<%BANNER%>

Why women's clothing? A Critical history of clothing collections

University of Florida Institutional Repository UFAFA
xml version 1.0 encoding UTF-8
REPORT xmlns http:www.fcla.edudlsmddaitss xmlns:xsi http:www.w3.org2001XMLSchema-instance xsi:schemaLocation http:www.fcla.edudlsmddaitssdaitssReport.xsd
INGEST IEID E20110320_AAAACY INGEST_TIME 2011-03-20T18:19:52Z PACKAGE UFE0009404_00001
AGREEMENT_INFO ACCOUNT UF PROJECT UFDC
FILES
FILE SIZE 66190 DFID F20110320_AABSMX ORIGIN DEPOSITOR PATH jones_s_Page_45.pro GLOBAL false PRESERVATION BIT MESSAGE_DIGEST ALGORITHM MD5
d857a5a97064be7dea49d70655d2de85
SHA-1
b45496d65b6c2273e0baf145e8103c792de0fa73
23504 F20110320_AABSFB jones_s_Page_33.QC.jpg
cbe63bba043c6a828e52104f62d01f8b
53a1ffd560759bb582ef978b96a7122b293b5d7b
62032 F20110320_AABRYE jones_s_Page_29.jpg
197ebc4a3aca40dff89d2979ee43ee72
65e927434f54928a5e31d964524702071224260f
63870 F20110320_AABSAE jones_s_Page_24.jpg
04ca1fe388a6f56eb909dfdd0b3354ce
dc1bbcf31894b57c1b42c64bc0309afe1da79f8a
59465 F20110320_AABSMY jones_s_Page_47.pro
b4d343b5b136f46913bbc307883c9331
241ea2ce38aacfd1225417fcdaa1c1b288b1433a
6717 F20110320_AABSFC jones_s_Page_33thm.jpg
de083112494dec972e87717fa87aafd5
1f4891609da12b3a414d74083b32cbe00c0434e1
119040 F20110320_AABRYF jones_s_Page_47.jp2
1bd42b9ed8ce1639f004271c815152b2
104354251fc633989f364d355535c4bf2d417d94
1762 F20110320_AABSAF jones_s_Page_25.txt
de13a5b0e94270c327d1218a73663f5a
447d89aa7055c8bb9119752af56ae1bda08b91af
25507 F20110320_AABSMZ jones_s_Page_57.pro
059145c6189c55b6947316327e52a541
c4eed60afe54f5e7f5e0f76c1a2d8a3bf274e2fd
64723 F20110320_AABSFD jones_s_Page_49.jpg
61f0fae713a95952a1a8af855445cca2
0a878fa29fa072dc6f1f229618ca2d75bfbe0cfa
51247 F20110320_AABRYG jones_s_Page_08.pro
42b854904d581f532e10be49af3cafd8
debde1d8527b0477a3f4c669ed2dd1a619ef52d0
1563 F20110320_AABSAG jones_s_Page_06thm.jpg
c64beb39c1356ae44cda0b3667ad3b3a
0938bfd6ea3f8deb857ca62707813bc47c328f07
22324 F20110320_AABSKA jones_s_Page_16.QC.jpg
48e526e53c68168f7d31e08f6893fcd4
d4b3684f8930e3ca7c5c36f5f9e042ca19297327
18165 F20110320_AABSFE jones_s_Page_64.pro
ce03fbf5f0d461834aad5734ca4d8757
ffe3fb1bc688106f6caa9c3264696dca30ecfa93
71095 F20110320_AABRYH jones_s_Page_51.jpg
9f8077de11777841dc9deb3b11dd0ee5
7b5c12836be36c22545e04c19974cb614d7dbba9
73480 F20110320_AABSAH jones_s_Page_59.jpg
61a825e449038d8b18f1b97794c9774f
bcfc6f191a8c0f82fd33fc3f8243422bf563869d
24446 F20110320_AABSKB jones_s_Page_59.QC.jpg
ff45ac1779751fe29a101754c9648c66
9aefcb5ec9c77011ba373d65ed6663e5df442b84
76765 F20110320_AABSPA UFE0009404_00001.mets FULL
0839b5709cdb373cfff3008841f5c60c
ae8fd9ae276ad9bad3b4d2094358e3253edb9d4d
2317 F20110320_AABSFF jones_s_Page_63.txt
eb9c8b21db9a63d4702042c548a4916c
ac4c7dec35cad4545102e072e59ade393057cfd5
106375 F20110320_AABRYI jones_s_Page_12.jp2
41699d191a192ffc712dd6f0b55f5d1a
fabbe6af17ddb1d865b7d7845e576e69c8bf472c
79103 F20110320_AABSAI jones_s_Page_45.jpg
dbdf05d497335f7ca7d17dd1d2fdf194
350a9617ad2e01cf25f63f7a904a6a09a5029f6b
3204 F20110320_AABSKC jones_s_Page_64thm.jpg
49ba5ac04ad91db8aa30b90f3f6150d2
21d0365508dfe1da2a09be3d7d302b6651745e2b
6130 F20110320_AABSFG jones_s_Page_61thm.jpg
53f2dfbcdae3130abbe4133ccafd5c20
0a6754dea1cbea1d27f181afa13c8dcb41536645
68269 F20110320_AABRYJ jones_s_Page_19.jpg
2f19679f1566134b7801882d3e436c20
ecd4d9c5201d37210cd5fac7ef1536a92950cd4a
1053954 F20110320_AABSAJ jones_s_Page_07.tif
386e7c7ceb01ca659064dd70d6a10de8
4a07680bc0f01d92c142d44136ca538ec52358e2
108815 F20110320_AABSKD jones_s_Page_08.jp2
a0c73ba794c094d84ee8c14e8c279c17
edd3c6b72a5865e13bebf301ac0c76203e3d82e9
53120 F20110320_AABSFH jones_s_Page_12.pro
087932d19ae7c8f1aec9107bb7651141
a8b89a2d641d55185316708c8ee7ae10b99fac1e
F20110320_AABRYK jones_s_Page_14.tif
13f50e6bbdfab375e1f0e4e2b9ea5e4d
274b63fa38121eff8759cc62559b43aa328b0d18
66820 F20110320_AABSAK jones_s_Page_34.jpg
3de03ff5ced1a278f80ce78a17175f7c
9cd64018235c8fbf99f30aecdfcc8986bb060004
F20110320_AABSKE jones_s_Page_11.tif
e28f93fd232163535b0c6165a67e6acb
80c2b5162f233fc8c55762cc365d48dcef0a8f22
2062 F20110320_AABSFI jones_s_Page_56.txt
0a6bf60ea06ee3ecb752803776130501
b38d5f4ca65684b2803476a3785e521a662669ba
F20110320_AABRYL jones_s_Page_49.tif
7638e8994d1b27e3316c40462e246c48
5f29325fad8362e91b3ca07229a2e0e6f257c064
23726 F20110320_AABSAL jones_s_Page_22.QC.jpg
6e3922414e9ae33e5d3e7f4752c282a8
fa2dd9b08fc8797102f83be4f69bc85cae94b4dd
2579 F20110320_AABSKF jones_s_Page_45.txt
db36e14ef8275717f560746dcbbb48d5
d65dd3459a4df48c5aaf0c1b4f61d37b8c044550
52556 F20110320_AABSFJ jones_s_Page_56.pro
0d536fef3d0cac352d435f47a1b33eb0
3baa463ba63fc5c553bb19c4bfb2589597cc4900
63904 F20110320_AABRYM jones_s_Page_25.jpg
f22a5a11324f8e753c0ac148b8416813
c42ace0a54eef91792446fe35d845ea3c2c2ef73
15054 F20110320_AABSAM jones_s_Page_60.jp2
e9c927f7661ac0739251ab8a9ec1f579
8e06f829b72526284340eda5953ed7aaee90ea63
76767 F20110320_AABSKG jones_s_Page_15.pro
2344c895f08225a2ce2f6d9384a3212b
d048ff016a80a28abda68a05b0394c1ffc43b275
8246 F20110320_AABSFK jones_s_Page_01.pro
d3f97085eb112c3145a93eeb12354a34
726eb29870ade120307a2a55e7662c5112a4c77c
105351 F20110320_AABRYN jones_s_Page_52.jp2
2c76e92b4c1a8b6c4583213b6fb62651
a0f8298653de7b9a5cab69644f4b61ddcc43aaed
3399 F20110320_AABSAN jones_s_Page_02.QC.jpg
abcb8ff40828580d514f9d010ea0d8cd
3f02bbee3e2e3cd952736e1acbb60c6ff900b1d4
F20110320_AABSKH jones_s_Page_43.tif
63e8a5fc70330108fd06e7a8ae0b988a
07f2a990513ce8b3bc0ca54092acdc1f15b8776d
2030 F20110320_AABSFL jones_s_Page_55.txt
ef6e98d21e1be96b7a660e9d508d4447
df35bfdfc8437193dc39a6a9a4757c2b2b94e2b0
22363 F20110320_AABSAO jones_s_Page_61.QC.jpg
3f22b6cebc2d49c6db82cac2928a061c
e8e568e3329055aa22573fd17cfbaab1b482e6fa
1865 F20110320_AABSKI jones_s_Page_29.txt
e5a3d45c4f606296b243d79e0a58023b
9594bfc422749322a903e49211868cbd4e04fe71
98937 F20110320_AABSFM jones_s_Page_44.jp2
e2ddde4c466b1e26a2c23d05f17cede9
ef303f9bc03ecb221166620df150f3aa3b76ed5c
58219 F20110320_AABRYO jones_s_Page_62.pro
5b857161402d826f64b10152658b5757
2be8dfcae1701808bfa75750c82da362cfea3d1b
51209 F20110320_AABSAP jones_s_Page_38.jp2
1eb5e0f3eff8da22172bfa0322b5a3a6
8116c1b01d5703da0b5a1672d676b6131ed4a2b6
6404 F20110320_AABSKJ jones_s_Page_19thm.jpg
b251c98ea044f9b772424a83ff42d627
d84d09b88798b88b3a2f915d9e6db5f4882d8cc7
F20110320_AABSFN jones_s_Page_08.tif
6bd9c8a5b516c7c6f1b3402b077c0216
1e7ecfe69286f9b0de26ded6443454ae2616af4f
112788 F20110320_AABRYP jones_s_Page_21.jp2
ac3736054d745f9f34283ec7456f5943
1a64c4d4e355860530b8a49c9e2b042adbead019
72774 F20110320_AABSAQ jones_s_Page_08.jpg
f68394527c80de32bbc7f7a5bdca9c02
53f31acdf666e88ca531767c2999dbd1ca515559
F20110320_AABSKK jones_s_Page_28.tif
92221e296ad666b764c4ae6e11be79d3
bced60b360b55397211d666daaac9272cc16c7c1
25628 F20110320_AABRYQ jones_s_Page_15.QC.jpg
1003b4bb13de560c2513581109e8e45f
13e9e5fcad70282713a5297ac279e5f9ebec88d8
110480 F20110320_AABSAR jones_s_Page_56.jp2
8a045776861fb5d4c633e9e6295dcf2e
18582e1c2b4c41b7c6c09d0e4d49dff121f2a843
70121 F20110320_AABSKL jones_s_Page_20.pro
46b85b6104113322d492de4849c37912
3e0f31eb4fe51b5ae8f448a2b6cb269491aa81f5
664 F20110320_AABSFO jones_s_Page_48.txt
ab2f6d05af41b1e95b1d8d719742690c
fc59ca0a1bd6e2aab5a327b7ae8db63987a2dbad
18519 F20110320_AABRYR jones_s_Page_40.QC.jpg
3959283c9c01e7290f12e3dea971cd84
54e542be8d8c8da5a9e9014085679153e4e41734
1861 F20110320_AABSAS jones_s_Page_34.txt
f15c474661fc53b48c7cd1109ff55eda
3794508134cd631a9ba69b9dd0866453ff3350c2
72733 F20110320_AABSKM jones_s_Page_11.pro
52f93e6f623586713cf50833996270f5
dfa249cbb99d0bcdd3a09719b29f2c838708bf33
71116 F20110320_AABSFP jones_s_Page_37.jpg
97a439f60d68d5705bc22e359b92a816
1c2c3bf60a772b2aef1d72735ab1882e6726e18d
1848 F20110320_AABRYS jones_s_Page_24.txt
c2b3083e958175ee6eb64953202e3b71
7f7b43c8f0408fa4680f46c76162bf2201812739
55418 F20110320_AABSAT jones_s_Page_07.jpg
0a5e3c05febc3b4e8342a097efd61e7c
e03d4a8030479d459b1ebaf2073e775c0610860a
F20110320_AABSKN jones_s_Page_58.tif
f927419dda285d193cf6f7872f0a9d08
f5d5b272ca88331aec1b6527dc7e7928da029806
23176 F20110320_AABSFQ jones_s_Page_50.QC.jpg
c144f4ea6a9cd7935f6e3663aefef5e7
1c2e620c5afdf85721e7c583d9d4733235991600
109062 F20110320_AABRYT jones_s_Page_33.jp2
65921b71160dcca0b8670f8e2517c7fc
1788a3f6fc8f8dc6c4f5ad50bafc1ef1d514f2d1
47441 F20110320_AABSAU jones_s_Page_53.pro
daec50074e4e3f8283663c298c99d43a
6bc7b26ccd3399dd8126f158e48575b44f342614
46563 F20110320_AABSKO jones_s_Page_54.pro
d9213896c08dfd25b36b6c6499b64e78
381c24aab0e07dab14ca001712a2243e725afe89
5600 F20110320_AABSFR jones_s_Page_60.pro
5a39dc50365359c6a97ec59fc5a5ceb5
d8f941ea8a6593c12d337d0b712c30e06e5edd83
110769 F20110320_AABRYU jones_s_Page_16.jp2
1028afbcb74e33402ecdecfd292954e0
32f73d9e247aec7064accbcf6eb372189a94db8d
43543 F20110320_AABSKP jones_s_Page_39.pro
411d41de115f6abd4113ef26f418fb2f
4205d551f0c57ea0174b7052885cea42daf8b6ba
9247 F20110320_AABSFS jones_s_Page_48.QC.jpg
7b9f0f3220e4aa2cefabdca935573d14
f7ee62f2f5c4f3e6fd32372d8eb44fb2a1f8228d
6710 F20110320_AABRYV jones_s_Page_35thm.jpg
