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Gender-role portrayals in Taiwan's television commercials

University of Florida Institutional Repository

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GENDER-ROLE PORTRAYALS IN TAIWANS TELEVISION COMMERCIALS: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF TIMES ADVE RTISING AWARD WINNERS 1997-2002 By WAN-PING CHAO A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ADVERTISING UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2005

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Copyright 2005 by Wan-Ping Chao

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To Ming Hua Chu for her grea t love and endless support.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS As an international student, the whole experience of studying in the U.S. was combined with various indescribable feelings. Sometimes I felt excited, happy, and delighted. Sometimes I was deeply depressed, frustrated, or even self-doubting. In some situations I was overwhelmed by homesickness and helplessness. Fortunately, I had some people who always stood by me and kindly accompanied me through the whole journey. Without their sincere support and timely encouragement, I could not have completed this task. First of all, I would like to show my greatest appreciation to my mom, Ming Hua Chu, who brought me into the world and cultivated me to become what I am today; and to my uncle, Huan Tsung Lin, who generously gave me his greatest mental and material support. Their complete trust and endless love gave me the freedom to pursue my dream. I would also like to thank Ray, who was always there for me to comfort my sorrows and gave me strength to move on. My two considerate roommates, Shuyu and Chin-Hsin, strongly supported my pursuits and eased my tension with their cheerful words. All of my dear friends generously provided their faith in me and kindly helped me through my study: Yang-Hsin, Hung-Hsun, Ching-Tang, Jeff, Sean, Askin, Ting-Bing, Qichao, and Joseph. These people greatly facilitated my study and made my life in the U.S. colorful and enjoyable. Last but not least, I want to show my special thanks to my committee members: Dr. Lisa Duke Cornell and Dr. Robyn Goodman, who generously provided their valuable iv

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insights and helped me to develop my coding sheet. With regard to my chair, Dr. Marilyn Roberts, I cannot describe how much I am indebted to her. She was open-minded to learn my different culture and considerate enough to tolerate my poor English skills as well. When I felt confused and I hesitated, she always knew how to help me find my way and cheered me up with inspiring words. I thank to all of those named above from the bottom of my heart. No sentence can be appropriate to express how much I appreciate their help. I strongly believe that all the beautiful things they brought to me will be always with me. If one day I have any achievement in my career or my life, I would like to dedicate it to all of them. v

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................................................iv LIST OF TABLES .............................................................................................................ix LIST OF FIGURES ...........................................................................................................xi ABSTRACT ......................................................................................................................xii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................1 Purpose of the Study .....................................................................................................3 Significance of the Study ..............................................................................................4 Research Questions .......................................................................................................5 2 LITERATURE REVIEW.............................................................................................6 Gender-Role Stereotyping in Advertising ....................................................................6 Effects on Children and Teenagers ........................................................................8 Effects on Adults .................................................................................................11 Men and Women in Taiwan .......................................................................................15 Education .............................................................................................................15 Employment ........................................................................................................18 Social Status ........................................................................................................21 Feminist Movement .............................................................................................22 Portrayals of Gender Roles in Advertising .................................................................23 In Taiwan .............................................................................................................23 In the U.S. ............................................................................................................25 3 METHODOLOGY.....................................................................................................29 Content Analysis .........................................................................................................29 Unit of Analysis ..........................................................................................................30 Sampling Design .........................................................................................................30 Coding Categories and Variables ...............................................................................32 Definition of Coding Categories .................................................................................32 Year .....................................................................................................................32 Gender of the Characters .....................................................................................33 vi

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Ethnicity ..............................................................................................................34 Language .............................................................................................................34 Age ......................................................................................................................35 Social Role ...........................................................................................................35 Family Role .........................................................................................................35 Occupation ...........................................................................................................35 Basis for Credibility ............................................................................................36 Information Role .................................................................................................37 Setting ..................................................................................................................38 Product Type .......................................................................................................39 Gender of Announcers .........................................................................................39 Consciousness Scale for Sexism .........................................................................40 Coding Procedure .......................................................................................................42 Inter-Coder Reliability ................................................................................................43 Validity .......................................................................................................................44 Data Analysis ..............................................................................................................45 4 FINDINGS..................................................................................................................46 Descriptions of the Sample .........................................................................................46 Analysis by Gender of the Primary Character .....................................................48 Ethnicity .......................................................................................................48 Language ......................................................................................................48 Age ...............................................................................................................49 Social role .....................................................................................................50 Family role ...................................................................................................51 Occupation ...................................................................................................52 Basis for credibility ......................................................................................52 Information role ............................................................................................54 Setting ...........................................................................................................55 Product type ..................................................................................................56 Gender of announcers ...................................................................................58 Consciousness Scale for Sexism ..................................................................59 Summary of the Main Portrayals of Men and Women in Times Advertising Award-Winning Commercials .........................................................................61 Inferential Results of the Sample ................................................................................61 Consumed in Home Products ..............................................................................62 Consumed out of Home Products ........................................................................65 Consumed both in and out of Home Products .....................................................68 Summary of the Main Portrayals of Men and Women in Times Advertising Award-Winning Commercials by Product Types ............................................73 5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION........................................................................74 Implications for Advertising Practitioners ..................................................................81 Limitations ..................................................................................................................82 Suggestions for Future Studies ...................................................................................83 vii

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APPENDIX CODING SHEET FOR TAIWAN'S AWARD-WINNING TELEVISION COMMERCIALS 1997-2002..............................................85 LIST OF REFERENCES ...................................................................................................91 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...........................................................................................101 viii

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LIST OF TABLES Table page 2-1 Occupation of Employed Persons in Taiwan Area by Year ................................19 4-1 Award-Winning Taiwanese TV Commercials per Year .....................................47 4-2 Advertised Product Types ...................................................................................47 4-3 Primary, Secondary, and Supporting Character(s) by Gender ............................47 4-4 Voice-over, Jingle, Tagline, Slogan, and Sign-Off by Gender ............................48 4-5 Ethnicity by Gender .............................................................................................48 4-6 Language by Gender ............................................................................................49 4-7 Age by Gender .....................................................................................................50 4-8 Social Role by Gender .........................................................................................51 4-9 Family Roles by Gender ......................................................................................52 4-10 Occupation by Gender .........................................................................................53 4-11 Product Related Role by Gender .........................................................................53 4-12 Credible Roles by Gender ....................................................................................54 4-13 Information Roles by Gender ..............................................................................55 4-14 Settings by Gender ...............................................................................................56 4-15 Product Type by Gender ......................................................................................57 4-16 Gender of Voice-Over, Jingle, Tagline, Slogan, and Sign-Off by Gender ..........59 4-17 Consciousness Scale of Sexism by Gender .........................................................60 4-18 Comparisons between Men and Women .............................................................61 ix

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4-19 Language by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products ............63 4-20 Age by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products ......................63 4-21 Voice-Over, Jingle, Slogan, and Sign-Off by Gender of Primary Characters in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products ......................................................64 4-22 Consciousness Scale of Sexism by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products ........................................................................................................64 4-23 Age by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products ......................65 4-24 Social Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed out of Home Products...66 4-25 Occupation by Gender in Commercials for Consumed out of Home Products....67 4-26 Product Related Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed out of Home Products ...................................................................................................................67 4-27 Gender of Tagline and Slogan by Gender of Primary Characters in Commercials for Consumed out of Home Products ......................................................................67 4-28 Age by Gender in Commercials of Consumed both in and out for Home Products.................................................................................................................................68 4-29 Social Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of Home Products ...................................................................................................................69 4-30 Occupation by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of Home Products ...................................................................................................................70 4-31 Information Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of Home Products ........................................................................................................70 4-32 Setting by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of Home Products ...................................................................................................................71 4-33 Gender of Voice-Over and Slogan by Gender of Primary Characters in Commercials for Consumed both in and out Home Products .................................72 4-34 Consciousness Scale of Sexism by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of Home Products .......................................................................................72 4-35 Comparisons between Men and Women by Product Type ...................................73 x

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 2-1. Higher Education Net Enrollment Rate by Gender ................................................16 2-2. Percentage of Students at Higher Education by Gender .........................................17 2-3. Taiwanese Labor Force Participation Rate by Gender ...........................................18 2-4. Occupation Distribution in Taiwan by Gender .......................................................20 3-1. A Consciousness Scale for Media Sexism: Women and Men ................................42 xi

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Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Advertising GENDER-ROLE PORTRAYALS IN TAIWANS TELEVISION COMMERCIALS: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF TIMES ADVE RTISING AWARD WINNERS 1997-2002 By Wan-Ping Chao May 2005 Chair: Marilyn S. Roberts Major Department: Advertising This study was designed to gain a better understanding of how gender roles were portrayed in Taiwans award-winning commercials. Using a feminist theoretical framework, this study examined whether the portrayals of Taiwanese men and women have changed, improved, or remained stereotypical over time; and whether any inequity of gender-role portrayals existed in these award-winning commercials. To examine the differences and similarities in gender role portrayals of men and women shown in Taiwans television commercials, a quantitative content analysis based on 608 Times Advertising Award winners from 1997 to 2002 was conducted. Variables used included: year, gender of character(s), ethnicity, language, age, social role, family role, occupation, basis for credibility, information role, setting, Pingrees consciousness scale of sexism, product type, and gender of announcer(s). In general, the results showed two perspectives on the gender-role portrayals in Taiwans award-winning commercials: progressive and traditional. xii

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Progressive portrayals: Gender-role portrayals are unrestricted by traditional stereotypes and are more diverse. The gender gap between men and women has gradually narrowed. Significant improvements were found in language, occupation, product role, information role, setting, gender of announcers, and Pingrees consciousness scale of sexism. Traditional portrayals: Unequal portrayals of men and women still exist in the commercials. Gender stereotypes of primary character, age, social role, family role, and product type are still apparent. However, these stereotypical portrayals showed a slight tendency toward progress, instead of going backward, for both men and women could be seen appearing in more diverse gender roles in commercials. As a whole, this study provided a general picture of gender-role portrayals in Taiwans award-winning television commercials and elaborated on the potential meanings behind these gender depictions from social, economic, and cultural aspects. Results showed that the portrayals of men and women in Taiwans award-winning commercials are more closely reflective of todays diverse gender roles in Taiwans society than those in prime-time commercials, even though some inappropriate portrayals still appeared in award-winning commercials. These findings may also be used by advertising practitioners to create more-appealing gender roles in Taiwans commercials. In addition, since only a handful of studies of this type can be found in Taiwans gender literature, this study can serve as cornerstone to spur future studies of gender role portrayals in Taiwans advertising. xiii

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION As a small island country with geographical area of 35,967 sq. km (about the size of West Virginia) and a population of 22.6 millions, Taiwan began to attract global attention with its growing economic power. Since adopting democracy and capitalism, Taiwan has successfully transformed itself from an underdeveloped, agricultural country with $6.6 billion GNP ($443 per person), to an economic power that is a leading producer of high-technology goods. Now, Taiwan is a creditor country, holding one of the world's largest foreign-exchange reserves, more than $100 billion in 1999. The people in Taiwan were the 20 th richest in the world in 2000-2004 and were projected to be 18 th in 2005-2009 (Economist Intelligence Unit, EIU, 2004). In 2004, Taiwans GNP reached $314.3 billion and $13,925 per person (DGBAS, 2004). Along with economic growth, Taiwans media industry also made great progress. In 1962, the first broadcast-television station, Taiwan Television Enterprise (TTV), was established. Several years later, the China Television Company (CTV, established in 1969), the Chinese Television Service (CTS, established in 1971), the Formosa Television (FTV, established in 1997), and Public Television Service (PTS, established in 1998) successively joined the market. Since the passing of the Cable-TV Bill in 1993, eighty different channels have been established. Recently, 99.4% of Taiwans household have at least one color-TV set and are able to watch terrestrial TV programs (DGBAS, 2003 c ), with 85% cable-TV penetration (Liu, 2004). 1

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2 According to Common Wealth (2002), the authoritative business magazine in Taiwan, nearly 98% of Taiwanese watch TV an average of more than 2.5 hours a day. Approximately 73% of Taiwanese rely on TV as their main media source for information; and spend more time using TV than other media. Only 14% of Taiwanese prefer reading newspaper for information and spend more time on it. Moreover, up to 81% of Taiwanese think that TV has the most powerful influence on society of all media types, far exceeding newspaper (5%), and magazine (4%). Undoubtedly, television has become the most popular and competitive advertising media for advertisers to invest in. Inspired by economic growth and the open media environment, Taiwans advertising industry expanded vigorously. In 2000, Taiwan was ranked as the 6 th largest country in the Asia-Pacific area in ad agency gross income: $170.4 million, with an annual increase of 20.3% (AdAge Global, 2001). Advertising expenditures in Taiwan reached $3.3 billion (IMF, 2002). Furthermore, more than half of all media expenditures have invested in television advertising, including terrestrial and cable TV since the 1990s (Advertising Magazine, 2004). In addition to audience and advertiser preference of TV, academic researchers have also emphasized the influential communication power of television advertising. Numerous studies show that advertising can influence or form consumers attitudes, perceptions, and likings toward the advertised brand and can deliver ideological values to brands (Aaker & Stayman, 1990; Biel, 1990; MacInnis & Jaworski 1989). Some studies further indicate that advertising can create, regulate, reinforce, or deliver the proper gender roles to audiences and reflect social phenomena to some extent (Ganahi, Prinsen, & Netzley, 2003; Gerbner, 1999; Gerbner & Gross, 1976; Signorelli & Morgan, 1996).

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3 For example, Courtney (1983) stated the social consequences of gender stereotyping in advertising, and gave detailed examples of these effects on women and children. In Taiwans television advertising, the portrayals of men and women have been stereotypical for a long time. Studies show that women portrayed in advertising tend to be subordinate, traditional, decorative, and sexually objectified; and men are often given independent, credible, and authoritative roles (Li, 1990; Tau, 1991; Hu, 1998). However, since the Feminist Movement of the 1970s and the social transitions due to prosperous economic development and equal education for all citizens, Taiwanese womens social status has risen substantially. For example, more women than men received higher education in 2003; the percentage of female labor participation keeps increasing; women have started actively participating in public affairs such as being government administrators or going into parliament (DGBAS, 2003 b ). Consequently, the unequal treatment of Taiwans society to women has been recognized, and womens voice has actually been heard by the government and the people. (Hu, 1998; Tau, 1991). Because of this, one cannot help but wonder how these social transitions manifest in Taiwans advertising today. While few studies focus on exploring how gender roles are portrayed in Taiwans advertising and examine whether these portrayals reflect todays diverse gender roles in Taiwans society, a content analysis based on a reputable sample of Taiwans television commercials is needed to answer this question. Purpose of the Study The main purpose of this study is to increase understanding of how gender roles are portrayed in Taiwans award-winning commercials (Times Advertising Award 1997-2002). Using a feminist theoretical framework, this study examined whether gender-role portrayals have changed, improved, or remain stereotypical; and whether any inequality

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4 of gender-role portrayals exists in these award-winning advertisements. There are three reasons for choosing samples from Times Advertising Award-Winners: 1) No previous study explores how gender roles are portrayed in Taiwans Award-Winning advertising. Most studies focus on prime-time television commercials or magazine advertisements. 2) The Times Advertising Award is the most highly respected advertising award in Taiwan. All commercials of it are professionally judged for their creativity and are sufficiently representative of latest social trends. If advertising (especially television commercials) is the epitome of a society, it is reasonable to suggest that award-winning commercials can also precisely reflect the latest social trends, but in a more creative way. 3) Generally speaking, most advertising agencies view winning reputable advertising awards as their ultimate goal, possibly for they believe that winning awards can boost staff morale, promote company pride, challenge other employees, and lift standards in the agency so that creativity can be an integral part of company culture (Douglas, Collins, and Miciak, 2003). Therefore, gender-role portrayals in Times Advertising Award winners may directly or indirectly lead advertising practitioners to follow suit, in turn implicitly influencing audiences perceptions of acceptable gender roles. Significance of the Study Based on both the quantitative and the qualitative examples of the findings, this study improves the understanding of how gender roles are portrayed in Taiwans television commercials as well as of the social, economic, and cultural meanings behind these depicted gender roles. In addition, this study also helps advertising practitioners to create more-appealing gender roles in Taiwans commercials. Since most studies of this type have been done in the U.S., and only a handful of them can be found in Taiwans

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5 gender literature, this study can serve as the cornerstone to spur future studies of gender role portrayals in Taiwans advertising. Research Questions RQ1: How were men portrayed in Times Advertising Award-Winning television commercials from 1997 to 2002? RQ2: How were women portrayed in Times Advertising Award-Winning television commercials from 1997 to 2002? RQ3: How differently or similarly were men and women portrayed in Times Advertising Award-winning television commercials from 1997 to 2002? RQ4: What do the findings imply about gender-role portrayals in Taiwans television commercials by product types? RQ5: According to Pingrees scale for sexism, what is the consciousness scale of sexism in Times Advertising Award-Winning television commercials?

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CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Gender-Role Stereotyping in Advertising According to Mayer and Bell (1975) a stereotype is the picture one has in mind when regarding a hypothetic kind of person and gender stereotypes are statements of how we believe traits to be related in males or in females rather than how they actually are. In Frith and Muellers book (2003, p.227), Advertising and Culture, they exclaimed that gender was culturally determined (masculine and feminine), and each culture had a set of general beliefs about what constituted the gender roles. While stereotypes in advertising are believed to serve a useful function by conveying an image quickly and clearly and there is nothing inherently wrong with using characterizations of roles that are easily identifiable, gender stereotyping is pervasively used in advertising. Consequently, these stereotypes in advertising not only reflect cultural expectations of gender, but also shape and reinforce the stereotypical representations that are already present in a culture to some degree (Ganahl, Prinsen, and Netzley, 2003). Since Betty Friedan published The Feminine Mystique in 1963, a new wave of feminism and the consciousness-raising decade of the 1960s had begun. Friedan became interested in the way that the U.S. females were portrayed in womens magazines in general. She found that magazines either reflected or actually fostered and perpetuated a limited life style for the U.S. women by repeatedly portraying motherhood and the care of home and husband as the ultimate goal of womens life and their greatest creative presentation. Following her study, feminists and other researchers have started studying 6

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7 how gender roles are portrayed in the media and advertising (Courtney & Whipple, 1983) more extensively and focus on more specific fields. Most of the mainstream media studies regarding gender-role portrayals reflect a liberal feminist perspective, namely, emphasizing on investigating gender difference/similarities shown in the media and using content analysis as the main research method (Cirksena & Cuklanz, 1992; Steeves, 1987). For examples, examining the gender portrayal differences/similarities of men and women in different advertising media such as television commercials (Bresnahan et al., 2001; Bretl & Cantor, 1988; ODonnell & ODonnell, 1978; Schneider & Schneider, 1979), print ads (Courtney & Lockeretz, 1971; Kang, 1997; Pingree et al., 1976), or radio advertising (Furnham & Thomson, 1999; Hurtz & Durkin, 1997); investigating gender-role cues in commercials targeting different groups of audiences such as children (Durkin & Nugent, 1998; Smith, 1994), women (Gerber & Signorielli, 1979; Goffman, 1976; Jennings, Geis, & Brown, 1980), or teenagers (Block & Robins, 1993; Richins, 1991; Walsh-Childers, 1999); exploring gender-role stereotypes in commercials for particular products such as food (Jaffe & Berger, 1994), beer (Iijima, Hall & Crum, 1994), and medical products (Leppard, Ogletree & Wallen, 1993), or particular types of programs such as comedies (Olson & Douglas, 1997) and MTV commercials ( Signorielli, McLeod, & Healy, 1994 ). Although some studies find favorable improvements in gender portrayals in advertising, the gender differences shown in advertising are still obvious. The unequal depictions of men and women in the U.S. advertising continued and even had become more serious in some ways from the 1970s to the 1990s. Many findings indicated the pervasive use of traditional Western stereotypes of women as sex objects, as dependent

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8 on men, as primarily in domestic settings, as decorations, and as product users rather than authoritative or credible spokespersons (Busby 1975; Courtney and Lockeretz 1971; Ferguson, Kreshal, and Tinkham 1990; Ferrante, Haynes, and Kingsley 1988; Gilly 1988; Lovdal 1989; Maracek et al. 1978; Soley and Kurzbard 1986; Soley and Reid 1988). According to the cultivation theory, television has long-term effects which are small, gradual, indirect but cumulative and significant on its viewers. Repeated TV viewing would cultivate viewers attitudes to be more consistent with the world presented in television programs than with the real world (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1986). This is also applicable to explain the influence of advertising on its viewers. Advertising, especially television commercials, is considered as an important socializing agent to deliver desirable images or personal traits of men and women to its target audiences. Therefore, a large numbers of studies have begun to focus on examining the effects of gender stereotyping in television commercials on society in general (Comstock et al., 1978; Courtney & Whipple; 1978) as well as on different target audiences such as children (Durkin & Nugent, 1998; Smith, 1994), teenagers (Block & Robins, 1993; Richins, 1991; Walsh-Childers, 1999), women, and men (Bretl & Cantor, 1988; McArthur & Resko, 1975). Effects on Children and Teenagers Although it is a common held belief that socialization effects occur only after repeated exposure to stereotypes over long time periods, some studies suggest that exposed to even one counter-stereotypical commercial can affect the attitudes of children, at least in the short term (Atkin, 1975; OBryant & Corder-Bolz, 1978). According to social learning theory, observational learning from live and symbolic models (e.g. films, televisions, and books) is the first step in the acquisition of sex-typed behavior (Mischel,

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9 1966). Therefore, children learn a lot about gender-typed behaviors by observing television role models (Peirce, 1989; Ruble, Balaban, & Cooper, 1981; Liebert & Poulos, 1972), and are encouraged to emulate the same-gender models shown in television, whether seen directly or experienced through the media. As a result, children unconsciously shape or reinforce their views about gender-appropriate behaviors from TV (Courtney, 1983). Considering its profound influence on children, gender-role stereotyping in advertisements has become a popular area in academic communication. Some studies suggest that childrens TV programs as well as commercials, are primary a male-dominant world (Signorielli, 1991; Barcus, 1983). Male characters carry the actions, while female characters offer support. Advertisers and marketers may take advantages of this gender-stratified phenomenon and then create different products for boys and girls. The typical gender-oriented commercial is: boys wear dark-colored clothing such as dark green and blue, play sports or compete with each other outside, or play their toys aggressively or even violently; girls wear in pastel colors such as pink or white, play their dressed-up dolls or soft animals quietly and gently in their pastel bedrooms or playrooms (Frith & Mueller, 2003). In OBryant and Corder-Bolzs (1978) study, they showed several commercials including both traditional (e.g. fashion model and file clerk) and nontraditional female occupations (e.g. pharmacists and butcher) to 67 girls and boys, aged 5 to 10 years old, and found that the children would learn about the gender appropriateness of the jobs through watching these commercials. Consistent with Atkins (1975) study, they concluded that television commercials could have a significant impact on childrens perceptions of occupational possibilities and thus on their career aspirations.

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10 When these boys and girls grow up, the media continue to play an important role in developing their gender identity. The most common concern of critics is that advertisements present young girls with unrealistic beauty norms such as uniformly thin and big breasts (Frith and Mueller, 2003). This may contribute to young girls unhappiness with their own appearance, undermine their self-confidence, create inferior self-feelings, and even cause some problems such as eating disorders (Freedman, 1986) and looking for immediate makeover such as plastic surgery regardless of the consequences (Walsh-Childers, 1999). While girls are obsessed by achieving these hard-to-attain standards of physical attractiveness present in advertising, boys have more freedom to do anything they want and hold a stronger view about themselves as holistic (Frith and Mueller, 2003). Although the above studies suggest that advertising mirrors society and reflects or reinforces the gender stereotypes that are already presented in a culture by using gender stereotypes, none of them state that advertising creates the gender stereotypes held by children and teenagers. As early as thirty years ago, Cheles-Millers (1975) had already indicated that televisions influence on children was filtered through the childs own first-hand experience and personality and further concluded that the more consistent the role portrayal on television and the less the personal experience of the child, the greater was the power of the commercials to affect him or her. Similarly, ONeil, Schoonover, and Adelsteins (1980) suggested that television could be a strong force maintaining the status quo of the child, but when parents and school took positive action such as fostering nontraditional gender-role perceptions, they could apparently undo what television was teaching their child. There is an interaction between what is viewed on television and

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11 what is observed in reality (Courtney & Whipple, 1983). In addition, advertisers and marketers also need to take their social responsibilities to use more diverse and realistic gender-role portrayals in their advertisements to well educate children and teenagers. Effects on Adults Inasmuch as women have been underpresented in advertising, researchers typically stress on female portrayals in advertising to examine gender-role stereotyping (Dominick & Ranch, 1982; ODonnell & ODonnell, 1978; Craig, 1992). Previous studies suggested that female role stereotyping in advertising is nearly a universal phenomenon (Ortner 1974). Exposed to the media and advertising may generate a causal traditionalizing effect on gender-role values and detrimental effects on women's self-concepts, achievement aspirations, and self-images (Frueh and McGhee 1975; Geis et al. 1984; Golden, Allison, and Clee 1985; Jennings-Walstedt, Geis, and Brown 1980; Moschis and Moore 1982). The concern about advertising's impacts on society and culture is not new. Since the 1970s, research in the United States has shown that the media, including advertising, promotes and reinforces traditional female role stereotypes. Most studies consistently indicate that women are not favorably portrayed in general and that their roles are frequently narrowly defined (Courtney and Lockeretz 1971; Dominick and Rauch 1972; Ferguson, Kreshel and Tinkham 1990; Schneider and Schneider 1979; Sengupta 1995; McArthur and Resco 1975). Gender stereotypes used in advertising are also criticized for reinforcing, and perhaps also shaping, our view of our own capabilities and achievements, of appropriate gender roles, and of career aspirations (Courtney & Whipple, 1983). The three most common gender stereotypes representing in advertisements were stated by Frith and Mueller (2003, p.227-235). 1) Women are sexual objects, being objectified, and like

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12 preys wearing furs and feathers and being sexually aggressive. 2) Women are shown in limited roles such as mothers and housewives (Courtney and Lockeretz, 1971), and most of these roles are positioned passively or submissively as the objects of another (male) characters gaze. The most popular measure of the symbolic behaviors of female submissive poses present in advertising used by advertising researchers is that proposed by Goffman in 1976. In addition, womens voices are seldom used in commercials as announcers because of the general belief that womens voices lack authority. 3) Women are positioned in inferior social status. The primary use-value of women is sexual, household, or hand-work (factory work). Therefore, women, with inferior social status, are usually associated with low-priced products while men are more often present in advertising to promote expensive goods. Unlike womens studies, only few studies focus solely on the images of men in advertising (Kervin, 1990; Kolbe & Albanase, 1996; Skelly & Lundstron, 1981; Wolheter & Lammers, 1980). Basically, men are used more as signifiers of cultural values such as status, strength, power, and success rather than actual users of the product in advertisements (Frith and Mueller, 2003, p.243), and less objectified as women are. The majority of mens physical figures are typically shown as strong and muscular (Kolbe & Albanase, 1996). Inasmuch as the U.S. is a patriarchal society honoring individualism and heroism, the typical stereotypes of men present in advertising may include the following: Sturdy oak: Men appear in advertising as hard-working, good providers. Big wheel: Men are shown with signifiers of social and business success. Cowboy: Men are portrayed as tough, unemotional, and alone. Superman: Men who conquer the world would be surrounded by women. Mr. Universe: Men are present as achieving athletes or musclemen.

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13 Although men appear not to be bothered as much by the pervasive stress on their body figures as women are, more and more advertisements start to aim at men in different income levels and across product lines to sell products that help men develop muscular physiques, such as weight training machines and nutritional supplements (Katz, 1995). According to the cultivation theory, repeat exposure to this muscular stereotype may generate unfavorable self-feelings in men. Moreover, when body power (muscularity) is highly associated with masculinity and dominance and repeatedly shown in advertising, the problem of male violence may become more serious. Lanis and Covell (1995) indicated that when men were shown magazine advertisements in which women were portrayed as sex objects while men were shown as progressive roles, men were significantly more accepting of rape myths, gender-role stereotyping, interpersonal violence toward women and held more adversarial sexual beliefs. Such depictions have been suggested to encourage rigid, authoritarian gender-role attitudes and support male dominance (Lanis & Covell, 1995; Walker, Rowe & Quinsey, 1993). Notwithstanding plenty of evidences suggest that gender stereotyping in advertising does reflect societal ills or negative gender roles and help to sustain or reinforce audiences existing negative attitudes and gender-role stereotypes (Livingstone & Green, 1986), some evidences state that the more responsible advertising could play a positive and beneficial role, the easier a gender-equal concept can take root in audiences thoughts. For example, in Jennings-Walstedt, Geis, and Browns (1980) study, they tested 52 female undergraduates with two matched series of TV commercials, identical in every aspect except that each of the roles in the scenarios was portrayed by a person of the opposite sex. Those females exposed to the nontraditional versions showed more

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14 independence of judgment in an Asch-type conformity test and displayed greater self-confidence when delivering a speech. Their findings also suggested that repeated exposure to non-stereotypical commercials might help produce positive and lasting behavioral changes in women such as greater independence of judgment and better self-confidence (Frith and Mueller, 2003). While gender stereotyping is well studied in the United States, understanding of gender-role portrayals in an international context is still limited for there are so few studies available (Ford, et al. 1994; Gendall and Blakeley 1990; Gilly 1988; Razzouk and Harmon 1986; Robbins and Paksoy 1989; Sengupta 1995; Wiles and Tjernlund 1991). The international gender literature suggests several trends in gender roles in global advertising. 1. Women are more often than men portrayed as young, sex objects, or decorations, and as more concerned with physical attractiveness (Edgar and McPhee 1974; Gilly 1988; Lysonski 1985; Mazzella et al. 1992; Wyckham 1987). In some cases, this trend is increasing (Ferguson, Kreshal, and Tinkham 1990; Soley and Kurzbard 1986). 2. Women are more likely to appear as product users or demonstrators while men are more often shown as authorities or argument providers for the advertised products (Furnham and Schofield 1986; Furnham and Voli 1989; Gilly 1988; Livingstone and Green 1986; Manstead and McCulloch 1981; Mazzella et al. 1992; Sebastian et al. 1985). 3. Women tend to be associated with low priced products such as daily commodities, foods, and cosmetics, while men are more often associated with expensive products such as automotives, computers, and electronic equipments (Furnham and Voli 1989; Livingstone and Green 1986; Manstead and McCulloch 1981; Mazzella et al. 1992; Mitchell and Taylor 1990). However, there is little research in this area among Asian countries. Most content analyses about gender-role studies in Asian advertising still tend to focus on information content, appeals, values, and creative strategies (Hong, Muderrisoglu, and Zinkhan 1987;

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15 Madden, Caballero, and Matsukubo 1986; Mueller 1987; Stewart and Campbell 1988; Tse, Belk, and Zhou 1989; Wee and Chan 1989; Zandpour, Chang, Catalano, 1992). Men and Women in Taiwan Education It is commonly believed that education is a valuable social resource and that educational expansion is a profitable social investment. Without education, men and women of certain classes and ethnic groups would be condemned to inferior lives in both the public and private spheres (Byrne, 1987). Moreover, education is also considered as one of the most decisive determinant of social status, and mechanism for social mobility (Tsai, Gates, and Chiu, 1994). Since World War II, and especially since the 1960s, Taiwan has experienced extraordinary economic growth and social change, including considerable expansion of its education base (Tsai, Gates, and Chiu, 1994). In 1968, the government introduced nine-year compulsory education, including six years of public elementary school and three years of junior high school, and equal education rights. The percentage of elementary school graduates for Taiwan's total graduates had turned from 57.35% in 1968 into 25.69% in 1999, which in turn strongly indicated that the general level of education had greatly transformed into higher levels. When further looking into the enrollment rates by gender, the education gap between male and female has narrowed. For instance, the elementary education enrollment rate for girls aged 6-11 had risen from 68.6% in 1951 to 99.9% in 1989, reaching the same level as the enrollment for boys; the high school enrollment rate for females aged 12-17 was 84.6%, higher than that for males of the same age, 81.3%; the higher education enrollment rate for women aged 18-21 was 16%, approximately the

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16 same as that for men in 1989 (Tsai, Gates, and Chiu, 1994). After 1986, the higher education enrollment rate for women has become higher than that for men (Figure 2-1). 010203040506076'81'86'87'88'89'90'91'92'93'94'95'96'97'98'99'00'01'02'03'Year% Male Female Figure 2-1. Higher Education Net Enrollment Rate by Gender. Source: 2004 Education Statistical Indicator: Education Development, Ministry of Education, R.O.C. This educational reformation has completely transformed Taiwanese womens knowledge level. Several decades ago, it was nearly impossible for Taiwanese women to gain equal education as men did, limited by the Chinese traditional belief that possessing no talent is a real virtue for women. It was generally accepted that women ideally should be less educated than the men they marry, or their marriage would not be happy. Such a consideration of marriageability indeed discouraged women from pursuing higher education. However, since women could receive the equal education opportunity as men, this situation has totally changed. The number and percentage of female students receiving higher education have increased substantially. For example, before the obligated education for all citizens was brought into force, only 18.40% of the male population and 10.60% of the female population attended high school, and 4.4% of the male population and 1.4% of the female population received higher education. However,

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17 after 10 years, there were 92% of the male population and 83.1% of the female population attended high school, while 15.9% of the male population and 10.5% of the female population received higher education. In 2001, the enrollment number of higher education for women was 612,000, nearly 20 times larger than the number in 1966, 2,900. Moreover, the percentage of people receiving higher education between men and women has become slightly female-dominant recently. In 2003, the percentage of female students in higher education was 50.5%, while the percentage in America was 55.5% (Figure 2-2). 01020304050607076'81'86'91'96'01'03'Year% Male Female Figure 2-2. Percentage of Students at Higher Education by Gender. Source: 2004 Education Statistical Indicator: Education Development, Ministry of Education, R.O.C. Now men and women enjoy equal opportunity to receive education. However, there are still some invisible barriers in existence when they choose academic disciplines. For example, men tend to dominate the medical profession, engineering, computer science, and natural sciences such as mathematics, physics, chemistry, and biology; while women make up unequal number of the students in teachers colleges, especially in those of training elementary school teachers. Moreover, a large number of women are found in

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18 humanities and foreign language professions. Nursing remains a field which is mainly reserved for female students (Smith, 1992). Employment Inspired by the flourishing economic development and open education opportunities, a lot of job opportunities for new industries were released in Taiwans labor market in the late 1970s. The make-up of Taiwans labor market has been thoroughly changed, although the percentage of the labor force participation rate has been steady since the 1960s (Figure 2-3). For instance, in 1978, over 60% of labor force was concentrated in agriculture and production related industries, but 25 years later, it decreased to 40%, especially in agriculture-related industries, which declined from 24.58% to 7.14% (Table 2-1). On the contrary, other main industries in Taiwan have started playing more important parts in the labor force market, such as professionals, technicians and associate professionals, and service and sales workers. This further implies the transformation of Taiwans economic structure, from a labor-intensive to a high-tech and service-oriented economy. 0204060801001966197119761981198619911996200120022003Year% Total Male Female Figure 2-3. Taiwanese Labor Force Participation Rate by Gender. Source: 2003 Social Indicator: Labor Force Participation Rate, Directorate-General of Budget Accounting & Statistics Executive Yuan, R.O.C.

