
Example English Example English
translation translation
Place name 7afrii[qllya Africa lriraa[q] Iraq

bil [qluSuur In the namee of l[qlaamnili 'the name of a
an area in city in the north-
Damascus' east of Syria'
Proper name l[qldiis John the Baptist yaf [qluub Jacob
uHanna
Job title ImulHa[q] 'Cultural Ira[qliib the sergeant'
88arqlaafe Attache'
institution Imarkaz The British Imarkaz The Cultural
name 68a[qlaafe Council Isa[qlaafe Center
lbriiTane
Literary, Hal[qlit BaHB 'seminar' munaa[qlaSa tender
political or
religious 7i[q]Taafiivi 'Feudal (F Adj)' l[qlur7aan 'the Qur'an'
terms
Technical ta[qlwiim 'orthodontia/ort taxTiiT Site planning
terms or hodontics' Imawaa[qlef
jargon or
.ies blyi ddi 'in the thyroid Taba[qle 'sonogram'
names Idara[q][qlivi gland' miHware
Idioms ra7san Yala 'upside down' [qlirre Vtirfe 'confess
confess'
fa[qleb

The use of qaaf in lexical borrowings from SA does not require extensive

knowledge of SA because the educated and non-educated also use lexical borrowings

from English and French, for example, though they do not know these languages (Haeri

1991, 1996). Words seem to transfer from one speaker to another through conversation,

particularly technical terms or jargon and idioms or sayings.

In this study, I also examined the number of nouns, verbs, adj ectives, and adverbs

that are borrowed from SA. The results confirm the findings of previous studies (Haugan

1950; Weinreich 1974; Haeri 1991, 1996; Boyd et al. 1996) that nouns are the most

borrowed lexical items. Among the 476 tokens, 284 tokens are nouns; 88 tokens are









verbs; 82 tokens are adjectives; 21 tokens are adverbs; and there was one determiner. It is

clear that the lexical category 'noun' is the most borrowed. This might be due to the great

number of proper nouns that could include names of people, places, diseases, technical

terms, jargon, and so on. Later on these nouns may assimilate into the spoken dialect and

verbs and other parts of speech may emerge from the same borrowed items, as has

already happened with some words, e.g. Gaq~aai 'education', muGea~q][q~a

'educated (M)', etc. MacNeil and Cran (2005), for example, estimated that one-fifth of all

English verbs began life as nouns (3).

4.2. Lexical Diffusion

The essence of lexical diffusion theory is that "sound changes occur word by word"

(Deumert and Mesthrie 2000: 118). The theory thus implies that sound change does not

occur in all words at the same time and that change may occur in some words before

others. Chen (1972, cited in Deumert and Mesthrie 2000: 119) proposed the S-curve

pattern, suggesting that:

1. Initially the new pronunciation is to be found in a few common words. These

are often words or groups of words important to a subgroup or subculture

within the community.

2. The change then spreads to other words at a relatively rapid rate.

3. At the final stage, the rate of the change slows down with the few last words

to undergo the change.

Chen's theory seems to apply in my data. Looking at speakers (See Appendix D)

who had very low percentages of [7] in their speech, I was able to extract and transcribe

the words that are used by those speakers with the [7] sound; some of the speakers were










not even aware that they were using the [7] sound. Speaker # 7, for example, who spoke

at length about how people who migrate from the village try to imitate the speech of the

Himsi community, indicated that he is one of those people who did not change his speech

at all and that he is proud of his accent. Nonetheless, by examining his speech, I found a

number of words used by him with the [7] sound. This indicates that sometimes people

are unaware of what they say (Labov 1966, 1972). Wolfson (1989), based on evidence

from various studies (Wolfson and Judd 1983; Labov 1966; Blom and Gumperz 1972;

Brouwer, Gerritsen and DeHaan 1979; Pica 1983), asserted that native speakers' intuition

is inadequate and "notoriously unreliable" (44), since it does not reflect "actual patterns

of speech behavior" (43). This case of speaker # 7 could also be an indication that it is a

change from below the level of consciousness (Labov 1972, 2001), which characterize

men as the innovators of linguistic change. Women of the older generation did not seem

to have particular terms with the [7] sound in their speech, as is the case with speakers #

10, 11, 13, 15, and 17. In the case of speakers # 16 and 18, the phenomenon goes beyond

lexical diffusion; it is attributed to speech accommodation. Women accommodate their

speech to the interlocutor to show prestige, as is the case with speakers # 12, 14, 17 (See

discussion about speaker # 17 in Chapter 4) and 19.

Seven speakers had less than 25 % pronunciation of (q) as [7] (see Table 2). The

total tokens of [7] in their speech is 155. The word hall 7 that occurs in free variation

with halle 71 'now' constitutes 57 tokens of the total 155 tokens, that is, 37 % of the total


1 The variation occurs in pronouncing the vowel [e] (part of the vowel system of the migrants' original
dialect) as [a] (part of the vowel system of the Himsi dialect). It is worth noting here that some speakers
switch completely between the two dialects; others only change the [q] into [7]; and others have an
intermediate dialect in which the change of [q] into [7] is half way as one can see in speaker # 12 who
corrects herself sometimes and pronounces the same words with either a [q] sound or an [7] sound in the










number of tokens. This is a clear indication that lexical diffusion is at work here. The

second most frequent occurring word is yi[7]uul "he says" with its different inflections

according to gender, person, number and tense; this word occurs 34 times, that is, 22 %

of the total number of tokens. This constitutes further evidence that change may occur

word by word rather than all at the same time. However, this word by word change seems

to be more common among speakers of the older generation, particularly men, than those

among the younger generation, who seem to accommodate to the speech of their

interlocutors. Nonetheless, their speech tends to be aided, as is the speech of native

Himsies (speaker #37), with lexical borrowings from SA rather than lexical diffusion.

The third most frequent word is [7]am, a kind of filler that literally means 'he stood' or

'he did', along with its various inflections according to number, gender, person, and

tense. This word constitutes 13 tokens, that is, almost 8 % of the total number of tokens.

The fourth most common word to occur with the [7] sound is [7]aa~f 'the glottal stop'. 2

This word constitutes 9 tokens of the total number of tokens, that is, about 6 %. The fifth

and sixth most common words are wa[7]t 'time' and ni[7]obd 'we sit down' with their


other inflections as well; they occurred 6 times each, i.e. about 4 % of the total number of

tokens for each and 8 % for both. Finally, ba[7]a a filler that literally means 'stayed' but

in discourse means 'so/such that', occurred 5 times, i.e. about 3 %. ma[7]ibra "cemetery"




same conversation (see discussion in Chapter 5). The intermediate dialect also applies in the case of vowel
change where in the same conversation some speakers can either change the vowels or maintain the ones of
their original vowel system.

2 One can notice here that people transform [qlaaf (the name of the sound [q] in Arabic) to [7]aaf to talk
about the glottal stop, though the name of the glottal stop in Arabic is hamza.









and sal[7] "boil" occurred 3 times each in the speech of speakers # 18 and 16

respectively; they constitute together about 4 % of the total tokens.

As a result, these seven words constitute about 88 % of the total tokens pronounced

with [7]. There are 20 miscellaneous words which form 12 % of the total number of

tokens; these words occur once each with the exception of [7]addeeh "how much" that

occurs with another word that comes from the same root: hall[7]addiini "this much". It

seems that these words are very common in everyday use. They may have to do with

asking or talking about prices, such as the two previously mentioned words or the word

Ha[7][7]a "its price (F)"; they could refer to directions, such as m[7]aabel

"opposite/facing" and lafoo[7] "upstairs"; others may be idioms that might be more

common with the [7] sound, such as 7alla yiwaff[7]uu "God provides for him"; and there

is a word pronounced with [7] as an imitation to a person who uses the [7] sound, i.e.

7alr[7]a "more advanced". This word occurred in the speech of speaker # 7 (see Appendix

D).

We can conclude that the frequency of certain words in everyday life can affect the

acquisition of these words and the assimilation of them into one' s speech, as is the case in

the speech of the older generation. This finding confirms Chen' s (1972) first suggestion

above: change begins with "a few common words" and then spreads to other words.

However, it is beyond the scope of this study to confirm the second and third proposals of

lexical diffusion theory because this requires longitudinal studies to see how rapid the

spread is and whether there is a spread to other words.
















CHAPTER 5
QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS: DIFFERENTIAL PATTERNS OF ACCO1V1VODATION

5.1. Speech Accommodation and Social Identity

The concept of social identity may cast light on some of the differences among

individual speakers whom we will highlight in this chapter. Even though two speakers

share a series of social characteristics level of education, age group, occupation, etc.-

they may differ in their linguistic behavior. As a participant in the interaction and from

my personal knowledge of the participants (as previously explained), I was able to locate

a great number of phonological variables in the informants' speech. Usage of the variants

differed from one speaker to the next, bringing to mind Giles, Coupland and Coupland's

(1991) idea that not all speakers can simply imitate in the same way any variety they

encounter. According to Giles et. al's (1991) theory of speech accommodation, people

tend either to converge when they wish to decrease the social distance among each other,

i.e. use the same style of speaking, or to diverge when they wish to increase that social

distance and distinguish themselves from other speakers, i.e. use a different style of

speaking.

Social identity may be fluid, and is shaped by personal choices made with respect

to one's linguistic repertoire. For example, James and Lesley Milroy (1985, 1992), in a

study done in Belfast, found that among the working class, workers tend to use the

vernacular norms, and thus "covert prestige", to show solidarity. On the other hand,

Labov (1966, 1972) showed that some people in New York City tended to adopt the










prestigious form of /r/ to show affiliation with the upper class. Furthermore, Gal (1979)

found in her study of Oberwart that people made language choices between German and

Hungarian according to the social circumstances, that is, domain and social networks.