5f30406801b6dea9c576bfa4915d75c5
3f81b2e8e01d8ce2febfbcd3d3e46c127ce3c0e2
F20110320_AABSAV jones_s_Page_34.tif
91ce8cfd30bc57566476f419491be848
77e406b26e6cf8292e2b64a6f5e3d2524e58ab51
6083 F20110320_AABSKQ jones_s_Page_51thm.jpg
9321a9a47226370d7e32e9f465fa411b
6c4a44581c81148388a54e3377e5acf8e681f168
25271604 F20110320_AABSFT jones_s_Page_61.tif
ed466e13508085eb40f46e7731a990d4
7e3af2d3a7338cce4859711b31454dcc61ccfb5e
F20110320_AABRYW jones_s_Page_02.tif
a94b8005e4a06821591b10969e259dc3
15a0bf86f9bcedbd92dc9667ca9de33d26283644
5827 F20110320_AABSAW jones_s_Page_49thm.jpg
35deccb770be8b105c34eb90797671ba
b430d7ca5f4b8ab4c1d8c957c362d2594f3de162
67969 F20110320_AABSKR jones_s_Page_42.jpg
dc93e996248399a40390f7ebc19eb242
a7c2e84dd10e0f204e7fbb9c8d5120f5fa1152d8
1983 F20110320_AABSFU jones_s_Page_49.txt
fbb0784eacb05e7faf2e895ba85fc3d8
ff97f78ddfa84d40be3f5456fed117c98d1c4d78
86013 F20110320_AABRYX jones_s_Page_20.jpg
a31da239faa56117dea35e98cd7bfdf7
45f0864c1ec4b10a2b3d050e4a78f969ae24bf12
74826 F20110320_AABSAX jones_s_Page_21.jpg
ff027c40650c4750a56a08451cd0ed43
17653d5b146e0a3d51e796b65e44f0d152f1c2e4
2221 F20110320_AABSKS jones_s_Page_16.txt
1e7ae4419148aea4a18ae3be04392e8d
b43f351339b4e90d4231b76883bf573a6d67c0e7
56897 F20110320_AABSFV jones_s_Page_16.pro
85befb34dc750203c9ee8f6cf6ad215b
b9603b985d59f51ff10b95cece9b18aeb026c4eb
F20110320_AABRYY jones_s_Page_06.tif
c4c27136e863c4d4320b5729765427ca
e1b4ed24cb44c2abd6c2f92a97e6c8579144c0ce
5472 F20110320_AABSAY jones_s_Page_04thm.jpg
caed2222571d6630e1b717f36f0111b3
cf91719145af2340974f94fc29a4611d1163b46f
47896 F20110320_AABSKT jones_s_Page_13.pro
4ac064a1db0f5d49191519389f63158b
0574d1b1b3e22ed8b009d1a15227507c34c2e82a
101980 F20110320_AABSFW jones_s_Page_36.jp2
16793a1184036c2e691c06c9ed83f1c8
47a857ca98b08b4fcc0507b0b6988e59b7a383b1
72373 F20110320_AABRYZ jones_s_Page_41.pro
fdc44d5710a3b2db8e8083c535da917a
feba95f801bc31aff83505e23f7c159656705875
F20110320_AABSAZ jones_s_Page_59.tif
8887f28fd4c987f31d3d599477684d84
9ee08466cede8358de2e39f21bf64452dc0e195f
F20110320_AABSKU jones_s_Page_18.tif
ce854c2969e81081124c7622d51b53ae
0b5222a078cfa1e10af3b97454d14b5c10566c91
7334 F20110320_AABSFX jones_s_Page_01.QC.jpg
11cd7d03b6df676fe6e0d0f5d17a393a
fa462424d0caadc5a9ddff8cf35f313f4587a6be
6533 F20110320_AABSKV jones_s_Page_22thm.jpg
b8633283d79ba9a965345d85ecd71ab5
bec3cb00bb19c239c55e34e3abbcaee88cb01490
2787 F20110320_AABSFY jones_s_Page_30.txt
11877ac0c6fd21ff9049627316b41bba
d6aa5d3189763284c7b38812e0ccc7bcb0245ee6
66137 F20110320_AABSKW jones_s_Page_13.jpg
caa4610096bcd4b9e433f86aef90124d
3214e108f3f35c430c5cca2337179ea620cf22fb
72742 F20110320_AABSDA jones_s_Page_35.jpg
3022e78316fd38f390f130bc17f29fae
bcc4c4e0fa80a7eabf30ccf84d34655b2648b0a6
1354 F20110320_AABSFZ jones_s_Page_02.pro
96388ef352a1e84adb2a9d0681580d12
148cdd8f67e05e3dac20057df2add567010036ac
2161 F20110320_AABSKX jones_s_Page_51.txt
9f38b7a324045bda9c434f86bc6d143c
fd9b7331b3100c1d6ce34f9ee71477bb2ea4319b
6919 F20110320_AABSDB jones_s_Page_47thm.jpg
cfcfa3307f86c7131be7b9e867dbd573
2888f46fe97b72359b40b35a2e99a48d63455f39
102166 F20110320_AABSKY jones_s_Page_43.jp2
1ea3b5098709badb0d4c0b95ac0b6f19
6d5689b6d1ec9ba41c0e8feb95bd0f9c1c44ee26
10583 F20110320_AABSDC jones_s_Page_02.jpg
05b5f2840683f55d20ab7a0cf57c5da1
a9c732b85d0b5e8a1578806d1f7ca6611f244813
46745 F20110320_AABSIA jones_s_Page_36.pro
dd8845468eb635876105fec25cc3a110
8286edf2f174f515fa6f427ec442e65e2b39147e
24991 F20110320_AABSKZ jones_s_Page_63.QC.jpg
367f94299e6fc11f5cea18f73a09dbce
dada1406dd2fbddb498efdb893ed1741320bc52d
116383 F20110320_AABSDD jones_s_Page_14.jp2
768091cc5715713f87fe044e5d8d4b81
850163603e19ecc3e75926e32dd11890696f2ad7
113083 F20110320_AABSIB jones_s_Page_23.jp2
2c569dcc2fa97fc3323d3f5a42de6ce3
f9d0b5b232ecd06abf72e6cd910fcee290683e18
21333 F20110320_AABSDE jones_s_Page_26.QC.jpg
1b2e2032b52a59500e5e061455b2dfc5
d89ded8aa01897b6dfa190fffe10759e3c170cfa
24838 F20110320_AABSNA jones_s_Page_65.pro
e54751797b7f051c3f870eadffba47d6
6e9ef008f26465dbc27bde986ced3d26570c29b3
127 F20110320_AABSIC jones_s_Page_03.txt
57e58d8617bbbe0a94ae914911f129aa
9daa78a14778df1da61891fae5d5110bfb7aed1e
F20110320_AABSDF jones_s_Page_46.tif
512b661e6f29dc9980e6794740b066f8
74c607d5f52670b30ce2808483e1ec997c8af2cd
3373 F20110320_AABSNB jones_s_Page_03.QC.jpg
9ff578ccdda0a484a82ba07ec615c441
001d46e11c2d2bc78fc0b3970ba6bfeb3055410e
F20110320_AABSID jones_s_Page_62.tif
c1d3d9e2ef71c905eff3f93a7cd306e7
ff952884d212bb3f6986a13d8c6fca3700fdb4a5
51414 F20110320_AABSDG jones_s_Page_55.pro
b2aeccaedbea9fd7f610323ac1dd7f90
ae3d276d14e541b2764cd5b7bdb2d800af5ab822
1944 F20110320_AABSIE jones_s_Page_13.txt
155dfaf51696850dfc0fb46117a4e602
9ad2a33969f139b454920cbe811d70381d757a7b
38739 F20110320_AABSDH jones_s_Page_40.pro
0ef5517acb84b338c9c64d2be4d32844
e157425e215df9193820051b68654cc80897cb7e
20195 F20110320_AABSNC jones_s_Page_09.QC.jpg
9fe75f1af9e510581c27e86784f92fd6
cb6b1f8885bb115e3a68a2ac47321d027494cdc4
F20110320_AABSIF jones_s_Page_56.tif
a8ffe6a4e38f582033b7e19ecb7a717b
0744fb084aad5bd26fce2daa725f24a0fa66dd7f
6372 F20110320_AABSDI jones_s_Page_62thm.jpg
f14a09d9cb1f6fa153ffcb2dd3537900
46812be2b817206155d18349937d6e25f94c4274
84856 F20110320_AABSND jones_s_Page_11.jpg
52f32080b87f25ae0fecaf952c0a3f8b
0825774c7c9757382df9ca6616c6c91a87165a23
6651 F20110320_AABSIG jones_s_Page_20thm.jpg
c1f4987349b0c40166f73501e371ba2d
bbefc8a9234cd1773bfd24a1c7c86ed5671c4e67
21289 F20110320_AABSDJ jones_s_Page_34.QC.jpg
0abb4aba5ef9103bb0d3cb35be81b119
1e472f076c1cc8552db6865c5ba3d3bfa929a6b6
86296 F20110320_AABSNE jones_s_Page_18.jpg
9d1be5357ee14ea6a2465b0c17b638b0
13b8092d4b80d5e26218d2a2ab1970f9f11dc93a
47514 F20110320_AABSIH jones_s_Page_17.pro
bf3a24da8becf754f935b8155115ad89
0ea306966daacca4fcc00f410720128c21d05dd8
F20110320_AABSDK jones_s_Page_22.tif
d4211f12a08197a1597b781e584b4454
de42ff84c7fa6bd8b03d083bf5baf86802b2d3d2
21916 F20110320_AABSNF jones_s_Page_19.QC.jpg
d41685d0f97ede14e96b4be0342fd04b
dc9b454e8df4fd3b743aacd9519a2fde5c91e1d3
81491 F20110320_AABSII jones_s_Page_10.jpg
ad4b8b5227a5755e7bca819570326dfd
151f62e0a5285d112ea9ae1ce2b43b3b020ae1e5
2786 F20110320_AABSDL jones_s_Page_10.txt
3ffc3bfeea6014263ff1f73e2a0c145b
90ea1513f8148452ddc156505a7b7b4d4d412c78
25548 F20110320_AABSNG jones_s_Page_20.QC.jpg
687f3222bf79a2274b703f8a42831536
88bd901bd119c73d7750e1dd39a2b30052c0d8bb
75379 F20110320_AABSIJ jones_s_Page_50.jpg
248cdc773c42f456caaeca33b28127ad
e0499653d2a8e5934277fc42afacc9f3ead55008
24127 F20110320_AABSDM jones_s_Page_35.QC.jpg
35174a2c20d0ee9cbfdccd4b27f9d415
ef1f73ac46ebab27e42056064b09959e8e8b2564
73753 F20110320_AABSNH jones_s_Page_23.jpg
843685e166b97ccbd7e49d8fc0c8dd27
2bcadd3f58ce3a5ea3e847c885dde32e872c17b3
57897 F20110320_AABSDN jones_s_Page_23.pro
90ea2ee905e81fc8ce42e7791887fa8c
cdee2e20cf82fa69a81333f80edc2520231f3d52
1809 F20110320_AABSIK jones_s_Page_39.txt
52fab0cc9015e3b77122c458af7b5083
a269f6a6d1c0b5a4daae3b3e6d7a189c6fca3952
23433 F20110320_AABSNI jones_s_Page_23.QC.jpg
bf551a0e5bb449d814893683615bcc50
140086ddf8a50264ffde4b189882ac165e1fb1c3
79446 F20110320_AABSDO jones_s_Page_61.jpg
266aa37ab85cb6d9a2c524fd505542ea
638a055e9fb5e88f377de080f160b600fcfd7b3a
44844 F20110320_AABSIL jones_s_Page_29.pro
b982f3fdf46031d9dd854b5c6a7dfbcf
231266bcbf6fb6202fa657adf9711c1cdb08d5a6
74672 F20110320_AABSNJ jones_s_Page_27.jpg
dceaf4ca2057f59ee44f066a0a8a73a0
d34f64ae3145afa259b4259107406f2c3d4ef6c6
57676 F20110320_AABSDP jones_s_Page_63.pro
5438cf6096673418c4c44e5eecd277dd
b17eb719c464b10ff92bb1bd76572790844d2b71
F20110320_AABSIM jones_s_Page_25.tif
0fcb5e59307ad0f10cc93d86ca1b0cbe
084238f09dda695c768b3e414bb9c705651a9ad6
24050 F20110320_AABSNK jones_s_Page_27.QC.jpg
82e9069a49d989bc4eb973faaca31d6c
0c088647b0145956a7fbe615b613d92205f7cedc
94969 F20110320_AABSDQ jones_s_Page_39.jp2
715027c708e2de2efcebb5656895d293
e8733d0ef024cf913dcc69d3b486999165cb73be
F20110320_AABSIN jones_s_Page_44.tif
7b8a5268965ef6b19a6e9d9d2350f64f
d393e953dee81c2f58660be141dba037ecaaf877
20113 F20110320_AABSNL jones_s_Page_29.QC.jpg
3bfb72a2fcdf91c045a1c92480a7a6b1
ab2d5410bc7d8943183082519cc3af575a66dfdb
111089 F20110320_AABSDR jones_s_Page_59.jp2
e9cbddcdf81f979184194615cc043427
1e11e61f38a776687244574c4eff777262ff54c4
F20110320_AABSIO jones_s_Page_51.tif
bea98a73f7bf478f62e503e55849d512
f9546ca2a8002a1ceef10baa1bd633d28cd4dd75
86445 F20110320_AABSNM jones_s_Page_30.jpg
e49105513c2535682ce6238115a328a6
144ff9166ee6b37e8fc849129bbe3cf89885fb67
21724 F20110320_AABSDS jones_s_Page_51.QC.jpg
2b9e95603dcfa81bf787769456b11c1d
b6c0ac4a1f7ac60ed5095e4a6f0e564c4564f760
6668 F20110320_AABSIP jones_s_Page_59thm.jpg
ada56f6ee099667f280d3f7af6b6afad
145dab3b49d334584c3661ed5a6355f14ead8ec9
25673 F20110320_AABSNN jones_s_Page_30.QC.jpg
40d11974e6750fee634fa7b005bcb729
aa5dd1f049a381c1c7b6cf5c9fdec7a74fcb925f
56974 F20110320_AABSDT jones_s_Page_40.jpg
bfbc03bab7a2f167138970a69d681330
2fca1e9541fc96aec6b2130a08c8ee86af80f448
63946 F20110320_AABSIQ jones_s_Page_26.jpg