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19 Table 2-1. Occupation of Employed Persons in Taiwan Area by Year (Unit:%) Year 1978 1988 1998 2003 Both Genders M F Both Genders M F Both Genders M F Both Genders M F Legislators, government administrators, business executives and managers 3.09 2.73 (88.35) 0.37 (11.97) 4.28 3.64 (85.05) 0.63 (14.72) 4.57 3.93 (86.00) 0,64 (14.00) 4.46 3.75 (84.08) 0.71 (15.92) Professionals 3.71 2.18 (58.76) 1.53 (41.24) 4.59 2.45 (53.38) 2.15 (46.84) 6.22 3.00 (48.23) 3.22 (51.77) 7.09 3.60 (50.78) 3.49 (49.22) Technicians and associate professionals 6.63 4.49 (67.72) 2.14 (32.28) 9.83 5.65 (57.48) 4.18 (42.52) 16.13 9.64 (59.76) 6.49 (40.24) 17.92 10.32 (57.59) 7.60 (42.41) Clerks 5.96 2.72 (45.64) 3.24 (54.36) 7.68 2.71 (35.29) 4.98 (64.84) 10.28 2.43 (23.64) 7.85 (76.36) 11.09 2.56 (23.08) 8.53 (76.92) Service workers and shop and market sales workers 13.99 8.86 (63.33) 5.13 (36.67) 6.76 9.47 (56.50) 7.29 (45.50) 17.20 8.08 (46.98) 9.12 (53.02) 18.98 8.48 (44.68) 10.51 (55.37) Agricultural, animal husbandry, forestry and fishing workers 24.58 17.22 (70.06) 7.35 (29.90) 13.56 9.51 (70.13) 4.05 (29.87) 8.72 6.23 (71.44) 2.49 (28.56) 7.14 5.15 (72.13) 1.99 (27.87) Prod. machine operators and related workers 42.04 28.94 (68.84) 13.10 (31.16) 43.29 28.77 (66.46) 14.52 (33.54) 36.88 27.09 (73.45) 9.79 (26.55) 33.33 24.42 (73.27) 8.91 (26.73) Total 100 67.13 32.87 100 62.21 37.79 100 60.40 39.60 100 58.28 41.72 Source: Statistic Reports over the Years, Directorate-General of Budget Accounting & Statistics Executive Yuan, R.O.C. Sorted by the author In addition, the percentage of female labor participation has gradually increased, while that of male has decreased slightly year by year. This phenomenon might imply that women not only have begun to compete with men directly but also have successfully improved their dominance in Taiwans labor market (Figure 2-3). For example, all the percentages of female labor participation in Taiwans five main growing industries show significant increase, especially in clerksfrom 54.36% to 76.92%. However, the occupational distribution in Taiwan still reflects significant gender segregation (Figure 2-4). Looking into the components of Taiwans seven occupation categories (Table 2-1), women are only predominant in clerks (76.93%) and service/sales workers (55.37%), while men keep dominating all the other five categories, especially in legislators, government administrators, business executives and managers (84.07%). In other words, women are yet to be included in the top levels of ownership and administrative-managerial positions, and grossly over-represented at the bottom of the occupational ladder as labor-intensive workers. Furthermore, women still suffer from wage

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20 discrimination. Generally speaking, womens earnings are about 71% of mens for the same job positions (Shaw, 2000). 0%5%10%15%20%25%30%35%40%45%50%1234567Male Occupation M1978 M2003 0%5%10%15%20%25%30%35%40%45%1234567Female Occupation F1978 F2003 Figure 2-4. Occupation Distribution in Taiwan by Gender. 1) Legislators, government administrators, business executives and managers. 2) Professionals. 3) Technicians and associate professionals. 4) Clerks. 5) Service workers and shop and market sales workers. 6) Agricultural, animal husbandry, forestry and fishing workers. 7) Production related workers, plant and machine operators and laborers. Source: 2003 Social Indicator: Labor Force Participation Rate, Directorate-General of Budget Accounting & Statistics Executive Yuan, R.O.C. Many researchers put their efforts in investigating the reasons for the wage inequality for women and state that the common attitudes, especially those of husbands, toward tradition gender roles seriously constraint womens work participation decisions (Boden, 1999; Chuang, and Lee, 2003; Lin, and Hsieh, 1993; Smith, 1980; Vella, 1994). Women tend to withdraw from work, either on temporary or permanent basis, when they face some conflicts between balancing family and work demands. Influenced by

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21 traditional gender-role expectations, most Taiwanese women take family responsibilities as their first priority. Although it becomes easier for women to get satisfactory jobs in the market, they still cannot put all their efforts in their careers as men do, for they cannot unload their family roles as caring mothers and supportive wives. Therefore, it is difficult for women to avoid work interruption (Chuang & Lee, 2003). According to the results of the national survey, Taiwanese women, on average, quit their job once for getting married, pregnant, or other family considerations, regardless of their education levels (DGBAS, 2003 c ). In Mincer and Polacheks (1974) study, they stated that withdrawal from the labor market would influence wages 1.5% per year through human capital depreciation and underinvestment in on-the-job training. Chuang and Lee (2003) applied this theory to Taiwans labor market and found 2.8% depreciation rate for women with at least a high-school level of education. In other words, highly-educated women in Taiwan would suffer a reduction in their earning power due to a discontinuous work experience, as human capital is the key determinant of their earnings. Therefore, to assure womens working rights, both job opportunities and salaries, it is necessary to change the traditional attitudes toward gender roles in Taiwans society. Social Status As the inheritor of Chinese culture and 50-year colony of Japan, male dominance had been firmly entrenched in Taiwans society for a long time. In traditional Taiwanese patriarchy, the main responsibility of a woman was to content her male families. Family might be the main, or even the only, social environment in a womans life. In this situation, a womans status was quite family-oriented and heavily influenced by her childrens gender (boys were much more valuable than girls), while men were the

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22 commanders, holding all the power. Besides family, discrimination against women was also institutionalized within all the common structures of Taiwans society, including the economy, education, culture and political system (Cheng, 1993; Gallin, 1984; Greenhalph, 1985). The concepts that Men go out to make money and find their careers; women stay at home to take care of household duties, and the positions of men are superior; while those of women are inferior, were popularly accepted in previous Taiwans society. However, as more Taiwanese women have attained higher education, joined the work force, begun to compete with men, and become financially independent, women's roles have been redefined and gradually improved. During the last 20 years, women have become actively participating in public spheres, such as joining social works, advocating public issues, and even devoting themselves in politics. According to UNDP (United Nations Development Program, 2000), Taiwans GDI (0.888) (Gender Development Index) was ranked 23 among 147 countries, only lower than Japan among Asian countries; Taiwans GEM (0.646) (Gender Empowerment Measure, showing womens participation and influence in politics and economy) was ranked 20 among 67 countries, highest among Asian countries. The percentage of female members in the congress of Taiwan in 2001 had reached 22.2%, ranked as 27 globally, ahead of Japan, South Korea, and Singapore (DGBAS, 2003). Feminist Movement Since the wave of feminism started in the U.S. in the 1960s, American feminists have been engaged in the fight for womens right and equality, in turn contributing to the abundant publications of books and articles related to this issue. Following the trend, the first wave of the Taiwanese womens movement arose after Shiow-Lein Lu, Taiwans

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23 current vice president, preached New Feminism in the early 1970s. New Feminism successfully caught the public spotlight on the unequal treatment of Taiwans society to women. By 1982, Yuan-Cheng Li founded the Awakening of Women magazine agency which turned into the first womens organization in Taiwan (Shaw, 2000). This organization had played a significant role in raising Taiwanese womens awareness of their status in the society. After the martial law was lifted in 1987, diverse womens organizations have established and focused on different issues such as eliminating underage prostitution, striving for equal working rights, pushing for political change, and advocating for individual autonomy. Generally speaking, the key point of Taiwans feminist movement is quite consistent with the liberal feminist perspectivestriving for the same definition of citizenship regardless of gender (Cirksena & Cuklanz, 1992). Owing to these feminists persistent efforts to oppose womens oppression or devaluation in Taiwans society, women have acquired more and more equal opportunities and social resources, which had been mainly opened to men before. Portrayals of Gender Roles in Advertising In Taiwan As a series of feminism movements had effectively encouraged Taiwans women to ask for their rights and be more aware of the unequal social treatments to them, some researchers and advertising practitioners started examining gender-role portrayals in advertising. Although the amount of related research studies is few, most research findings agree that gender-role stereotypes still exist ubiquitously in Taiwans advertising. Women shown in advertising tend to be subordinate, traditional, decorative, and sexually objectified, while men are often depicted in independent, credible, and authoritative roles (Li, 1990; Tau, 1991; Hu, 1998).

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24 Li (1990) examined Taiwans newspaper advertisements from 1960-1989 to test womens roles, in both gender relationship and advertising patterns, and found that women in advertising were usually shown as young, sexy, and decorative roles without working status. Tau (1991) studied womens roles in Taiwans magazine advertisements from 1981-1990 and concluded that there was a serious gender-role stereotyping present in Taiwans magazine advertising. Two main findings from her study were: the trend that women were portrayed as beauty or sex models was increasing year by year; female magazine and male magazine tended to downgrade the other gender in respective magazine. Karloff and Lee (1999) further stated that women in Taiwans magazine advertising were usually depicted in non-working and decorative roles, appearing most often in cleaning product, beauty product, travel, entertainment and cigarettes advertisements. With regard to television commercials, Wang (1993) suggested that stereotypical gender roles were frequently shown in Taiwans television commercials, such as women generally played the primary characters for female product commercials in family roles at home while men were the central figures for male product commercials in working roles and appeared in business settings. Moreover, Yang (1994) conducted a cross-country study, including Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, and found that Chinese women were more often shown as parents and spouses than men were. Women often appeared in traditional womanly occupations such as fashion model, secretary, or nurse, while men were shown in male-dominant jobs such as doctor, businessman, or engineer. Even if women appeared in professional settings, their status was usually lower than men. Moreover, womens voices were often portrayed as being uncertain about the products.

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25 In the U.S. As the key advocate of feminism movement, U.S. researchers have spared no effort to investigate how gender roles are portrayed in advertising since 1960s. Thousands of articles and books related to this topic have been published. The research objects have gradually transferred from magazine ads to television commercials because of the astonishing reaching rate of television on the U.S. households and its widest variety of audiences regardless of race, creed, national origin, social class, sex, or age (McArthur and Resko, 1975), as well as the general beliefs of televisions influential power on its viewers (Furnham & Mak, 1999). Accordingly, the portrayals of gender roles in the U.S. television commercials have attracted considerable interests (Dominick & Ranch, 1972; ODonnell & ODonnell, 1978; Schneider & Schneider, 1979). The first major content study of television commercials was conducted by the New York City chapter of the National Organization for Women (NOW) and reported in 1972 in the New York Times Magazine. Totally, 1,241 commercials over a period of one and a half year were examined in this study. Based on the findings, a serious gender stereotyping was found: 42.6% of the women were involved in household chores; 37.5% as adjuncts to men; 16.7% as sex objects. Only 0.3% of the women in the commercials were found by the NOW researchers to be shown as autonomous individuals. In addition, women in commercials were very likely to be positioned as information receiver, waiting for mens advises. Furthermore, nearly 90% of the voice-overs shown in commercials were male (Courtney & Whipple, 1983). The study conducted by Dominick and Rauch (1972) is generally viewed as the first major academic study of female stereotyping in television commercials. Nearly 1,000 prime time commercials present on New York City network stations during April

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26 1971 were included and coded by product category, gender of voice-over, gender of prime purchaser, setting, dress, and apparent occupation of female represented, on-camera selling by females, and primary role of the woman in the advertisement. The results showed that the common female stereotype in advertising was a young housewife at home, in the kitchen or bathroom, anxiously receiving advice of an authoritative male, relating to others in a service role, and concerning about how to look beautiful (Courtney & Whipple, 1983). The content analysis of the portrayals of men and women in television commercials conducted by McArthur and Resko in 1975 is also a well-used example in this field. This study coded 199 television commercials, from three major networks (CBS, NBC, and ABC) during weekday broadcasts in the spring of 1971, into 9 categories and found some significant results with regard to authority roles in advertising. For examples, only 14% of women were presented as authorities and the other 86% were portrayed as product users, while 70% of men were showed as authorities and only 30% were product users. Women were more often portrayed as relational roles, or dependent on others, especially on the opposite sex, and as information receiver or product users. Women were more likely than men to obtain the approval of family and the opposite sex as reward for using a given product, while men more frequently obtained the approval from their friends, social achievements, and career advancements. In general, these gender differences revealed how women were portrayed in a relatively unfavorable manner in television commercials. Similar to McArthur and Reskos (1975) coding categories, ODonnell and ODonnell (1978) examined 367 prime time commercials during November 1976 and

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27 concluded that there had been little change on the gender-role stereotyping in advertising, and some of those were negative. Men and women appeared in equal numbers as product representatives but women usually represented domestic products (86%) and appeared at home (76%), while men dominated the non-domestic product categories and settings. Besides, men continued to be the voice of authority: male voice-overs had increased to 93%. Lovdal (1989) replicated this study and found that there was no significant improvement in the portrayals of gender roles in commercials after ten years. However, Schneider and Schneider (1979) argued that role portrayals of men and women in television commercials in 1976 had been more realistic than those in 1971, in terms of the U.S. census data. The differences between the portrayals of men and women had narrowed, for example, more men were showed in the home as well as more women were employed with a wider range of roles such as business executives, professionals, and sales representatives (Lin, 1998; Sullivan & OConnor, 1988). Bretl and Cantor (1988) also supported this statement in their content-analytical study of gender-role portrayals in the U.S. television commercials from 1971 to 1985. They provided examples to show how gender gaps had narrowed as men and women appeared equally as central characters in prime-time commercials. Yet, there were still some unequal gender-role stereotypes shown in commercials in regard to employment, settings, product categories, authorities or credibility, and voice-over in particular (90% of all narrators were males). In summary, there are two general perspectives of research conclusions regarding gender stereotyping in television commercials: pessimistic and optimistic. Pessimistic studies show that women are still being portrayed in a negative, stereotypical way, and

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28 this kind of stereotyping is even becoming worse (Gilly 1988; Ganahl, Prinsen, & Netzley, 2003; Lovdal 1989; Maracek et al. 1978). However, optimistic studies see women as gaining substantial ground on their male counterparts and breaking out of the negative stereotyping. They suggest that the role portrayals of women in television commercials have been improved, more representative of contemporary women, and gradually become equal to men (Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Schneider & Schneider, 1979; Sullivan & OConnor, 1988). Each of these opposing conclusions has received empirical supports. However, these studies are mainly based on the U.S. data. In order to get better understanding of the situation in Taiwan, it is necessary to conduct a content-analytical study based on representative Taiwans data.

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CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY Content Analysis According to Merriam-Webster Dictionary (2004), content analysis is the analysis of the manifest and latent content of a body of communicated material (as a book or film) through a classification, tabulation, and evaluation of its key symbols and themes in order to ascertain its meaning and probable effect. Krippendorff (2004) defined content analysis in his book, Content Analysis, as a research technique for making replicable and valid inferences from texts (or other meaningful matter) to the contexts of their use, rather than restricted on quantitative description and manifest content. Some researchers also point out that content analysis allows researchers to treat qualitative data in quantitative terms, and explains quantitative data qualitatively, thus helps to ground analysis of images and words in more individual and impressionistic way (Leiss, 1990). Content analysis is well considered as one of the most efficient research tools to explore the meanings within or behind specific contexts, because of its capability for handling unstructured matter as data in an unobtrusive way, being context sensitive and thus allowing researchers to process data texts which are significant, meaningful, informative, and even representational to others, and coping with large volumes of data that in turn greatly increases its generalizability (Krippendorff, 2004). Many advertising researchers use content analysis as an objective method to measure how various social roles are portrayed in advertising, and observe the changing values in a society (Sung, 2000, Tse et al., 1989). 29

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30 This study was designed to present how gender roles were portrayed in Taiwans top creative television commercials and to further examine if any inappropriate gender-role portrayal existed. Hence, based on its context-explored nature, content analysis was chosen as the research method to analyze the different aspects related to the meanings of various gender-role portrayals. These aspects included gender of the characters, primary characters ethnicity, language usage, age, social role, occupation, basis for credibility, information-role, setting, product type, and gender of announcers. Moreover, the consciousness scale for sexism (Pingree, 1976) in Times Advertising award-winning television commercials was also examined. Unit of Analysis Referring to Krippendorff (2004), sampling units are units that are distinguished for selective inclusion in an analysis, and should be treated as independent elements. The counted units must be distinctphysically, conceptually, or logicallyotherwise the numerical outcome would not make sense. With regard to this study, the unit of analysis is the single television commercial among the whole collection of Times Advertising Award-Winners from 1997 to 2002. Sampling Design This study used relevance or purposive sampling strategy to collect all Times award-winning television commercials from 1997 to 2002. The rationales for choosing Times Advertising award-winners are as follows. 1) No previous study explored how gender roles were portrayed in Taiwans award-winning advertisements. Most studies focused on either prime-time television commercials or magazine advertisements. 2) Times Advertising Award is the most highly respected advertising award in Taiwan. All commercials of it are professionally judged for their creativity and are sufficiently

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31 representative of latest social trends. 3) Under the atmosphere that most advertising agencies are eager to win reputable advertising awards, the preferred fashion of gender-role portrayals in Times Advertising Award may directly or indirectly lead advertising practitioners to follow which in turn would implicitly influence audiences perceptions of acceptable or ideal gender roles. All samples, presented in both book and VCD formats, were drawn from annual Times Advertising Award-Winning Television Commercial Collection 1997-2002. All the winners and finalists are listed in a profile, including the ad itself, ID number, prize-winning class, title of the advertisement, name of the advertiser, name of the advertising agency, and names of the creative team. They are sorted by 14 product categories such as public service and industry image. The annual collection book consists of five main parts: preface-the greeting from the president of the Times Advertising Awards Association; introduction of the judging panel; the words from the chairman of the judging panel; the comprehensive comments from the judging panel, also including the complete report of the whole grading process; and the main contentthe introduction of all award-winning advertisements. Every year, the complete video content of each advertisement is included in the VCD, attached with the collection book. Because the purpose of this study was to examine and compare gender-role portrayals, commercials without people involved or contain only products, animals, graphics, or non-human figure animations were excluded from the sample. There were totally 608 qualified television commercials, including 74 commercials in 1997, 123 commercials in 1998, 99 commercials in 1999, 109 commercials in 2000, 117 commercials in 2001, and 86 commercials in 2002. In light of Daviss (1997, p.400)

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32 suggestion about how to deal with duplicate ads, this study treated each instance of the duplicate ad as a separate ad and coded all qualified ads in the sample, for the underlying motivation for the content analysis was to understand aspects of the total number of ads. For example, how often were female characters shown in automotive ads, or whats the proportion of male to female voice-overs shown in food ads? Coding Categories and Variables Without a comprehensive coding system, it is impossible to develop meaningful and valid research analyses. Some researchers declare that the coding system used to code the content is the heart of the content analysis (Hu, 1998) and all categories should be reliable, and as mutually exclusive and as exhaustive as possible (Wimmer & Dominck, 1997). To develop a well-constructed coding system, this study integrated different categories from multiple previous studies about gender roles in advertising, both in the U.S. (Ganahl, Prinsen & Netzley, 2003; Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Craig, 1992; Schneider & Schneider, 1979; McArthur & Resko, 1975) and in Taiwan (Bresnahan et al., 2001; Wang, 1991; Hu, 1998). There were total of 14 categoriesyear, gender, ethnicity, language, age, social-role, family role, occupation, basis for credibility, information-role, setting, product type, gender of announcer, and the sexism scale of the Times Advertising Awards as a mass communication mediaand 33 variables were coded in this study. Definition of Coding Categories Year Six years, 1997-2002 in a row, were used to code all qualified Times Advertising Award-winning commercials.

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33 Gender of the Characters Based on Bresnahan, Inoue, Liu, and Nishida' s study (2001), the gender-role portrayal should be coded for up to four adult characters in each commercial. Characters were recommended to be identified as the primary character, the secondary character, or supporting character(s) for the purpose of analysis. Bretl and Cantor (1988) defined a primary character as the character with the greatest amount of on-screen time and obviously as the leading role in the commercial. Otherwise, the roles might be coded as secondary, supporting, or even "unclear" character(s). However, the concept is comparative, not absolute. In other words, if two or more than two characters are tied on this measure, the one with the longest speaking time or is portrayed more like leading character will be considered as the primary role. Schneider and Schneider (1979, p.80) explained primary character as male and female characters with on-camera appearances of at least three seconds and/or at least one line of dialogue. A secondary character was defined as the character appearing second longest and was less important than primary character, whereas supporting characters were those characters in the background who were not central to the commercial. For this study, the guidelines to distinguish characters were as follows: The primary character was defined as the person who appeared the longest on screen (at least 3 seconds) and obviously had the leading role in product promotion. Otherwise, he/she might be considered as secondary or supporting role. Each commercial could have at most one primary character. Sometimes, two or more male or female characters appeared with exactly the same amount of time (at least over 3 seconds) without a leading character in the commercial. In this case, the person who gave information to others would be coded as primary character, while the person(s) receiving information would be coded as secondary character. If there was no obvious information role existing in the commercial, the person who spoke the last sentence would be coded as the primary character.

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34 Because the purpose of this study was to examine and compare gender roles, commercials without apparent human figure involved would be excluded from the sample, for instance, containing only products, animals, graphics, non-human figure animations, or only a part of human body such as arms, legs, or hands. Moreover, infants who did not have obvious gender characteristics would be excluded, while children under 12 whose gender roles could be easily recognized were included in the sample. When there was no obvious primary character, but secondary or supporting characters were present in the commercial, product type and gender of announcers were still coded. Ethnicity In Taiwans advertising, it is very common to use foreign/western models as the primary characters (Neelankavil et al., 1995). This applies equally to award-winning television commercials, although all of them are produced by Taiwans advertising agencies. Because of this phenomenon, three variables were used in this study to examine the ethnicity of the primary character: Eastern models, Western models, or not applicable/cannot be coded. Eastern models include characters who are Taiwanese, Cantonese, Singaporean, Korean, or other Asian groups; Westerns are people originally from North America, Latin America, Europe, or other non-Asian groups. Sometimes, if the ethnicity of the primary character could not be determined for his/her appearance, for he/she is a person of multi-racial background, human-figure animation, or wearing a mask, he/she would be coded as not applicable/cannot be coded. Language Besides the preference of using western model, there is also a trend to use western languages, especially English, in Taiwans advertisements (Neelankavil et al., 1995). Because of this, the language used by the primary character was coded into seven categories: Mandarin Chinese (the official language in Taiwan), dialects (including Taiwanese, Hakka, and other languages used in Taiwan), English, mixed (using two or

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35 more different languages), others (such as Japanese, Korean, and Cantonese), none (no language was spoken by the primary language in the commercial), or not applicable/ cannot be coded (unclear language/sound such as infants or aliens languages). Age Similar to Furnham and Maks (1999) and Schneider and Schneiders (1997) studies, six coding categories were used in this study to classify the age of the primary character: under 11 (children), 12-17 (teens), 18-35 (young), 36-50 (middle aged), 51 and above (old), and not applicable/cannot be coded. Social Role In accordance with Hus (1998) study, social roles were defined as the interpersonal relationship with other characters in the commercial. Although most commercials do not allow sufficient time to develop relationships, coders still can distinguish relationship between characters into several roles such as homemaker, parent, spouse (wife or husband), employer or employee etc. Five categories were coded in this study: family roles, friends, romantic partners (girlfriend/boyfriend), occupational roles (business partners/competitors), and not applicable/cannot be coded. Family Role If the family role of the primary character was apparent, he/she was further coded into four sub-categories: spouses (husbands/wives), parents/grandparents, children/grandchildren, and others (ex. siblings, aunties, uncles, nieces, and nephews). If there was no obvious family role portrayed by the primary character in the commercial, it was coded as not applicable/cannot be coded. Occupation According to the Gender Indicator of Statistics in Taiwan area (2003), there were

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36 seven main types of occupations in Taiwan: (1) legislators, government administrators, business executives and managers; (2) professionals; (3) technicians and associate professionals; (4) clerks; (5) service workers and shop and market sales workers; (6) agricultural, animal husbandry, forestry and fishing workers; (7) production related workers, plant and machine operators and laborers. In addition, full-time housewife was also considered as a formal occupation in this study, based on feminist theory. Since the 1980s, American feminists have advocated that being a full-time housewife should be considered as being a member of the largest single occupation in the U.S. economy (Bergmann, 1981). Housewives do devote themselves to their own economic activity, or the activity that serves as their regular source of livelihood according to the definition of The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (2000): h ousekeeping, or housework, covering such tasks as cleaning, washing, daily shopping, preparation of meals, tidying, ironing, mending etc. Hence, it is certainly essential to include full-time housewife/househusband/homemaker in this categorization. In addition, student was also regarded as an occupation. When the primary character was portrayed as a retired elder, people without working capability, or in an unclear working status, it was coded as not applicable/cannot be coded. Basis for Credibility Two categories, authorities and product users, as proposed by McArthur and Reskos (1975), are typically used to examine the credibility of the primary character in various gender-role studies. Authorities were defined as an on camera character who had all the facts regarding the product being advertised, and spoke favorably about the product. Product users were characters depicted primarily as users of the product. Based on their study, Hu (1998) further added decorative roles/models, as another category, in

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37 her study about Taiwanese female gender roles in Taiwans prime-time TV commercials. The category represented the central character who was non-active or generally presented as an attractive or sex object without any conversation. Additionally, Bretl and Cantor (1988) proposed eight types of credibility in their study: (1) celebrity is a real-life famous people; (2) expert is the real-life person with a high degree of skill or knowledge in the product area; (3) company representative is a real-life person from within the company of the advertised product; (4) personal experience includes real-life people who have used the product; (5) apparent expert is an actor made to appear as an expert; (6) apparent personal experience includes actors made to appear as if they have used the product; (7) other basis; (8) no basis. By integrating above variables, a two-level coding procedure was developed. First, the primary character was coded as authorities, product users, decorative roles/models, or not applicable/cannot be coded, according to his/her presented product-related role. Next, another ten categories: celebrity, expert, company representative, personal experience, apparent celebrity (an actor who imitated a real-life famous celebrity or was made to appear as if they were celebrities), apparent expert, apparent company representative, apparent personal experience, unreal people (such as human figure animations, aliens, or people from the future), not applicable/cannot be coded were used to specify what credible role the primary character played in the commercial. Information Role The role was determined by how the primary character interacted with other characters in delivering information in the commercial. Did he/she give information to others, or receive information from others, or neither? Usually, the information giver roles were characters shown as giving advice or help to other characters (to know the

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38 product) in the commercial. The information receiver roles were portrayed as receiving advice, help, or commands from other characters (to know the product) in the commercial. Therefore, if there was no obvious interaction between characters about information delivery, or the primary character played both information roles (deliver and receiver) without distinction in the commercial, it was coded as not applicable/cannot be coded. Setting All settings present in commercials were sorted by 11 categories, according to Bretl and Cantor (1988), Bresnahan, Inoue, Liu, and Nishida (2001), and Hu (1998). The 11 settings included kitchen, dining room/living room, other places inside the house, indoors away from home, public places, riding inside transportation, business office/environment, school, outdoors, combination settings, and other settings. Bretl and Cantor (1988) defined commercial setting as the location in which the primary character mainly appeared. Generally speaking, other places inside the house included bathroom, bedroom, any other space in the house, and indoors away from home could be backyard or balcony. Public places might be streets, stores, restaurants, bars, shopping malls, railway/bus/MRT station etc. Riding inside transportation included both private and public transportation such as bus, MRT, train, airplane, and so on. Outdoors meant doing outdoor activities in natural settings or simply enjoying the natural scenery. Following Bretl and Cantors (1988) suggestion, if the primary character appeared in more than one setting, only the setting in which he/she appeared longest was coded. If two or more easily recognized settings appeared at similar amount of time, it would be coded as combination settings. If the setting was in a film studio or unclear to be classified into one of the above categories, it was coded as others.

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39 Product Type Because all samples in this study were selected from Times Advertising award-winning advertisements, the product categories listed in Times Advertising Award were used to code this variable. There were 14 common categories in Times Advertising Award-Winning advertisements from 1997 to 2002, including (1) annual best of show, (2) public service, (3) industry image, (4) electric appliances, (5) automotive, (6) food, (7) beverages (both alcohol and non-alcohol), (8) household appliances, (9) personal items, (10) communication services, (11) culture and education, (12) financial services, (13) retail services, and (14) others. Gender of Announcers As to the gender of announcers, previous studies generally focused on exploring the influence of genders on voice-overs. However, while voice-over is not the only audio element shown in television commercials, it is necessary to take other components of audio presentation in advertising such as jingles and taglines into consideration. Based on Kleppners (1986) definitions, voice-over is the voice of a TV commercial announcer recorded off camera and slogan is a tool which sums up the theme of a companys ad to deliver an easily remembered message in a few words, probably combined with a catchy tune to make a jingle. Generally speaking, jingle is defined as a short, simple, catchy, repetitious song, which is pleasant and easily remembered for presenting at least part of the commercial (Colnot, 1997; Kleppner, 1986). According to Stewart & Furses (1986) definitions in their book, Effective television advertising: a study of 1000 commercials, spoken tagline is a statement at the end of the commercial that presented new information, usually unrelated to the principal focus of the commercial; auditory sign-off is the brand name repeated within the last three seconds of the commercial.

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40 To get better understanding of how gender roles were used in the audio production of Taiwans award-winning advertising from 1997 to 2002, five categories were examined: gender of voice-over, gender of jingle, gender of tagline, gender of slogan, and gender of sign-off. Each of these five categories was coded as male, female, none, and not applicable/cannot be coded. Referring to Bretl and Cantors (1988) definition, the gender of voice-over was the voice, not attributed to any on-screen character, which is heard for the longest time. In this study, if there were both female and male voice-overs shown in the same amount of time, the person who spoke the last sentence was coded. If the voice-over was unclear, such as from kids or from a mixed sound, it was coded as not applicable/cannot be coded (Hu, 1998). If there was no voice-over in the advertisement, it was coded as none. The other four categories were coded in the same manner as that of the gender of voice-over. Consciousness Scale for Sexism The Consciousness Scale for Sexism was originally developed by Butler-Paisley and Paisley-Butler (1974) as an ordinal five-level consciousness scale to describe how women as presented in the media were limited to special roles and relationship. Pingree, Hawkins, Butler, and Paisley (1976) further elaborated this scale to actually examine the consciousness scale for women among four national magazinesTime, Playboy, Ms., and Newsweekand suggested a five-level exploratory model to examine the media sexism from both women and mens sides. In this study, the determinants of which level the primary character belonged to were his/her occupational role, social role, interaction with other characters in the commercial (equal/unequal), personal identity (independent/ dependent, masculine/feminine), and so on. There were 6 categories coded in this study: Level I, Level II, Level III, Level IV, Level V, and not applicable/cannot be coded.

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41 The definitions of each level in this study are as follows: Level I. Put her down. Women were presented as incompetent, dependent, two-dimensional decoration with no real function involving the advertised products, such as the dumb beauties, the sex objects, or the whimpering victims. Put him up. Men decorated advertisements for products that did not require the presence of handsome, well-dressed men to provide more information about the product. In this level, men were usually portrayed as attractive or sexy objects with masculine stereotyping such as being competent, independent, powerful, knowledgeable, muscular, and brave. Level II. Keep her in her place. Traditional strengths and capabilities of women were acknowledged, but tradition also dictated womanly roles, such as wives, mothers, secretaries, clerks, teachers, and nurses. Women in this level were usually seen in the home or doing feminine activities such as housekeeping, cooking, shopping, applying cosmetics, or gossiping with friends. Women were fully capable of doing typical womanly jobs or activities, but incompetent to accomplish manly tasks. Keep him in his place. Male characters were mainly shown at work, usually in managerial positions or other manly positions, or doing manly activities such as sports, gambling, or car racing. If they were shown working around the house, they were very likely to mow the lawn, take the garbage out, or do other manly housework. Men, who attempted traditional feminine activities at home such as doing laundry, changing diapers, or cooking, were considered as abysmally incompetent. Level III: Give her two places. In this level, womens images presented in media were progressive. Women could be competent career women and housewives at the same time, but traditional activities such as housework and mothering were still their prior tasks. In this case, career was generally viewed as something extra. For example, woman could play a professional role such as a lawyer or a doctor outside as long as she prepared dinner on the table for her husband or children on time. When there was a conflict between her job and family, family always came first. Give him two places. In this level, the characteristics for men were similar to those for women. But, the priorities were reversed. Men were competent in both worlds, business and family, but they were helping out at home. Their true place was at work or outside the home. Level IV: Women and men are fully equal. Women were shown as fully competent to play professional roles outside the home, without mentioning that housework and mothering were non-negotiably their responsibilities. Men were as competent as women to do womanly jobs or activities, and took womanly responsibilities as their own such as cooking, housecleaning, and taking care of children. In this level, womens first place was probably at work, while mens was at home. Moreover, while imaging romance was considered as a feminine activity, if the male primary character was portrayed as pursuing romance, he might be coded as Level IV. Besides, romance could be assigned to this level when the two lovers in the commercial were shown equally in love. Neither of them was superior.

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42 Level V: Women and men are individuals. Women and men were viewed as being treated non-stereotypically and as superior to each other in some respects, while inferior in other respects. Generally speaking, level V was the only level where a woman was allowed to be superior. However, superior men were not usually coded V while superior women were. Superior men might be coded II, because it fit more with traditional view of the women-men relationship of level II, unless men were shown superior to women in doing womanly jobs or activities. Level V Level IV Level III Level IV Level V Freedom from all stereotypes Women and men as individuals Women and men are full y e q ual Woman may be a professional, but first place is home Man may help out competently at home, but first place is work Womans place is the home or in womanly occupations Mans place is at work or at manly activities at home Woman is a two-dimensional, nonthinking decoration, or feminine sex object Man is an unnecessary attractive decoration, or masculine sex object Limited by stereotypes Figure 3-1. A Consciousness Scale for Media Sexism: Women and Men Coding Procedure Before the actual coding work started, the researcher did some preparations such as coding instructions, coder selection and training, and pretest. First, a codebook containing the definitions of all categories was developed as a common frame of reference for all coders, thus facilitating independent coder to view and respond to the same stimulus in the same way. Then, a coding sheet with the specification of categories, variables, and levels of measurement, was formulated for coders to actually record their observations.

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43 Two coders were used in this study. One was the researcher herself, as the primary coder, and the other one was a male Taiwanese student, as the secondary coder. Once selected, coders were trained in a coding process, beginning with familiarization of the codebook and ending in using coding sheet to practice actual coding work. In this study, the secondary coder was selected for three concerns: Gender bias: Because the primary coder is a female, inviting a male to be the secondary coder would be helpful in reducing the gender bias in this study. Similar background: The background of the secondary coder is similar to the primary coder, both are graduate students in advertising from Taiwan, which in turn could increase the likelihood that the two coders would view the same stimulus in the same way. Language and culture: Since all samples were produced and broadcasted in Taiwan and most of them were presented in Chinese and Taiwanese, it is essential to use a coder who is a native speaker and acculturated in Chinese/Taiwanese culture and language. After finishing the coding and coder preparation, a pretest was conducted to improve the category structure, category definitions, and coding procedures. Two coders separately coded 60 representative sample advertisements, about 10% of the actual sample size, and then compared their results with each other. Inter-Coder Reliability When two or more coders independently assign the same code to the same stimulus, this is called inter-coder reliability (Davis, 1997). Among several methods in calculating inter-coder reliability for nominal data, Holstis (1969) formula is the most popular one, for it is simple, straightforward, and easy to use (Davis, 1997). Accordingly, this study adopted Holstis inter-coder reliability coefficient, as listed below, to calculate the overall percentage of agreement or times when both coders independently assigned the same code to the same object.

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44 Reliability= 2M / N1+N2 where: M is the total number of coding decisions on which the two coders agree. N1 and N2 are the total number of coding decisions made by coders one and two. The inter-coder reliability for this study was calculated before data analysis and found to be 88.7%. Because 80% inter-coder reliability is generally considered as an acceptable calculated measure (Davis, 1997), the inter-coder reliability of this study is statistically valid. Validity According to Davis (1997), validity is a reliable measure that consistently measures what you want to measure. It occurs when there is a high degree of correspondence between a concepts operational definition and the specific observable event used to record the concept. As a research technique for the systematic, objective, and quantitative description of the manifest content of communication, the description function of quantitative content analysis is considered as a process that includes segmenting communication content into units, assigning each unit to a category, and providing tallies for each category (Berelson, 1952). Therefore, to testify the validity of quantitative content analysis, one question is proposed: Does the procedure describe what it intends to describe (Krippendorf, 1980; Riffe, Lacy, & Fico, 1998)? To answer this question, Gall, Borg, and Galls (1996) suggested: consider employing a coding system that has been used in previous research. Rourke and Anderson (2004) further claimed that those who did use this method might accomplish several things: They contributed to the accumulating validity of an existing procedure, were able to compare their results with a growing catalog of normative data, and

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45 shortened the instrument construction process. In this study, the total 33 variables were operationally defined based on previous coding systems, those which were well-used to explore gender-role portrayals in television commercials such as Bretl and Cantors (1988), Schneider and Schneiders (1979), McArthur and Reskos (1975), Pingrees et al. (1976), and so on. Each code was designed to answer the core research question, how men and women were portrayed in Taiwans awarding winning advertising. Therefore, this study is undoubtedly able to answer the above-mentioned question with regard to testify the validity of quantitative content analysis and thus represent acceptable validity. Data Analysis The Statistical Package for the Social Science (SPSS release 11.0) was used in this study for statistical computer analysis. SPSS is well considered as an effective tool to deal with large amounts of data. Therefore, this study adopted SPSS to organize and analyze its 608 samples. Chi-square was used to identify differences in the frequency distributions among categories. Critical p-value (.05) was used to examine the statistical significance. If p<.05, it was considered to be significant; if p>.05, it was not significant. In addition, cross-tabulation was also used for variable analysis and comparison in this study.