German was associated with modernity and economic prosperity; Hungarian was

associated with peasantness. Women in Oberwart adopted the German language because

they wanted to get married to German-speaking wage laborers. These women "do not

want to be peasants; they do not present themselves as peasants in speech" (Gal 1978:

13). To quote Norton (1997: 410), "identity relates to desire the desire for recognition,

the desire for affiliation, and the desire for security and safety." However, if one does not

have the necessary motivation or desire to accommodate a different form in speech,

social integration may be greatly hindered. Such tendencies are evident among migrant

speakers in Hims: some live for years in the city and never adopt the new form since they

do not have the desire to adopt a new identity. On the other hand, some people choose to

be identified as urban, and strive to adapt their speech to Himsi norms.

5.2. Differential Patterns of Accommodation among Himsi Migrants

It has been observed that speakers vary in their use of [q] and [7]; this variation

could be among speakers from the same sex and age group, level of education,

occupation and length of stay in the city of Hims. For example, Speakers # 17 and #12

reflect different degrees of adaptation to the urban variety. Speaker # 17 was recorded in

two different natural settings. The first recording was a conversation with me, her

daughter, with whom one would expect that she will freely use her original rural dialect

characterized by [q]; indeed, she uses [q] 100 % (see table 2). The second recording was

with a personal friend (Speaker # 14) who herself is from a village that uses the [q]









sound. Living in the city for a long period of time, speaker # 14 also came to the

realization that [7] is the prestigious form and should be used with people from outside


the family circle. Though speaker # 17 knows all these facts about her friend, she reverts

to the Himsi dialect and uses 100% [7]. In her speech, she only had three lexical


borrowings with [q] (see Appendix C). Below is an extract from the speech of speaker #

17 with her friend (speaker # 14), where one can see her constant use of [7]:


Excerpt 1: Complete switch to the [7] sound by speaker # 17:

In this conversation, not only can one see the complete switch from [q] to [7], but

also the naturalness of the conversation. Basically, the two women are gossiping:

1. Speaker # 17: bhadaak lwa[7], maa kaanoo yafirfoo, yimken, maa kaan fli dakaatra


ktiir, wa laa kaan Hadaa, masallan, maa yafirfoo. fa37a, ha-haffabb, wxaTbiillu, maa


[7l]illik, baddon yi3auuzuu. fa37a bimuut, 7ee Dallet DDaifa killa ziflaani, aktar min


sini, maa Hadaa yifmol kibbi bbaituu.


2. Speaker # 14: 7ee kaanoo yidi[7][7]oo YaliblaTa ( ) halla[7l],9araas TTauuli


3. Speaker # 17: halla[7l],ween? Taraas TTauuli!i halla[7l], bikuun Imaiyet hoon, issa maa


faaluu, wilfirs, wiTTabl ma yid[7][7] bbait 3iiraanon; bbait 13iiraan Ilii 3anbon


TTabil ma yid[7l][7], Juu raclivik?


1 Empty parentheses indicate that a word or more were not understood during transcription.










4. Speaker # 14: halla[7l], maa ba[7]a tifro[7l] maY Hadaa.


5. Speaker # 17: yoom Ilii t3auuzet bint (name), haai 7axdet waaHed [7l]raayibnaa, muu

[7l]raayibnaa, waaHed mnDDaifa, min finna, whalla[7l], hiyyi bissfuudiyyi, hiyyi


wiyyaah, duktoor huwwi. Kaan maiyyet 300z bint fammuu, fifte kiif! wfabb,


w3aarna huwwi bilHaara, 3aarna, yitnii, maa fli yeer TTarii[7l] been beetna wbeet,


wbeetna wbeet Imaiyyet.

6. Speaker #14: 7ee.

7. Speaker # 17: 7ee, yitnii, whuwwi [7l]raayibon. Awall fee, 17limm, tSauuwre, 7limmuu,


7immuu, muu 17limm, baddee [7]uul, martuu, martuu, bint famm baiyyuu, whiyyi bint


famm, wlmaraa, wlmaraa bint fammuu laffabb, tSauuwre, yitnii, kiifl[7l]irbi,


ntabahte kiif! yitnii, martuu laffabb. (to her daughter) maa badee 7lifrab, 7limmee. (To


her friend) martuu laffabb, martlmaiyyet, bitkuun, bint fammit 7limmuu, fafwan,


7limmuu bint fammit 7limmuu laffabb, whiyyi btiHkom bint fammuu laffabb bnafs


lwa[7l]t, ntabahte? biy300, bi3iiboo TTabl. maa kaan issa, maa kaan (name), fuu kaan

7liluu, Juu kaan 7liluu maiyyet? maa kaan 7liluu fee Jahr Jahreen, heek fee

8. Daughter of Speaker # 17: ( )?










9. Speaker # 17: (to her daughter) yoom Yirs (name), maa badee fee, 7limmee. (To her


friend) Imuhimm, bi3iiboo TTabl wbiballfoo dda[7][7], [7]al, bitrouH, hiyyi muu bint


fammtaa, 17limm, [7]al, bitrouH, la~ind bint xaalaa, [7]al, taaxod bilclizin. [7l]aletla,


fainee, alla yihanniikon. Vmiloo llii badkon yeeh. Wween ma yid[71][7]oo TTabl,


yitnii, that daaruu lalmaiyyet, tSauuwree?


Translation:

1. Speaker # 17: At that time, they did not know, maybe, there weren't many doctors,

and no one, for example, they didn't know. Suddenly, the young man, and they had

engaged for him, I am telling you, they want to make him marry. Suddenly, he dies.

So, the whole village remained sad, more than one year; no one makes kibbi in his

house.

2. Speaker # 14: Yes, they used to hammer on the stone, ( ) now, on the head of

the table.

3. Speaker # 17: where now? On the head of the table! Now, the dead will be here; they

have not yet removed him, and the wedding, and the drum is beating in his neighbors'

house; in the neighbors' house that is next to them the drum is beating, what is your

opinion?

4. Speaker # 14: Now, no one cares.

5. Speaker # 17: the day (name) got married. She took one who is our relative, not our

relative, one that is from the village, from our place, and now she is in Saudi, she and

he. He is a doctor. The husband of his cousin' s daughter (from father side) was dead,










you see how? And a young man, and our neighbor in the area, our neighbor, this

means, there is only the street between our house and the house-our house and the

house of the dead.

6. Speaker #14: Yes.

7. Speaker # 17: Yes, this means, and he is their relative. The first thing, the mother,

imagine! His mother, his mother, not the mother, I want to say, his wife, his wife is

the cousin of his father (from the father side), and she is the cousin (from the father

side), the wife, and the wife is the cousin of the young man (from the father side),

imagine! This means, how the relation is! Did you pay attention to (how related)?

This means, the wife of the young man (to her daughter) I don't want to drink,

mother (To her friend) the wife of the young man, the wife of the dead is the cousin

of his mother, sorry, the cousin of the mother of the young man, and she is the cousin

of the young man at the same time, did you pay attention? So, they come, they bring

the drum, he was not yet, he was not (name), how long was he, how long was he

dead? He was not yet a month, two month, around this.

8. Daughter of Speaker # 17: ( )?

9. Speaker # 17: the day of the wedding of (name) (To her daughter) I do not want

anything, mother The important thing, they bring the drum, and they start beating.

So, she goes, she, she is her cousin, the mother, so, she goes to her cousin from (her

mother side), so, to take permission. She told her, my eyes, God bring joy to your

hearts, do whatever you want. And where they are beating the drum, this means,

under the dead house, imagine!










On the other hand, speaker # 12 uses 44 % [q] and 54 % [7], which indicates that


this speaker has not adopted the new dialect completely, though she is about the same age

as speaker # 17 and has lived in Hims for the same amount of time (3 5 years). Both

speakers are elementary school teachers with the same level of education. The only

difference between these two women is that speaker # 17 comes from an upper-middle

class, and speaker # 12 comes from a lower-middle class. However, as was shown in

Chapter Three, social class is not a maj or factor conditioning this variable process. The

difference between these two speakers could be attributed either to their social networks

(Milroy 1980; Milroy & Milroy 1985, 1992), which might have influenced their degree

of acquisition of the new dialect, or to the possibility suggested by Giles et. al. (1991)

that not all speakers possess equal ability or desire to accommodate fully to a different

linguistic variety.

It is important to note that speaker # 12 corrects herself sometimes, replacing the

[q] sound with the [7] sound in some words, repeating these same words immediately


after they have been pronounced with the [q] sound or pronouncing them differently on

different occasions within the same conversation. This occurrence reflects a kind of self-

correction towards the prestigious form, rather than self-correction towards a more

grammatical or more comprehensible form. This is best explained by applying a

Labovian framework here. Labov (1972: 178) points out, in his summary of the

mechanism of sound change, that "stigmatization initiate[s] change fr~om above, a

sporadic and irregular correction of the changed forms towards the model of the highest

status group that is, the prestige model." The correction implemented by speaker # 12










might be due to her knowledge of which form is prestigious but the inability to apply this

knowledge all the time. The result is, thus, 44 % pronunciation of [q] and 56 %

pronunciation of [7]. This situation perhaps reflects what Labov (2001) has termed


'linguistic insecurity', an indication that the speaker recognizes "an exterior standard of

correctness" (Laboy 2001: 277) and tries to adopt that standard.