68d7c55c79faa86cca21ee1773772060
edb6e2bf3c9647f4d1ec62943df367159202fc68
80280 F20110320_AABSNO jones_s_Page_32.jpg
da56f97f512defe8f2237f41d39b4409
6bfec9f8371f74fddfcf92bee87e9ec7f22054ac
6744 F20110320_AABSDU jones_s_Page_32thm.jpg
26f241d5acce2350a017e32f7fbb61ed
bac3a7ad0e8db2ea6081d4376522ae12d50bd59f
122405 F20110320_AABSIR jones_s_Page_22.jp2
eb71dd405f81652d44dcdc47b12d9a97
2c5483fbcf03cef799264c9fe12502d264387278
67539 F20110320_AABSNP jones_s_Page_36.jpg
3935ea274a332b2ec55bda9cc222e238
99ec42e3c28906a3f044c1621c55ee8d799c3d57
65423 F20110320_AABSDV jones_s_Page_44.jpg
a6c50dbf1bc9a812a568f6d47cd1db06
b357ad718d1a89b41f59cdddf6a5a77e4cfcadb3
1982 F20110320_AABSIS jones_s_Page_44.txt
452e146cf19433d75bf81eebb6e9912a
b6fe817f1c5d24ec285ca90b626e35646067eccf
21653 F20110320_AABSNQ jones_s_Page_36.QC.jpg
4e00991c5155f01e342c939f597c02c4
a0ea04c2852596cb46cd6bd52895d385c6d7d1ba
6537 F20110320_AABSDW jones_s_Page_43thm.jpg
be94b157dde9b8110c181e021ee5c6f2
92b3ded626adbf2b9420c23d4d7908b0af0d91bd
1850 F20110320_AABSIT jones_s_Page_36.txt
70294bb2ea41a3819e1a9b4847c62520
8aea83a3f65065f983338312ce4091b1211c31c3
22989 F20110320_AABSNR jones_s_Page_37.QC.jpg
add93e6db07e64279b081e289095ee03
af29b450c5998e6e71cc0c1e929a0548129c3073
5892 F20110320_AABSDX jones_s_Page_09thm.jpg
49932f880f1c3d05901e44457ebf86c0
0ef4c01249ca634dff2692c51934ada99867af7f
40925 F20110320_AABSIU jones_s_Page_57.jpg
287c7657b9d89d6d176852fbc800d798
2df0c2afbaf9de537ed7a227dd45114a0c06ed8b
64220 F20110320_AABSNS jones_s_Page_39.jpg
99d952bbf319eac93e31bd07721da31b
8b0926967b76772701da3f461e2f463f7ea1a2db
111327 F20110320_AABSIV jones_s_Page_50.jp2
d4b5f12b61a29fcf5073e6f56d366758
307480e28967c49527356424a04f331056eecb3d
20713 F20110320_AABSNT jones_s_Page_39.QC.jpg
268fb490f34297b714c24cbf454454d0
447650c61d97d8b07a256fc3721f091df00f52e7
51799 F20110320_AABSDY jones_s_Page_52.pro
fb9d21912400e08e0d846ed60b4b7cb0
b4d4d47113bfc345e6ae508936bb73489c21dc85
1990 F20110320_AABSIW jones_s_Page_19.txt
a5c82e73c4f4b2d124753dff498f481c
04268253f61d7a29196b0aff4c622b30d5fe64d7
1556 F20110320_AABRZA jones_s_Page_40.txt
1ffbb9915cc8103dc819d4d4e58ce831
b40d590aced24e32dc426ca23c9a3f5ac6be3321
24994 F20110320_AABSBA jones_s_Page_11.QC.jpg
9d45d45586bfff4e588b4505155aef1d
5c55edc39d0b377a8929a8baa603b654d27b0889
24926 F20110320_AABSNU jones_s_Page_41.QC.jpg
8cadaed6200f98fa12f61db78a74ffad
bb986df4b368f40a25f38d36c48142f0b61b4d39
68150 F20110320_AABSDZ jones_s_Page_18.pro
a0dd07b86c81fe51bb9934e554c76cfd
1f20fde9ba0e6c73a47e606cc4a14987d8a01edf
22140 F20110320_AABSIX jones_s_Page_43.QC.jpg
568ee4ed157268a13dfe820654b63cef
ddb446537bf3163d7ad05a8897abd6616ec1f85d
1993 F20110320_AABRZB jones_s_Page_37.txt
93dd5fe40f3d589f04f3617763a75cb7
6ca94a71f91b4b0b124a7e36cb94f8258b44acf2
11284 F20110320_AABSBB jones_s_Page_03.jpg
b21fa37f81182938e2a0b72d220443b6
49542f05deaddb56486299d318ee33265357ed6d
20768 F20110320_AABSNV jones_s_Page_44.QC.jpg
a4183e22e666e103be059683f9a75824
96dd080dc84b0743392743118796d975df56cda4
45390 F20110320_AABSIY jones_s_Page_58.pro
a1bdd4b9cdf038806d372a32c6ddb9ff
12a5e342926b8c9e6a1fc149bf70fd2664b59556
F20110320_AABRZC jones_s_Page_10.tif
44a05060eab30a636b6891a261bf2729
55317e0649752d60d9139bf698411fb77cb0f905
4760 F20110320_AABSBC jones_s_Page_07thm.jpg
328c3fdbcb1f6b76a2a561f3c112bdb0
86ea5e6786edb55ade965bfef810e7bd6a9e6ba5
23511 F20110320_AABSNW jones_s_Page_45.QC.jpg
7bceda403af8d4950780d992b3b973df
0b8eb76c14e0acbae56e477bf557ddb3f69678e2
6624 F20110320_AABSGA jones_s_Page_41thm.jpg
7e6d87c6b282fb7681197db341e68d92
aef66191de5d00b2f9b3075ceb45270e0ec06f1b
136700 F20110320_AABSIZ jones_s_Page_15.jp2
59dadde097d9324ac2bb4432435dabc9
2b64973b8c7c07102275f2a17763cb240fa97e3b
267 F20110320_AABRZD jones_s_Page_60.txt
896fe6b627f8c973f0964cdb21440969
901a89f546acb728d4ccb0d95497d64ca1690cf3
22331 F20110320_AABSBD jones_s_Page_12.QC.jpg
c838904b53ef78235e05138b958e947b
7ea51bdfacb2e85e8b149546cf992a9f8041b5c2
22952 F20110320_AABSNX jones_s_Page_52.QC.jpg
8804ee38c84d2fbd43712a410e80d53d
417c374aa2623816aa0a030f7263925e1afd70d1
1422 F20110320_AABSGB jones_s_Page_03thm.jpg
5c8f5fcd5e90f66e7370a55869217509
4a6b7a05ac6e095cbfa357a88e74aa97b36cdb3c
103100 F20110320_AABRZE jones_s_Page_17.jp2
7b333b55dc62aec426288ab405eef4c8
6d565bc08fa0efee71ffffa1384b9d073fbcc3ea
72041 F20110320_AABSBE jones_s_Page_33.jpg
2cd9dd642bd5b71761d9e894aff2acfd
eee1d7cc862ebd55dda68dbadd7846e6301d8f38
13676 F20110320_AABSNY jones_s_Page_57.QC.jpg
fc164df39436b86510dd9f9a65002dd8
2f513b7d231f952ab713fcbb02ed7339340de289
97698 F20110320_AABSGC jones_s_Page_24.jp2
401520d2f776773241351993e4985d6d
a0b53d414dbf66c84bf1c3fa9fbd25299080419a
49121 F20110320_AABRZF jones_s_Page_49.pro
6b9916531ec94ba195b0fc2454dac00b
1ec77afef33cbf2176a7e27cae97850e950f1bdb
1400 F20110320_AABSBF jones_s_Page_02thm.jpg
8f47f426c84eebeed628aadbcdfc6a16
3c93e886eb918e266e48b7188474541ce6b2541f
32867 F20110320_AABSNZ jones_s_Page_64.jpg
25405a9184acc609007f231fef4b8894
eb9798c778a72bad544b004a537508a92db8ddf8
106085 F20110320_AABSLA UFE0009404_00001.xml
bfb6f4f710a25fb0abfc1a68d6da5410
39a7c8a4501b0e66f655223772d9f817e3a4a7c7
6566 F20110320_AABSGD jones_s_Page_45thm.jpg
b86861f226ff673ad7fc907c3a57e297
468f721a9e92d705f9bb30817a2725462dd63c8d
87104 F20110320_AABRZG jones_s_Page_15.jpg
3c0d85ecc0b7ed5dfbb4e19ad7fbc6ab
7828f97228cd52fd355be939813f2d7c326a3e87
F20110320_AABSBG jones_s_Page_15.tif
27f7b71fb5b4c4745e6dae33173c10a6
622841a70687aafb01d9bd72f6bf858c74ce52d8
F20110320_AABSGE jones_s_Page_48.tif
499a4d7f2ec209959536219cdb567318
dfdb24d2546b4ad8b43de0def33f3ca2b47ef47b
F20110320_AABRZH jones_s_Page_17.tif
86fc0f4dad778536bcf982c34b3e45c9
5013dd178d3b575fdf7e11d563df73b7ffe4d5da
6527 F20110320_AABSBH jones_s_Page_37thm.jpg
ba8e25439b282fc1f0bd40b4480ed951
f8ce6d76efab209a672859eadb817b9f3b47885a
1885 F20110320_AABSGF jones_s_Page_09.txt
7b07b7b049e119bc8f3e7f7dfc2e4406
a2bcb5d1e71d9c5567e767ef58380d74d75350cd
52776 F20110320_AABRZI jones_s_Page_33.pro
cf7d6266688f9fe7ce3642af3cffe98f
aa10ef6432d1daa189f95cd98956e1a8702d4141
98323 F20110320_AABSBI jones_s_Page_54.jp2
c115120e5aecd54a2621352263f61a4b
4841d2ca1bd42ac72ac623468b5032d0fbc91a56
F20110320_AABSLD jones_s_Page_12.tif
c381587592db8f250b6cbc2bd737e2e6
87ee419ef425cadfb7477132002827dca7df6105
F20110320_AABSGG jones_s_Page_32.tif
297e1a1029a3474c91121ff37a529779
b869025d4c23e8e9691b8dd31e734b34776e91c7
F20110320_AABRZJ jones_s_Page_36.tif
409a74a47ed2881ffe85541ec22ba87f
54c5d85b912d740b8296c3c007ea84f341677ed0
6417 F20110320_AABSBJ jones_s_Page_31thm.jpg
bbe8fb7f2b91d2402863bf1bc4e4e39d
b03b66c104cdee5466952cebfe4a62c14f2be9d3
F20110320_AABSLE jones_s_Page_16.tif
4b4528ea034897d48bff11194bbca86f
f756b7c21f17e2ccba3f4188e0530a4965705fc2
95645 F20110320_AABSGH jones_s_Page_25.jp2
607ed83dff40758c2c2e50b0dc139a86
d43dc5a2d255bf1b8f9c27fe1bed990ccb53091f
27613 F20110320_AABRZK jones_s_Page_48.jpg
138e906b8256b64d08df4403f513a2fa
75d35808614a06df3f05875e9c2e1a2f41e7aea0
41125 F20110320_AABSBK jones_s_Page_65.jpg
968f1778003701ef32e81f1433361d1c
7f7a8abe7b7574c16b149f8939c04d560b3d5cd2
F20110320_AABSLF jones_s_Page_19.tif
59071f6f50c1ca83d970ec25dab0f022
fc3ee7dd792fadb05de486eb406cba3181170755
F20110320_AABSGI jones_s_Page_60.tif
3c8a1be2b025df31ed37bdf135ef8121
2c93768a4c8237193b7d143070cd473fc8f5d51b
68320 F20110320_AABRZL jones_s_Page_43.jpg
287ebd4d4728579ad1b956b742d113c9
d5c1616df4a3fd9057068288008c39286bf03e4c
6503 F20110320_AABSBL jones_s_Page_08thm.jpg
78d4ff3fd97e419d4ba2ef65ba51b867
6d4ae40e0e023c941da947381f73f9820b32a56f
54216 F20110320_AABSGJ jones_s_Page_59.pro
40cf561f2342d22edafc4a97ca566d81
30b51e2d835e79b84e1cda506aa514f1a22ab58a
15477 F20110320_AABRZM jones_s_Page_48.pro
43346df0dfa968c26d13d5e01a5f9280
72a94a38f41dcda5d579b02806e1f115a9e0c7d8
20623 F20110320_AABSBM jones_s_Page_13.QC.jpg
7a28cd859976d7e374f7a7bec36e0c6d
3782314b9e4e7a7f39c6aefb0682da6c077634f0
F20110320_AABSLG jones_s_Page_21.tif
7339037d57cc5dfbf375a867cdb92bca
3df820efea2553e5581a699912f614f154dc9b87
78592 F20110320_AABSGK jones_s_Page_47.jpg
e7ea0f2db9d389ad4f2f96bcd8b2520f
84d0794c2dc0e6c4a71a8f7aff81c55a8c868cb3
21111 F20110320_AABRZN jones_s_Page_17.QC.jpg
b1ca3ce1428103897fa26953230eee64
d3a1e201a4beab776522f6ab218e6a7132960516
67689 F20110320_AABSBN jones_s_Page_53.jpg
392f362bf0424bb727d80e2fdc16c132
42f9a3faa47abd555cb5aba8e18f8b68c5b91aca
F20110320_AABSLH jones_s_Page_27.tif
f52ad8a8140c99cd0de4f12933865f12
1283de0f8b8da523a514bf37505a93309c7be07b
54172 F20110320_AABSGL jones_s_Page_51.pro
05d907223f2c12994647dab49750f03a
b876c1dce872f0d3ce1fa1a887ba9e2e0a37ed6f
742 F20110320_AABRZO jones_s_Page_64.txt
7b756403da5ac027823cfeaac7d1e618
db3884d8e7b5cf518682a168be9f8ddea4e943d8
93971 F20110320_AABSBO jones_s_Page_29.jp2
a096521017add44cacb072be4058b65c
00973f1db46f1476bdfa442d714a690b2554dea7
F20110320_AABSLI jones_s_Page_33.tif
4844d5faa1f78a2e52f86ffc58cc4759
a6e08b39acad65805433ee0f49231ab19c9fd413
108874 F20110320_AABSGM jones_s_Page_55.jp2
814be81825ec3eb1e03d2cada843998b