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CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS Descriptions of the Sample A total of 608 commercials selected from the whole collection of Times Advertising Award winners from 1997 to 2002 were counted as the final qualified samples-74 in 1997, 123 in 1998, 99 in 1999, 109 in 2000, 117 in 2001, and 86 in 2002 (Table 4-1). Forty-eight commercials were excluded because of the lack of people involvement, namely, only containing products, animals, graphics, or non-human figure animations. In this study, each sample was coded for 14 variablesyear, gender of character(s), ethnicity, language, age, social-role, family role, occupation, basis for credibility, information-role, setting, Pingrees consciousness scale of sexism, product type, and gender of announcer(s). If there was no obvious primary character shown in a commercial but secondary or supporting roles were present, the commercial was then coded for year, gender of character(s), product type, and gender of announcer(s). Pertain to advertised products, all samples exhibited comparable male/female distribution (Table 4-2). Miscellaneous products including real estate, website, medicine, pet food, and not applicable product categories accounted for 12% of the sample, followed by financial services (10.0%) and beverages (9.0%). In regard to the gender of character(s), men predominated women in all character types, including primary, secondary, and supporting characters (Table 4-3). For example, within the 533 samples with primary characters, men appeared as primary characters in 357 (67%) commercials 46

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47 while women only accounted for 176 (33%). More than 50% of commercials featuring secondary character(s) were male-dominant, while only 25% used female characters. In addition, consistent with previous studies, announcers used in these 608 sample commercials showed significant male-dominance, especially when announcing product/ brand information such as slogan and brand name (Table 4-4). The finding shows a strong preference of using male announcers in Taiwanese award-winning commercials 1997-2002. Table 4-1. Award-Winning Taiwanese TV Commercials per Year N % 1997 74 12.2 1998 123 20.2 1999 99 16.3 2000 109 17.9 2001 117 19.2 2002 86 14.1 Total 608 100.0 Table 4-2. Advertised Product Types N % Annual best of the show 13 2.1 Public service 50 8.2 Industry image 42 6.9 Electric appliances 41 6.7 Automotive 42 6.9 Food 48 7.9 Beverages (alcohol and non-alcohol) 55 9.0 Household appliances 35 5.8 Personal items 37 6.1 Communication services 53 8.7 Culture and education 23 3.8 Financial services 61 10.0 Retail services 33 5.4 Others 75 12.3 Total 608 100.0 Table 4-3. Primary, Secondary, and Supporting Character(s) by Gender Gender of Primary Character Gender of Secondary Character(s) Gender of Supporting Character(s) N % N % N % Male 357 67.0 240 50.7 89 24.6 Female 176 33.0 119 25.2 35 9.7 Both --114 24.1 238 65.7 Total 533 100 473 100 362 100

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48 Table 4-4. Voice-over, Jingle, Tagline, Slogan, and Sign-Off by Gender Gender of Voice-Over Gender of Jingle Gender of Tagline Gender of Slogan Gender of Sign-Off N % N % N % N % N % Male 169 71.6 24 61.5 18 81.8 361 82.4 114 83.2 Female 67 28.4 15 38.5 4 18.2 77 17.6 23 16.8 Total 236 100 39 100 22 100 438 100 137 100 Analysis by Gender of the Primary Character RQ1: How were men portrayed from 1997 to 2002 in Times Advertising Award-Winning television commercials? RQ2: How were women portrayed from 1997 to 2002 in Times Advertising Award-Winning television commercials? RQ3: How differently or similarly were men and women portrayed from 1997 to 2002 in Times Advertising Award-winning television commercials? Ethnicity In commercials featuring male primary characters, Eastern models, appearing in 325 commercials (92.9%), were present overwhelmingly, compared to Western models (7.1%). For female primary characters, the statistical finding was parallel to that of male primary characters (Table 4-5). There was a strong presence for using Eastern models (92.9%), including Taiwanese, Japanese, Korean, and other Asians, as primary characters in these award-winning commercials, regardless of the gender of the primary character. However, no significant difference was found. Table 4-5. Ethnicity by Gender Male Female Total N % N % N % Easterns 325 92.9 157 92.9 482 92.9 Westerns 25 7.1 12 7.1 37 7.1 Total 350 100 169 100 519 100 2 =.000, df=1, n.s. Language Table 4-6 showed that male primary characters usually spoke at least one line in commercials (66.1%). They used Chinese as the primary language (60.6%), and then

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49 dialects (15.7%) such as Taiwanese and Hakka, and mixed (11.0%) such as speaking more than two different languages in commercials. In contrast, nearly 50% of female primary characters were present as non-speaking figures. In other words, these female characters neither had any conversation with other characters in commercials nor spoke to the audiences directly. For those female primary characters who did speak in commercials, Chinese was used most often (70.7%), followed by dialects (15.2%), and others such as Japanese and Korean (6.5%). A statistically significant difference was found between men and women regarding whether they spoke or not in commercials ( 2 =9.531, p<.01). In generally, women (47.7%) were more likely than men (33.9%) to be shown as non-speaking figures. However, when comparing male and female primary characters using a specific language in commercials, there was no significant difference found. Table 4-6. Language by Gender Male Female Total N % N % N % Speaking 236 66.1 92 52.3 328 61.5 Non-speaking 121 33.9 84 47.7 205 38.5 Total a 357 100 176 100 533 100 Chinese 143 60.6 65 70.7 208 63.4 Dialects 37 15.7 14 15.2 51 15.5 English 19 8.1 4 4.3 23 7.0 Mixed 26 11.0 3 3.3 29 8.8 Others 11 4.7 6 6.5 17 5.2 Total b 236 100 92 100 328 100 a 2 =9.531, df=1 p<.01 b 2 =7.306, df=4, n.s. Age To gain a better understanding of the associations between gender and age, the six age categories were recoded to two major categoriesyoung (under 35) including children (under 11), teens (12-17), and young (18-35) characters, and older (above 36) including middle-aged (36-50), and old (above 50) characters. According to the data,

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50 54.3% of men were classified as young (Table 4-7). When examining specific age group, men were just as likely to be portrayed as middle-aged (40.0%) or as young (39.4%). With regard to female primary characters, young women under 35 years old (nearly 80%) appeared most frequently, while women above 36 (about 20%) were less found in commercials. More than 60% of female characters were of age 18-35, and only about 1% of them were very young children. A significant difference was found between young and older age groups ( 2 =32.59, p<.01) in the frequency of male and female primary characters. Men (45.7%) were more likely than women (20.1%) to be portrayed as older, while women (79.9%) were more often than men (54.3%) to be appeared as young. As to specific gender group, a chi-square test found a significant difference between men and women ( 2 =53.548, p<.01). In general, men were more likely than women to shown as middle-agers (40.0%) or children (6.6%), while women were more often portrayed as young people (64.4%) or teens (14.4%). Table 4-7. Age by Gender Male Female Total N % N % N % Under 35 (young) 190 54.3 139 79.9 329 62.8 Above 36 (older) 160 45.7 35 20.1 195 37.2 Total a 350 100 174 100 524 100 Under 11 (children) 23 6.6 2 1.1 25 4.7. 12-17 (teens) 29 8.3 25 14.4 54 10.3 18-35 (young) 138 39.4 112 64.4 250 47.7 36-50 (middle-aged) 140 40.0 23 13.2 163 31.1 Above 50 (old) 20 5.7 12 6.9 32 6.1 Total b 350 100 174 100 524 100 a 2 =32.59, df=1, p<.01 b 2 =53.548, df=4, p<.01 Social role There was a significant difference between men and women with respect to social

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51 roles ( 2 =29.576, p<.01). As shown in Table 4-8, men appeared most often in working situations and interacted with other characters like occupational partners (43.3%) than present in family roles (29.5%) or with friends (21.2%), and romantic partners (6.0%). Women were most often portrayed as family roles (47.2%), followed by occupational roles (18.9%), romantic partners (17.9%), and friends (16.0%). Obviously, men were more associated with occupational roles, while women were more associated with family roles. This is consistent with the common stereotypes of gender-role portrayals, i.e. men work outside and women stay at home to take care of families and household duties. Further comparison of men and women regarding other social roles suggested that men were more often involved in friendship, while women were more frequently shown in romantic relations. Table 4-8. Social Role by Gender Male Female Total N % N % N % Family roles 64 29.5 50 47.2 114 35.3 Friends 46 21.2 17 16.0 63 19.5 Romantic partners 13 6.0 19 17.9 32 9.9 Occupational roles 94 43.3 20 18.9 114 35.3 Total 217 100 106 100 323 100 2 =29.576, df=3, p<.01 Family role Table 4-9 indicated that men (32.4%) were shown as children/grandchildren more often than spouses (29.4%), parents/grandparents (22.1%), and others such as brothers (16.2%). Women usually appeared in commercials as spouses (37.7%), followed by parents/grandparents (34.0%), children/grandchildren (15.1%), and others (13.2%) such as sisters. Comparing men and women with respect to family role, women were more often depicted as spouses (37.7%) and parents/grandparents (34.0%) than men were, while men

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52 appeared more often as children/grandchildren (32.4%) and others (16.2%). However, no significant difference was found in this regard. Table 4-9. Family Roles by Gender Male Female Total N % N % N % Spouses 20 29.4 20 37.7 40 33.1 Parents/grandparents 15 22.1 18 34.0 33 27.3 Children/grandchildren 22 32.4 8 15.1 30 24.8 Others 11 16.2 7 13.2 18 14.9 Total 68 100 53 100 121 100 2 =5.927, df=3, n.s. Occupation Table 4-10 showed a significant difference between gender and occupation ( 2 =66.038, p<.01). According to the data, male primary characters usually appeared as technicians and associate professionals (29%), legislators/govt administrators/ business executives and managers (22.5%), and professionals (15.4%); women most often appeared as homemakers (24.1%), followed by professionals (22.4%), technicians and associate professionals (19%), and service workers/shop and market sales workers (19%). Comparing gender with occupation, women (22.4%) were more often than men (15.4%) portrayed as professionals in commercials. Except for professional roles, the finding, in general, is in line with traditional gender stereotypes. For example, men were usually shown in doing manly jobs such as governors, CEOs, farmers, and porters, but seldom shown in typical female occupations such as homemakers, and clerks. In contrast, women were very likely to be full-time housewives, service workers, or clerks, but rarely present in managerial positions or labor-concentrated occupations. Basis for credibility According to Table 4-11, more than 50% of male and female primary characters were portrayed as product users. However, when comparing men and women in regard to

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53 product related role, males (46.4%) were more likely than females (30.7%) to be shown as authorities for their advertised products. In contrast, women appeared more often than men as product users (65.7%). A significant difference between men and women associated with their product related roles in commercials was found ( 2 =9.416, p<.01). Table 4-10. Occupation by Gender Male Female Total N % N % N % Legislators/gov't administrators/ business executives and managers 38 22.5 1 1.7 39 17.2 Professionals 26 15.4 13 22.4 39 17.2 Technicians and associate professionals 49 29.0 11 19.0 60 26.4 Clerks 1 .6 2 3.4 3 1.3 Service workers/shop and market sales workers 18 10.7 11 19.0 29 12.8 Agricultural/animal husbandry/ forestry and fishing workers 7 4.1 --7 3.1 Production related workers/ plant and machine operators and workers 12 7.1 --12 5.3 Homemakers/housewives/ househusbands --14 24.1 14 6.2 Students 18 10.7 6 10.3 24 10.6 Total 169 100 58 100 227 100 2 =66.038, df=8, p<.01 Table 4-11. Product Related Role by Gender Male Female Total N % N % N % Authorities/ Spokespersons for the product 123 46.4 42 30.7 165 41.0 Product users 136 51.3 90 65.7 226 56.2 Decorative roles/Models 6 2.3 5 3.6 11 2.7 Total 265 100 137 100 402 100 2 =9.416 df=3 p<.01 As to the credible role of the primary character, it could be separated into 9 types: celebrity, expert, company representative, personal experience, apparent celebrity, apparent expert, apparent company representative, apparent personal experience, and unreal people. Apparent personal experience (72.4%) and real-life celebrities (12.5%) were the most often appeared credible roles in commercials, regardless of gender (Table

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54 4-12). Although no significant difference between men and women in regard to credible role exists, it is noteworthy that men monopolized the credible role as experts (100%). To facilitate further analysis, the 9 categories were condensed to 2 major groups. Real experience meant that characters were real-life people who had real experience with the advertised product, including real celebrity, real expert, real company representative, and real personal experience. On the contrary, unreal experience was defined as characters who were actors and made to appear as real-life people, for instance, apparent celebrity, apparent expert, apparent company representative, apparent personal experience, and unreal people. More than 80% of the credible roles for both male and female primary characters were based on unreal experience, in other words, performed by actors. However, there was no significant difference found in this regard. Table 4-12. Credible Roles by Gender Male Female Total N % N % N % Real experience 48 18.2 18 14.1 66 16.8 Unreal experience 216 81.8 110 85.9 326 83.2 Total a 264 100 128 100 392 100 Celebrity 33 12.5 16 12.5 49 12.5 Expert 4 1.5 --4 1.0 Company representative 3 1.1 1 .8 4 1.0 Personal experience 8 3.0 1 .8 9 2.3 Apparent celebrity 9 3.4 2 1.6 11 2.8 Apparent expert 2 .8 1 .8 3 1.0 Apparent company representative 13 4.9 3 2.3 16 4.1 Apparent personal experience 182 68.9 102 79.7 284 72.4 Unreal people 10 3.8 2 .5 12 3.1 Total b 264 100 128 100 392 100 a 2 =1.045, df=1, n.s. b 2 =9.169 df=8, n.s. Information role A statistically significant difference was found between gender and information roles ( 2 =5.491, p<.05). As can be seen in Table 4-13, the majority of primary

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55 characters with obvious information roles, 65.4% of men and 82.1% of women, were portrayed as information givers. However, when comparing men and women with respect to information roles, men (34.6%) showed higher presence than women (17.9%) as information receivers (34.6%); women (82.1%) were more likely to be present as information givers. Table 4-13. Information Roles by Gender Male Female Total N % N % N % Information giver 102 65.4 46 82.1 148 69.8 Information receiver 54 34.6 10 17.9 64 30.2 Total 156 100 56 100 212 100 2 =5.491, df=1, p<.05 Setting As shown in Table 4-14, men were more often present in public places (42.6%) and business office settings (17.4%) and least likely in the kitchen (1.3%), indoors away from home (2.6%), and in a school setting (2.9%). Women were also most likely to be shown in public places (35.8%), followed by other places inside the house such as bedrooms and bathrooms (12.2%), and combination settings (10.1%) such as between home and business office. In addition, women were seldom present in school (1.4%) or outdoors (2.7%) settings. Comparing men and women in regard to settings, a significant difference between male and female primary characters was found. For example, men (17.4%) showed a higher presence than women (8.8%) in business settings. The data were then recoded to 2 categorieshome settings, including kitchen, dining/living room, other places inside the house, indoors away from home, and away settings, including public places, riding inside transportation, business office, school, and outdoors. The finding indicated that more than 70% of primary characters were mainly shown in away settings such as streets, restaurants, stores, or outdoors, regardless of

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56 gender. A significant association was found between these two settings and gender ( 2 =25.463, p<.01). Men (77.4%) more often appeared in away settings than women did (62.4%), while women (37.6%) were more likely to be shown in home settings. Table 4-14. Settings by Gender Male Female Total N % N % N % Home settings 65 20.6 49 35 114 25.1 Away settings 250 70.4 91 65 341 74.9 Total a 315 100 140 100 425 100 Kitchen 4 1.3 10 6.8 14 3.1 Dining room/living room 28 9.0 13 8.8 41 9.0 Other places inside the house 26 8.4 18 12.2 44 9.6 Indoors away from home 8 2.6 9 6.1 17 3.7 Public places 132 42.6 53 35.8 185 40.4 Riding inside transportation 18 5.8 11 7.4 29 6.3 Business office/environment 54 17.4 13 8.8 67 14.6 School 9 2.9 2 1.4 11 2.4 Outdoors 13 4.2 4 2.7 17 3.7 Combination settings 18 5.8 15 10.1 33 7.2 Total b 310 100 148 100 458 100 a 2 =10.651 df=1 p<.01 b 2 =25.463, df=9, p<.01 Product type As to product type, male primary characters were most frequently shown in association with financial services (11.2%), others (11.2%), and communication services (10.1%), while least with household appliances (2.8%) and personal items (2.5%). In contrast, female primary characters were most likely to be associated with personal items (14.8%), household appliances (11.4%), food (10.2%), and beverages (10.2%), but seldom present in commercials for annual best of the show (.6%), public services (2.8%), and automotives (2.8%). A chi-square test showed that there was a significant difference between men and women regarding product type ( 2 =64.300, p<.01). Table 4-15 clearly indicated that men were more likely than women to be shown as primary characters in most product categories, e.g. annual best of the show (3.1%), public service

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57 (8.7%), automotives (8.1%), and industry image (9.0%). However, women were more often than men to appear in commercials for personal items (14.8%), household appliances (11.4%), food (10.2%), beverages (10.2%), and culture and education (4.5%). Table 4-15. Product Type by Gender Male Female Total N % N % N % Consumed in home products 47 19.3 64 43.5 111 28.5 Consumed out of home products 90 37.0 31 21.1 121 31.0 Consumed both in and out of home products 106 43.6 52 35.4 158 40.5 Total a 243 100 147 100 390 100 Annual best of the show 11 3.1 1 .6 12 2.3 Public service 31 8.7 5 2.8 36 6.8 Industry image 32 9.0 7 4.0 39 7.3 Electric appliances 28 7.8 10 5.7 38 7.1 Automotives 29 8.1 5 2.8 34 6.4 Food 28 7.8 18 10.2 46 8.6 Beverages (alcohol and non -alcohol) 31 8.7 18 10.2 49 9.2 Household appliances 10 2.8 20 11.4 30 5.6 Personal items 9 2.5 26 14.8 35 6.6 Communication services 36 10.1 16 9.1 52 9.8 Culture and education 11 3.1 8 4.5 19 3.6 Financial services 40 11.2 17 9.7 57 10.7 Retail services 21 5.9 9 5.1 30 5.6 Others 40 11.2 16 9.1 56 10.5 Total b 357 100 176 100 533 100 a 2 =27.887 df=2 p<.01 b 2 =64.300 df=13 p<.01 Based on Bretl and Cantors (1988) suggestion, the data were combined into three categories. Consumed in home products were those used mainly at home, including food, household appliances, and personal items. Consumed out of home products were those usually used in places other than home, including automotives, financial services, and retail services. Some products, which could be used both at home and elsewhere, were considered as consumed both in and out of home products, including electric appliances, beverages, communication services, and culture and education. The remaining product categories such as annual best of the show, public service, industry image, and others

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58 such as real estate and E-Commerce, were excluded for lacking obvious product characteristics. A significant difference between male and female primary characters with respect to product type was found ( 2 =27.887, p<.01). As can been seen in Table 4-15, men were present in commercials for consumed both in and out of home products most often (43.6%), followed by consumed out of home products (37.0%), and then consumed in home products (19.3%). Women (43.5%) were most likely to be associated with consumed in home products, followed by consumed both in and out of home product (35.4%), and consumed out of home products (21.1%). Generally speaking, women were more associated with consumed in home products, while men were more associated with consumed out of home as well as consumed both in and out of home products. This finding is highly consistent with previous studies (Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Dominick & Rauch, 1972). Gender of announcers As to gender of announcers, a strong preference to use male announcers was found in this study, no matter what function the male announcers played in commercials. Five statistical chi-square tests, as can be seen in Table 4-16, revealed some significant differences between gender of primary character and gender of announcers. In general, men dominated women as announcers in most commercials, e.g. men accounted for 63.2% of jingle announcers, 70.6% of voice-over announcers, and about 80% of tagline, slogan and sign-off announcers. However, in female-leading commercials, female announcers were used more frequently. For example, in commercials featuring female characters, 52% of voice-overs were announced by women, and 64.3% of jingles were

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59 sung by women. In addition, no association between female tagline announcers and male primary characters was found. Table 4-16. Gender of Voice-Over, Jingle, Tagline, Slogan, and Sign-Off by Gender Male Female Total N % N % N % Male voice-over 101 84.9 36 48.0 137 70.6 Female voice-over 18 15.1 39 52.0 57 29.4 Total a 119 100 75 100 194 100 Male jingle 19 79.2 5 35.7 24 63.2 Female jingle 5 20.8 9 64.3 14 36.8 Total b 24 100 14 100 38 100 Male tagline 13 100 2 33.3 15 78.9 Female tagline --4 66.7 4 21.1 Total c 13 100 6 100 19 100 Male slogan 222 94.5 91 64.1 313 83.0 Female slogan 13 5.5 51 35.9 64 17.0 Total d 235 100 142 100 377 100 Male sign-off 69 93.2 30 63.8 99 81.8 Female sign-off 5 6.8 17 36.2 22 18.2 Total e 74 100 47 100 121 100 a 2 =30.148, df=1, p<.01; b 2 =7.175, df=1, p<.01; c 2 =10.978, df=1, p<.01; d 2 =57.976, df=1, p<.01; e 2 =16.717, df=1, p<.01 RQ5: According to Pingrees scale for sexism, what is the consciousness scale of sexism in Times Advertising Award-Winning television commercials? Consciousness Scale for Sexism This study used Pingree, Hawkins, Butler, and Paisleys (1976) five-level exploratory model to examine the consciousness scale for both women and men among Times Advertising Award-winning commercials from 1997 to 2002. In this study, the determinants of which level the primary character belonged to might be his/her social role, occupational role, interactions with other characters in the commercial (equal/ unequal), personal identity (independent/dependent, masculine/feminine), and other obvious gender role portrayals. In brief, the five levels can be defined as following: Level I: Decorative roles. Put her down vs. put him up. Level II: Traditional gender roles. Keep her/him in her/his place. Level III: Double roles. Give her/him two places.

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60 Level IV: Women and men are fully equal. Level V: Women and men are individuals. As shown in Table 4-17, there was a significant difference between men and women with regard to the consciousness scale of sexism ( 2 =22.512, p<.01). According to the data, nearly 60% of the interactions between male primary characters with other characters in Times Advertising Award-winning commercials were considered as Level II, about 25% were Level IV, and less than 3% were Level V. For commercials featuring female primary characters, more than 40% of commercials were classified as Level II, and nearly 30% were considered as Level IV. In addition, women were least present as Level III gender-role type in commercials. Table 4-17. Consciousness Scale of Sexism by Gender Male Female Total N % N % N % Level I 25 9.3 16 10.9 41 9.9 Level II 158 59.0 64 43.5 222 53.5 Level III 12 4.5 6 4.1 18 4.3 Level IV 66 24.6 41 27.9 107 25.8 Level V 7 2.6 20 13.6 27 6.5 Total 268 100 147 100 415 100 2 =22.512, df=4, p<.01 Generally speaking, both men and women were portrayed more often as Level II type, namely, traditional gender-role expectations such as men were depicted as professional businessmen and women were seen doing womanly activities at home or outside their houses. However, there were some noteworthy differences between men and women in association with the consciousness scale for sexism. 1) Men (59.0%) were present more often than women (43.5%) in traditional roles, Level II. 2) Women were more often portrayed equally (27.9%), as Level IV, and even superior (13.6%), as Level V, to their male counterparts. 3) Men were more likely than women to be portrayed as Level II, and III models. Women were more often than men present in Level I, IV, and V,

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61 especially in the most non-stereotypical level, Level V. Furthermore, women were more likely than men to be portrayed non-stereotypically in commercials. Summary of the Main Portrayals of Men and Women in Times Advertising Award-Winning Commercials In summation, the main findings regarding the portrayals of men and women in Times Advertising Award from 1997 to 2002 were tabulated and shown below. In most cases, the differences between men and women were statistically significant (p<.05). Table 4-18. Comparisons between Men and Women Male Comparison Female 2 Ethnicity Easterns = Easterns .000 Speaking > Speaking 9.531** Language Chinese < Chinese 7.306 Young (under 35) < Young (under 35) 32.59** Age Middle Aged (36-50) Young (18-35) 53.548** Social role Occupational role Family role 29.576** Family role Children/grandchildren Spouse 5.927 Occupation Technicians and associate professionals Homemakers/housewives 66.038** Product related role Product users < Product users 9.416** Unreal experience < Unreal experience 1.045 Credible role Apparent personal experience < Apparent personal experience 9.169 Information role Information giver < Information giver 5.491* Away settings > Away settings 10.651** Setting Public places > Public places 25.463** Scale for sexism Level II > Level II 22.512** Consumed both in and out of home products Consumed in home products 27.887** Advertised product Financial services or others Personal items 64.300** Gender of voice-over Male Female 30.148** Gender of jingle Male Female 7.175** Gender of tagline Male Female 10.978** Gender of slogan Male > Male 57.976** Gender of sign-off Male > Male 16.717** **p<.01; *p<.05 Inferential Results of the Sample RQ4: What do the findings imply about gender-role portrayals in Taiwans television commercials by product types? In order to examine the correlations between gender and product type in regard to each of the above-mentioned variables, the current study applied Bretl and Cantors

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62 (1988) model, which generalized product types into three types: home products (hereinafter called consumed in home products which were mainly used in home, including food, household appliances, and personal items), away products (hereinafter called consumed out of home products which were mainly used outside the house, including automotives, financial services, and retail services), and both home and away products (hereinafter called consumed both in and out of home products which could be used either inside or outside the house, including electric appliances, beverages, communication services, and culture and education). The remaining product categories such as annual best of the show, public service, industry image, and others, were excluded from this study, considering there were no obvious product characteristics shown in these commercials. Consumed in Home Products As can be seen in Table 4-19, there was a significant difference between gender and language in consumed in home product commercials ( 2 =14.873, p<.01). More than 70% of male primary characters were shown speaking at least one line in commercials, while the majority of female primary characters (62.5%) were present as non-speaking figures. Based on the data, men (74.5%) were more likely than women (37.5%) to speak in consumed in home product commercials. On the Contrary, female primary characters (62.5%) were more often portrayed as non-speaking figures than men (25.5%) were. Table 4-20 indicated a significant difference between gender and age in consumed in home product commercials ( 2 =29.055, p<.01; 2 =13.892, p<.01). Both male (60.9%) and female (90.6%) primary characters most often showed as young figures

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63 (under 35 years old). Most female primary characters (90.6%) were shown as young, outnumbering male primary characters (60.9%). Men (39.1%) were more often than women (9.4%) present as older characters (above 36). However, with respect to specific age groups, the findings showed that men were as likely to be portrayed as young (37.0%) or middle-aged (34.8%), while women were usually shown as young (79.7%). When comparing men and women in this regard, men outnumbered women appearing as children (10.9%), teens (13.0%), or middle-aged (34.8%). Women (79.7%) were present more often than men (37.0%) as young people, and slightly outnumbered men (4.3%) as elders. Table 4-19. Language by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Speaking 35 74.5 24 37.5 59 53.2 Non-speaking 12 25.5 40 62.5 52 46.8 Total 47 100 64 100 111 100 2 =14.873, df=1, p<.01 Table 4-20. Age by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Under 35 (young) 28 60.9 58 90.6 86 78.2 Above 36 (older) 18 39.1 6 9.4 24 21.8 Total a 46 100 64 100 110 100 Under 11 (children) 5 10.9 1 1.6 6 5.5 12-17 (teens) 6 13.0 6 9.4 12 10.9 18-35 (young) 17 37.0 51 79.7 68 61.8 36-50 (middle-aged) 16 34.8 2 3.1 18 16.4 Above 50 (old) 2 4.3 4 6.3 6 5.5 Total b 46 100 64 100 110 100 a 2 =29.055, df=1, p<.01 b 2 =13.892, df=4, p<.01 As can be seen in Table 4-21, the findings showed significant associations between gender of primary characters and gender of announcers in consumed in home product commercials. Generally speaking, men dominated women as narrators for voice-over, slogan, and sign-off. In male-leading commercials, men outnumbered women narrating

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64 voice-over, slogan, sign-off, and singing jingles. On the other hand, the only item that women dominated men was singing jingles in female-dominant commercials. Table 4-21. Voice-Over, Jingle, Slogan, and Sign-Off by Gender of Primary Characters in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Male voice-over 13 100 19 52.8 32 65.3 Female voice-over --17 47.2 17 34.7 Total a 13 100 36 100 49 100 Male jingle 6 75.0 --6 40.0 Female jingle 2 25.0 7 100 9 60.0 Total b 8 100 7 100 15 100 Male slogan 34 91.9 33 61.1 67 73.6 Female slogan 3 8.1 21 38.9 24 26.4 Total c 37 100 53 100 91 100 Male sign-off 12 100 13 52.0 25 67.6 Female sign-off --12 48.0 12 32.4 Total d 12 100 25 100 37 100 a 2 =9.400, df=1, p<.01; b 2 =8.750, df=1, p<.01 c 2 =10.713, df=1, p<.01; d 2 =8.525, df=1, p<.01 Table 4-22. Consciousness Scale of Sexism by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Level I 2 5.6 9 17.0 11 12.4 Level II 15 41.7 19 35.8 34 38.2 Level III 4 11.1 1 1.9 5 5.6 Level IV 13 36.1 11 20.8 24 27.0 Level V 2 5.6 13 24.5 15 16.9 Total 36 100 53 100 89 100 2 =12.155, df=4, p<.05 As Table 4-22 suggested, there was a significant difference between gender and the Consciousness Scale of Sexism in consumed in home product commercials ( 2 =12.155, p<.05). Both male and female primary characters were more often portrayed as Level II, traditional gender roles. Nearly 80% of male primary characters were shown as Level II (41.7%) and Level IV (36.1%) gender-role types, while female primary characters were most often seen as Level II (35.8%), followed by Level V (24.5%), Level IV (20.8%), and Level I (17.0%) gender-role types. Interestingly, women dominated in Level I and

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65 Level V, the opposite levels of the sexism scale, while men outnumbered women in presence in Level II, Level III, and Level IV types. Consumed out of Home Products As shown in Table 4-23, there was a significant correlation between male and female primary character with regard to age in consumed out of home product commercials ( 2 =5.395, p<.05). In general, both male (57.1%) and female (80.6%) primary characters were usually present as young figures (under 35) in consumed out of home product commercials. Men (42.9%) were more likely to appear as older people (above 36 years old) then women (19.4%) were. Women (80.6%) were more often than men to be shown as young figures (57.1%). Table 4-23. Age by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Under 35 (young) 48 57.1 25 80.6 73 63.5 Above 36 (old) 36 42.9 6 19.4 42 36.5 Total 84 100 31 100 115 100 2 =5.395, df=1, p<.05 Table 4-24 showed a significant difference between men and women in regard to social roles in consumed out of home product commercials ( 2 =9.303, p<.05). Based on the findings, men were most often shown in occupational roles (45.5%), followed by family roles (27.3%), friends (18.2%), and romantic partners (9.1%). Women were most likely to appear in family roles (52.4%), then occupational roles (28.6%), and as romantic partners (19.0%). However, there was no female primary present as friends in consumed out of home product commercials. When comparing men with women, it was found that men outnumbered women appearing in occupational roles and as friends, but women dominated men in family roles and romantic roles.

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66 Table 4-24. Social Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed out of Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Family roles 18 27.3 11 52.4 29 33.3 Friends 12 18.2 --12 13.8 Romantic partners 6 9.1 4 19.0 10 11.5 Occupational roles 30 45.5 6 28.6 36 41.4 Total 66 100 21 100 87 100 2 =9.303, df=3, p<.05 The findings on Table 4-25 suggested a significant difference between gender and occupation in consumed out of home product commercials ( 2 =13.432, p<.05). Men were usually shown in managerial occupations (28.9%), as technicians and associate professionals (21.1%) or service workers (21.1%), but never shown as clerks in consumed out of home product commercials. Women were only shown in three types of occupations: Half of them were shown as professionals (50.0%) and the other half was disproportionally divided between service workers (33.3%) and clerks (16.7%). In general, men were more likely than women portrayed in managerial roles, as technicians and associate professionals, and as production related workers; women were more often than men to be depicted as professionals, service workers, and clerks. Neither male nor female primary characters were depicted as agricultural/animal husbandry/forestry and fishing workers, homemakers, or students in consumed out of home product commercials. Table 4-26 showed a significant difference between gender and product related role in consumed out of home product commercials ( 2 =6.100, p<.05). Although both male (57.6%) and female (86.4%) primary characters were most often depicted as product users, some significant differences between men and women were found. For example, men were more likely than women to be shown as authorities or decorative models in consumed out of home product commercials, while women were more often present as product users. In addition, no woman was found to appear as decorative models in

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67 consumed out of home product commercials. Table 4-25. Occupation by Gender in Commercials for Consumed out of Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Legislators/gov't administrators/ business executives an d Managers 11 28.9 --11 25.0 Professionals 6 15.8 3 50.0 9 20.5 Technicians and associate Professionals 8 21.1 --8 18.2 Clerks --1 16.7 1 2.3 Service workers/shop and marke t sales workers 8 21.1 2 33.3 10 22.7 Production related workers/ plant and machine operators and workers 5 13.2 --5 11.4 Total 38 100 6 100 44 100 2 =13.432, df=5, p<.05 Table 4-26. Product Related Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed out of Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Authorities/ Spokespersons for the product 26 39.4 3 13.6 29 33.0 Product users 38 57.6 19 86.4 57 64.8 Decorative roles/Models 2 3.0 --2 2.3 Total 66 100 22 100 88 100 2 =6.100, df=2, p<.05 Table 4-27. Gender of Tagline and Slogan by Gender of Primary Characters in Commercials for Consumed out of Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Male tagline 7 100 --7 77.8 Female tagline --2 100 2 22.2 Total a 7 100 2 100 9 100 Male slogan 63 95.5 21 80.8 84 91.3 Female slogan 3 4.5 5 19.2 8 8.7 Total b 66 100 26 100 92 100 a 2 =9.000, df=1, p<.05 b 2 =5.066, df=1, p<.05 As can be seen in Table 4-27, some significant differences between male and female primary characters in regard to gender of tagline and slogan announcers in consumed out of home product commercials were found ( 2 =9.000, p<.05; 2 =5.066,

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68 p<.05). Generally speaking, there was a strong tendency to use male voices as tagline and slogan narrators. The only exception that taglines were mainly narrated by women was found in commercials featuring female central characters. Consumed both in and out of Home Products Table 4-28 showed a significant difference between gender and age in consumed both in and out of home product commercials, respectively ( 2 =7.832, p<.01; 2 =13.105, p<.05). Most primary characters, regardless of gender, were shown as young figures. However, men (45.3%) were more often than women (22.0%) shown as older persons. Women (78.0%) were present more often as young than men (54.7%). When examining specific age group, more than 70% of men were coded between 36-50 (38.7%) or between 18-35 (35.8%) years of age. More than 70% of women were either between 18-35 (52.0%) or 12-17 (24.0%). Not surprisingly, female primary characters were more likely than their male counterparts present as young people and teens. In contrast, male primary characters were more often present as middle-aged or elder figures than female primary characters were. Moreover, men (7.5%) also outnumbered women (2.0%) when appearing as children. Table 4-28. Age by Gender in Commercials of Consumed both in and out for Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Under 35 (young) 58 54.7 39 78.0 97 62.2 Above 36 (older) 48 45.3 11 22.0 59 37.8 Total a 106 100 50 100 156 100 Under 11 (children) 8 7.5 1 2.0 9 5.8 12-17 (teens) 12 11.3 12 24.0 24 15.4 18-35 (young) 38 35.8 26 52.0 64 41.0 36-50 (middle-aged) 41 38.7 8 16.0 49 31.4 Above 50 (old) 7 6.6 3 6.0 10 6.4 Total b 106 100 50 100 156 100 a 2 =7.832, df=1, p<.01 b 2 =13.105, df=4, p<.05

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69 Table 4-29 indicated a significant difference between gender and social role in consumed both in and out of home product commercials ( 2 =17.442, p<.01). Men were most often depicted in occupational roles (41.0%), followed by family roles (31.1%), and with friends (26.2%). Men were seldom shown as romantic partners (1.6%). Women were most frequently present in family roles (50.0%), then as romantic partners (20.6%), with friends (14.7%) and as occupational partners (14.7%). As to social role, it was found that men were more often portrayed in occupational roles and with friends, while women were often present in family roles and as romantic partners. Table 4-29. Social Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Family roles 19 31.1 17 50.0 36 37.9 Friends 16 26.2 5 14.7 21 22.1 Romantic partners 1 1.6 7 20.6 8 8.4 Occupational roles 25 41.0 5 14.7 30 31.6 Total 61 100 34 100 95 100 2 =17.442, df=3, p<.01 Table 4-30 showed a significant difference between men and women in regard to occupation in consumed both in and out of home product commercials ( 2 =23.712, p<.01). Men were most often portrayed as technicians and associate professionals (32.1%), followed by professionals (22.6%), and students (17.0%). In contrast, women were more likely to appear as housewives (35.3%), technicians and associate professionals (29.4%), professionals (11.8%) and service workers (11.8%). General speaking, men outnumbered women in most occupation categories, except for service workers and homemakers. Neither men nor women were shown as clerks in consumed both in and out of home product commercials.