Correction towards the prestigious form is evident in speaker # 12's response to my

question about her daughter' s marriage and her life with her husband. One can notice in

Excerpt 2 below the variation between [q~alitluu and [7]alitluu 'she told him' in lines

1 and 5 respectively and the variation between [q~alla 'he told her' and bi[7illaalllll11~~~~~~~~ 'he

tells her' in line 5:

Excerpt 2:

1. Speaker # 12: ktiir, nifkor 7alla, ktiir. [qlaalitluu maa Taad ( ). huuwwi maa faalla

ktiir JaaTer bi33iraHa. 7ee. kaan TaTuul yifref flaiyye. Jaafoo bafDon wtfarrfoo

TabafDon.

2. Researcher: wallah!

3. Speaker # 12: 7ee. Saar naSiib. Ta[7l]baal findik yaa rabb.

4. Researcher: 7lallah yisallmik. Killik zoo[7].

5. Speaker # 12: Ta[7l]baal llii yistaahelik yaa rabb, yaa raanyaa. 7ee. wallah week Saar

naSiib wilHamdilla ktiir mabsuuTiin, wfihem waD~aa. [7]laalitluu 7anaa bade kammel

diraastee._[gllalla 7lallah mafik, mitil maa baddik. 7ee. halla[7l] birc71illaa 7lizaa baddik

trouHee ....









Translation:

1. Speaker # 12: a lot, thanks be to God, a lot! She told him there isn't no more ( ).

He, God protects him, very good in surgery. Yes. He was always checking on me.

They saw each other and got to know each other.

2. Researcher: By God!

3. Speaker # 12: yes. Fortune happened (idiom meaning they got married). (Idiom

meaning she wishes the same to happen to me: to get married) by God's will.

4. Researcher: God protect you. You are all manners.

5. Speaker # 12: (idiom meaning she wishes the same to happen to me: to get married to

some one who deserves me) by God's will. Yes. By God, and so, they got married

(idiom, lit. Fortune happened), and thanks be to god they are very happy, and he

understood her situation. She told him, I want to continue my education. He said God

be with you, as you want. Yes. Now, he tells her if you want to go

Vartiation in the use of [q] and [7] is also apparent in speaker # 12's reply to my

inquiry about the possibility of dividing the middle class into different levels and whom

she would consider to belong to what level. I gave her the names of some people that we

both knew and asked how she would classify them. One can obviously see in Excerpt 3

her use of Taba/q/a as both Taba[7]a and Taba[qla "class":

Excerpt 3:

1. Speaker # 12: Tab~an, hadool badde [7l]illik muu Taba[7]a wwusTaa, leef? 17lannuu

Yam ySirrlon 7lifaanat. yu~tabaroo 7layniiyaa, Taba~cqla yaniiyyi.

After a few turns she continued to say:

2. Speaker # 12: 7ee, 7ee, 7layniiyaa. 7amma TTaba[qla lwwusTaa, 7anaa ma[7l]illik,









mitil Im~allmiin maa byiHsinoo yiftiroo saiyyaraat. Maa fliyyon, 17lannuu ssiiyyaara

badda m~aaf waaHed, xaSSatan 7lizaa kaan m~aaf waaHed yi~nii m~allem waaHed

bilbeet. 7ee. 17lannuu duubuu yi~nii yaakol wyifrab. Maa Hiih yi~nii. 7linnuu maanuu

fa[7]liir yi~nii biiHaawel 7linnuu, heek.

Translation:

1. Speaker # 12: of course, those, I want to tell you, are not middle class, why? Because

they get (Hinancial) assistance. They are considered rich, upper (lit. rich) class.

After a few turns she continued to say:

2. Speaker # 12: yes, yes, rich. On the other hand, the middle class, I am telling you, like

teachers who cannot afford to buy cars. They cannot because the car requires one

salary, especially if there was one salary, this means, one teacher in the house. Yes.

Because barely, this means, he can eat and drink, He cannot, this means. That is, he is

not poor, this means, he tries, that is, so.

The differential patterns of accommodation and variation in some rural migrants'

speech are clear, when one compares the wordfa[7]iir "poor (M)" that occurred in

excerpt 3 with the [7] sound with the words fa[7l]iira "poor (F)"and Hi[qlraa "poor (Pl)"

that occurred in excerpt 4 with both an [7] sound and a [q] sound:

Excerpt 4:

1. Researcher: Tab~an, Tab, halla[7l], biraclyik 7linnuu Hii nnaas 7ayniyaa, bass muu

firfaaniin yifiifoo biHayaaton. hal btiftibriyon 7ayniyaa walla mniftibiron wwusTaa.

halla[7l], Hii naas biDDaifa ktiir, 7linte btafirfee!

2. Speaker #12: 7ee.










3. Researcher: wmaanon firfaaniin yifiifoo

4. Speaker # 12: hadool nafsiiton fa[7ir

5. Researcher: Juu btiftibriyon, hadool, Juu btiftibriyon, masalan

6. Speaker #12: bxil

7. Researcher: 7ee, Juu btiftibriyon, Taba[qla yaniivi walla Taba[qla wwusTaa. Taaifiin


mitlik mitlee, yi~nii maanon Taaifiin 7aHsan minninnaa, maE~buuT walla la??


8. Speaker # 12: yu~tabaroo wwusTaa, mafnaahaa, [7]add maykuun mafon maSaaree

wbyityaddoo xibz w~inib. 7laifuu mafnaahaa? ficla, ficla, 7aiwaa

Translation:

1. Researcher: Of course, ok, now, in your opinion, that is, there are rich people, but

they do not know how to live in their life. Do you consider them rich or we consider

them middle. Now, there are a lot people in the village, you know,

2. Speaker # 12: yes.

3. Researcher: and they don't know how to live

4. Speaker # 12: those have a poor soul.

5. Researcher: what do you consider those, what do you consider them, for example?

6. Speaker # 12: meanness

7. Researcher: yes, what do you consider them, rich class or middle class. They live like

you and me, that means, they do not live better than us, right or wrong?

8. Speaker # 12: they are considered middle, that means, no matter how much money

they have, they eat bread and grapes for lunch. What does that mean? Poor, poor, yes.









Consequently, one could say that individual speakers differ in their degree of

acquisition of the Himsi dialect. Some people accommodate fully to the new dialect;

others vary their speech. In the case of speaker # 12, it is not a matter of stylistic

variation; it is more the lack of a firm grip on the new dialect. This kind of variation can

be observed in the speech of many others. For example, speaker # 19 uses the word

/maqbra/ 'cemetery' at the beginning of the conversation three times with the [7] sound,

ma7bra, and much later in the conversation with the [q] sound, maqbra. In general terms,

one may start to use some features of the Himsi dialect, and then later on produce the

same word with village dialect features. In the course of the recorded conversations,

some speakers volunteered their personal thoughts on language use and migrant identity

in Hims. These details are presented in section 5.3 below.

5.3. Personal Observations on Language Accommodation

Some participants in the study expressed curiosity about the topic of my research.

When asked what I was looking for in their speech, I would respond that I could not tell

them. If they insisted, I would say that I was observing the social influence on people's

dialects and the difference between children and their parents. As a result, they offered

some interesting comments about why this sort of accommodation occurs and some of

them even referred explicitly to the change of [q] into [7], without any sort of indication

from me that this particular phenomenon was my focus. Many topics and themes were

raised and discussed in the conversations and which support many of the findings and

ideas expressed earlier on in the study.

First, occupation, social networks, and appearing more civilized emerged as

important factors for the change of [q] into [7] in the speech of the rural migrants, based










on comments uttered by some participants in the study. For example, Speaker # 7 started

his conversation with a comment on how people who come from the village to the city

change their accent. He gave a few possible reasons for this change, pointing out in

Excerpt 5 that occupation, social networks, and appearing more city-like forces rural

migrants to accommodate to the speech of the city people. These perspectives presented

by speaker # 7 give support to some of the theoretical notions that have been expressed in

this study and in previous studies:

Excerpt 5:

In this excerpt, the speaker begins answering my question about how long he has

been living outside the village. He points out how some people changed their dialect as

soon as they left the village. He is a little critical of those people because later on he

indicates that those who have a strong personality, like his, do not change their dialect

and do not care about what other people say. For him, people change their dialect as a

kind of adjustment, adaptation or what we call accommodation to the speech of their

surroundings: school, 2 friends, neighbors, etc., or to "show off' and appear more

"civilized" :

1. Speaker # 7: biHduud fee arb~iin, ma ba~ref, tlaatau arb~iin sini, 7lissa nafs l[qlaaf

wnafs lhada maa yaiyyartu. (Name) Tile? mniDDeefa. 7lawal yoom raaH Ya3aam39a.


ba~d isbuu? ri3if TaDDeefa ma yiHke bil[7l]aaf, frifte kiif! yitnii, fli faalem


mubafaratan yaiyiret.



2 'School' here refers to the fact that the person he mentions in line 5 is a school teacher. Thus, here
'school' does not refer to education; it refers to the influence that a person' s occupation and surroundings
could have on him/her, and how a person tries to acconunodate to her/his interlocutors. It is an indication
that integration in the community requires changes in the person's linguistic behavior.




























































3 Dots indicate that some speech is not transcribed because it does not add any new or relevant information
to the discussion.


2. Researcher: hiyyi, hiyyi, haaii, haaii hadafe, 7ee.

3. Speaker # 7: 7limmik bilclaxiir nfaraD flaiyya, nfaraD flaiyya, bass maana mabsuTa,


yitnii, maa bitkuun mirtaaHa, badda tiHke bil[7l]aaf been rif[qlaata. Saaret tix3al ....3


kilfee Tilfoo mafrauD flaiyon 3auu mfaiyyen, luu ismuu? Bass eh, Hii Yaalem maa


htammet. 7anaa biTri[qla, bitmilaa bilmaTr[qla, wxalle waHed yistar3e yiHke, yitnii


maa b fuu ismuu.