6117ec980188fd159b4d28c6eb059891d1c93338
49230 F20110320_AABSBP jones_s_Page_19.pro
1bd75996c0012956a35af6ce0c396153
fe5163743a229987b96a90c3672ffc279dab0ede
F20110320_AABSLJ jones_s_Page_37.tif
cf90d8e5d8ee9450ebec073e7958bbec
e5ec17396a7bc3209d7328527b8b69c41a41cbc4
44034 F20110320_AABSGN jones_s_Page_26.pro
74cfd6384472cb14b9d276ddf51a40ae
63aa362ec918f8c6bc7f1cede744461ac333394c
2006 F20110320_AABRZP jones_s_Page_35.txt
7208fcf0fc2de5ed1268f255a87b7cd0
c32419550e7049ab1f9946952d5e8681b312d55e
13565 F20110320_AABSBQ jones_s_Page_65.QC.jpg
2d72bb182bfb41c2929352c39415d9df
d63d174bc05c1044d61574ff5b329cd72b2abffb
F20110320_AABSLK jones_s_Page_39.tif
e7555fe88b0c44355c3a1fa4da11c9a2
2ffdca7d889836d62788d7ac317618d3b3d38e39
133799 F20110320_AABSGO jones_s_Page_20.jp2
22bac52a93e999db179c2e809acbe8e0
55c2e20e9fef2d6915fe4ad5279c1918d5155b93
71733 F20110320_AABRZQ jones_s_Page_16.jpg
8d07d86cbcdf315edbfed9c1c0daade1
ec3d75ec5c82c6d233cffb8cf9814f3a32aaf57b
19028 F20110320_AABSBR jones_s_Page_05.QC.jpg
f497679c75328ece8c3f8eb0d171a9d6
4a8df63aa8d249675c59f8ff5e6679805d1be6d7
F20110320_AABSLL jones_s_Page_41.tif
9c1ce9267235948ff662856348ec368d
67509f1fcf6ae591fb7dda8caf86f4bb9ab64657
48448 F20110320_AABSGP jones_s_Page_46.pro
04749b6561f96757fd8b77c70bf4553c
7d4004505238a2abb9a33179ffe80c71c52ee567
84548 F20110320_AABRZR jones_s_Page_63.jpg
a06a173dd064c613a88d95f761f17468
6fe68231fabc48c3214ce604e8f97303307d8fa1
1931 F20110320_AABSBS jones_s_Page_31.txt
7d9bc2bc70c69607fbeb88420879220e
2803d669bb55338b46ba4ff94ed4ae38571c9d9a
F20110320_AABSLM jones_s_Page_42.tif
ee3b0f2e49476ae4b252d26f0a43285f
7b3cba73feef9b36e03bdb388d20afdd174eaa25
23476 F20110320_AABSGQ jones_s_Page_08.QC.jpg
6c482c369fbaed67783982d8bee2ec84
0b06b147536553fa5f62352669b39b67312344f9
4843 F20110320_AABRZS jones_s_Page_05thm.jpg
c145b94396f7c57669e223b063080e06
1b2ebfd043f1bfe6bfc97f6372fe683fb4307d4a
F20110320_AABSBT jones_s_Page_01.tif
0b9274d2db3b9e16f5e1cf3af34a9d1b
f1fb44d10fdf2ba742355268cba01675ff630ef7
F20110320_AABSLN jones_s_Page_45.tif
f0b4a3a87c1d771d20d99d930e1b6a7a
5d7b9fa60f549ffd78a49ecb918f8cc9b1c7de01
F20110320_AABSGR jones_s_Page_38.tif
59a706950d35071533f91e02fbec4ca0
94403f3ae2b42e51bd9ff3fa7aa71f11952419b9
F20110320_AABRZT jones_s_Page_29.tif
e0af5e95cb57badc1459038efc8218ff
24983f948a9aea21cd109c352ea4b3e5511f6d67
81626 F20110320_AABSBU jones_s_Page_22.jpg
e8a53db0d8946881b51081a9c8d4065f
890afd806d271a6630b6247c70285e4a8ce4497e
F20110320_AABSLO jones_s_Page_54.tif
77c56d87e5cc895123e8cd88168210e0
b7383aa08f327a274cb876593f1f5c5775071bfa
2360 F20110320_AABSGS jones_s_Page_62.txt
82f0467dbb02798529357b7eb7683e67
7bbbb37d132eca58434a9fc51ac2fed1802ddc0d
F20110320_AABRZU jones_s_Page_40.tif
2ca1bd451714a23d77e211d6b91355c6
ea822c9bf069399bd459d7cd90a7ae056c9e7a34
1051977 F20110320_AABSBV jones_s_Page_05.jp2
17e5f89bc35524a62f03201145460129
5f5237b44e2b1e7a2505f5fc4e8e3b2ed5f227e6
F20110320_AABSLP jones_s_Page_63.tif
e649728f5f87eb42f4286f4c03cda0b4
40fbcdb2e1b3c6a38fe8fb84a191b69f47aef819
3188 F20110320_AABSGT jones_s_Page_28thm.jpg
60fbf3168b7398634fbe926809fa0f2e
6b59fb14f2345b9c58f2be2f467c625dae6767bf
6574 F20110320_AABRZV jones_s_Page_52thm.jpg
3162241428ed41cf6b2a6bda6723a6f2
871489ac43a6da2a3ca5c51bea6fb5f079f18180
F20110320_AABSLQ jones_s_Page_64.tif
2e7b1cf970d6f4e3fd9bafaf246d8f7a
17d170877bbfc0f2f89ea9031022e343fc01d89d
50208 F20110320_AABSGU jones_s_Page_37.pro
3380d3ecd7a8df3dab77eda4e6aeaac4
5cc074c500d5cc3d7e5e68544059f103aaf18ffa
5305 F20110320_AABRZW jones_s_Page_60.QC.jpg
4a6a3cbf921a8fce7bda5dcdbe6d0c8d
d183dbffd695c5274eb629fbd5694da47da7e219
F20110320_AABSBW jones_s_Page_30.tif
a47c293f3375b4004cb4bc5a5628336a
7131beb75506115130f5465fbe593e691546f9b6
F20110320_AABSLR jones_s_Page_65.tif
e5bfb204457b7243c63afc1dfb6d9bb7
7d4118b0b5223a0eb2f5a1de6c49c9d6f2fd3cca
24227 F20110320_AABSGV jones_s_Page_32.QC.jpg
500bcc3d47e9cd00fe1ece9fa0d3630a
d09b5923ed960ee9a101110c842a19784d4dd081
5972 F20110320_AABRZX jones_s_Page_58thm.jpg
9dcb0f3c20720226cc7eae05c3bcfbe1
326b87a6036bb8d3f8a4acaf0e6e846377900797
24197 F20110320_AABSBX jones_s_Page_01.jp2
37bf90ef1bbe892976fa6592dba94095
67a1f044c53a63cc23a738f6de572125e26f86a7
456 F20110320_AABSLS jones_s_Page_01.txt
eec6f9f07d805b2d172951b6dd488e03
7c6e87c705eba26ae5f9730da28f36d5c6c850c8
24820 F20110320_AABSGW jones_s_Page_47.QC.jpg
5be77d53af9a42d686e36f4d6ea88cd1
61a77a89dc1959d568bf7f5dec6221a535d5d8fd
6325 F20110320_AABRZY jones_s_Page_54thm.jpg
2c337514e1a991222bdc6453a31224f9
dd6d44dfa604b703717030cd03afaddacafb4250
22202 F20110320_AABSBY jones_s_Page_53.QC.jpg
3062fab880ca215b43ff066703be5e7a
4bc1cffd4d6ca0acfa72f5a64b112c797586abdf
275 F20110320_AABSLT jones_s_Page_06.txt
caec7b0a21716e6dd00392df56ebeccd
3b30812533add0a62fc2a78274b4f4510d176097
6674 F20110320_AABSGX jones_s_Page_14thm.jpg
6af3df8b735b78771f71cb12a6473fe4
cfc4a96c68e08317b162362d8775f011a1621c10
F20110320_AABRZZ jones_s_Page_04.tif
ca69746f06b5580bca96949df345bea5
f26fdbc074923e0f4b93c1e73458311d2a520f7d
18924 F20110320_AABSBZ jones_s_Page_04.QC.jpg
c4e731b3f090ffdd4f7b3b187af4f282
7503bba977af29384684a5f31a09752babe605ab
1654 F20110320_AABSLU jones_s_Page_07.txt
5d66b5f569e68498c628b5e299211fff
20eb37029105dc7c2f504500a1d58d76b3eadc3d
6014 F20110320_AABSGY jones_s_Page_34thm.jpg
367860a8e804cec42fc1164d07e28c93
fb5a4b732fc906737435ff473c7e84e5763a5e6a
2022 F20110320_AABSLV jones_s_Page_08.txt
a2dd02325b1bc67ec7e0dc257dce3667
e9bf86007872fa7445782e3548c28a879e739c28
2545 F20110320_AABSGZ jones_s_Page_05.txt
035bf884f1b681f35cd4816520f6aad4
4edd1070e750fa1b65c187604a91681d9da382b3
2848 F20110320_AABSLW jones_s_Page_11.txt
bfb4dff55bcd2c199a71a8365f2ecd33
d52362e98fc770c0c4c03f79c47d45fccedd76bf
23848 F20110320_AABSEA jones_s_Page_10.QC.jpg
13586221aa5fa21e56d6e2d2226b3d70
98550111a1c06d230cf2a5455da3f245040e6bb3
2088 F20110320_AABSLX jones_s_Page_12.txt
dbae49d7363c0bb1f42955f3292574a6
1bd89890f45aa910a60405f0bf87ef7755dd3556
22358 F20110320_AABSEB jones_s_Page_46.QC.jpg
c3be4dbe8f735931e3e224d4516a679b
1ac2834abce5d3b7b6f49d50153d4e8685aa6571
2752 F20110320_AABSLY jones_s_Page_20.txt
b8308805ac16bbb86815e461b5167bf3
faafeea3bf4e59e5601332ab2aa68dacf566cd7f
69894 F20110320_AABSEC jones_s_Page_52.jpg
56d11961bc074022390add44a6586f9b
d8f6c0859849cc9da3ff4644eb851c568ff00e40
7097 F20110320_AABSJA jones_s_Page_03.jp2
52f8fe2875fddd934a247627150a6db4
c763bec38cc4526f584cc41a7f4e8deec924a978
2557 F20110320_AABSLZ jones_s_Page_22.txt
a24e9b963a5b4f054533579cca10ae5f
4e37e97011d7272e2173ab781af519fafa877155
4056 F20110320_AABSED jones_s_Page_65thm.jpg
15d726ee94785d2d76d9e0eab9596048
b04e46849b60bda3a90ed4e848957030e1946820
1910 F20110320_AABSJB jones_s_Page_17.txt
d2e1378604deb5034f54e2a17112e79e
1d10060da30634dba6d739c40c6bf9e2c0dc98b8
94422 F20110320_AABSEE jones_s_Page_09.jp2
d5866b345008e5026ec8cac478b937c2
7a0208fe151fcf2faf97857164572a025541262d
6123 F20110320_AABSOA jones_s_Page_02.jp2
7d62bbb28f0d028527d4a183ae78af59
869893498646fb607cf26e08f599523326b8cb9f
2096 F20110320_AABSJC jones_s_Page_27.txt
b09ea3086159841a4ac97d0f7c64c11e
0f2b7289333b05a9e899dd2b5440c1c959d9f98c
10422 F20110320_AABSEF jones_s_Page_64.QC.jpg
59ded42fdb60c12ae29e9abad61b1e41
141a89782baacaf6372b61642e940232d10daaa3
83541 F20110320_AABSOB jones_s_Page_04.jp2
a859c860985db5ca0fa071a07ae25ed2
93e2f185217d611c8a1c81141c5d16d53c33a351
2310 F20110320_AABRXJ jones_s_Page_47.txt
03e595f43f1f2a185c534f7aed39103c
a70cfdb51aa7106901614e2bc596229f96b49bd2
7064 F20110320_AABSJD jones_s_Page_15thm.jpg
8308483430f884d64397bf5d69282103
503026e848fdc9465cd472a7ec66040f2fa9b1d5
2865 F20110320_AABSEG jones_s_Page_48thm.jpg
a86bcbb1fa5ce6fa023e175adc462f45
30e8bc5b845bc4efa2a6018828117e1f8eaacdbe
153486 F20110320_AABSOC jones_s_Page_06.jp2
ae0cf8f7a274f9331e3aded6a347d95d
ae97a22088e89849ac810f39231939f7540d4344
131126 F20110320_AABRXK jones_s_Page_41.jp2
e03f02979b8d89c82ea9d0d32d6c9e30
12c4bec5bb5bdba76815881e23051c317646dcc8
46960 F20110320_AABSJE jones_s_Page_34.pro
b63c6cd7fb068ca0c35fb7f5fab31a31
1ba4d4ca8d0fb1beaf2cbe37390f46e4feba58bc
31525 F20110320_AABSEH jones_s_Page_28.jpg
c907a29f70d807d2743d95761e7888c9
2de37149b31419c14aaca69fc43958c172280dbd
6125 F20110320_AABRXL jones_s_Page_17thm.jpg
5a797550e9e710b3622861204d4a5a97
e3c9347ebf1bacc0eeb51854849abb4f72431073
F20110320_AABSJF jones_s_Page_23.tif
af8caf42b23a9ae6739cedb534cfc521
0508b0557ca5d1cf75e857f272d91e49b4a2fc31
F20110320_AABSEI jones_s_Page_50.tif
47f84550a09c3334109f2d6680e9f2c9
0dfffa02be556f443d69dab085cddd9249353a78
78046 F20110320_AABSOD jones_s_Page_07.jp2
1f058670ae27ef842512840c07e5f44e
a49ce2c3cc174cc2822ef80bb150d88464a8e672
25057 F20110320_AABRXM jones_s_Page_18.QC.jpg
35a0d23c16a70b6460a0cf07a385e118
bc7cb6dcc796bb28704dac716a0a644a2244feb3
10289 F20110320_AABSJG jones_s_Page_28.QC.jpg
cf5db3758ca63259367f2bb2491ef874
1135d449c2863bc27c5b47bffce16ea8ba3ef7cc
2121 F20110320_AABSEJ jones_s_Page_59.txt
d7e2b24bc3f713ea8ef302616d6ec9a6
acc8bcaf1250333259d261748df3e2dc73571373