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70 Table 4-30. Occupation by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Legislators/gov't administrators/ business executives and managers 5 9.4 1 5.9 6 8.6 Professionals 12 22.6 2 11.8 14 20.0 Technicians and associate professionals 17 32.1 5 29.4 22 31.4 Service workers/shop and market sales workers 3 5.7 2 11.8 5 7.1 Agricultural/animal husbandry/ forestry and fishing workers 4 7.5 --4 5.7 Production related workers/ plant and machine operators and workers 3 5.7 --3 4.3 Homemakers/housewives/ househusbands --6 35.3 6 8.6 Students 9 17.0 1 5.9 10 14.3 Total 53 100 17 100 70 100 2 =23.712, df=7, p<.01 Table 4-31 indicated a significant difference between gender and information role in consumed both in and out of home commercials ( 2 =5.948, p<.05). Although both men and women were usually portrayed as information givers in consumed both in and out of home product commercials, men (38.5%) were more likely than women (6.3%) to appear as information receivers. It is noteworthy that more than 90% of female primary characters (93.8%) were shown as information givers, outnumbering their male counterparts (61.5%). Table 4-31. Information Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Information giver 32 61.5 15 93.8 47 69.1 Information receiver 20 38.5 1 6.3 21 30.9 Total 52 100 16 100 68 100 2 =5.948, df=1, p<.05 Table 4-32 revealed a significant difference between male and female primary characters with regard to settings in consumed both in and out of home commercials ( 2

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71 =13.988, p<.01; 2 =30.079, p<.01). According to the data, 74.2% of men and 40.9% of women were shown in away settings, while 25.8% of men and 59.1% of women appeared in home settings. As to specific setting, both men (35.9%) and women (26.1%) were most often shown in public places. In addition to public places, men were usually seen in business settings (19.6%) and dining/living room (17.4%), but seldom appeared in the kitchen (1.1%). Women were often seen in dining/living room (19.6%), kitchen (15.2%), and other places inside the house (15.2%). Generally speaking, men dominated womens presence present in most away settings, except for riding inside transportation. In contrast, women outnumbered men appearing in all home settings, including kitchen, dining/living room, other places inside the house e.g. bedroom and bathroom, indoors away from home, combination settings, and in one away settingriding inside transportation. Table 4-32. Setting by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Home settings 23 25.8 26 59.1 49 36.8 Away settings 66 74.2 18 40.9 84 63.2 Total a 89 100 44 100 133 100 Kitchen 1 1.1 7 15.2 8 5.8 Dining room/living room 16 17.4 9 19.6 25 18.1 Other places inside the house 3 3.3 7 15.2 10 7.2 Indoors away from home 3 3.3 3 6.5 6 4.3 Public places 33 35.9 12 26.1 45 32.6 Riding inside transportation 4 4.3 4 8.7 8 5.8 Business office/environment 18 19.6 1 2.2 19 13.8 School 4 4.3 1 2.2 5 3.6 Outdoors 7 7.6 --7 5.1 Combination settings 3 3.3 2 4.3 5 3.6 Total b 92 100 46 100 138 100 a 2 =13.988, df=1 p<.01 b 2 =30.079, df=9 p<.01 Table 4-33 showed that men were more often than women to narrate voice-overs and slogans in consumed both in and out of home product commercials, especially when male primary characters were present. Nevertheless, women (75%) outnumbered men

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72 (25%) as voice-over announcers in female leading commercials. These differences between gender of primary characters and gender of announcers were statistically significant ( 2 =27.903, p<.01; 2 =26.075, p<.01). Table 4-33. Gender of Voice-Over and Slogan by Gender of Primary Characters in Commercials for Consumed both in and out Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Male voice-over 31 96.9 4 25.0 35 72.9 Female voice-over 1 3.1 12 75.0 13 27.1 Total a 32 100 16 100 48 100 Male slogan 72 96.0 24 58.5 96 82.8 Female slogan 3 4.0 17 41.5 20 17.2 Total b 75 100 41 100 116 100 a 2 =27.903, df=1, p<.01 b 2 =26.075, df=1, p<.01 Table 4-34. The Consciousness Scale of Sexism by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of Home Products Male Female Total N % N % N % Level I 9 11.7 1 2.5 10 8.5 Level II 46 59.7 21 52.5 67 57.3 Level III 5 6.5 2 5.0 7 6.0 Level IV 16 20.8 11 27.5 27 23.1 Level V 1 1.3 5 12.5 6 5.1 Total 77 100 40 100 117 100 2 =9.895, df=4, p<.05 As Table 4-34 indicated, there was a significant difference between men and women with respect to the Consciousness Scale of Sexism in consumed both in and out of home product commercials ( 2 =9.895, p<.05). About 80% of male and female primary characters were portrayed either as Level II, traditional gender roles, or as Level IV, equal gender roles. However, men (59.7%) were more often than women (52.5%) to be present as Level II type, while women (27.5%) were more likely than men (20.8%) to appear as Level IV type. Moreover, men (11.7%) were also more frequently than women (2.5%) shown in consumed both in and out of home product commercials as Level I type, e.g. men were appeared as unnecessarily attractive/masculine sex objects. In contrast,

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73 women (12.5%) were much more likely than men (1.3%) to be portrayed as Level V type such as a superior woman. In Level III type, double roles/duties, male primary characters (6.5%) slightly outnumbered female primary characters (5.0%). Summary of the Main Portrayals of Men and Women in Times Advertising Award-Winning Commercials by Product Types Some significant differences between gender of primary characters and product types in Taiwans Times Advertising Award winners from 1997 to 2002 were found and tabulated below (p<.05). Table 4-35. Comparisons between Men and Women by Product Type Male Comparison Female 2 Language Speaking > Non-Speaking 14.873** Young (under 35) < Young (under 35) 29.055** Age Young (18-35) < Young (18-35) 13.892** Gender of voice-over Male > Male 9.400** Gender of jingle Male Female 8.750** Gender of slogan Male > Male 10.713** Gender of sign-off Male > Male 8.525** In home Sexism Scale Level II > Level II 12.155* Age Young (under 35) < Young (under 35) 5.395* Social role Occupational role Family role 9.303* Occupation Legislators/Business executives Professionals 13.432* Product related role Product users < Product users 6.100* Gender of tagline Male Female 9.000* Out of home Gender of slogan Male > Male 5.066* Young (under 35) < Young (under 35) 7.832** ABoth in and out of home ge Middle aged (36-50) Young (18-35) 13.105* Social role Occupational role Family role 17.442** Occupation Technicians and associate professionals Homemakers 23.712** Information role Information giver < Information giver 5.948* Away settings Home settings 13.988** Setting Public places > Public places 30.079** Gender of voice-over Male Female 27.903** Gender of slogan Male > Male 26.075** Sexism scale Level II > Level II 9.895* **p<.01; *p<.05

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CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION The purpose of the current study was to gain a better understanding of how men and women were portrayed in Taiwans award-winning commercials. A content analysis based on 608 television commercials from Times Advertising Award winners from 1997 to 2002 was conducted. The main reason for choosing samples from Times Advertising Award was because it is generally viewed as the most highly respected annual advertising award in Taiwan. All commercials of it are professionally judged for their creativity and representativeness of latest social trends. Furthermore, in light of liberal feminist theoretical framework, this study further examined if the unequal gender-role portrayals present in Taiwans television commercials have changed, improved, or remain stereotypical over time. Generally speaking, there are two common research perspectives regarding gender stereotyping in television commercials: pessimistic and optimistic. Pessimistic perspectives: Pessimistic studies suggest that the negative or stereotypical role portrayals of women remain a ubiquitous presence in commercials and are even becoming worse (Gilly 1988; Ganahl, Prinsen, & Netzley, 2003; Lovdal 1989; Maracek et al. 1978). Optimistic perspectives: Optimistic studies conclude that the female role portrayals in commercials have been improved, are more representative of contemporary women, and gradually become more equal to men (Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Schneider & Schneider, 1979; Sullivan & OConnor, 1988). With regard to the gender-role portrayals in Taiwans advertising, most studies show pessimistic perspective. For example, women are often present in commercials as subordinate, traditional, decorative, and sexually objectified. Men are usually depicted as 74

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75 independent, credible, and authoritative (Hu, 1998; Liu, 1997; Wang, 1992; Wang, 1990). However, some studies have different opinions and suggest that gender roles shown in Taiwans commercials have improved and become more non-stereotypical. In Besnahan, Inoue, Liu, and Nishidas (2001) study, they found that an equal number of men and women were present in Taiwans prime-time commercials. Their findings suggested that most characters were present in non-stereotypical roles in combined settings. Similarly, the findings in this study indicate that although men and women, in general, are still portrayed stereotypically, their images as well as relationships shown in Taiwans award-winning commercials have improved. As far as solely male primary characters is concerned, the most likely portrayals of men shown in award-winning commercials are depicted as young or middle-aged Asians who appear in occupational roles such as technician or associate professionals. Males are often shown in away settings, especially in public places, and speak Chinese. If they have obvious family relationships with other characters, males usually appear as either children/grandchildren or spouses. As to credibility, it is common to see male actors giving product related information to other characters in commercials or showing audiences their personal experiences of using those products. Usually, males are more often associated with products consumed out of home such as automotives as well as with those consumed both in and out of home such as financial services. In most commercials featuring male primary characters, male announcers are predominately used. In contrast, female primary characters shown in commercials are very likely to be young Asians present in family roles such as spouses or parents/grandparents in public places and speaking Chinese. If females appear in working conditions with obvious

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76 occupational roles, they tend to work as either full-time housewives or as professionals, such as investment consultants. In addition, women, often actresses, are usually present in consumed in home product commercials as product users and provide product information to others based on their apparent personal experience. In a female-leading commercial, it is common to hear both female and male voices appearing in different parts of the commercial. For instance, female voices are more often used to announce voice-overs, jingles, or taglines, while male voices are more likely to appear delivering slogans or sign-offs. Based on the liberal feminist perspective, this study focused on examining gender differences/similarities between men and women in Taiwan. In Chapter 2, the literature review detailed the social status of men and women in Taiwan from educational, economical, political, and cultural aspects. In general, all evidences point toward one conclusion: Taiwans society has gradually moved from the male-dominant past to a more gender-equal future. However, can one also see these changes reflected in Taiwans commercials? In view of the current findings based on chi-square and cross-tab tests, the study concludes that the portrayals of male and female primary characters in Times Advertising Award-winning commercials significantly differ in several respects (Table 4-18). Some of these differences are consistent with the social transitions, while some remain stereotypical. A summary of the overall current findings is as listed below: Primary characters: Nearly 70% of primary characters are males. Language: Women tend to be visually portrayed without speaking in commercials (supports Furnham & Maks, 1999), especially when they are associated with consumed in home products such as personal items. However, being portrayed in non-speaking roles does not equate to non-activity. Women without speaking roles in commercials are much more likely than men to be portrayed progressively, particularly in home product commercials. Non-speaking male characters are more

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77 likely to be shown as merely non-active attractive decoration, especially in commercials for consumed both in and out home products. Age: Regardless of product category, women were consistently portrayed as young (18-35). In most cases, they appeared younger than their male counterparts in commercials. Social role: Female primary characters present in commercials remain family-oriented, while males are more associated with occupational roles. These differences are statistically significant in commercials for consumed out of home products as well as for consumed both in and out of home products. In addition, men are seldom involved in romantic relationships, especially in consumed both in and out of home product commercial. Only one advertisement for Hey-Songs milk tea and black tea shows a young man and his girl friend happily having these drinks at home in a romantic atmosphere to gain audiences favorable attitudes toward these products. The message I love the feeling in this moment is used to induce a feeling of love by sharing this product with your beloved one among target consumers. Moreover, these results also suggest that women are usually shown in dependent roles and eager to gain approval of families, especially husbands and boyfriends. Men are portrayed as independent and in situations where they are rewarded with social or career advancement (supports the findings of Furnham & Mak, 1999; McArthur & Resko, 1975). Family roles: Consistent with previous studies (Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Courtney, 1983; Yang, 1994), women are usually seen in commercials as spouses or parents/ grandparents. As far as male primary characters are concerned, they are more often shown as children/grandchildren or spouses. Occupation: Two patterns appear from the results of this category. The first pattern shows stereotypical portrayals for men and women in regard to occupations. Men usually appear doing manly jobs, such as government administrators or CEOs. Rarely are males seen in traditional female occupations, such as clerks and homemakers. Women are very likely to be seen as full-time housewives, but seldom present in high-level managerial positions or doing masculine jobs such as machine operators or porters. The second one suggests that women are gradually involved in more diverse occupational roles such as engineers, investment consultants, and artists. The transformation may attribute to the great increase of womens social status as well as buying power, the fruitful results of their persistent striving to occupy positions previously closed to them. Now, it is common to see female primary characters with positive images such as professional, independent, and confident present in commercials for traditionally male-oriented products such as automotives and financial products. And the trend is on the increase. Moreover, when comparing these findings (Table 4-10) with actual census of Taiwans labor force distribution (Table 2-1), it is consistent with the fact that men dominated in most manly occupations while not often appear in womanly occupations such as clerks and service workers. Interestingly, women are equally likely as men to be professionals whether in real-life or in consumed out of home

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78 commercials. However, further examination of the detail distributions of male and female labor force in regard to each occupation, several inconsistencies between gender images in commercials and those in reality are found. For example, Taiwans women in reality are not associated with professional roles so often as those portrayals in commercials. In addition, most men in Taiwan are production-related workers rather than those high-level business executives shown in award-winning commercials. Such inconsistencies indicate a common preference of these award-winners to show career women in a more modern way such as appearing in professional roles to advertise traditionally manly (consumed out of home) products. In contrast, men are more restricted to appear in manly occupations, particularly in managerial roles. Product role: In this regard, male and female primary characters seem to be getting closer in their frequency of presence as product users, apparently different from stereotypical gender portrayals. However, men are still relatively more likely to play authoritative roles, while women tend to be present as product users. These findings are in accordance with international gender studies, such as studies in America by Bretl and Cantor (1988), in Denmark and France by Furnham et al. (1999), and in Mexico by Gilly (1988). Hence, it can be expected soon that the portrayals of men and women regarding product roles in Taiwans award-winning commercials will become fully equal. Information role: In Taiwans awarding winning commercials, women are usually portrayed non-stereotypically in regard to information role. It is common to see the female primary characters giving product related information to other characters instead of passively receiving information from others such as their husbands or boyfriends. In addition, women are relatively more likely than men to appear as information givers, particularly in commercials for communication services. The general depiction is that women enthusiastically share some product-related information such as beneficial plans, free services, and money-saving packages with their friends or customers. This may attribute to the general belief that women are better than men in daily budgeting and acquiring money-saving information. Setting: The findings show two-fold conclusions regarding commercial settings where primary characters are mainly present. On the one hand, the gender gap between men and women has gradually narrowed. Both men and women are usually seen in public places such as streets and restaurants, although women are relatively more often shown in home settings and men are more likely to be present in away settings. On the other hand, women still tend to appear in different kind of home settings, particularly in consumed both in and out of home product commercials. In this regard, kitchen remains the place for women, while business settings and outdoors are mainly for men (Bretl & Cantor, 1998; Wang, 1993). Product type: Similar to previous studies about gender roles in prime-time commercials (Bresnahan, Inoue, Liu, & Nishida, 2001; Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Furnham & Mak, 1999), our findings reveal that women present in award-winning commercials are more likely than men to advertise consumed in home products

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79 (usually low-priced) or feminine products such as personal items, household appliances, and food. Although more female primary characters appear in commercials to advertise different types of products, men still dominate in most consumed out of home or both in and out of home product commercials (usually high-priced). In addition, men are more often portrayed as high-level administrators or business executives to endorse public services or industry images. Such portrayal reflects stereotypical gender-role expectationmen are believed to be more appropriate than women to play authoritative roles. Gender of announcers: The data of this study suggest that the inequity between men and women used as narrators in award-winning commercials is manifest, which is consistent with previous studies (Bresnahan, Inoue, Liu, & Nishida, 2001; Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Furnham & Mak, 1999). There is a strong preference to use male voices to deliver advertising messages, especially in male-dominant commercials. This male-favored fashion is the result of a common belief that male voices are more authoritative and therefore more persuasive than female voices (Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Frith & Barbara, 2003; Liu, 1997; Wang, 1990). However, in some female-leading commercials, women show more presence than man as narrators. For example, singing jingles for consumed in home products, speaking taglines for consumed out of home products, or narrating voice-overs for consumed both in and out of home products. Consciousness Scale of Sexism: According to the findings, both men and women still most often appear in traditional roles, Level II (Liu, 1997; Wang, 1990). However, the general picture of gender-role depictions in award-winning commercials is quite different to those shown during prime time in several aspects. o Men are more likely than women to be portrayed stereotypically (Level I-III). The typical scene is that a well-dressed male character confidently driving the newest car model on the street or competently dealing with his business in a business environment. o Men seldom appear as inferior to women. If they are, the purposes are usually to make audiences laugh. For example, in one car insurance advertisement, the husband is shown as obedient to his bossy wife when she asks for his car insurance card to drive out with friends, even though he doesnt trust his wifes driving skill at all. Then, right after she starts the engine, she crashes the car into the garage. In this case, although the male character seems inferior to his wife in their marriage, he is still portrayed stereotypically in some aspects such as knowing better about cars and reading newspapers. o Unlike men, women are quite often present as Level V type, although most are associated with consumed in home products. The popular portrayal of women in this regard is naughty yet powerful. Women care about how to become more attractive or beautiful for their own joy, rather than pleasing their male counterparts, who are usually placed in

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80 submissive positions in these commercials. Moreover, since love yourself has become an important concept in female-oriented commercials, more and more women are portrayed as modern, self-confident, satisfied with themselves, and having enjoyable lives without being bothered by mens gaze. In one commercial for China Times, the portrayals of gender roles are very progressive. A female real-life legislator, who is well-known for her knowledge and professional ability, was invited to be the spokesperson for China Times and conveyed the message knowledge is power. In this commercial, the male characters are shown as non-speaking background decorations. o Comparing with Wangs (1990) study, the results of the current study suggest two perspectives on the portrayals of men and women in Taiwans commercials. 1) There is a strong reference in award-winning commercials to show non-stereotypical gender images, especially those for women in female-leading commercials. 2) Based on the presumption that award-winning commercials actually reflect the current social situation, it can be said that the gender roles showing in Taiwans commercials have improved after one decade. Inasmuch as above-mentioned findings, the gender-role portrayals in Taiwans award-winning commercials can be synthesized into 2 perspectives. Progressive portrayals: Gender-role portrayals are unrestricted by traditional stereotypes and present in a more diverse way. The gender gap between men and women has gradually narrowed. The significant improvements are found in language, occupation, product role, information role, setting, gender of announcers, and Consciousness Scale of Sexism. Traditional portrayals: Men and women are still portrayed very unequally. The gender stereotypes for primary characters, age, social role, family role, and product type are still evident and highly consistent with pessimistic gender studies. Fortunately, the general depiction of these stereotypical portrayals shows a slight tendency toward getting progress, instead of going backward. As a whole, this study provides a general picture of gender-role portrayals in Taiwans award-winning television commercials and investigates the potential meanings behind these gender depictions from social, economic, and cultural aspects. Most of the findings effectively answer the core research questionwhats the gender difference/ similarity in Taiwans award-winning commercials, which in turn strengthens the validity of this study. In addition, comparing the results of this study with previous studies as well

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81 as current gender developments in Taiwan, this study concludes that the portrayals of men and women in award-winning commercials are more modern and closely reflective of diverse gender roles in todays Taiwanese society than those in prime time commercials. Some inappropriate portrayals present in award-winning commercials are also pointed out. Moreover, these findings provide some ideas to advertising practitioners about how to create more appealing gender roles in commercials. Using non-stereotypical portrayals with strategic creativity, especially in women-dominant commercials, is strongly suggested. Implications for Advertising Practitioners As the highest honorable advertising award in Taiwan, Times Advertising Award displays the most outstanding creativity in the current year. Such creativity should be efficiently representative of the latest social mainstream from multi-faceted respects such as social values, cultural transitions, political situations, economical developments, as well as gender relationships. In this regard, this study suggests some feasible implications by product categories for advertising practitioners to develop their creativity more effectively. For consumed in home product commercials, traditional portrayals of men and women are appropriate. However, it is also suggested that portraying men in a more equal way such as new nice guy for household products as well as depicting women in a relatively non-stereotypical way such as naughty yet powerful women for personal items. As to consumed out of home products, male-dominance remains obvious. The stereotypical portrayals of male primary characters such as successful, competent, and in high-level managerial positions are popularly accepted. Nevertheless, it is noteworthy that womens buying power is on the increase that in turn provides a highly profitable

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82 market for advertisers to invest in. Advertising practitioners should take advantages of this niche market and create more effective communication to draw womens attentions. For example, showing female primary characters with contemporary images such as independent, confident, competent, and professional to advertise these expensive consumer goods. Opposite to those for consumed in home products, the progressive female images showing in consumed out of home product commercials should more stress on gender-equity rather than superiority. In addition, it is strongly suggested to use upper-class modern images of men or women to advertise these relatively high-priced consumed out of home products. Finally, referring to consumed both in and out of home products, the traditional gender portrayals are well considered as appropriate. Limitations It is important to remember that these findings in all likelihood can only be said to characterize award-winning commercials. It is reasonable to expect that for different types of commercials such as those broadcast during prime time or only on local network, they may reflect different gender-role presentations. In other words, although some evident improvements of gender-role portrayals in award-winners are found, this doesnt assert that such improvements also exist in other non-award-winning commercials. Moreover, constrained by time and money, the total 608 samples were mainly coded by the researcher herself and pretested by the other coder with similar background, which in turn might decrease the coder independence to some degree. The coders subjective perceptions about gender-role portrayals, especially as to determine sexism scale, may influence the final results. In addition, because of the scarcity of related studies in Taiwan, the coding system of this study was mainly based on Western studies. And the findings could only be compared with few available studies on gender portrayals in prime-time

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83 commercials based on Taiwans data. In such a way, the findings may only provide a general picture of how men and women were portrayed in Taiwans award-winning commercials, rather than reveal the comprehensive cultural insight of these portrayals. Last but not least, the Pingrees scale for sexism used in this study was proposed 30 years ago and has not been revised in accordance with social transitions. The nature of this scale is exploratory and mainly based on Western culture. Therefore, it may not work well to examine todays diverse gender roles, especially in a cross-cultural situation. Suggestions for Future Studies In accordance with the limitations discussed earlier, some suggestions for future studies are proposed. 1) More research efforts related to gender-role portrayals based on Taiwans data should be put in to expand the considerably limited scope of available literature. Future studies can apply this coding system on different types of award-winning advertising samples such as print advertisements, Internet advertisement, and outdoor advertisements. It is also suggested to examine gender roles in non-award-winning advertising. 2) The effects of gender portrayals in award-winning commercials on advertising practitioners as well as on general audiences need to be further measured. Such studies could be conducted from cultural, social, psychological, behavioral, or other feasible perspectives and applied to examine if those higher respected creative gender-role portrayals in award winners are really more influential than those relatively ordinary portrayals in non-award winners. 3) To acquire the comprehensive insight of the gender-role portrayals in Taiwans advertising from cultural, historical, or social aspects, some gender studies applying qualitative methods such as interviews or focus groups need to be conducted. 4) Inasmuch as no coding system is designed based on Taiwans case, it is necessary to develop a favorably acceptable

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84 standard for probing into the gender-role portrayals in Taiwans advertising more precisely. The coding system used in this study is just the first step. More analytical content studies on various gender roles in Taiwans advertising should be further conducted. And more coding categories can be embraced such as class distinction and feminine/masculine product types. 5) In order to get a more comprehensive understanding of the changes of gender-role portrayals shown in Taiwans award-winning commercials, a longitudinal research collection for at least 10 years is suggested.

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APPENDIX CODING SHEET FOR TAIWANS AWARD-WINNING TELEVISION COMMERCIALS 1997-2002 Ad ID # __ Coder ID:__________ Variable 1: Year _____ (1) 1997 _____ (2)1998 _____ (3) 1999 _____ (4) 2000 _____ (5) 2001 _____ (6) 2002 Variable 2-4: Gender of character(s) 2. Gender of the primary character (only one): _____(1) male (skip code #16-27) _____ (2) female (skip code #5-15) _____(3) none (skip code #5-27) 3. Gender of secondary character (at most two): _____(1) male _____ (2) female _____ (3) both _____ (4) none 4. Gender of supporting character (s) _____(1) male _____ (2) female _____ (3) both _____ (4) none Variable 5-15: Male Primary Character 5. Ethnicity: _____ (1) Easterns _____ (2) Westerns _____ (3) not applicable/cannot be coded 6. Language: _____ (1) Chinese _____ (2) dialects (Taiwanese, Hakka etc.) _____ (3) English _____ (4) mixed _____ (5) others _____(6) none _____ (7) not applicable/cannot be coded 7. Age: _____ (1) under 11 (children) _____ (2) 12-17 (teens) _____ (3) 18-35 (young) _____ (4) 36-50 (middle aged) _____ (5) 51 and above (old) _____ (6) not applicable/cannot be coded 8. Social role: _____ (1) family roles _____ (2) friends _____ (3) romantic partners _____ (4) occupational partners _____ (5) not applicable/cannot be coded 9. Family role: _____ (1) spouses _____ (2) parents/grandparents _____ (3) children _____ (4) others _____ (5) not applicable/cannot be coded 85

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86 10. Occupation: _____ (1) legislators/govt administrators/business executives and managers _____ (2) professionals _____ (3) technicians and associate professionals _____ (4) clerks _____ (5) service workers/shop and market sales workers _____ (6) agricultural/animal husbandry/forestry and fishing workers _____ (7) production related workers/plant and machine operators and laborers _____ (8) housewives/househusbands/homemakers _____ (9) students _____ (10) not applicable/cannot be coded Variable 11-12. Basis for credibility 11. Product-related role _____ (1) authorities/spokespersons for the product _____ (2) product users _____ (3) decorative roles/models _____ (4) not applicable/cannot be coded 12. Credible role _____ (1) celebrity _____ (2) expert _____ (3) company representative _____ (4) personal experience _____ (5) apparent celebrity _____ (6) apparent expert _____ (7) apparent company representative _____ (8) apparent personal experience _____ (9) unreal people _____ (10) not applicable/cant be coded 13. Information role _____ (1) information giver _____ (2) information receiver _____ (3) not applicable/cannot be coded 14. Specific setting _____ (1) kitchen _____ (2) dining room/living room _____ (3) other places inside the house _____ (4) indoors away from home _____ (5) public places _____ (6) riding inside transportation _____ (7) business office _____ (8) school _____ (9) outdoors away from home _____ (10) combination settings _____ (11) other settings 15. Consciousness Scale for Sexism _____ (1) Level I _____ (2) Level II _____ (3) Level III _____ (4) Level IV _____ (5) Level V _____ (6) not applicable/cannot be coded

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87 Level V Women and men as individuals Limited by stereotypes Level IV Women and men are full y e q ual Level III Woman may be a professional, but first place is home Man may help out competently at home, but first place is work Level IV Level V Womans place is the home or in womanly occupations Mans place is at work or at manly activities at home Woman is a two-dimensional, nonthinking decoration, or feminine sex object Man is an unnecessary attractive decoration, or masculine sex object Figure 1. A Consciousness Scale for Media Sexism: Men Variable 16-27. Female Primary Character 16. Ethnicity: _____ (1) Easterns _____ (2) Westerns 17. Language: _____ (1) Chinese _____ (2) dialects (Taiwanese, Hakka etc.) _____ (3) English _____ (4) mixed _____ (5) others _____(6) none _____ (7) not applicable/cannot be coded 18. Age: _____ (1) under 11 (children) _____ (2) 12-17 (teens) _____ (3) 18-35 (young) _____ (4) 36-50 (middle aged) _____ (5) 51 and above (old) _____ (6) not applicable/cannot be coded 19. Social role: _____ (1) family roles _____ (2) friends _____ (3) romantic partners _____ (4) occupational partners _____ (5) not applicable/cannot be coded 20. Family role: _____ (1) spouses _____ (2) parents/grandparents _____ (3) children _____ (4) others _____ (5) not applicable/cannot be coded 21. Occupation: _____ (1) legislators/govt administrators/business executives and managers _____ (2) professionals _____ (3) technicians and associate professionals

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88 _____ (4) clerks _____ (5) service workers/shop and market sales workers _____ (6) agricultural/animal husbandry/forestry and fishing workers _____ (7) production related workers/plant and machine operators and laborers _____ (8) housewives/househusbands/homemakers _____ (9) students _____ (10) not applicable/cannot be coded Variable 22-23. Basis for credibility 22. Product-related role _____ (1) authorities/spokespersons for the product _____ (2) product users _____ (3) decorative roles/models _____ (4) not applicable/cannot be coded 23. Credible role _____ (1) celebrity _____ (2) expert _____ (3) company representative _____ (4) personal experience _____ (5) apparent celebrity _____ (6) apparent expert _____ (7) apparent company representative _____ (8) apparent personal experience _____ (9) unreal people _____ (10) not applicable/cant be coded 24. Information role _____ (1) information giver _____ (2) information receiver _____ (3) not applicable/cannot be coded 25. Public/private setting _____ (1) public _____ (2) private _____ (3) combination _____ (4) not applicable/cannot t be coded 26. Specific setting _____ (1) kitchen _____ (2) dining room/living room _____ (3) other places inside the house _____ (4) indoors away from home _____ (5) public places _____ (6) riding inside transportation _____ (7) business office _____ (8) school _____ (9) outdoors away from home _____ (10) combination settings _____ (11) other settings 27. Consciousness Scale for Sexism _____ (1) Level I _____ (2) Level II _____ (3) Level III _____ (4) Level IV _____ (5) Level V only _____ (6) not applicable/cannot be coded

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89 Level V Women and men as individuals Limited by stereotypes Level IV Women and men are full y e q ual Level III Woman may be a professional, but first place is home Man may help out competently at home, but first place is work Level IV Level V Womans place is the home or in womanly occupations Mans place is at work or at manly activities at home Woman is a two-dimensional, nonthinking decoration, or feminine sex object Man is an unnecessary attractive decoration, or masculine sex object Figure 2. A Consciousness Scale for Media Sexism: Women Variable 28-33: Others 28. Product type _____ (1) annual best of show _____ (2) public service _____ (3) industry image _____ (4) electric appliances _____ (5) automotive _____ (6) food _____ (7) beverages (alcohol and non-alcohol) _____ (8) household appliances _____ (9) fashion (clothing and accessories)/personal items _____ (10) communication services _____ (11) culture and education _____ (12) financial services _____ (13) retail services _____ (14) others Variable 29-33 Gender of announcer(s) 29. Gender of voice-over _____ (1) male _____ (2) female _____ (3) none _____ (4) not applicable/cannot be coded 30. Gender of jingle _____ (1) male _____ (2) female _____ (3) none _____ (4) not applicable/cannot be coded

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90 31. Gender of Tagline _____ (1) male _____ (2) female _____ (3) none _____ (4) not applicable/cannot be coded 32. Gender of slogan _____ (1) male _____ (2) female _____ (3) none _____ (4) not applicable/cannot be coded 33. Gender of sign-off _____ (1) male _____ (2) female _____ (3) none _____ (4) not applicable/cannot be coded

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Wan-Ping Chao was born and raised in Taipei, Taiwan. She was awarded a B.A. from National Taiwan University in 2001, with a major in library and information science and a minor in political science, public administration. Following graduation, she worked as an account executive at K-Concepts Communication Consultants Co., Ltd.; and then as a research assistant at the College of Management, National Taiwan University. In fall 2003, she came to the University of Florida (Gainesville) to pursue her masters degree in advertising. After completing her degree, she plans to return to Taiwan and begin her career in one of the top 10 international advertising agencies. 101


Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0010556/00001

Material Information

Title: Gender-role portrayals in Taiwan's television commercials : a content analysis of Times Advertising Award winners 1997-2002
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Language: English
Creator: Chao, Wan-ing ( Dissertant )
Roberts, Marilyn ( Thesis advisor )
Goodman, Robyn ( Reviewer )
Cornell, Lisa Duke ( Reviewer )
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2005
Copyright Date: 2005

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: Advertising Thesis, M.Adv.
Dissertations, Academic -- UF -- Advertising

Notes

Abstract: This study was designed to gain a better understanding of how gender roles were portrayed in Taiwan’s award-winning commercials. Using a feminist theoretical framework, this study examined whether the portrayals of Taiwanese men and women have changed, improved, or remained stereotypical over time; and whether any inequity of gender-role portrayals existed in these award-winning commercials. To examine the differences and similarities in gender role portrayals of men and women shown in Taiwan’s television commercials, a quantitative content analysis based on 608 Times Advertising Award winners from 1997 to 2002 was conducted. Variables used included: year, gender of character(s), ethnicity, language, age, social role, family role, occupation, basis for credibility, information role, setting, Pingree’s consciousness scale of sexism, product type, and gender of announcer(s). In general, the results showed two perspectives on the gender-role portrayals in Taiwan’s award-winning commercials: progressive and traditional.• Progressive portrayals: Gender-role portrayals are unrestricted by traditional stereotypes and are more diverse. The gender gap between men and women has gradually narrowed. Significant improvements were found in language, occupation, product role, information role, setting, gender of announcers, and Pingree’s consciousness scale of sexism. • Traditional portrayals: Unequal portrayals of men and women still exist in the commercials. Gender stereotypes of primary character, age, social role, family role, and product type are still apparent. However, these stereotypical portrayals showed a slight tendency toward progress, instead of going backward, for both men and women could be seen appearing in more diverse gender roles in commercials. As a whole, this study provided a general picture of gender-role portrayals in Taiwan’s award-winning television commercials and elaborated on the potential meanings behind these gender depictions from social, economic, and cultural aspects. Results showed that the portrayals of men and women in Taiwan’s award-winning commercials are more closely reflective of today’s diverse gender roles in Taiwan’s society than those in prime-time commercials, even though some inappropriate portrayals still appeared in award-winning commercials. These findings may also be used by advertising practitioners to create more-appealing gender roles in Taiwan’s commercials. In addition, since only a handful of studies of this type can be found in Taiwan’s gender literature, this study can serve as cornerstone to spur future studies of gender role portrayals in Taiwan’s advertising.
Thesis: Thesis (M.Adv.), University of Florida, 2005.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
General Note: Vita.
General Note: Document formatted into pages; contains xii 104 p.
General Note: Title from title page of document.