4. Researcher: 7ee. huuwwi, haada hadafe, hadafe, 7linnuu Juuf tta78eiir 17li~tmafe


Valah3it 17linsaan.


5. Speaker # 7: tta78eiir 17li~tmafe, 7linnuu 7limmik nfaraD flaiyya; farDet Imadersi,


farDet flaiyya rif[7l]aata, 3iiraana byiHkoo bil[7l]aaf, la[qlet Haala yariibi, badda


titcla[qllam maY 33auu musaayaratan, badda tsaayer. Hii nau~iyyi badda tsaayer, fli


nau~iyyi badda tfuuf Haala fwayi. 7linnuu matiHke bil[7l]aaf, tuttabar 7linnuu l[7l]aaf


fayli HaDaariyyi. Hii nau? min Imusaayara; Hii naut faufit Haal, 7ee, Hii Viddit, Hii


Viddit, Jaylaat, muu7aeiraat bit7aeer Yal.










Translation:

1. Speaker # 7: about forty, I don't know, forty-three years, still the same qaaf and the

same accent; I did not change it. (Name) left the village. The first day he went to the

university. After one week, he came back to the village speaking with [7]aaf, do you

know how? this means, there are people who changed right away.

2. R: it-it, this-this is my goal, yes.

3. Speaker # 7: your mother at the end it was imposed on her, it was imposed on her,

but she is not happy. It means, she will not be comfortable, she wants to speak with

the [7]aaf among her friends. She became embarrassed, but she is not comfortable, (to

my mother) is this right or not? ..... All those who left, it was imposed on them a

particular atmosphere, what is it called? But, eh, there are people who did not care. I

hammer, I do it with the hammer, and let anyone dare to talk, it means, not what it is

called.

4. R: yes, it, this is my goal. My goal is, that is, to see the social influence on the accent

of Man.

5. Speaker # 7: the social influence, that is, your mother it was imposed on her; the

school imposed on her; her friends imposed on her, her neighbors; they speak with

the [7]aaf. She found herself a stranger; she wants to adapt to the atmosphere for

adjustment; she wants to adjust. There is a kind that wants to adjust; there is a kind

that wants to appear arrogant a little. That is, she is speaking with the [7]aaf, she is

considered, that is, the [7]aaf a civilized thing. There is a kind of adjustment; there is

a kind of arrogance, yes, there are a number- there are a number of things, factors that

have an influence on the-









Second, possessing a strong personality and clinging to one's original identity are

some of the reasons behind the maintenance of one' s mother dialect. On the other hand,

the past superiority of the city people with regards to technology, construction and

electricity led the migrant rural people in the past to imitate city people in many aspects

of life, including language, out of fear of appearing backward and awkward. These

multiple topics were stated clearly by speaker # 7 in Excerpt 6 below:

Excerpt 6:

1. Speaker # 7: willii Vinduu-willii Vinduu min, bitSwwar 7anaa haddi, Ilii Vinduu min


faxSiituu l[qlawiyyi: "laa ta[qlol aSle wa faSle, 7linnamaa aSlu Ifata maa ( )"

7linnuu maa bitfro[q] matoo; lahi3tuu maa biyaiyyera 17linnuu haai lahi3tuu. (To my


mother) walla Jayli kbiiri. Tam niHkiila [qliSSitnaa. 7ee. fli. maa bitfro[q] mafoo


lahi3tuu, biyitamm yiHkiiyya lahi3tuu 17aSliyyi- 17aSliyyi- 17aSliyyi biiHaafe)


flaiyyaa, bass aHyaanan fawaamel ktiiri, zaman Tawiil, m~aafirtuu maY rif[qlaatuu


bitxalliih ( ) licannuu 1HaDaara, leef 1HaDaara halle[q] liclannuu min3ee niHina

min DDaifa. DDaifa halle[q] Saaret HaDaariyyi aktar min Imadiini, bass bin3ee, ibn


DDaifa bitamm xaaiyef minnaa. Vacliiyaamnaa, 7anaa wclimmik, wil[qlabil minna llii


kaanuu yinziloo falmadiini, yiftibroo Imadiini HaDaara wDDaifa fallaH.


2. Researcher: Tabtan.










3. Speaker # 7: mitxallef, fli taxallof, lizaalek 7laii fayli, masalan, biyistaxdimaa 7libn


Imaddini 7auu biyiHkiiyyaa Winduu halbeet smiintoo ( ) traab, wkazaa Winduu


halbeet smiintoo, Winduu halfern, Winduu halzift, maa kaan finnaa zift. Winduu


kahrabaa, maa kaan finnaa kahrabaa, 7linnuu haadaa HaDaare. biyi3ee b[qlalb xaaiyef


minnuu, lizaalik badduu yi[qlalduu, 7aa?

Translation:

1. Speaker # 7: and that who has-who has, I imagine this, that who has a strong

personality: "Do not say my origin and my story, the origin of a person is what ( )".

That is, he does not care; his accent does not change because this is his accent. (To

my mother) by God, this is a big thing (issue). We are telling her our story. (To me)

yes, there is. He does not care about his accent; he continues to talk it, his original-

original-original accent, he protects it, but sometimes many factors: long time,

integration with his friends lets him ( ) because civilization. Why civilization?

Now, because we come, we, from the village. The village, now, became more

civilized than the city, but we come, the village person remains afraid of it. In our

days, your mother and I and those before us, those who used to come to the city

consider the city civilization and the village peasant.

2. R: Of course.

3. Speaker # 7: backward. There is backwardness. Because of that any thing, for

example, the city person uses or says it. He has this house from cement ( ) soil,

and so; he has this house from cement; he has this stove; he has this tar; we did not









have tar; he has electricity; we did not have electricity. That is, this is civilization. He

comes with a frightened heart. For that reason, he wants to imitate it, right?

Third, the pride of the Himsi people in their own dialect and their negative attitude

towards other dialects and people from the countryside was one of the themes that

speaker # 7 touched on in Excerpt 7 below:

Excerpt 7:

1. Speaker # 7: 7ee. t~e la[qlillik, leef. laclinnuu miftaddiin blah3iton min naaHivi

YaSabiyyi. 1HimSe min naaHivi YaSabiyyi, wa laisa min naaHivi ( ). 1HimSe

biyiftiber Haaluu 7libn madiini wa biyiftiber ( name & name) filleeHiin ( )

Translation:

1. Speaker # 7: yes. Come, let me tell you why. Because they are proud of their dialect

from one side. The Himsi, from a fanatic side and not from a ( ) side. The Himsi

considers himself a city person and considers (name and name) peasants ( )

Fourth, education, striving to integrate into the Himsi community,

embarrassment of one' s own dialect, and the influence of the parents's dialects on their

children's dialect emerged as important factors in determining the choice between [q] and

[7], as Excerpt 8 below illustrates:

Excerpt 8:

In this excerpt, speaker # 28 indicates that school is a maj or factor in influencing

change in people's speech. This change results either from integration into the

community, and thus, a speaker will naturally use the language used by the whole

community, or from being embarrassed among one's friends and classmates that s/he has


4 Here, 'school' does refer to education and where a person does receive his/her education.









to accommodate to their speech. In line 8, he refers to the influence of the parents' dialect

on the children's dialect and that it plays a factor in shaping the children's dialect:

1. Researcher: 7anaa muu ImafrauD [7]uul fuu mauDuu~e, huwwi tta78eiir 17li~timaafe

Tallah3i, Ifar[7l] been luulaad wclahlon.

2. Speaker # 28: leeke, yimken Ilii bikuun bilmadrasi, bi[7]ee biDDaifa ( ). Ilii

biyib[7l]a lassaanawee biDDaifa, ween maa raaH maraH tityaiyyar lahi3tuu. Ilii

bi[7]ee lassaanawee. Ilii biyiTlaf mnilcli~daadee byityaiyyar. 7anaa haaii Yam bifTiike

( ). Ilii biyiTlaf mnilcli~daadee wmin 17ibtidaaclee, huuwwi wwalad, daxal

17li~daadee, ssaanawee bHimS btityaiyyar lahi3tuu. Hii sababeen latayyir llah3i, heek

7anaa bHiss,

3. Researcher: Juu ra7yak?

4. Speaker # 28: 7linnuu, 7linnuu, 7lawall fee, 7linnuu huuwwi, mitil maa [qliltee,

17lixtilaaT bilmustamaf,yi~nii, 7linnuu lwaaHed bfakil Tabiifee, badduu yiSiir yiHkee

mitil rif[7l]aatuu, wfee taanee, huuwwi lxa3al, Hii xa3al min Ilah3i, yi~nii, biyiSiir

lwaaHed bi[qlarrer 7linnuu yiyaiyyiraa, muu 7linnuu btityaiyyar til[qlaacliiyan, 7linnuu,

7anaa baddee 7liHkee, haadaa kiif-haadaa kiif bibbaiyen? bibbaiyen mu33arrad maa

faat Tabaituu, byir3af Tallah3i l[7l]adiimi. Fhimtee flaiyyee kiif!

5. Researcher: biDDabT.

6. Speaker # 28: Hii xa3al wfii fee biSiir til[qlaaclee, 7amma 7anaa xil[7l]aan bHimS,

lahi3te himSSiyyi; 7linte, maealan, xil[7l]aani bHimS

7. Researcher: halla[7l],7lanaa xili[7l]t, [7]uul 3iit Timree sinteen TaHimS.










8. Speaker # 28: 7ee, halla[7],7inte xil[7l]aani bHimS, bass maa fiftee biDDaifa. yimken

7linte kamaan laclinnuu 7abuuke wclummik. 7ee, 7anaa lbaaba byiHkee Daifa3ee, bass

Imaama la?. Imaama ribyaani b ffaam, fhimtee floon? 7linte yimken 17abb wlclimm

7a68arroo fleeke. halla[7l], maealan, 7anaa 17abb wlclimm. 7anaa lbaaba byiHkee

Daifa3ee wlmaama btiHkee faamee. 7anaa Tilfet lahi3te maanaa faamiyyi wmaanaa

Daifa3iyyi, Tilfet, yi~nii, HimSe TaDaifa3ee...