127010 F20110320_AABSOE jones_s_Page_10.jp2
1ca04567ad444cd01c2d4c6cd0574492
714159363dd9a8b510da357c9d915927940f160b
22938 F20110320_AABSJH jones_s_Page_38.pro
3a5eae53ce4f8052738a49e447d313a1
2a714c4026bed004bec23878ffd3a9446aa91c5b
18407 F20110320_AABSEK jones_s_Page_28.pro
ed011a89e84f9fd871137b0839e9f097
b5d87887e6592902268c28f4cb34dd45cd913b3f
97736 F20110320_AABSOF jones_s_Page_13.jp2
3847b055de3a3b90d02bcf7ba0a5f8cb
2e927c93ce4dd25d54ebbb0d3ca85f0cf4d970d1
50656 F20110320_AABRXN jones_s_Page_35.pro
adf72bc1d35503f9be057f8c9d247671
574698bf5a050b69ddc8f14ab59051894488db3e
4005 F20110320_AABSJI jones_s_Page_57thm.jpg
bb3ce599c9530c7c88589695d2881e73
4202039200cb0bbd5e2163320ce8c9eff87d70a2
54383 F20110320_AABSEL jones_s_Page_50.pro
300cc2816acea9e7d6e5edb7ec16339e
1c1eadc011618216ec5649bd575f22c1f5aeafc6
94934 F20110320_AABSOG jones_s_Page_26.jp2
fe0719feef4430d2aba65ab5bcd95bef
4afc7043bd096786acd4abb14e3aa8174877401b
48743 F20110320_AABSJJ jones_s_Page_31.pro
10bfb7001c02907642f4f9383f922add
bbcf77175c39f52cd3d15bca9ad48c30214599a5
5936 F20110320_AABSEM jones_s_Page_39thm.jpg
9d50de8e0902fb08a191dbfb127fc455
7faa36f98ebfcf92e9c3e62094c1719980513617
102237 F20110320_AABRXO jones_s_Page_42.jp2
774c5c138207f11fda26c4ddfcf135f7
18f6a1178d47192667d6fc9fb7bd645944e48dfb
111381 F20110320_AABSOH jones_s_Page_27.jp2
1c9a080139a3fd28b1f57bf8d4686a0b
50e669eda7ae776d26e21c1b37d3ca226f8a2b83
11740 F20110320_AABSJK jones_s_Page_38.QC.jpg
2cdd012e838edd149ef79dcaf168d4ad
1938ed1cdd4e6a76020a13814ff61d4a3f2e9594
49839 F20110320_AABSEN jones_s_Page_44.pro
23b64b3e1a548c7786a1c822660ab3bb
96be0949b23ddc5c5ce563a1b3eb4fcf76eaa017
19741 F20110320_AABRXP jones_s_Page_49.QC.jpg
6c405f4b7218e1f663e0b7350017ed30
7418aa4313a849428c3655dac7aa810377ca4365
100371 F20110320_AABSOI jones_s_Page_34.jp2
7e00cbfdc9eb854bb00d4af953c229cd
0cba33eac9d1c69bd6d6dd2aa068eff67eac5317
52821 F20110320_AABSJL jones_s_Page_27.pro
d9c1262bf83d3bba953307515eaeacb2
f2bb50469ae7224c8caf6e7d69c34f7c5617a2e4
131014 F20110320_AABSEO jones_s_Page_11.jp2
ce4f639e9c1be1bb02b950c033057941
e966d85c5b6dddb54e835e81e62d0e120194f030
23160 F20110320_AABRXQ jones_s_Page_55.QC.jpg
06221fd73a04d44bab863697027daf61
fe5ee47542faacf7d361a7b1222603f872afcaa6
104195 F20110320_AABSOJ jones_s_Page_46.jp2
999de551d7de91e404bf7878c51d2afa
dd4b8858211ce224bc0857da6545d35a6c68f73f
104407 F20110320_AABSJM jones_s_Page_19.jp2
6e4bce192e3c381cb3a70dc526772957
f0b249b474cdba0cc10e012e084d310ebca104eb
54930 F20110320_AABSEP jones_s_Page_21.pro
5089fcccca2564e83c2f19eb3e8bf464
6911cab2839895d46a02a27657166108fd700e76
6580 F20110320_AABRXR jones_s_Page_50thm.jpg
7976974c7b278bd86d512e6d33032d55
a30227c2e365f7ca1bb47073b2ddcbd4b80ea1ab
37042 F20110320_AABSOK jones_s_Page_48.jp2
56b0d2a7d26b94de494f170e1c4d5c25
b71214126c24da56471d4e45a9e72c7a45d44717
F20110320_AABSJN jones_s_Page_26.tif
cd61cf9530366c71d7b40d1082edab67
41eda097c5b698bbce081f1410aba5e11615c0ab
6845 F20110320_AABSEQ jones_s_Page_10thm.jpg
b134f91483a4a13e925e665ce099bd7c
c4e9e732f634fb53a084bb8eeea098e757e2d09f
64372 F20110320_AABRXS jones_s_Page_58.jpg
976f4ff1b6096783b3948021ae49dfd9
99a7ffba495547236a5f958c30851aa787294258
95967 F20110320_AABSOL jones_s_Page_49.jp2
efd44c632de9068da6accb7cf6047096
a0e29abf9c97c33472dafa44c5ac2d6e6ef55e4e
6403 F20110320_AABSJO jones_s_Page_55thm.jpg
38a7240f4804700289b150037dbf4557
927360cc133abd50310b709d762a6b611fed0940
2149 F20110320_AABSER jones_s_Page_50.txt
02095f77f97db91d0d8aa173b905d003
cddd1c130f144ccd9b8dfce0d7374328f7bbcd8c
105253 F20110320_AABRXT jones_s_Page_31.jp2
64733b944690084718fdb8e53cae9f73
dab8649d77e6ff550bb661765a85a739786beafe
56826 F20110320_AABSOM jones_s_Page_57.jp2
06e0a8f7fd30b898d4ecaac2e1dd0483
f68e85de23d0ade959ad70e80541d7ee806e1858
22653 F20110320_AABSJP jones_s_Page_31.QC.jpg
920b85f987338944686fa374ac07d79d
9c62972e0f9f3b15727c4631367529a38d0720bc
2567 F20110320_AABSES jones_s_Page_32.txt
f47ec217f8f74af90264c6eb1452bd15
e06b69cf603a03340b7f912a4beef233837792b9
F20110320_AABRXU jones_s_Page_05.tif
49aa048bf602990bba3ad3efe130efd0
4ce31a2857a42abb7ab3b99711e7d6200342667d
123789 F20110320_AABSON jones_s_Page_62.jp2
1a67745b5cd171635de502c8a5b24cd4
fdfd0aee24525e8e3e563d3d669d51196272fff1
57736 F20110320_AABSJQ jones_s_Page_04.jpg
28879f0daf89c2a960bfdf252f3b1470
f0b3f10b21193e6932323701cd8dab3b604c3d4d
56944 F20110320_AABSET jones_s_Page_65.jp2
d060ec787ae0c7768a5597e45e23348c
ea6c28bf9c645ecf7e3c3f34dbdebe737d648b82
F20110320_AABRXV jones_s_Page_53.tif
44f27b8ac46fb77872d595ec28adde72
f1718ff8db42b9019654d857bea8369ed7686d6e
6109 F20110320_AABSOO jones_s_Page_12thm.jpg
801d197c3ea6d7af9d0920783b0f33a8
702e8e5ed17f3ff7fc0baf9de4655158589f6aa9
96254 F20110320_AABSJR jones_s_Page_58.jp2
9be59c813eaf8b04cba6333acde6fa59
fa06fd830be1fcc12ffd25fceba925986ea53515
F20110320_AABSEU jones_s_Page_47.tif
148a24cec88fae3c38ce69f3774993de
4c40561819d4846bb8193ca825da9340b06e497f
23940 F20110320_AABRXW jones_s_Page_56.QC.jpg
805e562c6e542055b7908a6af98b1684
584df9960b506b75d1d0f5e13cbf869539b23b30
5710 F20110320_AABSOP jones_s_Page_13thm.jpg
ad148d67654336c3882b2b8153b32ccf
fe0edf9b7dbabfd4441b8726a6ff3d683f552eb1
68134 F20110320_AABSJS jones_s_Page_05.jpg
0e7f76515b1db3f11afd3c541206df03
ca85f2046d43144e2cd617a6ced32dc83cce135d
66394 F20110320_AABSEV jones_s_Page_54.jpg
f0289a319308e7d02b97be08dd113dce
540fc6a6cc75980f95ff5bd1be839b5932c4c98f
123058 F20110320_AABRXX jones_s_Page_45.jp2
ac6810bd71a1f5a191874f76739d484e
1196409c3db2951995ef01522de780f5d6fe48d7
6166 F20110320_AABSOQ jones_s_Page_16thm.jpg
5558ea311bb56290c33032534ba79fed
eab77011dca92d272539826ad3129f482176d03a
6921 F20110320_AABSJT jones_s_Page_06.pro
23ac492a75a05bccd1e630797d6ff7b8
e56fa91e2e1c2a2530e59f3571af1210e3bcd1c5
F20110320_AABSEW jones_s_Page_52.tif
a789c7966c6bed63bc97aaa11884c2ac
7a78191d68d512a21fc7401ff47c68df25508e29
1896 F20110320_AABRXY jones_s_Page_03.pro
f33a3757b6da0a47e1d3c4522fd495e8
9da7a2f862943d69aa9d925a5ac44e18288b4c0d
6763 F20110320_AABSOR jones_s_Page_18thm.jpg
ec0cbd2a49232e07dfd1414154684406
d85ec872d0410afc12f82491ee66b568a954dc92
6012 F20110320_AABSJU jones_s_Page_44thm.jpg
2030c10a5d90d9e3562b51cf9200f615
7499485f1bd9618f04533ef648a78cdacb3adca1
2345 F20110320_AABSEX jones_s_Page_14.txt
3f721d8931bbaec000074a80606619a5
7b3b3de3bc8ec1631bf233568827281b809212f5
6626 F20110320_AABRXZ jones_s_Page_11thm.jpg
d41abfb34f7c0f00263791b566b5d946
321eba34c290edf33e422d3674300e2c4316c7cd
6424 F20110320_AABSOS jones_s_Page_23thm.jpg
cdf35f9c144eb73ae1ef0269346d7a74
b428dfac5d042c4837d70fa13232129821e58bb1
36325 F20110320_AABSJV jones_s_Page_38.jpg
4e1c9fb4ff9b14c2fc56a97cc082eb4c
2bd70566db5b8a46aa08de0bedc90df2512f453b
5814 F20110320_AABSEY jones_s_Page_25thm.jpg
e61ff5aa062e72a9203f57f25b18b58a
0ad609ec1545da8fee7bc6e99143533c1fab12e8
6761 F20110320_AABSOT jones_s_Page_27thm.jpg
352e2307b853d3e8d2f319d50a99622a
2e0f2343815ff7ab1045a81407aa84668388cda3
21059 F20110320_AABSJW jones_s_Page_25.QC.jpg
bcc4f7c7c5a6485d349c6e34d8da4875
96a346a8939ec395839190eef194f202358177c5
69004 F20110320_AABSCA jones_s_Page_31.jpg
f7fccbf46bab7fe8bc32050496c67c7a
7e7f74a41e45291094f7c4abbe0e067226047e71
5723 F20110320_AABSOU jones_s_Page_29thm.jpg
9b745d06d80d35164f42007d3c57a618
c4c30e15d18d15af63b2af940912731b7f24cecc
F20110320_AABSJX jones_s_Page_20.tif
d97b79b9e121dcdbe2f563284b6663f2
f79e40dd8aa27b97e577b75967219b1e69f9e0e9
2691 F20110320_AABSCB jones_s_Page_18.txt
399c820234f51f812216d11b1ca81005
a4239b1c46f25271ab5d0825d8ba9dc29e235ff1
5300 F20110320_AABSEZ jones_s_Page_40thm.jpg
40628ad9729625800a2f944566d34835
0b93ef159484c3f3bc2e824bbf81ee8c36c30c30
6191 F20110320_AABSOV jones_s_Page_36thm.jpg
94472d5fa261a0d984f2b0d0a01a2536
7d54559022e59dc7515d5c3b30e668d36076356d
F20110320_AABSJY jones_s_Page_31.tif
4974546e4c604d6d5f86e25ae3166255
ec66d616bc64ead6365c6e9b9242eb11c84e1a1d
6520 F20110320_AABSCC jones_s_Page_21thm.jpg
e9dedf2c4441d82d8c43db700adf1a21
5c7aba6b97590840e245515130b2c25fd72bf075
6145 F20110320_AABSOW jones_s_Page_53thm.jpg
8a76ac80225afd0dcadc4767dd940225
326dd13130e0bf6ac4049022ff08df6793d971c1
72277 F20110320_AABSJZ jones_s_Page_10.pro
49b72543fc8594d6d7b299c86960f690
232f7402f2f9b2bef048dbb86537ae5b10e7a102
2200 F20110320_AABSCD jones_s_Page_21.txt
c5757ac3aad01ec948fe0d0fe45eea8a
cec495f56fd6002f4b4e7af73fc758cc4b943259
3918 F20110320_AABSHA jones_s_Page_06.QC.jpg
8b98cd99bb864d36cd3e279808482e26
89e05dbc1305e965300cb1bcdcf56e0e8af482a0
6588 F20110320_AABSOX jones_s_Page_56thm.jpg
664e099f0a73ab2abdaad03e93f2d4bb
e698d4ff97d1b672d59eafdd09ffb3a16108f4b4
72682 F20110320_AABSCE jones_s_Page_55.jpg
96c6cc2e7cc8e180794da961b66c2e06
a0a6bcb082366745b535f45b809b48d676f47c28
15318 F20110320_AABSHB jones_s_Page_60.jpg
0acd41c50981153dd1b39b67b833071f
447ffe5359568dc3c59aa658dfa9b438517ba4d2
6576 F20110320_AABSOY jones_s_Page_63thm.jpg
a1cf4332f137f3c39b57e3378e377ab2
677c3bd8d1e2abf9a07a05e4899c5bf85abeabab
6938 F20110320_AABSCF jones_s_Page_30thm.jpg
bdcf583d0b1a2dcaa57bc40cc1cc8b03