Record Information

Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
System ID: UFE0010556:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0010556/00001

Material Information

Title: Gender-role portrayals in Taiwan's television commercials : a content analysis of Times Advertising Award winners 1997-2002
Physical Description: Mixed Material
Language: English
Creator: Chao, Wan-ing ( Dissertant )
Roberts, Marilyn ( Thesis advisor )
Goodman, Robyn ( Reviewer )
Cornell, Lisa Duke ( Reviewer )
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2005
Copyright Date: 2005

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: Advertising Thesis, M.Adv.
Dissertations, Academic -- UF -- Advertising

Notes

Abstract: This study was designed to gain a better understanding of how gender roles were portrayed in Taiwan’s award-winning commercials. Using a feminist theoretical framework, this study examined whether the portrayals of Taiwanese men and women have changed, improved, or remained stereotypical over time; and whether any inequity of gender-role portrayals existed in these award-winning commercials. To examine the differences and similarities in gender role portrayals of men and women shown in Taiwan’s television commercials, a quantitative content analysis based on 608 Times Advertising Award winners from 1997 to 2002 was conducted. Variables used included: year, gender of character(s), ethnicity, language, age, social role, family role, occupation, basis for credibility, information role, setting, Pingree’s consciousness scale of sexism, product type, and gender of announcer(s). In general, the results showed two perspectives on the gender-role portrayals in Taiwan’s award-winning commercials: progressive and traditional.• Progressive portrayals: Gender-role portrayals are unrestricted by traditional stereotypes and are more diverse. The gender gap between men and women has gradually narrowed. Significant improvements were found in language, occupation, product role, information role, setting, gender of announcers, and Pingree’s consciousness scale of sexism. • Traditional portrayals: Unequal portrayals of men and women still exist in the commercials. Gender stereotypes of primary character, age, social role, family role, and product type are still apparent. However, these stereotypical portrayals showed a slight tendency toward progress, instead of going backward, for both men and women could be seen appearing in more diverse gender roles in commercials. As a whole, this study provided a general picture of gender-role portrayals in Taiwan’s award-winning television commercials and elaborated on the potential meanings behind these gender depictions from social, economic, and cultural aspects. Results showed that the portrayals of men and women in Taiwan’s award-winning commercials are more closely reflective of today’s diverse gender roles in Taiwan’s society than those in prime-time commercials, even though some inappropriate portrayals still appeared in award-winning commercials. These findings may also be used by advertising practitioners to create more-appealing gender roles in Taiwan’s commercials. In addition, since only a handful of studies of this type can be found in Taiwan’s gender literature, this study can serve as cornerstone to spur future studies of gender role portrayals in Taiwan’s advertising.
Thesis: Thesis (M.Adv.), University of Florida, 2005.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
General Note: Vita.
General Note: Document formatted into pages; contains xii 104 p.
General Note: Title from title page of document.

Record Information

Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
System ID: UFE0010556:00001


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GENDER-ROLE PORTRAYALS IN TAIWAN'S TELEVISION COMMERCIALS: A
CONTENT ANALYSIS OF TIMES ADVERTISING AWARD WINNERS 1997-2002

















By

WAN-PING CHAO


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ADVERTISING

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2005





























Copyright 2005

by

Wan-Ping Chao
































To Ming Hua Chu for her great love and endless support.















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

As an international student, the whole experience of studying in the U.S. was

combined with various indescribable feelings. Sometimes I felt excited, happy, and

delighted. Sometimes I was deeply depressed, frustrated, or even self-doubting. In some

situations I was overwhelmed by homesickness and helplessness. Fortunately, I had some

people who always stood by me and kindly accompanied me through the whole journey.

Without their sincere support and timely encouragement, I could not have completed this

task.

First of all, I would like to show my greatest appreciation to my mom, Ming Hua

Chu, who brought me into the world and cultivated me to become what I am today; and

to my uncle, Huan Tsung Lin, who generously gave me his greatest mental and material

support. Their complete trust and endless love gave me the freedom to pursue my dream.

I would also like to thank Ray, who was always there for me to comfort my

sorrows and gave me strength to move on. My two considerate roommates, Shuyu and

Chin-Hsin, strongly supported my pursuits and eased my tension with their cheerful

words. All of my dear friends generously provided their faith in me and kindly helped me

through my study: Yang-Hsin, Hung-Hsun, Ching-Tang, Jeff, Sean, Askin, Ting-Bing,

Qichao, and Joseph. These people greatly facilitated my study and made my life in the

U.S. colorful and enjoyable.

Last but not least, I want to show my special thanks to my committee members: Dr.

Lisa Duke Cornell and Dr. Robyn Goodman, who generously provided their valuable









insights and helped me to develop my coding sheet. With regard to my chair, Dr. Marilyn

Roberts, I cannot describe how much I am indebted to her. She was open-minded to learn

my different culture and considerate enough to tolerate my poor English skills as well.

When I felt confused and I hesitated, she always knew how to help me find my way and

cheered me up with inspiring words.

I thank to all of those named above from the bottom of my heart. No sentence can

be appropriate to express how much I appreciate their help. I strongly believe that all the

beautiful things they brought to me will be always with me. If one day I have any

achievement in my career or my life, I would like to dedicate it to all of them.
















TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S ................................................................................................. iv

LIST OF TABLES .................................. ........... ............................ ix

LIST OF FIGURES ........................................ .............. xi

ABSTRACT .................................................. .................... xii

CHAPTER

1 IN T R O D U C T IO N .............................. .......................... ..................1...

Purpose of the Study ......................... .. .......... ...........................3
Significance of the Study ...................................................................... ...............4...
Research Questions....................... .. ........... .........................................5

2 LITER A TU RE R EV IEW .................................................................... ...............6...

Gender-Role Stereotyping in Advertising ..............................................................6...
Effects on Children and Teenagers................................................... ...............8...
E effects o n A du lts .............. ................... .. ..................... ........................ ..... 1 1
M en and W om en in Taiw an ....................................... ........................ ................ 15
E d u c atio n ............................................................................................................. 1 5
E m p lo y m en t ........................................................................................................ 18
S o cial S tatu s ........................................................................................................ 2 1
F em insist M ovem ent......................................... .. .................... ... ................ 22
Portrayals of Gender Roles in Advertising............................................................23
In T aiw an ............................................................................................................. 2 3
In th e U .S ............................................................................................................. 2 5

3 M E T H O D O L O G Y .................................................. ............................................. 29

C content A n aly sis......................................................................................................... 2 9
U n it o f A n aly sis .......................................................................................................... 3 0
S am p lin g D esig n ......................................................................................................... 3 0
Coding Categories and V ariables ....................... ............................................... 32
D definition of C oding C ategories............................................................ ................ 32
Y e a r ............................................................................................................... . 3 2
G ender of the C characters ....................................... ...................... ................ 33









E ethnicity .............. ...................................................................... ......34
L language .............................................................................................................34
A g e ...................................................................................................................... 3 5
Social R ole ..................................................................................................... 35
Fam ily R ole .......................................................................................... . 35
O c c u p a tio n ...........................................................................................................3 5
B asis for C redib ility ....................................................................... ...............36
In form ation R ole ............................................................................ ...............3 7
Setting ..................................................................................... .. ...............38
Product Type ................................................................................................. 39
G ender of A nnouncers ......................................................................................39
Consciousness Scale for Sexism ......................................................................40
C oding Procedure ................................................................................................. 42
Inter-C oder R liability .............................................................................................43
V a lid ity .......................................................................................................................4 4
D ata A analysis ....................................................................................................... 45

4 F IN D IN G S ..................................................................................................................4 6

D descriptions of the Sam ple....................................................................................46
Analysis by Gender of the Primary Character..................................................48
E ethnicity ................................................................................................. 48
L a n g u a g e ......................................................................................................4 8
A ge .............. ...................................................................... ......49
S o c ia l ro le .....................................................................................................5 0
F a m ily ro le ...................................................................................................5 1
O c c u p atio n ...................................................................................................5 2
B asis for credit ility ....................... .......................................... ...............52
Inform ation role .........................................................................................54
Setting ...........................................................................................................55
P product type ...............................................................................................56
G ender of announcers................................................................................58
Consciousness Scale for Sexism ................. .... ................... .................... 59
Summary of the Main Portrayals of Men and Women in Times Advertising
Award-W inning Com m ercials......................................................................61
Inferential R results of the Sam ple.............................................................................61
Consum ed in H om e Products ...........................................................................62
Consumed out of Home Products .....................................................................65
Consumed both in and out of Home Products ..................................................68
Summary of the Main Portrayals of Men and Women in Times Advertising
Award-Winning Commercials by Product Types.........................................73

5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ..................... ....................................74

Implications for Advertising Practitioners ...............................................................81
L im ita tio n s ..................................................................................................................8 2
Suggestions for Future Studies ...... .. ....................................................... 83









APPENDIX CODING SHEET FOR TAIWAN'S AWARD-WINNING
TELEVISION COMMERCIALS 1997-2002 ................... ..................... 85

L IST O F R E F E R E N C E S ...................................................................................................9 1

BIOGRAPH ICAL SKETCH .................. .............................................................. 101














LIST OF TABLES

Table page

2-1 Occupation of Employed Persons in Taiwan Area by Year................................ 19

4-1 Award-Winning Taiwanese TV Commercials per Year ............................... 47

4-2 A advertised Product Types ..................................... ....................... .............. 47

4-3 Primary, Secondary, and Supporting Character(s) by Gender ......................... 47

4-4 Voice-over, Jingle, Tagline, Slogan, and Sign-Off by Gender......................... 48

4 -5 E th n city b y G en d er............................................................................................. 4 8

4-6 Language by G ender. ................................................................. .............. 49

4-7 Age by Gender ........................................ ......... ....................... 50

4-8 Social R ole by G ender......................................... ......................... .............. 5 1

4-9 Fam ily R oles by G ender ....................................... ........................ .............. 52

4-10 O occupation by G ender......................................... ......................... .............. 53

4-11 Product R elated R ole by G ender ..................................................... .............. 53

4-12 C redible R oles by G ender...................................... ....................... .............. 54

4-13 Inform ation R oles by G ender ....................... .............................................. 55

4-14 Settings by Gender ... .. ................................ .......................... ............ .. 56

4-15 P product T ype by G ender...................................................................................... 57

4-16 Gender of Voice-Over, Jingle, Tagline, Slogan, and Sign-Off by Gender.......... 59

4-17 Consciousness Scale of Sexism by Gender......................................................... 60

4-18 Comparisons between M en and W omen......................................... .............. 61









4-19 Language by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products ......... 63

4-20 Age by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products................... 63

4-21 Voice-Over, Jingle, Slogan, and Sign-Off by Gender of Primary Characters in
Commercials for Consumed in Home Products................................................ 64

4-22 Consciousness Scale of Sexism by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in
H om e P ro du cts ........................................................................................................ 64

4-23 Age by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products................... 65

4-24 Social Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed out of Home Products ... 66

4-25 Occupation by Gender in Commercials for Consumed out of Home Products.... 67

4-26 Product Related Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed out of Home
P ro d u c ts ............................................................................................................... ... 6 7

4-27 Gender of Tagline and Slogan by Gender of Primary Characters in Commercials
for Consum ed out of H om e Products.................................................. .............. 67

4-28 Age by Gender in Commercials of Consumed both in and out for Home Products
................................................................................................................................. 6 8

4-29 Social Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of Home
P ro d u c ts ............................................................................................................... ... 6 9

4-30 Occupation by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of Home
P ro d u c ts ............................................................................................................... ... 7 0

4-31 Information Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of
H om e P ro du cts ........................................................................................................ 7 0

4-32 Setting by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of Home
P ro d u c ts ............................................................................................................... ... 7 1

4-33 Gender of Voice-Over and Slogan by Gender of Primary Characters in
Commercials for Consumed both in and out Home Products.............................. 72

4-34 Consciousness Scale of Sexism by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in
and out of H om e Products .................................... ......................... .............. 72

4-35 Comparisons between Men and Women by Product Type ............................. 73















LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page

2-1. Higher Education Net Enrollment Rate by Gender.......................................... 16

2-2. Percentage of Students at Higher Education by Gender................................... 17

2-3. Taiwanese Labor Force Participation Rate by Gender..................................... 18

2-4. Occupation Distribution in Taiwan by Gender................................... .............. 20

3-1. A Consciousness Scale for Media Sexism: Women and Men................................ 42















Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Advertising

GENDER-ROLE PORTRAYALS IN TAIWAN'S TELEVISION COMMERCIALS:
A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF TIMES ADVERTISING AWARD WINNERS 1997-2002

By

Wan-Ping Chao

May 2005

Chair: Marilyn S. Roberts
Major Department: Advertising

This study was designed to gain a better understanding of how gender roles were

portrayed in Taiwan's award-winning commercials. Using a feminist theoretical

framework, this study examined whether the portrayals of Taiwanese men and women

have changed, improved, or remained stereotypical over time; and whether any inequity

of gender-role portrayals existed in these award-winning commercials.

To examine the differences and similarities in gender role portrayals of men and

women shown in Taiwan's television commercials, a quantitative content analysis based

on 608 Times Advertising Award winners from 1997 to 2002 was conducted. Variables

used included: year, gender of characterss, ethnicity, language, age, social role, family

role, occupation, basis for credibility, information role, setting, Pingree's consciousness

scale of sexism, product type, and gender of announcer(s). In general, the results showed

two perspectives on the gender-role portrayals in Taiwan's award-winning commercials:

progressive and traditional.









* Progressive portrayals: Gender-role portrayals are unrestricted by traditional
stereotypes and are more diverse. The gender gap between men and women has
gradually narrowed. Significant improvements were found in language, occupation,
product role, information role, setting, gender of announcers, and Pingree's
consciousness scale of sexism.

* Traditional portrayals: Unequal portrayals of men and women still exist in the
commercials. Gender stereotypes of primary character, age, social role, family role,
and product type are still apparent. However, these stereotypical portrayals showed
a slight tendency toward progress, instead of going backward, for both men and
women could be seen appearing in more diverse gender roles in commercials.

As a whole, this study provided a general picture of gender-role portrayals in

Taiwan's award-winning television commercials and elaborated on the potential

meanings behind these gender depictions from social, economic, and cultural aspects.

Results showed that the portrayals of men and women in Taiwan's award-winning

commercials are more closely reflective of today's diverse gender roles in Taiwan's

society than those in prime-time commercials, even though some inappropriate portrayals

still appeared in award-winning commercials. These findings may also be used by

advertising practitioners to create more-appealing gender roles in Taiwan's commercials.

In addition, since only a handful of studies of this type can be found in Taiwan's gender

literature, this study can serve as cornerstone to spur future studies of gender role

portrayals in Taiwan's advertising.














CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

As a small island country with geographical area of 35,967 sq. km (about the size

of West Virginia) and a population of 22.6 millions, Taiwan began to attract global

attention with its growing economic power. Since adopting democracy and capitalism,

Taiwan has successfully transformed itself from an underdeveloped, agricultural country

with $6.6 billion GNP ($443 per person), to an economic power that is a leading producer

of high-technology goods. Now, Taiwan is a creditor country, holding one of the world's

largest foreign-exchange reserves, more than $100 billion in 1999. The people in Taiwan

were the 20th richest in the world in 2000-2004 and were projected to be 18th in

2005-2009 (Economist Intelligence Unit, EIU, 2004). In 2004, Taiwan's GNP reached

$314.3 billion and $13,925 per person (DGBAS, 2004).

Along with economic growth, Taiwan's media industry also made great progress.

In 1962, the first broadcast-television station, Taiwan Television Enterprise (TTV), was

established. Several years later, the China Television Company (CTV, established in

1969), the Chinese Television Service (CTS, established in 1971), the Formosa

Television (FTV, established in 1997), and Public Television Service (PTS, established in

1998) successively joined the market. Since the passing of the Cable-TV Bill in 1993,

eighty different channels have been established. Recently, 99.4% of Taiwan's household

have at least one color-TV set and are able to watch terrestrial TV programs (DGBAS,

2003c), with 85% cable-TV penetration (Liu, 2004).









According to Common Wealth (2002), the authoritative business magazine in

Taiwan, nearly 98% of Taiwanese watch TV an average of more than 2.5 hours a day.

Approximately 73% of Taiwanese rely on TV as their main media source for information;

and spend more time using TV than other media. Only 14% of Taiwanese prefer reading

newspaper for information and spend more time on it. Moreover, up to 81% of Taiwanese

think that TV has the most powerful influence on society of all media types, far

exceeding newspaper (5%), and magazine (4%). Undoubtedly, television has become the

most popular and competitive advertising media for advertisers to invest in.

Inspired by economic growth and the open media environment, Taiwan's

advertising industry expanded vigorously. In 2000, Taiwan was ranked as the 6th largest

country in the Asia-Pacific area in ad agency gross income: $170.4 million, with an

annual increase of 20.3% (AdAge Global, 2001). Advertising expenditures in Taiwan

reached $3.3 billion (IMF, 2002). Furthermore, more than half of all media expenditures

have invested in television advertising, including terrestrial and cable TV since the 1990s

(Advertising Magazine, 2004).

In addition to audience and advertiser preference of TV, academic researchers have

also emphasized the influential communication power of television advertising.

Numerous studies show that advertising can influence or form consumers' attitudes,

perceptions, and likings toward the advertised brand and can deliver ideological values to

brands (Aaker & Stayman, 1990; Biel, 1990; MacInnis & Jaworski 1989). Some studies

further indicate that advertising can create, regulate, reinforce, or deliver the "proper"

gender roles to audiences and reflect social phenomena to some extent (Ganahi, Prinsen,

& Netzley, 2003; Gerbner, 1999; Gerbner & Gross, 1976; Signorelli & Morgan, 1996).









For example, Courtney (1983) stated the social consequences of gender stereotyping in

advertising, and gave detailed examples of these effects on women and children.

In Taiwan's television advertising, the portrayals of men and women have been

stereotypical for a long time. Studies show that women portrayed in advertising tend to

be subordinate, traditional, decorative, and sexually objectified; and men are often given

independent, credible, and authoritative roles (Li, 1990; Tau, 1991; Hu, 1998). However,

since the Feminist Movement of the 1970s and the social transitions due to prosperous

economic development and equal education for all citizens, Taiwanese women's social

status has risen substantially. For example, more women than men received higher

education in 2003; the percentage of female labor participation keeps increasing; women

have started actively participating in public affairs such as being government

administrators or going into parliament (DGBAS, 2003b). Consequently, the unequal

treatment of Taiwan's society to women has been recognized, and women's voice has

actually been heard by the government and the people. (Hu, 1998; Tau, 1991). Because of

this, one cannot help but wonder how these social transitions manifest in Taiwan's

advertising today. While few studies focus on exploring how gender roles are portrayed

in Taiwan's advertising and examine whether these portrayals reflect today's diverse

gender roles in Taiwan's society, a content analysis based on a reputable sample of

Taiwan's television commercials is needed to answer this question.

Purpose of the Study

The main purpose of this study is to increase understanding of how gender roles are

portrayed in Taiwan's award-winning commercials (Times Advertising Award 1997-

2002). Using a feminist theoretical framework, this study examined whether gender-role

portrayals have changed, improved, or remain stereotypical; and whether any inequality









of gender-role portrayals exists in these award-winning advertisements. There are three

reasons for choosing samples from Times Advertising Award-Winners: 1) No previous

study explores how gender roles are portrayed in Taiwan's Award-Winning advertising.

Most studies focus on prime-time television commercials or magazine advertisements. 2)

The Times Advertising Award is the most highly respected advertising award in Taiwan.

All commercials of it are professionally judged for their creativity and are sufficiently

representative of latest social trends. If advertising (especially television commercials) is

the epitome of a society, it is reasonable to suggest that award-winning commercials can

also precisely reflect the latest social trends, but in a more creative way. 3) Generally

speaking, most advertising agencies view winning reputable advertising awards as their

ultimate goal, possibly for they believe that winning awards can boost staff morale,

promote company pride, challenge other employees, and lift standards in the agency so

that creativity can be an integral part of company culture (Douglas, Collins, and Miciak,

2003). Therefore, gender-role portrayals in Times Advertising Award winners may

directly or indirectly lead advertising practitioners to follow suit, in turn implicitly

influencing audiences' perceptions of acceptable gender roles.

Significance of the Study

Based on both the quantitative and the qualitative examples of the findings, this

study improves the understanding of how gender roles are portrayed in Taiwan's

television commercials as well as of the social, economic, and cultural meanings behind

these depicted gender roles. In addition, this study also helps advertising practitioners to

create more-appealing gender roles in Taiwan's commercials. Since most studies of this

type have been done in the U.S., and only a handful of them can be found in Taiwan's









gender literature, this study can serve as the cornerstone to spur future studies of gender

role portrayals in Taiwan's advertising.

Research Questions

* RQ1: How were men portrayed in Times Advertising Award-Winning television
commercials from 1997 to 2002?

* RQ2: How were women portrayed in Times Advertising Award-Winning
television commercials from 1997 to 2002?

* RQ3: How differently or similarly were men and women portrayed in Times
Advertising Award-winning television commercials from 1997 to 2002?

* RQ4: What do the findings imply about gender-role portrayals in Taiwan's
television commercials by product types?

* RQ5: According to Pingree's scale for sexism, what is the consciousness scale of
sexism in Times Advertising Award-Winning television commercials?













CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW

Gender-Role Stereotyping in Advertising

According to Mayer and Bell (1975), a stereotype is the picture one has in mind

when regarding a hypothetic kind of person and gender stereotypes are statements of how

we believe traits to be related in males or in females rather than how they actually are. In

Frith and Mueller's book (2003, p.227), Advertising and Culture, they exclaimed that

gender was culturally determined (masculine and feminine), and each culture had a set of

general beliefs about what constituted the gender roles. While stereotypes in advertising

are believed to serve a useful function by conveying an image quickly and clearly and

there is nothing inherently wrong with using characterizations of roles that are easily

identifiable, gender stereotyping is pervasively used in advertising. Consequently, these

stereotypes in advertising not only reflect cultural expectations of gender, but also shape

and reinforce the stereotypical representations that are already present in a culture to

some degree (Ganahl, Prinsen, and Netzley, 2003).

Since Betty Friedan published The Feminine Mystique in 1963, a new wave of

feminism and the consciousness-raising decade of the 1960s had begun. Friedan became

interested in the way that the U.S. females were portrayed in women's magazines in

general. She found that magazines either reflected or actually fostered and perpetuated a

limited life style for the U.S. women by repeatedly portraying motherhood and the care of

home and husband as the ultimate goal of women's life and their greatest creative

presentation. Following her study, feminists and other researchers have started studying









how gender roles are portrayed in the media and advertising (Courtney & Whipple, 1983)

more extensively and focus on more specific fields. Most of the mainstream media

studies regarding gender-role portrayals reflect a liberal feminist perspective, namely,

emphasizing on investigating gender difference/similarities shown in the media and using

content analysis as the main research method (Cirksena & Cuklanz, 1992; Steeves, 1987).

For examples, examining the gender portrayal differences/similarities of men and women

in different advertising media such as television commercials (Bresnahan et al., 2001;

Bretl & Cantor, 1988; O'Donnell & O'Donnell, 1978; Schneider & Schneider, 1979),

print ads (Courtney & Lockeretz, 1971; Kang, 1997; Pingree et al., 1976), or radio

advertising (Furnham & Thomson, 1999; Hurtz & Durkin, 1997); investigating

gender-role cues in commercials targeting different groups of audiences such as children

(Durkin & Nugent, 1998; Smith, 1994), women (Gerber & Signorielli, 1979; Goffman,

1976; Jennings, Geis, & Brown, 1980), or teenagers (Block & Robins, 1993; Richins,

1991; Walsh-Childers, 1999); exploring gender-role stereotypes in commercials for

particular products such as food (Jaffe & Berger, 1994), beer (Iijima, Hall & Crum, 1994),

and medical products (Leppard, Ogletree & Wallen, 1993), or particular types of

programs such as comedies (Olson & Douglas, 1997) and MTV commercials (Signorielli,

McLeod, & Healy, 1994).

Although some studies find favorable improvements in gender portrayals in

advertising, the gender differences shown in advertising are still obvious. The unequal

depictions of men and women in the U.S. advertising continued and even had become

more serious in some ways from the 1970s to the 1990s. Many findings indicated the

pervasive use of traditional Western stereotypes of women as sex objects, as dependent









on men, as primarily in domestic settings, as decorations, and as product users rather than

authoritative or credible spokespersons (Busby 1975; Courtney and Lockeretz 1971;

Ferguson, Kreshal, and Tinkham 1990; Ferrante, Haynes, and Kingsley 1988; Gilly 1988;

Lovdal 1989; Maracek et al. 1978; Soley and Kurzbard 1986; Soley and Reid 1988).

According to the cultivation theory, television has long-term effects which are

small, gradual, indirect but cumulative and significant on its viewers. Repeated TV

viewing would cultivate viewers' attitudes to be more consistent with the world presented

in television programs than with the real world (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli,

1986). This is also applicable to explain the influence of advertising on its viewers.

Advertising, especially television commercials, is considered as an important socializing

agent to deliver desirable images or personal traits of men and women to its target

audiences. Therefore, a large numbers of studies have begun to focus on examining the

effects of gender stereotyping in television commercials on society in general (Comstock

et al., 1978; Courtney & Whipple; 1978) as well as on different target audiences such as

children (Durkin & Nugent, 1998; Smith, 1994), teenagers (Block & Robins, 1993;

Richins, 1991; Walsh-Childers, 1999), women, and men (Bretl & Cantor, 1988;

McArthur & Resko, 1975).

Effects on Children and Teenagers

Although it is a common held belief that socialization effects occur only after

repeated exposure to stereotypes over long time periods, some studies suggest that

exposed to even one counter-stereotypical commercial can affect the attitudes of children,

at least in the short term (Atkin, 1975; O'Bryant & Corder-Bolz, 1978). According to

social learning theory, "observational learning from live and symbolic models (e.g. films,

televisions, and books) is the first step in the acquisition of sex-typed behavior" (Mischel,









1966). Therefore, children learn a lot about gender-typed behaviors by observing

television role models (Peirce, 1989; Ruble, Balaban, & Cooper, 1981; Liebert & Poulos,

1972), and are encouraged to emulate the same-gender models shown in television,

whether seen directly or experienced through the media. As a result, children

unconsciously shape or reinforce their views about gender-appropriate behaviors from

TV (Courtney, 1983). Considering its profound influence on children, gender-role

stereotyping in advertisements has become a popular area in academic communication.

Some studies suggest that children's TV programs as well as commercials, are

primary a male-dominant world (Signorielli, 1991; Barcus, 1983). Male characters carry

the actions, while female characters offer support. Advertisers and marketers may take

advantages of this gender-stratified phenomenon and then create different products for

boys and girls. The typical gender-oriented commercial is: boys wear dark-colored

clothing such as dark green and blue, play sports or compete with each other outside, or

play their toys aggressively or even violently; girls wear in pastel colors such as pink or

white, play their dressed-up dolls or soft animals quietly and gently in their pastel

bedrooms or playrooms (Frith & Mueller, 2003). In O'Bryant and Corder-Bolz's (1978)

study, they showed several commercials including both traditional (e.g. fashion model

and file clerk) and nontraditional female occupations (e.g. pharmacists and butcher) to 67

girls and boys, aged 5 to 10 years old, and found that the children would learn about the

gender appropriateness of the jobs through watching these commercials. Consistent with

Atkin's (1975) study, they concluded that television commercials could have a significant

impact on children's perceptions of occupational possibilities and thus on their career

aspirations.









When these boys and girls grow up, the media continue to play an important role in

developing their gender identity. The most common concern of critics is that

advertisements present young girls with unrealistic beauty norms such as uniformly thin

and big breasts (Frith and Mueller, 2003). This may contribute to young girls'

unhappiness with their own appearance, undermine their self-confidence, create inferior

self-feelings, and even cause some problems such as eating disorders (Freedman, 1986)

and looking for immediate makeover such as plastic surgery regardless of the

consequences (Walsh-Childers, 1999). While girls are obsessed by achieving these

hard-to-attain standards of physical attractiveness present in advertising, boys have more

freedom to do anything they want and hold a stronger view about themselves as holistic

(Frith and Mueller, 2003).

Although the above studies suggest that advertising mirrors society and reflects or

reinforces the gender stereotypes that are already presented in a culture by using gender

stereotypes, none of them state that advertising creates the gender stereotypes held by

children and teenagers. As early as thirty years ago, Cheles-Miller's (1975) had already

indicated that television's influence on children was filtered through the child's own

first-hand experience and personality and further concluded that the more consistent the

role portrayal on television and the less the personal experience of the child, the greater

was the power of the commercials to affect him or her. Similarly, O'Neil, Schoonover,

and Adelstein's (1980) suggested that television could be a strong force maintaining the

status quo of the child, but when parents and school took positive action such as fostering

nontraditional gender-role perceptions, they could apparently undo what television was

teaching their child. There is an interaction between what is viewed on television and









what is observed in reality (Courtney & Whipple, 1983). In addition, advertisers and

marketers also need to take their social responsibilities to use more diverse and realistic

gender-role portrayals in their advertisements to well educate children and teenagers.

Effects on Adults

Inasmuch as women have been underpresented in advertising, researchers typically

stress on female portrayals in advertising to examine gender-role stereotyping (Dominick

& Ranch, 1982; O'Donnell & O'Donnell, 1978; Craig, 1992). Previous studies suggested

that female role stereotyping in advertising is nearly a universal phenomenon (Ortner

1974). Exposed to the media and advertising may generate a causal traditionalizing effect

on gender-role values and detrimental effects on women's self-concepts, achievement

aspirations, and self-images (Frueh and McGhee 1975; Geis et al. 1984; Golden, Allison,

and Clee 1985; Jennings-Walstedt, Geis, and Brown 1980; Moschis and Moore 1982).

The concern about advertising's impacts on society and culture is not new. Since the

1970s, research in the United States has shown that the media, including advertising,

promotes and reinforces traditional female role stereotypes. Most studies consistently

indicate that women are not favorably portrayed in general and that their roles are

frequently narrowly defined (Courtney and Lockeretz 1971; Dominick and Rauch 1972;

Ferguson, Kreshel and Tinkham 1990; Schneider and Schneider 1979; Sengupta 1995;

McArthur and Resco 1975).

Gender stereotypes used in advertising are also criticized for reinforcing, and

perhaps also shaping, our view of our own capabilities and achievements, of appropriate

gender roles, and of career aspirations (Courtney & Whipple, 1983). The three most

common gender stereotypes representing in advertisements were stated by Frith and

Mueller (2003, p.227-235). 1) Women are sexual objects, being objectified, and like









preys wearing furs and feathers and being sexually aggressive. 2) Women are shown in

limited roles such as mothers and housewives (Courtney and Lockeretz, 1971), and most

of these roles are positioned passively or submissively as the objects of another (male)

character's gaze. The most popular measure of the symbolic behaviors of female

submissive poses present in advertising used by advertising researchers is that proposed

by Goffman in 1976. In addition, women's voices are seldom used in commercials as

announcers because of the general belief that women's voices lack authority. 3) Women

are positioned in inferior social status. The primary use-value of women is sexual,

household, or hand-work (factory work). Therefore, women, with inferior social status,

are usually associated with low-priced products while men are more often present in

advertising to promote expensive goods.

Unlike women's studies, only few studies focus solely on the images of men in

advertising (Kervin, 1990; Kolbe & Albanase, 1996; Skelly & Lundstron, 1981; Wolheter

& Lammers, 1980). Basically, men are used more as signifiers of cultural values such as

status, strength, power, and success rather than actual users of the product in

advertisements (Frith and Mueller, 2003, p.243), and less objectified as women are. The

majority of men's physical figures are typically shown as strong and muscular (Kolbe &

Albanase, 1996). Inasmuch as the U.S. is a patriarchal society honoring individualism

and heroism, the typical stereotypes of men present in advertising may include the

following:

* Sturdy oak: Men appear in advertising as hard-working, good providers.
* Big wheel: Men are shown with signifiers of social and business success.
* Cowboy: Men are portrayed as tough, unemotional, and alone.
* Superman: Men who conquer the world would be surrounded by women.
* Mr. Universe: Men are present as achieving athletes or musclemen.









Although men appear not to be bothered as much by the pervasive stress on their

body figures as women are, more and more advertisements start to aim at men in different

income levels and across product lines to sell products that help men develop muscular

physiques, such as weight training machines and nutritional supplements (Katz, 1995).

According to the cultivation theory, repeat exposure to this muscular stereotype may

generate unfavorable self-feelings in men. Moreover, when body power muscularityy) is

highly associated with masculinity and dominance and repeatedly shown in advertising,

the problem of male violence may become more serious. Lanis and Covell (1995)

indicated that when men were shown magazine advertisements in which women were

portrayed as sex objects while men were shown as progressive roles, men were

significantly more accepting of rape myths, gender-role stereotyping, interpersonal

violence toward women and held more adversarial sexual beliefs. Such depictions have

been suggested to encourage rigid, authoritarian gender-role attitudes and support male

dominance (Lanis & Covell, 1995; Walker, Rowe & Quinsey, 1993).

Notwithstanding plenty of evidences suggest that gender stereotyping in advertising

does reflect societal ills or negative gender roles and help to sustain or reinforce

audiences' existing negative attitudes and gender-role stereotypes (Livingstone & Green,

1986), some evidences state that the more responsible advertising could play a positive

and beneficial role, the easier a gender-equal concept can take root in audiences' thoughts.

For example, in Jennings-Walstedt, Geis, and Brown's (1980) study, they tested 52

female undergraduates with two matched series of TV commercials, identical in every

aspect except that each of the roles in the scenarios was portrayed by a person of the

opposite sex. Those females exposed to the nontraditional versions showed more









independence of judgment in an Asch-type conformity test and displayed greater

self-confidence when delivering a speech. Their findings also suggested that repeated

exposure to non-stereotypical commercials might help produce positive and lasting

behavioral changes in women such as greater independence of judgment and better

self-confidence (Frith and Mueller, 2003).

While gender stereotyping is well studied in the United States, understanding of

gender-role portrayals in an international context is still limited for there are so few

studies available (Ford, et al. 1994; Gendall and Blakeley 1990; Gilly 1988; Razzouk and

Harmon 1986; Robbins and Paksoy 1989; Sengupta 1995; Wiles and Tjernlund 1991).

The international gender literature suggests several trends in gender roles in global

advertising.

1. Women are more often than men portrayed as young, sex objects, or decorations,
and as more concerned with physical attractiveness (Edgar and McPhee 1974; Gilly
1988; Lysonski 1985; Mazzella et al. 1992; Wyckham 1987). In some cases, this
trend is increasing (Ferguson, Kreshal, and Tinkham 1990; Soley and Kurzbard
1986).

2. Women are more likely to appear as product users or demonstrators while men are
more often shown as authorities or argument providers for the advertised products
(Furnham and Schofield 1986; Furnham and Voli 1989; Gilly 1988; Livingstone
and Green 1986; Manstead and McCulloch 1981; Mazzella et al. 1992; Sebastian et
al. 1985).

3. Women tend to be associated with low priced products such as daily commodities,
foods, and cosmetics, while men are more often associated with expensive products
such as automotive, computers, and electronic equipment (Furnham and Voli
1989; Livingstone and Green 1986; Manstead and McCulloch 1981; Mazzella et al.
1992; Mitchell and Taylor 1990).

However, there is little research in this area among Asian countries. Most content

analyses about gender-role studies in Asian advertising still tend to focus on information

content, appeals, values, and creative strategies (Hong, Muderrisoglu, and Zinkhan 1987;









Madden, Caballero, and Matsukubo 1986; Mueller 1987; Stewart and Campbell 1988;

Tse, Belk, and Zhou 1989; Wee and Chan 1989; Zandpour, Chang, Catalano, 1992).

Men and Women in Taiwan

Education

It is commonly believed that education is a valuable social resource and that

educational expansion is a profitable social investment. Without education, men and

women of certain classes and ethnic groups would be condemned to inferior lives in both

the public and private spheres (Byrne, 1987). Moreover, education is also considered as

one of the most decisive determinant of social status, and mechanism for social mobility

(Tsai, Gates, and Chiu, 1994).

Since World War II, and especially since the 1960s, Taiwan has experienced

extraordinary economic growth and social change, including considerable expansion of

its education base (Tsai, Gates, and Chiu, 1994). In 1968, the government introduced

nine-year compulsory education, including six years of public elementary school and

three years of junior high school, and equal education rights. The percentage of

elementary school graduates for Taiwan's total graduates had turned from 57.35% in

1968 into 25.69% in 1999, which in turn strongly indicated that the general level of

education had greatly transformed into higher levels.

When further looking into the enrollment rates by gender, the education gap

between male and female has narrowed. For instance, the elementary education

enrollment rate for girls aged 6-11 had risen from 68.6% in 1951 to 99.9% in 1989,

reaching the same level as the enrollment for boys; the high school enrollment rate for

females aged 12-17 was 84.6%, higher than that for males of the same age, 81.3%; the

higher education enrollment rate for women aged 18-21 was 16%, approximately the










same as that for men in 1989 (Tsai, Gates, and Chiu, 1994). After 1986, the higher

education enrollment rate for women has become higher than that for men (Figure 2-1).



60
50
40
30

20
10
0
76' 81' 86' 87' 88' 89' 90' 91' 92' 93' 94' 95' 96' 97' 98' 99' 00' 01' 02' 03'
Year

-- Male -- Female

Figure 2-1. Higher Education Net Enrollment Rate by Gender. Source: 2004 Education
Statistical Indicator: Education Development, Ministry of Education, R.O.C.