9. Researcher: 7ee, w~anaa.

Translation:

1. Researcher: I am not supposed to say what is the topic; it is the social influence on

the dialect, the difference between the children and their parents....

2. Speaker # 28: look! It might be that those who are in school, stayed in the village ( ).

Those who stayed up to high school in the village, wherever they go, they will not

change their dialect. Those who stayed up to high school. Those who left from

preparatory school change. I will give you ( ). That who left from preparatory

school and elementary school, as a child, entered preparatory school, high school in

Hims, his dialect changes. There are two reasons for dialect change, that is how I feel,

3. Researcher: what is your opinion?

4. Speaker # 28: that is, that is, the first thing, that is it is, as you said, the integration

with society, this means, that is, one in a natural way wants to start talking like his

friends, and a second thing, it is embarrassment. There is embarrassment from the

dialect, this means, one starts to want to, that is, change, not that it changes

spontaneously, that is, I want to talk, that is how-that is how it shows. It shows once

he enters his house; he goes back to his old dialect. Did you understand me, how?










5. Researcher: exactly!

6. Speaker # 28: there is embarrassment and there is something that happens

spontaneously. On the other hand, I am born in Hims; my accent is Himsi; you are,

for example, born in Hims.

7. Researcher: now, I was born. Say, I came, my age was two years, to Hims.

8. Speaker # 28: yes, now, you were not born in Hims, but you are not living in the

village. Maybe, you are also, because your father and your mother. Yes, I, my father

speaks with the village accent, but my mother, no. my mother was brought up in

Damascus, do you understand how? You, maybe, the father and the mother

influenced you. Now, for example, I, the father rand the mother. I, my father speaks

with the village accent and my mother speaks Damascene. I, my accent came out not

Damascene nor from the village; it came out, it means, Himsi mixed with village

accents

9. Researcher: yes, and I too.

Furthermore, schooling or education seems to be the main force behind adopting or

accommodating to a new form, as Excerpt 9 below demonstrates. The influence of

schooling on one' s dialect is due to the amount of time that students spend with their

friends at school. This was confirmed by the one-way ANOVA test that showed that

school is highly significant in determining the use of the [q] (see Chapter 3).

Excerpt 9:

1. Speaker # 28: 7linnuu Imadrasi hiyyi 17asaas

After a few turns, he asserts:

2. Speaker # 28: yi~nii niSS lwa[7l]t









Translation:

1. F: that is, school is the base.

2. F: it means, half the time

Fifth, accommodation to the speech of the interlocutor is also confirmed by speaker

# 28 who presents examples of relatives who change the [q] into [7], when they converse

with people outside the family circle. Excerpt 10 illustrates how rural migrants do

accommodate their speech to the speech of the city people:

Excerpt 10:

1. Speaker # 28: 17linnuu, 7anaa ba~ref min mart fammee, min hadool llii byiHkoo

Daifa3ee, bi3allsoo Hakyon, bass badda tinzol kilmaat, yi~nii, kilmaat

He continues to say after a few turns:

2. Speaker # 28: 7umm. mart fammee (name) btiHkee bil[qlaaf. btiHkee bil[7l]aaf heek

been l~aalam, Tabiifa, 7linnuu lwaaHed biHaawel, badduu yyaiyyer.

3. Researcher: bfakel laa 7liraadee

Translation:

1. Speaker # 28:because, I know from my uncle's wife, from those who speak the

village accent; they straighten their talk, but words want to come down, it mean

words

He continues to say after a few turns:

2. Speaker # 28: The mother. My uncle's (name) wife speaks with the qaaf. She speaks

with the [7]aaf, so, among people. That is normal, that is, one wants to change

3. Researcher: in an automatic way









Sixth, the surrounding environment, society, and embarrassment constitute the main

reasons for the linguistic change that rural people undergo, as speaker # 28 puts it. The

Himsies' ridiculing of rural people dialects also appears to be a factor influencing the

change of [q] into [7], as excerpt 11 below shows:

Excerpt 11:

1. Speaker # 28: maa ribyaan biDDaifa, lbii7a btixtilef ktiir, fli xufuuni, Tam [7l]illik fli

xufuuni hiniik fli [7l]asaawi bilkalaam

2. Researcher: mafak Ha[7][7]

3. Speaker # 28: hoonee biDall lwaaHed ( ), yi~nii, 7lauwallan, lbii7a, Tala flkra

lbii7a btixtilef ktiir, lbii7a, ba~deen Imustamaf, ba~deen min naaHivit lxa3al. hadool

killon faglaat biDDarbboo TabafDon.

4. Researcher: hoonee 1HamaaSni byitmahzoo fleenaa

5. Speaker # 28: 7ee, fauran byil[7l]iTuulik kilimtik.

Translation:

1. Speaker # 28: He was not brought up in the village. The environment differs a great

deal. There is vulgarity, I am telling you, there is vulgarity there. There is harshness

in speech

2. Researcher: you are right!

3. Speaker # 28: here, one remains ( ), this means, first, the environment, as an idea,

the environment differs a lot. The environment, then the society, then from the side of

embarrassment. These are all things that affect each other.

4. Researcher: here, the Himsies make fun of us










5. Speaker # 28: yes, right away, they catch your words.

Finally, political issues appear to be one further factor, affecting a sound change

and influencing the choice between [q] and [7], as speaker # 28 states in excerpt 12

below:

Excerpt 12:

1. Speaker # 28: .... Tam 7lillik 17lumuur ssiyaasiiyyi bitclasser

Translation:

1. Speaker # 28: .... I am telling you political matters have an influence

One can clearly see that the observations of this study are confirmed by ordinary

people who have lived in Hims for a long period of time and know a great deal about the

attitude of the Himsi speech community towards other speech communities. In

conclusion, accommodation to the speech of the Himsi community occurs among rural

people to different degrees. Some people accommodate fully; others accommodate half-

way, resulting in an intermediate dialect; still there are others who do not accommodate

at all because they are not concerned with urban prestige. Nonetheless, some of these

speakers appear to be changing some words from [q] to [7] without consciously realizing

they are doing so, as in the case of speaker # 7. In his speech, I spotted a number of

words pronounced with the [7] sound (cited in Chapter 4 and in Appendix D). This fact

tells us that people might be changing their speech towards the prestigious form without

even realizing the change.
















CHAPTER 6
CONCLUSIONS

It has been demonstrated that age plays the maj or role in the change from [q] to [7]

in the city of Hims, followed in importance by residential area. Sex and social class play

minor roles in the change. It was noted that women use the prestigious form slightly more

than men do. This study cannot confirm that the change of [q] into [7] is a change in

progress; this requires further investigation and recordings of more people who live in the

village to see if this change is spreading to the rural areas. There are indications of a

change in progress, but only a longitudinal study can confirm this.

What the present study does seem to confirm is that speech accommodation is the

mechanism by which migrant groups change their dialect; they want to appear more

prestigious by taking on a new dialect and thus an urban identity. Though Haeri (1991,

1996) and Daher (1998a, 1998b) think that education is the reason for the increasing use

of [q] in the speech of Cairene and Damascene Colloquial Arabic respectively, this study

shows that education plays two polar roles. First, it has a reverse effect on people who

migrate from villages and use the [q] variant. Being highly educated, these migrants get

jobs that lead them to interaction with the city people, reducing their use of [q] and

increasing their use of [7]. Second, education has been shown to exert an influence on the

occurrence of [q] as lexical borrowings from SA. However, these lexical borrowings are

not only present in the speech of the educated speaker; they are also observed in the

speech of those who received less education, e.g. speaker # 25. It has also been noticed









with regards to some speakers in whose speech the [q] is dominant that some words are

adopted with the [7] sound due to their frequent use. This phenomenon was explained in

light of the theory of lexical diffusion.

This study has tried to avoid the "observer's paradox" (Labov, 1972: 43) in every

possible way, but one can never make a conclusive claim that speakers did not monitor

their speech to some degree. The awareness of being recorded may have provoked some

people to use the prestige form more frequently, but this awareness would perhaps have

been attenuated by the fact that the interviewer is part of their community and comes

from the same village. It seems likely to me that if the same people were recorded with

different interlocutors in different situations, the prestige form [7] would be more

frequent, as one recorded conversation between speaker # 17 and a friend of hers shows.

In this conversation, speaker # 17 used [7] 100 %, whereas she used 100 % [q] in another

recorded conversation with me, her daughter. This is a complete switch from one dialect

to another to accommodate to the speech of the interlocutor who comes from a different

background and to fulfill the need to sound prestigious.

In order to confirm the results of this study one would have to examine

methodically the issue of covert prestige in the countryside. Upon return to the village,

one is expected to use his/her original dialect. Otherwise, the village community may

stigmatize the use of a different dialect or the softening of [q]. The stigmatization is

usually directed at the older generation more than it is directed at the younger generation

who has been born and raised in the city or has moved to the city at a very young age.

The older generation would be perceived by the village people as haughty, presumptuous,

or pretentious, if they try to use the city dialect with them. Thus, this conflict between









two identities and two kinds of prestige may create a problem to individuals who have

undergone the change.