1537d75b991792f2ef9c8def42a19b8512eb0dcd
2262 F20110320_AABSMA jones_s_Page_23.txt
da81a82ff6d14d15c960bd63015a5fa3
bdbbe40db17690010c629fa7035874800e59ef75
20484 F20110320_AABSHC jones_s_Page_24.QC.jpg
455d9f5951412f0b2ef731770d09ba44
1fdc232d8a07dbc5d06a0c15bbec2189d2654f9d
206177 F20110320_AABSOZ jones_s.pdf
eb9983ae3edb82cc70688db3dd06a61e
5da21f116b17c0719747ce2e3d2d5dddc09b3a86
123 F20110320_AABSCG jones_s_Page_02.txt
d17927889d7e29b839e3d1a38c1f214e
e3138116e488031bf78ca6c7a16754862916c960
6158 F20110320_AABSHD jones_s_Page_42thm.jpg
6f0d89f59bf152e988520c869c2b20c7
5b54502327bd1f8519ee86407a84174b6b9f55d2
5856 F20110320_AABSCH jones_s_Page_24thm.jpg
94941cc103cb598aa6108014732a4b00
6bcea253949cae004795b421e9626298a2fa99c9
731 F20110320_AABSMB jones_s_Page_28.txt
c95314e6f7292cac6a6d4fc2049f53f7
c68b22a99b33d625c164bd836627a31b6fc4a631
2361 F20110320_AABSHE jones_s_Page_01thm.jpg
ef61e09daa9b3a26491075960ce80999
3bc189c5a29a1ec7b55627c8440eef59b1cb6557
23252 F20110320_AABSCI jones_s_Page_21.QC.jpg
cbf4a2870a17dac1506f4506653bea59
3d5bb698e6c0e56a3af4b7a22f5076cb3cabeacd
2093 F20110320_AABSMC jones_s_Page_33.txt
1ff717b440b1e23a6d2225e979066aae
534276e31cc0eb6440933d41aaa17ded25d8e0a6
83694 F20110320_AABSHF jones_s_Page_40.jp2
6489c6c65d788b36e29855d96de0a6bf
45501fa600f290c0bf52e27132317ec470927f2b
107687 F20110320_AABSCJ jones_s_Page_51.jp2
f0028900f93296e2658cef0b2a591ef0
72cffd45e08fdfdcfa73ae9e513490e0056141ec
904 F20110320_AABSMD jones_s_Page_38.txt
bf58444ee0a20bf980693230f36d98b8
0a6d8308743c537f1bd158fea2f33d562abe53ca
135420 F20110320_AABSHG jones_s_Page_30.jp2
b14050381c68886981c67bee6020e8bf
f19c7b74f7a05d1f1022aada4811edf99c8ce40c
1021 F20110320_AABSCK jones_s_Page_57.txt
1965701aad876fab412ea41bece3b33f
7480d191873c6fa95af4d174c1f2f45e00920ddd
2804 F20110320_AABSME jones_s_Page_41.txt
c801ec2cb33bd82f1c0bf4061d9ede2b
5b4be47369468d50e0d22248d56c095d471b8c14
42657 F20110320_AABSHH jones_s_Page_28.jp2
df44032060c332633fefe2e40f296849
ee176e4f32e339ee4ae156d790543f21e7e5992d
F20110320_AABSCL jones_s_Page_57.tif
90bff7b4e1ac54e3db9682b8149e3ff8
a07afaa09c912d48a2da7bd7527a92f8c98db63d
2011 F20110320_AABSMF jones_s_Page_42.txt
2a70a9b292be57ca60cf37d7c1fbbe94
4d78340714d826f0e874c77279c5e4a1cafc7de8
F20110320_AABSHI jones_s_Page_03.tif
f5622e8955269aac9f23fe142d86520d
441b019f81f1f889ffe3a6bc996d223c8e193898
73427 F20110320_AABSCM jones_s_Page_56.jpg
58d6855bbc99d1e73bbd32b89e77b49f
f29e05744db0e0b0d7960fb95740576c8008c62a
1895 F20110320_AABSMG jones_s_Page_43.txt
22a8d8959a22b57e420db8b9ed07b59c
1661f762d5fa9c5954e1b0a66ea52be9a46e807c
69473 F20110320_AABSHJ jones_s_Page_12.jpg
443335aea4cc7cfe3b2f4a489ad1e0a8
8b65981664c6b7873504997c15547a22829e55b7
72801 F20110320_AABSCN jones_s_Page_30.pro
f17aa930cb0b5c08308e51568edf037d
dd94c84f5c32d4a1407620d1222752ce6cb9bf7a
1916 F20110320_AABSMH jones_s_Page_46.txt
f0dcea0403d982f23da6b5657e5b547d
36e048aa08f0489b4d738e52f8810dcb4278a4c2
130993 F20110320_AABSHK jones_s_Page_18.jp2
ff9b45ac37abc85ffde2f559a1a0c6bf
c5d6d1ef753b8ff6f527bab98d1e97beda34848b
1881 F20110320_AABSCO jones_s_Page_61.txt
ab361dacbaef4289f069e70f0276d622
1c9376e30a2a36f75dd48efa207b5b3cb28a5715
2060 F20110320_AABSMI jones_s_Page_52.txt
bd8e5b5a0876501741d3b9aab3317382
0c2e3a329b1bfcc0d8675a4c34e53b9493f63a1a
68542 F20110320_AABSHL jones_s_Page_46.jpg
f32cb0c245b5278f2397a9f8dfba69f0
3e197ab3071ef5cc3752912bbbad0fddd237c5f5
24423 F20110320_AABSCP jones_s_Page_01.jpg
a00c5904e89de9e5f666604742fb99c8
026e0da889403c87b937b243ae620a83fb2f60d0
F20110320_AABSMJ jones_s_Page_53.txt
1649681e7ce0092a404068454a90045d
f0620c65f589cf231015a924f6285d5733033a5e
F20110320_AABSHM jones_s_Page_55.tif
3c08196670fa426697b3d07f806d6dec
ef116d24bd97449b5c78d786e86c5021447325cb
22028 F20110320_AABSCQ jones_s_Page_42.QC.jpg
7500aaa6b6b65a785c2996138c0869f3
2d1c697055cadcf0e905fe6c3685368648be86ce
1851 F20110320_AABSMK jones_s_Page_54.txt
43512032de72fd02be67d8c1027285b2
bb13fec9c172a75e91866bcc3057fb350a2357b8
105860 F20110320_AABSHN jones_s_Page_37.jp2
1c2164f34c989470fbe481d3071d558a
1b51d547b51da522a12f8a046f8ad79559ce336d
1754 F20110320_AABSCR jones_s_Page_26.txt
1282f27d16c8d6414901661e005bc71f
63b3941fa1c040457a27ccfcafe3ac62079c1eaf
1872 F20110320_AABSML jones_s_Page_58.txt
b41b74382f610f9126973289d444910e
91874d9a3c0177af2759d8012a1c277f318dd681
1528 F20110320_AABSHO jones_s_Page_04.txt
47e75b6306fa8d1289bf4c74c45c538b
f3e825e027baf646f480d7d7a429670018b7e39a
1034 F20110320_AABSMM jones_s_Page_65.txt
c174147a84bbad53bf503b6092e0d8b4
85076d5ef0f84f9d10c30a6669192b7ebee07dd8
84149 F20110320_AABSHP jones_s_Page_41.jpg
7532ccc5e7f13f7e13bf8a6afc29f786
c0af16b7ec7b075f2dea701e43e51be122248d3a
20897 F20110320_AABSCS jones_s_Page_58.QC.jpg
94b7d7123419c4a6487edc2ee69bc9cb
7f5b15ba786a36a98b4f09c184efa44b826c6a69
61983 F20110320_AABSMN jones_s_Page_05.pro
f0efd0b47e4227f5cfdd1cee70db6e61
6d015912fec0aec60d499ae119163584868f864c
F20110320_AABSHQ jones_s_Page_09.tif
e83ce68589b4f3b4a0437fe5774dedca
4b6b7bfbcdbd8758399b101d5e3c6ebc2c9f88c1
F20110320_AABSCT jones_s_Page_13.tif
4e5f25f1533eecff6d5f2800b219be23
10dc471882f8c5110e72e9a49509ef311fbda6f5
35788 F20110320_AABSMO jones_s_Page_07.pro
39e64a699cfd15a5d0c9405fb7870272
048af9dc4434431e9936cb5e1d8ba6a60c12677d
3640 F20110320_AABSHR jones_s_Page_38thm.jpg
c5de7338ec8862cc6a3cf069f86c6fef
dfa0e1fed5b05b060efb253e8d75d4fa940512a4
24454 F20110320_AABSCU jones_s_Page_62.QC.jpg
9d7dd0e50cc6d129afbc3cec33290a9d
a7415631a2d21685c627bef5f568f1a0d1d44bb8
45943 F20110320_AABSMP jones_s_Page_09.pro
2ade77ebe65f266e92198ac0cfebaf6f
85dcb8a52bea913f5f3e2ed6011aa4e6ecd0b5fe
F20110320_AABSHS jones_s_Page_24.tif
5b9619605e06aebfa95f0d32433ff0a0
4f162a8162aeada16c3636623beee033699f0444
21516 F20110320_AABSCV jones_s_Page_54.QC.jpg
39487e1664999e30a34c605b65b5a248
e8d11cdc21e8d00338d2815b81ba094a667cab2a
59167 F20110320_AABSMQ jones_s_Page_14.pro
b995931db8d64028c2fe89a395645f20
9480f0bac4dcba74864899f003272d868a44ee41
23388 F20110320_AABSHT jones_s_Page_14.QC.jpg
8a9fde78682cd3e7e799308322760f1f
97284f0f4ba2353d9da4aab5590f1498b1d556ec
1051963 F20110320_AABSCW jones_s_Page_61.jp2
2fa4bc180f00c67d05f0a104592dee29
0e8d6c64a9e21e541efb4c9ee41520278a012cc6
65447 F20110320_AABSMR jones_s_Page_22.pro
c4af4fa4c088d8984437305664421f24
cd2a12097ddd76775c22e1d90b24cf95d95d41b4
1887 F20110320_AABSHU jones_s_Page_60thm.jpg
db15bb1e0ba2cce1912531bdbf1ad7d3
3c1c7064010077683c9a6015c4a197e0b725b777
46849 F20110320_AABSMS jones_s_Page_24.pro
516fe433752a5d52845a907f84c836e8
80a4394eb8af540911c4488f9f13adb665843795
6267 F20110320_AABSHV jones_s_Page_46thm.jpg
ef8010b4a01fb615cc16e11745f0956f
f521cfd9388e5bc9027261620106ba85033184f2
2954 F20110320_AABSCX jones_s_Page_15.txt
9c480aedb0e1ba3b3f8d6112f50196f8
a484389d29cdb16f9c393d1b110f2d35eec16290
44176 F20110320_AABSMT jones_s_Page_25.pro
0d1ed2636015123032fab9db1731e936
b3e9b7b841fafb1d53cd2bc9777baf59b3914c0c
67492 F20110320_AABSHW jones_s_Page_17.jpg
b03128b6529b5ffd76ebdb3f2a4d95ad
a0512e36c0c874d35b78e07936c9cd4bf75da3f8
17242 F20110320_AABRYA jones_s_Page_07.QC.jpg
3370d46f752c5b5b4bbb917c19c5f4ad
74e3778d1e1f1cf514afdfe1e58e2436fa522b83
13046 F20110320_AABSAA jones_s_Page_06.jpg
6159bd904e78b6831e438fafe2e26458
f02fe0ed2be325e04d6532be6a5e434035f7e4ff
85927 F20110320_AABSCY jones_s_Page_62.jpg
2bafe775f1f9dcd89428eba378eadb13
9f7a750698718445fa1995750076ec50b58b7e5d
65402 F20110320_AABSMU jones_s_Page_32.pro
aed706f96b21303347823b0bce4f0261
117411e2abbc66d845bfc9351fa9f370706190de
46347 F20110320_AABSHX jones_s_Page_61.pro
202763bc2dc888f62efdfc3f83e8299a
4cbbf212c43dc0e2d264da9e07a0c87af0bdaa78
77009 F20110320_AABRYB jones_s_Page_14.jpg
644f04a4f56204591c65454d7aafb51b
898ed246ed1ea85f6306bd720afbd7a4af2da892
99555 F20110320_AABSAB jones_s_Page_53.jp2
37b6f831c33ada4633e13ec31f734dcc
d5453bf6ff4349c2f94e82899e056e56be70d4e9
123554 F20110320_AABSCZ jones_s_Page_63.jp2
a82508ee6e19e26786dda8b7ff125b17
e04c15a24f6a1cec1d71be5eb169c2bbd98385c3
51068 F20110320_AABSMV jones_s_Page_42.pro
02a2b40e2b4d354d41da4c5b0460ffb2
5c4ff223f17eb088598e01ff9962d77300cd0c07
37548 F20110320_AABSHY jones_s_Page_04.pro
61fbf70d6723350edc6060aec433a297
b8f8ea7175e5c28ec7fb77ed429c8aff5d65501e
42385 F20110320_AABRYC jones_s_Page_64.jp2
598c701a3c003c6d19d30a90be67fa3d
1b3c1d6c39a19d24cb548fd67ab298fe5e24cc82
F20110320_AABSAC jones_s_Page_35.tif
d71a6f1ff09fa66ce032c765dde6043c
e8fcb7493a8cbac00f66d6f826b2a71f512308c7
47170 F20110320_AABSMW jones_s_Page_43.pro
ad99da2ff66687a4610002b82703f288
543e2a04e0a163ed6df84c11e98ebe527fdce49f
124249 F20110320_AABSFA jones_s_Page_32.jp2
c1fe8282537e4344d0975a31b7a56a1c
17b0e36633bd681369f40bc5b5cb602bdfc8cf21
109840 F20110320_AABSHZ jones_s_Page_35.jp2
69df45ebda198c4d40c56e1c452105b4
14246724a1e6c92e2c6f59a436c80a7b98799371
62850 F20110320_AABRYD jones_s_Page_09.jpg
b23b6216587cd96d5e72bef93daf0d59
f1a240669ff4a7ed7b873992ace9b1fab23a81b2
5806 F20110320_AABSAD jones_s_Page_26thm.jpg
e82b6ae14c8e96d3431e4efb2b39608a
b1d4eaa1a89ecb17e486de29b69dbcc3831ecd3a