This educational reformation has completely transformed Taiwanese women's

knowledge level. Several decades ago, it was nearly impossible for Taiwanese women to

gain equal education as men did, limited by the Chinese traditional belief that "possessing

no talent is a real virtue for women." It was generally accepted that women ideally should

be less educated than the men they marry, or their marriage would not be happy. Such a

consideration of marriageability indeed discouraged women from pursuing higher

education. However, since women could receive the equal education opportunity as men,

this situation has totally changed. The number and percentage of female students

receiving higher education have increased substantially. For example, before the

obligated education for all citizens was brought into force, only 18.40% of the male

population and 10.60% of the female population attended high school, and 4.4% of the

male population and 1.4% of the female population received higher education. However,







17


after 10 years, there were 92% of the male population and 83.1% of the female

population attended high school, while 15.9% of the male population and 10.5% of the

female population received higher education. In 2001, the enrollment number of higher

education for women was 612,000, nearly 20 times larger than the number in 1966,

2,900. Moreover, the percentage of people receiving higher education between men and

women has become slightly female-dominant recently. In 2003, the percentage of female

students in higher education was 50.5%, while the percentage in America was 55.5%

(Figure 2-2).



70
60 -
50 -
40 -
30 -
20 -
10 -
0
0 -----------------------------
76' 81' 86' 91' 96' 01' 03'
Year

-*-Male -*-Female

Figure 2-2. Percentage of Students at Higher Education by Gender. Source: 2004
Education Statistical Indicator: Education Development, Ministry of
Education, R.O.C.

Now men and women enjoy equal opportunity to receive education. However, there

are still some invisible barriers in existence when they choose academic disciplines. For

example, men tend to dominate the medical profession, engineering, computer science,

and natural sciences such as mathematics, physics, chemistry, and biology; while women

make up unequal number of the students in teachers' colleges, especially in those of

training elementary school teachers. Moreover, a large number of women are found in










humanities and foreign language professions. Nursing remains a field which is mainly

reserved for female students (Smith, 1992).

Employment

Inspired by the flourishing economic development and open education

opportunities, a lot of job opportunities for new industries were released in Taiwan's

labor market in the late 1970s. The make-up of Taiwan's labor market has been

thoroughly changed, although the percentage of the labor force participation rate has been

steady since the 1960s (Figure 2-3). For instance, in 1978, over 60% of labor force was

concentrated in agriculture and production related industries, but 25 years later, it

decreased to 40%, especially in agriculture-related industries, which declined from

24.58% to 7.14% (Table 2-1). On the contrary, other main industries in Taiwan have

started playing more important parts in the labor force market, such as professionals,

technicians and associate professionals, and service and sales workers. This further

implies the transformation of Taiwan's economic structure, from a labor-intensive to a

high-tech and service-oriented economy.


100
80


40
20
0
2 0 ----------------------------------

1966 1971 1976 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2002 2003
Year

-- Total -- Male Female


Figure 2-3. Taiwanese Labor Force Participation Rate by Gender. Source: 2003 Social
Indicator: Labor Force Participation Rate, Directorate-General of Budget
Accounting & Statistics Executive Yuan, R.O.C.










Table 2-1. Occupation of Employed Persons in Taiwan Area by Year (Unit:%)
Year 1978 1988 1998 2003
Both M F Both M F Both M F Both M F
Genders Genders Genders Genders
Legislators, government 3 09 2 73 0 37 428 364 063 457 393 0,64 446 3 75 0 71
(88 35) (1197) (85 05) (14 72) (86 00) (14 00) (84 08) (15 92)
administrators, business
executives and managers
371 218 153 459 245 215 622 300 322 709 360 349
Professionals (58 76) (41 24) (53 38) (46 84) (48 23) (51 77) (50 78) (49 22)
Technicians and associate 663 449 2 14 983 565 418 16 13 964 649 1792 1032 760
ec n(67 72) (32 28) (57 48) (42 52) (59 76) (40 24) (57 59) (42 41)
professionals
Cl ks 596 272 324 768 271 498 1028 243 785 1109 256 853
Clerks (45 64) (54 36) (35 29) (64 84) (23 64) (7636) (23 08) (7692)
Service workers and shop 1399 886 5 13 676 947 729 1720 808 9 12 1898 848 1051
S(6333) (3667) (5650) (4550) (4698) (5302) (4468) (55 37)
and market sales workers
Agricultural, animal 2458 1722 735 1356 951 405 872 623 249 714 515 199
(7006) (2990) (70 13) (2987) (71 44) (2856) (72 13) (27 87)
husbandry, forestry and
fishing workers
Prod. machine operators 4204 2894 13 10 4329 2877 1452 3688 27 09 9 79 3333 2442 891
ro aer(68 84) (31 16) (66 46) (33 54) (7345) (26 55) (73 27) (26 73)
and related workers
Total 100 67 13 3287 100 6221 37 79 100 6040 3960 100 5828 4172
Source: Statistic Reports over the Years, Directorate-General of Budget Accounting &
Statistics Executive Yuan, R.O.C. Sorted by the author

In addition, the percentage of female labor participation has gradually increased,

while that of male has decreased slightly year by year. This phenomenon might imply

that women not only have begun to compete with men directly but also have successfully

improved their dominance in Taiwan's labor market (Figure 2-3). For example, all the

percentages of female labor participation in Taiwan's five main growing industries show

significant increase, especially in clerks-from 54.36% to 76.92%. However, the

occupational distribution in Taiwan still reflects significant gender segregation (Figure

2-4). Looking into the components of Taiwan's seven occupation categories (Table 2-1),

women are only predominant in clerks (76.93%) and service/sales workers (55.37%),

while men keep dominating all the other five categories, especially in legislators,

government administrators, business executives and managers (84.07%). In other words,

women are yet to be included in the top levels of ownership and administrative-

managerial positions, and grossly over-represented at the bottom of the occupational

ladder as labor-intensive workers. Furthermore, women still suffer from wage










discrimination. Generally speaking, women's earnings are about 71% of men's for the

same job positions (Shaw, 2000).


1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Male Occupation

*MM1978 M2003


45%
40%
35%
30%
25%
20%
15%
10%
5%
0%


12 3 4 5 67
Female Occupation
EF1978 F2003


Figure 2-4. Occupation Distribution in Taiwan by Gender. 1) Legislators, government
administrators, business executives and managers. 2) Professionals. 3)
Technicians and associate professionals. 4) Clerks. 5) Service workers and
shop and market sales workers. 6) Agricultural, animal husbandry, forestry
and fishing workers. 7) Production related workers, plant and machine
operators and laborers. Source: 2003 Social Indicator: Labor Force
Participation Rate, Directorate-General of Budget Accounting & Statistics
Executive Yuan, R.O.C.

Many researchers put their efforts in investigating the reasons for the wage

inequality for women and state that the common attitudes, especially those of husbands,

toward tradition gender roles seriously constraint women's work participation decisions

(Boden, 1999; Chuang, and Lee, 2003; Lin, and Hsieh, 1993; Smith, 1980; Vella, 1994).

Women tend to withdraw from work, either on temporary or permanent basis, when they

face some conflicts between balancing family and work demands. Influenced by


50%
45%
40%
35%
30%
25%
20%
15%
10%
5%
0%









traditional gender-role expectations, most Taiwanese women take family responsibilities

as their first priority. Although it becomes easier for women to get satisfactory jobs in the

market, they still cannot put all their efforts in their careers as men do, for they cannot

unload their family roles as caring mothers and supportive wives. Therefore, it is difficult

for women to avoid work interruption (Chuang & Lee, 2003). According to the results of

the national survey, Taiwanese women, on average, quit their job once for getting

married, pregnant, or other family considerations, regardless of their education levels

(DGBAS, 2003').

In Mincer and Polachek's (1974) study, they stated that withdrawal from the labor

market would influence wages 1.5% per year through human capital depreciation and

underinvestment in on-the-job training. Chuang and Lee (2003) applied this theory to

Taiwan's labor market and found 2.8% depreciation rate for women with at least a

high-school level of education. In other words, highly-educated women in Taiwan would

suffer a reduction in their earning power due to a discontinuous work experience, as

human capital is the key determinant of their earnings. Therefore, to assure women's

working rights, both job opportunities and salaries, it is necessary to change the

traditional attitudes toward gender roles in Taiwan's society.

Social Status

As the inheritor of Chinese culture and 50-year colony of Japan, male dominance

had been firmly entrenched in Taiwan's society for a long time. In traditional Taiwanese

patriarchy, the main responsibility of a woman was to content her male families. Family

might be the main, or even the only, social environment in a woman's life. In this

situation, a woman's status was quite family-oriented and heavily influenced by her

children's gender (boys were much more valuable than girls), while men were the









commanders, holding all the power. Besides family, discrimination against women was

also institutionalized within all the common structures of Taiwan's society, including the

economy, education, culture and political system (Cheng, 1993; Gallin, 1984;

Greenhalph, 1985). The concepts that "Men go out to make money and find their careers;

women stay at home to take care of household duties," and "the positions of men are

superior; while those of women are inferior," were popularly accepted in previous

Taiwan's society.

However, as more Taiwanese women have attained higher education, joined the

work force, begun to compete with men, and become financially independent, women's

roles have been redefined and gradually improved. During the last 20 years, women have

become actively participating in public spheres, such as joining social works, advocating

public issues, and even devoting themselves in politics. According to UNDP (United

Nations Development Program, 2000), Taiwan's GDI (0.888) (Gender Development

Index) was ranked 23 among 147 countries, only lower than Japan among Asian

countries; Taiwan's GEM (0.646) (Gender Empowerment Measure, showing women's

participation and influence in politics and economy) was ranked 20 among 67 countries,

highest among Asian countries. The percentage of female members in the congress of

Taiwan in 2001 had reached 22.2%, ranked as 27 globally, ahead of Japan, South Korea,

and Singapore (DGBAS, 2003).

Feminist Movement

Since the wave of feminism started in the U.S. in the 1960s, American feminists

have been engaged in the fight for women's right and equality, in turn contributing to the

abundant publications of books and articles related to this issue. Following the trend, the

first wave of the Taiwanese women's movement arose after Shiow-Lein Lu, Taiwan's









current vice president, preached "New Feminism" in the early 1970s. "New Feminism"

successfully caught the public spotlight on the unequal treatment of Taiwan's society to

women. By 1982, Yuan-Cheng Li founded the Awakening of Women magazine agency

which turned into the first women's organization in Taiwan (Shaw, 2000). This

organization had played a significant role in raising Taiwanese women's awareness of

their status in the society. After the martial law was lifted in 1987, diverse women's

organizations have established and focused on different issues such as eliminating

underage prostitution, striving for equal working rights, pushing for political change, and

advocating for individual autonomy. Generally speaking, the key point of Taiwan's

feminist movement is quite consistent with the liberal feminist perspective-striving for

the same definition of citizenship regardless of gender (Cirksena & Cuklanz, 1992).

Owing to these feminists' persistent efforts to oppose women's oppression or devaluation

in Taiwan's society, women have acquired more and more equal opportunities and social

resources, which had been mainly opened to men before.

Portrayals of Gender Roles in Advertising

In Taiwan

As a series of feminism movements had effectively encouraged Taiwan's women to

ask for their rights and be more aware of the unequal social treatments to them, some

researchers and advertising practitioners started examining gender-role portrayals in

advertising. Although the amount of related research studies is few, most research

findings agree that gender-role stereotypes still exist ubiquitously in Taiwan's

advertising. Women shown in advertising tend to be subordinate, traditional, decorative,

and sexually objectified, while men are often depicted in independent, credible, and

authoritative roles (Li, 1990; Tau, 1991; Hu, 1998).









Li (1990) examined Taiwan's newspaper advertisements from 1960-1989 to test

women's roles, in both gender relationship and advertising patterns, and found that

women in advertising were usually shown as young, sexy, and decorative roles without

working status. Tau (1991) studied women's roles in Taiwan's magazine advertisements

from 1981-1990 and concluded that there was a serious gender-role stereotyping present

in Taiwan's magazine advertising. Two main findings from her study were: the trend that

women were portrayed as beauty or sex models was increasing year by year; female

magazine and male magazine tended to downgrade the other gender in respective

magazine. Karloff and Lee (1999) further stated that women in Taiwan's magazine

advertising were usually depicted in non-working and decorative roles, appearing most

often in cleaning product, beauty product, travel, entertainment and cigarettes

advertisements.

With regard to television commercials, Wang (1993) suggested that stereotypical

gender roles were frequently shown in Taiwan's television commercials, such as women

generally played the primary characters for female product commercials in family roles at

home while men were the central figures for male product commercials in working roles

and appeared in business settings. Moreover, Yang (1994) conducted a cross-country

study, including Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, and found that Chinese

women were more often shown as parents and spouses than men were. Women often

appeared in traditional womanly occupations such as fashion model, secretary, or nurse,

while men were shown in male-dominant jobs such as doctor, businessman, or engineer.

Even if women appeared in professional settings, their status was usually lower than men.

Moreover, women's voices were often portrayed as being uncertain about the products.









In the U.S.

As the key advocate of feminism movement, U.S. researchers have spared no effort

to investigate how gender roles are portrayed in advertising since 1960s. Thousands of

articles and books related to this topic have been published. The research objects have

gradually transferred from magazine ads to television commercials because of the

astonishing reaching rate of television on the U.S. households and its widest variety of

audiences regardless of race, creed, national origin, social class, sex, or age (McArthur

and Resko, 1975), as well as the general beliefs of television's influential power on its

viewers (Furnham & Mak, 1999). Accordingly, the portrayals of gender roles in the U.S.

television commercials have attracted considerable interests (Dominick & Ranch, 1972;

O'Donnell & O'Donnell, 1978; Schneider & Schneider, 1979).

The first major content study of television commercials was conducted by the New

York City chapter of the National Organization for Women (NOW) and reported in 1972

in the New York Times Magazine. Totally, 1,241 commercials over a period of one and a

half year were examined in this study. Based on the findings, a serious gender

stereotyping was found: 42.6% of the women were involved in household chores; 37.5%

as adjuncts to men; 16.7% as sex objects. Only 0.3% of the women in the commercials

were found by the NOW researchers to be shown as autonomous individuals. In addition,

women in commercials were very likely to be positioned as information receiver, waiting

for men's advises. Furthermore, nearly 90% of the voice-overs shown in commercials

were male (Courtney & Whipple, 1983).

The study conducted by Dominick and Rauch (1972) is generally viewed as the

first major academic study of female stereotyping in television commercials. Nearly

1,000 prime time commercials present on New York City network stations during April









1971 were included and coded by product category, gender of voice-over, gender of

prime purchaser, setting, dress, and apparent occupation of female represented,

on-camera selling by females, and primary role of the woman in the advertisement. The

results showed that the common female stereotype in advertising was a young housewife

at home, in the kitchen or bathroom, anxiously receiving advice of an authoritative male,

relating to others in a service role, and concerning about how to look beautiful (Courtney

& Whipple, 1983).

The content analysis of the portrayals of men and women in television commercials

conducted by McArthur and Resko in 1975 is also a well-used example in this field. This

study coded 199 television commercials, from three major networks (CBS, NBC, and

ABC) during weekday broadcasts in the spring of 1971, into 9 categories and found some

significant results with regard to authority roles in advertising. For examples, only 14%

of women were presented as authorities and the other 86% were portrayed as product

users, while 70% of men were showed as authorities and only 30% were product users.

Women were more often portrayed as relational roles, or dependent on others, especially

on the opposite sex, and as information receiver or product users. Women were more

likely than men to obtain the approval of family and the opposite sex as reward for using

a given product, while men more frequently obtained the approval from their friends,

social achievements, and career advancements. In general, these gender differences

revealed how women were portrayed in a relatively unfavorable manner in television

commercials.

Similar to McArthur and Resko's (1975) coding categories, O'Donnell and

O'Donnell (1978) examined 367 prime time commercials during November 1976 and









concluded that there had been little change on the gender-role stereotyping in advertising,

and some of those were negative. Men and women appeared in equal numbers as product

representatives but women usually represented domestic products (86%) and appeared at

home (76%), while men dominated the non-domestic product categories and settings.

Besides, men continued to be the voice of authority: male voice-overs had increased to

93%. Lovdal (1989) replicated this study and found that there was no significant

improvement in the portrayals of gender roles in commercials after ten years.

However, Schneider and Schneider (1979) argued that role portrayals of men and

women in television commercials in 1976 had been more realistic than those in 1971, in

terms of the U.S. census data. The differences between the portrayals of men and women

had narrowed, for example, more men were showed in the home as well as more women

were employed with a wider range of roles such as business executives, professionals,

and sales representatives (Lin, 1998; Sullivan & O'Connor, 1988). Bretl and Cantor

(1988) also supported this statement in their content-analytical study of gender-role

portrayals in the U.S. television commercials from 1971 to 1985. They provided

examples to show how gender gaps had narrowed as men and women appeared equally as

central characters in prime-time commercials. Yet, there were still some unequal

gender-role stereotypes shown in commercials in regard to employment, settings, product

categories, authorities or credibility, and voice-over in particular (90% of all narrators

were males).

In summary, there are two general perspectives of research conclusions regarding

gender stereotyping in television commercials: pessimistic and optimistic. Pessimistic

studies show that women are still being portrayed in a negative, stereotypical way, and









this kind of stereotyping is even becoming worse (Gilly 1988; Ganahl, Prinsen, &

Netzley, 2003; Lovdal 1989; Maracek et al. 1978). However, optimistic studies see

women as gaining substantial ground on their male counterparts and breaking out of the

negative stereotyping. They suggest that the role portrayals of women in television

commercials have been improved, more representative of contemporary women, and

gradually become equal to men (Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Schneider & Schneider, 1979;

Sullivan & O'Connor, 1988). Each of these opposing conclusions has received empirical

supports. However, these studies are mainly based on the U.S. data. In order to get better

understanding of the situation in Taiwan, it is necessary to conduct a content-analytical

study based on representative Taiwan's data.














CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY

Content Analysis

According to Merriam-Webster Dictionary (2004), content analysis is the analysis

of the manifest and latent content of a body of communicated material (as a book or film)

through a classification, tabulation, and evaluation of its key symbols and themes in order

to ascertain its meaning and probable effect. Krippendorff (2004) defined content

analysis in his book, Content Analysis, as "a research technique for making replicable and

valid inferences from texts (or other meaningful matter) to the contexts of their use,

rather than restricted on quantitative description and manifest content. Some researchers

also point out that content analysis allows researchers to treat qualitative data in

quantitative terms, and explains quantitative data qualitatively, thus helps to ground

analysis of images and words in more individual and impressionistic way (Leiss, 1990).

Content analysis is well considered as one of the most efficient research tools to

explore the meanings within or behind specific contexts, because of its capability for

handling unstructured matter as data in an unobtrusive way, being context sensitive and

thus allowing researchers to process data texts which are significant, meaningful,

informative, and even representational to others, and coping with large volumes of data

that in turn greatly increases its generalizability (Krippendorff, 2004). Many advertising

researchers use content analysis as an objective method to measure how various social

roles are portrayed in advertising, and observe the changing values in a society (Sung,

2000, Tse et al., 1989).









This study was designed to present how gender roles were portrayed in Taiwan's

top creative television commercials and to further examine if any inappropriate

gender-role portrayal existed. Hence, based on its context-explored nature, content

analysis was chosen as the research method to analyze the different aspects related to the

meanings of various gender-role portrayals. These aspects included gender of the

characters, primary character's ethnicity, language usage, age, social role, occupation,

basis for credibility, information-role, setting, product type, and gender of announcers.

Moreover, the consciousness scale for sexism (Pingree, 1976) in Times Advertising

award-winning television commercials was also examined.

Unit of Analysis

Referring to Krippendorff (2004), sampling units are units that are distinguished for

selective inclusion in an analysis, and should be treated as independent elements. The

counted units must be distinct-physically, conceptually, or logically-otherwise the

numerical outcome would not make sense. With regard to this study, the unit of analysis

is the single television commercial among the whole collection of Times Advertising

Award-Winners from 1997 to 2002.

Sampling Design

This study used relevance or purposive sampling strategy to collect all Times

award-winning television commercials from 1997 to 2002. The rationales for choosing

Times Advertising award-winners are as follows. 1) No previous study explored how

gender roles were portrayed in Taiwan's award-winning advertisements. Most studies

focused on either prime-time television commercials or magazine advertisements. 2)

Times Advertising Award is the most highly respected advertising award in Taiwan. All

commercials of it are professionally judged for their creativity and are sufficiently









representative of latest social trends. 3) Under the atmosphere that most advertising

agencies are eager to win reputable advertising awards, the preferred fashion of

gender-role portrayals in Times Advertising Award may directly or indirectly lead

advertising practitioners to follow which in turn would implicitly influence audiences'

perceptions of acceptable or ideal gender roles.

All samples, presented in both book and VCD formats, were drawn from annual

Times Advertising Award-Winning Television Commercial Collection 1997-2002. All

the winners and finalists are listed in a profile, including the ad itself, ID number,

prize-winning class, title of the advertisement, name of the advertiser, name of the

advertising agency, and names of the creative team. They are sorted by 14 product

categories such as public service and industry image. The annual collection book consists

of five main parts: preface-the greeting from the president of the Times Advertising

Awards Association; introduction of the judging panel; the words from the chairman of

the judging panel; the comprehensive comments from the judging panel, also including

the complete report of the whole grading process; and the main content-the introduction

of all award-winning advertisements. Every year, the complete video content of each

advertisement is included in the VCD, attached with the collection book.

Because the purpose of this study was to examine and compare gender-role

portrayals, commercials without people involved or contain only products, animals,

graphics, or non-human figure animations were excluded from the sample. There were

totally 608 qualified television commercials, including 74 commercials in 1997, 123

commercials in 1998, 99 commercials in 1999, 109 commercials in 2000, 117

commercials in 2001, and 86 commercials in 2002. In light of Davis's (1997, p.400)









suggestion about how to deal with duplicate ads, this study treated each instance of the

duplicate ad as a separate ad and coded all qualified ads in the sample, for the underlying

motivation for the content analysis was to understand aspects of the "total number of

ads." For example, how often were female characters shown in automotive ads, or what's

the proportion of male to female voice-overs shown in food ads?

Coding Categories and Variables

Without a comprehensive coding system, it is impossible to develop meaningful and

valid research analyses. Some researchers declare that the coding system used to code the

content is the heart of the content analysis (Hu, 1998) and all categories should be

reliable, and as mutually exclusive and as exhaustive as possible (Wimmer & Dominck,

1997). To develop a well-constructed coding system, this study integrated different

categories from multiple previous studies about gender roles in advertising, both in the

U.S. (Ganahl, Prinsen & Netzley, 2003; Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Craig, 1992; Schneider &

Schneider, 1979; McArthur & Resko, 1975) and in Taiwan (Bresnahan et al., 2001; Wang,

1991; Hu, 1998).

There were total of 14 categories-year, gender, ethnicity, language, age,

social-role, family role, occupation, basis for credibility, information-role, setting,

product type, gender of announcer, and the sexism scale of the Times Advertising

Awards as a mass communication media-and 33 variables were coded in this study.

Definition of Coding Categories

Year

Six years, 1997-2002 in a row, were used to code all qualified Times Advertising

Award-winning commercials.









Gender of the Characters

Based on Bresnahan, Inoue, Liu, and Nishida' s study (2001), the gender-role

portrayal should be coded for up to four adult characters in each commercial. Characters

were recommended to be identified as the primary character, the secondary character, or

supporting characters) for the purpose of analysis. Bretl and Cantor (1988) defined a

primary character as the character with the greatest amount of on-screen time and

obviously as the leading role in the commercial. Otherwise, the roles might be coded as

secondary, supporting, or even "unclear" characterss. However, the concept is

comparative, not absolute. In other words, if two or more than two characters are tied on

this measure, the one with the longest speaking time or is portrayed more like leading

character will be considered as the primary role. Schneider and Schneider (1979, p.80)

explained primary character as "male and female characters with on-camera appearances

of at least three seconds and/or at least one line of dialogue." A secondary character was

defined as the character appearing second longest and was less important than primary

character, whereas supporting characters were those characters in the background who

were not central to the commercial.

For this study, the guidelines to distinguish characters were as follows:

* The primary character was defined as the person who appeared the longest on
screen (at least 3 seconds) and obviously had the leading role in product promotion.
Otherwise, he/she might be considered as secondary or supporting role. Each
commercial could have at most "one" primary character.

* Sometimes, two or more male or female characters appeared with exactly the same
amount of time (at least over 3 seconds) without a leading character in the
commercial. In this case, the person who gave information to others would be
coded as primary character, while the persons) receiving information would be
coded as secondary character. If there was no obvious information role existing in
the commercial, the person who spoke the last sentence would be coded as the
primary character.









* Because the purpose of this study was to examine and compare gender roles,
commercials without apparent human figure involved would be excluded from the
sample, for instance, containing only products, animals, graphics, non-human
figure animations, or only a part of human body such as arms, legs, or hands.
Moreover, infants who did not have obvious gender characteristics would be
excluded, while children under 12 whose gender roles could be easily recognized
were included in the sample.

* When there was no obvious primary character, but secondary or supporting
characters were present in the commercial, product type and gender of announcers
were still coded.

Ethnicity

In Taiwan's advertising, it is very common to use foreign/western models as the

primary characters (Neelankavil et al., 1995). This applies equally to award-winning

television commercials, although all of them are produced by Taiwan's advertising

agencies. Because of this phenomenon, three variables were used in this study to examine

the ethnicity of the primary character: Eastern models, Western models, or not

applicable/cannot be coded. Eastern models include characters who are Taiwanese,

Cantonese, Singaporean, Korean, or other Asian groups; Westerns are people originally

from North America, Latin America, Europe, or other non-Asian groups. Sometimes, if

the ethnicity of the primary character could not be determined for his/her appearance, for

he/she is a person of multi-racial background, human-figure animation, or wearing a

mask, he/she would be coded as not applicable/cannot be coded.

Language

Besides the preference of using western model, there is also a trend to use western

languages, especially English, in Taiwan's advertisements (Neelankavil et al., 1995).

Because of this, the language used by the primary character was coded into seven

categories: Mandarin Chinese (the official language in Taiwan), dialects (including

Taiwanese, Hakka, and other languages used in Taiwan), English, mixed (using two or









more different languages), others (such as Japanese, Korean, and Cantonese), none (no

language was spoken by the primary language in the commercial), or not applicable/

cannot be coded (unclear language/sound such as infant's or alien's languages).

Age

Similar to Furnham and Mak's (1999) and Schneider and Schneider's (1997)

studies, six coding categories were used in this study to classify the age of the primary

character: under 11 (children), 12-17 (teens), 18-35 (young), 36-50 (middle aged), 51 and

above (old), and not applicable/cannot be coded.

Social Role

In accordance with Hu's (1998) study, social roles were defined as the

interpersonal relationship with other characters in the commercial. Although most

commercials do not allow sufficient time to develop relationships, coders still can

distinguish relationship between characters into several roles such as homemaker, parent,

spouse (wife or husband), employer or employee etc. Five categories were coded in this

study: family roles, friends, romantic partners (girlfriend/boyfriend), occupational roles

(business partners/competitors), and not applicable/cannot be coded.

Family Role

If the family role of the primary character was apparent, he/she was further coded

into four sub-categories: spouses (husbands/wives), parents/grandparents,

children/grandchildren, and others (ex. siblings, aunties, uncles, nieces, and nephews). If

there was no obvious family role portrayed by the primary character in the commercial, it

was coded as not applicable/cannot be coded.

Occupation

According to the Gender Indicator of Statistics in Taiwan area (2003), there were









seven main types of occupations in Taiwan: (1) legislators, government administrators,

business executives and managers; (2) professionals; (3) technicians and associate

professionals; (4) clerks; (5) service workers and shop and market sales workers; (6)

agricultural, animal husbandry, forestry and fishing workers; (7) production related

workers, plant and machine operators and laborers. In addition, full-time housewife was

also considered as a formal occupation in this study, based on feminist theory. Since the

1980s, American feminists have advocated that being a full-time housewife should be

considered as being a member of the largest single occupation in the U.S. economy

(Bergmann, 1981). Housewives do devote themselves to their own economic activity, or

the activity that serves as their regular source of livelihood according to the definition of

The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (2000): housekeeping, or

housework, covering such tasks as cleaning, washing, daily shopping, preparation of

meals, tidying, ironing, mending etc. Hence, it is certainly essential to include full-time

housewife/househusband/homemaker in this categorization. In addition, student was also

regarded as an occupation. When the primary character was portrayed as a retired elder,

people without working capability, or in an unclear working status, it was coded as not

applicable/cannot be coded.

Basis for Credibility

Two categories, authorities and product users, as proposed by McArthur and

Resko's (1975), are typically used to examine the credibility of the primary character in

various gender-role studies. Authorities were defined as an on camera character who had

all the facts regarding the product being advertised, and spoke favorably about the

product. Product users were characters depicted primarily as users of the product. Based

on their study, Hu (1998) further added decorative roles/models, as another category, in









her study about Taiwanese female gender roles in Taiwan's prime-time TV commercials.

The category represented the central character who was non-active or generally presented

as an attractive or sex object without any conversation. Additionally, Bretl and Cantor

(1988) proposed eight types of credibility in their study: (1) "celebrity" is a real-life

famous people; (2) "expert" is the real-life person with a high degree of skill or

knowledge in the product area; (3) "company representative" is a real-life person from

within the company of the advertised product; (4) "personal experience" includes real-life

people who have used the product; (5) "apparent expert" is an actor made to appear as an

expert; (6) "apparent personal experience" includes actors made to appear as if they have

used the product; (7) other basis; (8) no basis.

By integrating above variables, a two-level coding procedure was developed. First,

the primary character was coded as authorities, product users, decorative roles/models, or

not applicable/cannot be coded, according to his/her presented product-related role. Next,

another ten categories: celebrity, expert, company representative, personal experience,

apparent celebrity (an actor who imitated a real-life famous celebrity or was made to

appear as if they were celebrities), apparent expert, apparent company representative,

apparent personal experience, unreal people (such as human figure animations, aliens, or

people from the future), not applicable/cannot be coded were used to specify what

credible role the primary character played in the commercial.

Information Role

The role was determined by how the primary character interacted with other

characters in delivering information in the commercial. Did he/she give information to

others, or receive information from others, or neither? Usually, the information giver

roles were characters shown as giving advice or help to other characters (to know the









product) "in the commercial." The information receiver roles were portrayed as receiving

advice, help, or commands from other characters (to know the product) "in the

commercial." Therefore, if there was no obvious interaction between characters about

information delivery, or the primary character played both information roles (deliver and

receiver) without distinction in the commercial, it was coded as not applicable/cannot be

coded.

Setting

All settings present in commercials were sorted by 11 categories, according to Bretl

and Cantor (1988), Bresnahan, Inoue, Liu, and Nishida (2001), and Hu (1998). The 11

settings included kitchen, dining room/living room, other places inside the house, indoors

away from home, public places, riding inside transportation, business office/environment,

school, outdoors, combination settings, and other settings.

Bretl and Cantor (1988) defined commercial setting as the location in which the

primary character mainly appeared. Generally speaking, other places inside the house

included bathroom, bedroom, any other space in the house, and indoors away from home

could be backyard or balcony. Public places might be streets, stores, restaurants, bars,

shopping malls, railway/bus/MRT station etc. Riding inside transportation included both

private and public transportation such as bus, MRT, train, airplane, and so on. Outdoors

meant doing outdoor activities in natural settings or simply enjoying the natural scenery.

Following Bretl and Cantor's (1988) suggestion, if the primary character appeared in

more than one setting, only the setting in which he/she appeared longest was coded. If

two or more easily recognized settings appeared at similar amount of time, it would be

coded as combination settings. If the setting was in a film studio or unclear to be

classified into one of the above categories, it was coded as others.









Product Type

Because all samples in this study were selected from Times Advertising

award-winning advertisements, the product categories listed in Times Advertising Award

were used to code this variable. There were 14 common categories in Times Advertising

Award-Winning advertisements from 1997 to 2002, including (1) annual best of show,

(2) public service, (3) industry image, (4) electric appliances, (5) automotive, (6) food,

(7) beverages (both alcohol and non-alcohol), (8) household appliances, (9) personal

items, (10) communication services, (11) culture and education, (12) financial services,

(13) retail services, and (14) others.

Gender of Announcers

As to the gender of announcers, previous studies generally focused on exploring the

influence of genders on voice-overs. However, while voice-over is not the only audio

element shown in television commercials, it is necessary to take other components of

audio presentation in advertising such as jingles and taglines into consideration. Based on

Kleppner's (1986) definitions, voice-over is the voice of a TV commercial announcer

recorded off camera and slogan is a tool which sums up the theme of a company's ad to

deliver an easily remembered message in a few words, probably combined with a catchy

tune to make a jingle. Generally speaking, jingle is defined as a short, simple, catchy,

repetitious song, which is pleasant and easily remembered for presenting at least part of

the commercial (Colnot, 1997; Kleppner, 1986). According to Stewart & Furse's (1986)

definitions in their book, Effective television advertising: a study of 1000 commercials,

spoken tagline is a statement at the end of the commercial that presented new information,

usually unrelated to the principal focus of the commercial; auditory sign-off is the brand

name repeated within the last three seconds of the commercial.









To get better understanding of how gender roles were used in the audio production

of Taiwan's award-winning advertising from 1997 to 2002, five categories were

examined: gender of voice-over, gender of jingle, gender of tagline, gender of slogan, and

gender of sign-off. Each of these five categories was coded as male, female, none, and

not applicable/cannot be coded. Referring to Bretl and Cantor's (1988) definition, the

gender of voice-over was "the voice, not attributed to any on-screen character, which is

heard for the longest time." In this study, if there were both female and male voice-overs

shown in the same amount of time, the person who spoke the last sentence was coded. If

the voice-over was unclear, such as from kids or from a mixed sound, it was coded as not

applicable/cannot be coded (Hu, 1998). If there was no voice-over in the advertisement, it

was coded as none. The other four categories were coded in the same manner as that of

the gender of voice-over.

Consciousness Scale for Sexism

The Consciousness Scale for Sexism was originally developed by Butler-Paisley

and Paisley-Butler (1974) as an ordinal five-level consciousness scale to describe how

women as presented in the media were limited to special roles and relationship. Pingree,

Hawkins, Butler, and Paisley (1976) further elaborated this scale to actually examine the

consciousness scale for women among four national magazines-Time, Playboy, Ms.,

andNewsweek-and suggested a five-level exploratory model to examine the media

sexism from both women and men's sides. In this study, the determinants of which level

the primary character belonged to were his/her occupational role, social role, interaction

with other characters in the commercial (equal/unequal), personal identity (independent/

dependent, masculine/feminine), and so on. There were 6 categories coded in this study:

Level I, Level II, Level III, Level IV, Level V, and not applicable/cannot be coded.









The definitions of each level in this study are as follows:

* Level I. "Put her down." Women were presented as incompetent, dependent,
two-dimensional decoration with no real function involving the advertised
products, such as the dumb beauties, the sex objects, or the whimpering victims.
"Put him up." Men decorated advertisements for products that did not require the
presence of handsome, well-dressed men to provide more information about the
product. In this level, men were usually portrayed as attractive or sexy objects with
masculine stereotyping such as being competent, independent, powerful,
knowledgeable, muscular, and brave.

* Level II. "Keep her in her place." Traditional strengths and capabilities of women
were acknowledged, but tradition also dictated "womanly" roles, such as wives,
mothers, secretaries, clerks, teachers, and nurses. Women in this level were usually
seen in the home or doing feminine activities such as housekeeping, cooking,
shopping, applying cosmetics, or gossiping with friends. Women were fully
capable of doing typical womanly jobs or activities, but incompetent to accomplish
manly tasks. "Keep him in his place." Male characters were mainly shown at work,
usually in managerial positions or other manly positions, or doing manly activities
such as sports, gambling, or car racing. If they were shown working around the
house, they were very likely to mow the lawn, take the garbage out, or do other
manly housework. Men, who attempted traditional feminine activities at home such
as doing laundry, changing diapers, or cooking, were considered as abysmally
incompetent.