This sound change cannot be interpreted fully without reference to or extensive

knowledge of the history of such change or the history of the area where the change is

taking place, which is unfortunately lacking (Haeri 1991, 1996). The emphasis on the

Arabic roots and the Quran as a basis for the Arabic language may prevent the

occurrence of complete merger of [q] and [7] or the extension of this merger to SA. The

great stylistic and social variation that prevails in the city of Hims reflects a consistent

pattern. Speakers # 20, 21, and 22 are exceptions; living in one of the suburb areas of

Hims where most of the community uses the [q] sound, they continue to use the [q] sound

in their speech in contrast to all the younger generation who show greater use of the [7]

sound.

Though this study only deals with the change of [q] to [7], it is worth mentioning

that many other sound changes accompany this change, such as the change of the vowel

[e] to [a] between consonants, [ee] to [aa], and the epenthesis of [a] between initial

consonant clusters. There are other vowel changes involved as well, all beyond the scope

of this study. It is my hope that the present study will open the way for further research in

other Syrian cities as well as in other countries, such as Lebanon, where a similar change

may be taking place. In these other places, it would be interesting to discover which

sound is favored more: [q] or [7].




















Table 16: Model summary of the dependent variable [q]
Adjusted Std. Error
R R ofthe
Model R Square Square Estimate
1. Age .588a .346 .327 100.385
2. Area .654b .428 .393 95.294
a. Predictors: (Constant), Age group
b. Predictors: (Constant), Age group, Area


Table 17: ANOVAe of the stepwise linear regression test performed on the continuous
dependent variable[]
Model Sum of Mean
Shares df Square F Sg
1 Regression 181310.548 1 181310.548 17.992 .000a
Residual 342622.341 34 10077. 128
Total 523932.889 35
2 Regression 224260.706 2 112130.353 12.348 .000b
Residual 299672.183 33 9080.975
Total 523932.889 35
a. Predictors: (Constant), Age group
b. Predictors: (Constant), Age group, Area
c. Dependent Variable: qaaf

Table 18: Coefficientsa of the stepwise linear regression test performed on the continuous
deendent variable [ ]


Model Unstandardized Standardized
Coefficients Coefficients t Sig.
Std.
B Error Beta
1 (Constant) -74.625 53.865 -1.385 .175
ae group, 142.155 33.513 .588 4.242 .000
2 (Constant) -174.421 68.705 -2.539 .016
age group 139.180 31.843 .576 4.371 .000
area 187.355 40.167 .287 2.175 .037
a. Dependent Variable: qaaf


APPENDIX A
THE RESULTS OF THE STEPWISE LINEAR REGRESSION TEST PERFORMED
ON THE CONTINUOUS DEPENDENT VARIABLE [Q]










Table 19: Excluded variables by the stepwise linear regression test performed on the
continuot s dependent variable[]
Model Partial Collinearity
Beta In t Sig. Correlation Statistics

Tolerance
1 sex .7a 2.049 .048 .336 .997

class -17 -.911 .369 -. 157 1.000

area .8a 2.175 .037 .354 .998

school -.9a -1.061 .296 -. 182 .546

income -.0a -1.515 .139 -.255 1.000

occpaton -.24a -1.889 .068 -.312 .851

2 sex .221b 1.682 .102 .285 .951

class .030b .194 .847 .034 .730

school I-. 118b -.638 .528 -. 112 .519

income 1-.088b -.578 .567 -. 102 .764

occupation 1-.174b -1.108 .276 -. 192 .700

a. Predictors in the 15odel: (Constant), Age group
b. Predictors in the Model: (Constant), Age group, Area
c. Dependent Variab e: qaaf




















Table 20: Model summary of the dependent variable [7]
Adjusted Std. Error
R R ofthe
Model R Square Square Estimate
1. Age .640a .410 .393 73.240
2. Area .760b .577 .551 62.952
a. Predictors: (Constant), Age group
b. Predictors: (Constant), Age group, Area


Table 21: ANOVAe of the stepwise linear regression test performed on the continuous
dependent variable [7]
Model Sum of Mean
Sqaes df Suare F Sig.
1 Regression 126712.094 1 126712.094 23.622 .000a
Residual 182380.656 34 5364.137
Total 309092.750 35
2 Regression 178316.452 2 89158.226 22.498 .000b
Residual 130776.298 33 3962.918
Total 309092.750 35
a. Predictors: (Constant), Age group
b. Predictors: (Constant), Age group, Area
c. Dependent Variable: hamza

Table 22: Coefficientsa of the stepwise linear regression test performed on the continuous
dependent variable [7]
Model Unstandardized Standardized
Coefficients Coefficients t Sig.
Std.
B Error Beta
1 (Constant) 267.310 39.300 6.802 .000
ae roup -118.839 24.451 -.640 -4.860 .000
2 (Constant) 376.698 45.386 8.300 .000
age group -115.578 21.036 -.623 -5.494 .000
area -95.752 26.535 -.409 -3.609 .001
a. Dependent Variable: hamza


APPENDIX B
THE RESULTS OF THE STEPWISE LINEAR REGRESSION TEST PERFORMED
ON THE CONTINUOUS DEPENDENT VARIABLE [7]











Table 23: Excluded variables by the stepwise linear regression test performed on the
continuous dependent variable [7]
Model Collinearity
Partial Statistics
Beta In t Sig. Correlation
Tolerance
1 sex 1-.289" -2.325 .026 -.375 .997
class .202" 1.535 .134 .258 .966
area 1-.409" -3.609 .001 -.532 .998
school .026" .142 .888 .025 .546
income .192" 1.484 .147 .250 1.000
occupation .256" 1.858 .072 .308 .851
2 sex 1-.211b -1.886 .068 -.316 .951
class 1-.090b -.608 .547 -.107 .596
school I-.104b -.654 .518 -.115 .519
income 1-.008b -.061 .952 -.011 .764
occupation .084b .618 .541 .109 .700
a. Predictors in the Model: (Constant), Age group
b. Predictors in the Model: (Constant), Age group, Area
c. Dependent Variable: hamza














APPENDIX C
LEXICAL BORROWINTGS


1) Speaker # 17:

1. bit[qlayyem (V)
2. Ha[qliir (N)
3. Ha[qliir (N)

2) Speaker # 19:


'she evaluates'
'despicable, scorned, wretched, despised, mean, abject'
'despicable, scorned, wretched, despised, mean, abject'


[qlarrart (V)
[qlaaDe (N)
[qlarrar (V)
sta[q][qlarro (V)


'I decided'
'j udge'
'he decided'
'they settled'


3) Speaker #23:


1. ta[qlriiban (Adv) 'approximately'
2. Valaa[qlaate (N) 'my relations'
3. ta[qlriiban (Adv) 'approximately'
4. 7lar[qla (Adj) 'more advanced'
5. ta[qlriiban (Adv) 'approximately'
6. bitla[q][qlen (V) 'dictates orally'
7. ta[qlriiban (Adv) 'approximately'
8. bit[qlinaa (V) 'I excel in/ am skillful in'
9. bit[qlinaa (V) 'I excel in/ am skillful in'
10. Taba[qlaat wusTa (N) 'middle classes'
11. ta[qlriiban (Adv) 'approximately'
12. TTaba[qla lwusTa (N) 'the middle class'
13. TTaba[qla lwusTa (N) 'the middle class'
14. TTaba[qla lwusTa (N) 'the middle class'
15. TTaba[qla lwusTa (N) 'the middle class'
16. TTaba[qla lwusTa (N) 'the middle class'
17. TTaba[qla Imuxmalivi (N) Lit. 'the velvet class', meaning 'the wealthy class'
18. munaa[qlaSa (N) 'tender'
19. munaa[qlaSa (N) 'tender'
20. ninti[q]Don (V) 'we criticize them'
21. 7li[q]Taafiivi (Adj) 'feudal (F)'
22. [qlruuDa (N) '(bank) Loans'









23. [qlruuDa (N)
24. [qlruuDa (N)
25. [qlruuDa (N)
26. [qlruuDit (N)
27. [qlarD (N)
28. [qlarD (N)
29. [qlarD zeraafe (N)
30. [qlruuDa (N)
31. l[qlarD (N)
32. l[qlarD zeraafe (N)
33. l[qlarD zeraafe (N)
34. l[qlarD zeraafe (N)
35. ta[qlriiban (Adv)
36. mud[qlef (Adj)
37. ta[qlriiban (Adv)
38. ta[qlriiban (Adv)
39. fu[qlaraa7l lbaduu (N)
40. fasaad 7laxlaa[qle (Adj)
41. l[qlaDaaya (N)
42. muntha Iru[q][qlii (N)
43. ta[qlriiban (Adv)
44. l[qlurclaan (N)
45. l[qldiis yuHanna (N)
46. l[qldiis yuHanna (N)
47. ta[qlriiban (Adv)
48. ta[qlriiban (Adv)
49. TTaba[qla lyanniyi (N)
50. ta[qlriiban (Adv)
51. 7la[qlalla (Adj)
52. ta[qlriiban (Adv)
53. [qlaaDe (N)
54. mitwa[q][qlef (Adj)
55. nSafa[qlt (V)


'(bank) Loans'
'(bank) Loans'
'(bank) Loans'
'(bank) Loans'
'(bank) loan'
'(bank) loan'
'(bank) agricultural loan'
'(bank) Loans'
'the (bank) loan'
'(bank) agricultural loan'
'(bank) agricultural loan'
'(bank) agricultural loan'
'approximately'
'abj ect/wretched/degrading/debasing'
'approximately'
'approximately'
'the poor of the Bedouin'
'moral corruption/depravation/pervertedness'
'court cases'
'ultimate advancement/rise'
'approximately'
'the Qur'an'
Lit Saint John, meaning 'John the Baptist'
Lit Saint John, meaning 'John the Baptist'
'approximately'
'approximately'
Lit. 'the rich class', meaning 'the upper class'
'approximately'
'the least'
'approximately'
'j udge'
'expecting'
'shocked'