PAGE 1

WHY WOMEN’S CLOTHING? A CRITICAL HISTORY OF CLOTHING COLLECTIONS: A REGIONAL CASE STUDY By STACEY ELIZABETH JONES A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2005

PAGE 2

Copyright 2005 by Stacey Elizabeth Jones

PAGE 3

This document is dedicated to my sister, Cheryl Corinne Jones.

PAGE 4

iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank my parents, William and Deborah Jones, my brother Dan, and my sister Cheryl for th eir unconditional love and support. I would also like to thank my committee members, Dr. Glenn Willumson, Dr. Melissa Hyde, and Dr. Sheryl Kroen, for their guidance in the conception, development, and (very) gradual completion of what began as a seemingly en dless thesis project. Additionally, I owe countless thanks to the following individuals, without whom this project would not have been possible: Mary Jane Teeters-Eichacker Traci Cromwell, Jeff Tenuth, Linda Badger, Ron Richards, and Kathleen McLary at the Indiana State Museum; Dr. Susan J. Dickey; Kelly Gallett-Richardson and Dr. Kate Rowold at the Elizabeth Sa ge Historic Costume Collection; and Niloo Imami-Paydar, Ma ureen Tucker, Sherry Peglow, Vanessa Burkhart, Rebekah Marshall, Sonia Borntr ager, and Alba Fernandez-Keys at the Indianapolis Museum of Art. Finally, I want to thank my friends, especially Nelia Hoffman, Naomi Spier, Elizabeth Hamilt on, Noelle Mecoli, Robert Josey, Mary Margaret Carr, Laraine Evans, all of the Art Girls, Brad Perry, Alia Wilson, Kassia Petersen, and the Meline family, for helping me to maintain both my sanity and sense of humor over the course of the last three-odd year s. Last but not least, I also must thank (and apologize to) anyone whose na me has been forgotten here.

PAGE 5

v TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.................................................................................................iv ABSTRACT......................................................................................................................v ii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................1 Methodology.................................................................................................................3 Women and Clothing: Associ ations and Relationships................................................5 The History of the Collecting of Clothing..................................................................11 Why Women’s Clothing?: A Regional Case Study....................................................19 2 THE HISTORIC CLOTHING COLLEC TION AT THE INDIANA STATE MUSEUM, INDIANAPOLIS.....................................................................................21 Background and History of the Collection.................................................................21 Why Women’s Clothing?...........................................................................................24 Old Clothes and Their Stories.....................................................................................25 Women: Producers and C onsumers of Clothing........................................................27 Women Donors and Histor ic Clothing at the Indiana State Museum........................29 3 THE ELIZABETH SAGE HISTORIC COSTUME COLLECTION AT INDIANA UNIVERSITY, BLOOMINGTON.............................................................................31 Background and History of the Collection.................................................................31 Why Women’s Clothing?...........................................................................................35 Elizabeth Sage: Teacher, Scholar, Collector..............................................................36 4 COSTUME IN THE TEXT ILE AND FASHION ARTS COLLECTION AT THE INDIANAPOLIS MUSEUM OF ART......................................................................41 Background and Institutional History.........................................................................42 Why Women’s Clothing?...........................................................................................44 5 CONCLUSION...........................................................................................................50

PAGE 6

vi LIST OF REFERENCES...................................................................................................53 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.............................................................................................57

PAGE 7

vii Abstract of Thesis Presen ted to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts WHY WOMEN’S CLOTHING? A CRITICAL HISTORY OF CLOTHING COLLECTIONS: A REGIONAL CASE STUDY By Stacey Elizabeth Jones May 2005 Chair: Glenn Willumson Major Department: Art and Art History While the histories of the co llecting of many of the objec ts traditionally collected by museums are reasonably well documented, cl othing is one area of collecting about which comparatively little has been written. In fact, there exists a relative paucity of scholarly literature on the subject, which seem s striking if only for th e fact that over the course of the twentieth century, some of the largest museums in the United States, as well as a number of universities and smaller museum s, began to amass si zable collections of historic clothing. Almost regardless of the institution in question, one trend that is immediately discernable within the historic clothing collection at present is the ubiquitous presence of women’s apparel. This pattern is significant because it would seem to suggest that traditional notions of “woman” are both reflected and reinforced in an institution that purports to represent history accurately to the audiences for whom it holds objects in trust.

PAGE 8

viii Using a feminist approach, th e study presents an analysis of the historic clothing collections at three different institutions: the Indiana State Museum, the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection at Indiana Univers ity, and the Indianapolis Museum of Art. While this is a regional ca se study, the conclusions drawn regarding those historical forces that have contributed to the composition of the historic clothing collections at each institution and the effects th at these compositions have on public perceptions of women are applicable on a more general, i.e., national and international, level as well. In each case, the reasons for the dominant or majority presence of women’s apparel and the ideological ramifications this ha s, both for the institution in question and generally, are explored. In the case of the Indiana State Museum, a social history museum, the dominance of women’s clothing an d accessories within the historic clothing collection is linked to the relationships that wo men develop as a result of their roles as the primary producers/consumers of clothing within the household un it. The analysis of the Elizabeth Sage Historic Cost ume Collection demonstrates th at the founding contributions of Elizabeth Sage, the woman for whom the collection was named, constituted a significant ideological impact that is manifested in the collection’s shape and even in its very existence, one that embodies the noti on of consumption as something that is distinctly feminine. Finally, an investigation of the histor ical reasons for which clothing has been collected at the Indianapolis Museum of Art and the use of historic clothing and fashion for exhibition within the museum provides insight into the limitations of historical portrayals of women in the space of the art museum and the ways in which these limitations can influence visitor perc eptions of femininity, masculinity, and women’s (and men’s) roles.

PAGE 9

1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In James Clifford’s The Predicament of Culture the author states, “The categories of the beautiful, the cultural, and the authenti c have changed and are changing. Thus it is important to resist the tendency of collections to be self-sufficient, to suppress their own historical, economic, and polit ical processes of production.”1 While it is true that contemporary institutions in the busin ess of collecting—namely museums—may recognize the first of these statements as self -evident in theory, as concerns the latter statement, in practice this br and of awareness has certainly proved the exception rather than the rule. However, it is for this reas on that the passage is so provocative, for it brings to light important questions in regard to the history of collections.2 Specifically, what are the details of the history of co llecting, and for what reasons were objects collected (and collections amasse d) in the past? On another level, Clifford’s statements also generate questions about those subjectivities inherent in the process of selection of objects for collection.3 What assumptions underlie the choi ces that are made in regard to the collecting of a certain type of object? What forces cont ribute to the shaping of the modern museum collection? By viewing the collection as something that is necessarily socially and culturally produced, as an orga nism that is imbued with a history that, 1 James Clifford, “On Collecting Art and Culture,” The Predicament of Culture (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1988) 229. 2 I am especially interested here in the collection on an institutional level. 3 It follows, of course, that the selection of obj ects for display also involves such subjectivities.

PAGE 10

2 however masked or veiled, is nevertheless funda mental to its very existence, Clifford’s thesis promises to offer insight into the or igins—indeed, the very nature—of the museum collection. While the histories of the collecting of fine and deco rative art objects, natural history specimens, books, antiquities, curiosit ies, and even trinke ts are reasonably well documented, clothing is one area of collecting about which litt le has been said and even less has been written.4 In fact, there exists a relative paucity of scholarly literature on the subject, which seems striking if only for the reason that some of the largest museums in the United States have amassed sizable collections of historic clothing.5 Additionally, many universities and smaller museums have compiled important historic clothing collections as well.6 Almost regardless of the institution in question, and whether in Europe or the United States, one trend that is immediately discernable wi thin the historic clothing collection at present is the ubiquitous presence of women’s apparel.7 This pattern is of 4 The definition of “clothing” that I employ here is necessarily limited. Becau se there is evidence that “exotic” clothing (i.e., that origina ting from non-Western locales) was coll ected with other such curiosities relatively early within the general history of collecting, in this study use of the term will refer strictly to Western clothing. 5 The term “historic clothing” in this study refers specifically to fashionable clothing—i.e., an article of clothing that represents a particular fashion or style dating from the period in which it was made and worn. I should also note here that th e terms “clothing,” “costume,” “ap parel,” and “fashions” are used interchangeably throughout. 6 The focus of this study will center on American museums. However, the inclusion of data from similar institutions in other Western countries, especially Engl and and France, is illuminating, for many similarities exist. Such information will be used when it is relevant to the topic at hand. 7 In his discussion of children’s clothing collections, Thomas Schlereth states, “. . many . share the same evidential biases that costume historians and curators bemoan for adult clothing: far fewer male costumes than female ones.” However, are these bias es indeed “evidential,” as Schlereth assumes? They may be. However, within the small body of scholarship that currently exists in the area of historic clothing collections, I would argue that these biases have not been thoroughly addressed. Thomas J. Schlereth, Cultural History and Material Culture: Everyday Life, Landscapes, Museums (Ann Arbor: UMI Research P, 1990) 93

PAGE 11

3 particular interest if only for the fact that it would seem to both reflect and reinforce traditional notions of “woman”—woman as possessing an innate propensity for “sartorial decoration” (and clothing more generall y), woman as consumer, and woman as spectacle—in an institution that purports to represent history accurately for public benefit, be it social history or art history.8 Hence, perhaps unwittingly, the museum may be propagating some of the very notions it wishes to challenge.9 Methodology Within the context of the museum, the hi storical and art hi storical paradigms traditionally employed in the study of objects are not conducive to the viewing of the historic clothing collection as anyt hing other than “self-sufficient.”10 However, feminist interventions in these discipline s have been particularly inst ructive in unmasking some of the biases that are more often than not taken for granted or ignored entirely in the course of museum practice. For example, Roszik a Parker and Griselda Pollock’s pioneering tome Old Mistresses: Women, Art, and Ideology particularly Chapter 2, “Crafty Women and the Hierarchy of the Arts,” is on e attempt to expose and deconstruct the 8 Susan Vogel briefly discusses the ability of the museum collection to transmit values to the museum audience: “The museum communicates values in the types of programs it chooses to present, in the audiences it addresses . in the selection of objects for acquisition. . All tell the audience what to think beyond what the museum ostensibly is teaching.” Hence, exhibits are obviously not the only groups of objects in the museum that communicate ideas and belie fs. Susan Vogel, “Always True to the Object, in Our Fashion,” Exhibiting Cultures: The Poetics and Politics of Museum Display ed. Ivan Karp and Steven D. Lavine (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1991) 195. Quoted in Stephen Inglis, “Museums and the Future of Craft, Decorative Art, and Design ,” Common Ground: Contemporary Craft, Architecture, and the Decorative Arts Canadian Centre for Folk Culture Studies Mercury Ser. 72 (Hull, Quebec: Canadian Museum of Civilization; The Institute for Contemporary Canadian Craft, 1999) 140-43; 141. 9 I would argue that the museum indeed does perceive itself (and is perceived by others) as a space in which commonly held ideas can (and should) be challenged. As Stephen Inglis points out in his essay “Museums and the Future of Craft, Decorative Art, and Design,” “. . museums have become ‘zones of contestation,’ sites of negotiation among administrators, scholars, po liticians . and communities. Museums are often at the heart of post-modern and post-colonial cultural issues.” Inglis 141. 10 Clifford 229.

PAGE 12

4 differentiation in contemporary (non-feminist) art historical discourse between “high” art and “craft,” the latter of which is distinctiv ely “feminine” (and consequently substandard) expressly because its creators are usually women.11 According to Parker and Pollock, “The sex of the artist matters. It cond itions the way art is seen and discussed.”12 What is so valuable about a study such as Parker and Pollock’s is not so much its content as its approach. Parker and Pollock employ a Marxist feminist approach in order to critique the current composition of the ar t historical canon. A similar methodology can be applied to the study of the museum collect ion, whose formation is susceptible to those same forces that shape the ar t historical canon. However, th e application of a strictly Marxist feminist methodology requires that i ssues relating to class be addressed. Such issues are certainly pertinent to the developm ent of the collections discussed here, and the need for further research in regard to class and its relation to and effect upon the composition of historic clothing collecti ons is acknowledged. However, such an investigation falls outside the scope of this study, which is limited to questions regarding gender specifically. Thus, a feminist, rather than a Marxist feminist, approach will be used here to analyze the development of the composition of the historic costume collection.13 11 Roszika Parker and Griselda Pollock, “Crafty Wome n and the Hierarchy of the Arts,” Old Mistresses: Women, Art, and Ideology (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981) 50-51. 12 Parker and Pollock 50. 13 The type of museum or collecting body in which an historic clothing collection is housed does not restrict the application of this theoretical framework. Regardle ss of whether the collection in question is contained in an art museum or a history museum, the approach maintains its efficacy in that it enables the analysis of social and cultural forces at work in history within each of them.