* Level III: "Give her two places." In this level, women's images presented in media
were "progressive." Women could be competent career women and housewives at
the same time, but traditional activities such as housework and mothering were still
their prior tasks. In this case, career was generally viewed as "something extra."
For example, woman could play a professional role such as a lawyer or a doctor
outside as long as she prepared dinner on the table for her husband or children on
time. When there was a conflict between her job and family, family always came
first. "Give him two places." In this level, the characteristics for men were similar
to those for women. But, the priorities were reversed. Men were competent in both
worlds, business and family, but they were "helping out" at home. Their true place
was at work or outside the home.

* Level IV: "Women and men are fully equal." Women were shown as fully
competent to play professional roles outside the home, without mentioning that
housework and mothering were non-negotiably their responsibilities. Men were as
competent as women to do womanly jobs or activities, and took womanly
responsibilities as their own such as cooking, housecleaning, and taking care of
children. In this level, women's first place was probably at work, while men's was
at home. Moreover, while imaging romance was considered as a feminine activity,
if the male primary character was portrayed as pursuing romance, he might be
coded as Level IV. Besides, romance could be assigned to this level when the two
lovers in the commercial were shown equally in love. Neither of them was superior.










* Level V: "Women and men are individuals." Women and men were viewed as
being treated non-stereotypically and as superior to each other in some respects,
while inferior in other respects. Generally speaking, level V was the only level
where a woman was allowed to be superior. However, superior men were not
usually coded V while superior women were. Superior men might be coded II,
because it fit more with traditional view of the women-men relationship of level II,
unless men were shown superior to women in doing womanly jobs or activities.


Freedom from all stereotypes
Level V

Women and men as individuals

Level IV

Women and men are fully equal

Level III
Woman may be a professional, Man may help out competently at
but first place is home home, but first place is work
Level IV


Woman's place is the home or in
womanly occupations


Man's place is at work or at
manly activities at home


Level V

Woman is a two-dimensional, Man is an unnecessary attractive
nonthinking decoration, or decoration, or masculine sex
feminine sex object object Limited by stereotypes

Figure 3-1. A Consciousness Scale for Media Sexism: Women and Men


Coding Procedure

Before the actual coding work started, the researcher did some preparations such as

coding instructions, coder selection and training, and pretest. First, a codebook containing

the definitions of all categories was developed as a common frame of reference for all

coders, thus facilitating independent coder to view and respond to the same stimulus in

the same way. Then, a coding sheet with the specification of categories, variables, and

levels of measurement, was formulated for coders to actually record their observations.









Two coders were used in this study. One was the researcher herself, as the primary

coder, and the other one was a male Taiwanese student, as the secondary coder. Once

selected, coders were trained in a coding process, beginning with familiarization of the

codebook and ending in using coding sheet to practice actual coding work.

In this study, the secondary coder was selected for three concerns:

* Gender bias: Because the primary coder is a female, inviting a male to be the
secondary coder would be helpful in reducing the gender bias in this study.

* Similar background: The background of the secondary coder is similar to the
primary coder, both are graduate students in advertising from Taiwan, which in
turn could increase the likelihood that the two coders would view the same stimulus
in the same way.

* Language and culture: Since all samples were produced and broadcasted in
Taiwan and most of them were presented in Chinese and Taiwanese, it is essential
to use a coder who is a native speaker and acculturated in Chinese/Taiwanese
culture and language.

After finishing the coding and coder preparation, a pretest was conducted to

improve the category structure, category definitions, and coding procedures. Two coders

separately coded 60 representative sample advertisements, about 10% of the actual

sample size, and then compared their results with each other.

Inter-Coder Reliability

When two or more coders independently assign the same code to the same

stimulus, this is called inter-coder reliability (Davis, 1997). Among several methods in

calculating inter-coder reliability for nominal data, Holsti's (1969) formula is the most

popular one, for it is simple, straightforward, and easy to use (Davis, 1997). Accordingly,

this study adopted Holsti's inter-coder reliability coefficient, as listed below, to calculate

the overall percentage of agreement or times when both coders independently assigned

the same code to the same object.









Reliability= 2M / NI+N2

where:

M is the total number of coding decisions on which the two coders agree.

N1 and N2 are the total number of coding decisions made by coders one and two.

The inter-coder reliability for this study was calculated before data analysis and

found to be 88.7%. Because 80% inter-coder reliability is generally considered as an

acceptable calculated measure (Davis, 1997), the inter-coder reliability of this study is

statistically valid.

Validity

According to Davis (1997), validity is a reliable measure that consistently measures

what you want to measure. It occurs when there is a high degree of correspondence

between a concept's operational definition and the specific observable event used to

record the concept. As "a research technique for the systematic, objective, and

quantitative description of the manifest content of communication," the description

function of quantitative content analysis is considered as a process that includes

segmenting communication content into units, assigning each unit to a category, and

providing tallies for each category (Berelson, 1952). Therefore, to testify the validity of

quantitative content analysis, one question is proposed: Does the procedure describe what

it intends to describe (Krippendorf, 1980; Riffe, Lacy, & Fico, 1998)?

To answer this question, Gall, Borg, and Gall's (1996) suggested: "consider

employing a coding system that has been used in previous research." Rourke and

Anderson (2004) further claimed that those who did use this method might accomplish

several things: They contributed to the accumulating validity of an existing procedure,

were able to compare their results with a growing catalog of normative data, and









shortened the instrument construction process. In this study, the total 33 variables were

operationally defined based on previous coding systems, those which were well-used to

explore gender-role portrayals in television commercials such as Bretl and Cantor's

(1988), Schneider and Schneider's (1979), McArthur and Resko's (1975), Pingree's et al.

(1976), and so on. Each code was designed to answer the core research question, how

men and women were portrayed in Taiwan's awarding winning advertising. Therefore,

this study is undoubtedly able to answer the above-mentioned question with regard to

testify the validity of quantitative content analysis and thus represent acceptable validity.

Data Analysis

The Statistical Package for the Social Science (SPSS release 11.0) was used in this

study for statistical computer analysis. SPSS is well considered as an effective tool to

deal with large amounts of data. Therefore, this study adopted SPSS to organize and

analyze its 608 samples. Chi-square was used to identify differences in the frequency

distributions among categories. Critical p-value (.05) was used to examine the statistical

significance. If p<.05, it was considered to be significant; if p>.05, it was not significant.

In addition, cross-tabulation was also used for variable analysis and comparison in this

study.














CHAPTER 4
FINDINGS

Descriptions of the Sample

A total of 608 commercials selected from the whole collection of Times

Advertising Award winners from 1997 to 2002 were counted as the final qualified

samples-74 in 1997, 123 in 1998, 99 in 1999, 109 in 2000, 117 in 2001, and 86 in 2002

(Table 4-1). Forty-eight commercials were excluded because of the lack of people

involvement, namely, only containing products, animals, graphics, or non-human figure

animations.

In this study, each sample was coded for 14 variables-year, gender of characterss,

ethnicity, language, age, social-role, family role, occupation, basis for credibility,

information-role, setting, Pingree's consciousness scale of sexism, product type, and

gender of announcer(s). If there was no obvious primary character shown in a

commercial but secondary or supporting roles were present, the commercial was then

coded for year, gender of characterss, product type, and gender of announcer(s).

Pertain to advertised products, all samples exhibited comparable male/female

distribution (Table 4-2). Miscellaneous products including real estate, website, medicine,

pet food, and not applicable product categories accounted for 12% of the sample,

followed by financial services (10.0%) and beverages (9.0%). In regard to the gender of

characterss, men predominated women in all character types, including primary,

secondary, and supporting characters (Table 4-3). For example, within the 533 samples

with primary characters, men appeared as primary characters in 357 (67%) commercials










while women only accounted for 176 (33%). More than 50% of commercials featuring

secondary characters) were male-dominant, while only 25% used female characters. In

addition, consistent with previous studies, announcers used in these 608 sample

commercials showed significant male-dominance, especially when announcing product/

brand information such as slogan and brand name (Table 4-4). The finding shows a

strong preference of using male announcers in Taiwanese award-winning commercials

1997-2002.

Table 4-1. Award-Winning Taiwanese TV Commercials per Year
N %
1997 74 12.2
1998 123 20.2
1999 99 16.3
2000 109 17.9
2001 117 19.2
2002 86 14.1
Total 608 100.0

Table 4-2. Advertised Product Types
N %
Annual best of the show 13 2.1
Public service 50 8.2
Industry image 42 6.9
Electric appliances 41 6.7
Automotive 42 6.9
Food 48 7.9
Beverages (alcohol and non-alcohol) 55 9.0
Household appliances 35 5.8
Personal items 37 6.1
Communication services 53 8.7
Culture and education 23 3.8
Financial services 61 10.0
Retail services 33 5.4
Others 75 12.3
Total 608 100.0

Table 4-3. Primary, Secondary, and Supporting Character(s) by Gender
Gender of Primary Character Gender of Secondary Gender of Supporting
Characters) Character(s)
N % N % N %
Male 357 67.0 240 50.7 89 24.6
Female 176 33.0 119 25.2 35 9.7
Both -- 114 24.1 238 65.7
Total 533 100 473 100 362 100









Table 4-4. Voice-over, Jingle, Tagline, Slogan, and Sign-Off by Gender
Gender of Voice- Gender of Jingle Gender of Tagline Gender of Slogan Gender of Sign-
Over Off
N % N % N % N % N %
Male 169 71.6 24 61.5 18 81.8 361 82.4 114 83.2
Female 67 28.4 15 38.5 4 18.2 77 17.6 23 16.8
Total 236 100 39 100 22 100 438 100 137 100

Analysis by Gender of the Primary Character

* RQ1: How were men portrayed from 1997 to 2002 in Times Advertising
Award-Winning television commercials?

* RQ2: How were women portrayed from 1997 to 2002 in Times Advertising
Award-Winning television commercials?

* RQ3: How differently or similarly were men and women portrayed from 1997 to
2002 in Times Advertising Award-winning television commercials?

Ethnicity

In commercials featuring male primary characters, Eastern models, appearing in

325 commercials (92.9%), were present overwhelmingly, compared to Western models

(7.1%). For female primary characters, the statistical finding was parallel to that of male

primary characters (Table 4-5). There was a strong presence for using Eastern models

(92.9%), including Taiwanese, Japanese, Korean, and other Asians, as primary characters

in these award-winning commercials, regardless of the gender of the primary character.

However, no significant difference was found.

Table 4-5. Ethnicity by Gender
Male Female Total
N % N % N %


Easterns 325 92.9 157 92.9 482 92.9
Westerns 25 7.1 12 7.1 37 7.1
Total 350 100 169 100 519 100
2 =.000, df=l, n.s.

Language

Table 4-6 showed that male primary characters usually spoke at least one line in

commercials (66.1%). They used Chinese as the primary language (60.6%), and then









dialects (15.7%) such as Taiwanese and Hakka, and mixed (11.0%) such as speaking

more than two different languages in commercials. In contrast, nearly 50% of female

primary characters were present as non-speaking figures. In other words, these female

characters neither had any conversation with other characters in commercials nor spoke

to the audiences directly. For those female primary characters who did speak in

commercials, Chinese was used most often (70.7%), followed by dialects (15.2%), and

others such as Japanese and Korean (6.5%).

A statistically significant difference was found between men and women regarding

whether they spoke or not in commercials ( V 2 =9.531, p<.01). In generally, women

(47.7%) were more likely than men (33.9%) to be shown as non-speaking figures.

However, when comparing male and female primary characters using a specific language

in commercials, there was no significant difference found.

Table 4-6. Language by Gender
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Speaking 236 66.1 92 52.3 328 61.5
Non-speaking 121 33.9 84 47.7 205 38.5
Totala 357 100 176 100 533 100
Chinese 143 60.6 65 70.7 208 63.4
Dialects 37 15.7 14 15.2 51 15.5
English 19 8.1 4 4.3 23 7.0
Mixed 26 11.0 3 3.3 29 8.8
Others 11 4.7 6 6.5 17 5.2
Total 236 100 92 100 328 100
a 2 =9.531, df=1 p<.01
b 2 =7.306, df=4, n.s.


Age

To gain a better understanding of the associations between gender and age, the six

age categories were recorded to two major categories-young (under 35) including

children (under 11), teens (12-17), and young (18-35) characters, and older (above 36)

including middle-aged (36-50), and old (above 50) characters. According to the data,









54.3% of men were classified as young (Table 4-7). When examining specific age group,

men were just as likely to be portrayed as middle-aged (40.0%) or as young (39.4%).

With regard to female primary characters, young women under 35 years old (nearly 80%)

appeared most frequently, while women above 36 (about 20%) were less found in

commercials. More than 60% of female characters were of age 18-35, and only about 1%

of them were very young children.

A significant difference was found between young and older age groups ( 2

=32.59, p<.01) in the frequency of male and female primary characters. Men (45.7%)

were more likely than women (20.1%) to be portrayed as older, while women (79.9%)

were more often than men (54.3%) to be appeared as young. As to specific gender group,

a chi-square test found a significant difference between men and women ( 2 =53.548,

p<.01). In general, men were more likely than women to shown as middle-agers (40.0%)

or children (6.6%), while women were more often portrayed as young people (64.4%) or

teens (14.4%).

Table 4-7. Age by Gender
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Under 35 (young) 190 54.3 139 79.9 329 62.8
Above 36 (older) 160 45.7 35 20.1 195 37.2
Totala 350 100 174 100 524 100
Under 11 (children) 23 6.6 2 1.1 25 4.7.
12-17 (teens) 29 8.3 25 14.4 54 10.3
18-35 (young) 138 39.4 112 64.4 250 47.7
36-50 (middle-aged) 140 40.0 23 13.2 163 31.1
Above 50 (old) 20 5.7 12 6.9 32 6.1
Total 350 100 174 100 524 100
a 2 =32.59, df=1, p<.01
b 2 =53.548, df=4, p<.01

Social role

There was a significant difference between men and women with respect to social









roles ( V 2 =29.576, p<.01). As shown in Table 4-8, men appeared most often in working

situations and interacted with other characters like occupational partners (43.3%) than

present in family roles (29.5%) or with friends (21.2%), and romantic partners (6.0%).

Women were most often portrayed as family roles (47.2%), followed by occupational

roles (18.9%), romantic partners (17.9%), and friends (16.0%). Obviously, men were

more associated with occupational roles, while women were more associated with family

roles. This is consistent with the common stereotypes of gender-role portrayals, i.e. men

work outside and women stay at home to take care of families and household duties.

Further comparison of men and women regarding other social roles suggested that men

were more often involved in friendship, while women were more frequently shown in

romantic relations.

Table 4-8. Social Role by Gender
Male Female Total


N % N % N %
Family roles 64 29.5 50 47.2 114 35.3
Friends 46 21.2 17 16.0 63 19.5
Romantic partners 13 6.0 19 17.9 32 9.9
Occupational roles 94 43.3 20 18.9 114 35.3
Total 217 100 106 100 323 100
S2 =29.576, df=3, p<.01

Family role

Table 4-9 indicated that men (32.4%) were shown as children/grandchildren more

often than spouses (29.4%), parents/grandparents (22.1%), and others such as brothers

(16.2%). Women usually appeared in commercials as spouses (37.7%), followed by

parents/grandparents (34.0%), children/grandchildren (15.1%), and others (13.2%) such

as sisters.

Comparing men and women with respect to family role, women were more often

depicted as spouses (37.7%) and parents/grandparents (34.0%) than men were, while men









appeared more often as children/grandchildren (32.4%) and others (16.2%). However, no

significant difference was found in this regard.

Table 4-9. Family Roles by Gender


Male Female Total
N % N % N %


Spouses 20 29.4 20 37.7 40 33.1
Parents/grandparents 15 22.1 18 34.0 33 27.3
Children/grandchildren 22 32.4 8 15.1 30 24.8
Others 11 16.2 7 13.2 18 14.9
Total 68 100 53 100 121 100
2 =5.927, df=3, n.s.

Occupation

Table 4-10 showed a significant difference between gender and occupation ( 2

=66.038, p<.01). According to the data, male primary characters usually appeared as

technicians and associate professionals (29%), legislators/gov't administrators/ business

executives and managers (22.5%), and professionals (15.4%); women most often

appeared as homemakers (24.1%), followed by professionals (22.4%), technicians and

associate professionals (19%), and service workers/shop and market sales workers (19%).

Comparing gender with occupation, women (22.4%) were more often than men

(15.4%) portrayed as professionals in commercials. Except for professional roles, the

finding, in general, is in line with traditional gender stereotypes. For example, men were

usually shown in doing manly jobs such as governors, CEOs, farmers, and porters, but

seldom shown in typical female occupations such as homemakers, and clerks. In contrast,

women were very likely to be full-time housewives, service workers, or clerks, but rarely

present in managerial positions or labor-concentrated occupations.

Basis for credibility

According to Table 4-11, more than 50% of male and female primary characters

were portrayed as product users. However, when comparing men and women in regard to










product related role, males (46.4%) were more likely than females (30.7%) to be shown

as authorities for their advertised products. In contrast, women appeared more often than

men as product users (65.7%). A significant difference between men and women

associated with their product related roles in commercials was found ( 2 =9.416, p<.01).


Table 4-10. Occupation by Gender
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Legislators/gov't administrators/ 38 22.5 1 1.7 39 17.2
business executives and managers
Professionals 26 15.4 13 22.4 39 17.2
Technicians and associate 49 29.0 11 19.0 60 26.4
professionals
Clerks 1 .6 2 3.4 3 1.3
Service workers/shop and market 18 10.7 11 19.0 29 12.8
sales workers
Agricultural/animal husbandry/ 7 4.1 -- 7 3.1
forestry and fishing workers
Production related workers/ 12 7.1 -- 12 5.3
plant and machine operators and
workers
Homemakers/housewives/ -- 14 24.1 14 6.2
househusbands
Students 18 10.7 6 10.3 24 10.6
Total 169 100 58 100 227 100
S2 =66.038, df=8, p<.01

Table 4-11. Product Related Role by Gender
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Authorities/ 123 46.4 42 30.7 165 41.0
Spokespersons for the product
Product users 136 51.3 90 65.7 226 56.2
Decorative roles/Models 6 2.3 5 3.6 11 2.7
Total 265 100 137 100 402 100
2 =9.416 df=3 p<.01

As to the credible role of the primary character, it could be separated into 9 types:

celebrity, expert, company representative, personal experience, apparent celebrity,

apparent expert, apparent company representative, apparent personal experience, and

unreal people. Apparent personal experience (72.4%) and real-life celebrities (12.5%)

were the most often appeared credible roles in commercials, regardless of gender (Table










4-12). Although no significant difference between men and women in regard to credible

role exists, it is noteworthy that men monopolized the credible role as experts (100%).

To facilitate further analysis, the 9 categories were condensed to 2 major groups.

Real experience meant that characters were real-life people who had real experience with

the advertised product, including real celebrity, real expert, real company representative,

and real personal experience. On the contrary, unreal experience was defined as

characters who were actors and made to appear as real-life people, for instance, apparent

celebrity, apparent expert, apparent company representative, apparent personal

experience, and unreal people. More than 80% of the credible roles for both male and

female primary characters were based on unreal experience, in other words, performed by

actors. However, there was no significant difference found in this regard.

Table 4-12. Credible Roles by Gender
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Real experience 48 18.2 18 14.1 66 16.8
Unreal experience 216 81.8 110 85.9 326 83.2
Totala 264 100 128 100 392 100
Celebrity 33 12.5 16 12.5 49 12.5
Expert 4 1.5 -- 4 1.0
Company representative 3 1.1 1 .8 4 1.0
Personal experience 8 3.0 1 .8 9 2.3
Apparent celebrity 9 3.4 2 1.6 11 2.8
Apparent expert 2 .8 1 .8 3 1.0
Apparent company 13 4.9 3 2.3 16 4.1
representative
Apparent personal experience 182 68.9 102 79.7 284 72.4
Unreal people 10 3.8 2 .5 12 3.1
Total 264 100 128 100 392 100
a 2 =1.045, df=l, n.s.
b 2 =9.169 df=8, n.s.


Information role

A statistically significant difference was found between gender and information

roles ( V 2 =5.491, p<.05). As can be seen in Table 4-13, the majority of primary









characters with obvious information roles, 65.4% of men and 82.1% of women, were

portrayed as information givers. However, when comparing men and women with respect

to information roles, men (34.6%) showed higher presence than women (17.9%) as

information receivers (34.6%); women (82.1%) were more likely to be present as

information givers.

Table 4-13. Information Roles by Gender
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Information giver 102 65.4 46 82.1 148 69.8
Information receiver 54 34.6 10 17.9 64 30.2
Total 156 100 56 100 212 100


S2 =5.491, df=l, p<.05

Setting


As shown in Table 4-14, men were more often present in public places (42.6%) and

business office settings (17.4%) and least likely in the kitchen (1.3%), indoors away from

home (2.6%), and in a school setting (2.9%). Women were also most likely to be shown

in public places (35.8%), followed by other places inside the house such as bedrooms and

bathrooms (12.2%), and combination settings (10.1%) such as between home and

business office. In addition, women were seldom present in school (1.4%) or outdoors

(2.7%) settings. Comparing men and women in regard to settings, a significant difference

between male and female primary characters was found. For example, men (17.4%)

showed a higher presence than women (8.8%) in business settings.

The data were then recorded to 2 categories-home settings, including kitchen,

dining/living room, other places inside the house, indoors away from home, and away

settings, including public places, riding inside transportation, business office, school, and

outdoors. The finding indicated that more than 70% of primary characters were mainly

shown in away settings such as streets, restaurants, stores, or outdoors, regardless of










gender. A significant association was found between these two settings and gender (V 2

=25.463, p<.01). Men (77.4%) more often appeared in away settings than women did

(62.4%), while women (37.6%) were more likely to be shown in home settings.

Table 4-14. Settings by Gender
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Home settings 65 20.6 49 35 114 25.1
Away settings 250 70.4 91 65 341 74.9
Totala 315 100 140 100 425 100
Kitchen 4 1.3 10 6.8 14 3.1
Dining room/living room 28 9.0 13 8.8 41 9.0
Other places inside the house 26 8.4 18 12.2 44 9.6
Indoors away from home 8 2.6 9 6.1 17 3.7
Public places 132 42.6 53 35.8 185 40.4
Riding inside transportation 18 5.8 11 7.4 29 6.3
Business office/environment 54 17.4 13 8.8 67 14.6
School 9 2.9 2 1.4 11 2.4
Outdoors 13 4.2 4 2.7 17 3.7
Combination settings 18 5.8 15 10.1 33 7.2
Total 310 100 148 100 458 100
a %2 =10.651 df=l p<.01
b 2 =25.463, df=9, p<.01

Product type

As to product type, male primary characters were most frequently shown in

association with financial services (11.2%), others (11.2%), and communication services

(10.1%), while least with household appliances (2.8%) and personal items (2.5%). In

contrast, female primary characters were most likely to be associated with personal items

(14.8%), household appliances (11.4%), food (10.2%), and beverages (10.2%), but

seldom present in commercials for annual best of the show (.6%), public services (2.8%),

and automotive (2.8%). A chi-square test showed that there was a significant difference

between men and women regarding product type ( V 2 =64.300, p<.01). Table 4-15

clearly indicated that men were more likely than women to be shown as primary

characters in most product categories, e.g. annual best of the show (3.1%), public service










(8.7%), automotive (8.1%), and industry image (9.0%). However, women were more

often than men to appear in commercials for personal items (14.8%), household

appliances (11.4%), food (10.2%), beverages (10.2%), and culture and education (4.5%).

Table 4-15. Product Type by Gender
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Consumed in home products 47 19.3 64 43.5 111 28.5
Consumed out of home 90 37.0 31 21.1 121 31.0
products
Consumed both in and out of 106 43.6 52 35.4 158 40.5
home products
Total 243 100 147 100 390 100
Annual best of the show 11 3.1 1 .6 12 2.3
Public service 31 8.7 5 2.8 36 6.8
Industry image 32 9.0 7 4.0 39 7.3
Electric appliances 28 7.8 10 5.7 38 7.1
Automotives 29 8.1 5 2.8 34 6.4
Food 28 7.8 18 10.2 46 8.6
Beverages (alcohol and non 31 8.7 18 10.2 49 9.2
-alcohol)
Household appliances 10 2.8 20 11.4 30 5.6
Personal items 9 2.5 26 14.8 35 6.6
Communication services 36 10.1 16 9.1 52 9.8
Culture and education 11 3.1 8 4.5 19 3.6
Financial services 40 11.2 17 9.7 57 10.7
Retail services 21 5.9 9 5.1 30 5.6
Others 40 11.2 16 9.1 56 10.5
Total 357 100 176 100 533 100
a x2 =27.887 df=2 p<.01
b x2 =64.300 df=13 p<.01


Based on Bretl and Cantor's (1988) suggestion, the data were combined into three

categories. Consumed in home products were those used mainly at home, including food,

household appliances, and personal items. Consumed out of home products were those

usually used in places other than home, including automotive, financial services, and

retail services. Some products, which could be used both at home and elsewhere, were

considered as consumed both in and out of home products, including electric appliances,

beverages, communication services, and culture and education. The remaining product

categories such as annual best of the show, public service, industry image, and others









such as real estate and E-Commerce, were excluded for lacking obvious product

characteristics.

A significant difference between male and female primary characters with respect

to product type was found ( V 2 =27.887, p<.01). As can been seen in Table 4-15, men

were present in commercials for consumed both in and out of home products most often

(43.6%), followed by consumed out of home products (37.0%), and then consumed in

home products (19.3%). Women (43.5%) were most likely to be associated with

consumed in home products, followed by consumed both in and out of home product

(35.4%), and consumed out of home products (21.1%). Generally speaking, women were

more associated with consumed in home products, while men were more associated with

consumed out of home as well as consumed both in and out of home products. This

finding is highly consistent with previous studies (Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Dominick &

Rauch, 1972).

Gender of announcers

As to gender of announcers, a strong preference to use male announcers was found

in this study, no matter what function the male announcers played in commercials. Five

statistical chi-square tests, as can be seen in Table 4-16, revealed some significant

differences between gender of primary character and gender of announcers. In general,

men dominated women as announcers in most commercials, e.g. men accounted for

63.2% of jingle announcers, 70.6% of voice-over announcers, and about 80% of tagline,

slogan and sign-off announcers. However, in female-leading commercials, female

announcers were used more frequently. For example, in commercials featuring female

characters, 52% of voice-overs were announced by women, and 64.3% of jingles were










sung by women. In addition, no association between female tagline announcers and male

primary characters was found.

Table 4-16. Gender of Voice-Over, Jingle, Tagline, Slogan, and Sign-Off by Gender
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Male voice-over 101 84.9 36 48.0 137 70.6
Female voice-over 18 15.1 39 52.0 57 29.4
Totala 119 100 75 100 194 100
Male jingle 19 79.2 5 35.7 24 63.2
Female jingle 5 20.8 9 64.3 14 36.8
Total 24 100 14 100 38 100
Male tagline 13 100 2 33.3 15 78.9
Female tagline -- 4 66.7 4 21.1
Total' 13 100 6 100 19 100
Male slogan 222 94.5 91 64.1 313 83.0
Female slogan 13 5.5 51 35.9 64 17.0
Totald 235 100 142 100 377 100
Male sign-off 69 93.2 30 63.8 99 81.8
Female sign-off 5 6.8 17 36.2 22 18.2
Total 74 100 47 100 121 100
a 2 =30.148, df=l, p<.01; b 2 =7.175, df=l, p<.01;Oc 2 =10.978, df=l, p<.01;
d 2 =57.976, df=l, p<.01; e 2 =16.717, df=l, p<.01

RQ5: According to Pingree's scale for sexism, what is the consciousness scale of
sexism in Times Advertising Award-Winning television commercials?

Consciousness Scale for Sexism

This study used Pingree, Hawkins, Butler, and Paisley's (1976) five-level

exploratory model to examine the consciousness scale for both women and men among

Times Advertising Award-winning commercials from 1997 to 2002. In this study, the

determinants of which level the primary character belonged to might be his/her social

role, occupational role, interactions with other characters in the commercial (equal/

unequal), personal identity (independent/dependent, masculine/feminine), and other

obvious gender role portrayals.

In brief, the five levels can be defined as following:

* Level I: Decorative roles. "Put her down vs. put him up."
* Level II: Traditional gender roles. "Keep her/him in her/his place."
* Level III: Double roles. "Give her/him two places."









* Level IV: "Women and men are fully equal."
* Level V: "Women and men are individuals."

As shown in Table 4-17, there was a significant difference between men and

women with regard to the consciousness scale of sexism ( V 2 =22.512, p<.01). According

to the data, nearly 60% of the interactions between male primary characters with other

characters in Times Advertising Award-winning commercials were considered as Level

II, about 25% were Level IV, and less than 3% were Level V. For commercials featuring

female primary characters, more than 40% of commercials were classified as Level II,

and nearly 30% were considered as Level IV. In addition, women were least present as

Level III gender-role type in commercials.

Table 4-17. Consciousness Scale of Sexism by Gender
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Level I 25 9.3 16 10.9 41 9.9
Level II 158 59.0 64 43.5 222 53.5
Level III 12 4.5 6 4.1 18 4.3
Level IV 66 24.6 41 27.9 107 25.8
Level V 7 2.6 20 13.6 27 6.5
Total 268 100 147 100 415 100
2 =22.512, df=4, p<.01

Generally speaking, both men and women were portrayed more often as Level II

type, namely, traditional gender-role expectations such as men were depicted as

professional businessmen and women were seen doing womanly activities at home or

outside their houses. However, there were some noteworthy differences between men and

women in association with the consciousness scale for sexism. 1) Men (59.0%) were

present more often than women (43.5%) in traditional roles, Level II. 2) Women were

more often portrayed equally (27.9%), as Level IV, and even superior (13.6%), as Level

V, to their male counterparts. 3) Men were more likely than women to be portrayed as

Level II, and III models. Women were more often than men present in Level I, IV, and V,










especially in the most non-stereotypical level, Level V. Furthermore, women were more

likely than men to be portrayed non-stereotypically in commercials.

Summary of the Main Portrayals of Men and Women in Times Advertising
Award-Winning Commercials

In summation, the main findings regarding the portrayals of men and women in

Times Advertising Award from 1997 to 2002 were tabulated and shown below. In most

cases, the differences between men and women were statistically significant (p<.05).


Table 4-18. Comparisons between Men and Women
Male Comparison


Ethnicity
Language

Age

Social role
Family role
Occupation

Product related role
Credible role


Information role
Setting

Scale for sexism
Advertised product


Gender of voice-over
Gender of jingle
Gender of tagline
Gender of slogan
Gender of sign-off
**p<.01; *p<.05


Eastern
Speaking
Chinese
Young (under 35)
Middle Aged (36-50)
Occupational role
Children/grandchildren
Technicians and associate
professionals
Product users
Unreal experience
Apparent personal experience

Information giver
Away settings
Public places
Level II
Consumed both in and out of
home products
Financial services or others
Male
Male
Male
Male
Male


Female
Eastern
Speaking
Chinese
Young (under 35)
Young (18-35)
Family role
Spouse
Homemakers/housewives

Product users
Unreal experience
Apparent personal
experience
Information giver
Away settings
Public places
Level II
Consumed in home
products
Personal items
Female
Female
Female
Male
Male


Inferential Results of the Sample

* RQ4: What do the findings imply about gender-role portrayals in Taiwan's
television commercials by product types?

In order to examine the correlations between gender and product type in regard to

each of the above-mentioned variables, the current study applied Bretl and Cantor's


2
.000
9.531**
7.306
32.59**
53.548**
29.576**
5.927
66.038**

9.416**
1.045
9.169

5.491*
10.651**
25.463**
22.512**
27.887**

64.300**
30.148**
7.175**
10.978**
57.976**
16.717**









(1988) model, which generalized product types into three types: home products

(hereinafter called consumed in home products which were mainly used in home,

including food, household appliances, and personal items), away products (hereinafter

called consumed out of home products which were mainly used outside the house,

including automotive, financial services, and retail services), and both home and away

products (hereinafter called consumed both in and out of home products which could be

used either inside or outside the house, including electric appliances, beverages,

communication services, and culture and education). The remaining product categories

such as annual best of the show, public service, industry image, and others, were

excluded from this study, considering there were no obvious product characteristics

shown in these commercials.

Consumed in Home Products

As can be seen in Table 4-19, there was a significant difference between gender

and language in consumed in home product commercials ( V 2 =14.873, p<.01). More

than 70% of male primary characters were shown speaking at least one line in

commercials, while the majority of female primary characters (62.5%) were present as

non-speaking figures. Based on the data, men (74.5%) were more likely than women

(37.5%) to speak in consumed in home product commercials. On the Contrary, female

primary characters (62.5%) were more often portrayed as non-speaking figures than men

(25.5%) were.

Table 4-20 indicated a significant difference between gender and age in consumed

in home product commercials ( V 2 =29.055, p<.01; V 2 =13.892, p<.01). Both male

(60.9%) and female (90.6%) primary characters most often showed as young figures










(under 35 years old). Most female primary characters (90.6%) were shown as young,

outnumbering male primary characters (60.9%). Men (39.1%) were more often than

women (9.4%) present as older characters (above 36). However, with respect to specific

age groups, the findings showed that men were as likely to be portrayed as young (37.0%)

or middle-aged (34.8%), while women were usually shown as young (79.7%). When

comparing men and women in this regard, men outnumbered women appearing as

children (10.9%), teens (13.0%), or middle-aged (34.8%). Women (79.7%) were present

more often than men (37.0%) as young people, and slightly outnumbered men (4.3%) as

elders.

Table 4-19. Language by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Speaking 35 74.5 24 37.5 59 53.2
Non-speaking 12 25.5 40 62.5 52 46.8
Total 47 100 64 100 111 100
S2 =14.873, df=l, p<.01

Table 4-20. Age by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Under 35 (young) 28 60.9 58 90.6 86 78.2
Above 36 (older) 18 39.1 6 9.4 24 21.8
Totala 46 100 64 100 110 100
Under 11 (children) 5 10.9 1 1.6 6 5.5
12-17 (teens) 6 13.0 6 9.4 12 10.9
18-35 (young) 17 37.0 51 79.7 68 61.8
36-50 (middle-aged) 16 34.8 2 3.1 18 16.4
Above 50 (old) 2 4.3 4 6.3 6 5.5
Total 46 100 64 100 110 100
a 2 =29.055, df=l, p<.01
b 2 =13.892, df=4, p<.01

As can be seen in Table 4-21, the findings showed significant associations between

gender of primary characters and gender of announcers in consumed in home product

commercials. Generally speaking, men dominated women as narrators for voice-over,

slogan, and sign-off. In male-leading commercials, men outnumbered women narrating










voice-over, slogan, sign-off, and singing jingles. On the other hand, the only item that

women dominated men was singing jingles in female-dominant commercials.

Table 4-21. Voice-Over, Jingle, Slogan, and Sign-Off by Gender of Primary Characters
in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Male voice-over 13 100 19 52.8 32 65.3
Female voice-over -- 17 47.2 17 34.7
Totala 13 100 36 100 49 100
Male jingle 6 75.0 -- 6 40.0
Female jingle 2 25.0 7 100 9 60.0
Total 8 100 7 100 15 100
Male slogan 34 91.9 33 61.1 67 73.6
Female slogan 3 8.1 21 38.9 24 26.4
Total' 37 100 53 100 91 100
Male sign-off 12 100 13 52.0 25 67.6
Female sign-off -- 12 48.0 12 32.4
Total 12 100 25 100 37 100
a X 2 =9.400, df=l, p<.01; b V 2 =8.750, df=l, p<.01
c X 2 =10.713, df=l, p<.01; d X 2 =8.525, df=l, p<.01


Table 4-22. Consciousness Scale of Sexism by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in
Home Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Level I 2 5.6 9 17.0 11 12.4
Level II 15 41.7 19 35.8 34 38.2
Level III 4 11.1 1 1.9 5 5.6
Level IV 13 36.1 11 20.8 24 27.0
Level V 2 5.6 13 24.5 15 16.9
Total 36 100 53 100 89 100
72=12.155, df=4, p<.05

As Table 4-22 suggested, there was a significant difference between gender and the

Consciousness Scale of Sexism in consumed in home product commercials ( V 2 =12.155,

p<.05). Both male and female primary characters were more often portrayed as Level II,

traditional gender roles. Nearly 80% of male primary characters were shown as Level II

(41.7%) and Level IV (36.1%) gender-role types, while female primary characters were

most often seen as Level II (35.8%), followed by Level V (24.5%), Level IV (20.8%),

and Level I (17.0%) gender-role types. Interestingly, women dominated in Level I and









Level V, the opposite levels of the sexism scale, while men outnumbered women in

presence in Level II, Level III, and Level IV types.