4) Speaker #24:


musta[q][qlil (Adj)
musta[q][qlili (Adj)
[qlubuul (N)
min [qlibal (Adv)
manTi[qlivi (Adj)
l[qlubuul (N)


'independent (M)'
'independent (F)'
'admission'
'from (e.g. a source)'
'logical (F)'
'the admission'










7. l[qlubuul (N)
8. l[qlubuul (N)
9. l[qlubuul (N)
10. Ira[qlam (N)
11. [qlism Iviiza (N)
12. l[qlubuul (N)
13. l[qlubuul (N)
14. [qltanaft (V)
15. Imu[qliimiin (Adj)
16. mu[qliimiin (Adj)
17. nitcla[qllam (V)
18. Imu[qliimiin (Adj)
19. 7it7a[qllam (V)
20. 7it7a[qllam (V)
21. Imu[qliimiin (Adj)
22. [qlism l3iraaHa (N)
23. [qlism (N)
24. [qlism (N)
25. [qlism IruDuuD (N)
26. l[qlism (N)
27. 1Huruu[q] (N)
28. 1Huruu[q] (N)
29. [qlism l3iraaHa (N)
30. [qlism IruDuuD (N)
31. mitmazze[q][q] (Adj)
32. b[qlism l3iraaHa (N)
33. dara[q] (N)
34. Vi[qldi (N)
35. blyiddi Idara[q][qlivi (
36. b[qlism IruDuuD (N)
37. bhal[qlism (N)
38. Imu[qliimiin (Adj)
39. Imu[qliimiin (Adj)
40. [qlarrart (V)
41. littaf[qliim (N)
42. bifa[q][qlem (V)
43. Im~a[q][qlami (Adj)
44. 1Huruu[q] (N)
45. [qlism (N)
46. 1Huruu[q] (N)
47. 1Huruu[q] (N)
48. 1Huruu[q] (N)


'the admission'
'the admission'
'the admission'
'number (phone)'
'visa department/section'
'the admission'
'the admission'
'I became convinced'
'the residents'
'residents'
'we adapt'
'the residents'
'we adapt'
'we adapt'
'the residents'
'the surgery department'
'department'
'department'
'the contusions department'
'the department'
'the Burns' (referring to department)
'the Burns'
'the surgery department'
'the contusions department'
'torn'
'in the surgery department'
'thyroid'
'growth'
:Adj)'the thyroid gland'
'in the contusions department'
'in this department'
'the residents'
'the residents'
Decided'
'for sterilization'
'he sterilizes'


'the sterilized (F)'
'the Bums'
'department'
'the Bums'
'the Bums'
'the Bums'









49. [qlism IruDuuD (N)
50. 1Huruu[q] (N)
51. [qlism IruDuuD (N)
52. [qlism l3iraaHa (N)
53. ma[qlruun (Adj)
54. bil[qliraacla (N)
55. blHuruu[q] (N)
56. Imu[qliimiin (Adj)
57. Imu[qliimiin (Adj)
58. Va[qld (N)
59. Va[qld (N)
60. tafaa[qlod (N)
61. mittaa[qldiin (Adj)
62. Imittaa[qled (Adj)
63. mittaa[qldiin (Adj)
64. mittaa[qldiin (Adj)
65. Imittaa[qled (Adj)
66. mittaa[qldiin (Adj)
67. Imittaa[qldiin (Adj)

68. [qlantiton (N)
69. 7aSdi[qlaa7 (N)
70. Vaale[q] (N)


'the contusions department'
'the Burns'
'the contusions department'
'the surgery department'
'accompanied'
'with reading'
'in the Burns'
'the residents'
'the residents'
'contract'
'contract'

'contracting'
'those who signed a contract'
'he who signed a contract'
'those who signed a contract'
'those who signed a contract'
'he who signed a contract'
'those who signed a contract'
'those who signed a contract'
'she convinced them'
'friends'
'obstacl e'


5) Speaker #25:


1. sti[qllaalivi (N)
2. yi[qlayyidu (V)
3. yi[qlayyidne (V)
4. Va[qld (N)
5. lfa[qld (N)
6. Tasi[qla (N)
7. twa[q][qlefle (V)
8. ssaale[q] (N)
9. yaf [qluub (N)
10. 17li[qlaami (N)
11. b[qlism Dakkaat (N)


'independence'
'confines (M) him'
'confines (M) me'
'contract'
'the contract'
'based on trust'

'you sign for me'
'driver'
'Jacob: proper noun'
'residence'
'in the checks' department'










12. b[qlism Dakkaat (N)
13. l[qlism (N)
14. mi[qltinit (Adj)
15. na[q]S tarwiyi bddmaay (N)
16. ra[qlam (N)
17. Vi[qlaaratu (N)
18. titnaa[qla (V)
19. Hu[qluu[q] (N)
20. m[qlayyadi (Adj)
21. ta[qlriir maSiir (N)
22. [qltanaft (V)

23. [qltanaft (V)
24. [qltanaft (V)
25. ni[qlaafaat (N)
26. maw[qlef (N)
27. bilmu[qlaabel (Adj)
28. maw[qlef (N)
29. hal[qlanaafaat (N)
30. ImanTe[q] (N)
31. biyi[qltinif (V)

32. [qlanaafaat (N)

33. [qlanaafaat (N)
34. lwaa[qlef (N)

35. [qlanaafaaton (N)

36. [qltanaft (V)
37. ti[qltinfe (V)
38. ti[qltinfe (V)
39. ti[qltinfe (V)

40. [qltanaft (V)
41. mi[qltinfa (Adj)

42. ti[qltin? (V)
43. mi[qltinfa (Adj)
44. ti[qltinfe (V)
45. ti[qltinfe (V)


'in the checks' department'
'department'
'convinced'
'blood deficiency in the brain'
'number
'his properties'
'she discusses'
'Law school'
'confined'
'self-determination'
'I became convinced'
'I became convinced'
'I became convinced'

'discussions'
'stand'
'in return'
'stand'
'these convictions'
'the logic'
'he becomes convinced'
'convictions'

'convictions'

'the reality'
'their convictions'
'I became convinced'

'you become convinced'
'you become convinced'
'you become convinced'
'I became convinced'
'she is convinced'

'you become convinced'
'she is convinced'

'you become convinced'
'you become convinced'










'he becomes convinced'
'he becomes content'
'he becomes convinced'
'he becomes convinced'
'he becomes convinced'
'he becomes content'
'numb er'
'less'
'I became convinced'
'I became convinced'
'he is convinced'
'number'
'the number'
'number'


46. yi[qltinif (V)
47. yi[qlnaf (V)
48. yi[qltinif (V)
49. yi[qltinif (V)
50. yi[qltinif (V)
51. yi[qlnaf (V)
52. ra[qlam (N)
53. 7la[qlall (Adj)
54. [qltanaft (V)
55. [qltanaft (V)
56. mi[qltineY (Adj)
57. ra[qlam (N)
58. Ira[qlam (N)
59. ra[qlam (N)

6) Speaker #26:

1. mitwa[q][q]Yiin (Adj)
2. twa[qlafaw (V)
3. tanaa[qloD (N)
4. Tu[qluubaat (N)
5. Tu[qluubaat (N)
6. Tu[qluubaat (N)
7. Valaa[qla (N)
8. bifaa[qleb (V)
9. twa[q][qlafna (V)
10. m[qlarrarra (Adj)
11. laa ta[q][qlul (Vr)
12. [qlasaaclem (N)
13. Ja[qlii[qla (N)
14. Ira[qliib (N)
15. lfiraa[q] (N)
16. lfiraa[q] (N)
17. l[qlaamilli (N)
18. l[qlanawaat (N)


'anticipating (pl.)'

'they expected/anti cipated'
' amb ival ence/c ontradi cti on'
' puni shm ents'
' puni shm ents'
' puni shm ents'
'relation'

'puni shes'
'we anticipated'
'decided upon/ provisioned'
'not less than'
'coupons'
'migraine'
' the sergeant'
'the Iraq'
'the Iraq'
'the name of a city in the north-east of Syria'
'TV channels'









19. l[qlanawaat (N)
20. [qlaDo (V)
21. lfiraa[q] (N)
22. ttaH[qlii[q] (N)
23. ttaH[qlii[qlaat (N)
24. nna[qlaabi (N)
25. nna[qlaabi (N)
26. nna[qlaabi (N)
27. nna[qlaabi (N)
28. nna[qlaabi (N)
29. wa[q][qlaf (V)
30. mitwa[q][qlatu (Adj)
31. lfalaa[qlaat 17li~timaafiyi


'TV channels'
'they destroyed'
'the Iraq'
investigatei on'
'investigations'
'the syndicate'
'the syndicate'
'the syndicate'
'the syndicate'
'the syndicate'
'he signed'

'I (M) expect him'
(N)'social relationships'


7) Speaker #27:


1. mu[qlaarani (N)
2. yif[qlod (Vr)
3. yif[qlod (Vr)
4. tif[qlod (Vr)
5. taa~er lbundu[q][qlivi (N)
6. Ima[qlaafed (N)
7. [qlaanuune (Adj)
8. [qlaanuune (Adj)
9. Va[qlllivi (N)
10. Va[qlllivi (N)


12. manTe[q] (N)
13. lxanda[q] (N)
14. faa[qldi kayaanik (Adj)
15. [qlantita (V)
16. ti[qlnafni (V)