Consumed out of Home Products

As shown in Table 4-23, there was a significant correlation between male and

female primary character with regard to age in consumed out of home product

commercials ( 2 =5.395, p<.05). In general, both male (57.1%) and female (80.6%)

primary characters were usually present as young figures (under 35) in consumed out of

home product commercials. Men (42.9%) were more likely to appear as older people

(above 36 years old) then women (19.4%) were. Women (80.6%) were more often than

men to be shown as young figures (57.1%).

Table 4-23. Age by Gender in Commercials for Consumed in Home Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Under 35 (young) 48 57.1 25 80.6 73 63.5
Above 36 (old) 36 42.9 6 19.4 42 36.5
Total 84 100 31 100 115 100
2 5.395, df=l, p<.05

Table 4-24 showed a significant difference between men and women in regard to

social roles in consumed out of home product commercials ( v 2 =9.303, p<.05). Based on

the findings, men were most often shown in occupational roles (45.5%), followed by

family roles (27.3%), friends (18.2%), and romantic partners (9.1%). Women were most

likely to appear in family roles (52.4%), then occupational roles (28.6%), and as romantic

partners (19.0%). However, there was no female primary present as friends in consumed

out of home product commercials. When comparing men with women, it was found that

men outnumbered women appearing in occupational roles and as friends, but women

dominated men in family roles and romantic roles.









Table 4-24. Social Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed out of Home Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Family roles 18 27.3 11 52.4 29 33.3
Friends 12 18.2 -- -- 12 13.8
Romantic partners 6 9.1 4 19.0 10 11.5
Occupational roles 30 45.5 6 28.6 36 41.4
Total 66 100 21 100 87 100
X2 =9.303, df=3, p<.05

The findings on Table 4-25 suggested a significant difference between gender and

occupation in consumed out of home product commercials ( v 2 =13.432, p<.05). Men

were usually shown in managerial occupations (28.9%), as technicians and associate

professionals (21.1%) or service workers (21.1%), but never shown as clerks in

consumed out of home product commercials. Women were only shown in three types of

occupations: Half of them were shown as professionals (50.0%) and the other half was

disproportionally divided between service workers (33.3%) and clerks (16.7%). In

general, men were more likely than women portrayed in managerial roles, as technicians

and associate professionals, and as production related workers; women were more often

than men to be depicted as professionals, service workers, and clerks. Neither male nor

female primary characters were depicted as agricultural/animal husbandry/forestry and

fishing workers, homemakers, or students in consumed out of home product commercials.

Table 4-26 showed a significant difference between gender and product related role

in consumed out of home product commercials ( v 2 =6.100, p<.05). Although both male

(57.6%) and female (86.4%) primary characters were most often depicted as product

users, some significant differences between men and women were found. For example,

men were more likely than women to be shown as authorities or decorative models in

consumed out of home product commercials, while women were more often present as

product users. In addition, no woman was found to appear as decorative models in







67


consumed out of home product commercials.

Table 4-25. Occupation by Gender in Commercials for Consumed out of Home Products
Male Female Total


Legislators/gov't administrators/
business executives and
Managers
Professionals
Technicians and associate
Professionals
Clerks
Service workers/shop and market
sales workers
Production related workers/
plant and machine operators and
workers
Total


% N %
-- 11 25.0


50.0


16.7
33.3


5 13.2


38 100


6 100


5 11.4


44 100


S2 =13.432, df=5, p<.05

Table 4-26. Product Related Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed out of Home
Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Authorities/ 26 39.4 3 13.6 29 33.0
Spokespersons for the product
Product users 38 57.6 19 86.4 57 64.8
Decorative roles/Models 2 3.0 -- -- 2 2.3
Total 66 100 22 100 88 100
2 =6.100, df=2, p<.05

Table 4-27. Gender of Tagline and Slogan by Gender of Primary Characters in
Commercials for Consumed out of Home Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Male tagline 7 100 -- -- 7 77.8
Female tagline -- -- 2 100 2 22.2
Totala 7 100 2 100 9 100
Male slogan 63 95.5 21 80.8 84 91.3
Female slogan 3 4.5 5 19.2 8 8.7
Total 66 100 26 100 92 100
a 2 =9.000, df=l, p<.05
b 2 =5.066, df=l, p<.05


As can be seen in Table 4-27, some significant differences between male and

female primary characters in regard to gender of tagline and slogan announcers in

consumed out of home product commercials were found ( 2 =9.000, p<.05; % 2 =5.066,









p<.05). Generally speaking, there was a strong tendency to use male voices as tagline and

slogan narrators. The only exception that taglines were mainly narrated by women was

found in commercials featuring female central characters.

Consumed both in and out of Home Products

Table 4-28 showed a significant difference between gender and age in consumed

both in and out of home product commercials, respectively ( V 2 =7.832, p<.01; 2

=13.105, p<.05). Most primary characters, regardless of gender, were shown as young

figures. However, men (45.3%) were more often than women (22.0%) shown as older

persons. Women (78.0%) were present more often as young than men (54.7%). When

examining specific age group, more than 70% of men were coded between 36-50 (38.7%)

or between 18-35 (35.8%) years of age. More than 70% of women were either between

18-35 (52.0%) or 12-17 (24.0%). Not surprisingly, female primary characters were more

likely than their male counterparts present as young people and teens. In contrast, male

primary characters were more often present as middle-aged or elder figures than female

primary characters were. Moreover, men (7.5%) also outnumbered women (2.0%) when

appearing as children.

Table 4-28. Age by Gender in Commercials of Consumed both in and out for Home
Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Under 35 (young) 58 54.7 39 78.0 97 62.2
Above 36 (older) 48 45.3 11 22.0 59 37.8
Totala 106 100 50 100 156 100
Under 11 (children) 8 7.5 1 2.0 9 5.8
12-17 (teens) 12 11.3 12 24.0 24 15.4
18-35 (young) 38 35.8 26 52.0 64 41.0
36-50 (middle-aged) 41 38.7 8 16.0 49 31.4
Above 50 (old) 7 6.6 3 6.0 10 6.4
Total 106 100 50 100 156 100
a X2 =7.832, df=l, p<.01
b 2 =13.105, df=4, p<.05









Table 4-29 indicated a significant difference between gender and social role in

consumed both in and out of home product commercials ( % 2 =17.442, p<.01). Men were

most often depicted in occupational roles (41.0%), followed by family roles (31.1%), and

with friends (26.2%). Men were seldom shown as romantic partners (1.6%). Women

were most frequently present in family roles (50.0%), then as romantic partners (20.6%),

with friends (14.7%) and as occupational partners (14.7%). As to social role, it was found

that men were more often portrayed in occupational roles and with friends, while women

were often present in family roles and as romantic partners.

Table 4-29. Social Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of
Home Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Family roles 19 31.1 17 50.0 36 37.9
Friends 16 26.2 5 14.7 21 22.1
Romantic partners 1 1.6 7 20.6 8 8.4
Occupational roles 25 41.0 5 14.7 30 31.6
Total 61 100 34 100 95 100
S2 =17.442, df=3, p<.01

Table 4-30 showed a significant difference between men and women in regard to

occupation in consumed both in and out of home product commercials ( V 2 =23.712,

p<.01). Men were most often portrayed as technicians and associate professionals

(32.1%), followed by professionals (22.6%), and students (17.0%). In contrast, women

were more likely to appear as housewives (35.3%), technicians and associate

professionals (29.4%), professionals (11.8%) and service workers (11.8%). General

speaking, men outnumbered women in most occupation categories, except for service

workers and homemakers. Neither men nor women were shown as clerks in consumed

both in and out of home product commercials.










Table 4-30. Occupation by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of
Home Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Legislators/gov't administrators/ 5 9.4 1 5.9 6 8.6
business executives and managers
Professionals 12 22.6 2 11.8 14 20.0
Technicians and associate 17 32.1 5 29.4 22 31.4
professionals
Service workers/shop and market 3 5.7 2 11.8 5 7.1
sales workers
Agricultural/animal husbandry/ 4 7.5 -- -- 4 5.7
forestry and fishing workers
Production related workers/ 3 5.7 -- -- 3 4.3
plant and machine operators and
workers
Homemakers/housewives/ -- -- 6 35.3 6 8.6
househusbands
Students 9 17.0 1 5.9 10 14.3
Total 53 100 17 100 70 100
S2 23.712, df=7, p<.01


Table 4-31 indicated a significant difference between gender and information role

in consumed both in and out of home commercials ( V 2 =5.948, p<.05). Although both

men and women were usually portrayed as information givers in consumed both in and

out of home product commercials, men (38.5%) were more likely than women (6.3%) to

appear as information receivers. It is noteworthy that more than 90% of female primary

characters (93.8%) were shown as information givers, outnumbering their male

counterparts (61.5%).

Table 4-31. Information Role by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out
of Home Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Information giver 32 61.5 15 93.8 47 69.1
Information receiver 20 38.5 1 6.3 21 30.9
Total 52 100 16 100 68 100
2 =5.948, df=l, p<.05

Table 4-32 revealed a significant difference between male and female primary

characters with regard to settings in consumed both in and out of home commercials ( 2









=13.988, p<.01; V 2 =30.079, p<.01). According to the data, 74.2% of men and 40.9% of

women were shown in away settings, while 25.8% of men and 59.1% of women appeared

in home settings. As to specific setting, both men (35.9%) and women (26.1%) were most

often shown in public places. In addition to public places, men were usually seen in

business settings (19.6%) and dining/living room (17.4%), but seldom appeared in the

kitchen (1.1%). Women were often seen in dining/living room (19.6%), kitchen (15.2%),

and other places inside the house (15.2%). Generally speaking, men dominated women's

presence present in most away settings, except for riding inside transportation. In contrast,

women outnumbered men appearing in all home settings, including kitchen, dining/living

room, other places inside the house- e.g. bedroom and bathroom, indoors away from

home, combination settings, and in one away setting-riding inside transportation.

Table 4-32. Setting by Gender in Commercials for Consumed both in and out of Home
Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Home settings 23 25.8 26 59.1 49 36.8
Away settings 66 74.2 18 40.9 84 63.2
Totala 89 100 44 100 133 100
Kitchen 1 1.1 7 15.2 8 5.8
Dining room/living room 16 17.4 9 19.6 25 18.1
Other places inside the house 3 3.3 7 15.2 10 7.2
Indoors away from home 3 3.3 3 6.5 6 4.3
Public places 33 35.9 12 26.1 45 32.6
Riding inside transportation 4 4.3 4 8.7 8 5.8
Business office/environment 18 19.6 1 2.2 19 13.8
School 4 4.3 1 2.2 5 3.6
Outdoors 7 7.6 -- 7 5.1
Combination settings 3 3.3 2 4.3 5 3.6
Total 92 100 46 100 138 100
a 2 =13.988, df=1 p<.01
b 2 =30.079, df=9 p<.01


Table 4-33 showed that men were more often than women to narrate voice-overs

and slogans in consumed both in and out of home product commercials, especially when

male primary characters were present. Nevertheless, women (75%) outnumbered men









(25%) as voice-over announcers in female leading commercials. These differences

between gender of primary characters and gender of announcers were statistically

significant ( x 2 =27.903, p<.01; V 2 =26.075, p<.01).

Table 4-33. Gender of Voice-Over and Slogan by Gender of Primary Characters in
Commercials for Consumed both in and out Home Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %
Male voice-over 31 96.9 4 25.0 35 72.9
Female voice-over 1 3.1 12 75.0 13 27.1
Totala 32 100 16 100 48 100
Male slogan 72 96.0 24 58.5 96 82.8
Female slogan 3 4.0 17 41.5 20 17.2
Total 75 100 41 100 116 100
a 2 =27.903, df=l, p<.01
b X2 =26.075, df=l, p<.01


Table 4-34. The Consciousness Scale of Sexism by Gender in Commercials for
Consumed both in and out of Home Products
Male Female Total
N % N % N %


Level I 9 11.7 1 2.5 10 8.5
Level II 46 59.7 21 52.5 67 57.3
Level III 5 6.5 2 5.0 7 6.0
Level IV 16 20.8 11 27.5 27 23.1
Level V 1 1.3 5 12.5 6 5.1
Total 77 100 40 100 117 100
S2 =9.895, df=4, p<.05

As Table 4-34 indicated, there was a significant difference between men and

women with respect to the Consciousness Scale of Sexism in consumed both in and out

of home product commercials ( V 2 =9.895, p<.05). About 80% of male and female

primary characters were portrayed either as Level II, traditional gender roles, or as Level

IV, equal gender roles. However, men (59.7%) were more often than women (52.5%) to

be present as Level II type, while women (27.5%) were more likely than men (20.8%) to

appear as Level IV type. Moreover, men (11.7%) were also more frequently than women

(2.5%) shown in consumed both in and out of home product commercials as Level I type,

e.g. men were appeared as unnecessarily attractive/masculine sex objects. In contrast,










women (12.5%) were much more likely than men (1.3%) to be portrayed as Level V type

such as a superior woman. In Level III type, double roles/duties, male primary characters

(6.5%) slightly outnumbered female primary characters (5.0%).

Summary of the Main Portrayals of Men and Women in Times Advertising
Award-Winning Commercials by Product Types

Some significant differences between gender of primary characters and product

types in Taiwan's Times Advertising Award winners from 1997 to 2002 were found and

tabulated below (p<.05).

Table 4-35. Comparisons between Men and Women by Product Type


In home Language
Age


Out of home


Gender of voice-over
Gender of jingle
Gender of slogan
Gender of sign-off
Sexism Scale
Age
Social role
Occupation


Product related role
Gender of tagline
Gender of slogan
Both in and Age
out of home
Social role
Occupation

Information role
Setting

Gender of voice-over
Gender of slogan
Sexism scale
**p<.01; *p<.05


Male
Speaking
Young (under 35)
Young (18-35)
Male
Male
Male
Male
Level II
Young (under 35)
Occupational role
Legislators/Business
executives
Product users
Male
Male
Young (under 35)
Middle aged (36-50)
Occupational role
Technicians and
associate professionals
Information giver
Away settings
Public places
Male
Male
Level II


Comparison Female
> Non-Speaking
< Young (under 35)
< Young (18-35)
> Male
Female
> Male
> Male
> Level II
< Young (under 35)
Family role
Professionals

< Product users
Female
> Male
< Young (under 35)
Young (18-35)
Family role
Homemakers


14.873**
29.055**
13.892**
9.400**
8.750**
10.713**
8.525**
12.155*
5.395*
9.303*
13.432*

6.100*
9.000*
5.066*
7.832**
13.105*
17.442**
23.712**


< Information giver 5.948*
Home settings 13.988**
> Public places 30.079**
Female 27.903**
> Male 26.075**
> Level II 9.895*














CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

The purpose of the current study was to gain a better understanding of how men

and women were portrayed in Taiwan's award-winning commercials. A content analysis

based on 608 television commercials from Times Advertising Award winners from 1997

to 2002 was conducted. The main reason for choosing samples from Times Advertising

Award was because it is generally viewed as the most highly respected annual advertising

award in Taiwan. All commercials of it are professionally judged for their creativity and

representativeness of latest social trends. Furthermore, in light of liberal feminist

theoretical framework, this study further examined if the unequal gender-role portrayals

present in Taiwan's television commercials have changed, improved, or remain

stereotypical over time.

Generally speaking, there are two common research perspectives regarding gender

stereotyping in television commercials: pessimistic and optimistic.

* Pessimistic perspectives: Pessimistic studies suggest that the negative or
stereotypical role portrayals of women remain a ubiquitous presence in
commercials and are even becoming worse (Gilly 1988; Ganahl, Prinsen, &
Netzley, 2003; Lovdal 1989; Maracek et al. 1978).

* Optimistic perspectives: Optimistic studies conclude that the female role
portrayals in commercials have been improved, are more representative of
contemporary women, and gradually become more equal to men (Bretl & Cantor,
1988; Schneider & Schneider, 1979; Sullivan & O'Connor, 1988).

With regard to the gender-role portrayals in Taiwan's advertising, most studies

show pessimistic perspective. For example, women are often present in commercials as

subordinate, traditional, decorative, and sexually objectified. Men are usually depicted as









independent, credible, and authoritative (Hu, 1998; Liu, 1997; Wang, 1992; Wang, 1990).

However, some studies have different opinions and suggest that gender roles shown in

Taiwan's commercials have improved and become more non-stereotypical. In Besnahan,

Inoue, Liu, and Nishida's (2001) study, they found that an equal number of men and

women were present in Taiwan's prime-time commercials. Their findings suggested that

most characters were present in non-stereotypical roles in combined settings. Similarly,

the findings in this study indicate that although men and women, in general, are still

portrayed stereotypically, their images as well as relationships shown in Taiwan's

award-winning commercials have improved.

As far as solely male primary characters is concerned, the most likely portrayals of

men shown in award-winning commercials are depicted as young or middle-aged Asians

who appear in occupational roles such as technician or associate professionals. Males are

often shown in away settings, especially in public places, and speak Chinese. If they have

obvious family relationships with other characters, males usually appear as either

children/grandchildren or spouses. As to credibility, it is common to see male actors

giving product related information to other characters in commercials or showing

audiences their personal experiences of using those products. Usually, males are more

often associated with products consumed out of home such as automotive as well as with

those consumed both in and out of home such as financial services. In most commercials

featuring male primary characters, male announcers are predominately used.

In contrast, female primary characters shown in commercials are very likely to be

young Asians present in family roles such as spouses or parents/grandparents in public

places and speaking Chinese. If females appear in working conditions with obvious









occupational roles, they tend to work as either full-time housewives or as professionals,

such as investment consultants. In addition, women, often actresses, are usually present in

consumed in home product commercials as product users and provide product

information to others based on their apparent personal experience. In a female-leading

commercial, it is common to hear both female and male voices appearing in different

parts of the commercial. For instance, female voices are more often used to announce

voice-overs, jingles, or taglines, while male voices are more likely to appear delivering

slogans or sign-offs.

Based on the liberal feminist perspective, this study focused on examining gender

differences/similarities between men and women in Taiwan. In Chapter 2, the literature

review detailed the social status of men and women in Taiwan from educational,

economical, political, and cultural aspects. In general, all evidences point toward one

conclusion: Taiwan's society has gradually moved from the male-dominant past to a

more gender-equal future. However, can one also see these changes reflected in Taiwan's

commercials? In view of the current findings based on chi-square and cross-tab tests, the

study concludes that the portrayals of male and female primary characters in Times

Advertising Award-winning commercials significantly differ in several respects (Table

4-18). Some of these differences are consistent with the social transitions, while some

remain stereotypical. A summary of the overall current findings is as listed below:

* Primary characters: Nearly 70% of primary characters are males.

* Language: Women tend to be visually portrayed without speaking in commercials
(supports Furnham & Mak's, 1999), especially when they are associated with
consumed in home products such as personal items. However, being portrayed in
non-speaking roles does not equate to non-activity. Women without speaking roles
in commercials are much more likely than men to be portrayed progressively,
particularly in home product commercials. Non-speaking male characters are more









likely to be shown as merely non-active attractive decoration, especially in
commercials for consumed both in and out home products.

* Age: Regardless of product category, women were consistently portrayed as young
(18-35). In most cases, they appeared younger than their male counterparts in
commercials.

* Social role: Female primary characters present in commercials remain
family-oriented, while males are more associated with occupational roles. These
differences are statistically significant in commercials for consumed out of home
products as well as for consumed both in and out of home products. In addition,
men are seldom involved in romantic relationships, especially in consumed both in
and out of home product commercial. Only one advertisement for Hey-Songs milk
tea and black tea shows a young man and his girl friend happily having these drinks
at home in a romantic atmosphere to gain audiences' favorable attitudes toward
these products. The message "I love the feeling in this moment" is used to induce a
feeling of love by sharing this product with your beloved one among target
consumers. Moreover, these results also suggest that women are usually shown in
dependent roles and eager to gain approval of families, especially husbands and
boyfriends. Men are portrayed as independent and in situations where they are
rewarded with social or career advancement (supports the findings of Furnham &
Mak, 1999; McArthur & Resko, 1975).

* Family roles: Consistent with previous studies (Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Courtney,
1983; Yang, 1994), women are usually seen in commercials as spouses or parents/
grandparents. As far as male primary characters are concerned, they are more often
shown as children/grandchildren or spouses.

* Occupation: Two patterns appear from the results of this category. The first
pattern shows stereotypical portrayals for men and women in regard to occupations.
Men usually appear doing manly jobs, such as government administrators or CEOs.
Rarely are males seen in traditional female occupations, such as clerks and
homemakers. Women are very likely to be seen as full-time housewives, but
seldom present in high-level managerial positions or doing masculine jobs such as
machine operators or porters. The second one suggests that women are gradually
involved in more diverse occupational roles such as engineers, investment
consultants, and artists. The transformation may attribute to the great increase of
women's social status as well as buying power, the fruitful results of their
persistent striving to occupy positions previously closed to them. Now, it is
common to see female primary characters with positive images such as professional,
independent, and confident present in commercials for traditionally male-oriented
products such as automotive and financial products. And the trend is on the
increase. Moreover, when comparing these findings (Table 4-10) with actual census
of Taiwan's labor force distribution (Table 2-1), it is consistent with the fact that
men dominated in most manly occupations while not often appear in womanly
occupations such as clerks and service workers. Interestingly, women are equally
likely as men to be professionals whether in real-life or in consumed out of home









commercials. However, further examination of the detail distributions of male and
female labor force in regard to each occupation, several inconsistencies between
gender images in commercials and those in reality are found. For example,
Taiwan's women in reality are not associated with professional roles so often as
those portrayals in commercials. In addition, most men in Taiwan are
production-related workers rather than those high-level business executives shown
in award-winning commercials. Such inconsistencies indicate a common preference
of these award-winners to show career women in a more modem way such as
appearing in professional roles to advertise traditionally manly (consumed out of
home) products. In contrast, men are more restricted to appear in manly
occupations, particularly in managerial roles.

* Product role: In this regard, male and female primary characters seem to be
getting closer in their frequency of presence as product users, apparently different
from stereotypical gender portrayals. However, men are still relatively more likely
to play authoritative roles, while women tend to be present as product users. These
findings are in accordance with international gender studies, such as studies in
America by Bretl and Cantor (1988), in Denmark and France by Furnham et al.
(1999), and in Mexico by Gilly (1988). Hence, it can be expected soon that the
portrayals of men and women regarding product roles in Taiwan's award-winning
commercials will become fully equal.

* Information role: In Taiwan's awarding winning commercials, women are usually
portrayed non-stereotypically in regard to information role. It is common to see the
female primary characters giving product related information to other characters
instead of passively receiving information from others such as their husbands or
boyfriends. In addition, women are relatively more likely than men to appear as
information givers, particularly in commercials for communication services. The
general depiction is that women enthusiastically share some product-related
information such as beneficial plans, free services, and money-saving packages
with their friends or customers. This may attribute to the general belief that women
are better than men in daily budgeting and acquiring money-saving information.

* Setting: The findings show two-fold conclusions regarding commercial settings
where primary characters are mainly present. On the one hand, the gender gap
between men and women has gradually narrowed. Both men and women are
usually seen in public places such as streets and restaurants, although women are
relatively more often shown in home settings and men are more likely to be present
in away settings. On the other hand, women still tend to appear in different kind of
home settings, particularly in consumed both in and out of home product
commercials. In this regard, kitchen remains the place for women, while business
settings and outdoors are mainly for men (Bretl & Cantor, 1998; Wang, 1993).

* Product type: Similar to previous studies about gender roles in prime-time
commercials (Bresnahan, Inoue, Liu, & Nishida, 2001; Bretl & Cantor, 1988;
Fumham & Mak, 1999), our findings reveal that women present in award-winning
commercials are more likely than men to advertise consumed in home products









(usually low-priced) or feminine products such as personal items, household
appliances, and food. Although more female primary characters appear in
commercials to advertise different types of products, men still dominate in most
consumed out of home or both in and out of home product commercials (usually
high-priced). In addition, men are more often portrayed as high-level administrators
or business executives to endorse public services or industry images. Such
portrayal reflects stereotypical gender-role expectation-men are believed to be
more appropriate than women to play authoritative roles.

* Gender of announcers: The data of this study suggest that the inequity between
men and women used as narrators in award-winning commercials is manifest,
which is consistent with previous studies (Bresnahan, Inoue, Liu, & Nishida, 2001;
Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Furnham & Mak, 1999). There is a strong preference to use
male voices to deliver advertising messages, especially in male-dominant
commercials. This male-favored fashion is the result of a common belief that male
voices are more authoritative and therefore more persuasive than female voices
(Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Frith & Barbara, 2003; Liu, 1997; Wang, 1990). However,
in some female-leading commercials, women show more presence than man as
narrators. For example, singing jingles for consumed in home products, speaking
taglines for consumed out of home products, or narrating voice-overs for consumed
both in and out of home products.

* Consciousness Scale of Sexism: According to the findings, both men and women
still most often appear in traditional roles, Level II (Liu, 1997; Wang, 1990).
However, the general picture of gender-role depictions in award-winning
commercials is quite different to those shown during prime time in several aspects.

o Men are more likely than women to be portrayed stereotypically (Level
I-III). The typical scene is that a well-dressed male character confidently
driving the newest car model on the street or competently dealing with his
business in a business environment.

o Men seldom appear as inferior to women. If they are, the purposes are
usually to make audiences laugh. For example, in one car insurance
advertisement, the husband is shown as obedient to his bossy wife when
she asks for his car insurance card to drive out with friends, even though
he doesn't trust his wife's driving skill at all. Then, right after she starts
the engine, she crashes the car into the garage. In this case, although the
male character seems inferior to his wife in their marriage, he is still
portrayed stereotypically in some aspects such as knowing better about
cars and reading newspapers.

o Unlike men, women are quite often present as Level V type, although
most are associated with consumed in home products. The popular
portrayal of women in this regard is "naughty yet powerful." Women care
about how to become more attractive or beautiful for their own joy, rather
than pleasing their male counterparts, who are usually placed in









submissive positions in these commercials. Moreover, since "love
yourself' has become an important concept in female-oriented
commercials, more and more women are portrayed as modern, self-
confident, satisfied with themselves, and having enjoyable lives without
being bothered by men's gaze. In one commercial for China Times, the
portrayals of gender roles are very progressive. A female real-life
legislator, who is well-known for her knowledge and professional ability,
was invited to be the spokesperson for China Times and conveyed the
message "knowledge is power." In this commercial, the male characters
are shown as non-speaking background decorations.

o Comparing with Wang's (1990) study, the results of the current study
suggest two perspectives on the portrayals of men and women in Taiwan's
commercials. 1) There is a strong reference in award-winning
commercials to show non-stereotypical gender images, especially those
for women in female-leading commercials. 2) Based on the presumption
that award-winning commercials actually reflect the current social
situation, it can be said that the gender roles showing in Taiwan's
commercials have improved after one decade.

Inasmuch as above-mentioned findings, the gender-role portrayals in Taiwan's

award-winning commercials can be synthesized into 2 perspectives.

* Progressive portrayals: Gender-role portrayals are unrestricted by traditional
stereotypes and present in a more diverse way. The gender gap between men and
women has gradually narrowed. The significant improvements are found in
language, occupation, product role, information role, setting, gender of announcers,
and Consciousness Scale of Sexism.

* Traditional portrayals: Men and women are still portrayed very unequally. The
gender stereotypes for primary characters, age, social role, family role, and product
type are still evident and highly consistent with pessimistic gender studies.
Fortunately, the general depiction of these stereotypical portrayals shows a slight
tendency toward getting progress, instead of going backward.

As a whole, this study provides a general picture of gender-role portrayals in

Taiwan's award-winning television commercials and investigates the potential meanings

behind these gender depictions from social, economic, and cultural aspects. Most of the

findings effectively answer the core research question-what's the gender difference/

similarity in Taiwan's award-winning commercials, which in turn strengthens the validity

of this study. In addition, comparing the results of this study with previous studies as well









as current gender developments in Taiwan, this study concludes that the portrayals of

men and women in award-winning commercials are more modem and closely reflective

of diverse gender roles in today's Taiwanese society than those in prime time

commercials. Some inappropriate portrayals present in award-winning commercials are

also pointed out. Moreover, these findings provide some ideas to advertising practitioners

about how to create more appealing gender roles in commercials. Using non-stereotypical

portrayals with strategic creativity, especially in women-dominant commercials, is

strongly suggested.

Implications for Advertising Practitioners

As the highest honorable advertising award in Taiwan, Times Advertising Award

displays the most outstanding creativity in the current year. Such creativity should be

efficiently representative of the latest social mainstream from multi-faceted respects such

as social values, cultural transitions, political situations, economical developments, as

well as gender relationships. In this regard, this study suggests some feasible implications

by product categories for advertising practitioners to develop their creativity more

effectively.

For consumed in home product commercials, traditional portrayals of men and

women are appropriate. However, it is also suggested that portraying men in a more equal

way such as "new nice guy" for household products as well as depicting women in a

relatively non-stereotypical way such as "naughty yet powerful women" for personal

items. As to consumed out of home products, male-dominance remains obvious. The

stereotypical portrayals of male primary characters such as successful, competent, and in

high-level managerial positions are popularly accepted. Nevertheless, it is noteworthy

that women's buying power is on the increase that in turn provides a highly profitable









market for advertisers to invest in. Advertising practitioners should take advantages of

this niche market and create more effective communication to draw women's attentions.

For example, showing female primary characters with contemporary images such as

independent, confident, competent, and professional to advertise these expensive

consumer goods. Opposite to those for consumed in home products, the progressive

female images showing in consumed out of home product commercials should more

stress on gender-equity rather than superiority. In addition, it is strongly suggested to use

upper-class modem images of men or women to advertise these relatively high-priced

consumed out of home products. Finally, referring to consumed both in and out of home

products, the traditional gender portrayals are well considered as appropriate.

Limitations

It is important to remember that these findings in all likelihood can only be said to

characterize award-winning commercials. It is reasonable to expect that for different

types of commercials such as those broadcast during prime time or only on local network,

they may reflect different gender-role presentations. In other words, although some

evident improvements of gender-role portrayals in award-winners are found, this doesn't

assert that such improvements also exist in other non-award-winning commercials.

Moreover, constrained by time and money, the total 608 samples were mainly coded by

the researcher herself and pretested by the other coder with similar background, which in

turn might decrease the coder independence to some degree. The coders' subjective

perceptions about gender-role portrayals, especially as to determine sexism scale, may

influence the final results. In addition, because of the scarcity of related studies in Taiwan,

the coding system of this study was mainly based on Western studies. And the findings

could only be compared with few available studies on gender portrayals in prime-time









commercials based on Taiwan's data. In such a way, the findings may only provide a

general picture of how men and women were portrayed in Taiwan's award-winning

commercials, rather than reveal the comprehensive cultural insight of these portrayals.

Last but not least, the Pingree's scale for sexism used in this study was proposed 30 years

ago and has not been revised in accordance with social transitions. The nature of this

scale is exploratory and mainly based on Western culture. Therefore, it may not work

well to examine today's diverse gender roles, especially in a cross-cultural situation.

Suggestions for Future Studies

In accordance with the limitations discussed earlier, some suggestions for future

studies are proposed. 1) More research efforts related to gender-role portrayals based on

Taiwan's data should be put in to expand the considerably limited scope of available

literature. Future studies can apply this coding system on different types of

award-winning advertising samples such as print advertisements, Internet advertisement,

and outdoor advertisements. It is also suggested to examine gender roles in

non-award-winning advertising. 2) The effects of gender portrayals in award-winning

commercials on advertising practitioners as well as on general audiences need to be

further measured. Such studies could be conducted from cultural, social, psychological,

behavioral, or other feasible perspectives and applied to examine if those higher

respected creative gender-role portrayals in award winners are really more influential

than those relatively ordinary portrayals in non-award winners. 3) To acquire the

comprehensive insight of the gender-role portrayals in Taiwan's advertising from cultural,

historical, or social aspects, some gender studies applying qualitative methods such as

interviews or focus groups need to be conducted. 4) Inasmuch as no coding system is

designed based on Taiwan's case, it is necessary to develop a favorably acceptable









standard for probing into the gender-role portrayals in Taiwan's advertising more

precisely. The coding system used in this study is just the first step. More analytical

content studies on various gender roles in Taiwan's advertising should be further

conducted. And more coding categories can be embraced such as class distinction and

feminine/masculine product types. 5) In order to get a more comprehensive

understanding of the changes of gender-role portrayals shown in Taiwan's

award-winning commercials, a longitudinal research collection for at least 10 years is

suggested.













APPENDIX
CODING SHEET FOR TAIWAN'S AWARD-WINNING TELEVISION
COMMERCIALS 1997-2002

Ad ID # Coder ID:

Variable 1: Year
(1) 1997 (2)1998 (3) 1999
(4) 2000 (5) 2001 (6) 2002

Variable 2-4: Gender of characters)
2. Gender of the primary character (only one):
(1) male (skip code #16-27) (2) female (skip code #5-15)
(3) none (skip code #5-27)


3. Gender of secondary character (at most two):
(1) male (2) female (3) both


4. Gender of supporting character (s)
(1) male (2) female


(3) both


(4) none


(4) none


Variable 5-15: Male Primary Character
5. Ethnicity:
(1) Easterns (2) Westerns


(3) not applicable/cannot be coded


6. Language:
(1) Chinese (2) dialects (Taiwanese, Hakka etc.)
(3) English (4) mixed (5) others __
(7) not applicable/cannot be coded


7. Age:
(1) under 11 (children)
(3) 18-35 (young)
(5) 51 and above (old)

8. Social role:
(1) family roles
(4) occupational partners

9. Family role:
(1) spouses (2) p<
(4) others (5) nc


(2) 12-17 (teens)
(4) 36-50 (middle aged)
(6) not applicable/cannot be coded


(2) friends (3) romantic partners
(5) not applicable/cannot be coded


irents/grandparents (3) children
t applicable/cannot be coded


_(6) none









10. Occupation:
(1) legislators/gov't administrators/business executives and managers
(2) professionals
(3) technicians and associate professionals
(4) clerks
(5) service workers/shop and market sales workers
(6) agricultural/animal husbandry/forestry and fishing workers
(7) production related workers/plant and machine operators and laborers
(8) housewives/househusbands/homemakers
(9) students
(10) not applicable/cannot be coded

Variable 11-12. Basis for credibility
11. Product-related role
(1) authorities/spokespersons for the product
(2) product users
(3) decorative roles/models
(4) not applicable/cannot be coded


12. Credible role
(1) celebrity
(3) company representative
(5) apparent celebrity
(7) apparent company representative
(9) unreal people

13. Information role
(1) information giver
(2) information receiver
(3) not applicable/cannot be coded

14. Specific setting
(1) kitchen
(3) other places inside the house __
(5) public places
(7) business office
(9) outdoors away from home _
(11) other settings

15. Consciousness Scale for Sexism
(1) Level I
(2) Level II
(3) Level III
(4) Level IV
(5) Level V
(6) not applicable/cannot be coded


(2) expert
(4) personal experience
(6) apparent expert
(8) apparent personal experience
(10) not applicable/can't be coded


(2) dining room/living room
(4) indoors away from home
(6) riding inside transportation
(8) school
(10) combination settings










Level V
Women and men as individuals
Level IV
Women and men are fully eaual
Level III


Woman may be a professional,
but first place is home


Woman's place is the home or in
womanly occupations


Woman is a two-dimensional,
nonthinking decoration, or
feminine sex object


Man may help out competently at
home, but first place is work
Level IV
Man's place is at work or at
manly activities at home
Level V


Man is an unnecessary attractive
decoration, or masculine sex
object


Limited by stereotypes


Figure 1. A Consciousness Scale for Media Sexism: Men

Variable 16-27. Female Primary Character
16. Ethnicity:
(1) Easterns (2) Westerns


17. Language:
(1) Chinese (2) dialects (T;
(3) English (4) mixed
(7) not applicable/cannot be coded

18. Age:
(1) under 11 (children)
(3) 18-35 (young)
(5) 51 and above (old)

19. Social role:
(1) family roles (2) frien
(4) occupational partners (
20. Family role:
(1) spouses (2) parents/grai
(4) others (5) not applica


aiwanese, Hakka etc.)
(5) others


(6) none


(2) 12-17 (teens)
(4) 36-50 (middle aged)
(6) not applicable/cannot be coded


ds (3) romantic partners
5) not applicable/cannot be coded


ndparents (3
ble/cannot be coded


) children


21. Occupation:
(1) legislators/gov't administrators/business executives and managers
(2) professionals
(3) technicians and associate professionals