17. yi[qltinif (V)
18. [qltanaf (V)
19. Vadiim sa[qlaafl (N)
20. bicla[qlall (Adj)
21. waa[qlef (N)


'comparison'
'holds (a meeting for example)'
'holds (M) (a meeting for example)'
'holds (F) (a meeting for example)'
'the Merchant of Venice'

'university seats'
'legal'
'legal'
'mentality'
'mentality'
'mentality'
'logic'
'trench/ditch/sap'
'you (F) have lost your essence/soul'
'she convinced her'
'she convince me'
'he becomes convinced'
'he became convinced'
'lacks education'
'with less'
'reality'











8) Speaker #28:


1. ta[qlwiim (N)
2. ta[qlwiim (N)
3. ta[qlwiim (N)
4. fa[qlaT (Adv)
5. tta[qlwiim (N)
6. tuusa[qle (V)
7. billu[qlaaH (N)
8. mla[qlaH (Adj)
9. byitla[q][qlaHo (V)
10. ta[qlarruHaat (N)
11. 7la[qlall (Adj)
12. binfa[q][qlem (V)
13. taf [qliim (N)
14. 7lafrii[qlya (N)
15. taf [qliim (N)
16. 7laf [qam (Adj)
17. 7lafrii[qlya (N)
18. 7lafrii[qlya (N)
19. 7lafrii[qlya (N)
20. 7lafrii[qlya (N)
21. 7lafrii[qlya (N)
22. yenti[qlel (V)
23. 7linti[qlaalu (N)
24. bilfalaa[qlaat l3inssiyi (N)
25. lfalaa[qla (N)
26. lfalaa[qla (N)
27. l[qlaanuun (N)
28. l[qlaanuun (N)
29. mla[q][qlaHa (Adj)
30. llu[qlaaH (N)
31. mla[qlaH (Adj)
32. mla[qlaH (Adj)
33. lu[qlaHu (N)
34. mla[qlaH (Adj)
35. 7lawraa[q] Tibbiyi (N)
36. Valaa[qlaat Zinssiyi (N)
37. mucla[q][qlat (Adj)
38. Imucla[q][qlat (Adj)


orthodonti a/orthodonti cs'
orthodonti a/orthodonti cs'
orthodonti a/orthodonti cs'
'only'
'the orthodonti a/orthodontics'
'you (F) trust'
'with the vaccination'
'vaccinated'
'they are vaccinated'
'canker sores'
'less'
'we sterilize'
'sterilization'
'Africa'
'sterilization'
'more sterilized'
'Africa'
'Africa'
'Africa'
'Africa'
'Africa'
'it is transmitted'
'its transmission'
'sexual relations'
'relation'
'relation'
'legislation/law'
'legislation/law'
'vaccinated (F)'
'vaccination'
'vaccinated (m)'
'vaccinated (m)'
'its vaccine'
'vaccinated (m)'
'medical papers'
'sexual relations'
'temporary'
'the temporary'









39. l[qlaanuun (N)
40. Tabiib l[qlalbiyi (Adj)
41. waase[q] (Adj)
42. l[qlawaaniin (N)
43. ttaH[qlii[qlaat (N)
44. l[qlawaaniin (N)
45. [qlaanuun (N)
46. [qlaanuun (N)
47. Jahaadit ta[qldiir (N)
48. binna[qlaabi (N)
49. binna[qlaabi (N)
50. [qlaanuun (N)
51. [qlaanuun (N)
52. [qlaanuun (N)
53. [qlaabel (Adj)
54. l[qlaDaa7 (N)
55. l[qlaDaa7 (N)
56. l[qlaDaa7 (N)
57. t[qlaarnee (V)
58. bi[qlarrer (V)
59. til[qlaacliyan (Adv)
60. til[qlaacle (Adj)
61. [qladar 17imkaan(N)
62. lqaaf (N)
63. lqaaf (N)
64. lqaaf (N)
65. lqaaf (N)
66. lqaaf (N)
67. lqaaf (N)
68. billqaaf (N)
69. lqaaf (N)
70. lqaaf (N)
71. billqaaf (N)
72. qaaf (N)
73. lqaaf (N)
74. lqaaf (N)
75. lqaaf (N)
76. [qlarreb (V)
77. [qlarreb (V)
78. qaaf (N)
79. lqaaf (N)
80. bimanTi[qlu (N)
81. manTi[qliyan (Adv)
82. manTi[qliyan (Adv)
83. lanni[qlaaf (N)


'legislation/law'
'Cardi ol ogi st'
'trustful/convinced/sure'
'legislations/laws'
'investigations'
'legislations/laws'
'legi sl ati on/law'
'legi sl ati on/law'
'certificate of achievement'
'in the syndicate'
'in the syndicate'
'legi sl ati on/law'
'legi sl ati on/law'
'legi sl ati on/law'
'prone to/ susceptible to'
'judiciary '
'judiciary '
'judiciary '
'you (F) compare'
'decides (M)'
'spontaneously'
'spontaneous'
'as much as possible'
'the name of the sound /q/'
'the name of the sound /q/'
'the name of the sound /q/'
'the name of the sound /q/'
'the name of the sound /q/'
'the name of the sound /q/'
'with the name of the sound /q/'
'the name of the sound /q/'
'the name of the sound /q/'
'with the name of the sound /q/'
'the name of the sound /q/'
'the name of the sound /q/'
'the name of the sound /q/'
'the name of the sound /q/'
'come closer (M)'
'come closer (M)'
'the name of the sound /q/'
'the name of the sound /q/'
'in his logic'
'logically'
'logically'
'for discussion'









84. 7liTla[qlan (Adv)
85. nni[qlaaf (N)
86. Va[qliim (Adj)

9) Speaker #29:

1. taw[qliif (N)

2. ywa[q][qlef (V)
3. ywa[q][qlef (V)
4. Taba[qle miHware (Adj)
5. Taba[qle miHware (Adj)
6. fa[qlara xaamsi (N)
7. bil[qluSuur (N)
8. m[qlarrerriin (Adj)
9. Hu[qluu[q] (N)
10. Hu[qluu[q] (N)
11. wa[q][qlafnaaha (V)
12. [qlarrart (V)
13. twa[q][qlaft (Vr)


'never/ever'
'the discussion'
'ineffectual/useless'


'signing'
'He signs'
'He signs'
'sonogram'
'sonogram'
'fifth vertebra'
'in the name of a place'
'they had the decision'
'Law school'
'Law school'
'we signed it'
'I decided'
'I excepted'


10) Speaker # 30:

1. ta[qlriiban (Adv) 'approximately'
2. 17la[qlwa (Adj) 'the strongest'
3. 17la[qlwa (Adj) 'the strongest'
4. 7litifa[qlyaat (N) 'treaties'
5. da[qlii[qliin (Adj) 'accurate (pl.)'
6. 7la[qlall (adj) 'less'
7. la[qlubuule (N) 'for my admission'
8. yiraa[qleb (V) 'observe (M)'
9. yiraa[qleb (V) 'observe (M)'
10. ra[qlamu (N) 'his [phone] number'
11. ra[qlamkon (N) 'your (pl.) [phone] number'
12. [qlubuul (N) 'admission'
13. ImulHa[q] (N) 'Attache'
14. 88a[qlaafe (Adj) 'Cultural'
15. ImulHa[q] (N) 'Attache'
16. 88a[qlaafe (Adj) 'Cultural'
17. ImulHa[q] (N) 'Attache'
18. 88a[qlaafe (Adj) 'Cultural'
19. Imarkaz 88a[qlaafe lbriiTane (Adj) Lit. 'British Cultural Center' = 'British
Council'









20. Imarkaz 88a[qlaafe lbriiTane (Adj) Lit. 'British Cultural Center' = 'British
Council'
21. ta[qlriiban (Adv) 'approximately'
22. [qludra fala (N) 'capability to
23. ttixaaz l[qlraar (N) 'take the decision'
24. mu~tamafna Ifar[qle (Adj) 'our Oriental society'
25. bilwa[qlt Iraahen (N) 'in our present day'
26. 7laSdi[qlaaclna (N) 'our friends'
27. mahaaratu lfa[qllyyi (Adj) 'the mental skills'
28. [qludraat (N) 'capabilities'
29. [qlad yakuun (det) 'might be'
30. ma nta[q]Set min ru~uultu (V) 'did not depreciate his masculinity'
31. ma [qlillak (V) 'I am telling you'
32. [qlaadira (Adj) 'capable (F)'
33. l[qlubuul (N) 'the admission'
34. kint m[qlarrira (Adj) 'I had decided'
35. taxTiiT Imawaa[qlef (N) 'the site planning'
36. maw[qlef (N) 'site'
37. Imawaa[qlef ssakanniyi (N) 'residential sites'


11) Speaker # 31:


1. 7lirhaa[q] (N)
2. Imu[qlaabali (N)
3. Imuraa[qlabaat (N)
4. [qlaaf (N)
5. muraa[qlabi (N)
6. l[qlaafaat (N)
7. [qlaaled (N)
8. [qlaraar waziir (N)
9. [qlaraar waziir (N)
10. [qlaraar (N)
11. l[qlaraar (N)
12. l[qlaraar (N)
13. ta[qlriir Tibbi (N)
14. [qlarrart (V)


'exhaustion'
'interview'
'proctoring (pl.)'
'the name of the sound [q]'
'proctoring'
'halls'
'leader'
'a minister' s decree'
'a minister' s decree'
'decree'
'the decree'
'the decree'
'medical report'
'I decided'


12) Speaker # 32:


1. Hal[qlit BaHO (N)
2. dibloom 7l[qltiSaad


'Seminar'
(N) 'higher studies diploma in Commerce'