PAGE 13

5 Women and Clothing: Associations and Relationships What are the “historical, economic, and political processes of production” at work in the formation of the historic clothing colle ction, and from whence can their origins be traced? Historically, clothi ng, and “sartorial decoration” especially, has long been associated (and, in fact, is often even equated) with the entity of “woman.”14 This identification was first marked by what J.C. Flgel has coined The Great Masculine Renunciation. Male renunciation of “all the br ighter, gayer, more elaborate, and more varied forms of ornamentation” near the end of the eighteenth century signaled a fundamental change in the ways that clothing and its adornments were viewed in relation to gender.15 Flgel states, “Man abandoned his cla im to be considered beautiful. He henceforth aimed at being only useful.”16 The author attributes this overhaul to the democratic ideals of the French Revoluti on and the growing acceptance of work as a man’s most important activity.17 Enlightenment philosophy also plays a significant role in his discussion of this Gr eat Masculine Renunciation: It is . safe to say that, in sartorial matters, modern man has a far sterner and rigid conscience than has modern woman, and that man’s morality tends to find expression in his clothes in a greater degree than is the case with woman. Hence, it is not surprising that . modern ma n’s clothing abounds in features which symbolise his devotion to the principles of duty, of renunciation, and of selfcontrol.18 And, 14 According to Flgel, sartorial decoration “consists in the embellishment of already existing garments.” J.C. Flgel, The Psychology of Clothes (London: The Hogarth P Ltd., 1966) 52. 15 Flgel 110-111. 16 Flgel 111. 17 Flgel 111-112. 18 Flgel 113.

PAGE 14

6 the sex distinction has been greatly em phasized . by the fact that men, not content with a different type, have adopted a completely different style of dress to that of women—a style which renounces al l gaiety, exuberance, and beauty, which aims only at correctness, and which permits of only the slowest and most gradual modifications. . There is, in fact . a standard which demands of men a far more austere morality than it demands of women.19 Passages such as these lay the foundations fo r Flgel’s explanation of this Renunciation as a cultural phenomenon in which women becam e the exclusive proprietors of “sartorial decoration” (and, it would seem, a questionable morality).20 Additionally, Flgel notes, the Great Masculine Renunciation is “one of the most remarkable events in the whole history of dress, one under the infl uence of which we are still living .21 While Flgel locates the Great Masculine Re nunciation in France in the latter half of the eighteenth century, scholar David Kuchta argues that it “had its origins in an aristocratic response to the increasing diffusi on of fashion in the eighteenth century and to the political culture th at emerged after 1688. . .”22 According to Kuchta, this first occurred in England, not in France, and t ook place immediately following the Glorious Revolution of 1688. Additionally, Kuchta states that the renunciation “began . with a different class . ‘plain and uniform co stume’ was not inherently, timelessly, or exclusively a middle-class idea l, but functioned as an aristocratic ideal as well.”23 Kuchta’s contribution puts the Great Masculin e Renunciation in hist orical perspective, 19 Flgel 203. 20 Flgel states, “Hitherto man had vied with woman in the splendour of his garments . henceforward, to the present day, woman was to enjoy the privilege of being the only possessor of beauty and magnificence, even in the purely sartorial sense” (Flgel 111). 21 Flgel 111. 22 David Kuchta, “The Making of the Self-Made Man: Class, Clothing, and English Masculinity, 16881832,” The Sex of Things: Gender and Consumption in Historical Perspective ed. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough (Berkeley: U of California P, 1996) 56. 23 Kuchta 56.

PAGE 15

7 and sheds light on the fact that class, and not gender alone, factors significantly into considerations of people’s asso ciations to and with clothing. The association of women with clothing di d not stop with the decoration of their garments. In fact, it seems likely that the sheer number of articl es of clothing in a woman’s wardrobe also woul d have contributed to the idea that women had some inherent connection to all things sartorial. Jennifer Jones notes, “On the eve of the [French] Revolution, a typical male artisan might have posse ssed fifteen items of clothing . whereas his wife might have possessed as many as fifty items.”24 Thus, it is perhaps not so surprising that a woman’s identity was closely linked to the clothing in her wardrobe. Additionally, Flgel’ s statement in the second passa ge cited above that men’s dress “permits of only the sl owest and most gradual modifi cations” serves as evidence that although changes in men’s fashions certainly occurred, they did so at a much slower rate than in women’s fashi ons, making men’s purchase of clothing far less frequent.25 Of course, the modern notion of woman as consumer is intimately connected to the equation of women with clothi ng. Its origins can be traced to the second half of the 24 Daniel Roche, “L’conomie des garde-robes Paris, de Louis XIV Louis XVI,” Communications 46 (1987) 93-188; idem, The People of Paris (Berkeley: U of California P, 1987) 160-94. Cited in Jennifer Jones, “Coquettes and Grisettes : Women Buying and Selling in Ancien Rgime Paris,” The Sex of Things: Gender and Consumption in Historical Perspective ed. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough (Berkeley: U of California P, 1996) 31. It is important to mention here that the growth in the “value, size, and variety” of the wardrobe was not limited to the members of the elite classes. In fact, the opposite was true; the wardrobes of almost all Parisians, with the exceptio n of the very poor, grew considerably. Jones 30. 25 Flgel also states, “As long as individuality is permitted, women struggle with one another for wearing the ‘latest’ or most costly frocks,” thus acknowledging the frequent changes in women’s fashions. Flgel 114. Critics might argue that if women’s fashions did, in fact, change more rapidly than did men’s, and that if this necessitated the more frequent purchase of clothing, thus resulting in larger wardrobes for women across the board in comparison to their male counterparts, then the prevalence of women’s garments in historic clothing collections is not an issue of great importance. However, the crux of the argument presented here is rooted in the idea that the very notion that woman can be represented within the museum collection in an accurate manne r by clothing alone is inherently flawed. In other words, clothes did—and do not—make the [whole] woman.

PAGE 16

8 eighteenth century. In the 1770s and 1780s, women in Paris were venturing into public for the first time to purchase, among other goods, clothing.26 This mode of the consumption of clothing deviated substant ially from that which prevailed during the seventeenth century. At that time, the rich received tailors and dressmakers in their homes, were fitted for garments accordingly, a nd then had the goods delivered directly to them at their residences, while the poor acquired clothing by buying from traveling merchants and vendors who dealt in second-hand apparel.27 However, in the late eighteenth century, a “culture of shopping” was emerging “in the luxury districts of Paris, a culture in which women played pr ominent roles as . shoppers.”28 Although this trend was initially disquieting for many Parisians, several of the foremost critiques that were used to discourage it during th e late eighteenth century later facilitated its naturalization. While Jones acknowledges “the construction in the late r eighteenth century of a conceptual framework that regarded the exces sive desire to consume as a peculiarly feminine quality, a weakness shared by all wo men,” it is also true that shopping later came to be regarded as a component role of femininity itself.29 “For countess or shop girl, the pursuit of fashion was acceptable if it took place within the proper confines of 26 Jones 33. In her essay “The Gendering of Consum er Practices in Nineteenth -Century France,” Leora Auslander states, “Many of these dynamics of the gendering of consumption . were similar across Europe and in the United States. But the gendering of consumption is, in many ways, a very French story.” (In The Sex of Things: Gender and Consumption in Historical Perspective Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough, eds. (Berkeley: U of Calif ornia P, 1996) 80.) For this reason, and because so much of the literature on the subject of consumer culture begins w ith France (and Paris more specifically), I feel it is appropriate to situate my discussion of the beginnings of the gendering of consumption in France. 27 Jones 31. 28 Jones 26. 29 Jones 27.

PAGE 17

9 pleasing a husband or attracting legitimate suitors.”30 Hence, it is evident that well before the emergence of the department store, wome n were being branded as innate consumers, and innate consumers of clothing at that. As consumption became naturalized a nd woman’s predilectio n for all things sartorial came to be viewed as socially ac ceptable, the branding of woman as a consumer of clothing became further embedded in the Western consciousness. Following the Revolution, Jones posits, a new outlook on fash ion prevailed. She cites a passage from the Encyclopdie de la beaut as an example: Clothes double the value of a woman. Th ey augment men’s pleasures and joys by revealing women’s charms. They are the natural complement of beauty; without fashions a pretty woman is a diamond, but a diamond which is not mounted, and who awaits an artist to gi ve her a brilliant setting.31 Hence, clothing came to define the very e ssence of woman. A wo man’s clothing served to complement the best of her individual quali ties much in the way that a fine wallpaper could accentuate the decorative nuances of a bourgeois salon Representations of this brand of “woman ” also surfaced in nineteenth-century literature, further reinforcing t hose stereotypes already in pla ce. Earlier examples reflect the anxieties that accompanied the advent of women as consumers. Gustave Flaubert’s portrayal of housewife Emma Bova ry in his novel Madame Bovary (1857) is a classic example. Emma, the angst-ridden wife of a country physician, is portrayed as the prototypical female consumer : idle, frivolous, and easily se duced by the charms of Paris and its inhabitants: 30 Jones 38. 31 A.C.D.S.A. [August Caron], Toilette des dames, ou Encyclopdie de la beaut (Paris: A.-G. Debray, 1806) 108. Quoted in Jones 38.

PAGE 18

10 Paris, vaster than the ocean, glittered be fore Emma’s eyes in a rosy light. The teeming life of the tumultuous city was divi ded into parts, however, separated into distinct scenes. She dis tinguished only two or thr ee which overshadowed the others and represented all mankind for he r. The world of the ambassadors moved across gleaming parquets, in drawing r ooms paneled with mirrors, around oval tables covered with gold-fringed velvet. It was a world of trailing gowns, profound mysteries, and anguish concealed beneath smiles. . As for the rest of the world, it was lost to her; it had no speci fic location and scarcely seemed to exist at all. . In her longing she confused the pleasures of l uxury with the joys of the heart, elegant customs with refined feelings.32 Emma’s fascination (or what might more appr opriately be deemed obsession) with this world leads her to reckless consumption. “A woman . certainly had a right to indulge in a few whims . she sent for a blue cas hmere dress from Rouen; she bought the finest scarf in Lheureux’s shop.”33 Of course, Emma’s buying frenzies are not limited to the realm of clothing, and her character indulge s in reckless behavior outside of her consumption patterns. However, it is signif icant that because of her consumption, the novel ends with the financial ruin of her hus band, Charles, and her own dramatic, selfinduced death. The conclusion to the story reflects the unease people were experiencing at the time in regard to women’s increasing presence in the public sphere as consumers. The nineteenth century witnessed the dawn of the department store, an institution that was immediately taken up in the literature of the latter half of that century as a context in which to position the woman as c onsumer. Appropriately entitled Au bonheur des dames (The Ladies’ Paradise ), mile Zola’s 1883 novel explores, among other 32 Gustave Flaubert, Madame Bovary trans. Lowell Bair, ed. and with an introduction by Leo Bersani (1857; New York: Bantam Books, 1989) 50-51. In her ground-breaking text Dream Worlds: Mass Consumption in Late Nineteenth-Century France author Rosalind Williams notes, “The advent of the consumer revolution in the French provinces was more gradual than in the cities but was still decisive.” Hence, despite the Bovaries’ provincial residence, consumption was obviously not confined to the city limits of Paris. Rosalind Williams, Dream Worlds: Mass Consumption in Late Nineteenth-Century France (Berkeley: U of California P, 1982) 10-11. 33 Flaubert 108.

PAGE 19

11 things, the marvels of the Parisian departme nt store. Throughout the text, the masses of women that flock to the store to partake of its fineries are portrayed within the frame of the consuming woman: There was a crowd . groups of wome n pushing and squeezing, devouring the finery with longing, covetous eyes. . A nd all that went on in an orderly manner, with mechanical regularity, quite a nati on of women passing through the force and logic of this wonderful commercial machine.34 In her discussion of the ster eotyping of women as consumer s in the nineteenth century, Rosalind Williams notes, “Women are the ones who crowd into department stores like Au Bonheur des Dames, who urge their he npecked husbands to buy round furniture for chic apartments, who gape at fashion displays in the expositions. . .”35 Hence, however fictionalized, Zola’s phy sical descriptions of the The Ladies’ Paradise department store clearly echo the realities of th e time, making its subtitle of “A Realistic Novel” all too appropriate. Finally, the concept of woman as spectacle is significant for the purposes of this study. As women physically ventured into the consumer realm, both they and the [fashionable] clothing that they wore became th e object of looking, of the gaze of others. In fact, the very notion of woman as spectacle is integrally linked to fashionable clothing. This constitutes an important association in the analysis presented here. The History of the Collecting of Clothing As this study hopes to demonstrate, these notions of “woman” ar e both reflected in and have contributed significantly to the co mposition of the historic clothing collection today. However, the reasons for this occurren ce are located in the historical moment at 34 mile Zola, The Ladies’ Paradise (1883; Berkeley: U of California P, 1992) 16-17. 35 Williams 308-9.

PAGE 20

12 which the collecting of clothing began. As wa s previously mentioned, the history of the collecting of other kinds of objects that are traditionally collected by museums are addressed throughout the literat ure on the subject, but information about clothing is conspicuously absent. According to Leora Auslander, although the French state had begun to collect many different types of objects for institutions such as museums in the later decades of the nineteenth centu ry, clothing did not number among them.36 In fact, Auslander describes clothing as being too e phemeral to be include d in the category of “domestic goods”: Domestic goods . occupied a particul ar location in this nineteenth-century bourgeois world of goods. Furniture, pain tings, silverware, and rugs, unlike food and clothing, were often intende d to last at least one lifetime. The acquisition of an objet d’art, even for the very rich, represented something different than the purchase of a new spring suit. Clothing could be changed accor ding to the social occasion. One had, in contrast, only one living room in which to receive. . And, no matter what one’s income, furniture wa s almost always a major purchase and was intended as an investment for use in the future as well as in the present. Furthermore . family histories were inscribed in the domestic objects.37 However, in her discussion of the frenzy for collecting that swept Paris in the nineteenth century, Emily Apter cites a passage by Paul Bourget from 1895 that would seem to suggest otherwise: “‘In the windows of the department stores wh ich boast the latest novelties and which form a colossal rsum of the habits of a people in anticipating their desires, what do you encounter? The bibelo t again, and again the bibelot. . .’”38 While 36 The French monarch had set taste standards in courtly circles throughout the country in the two centuries preceding the Revolution. See Chapter 2, “The Closed World of Courtly Consumption,” in Williams, 1957, esp. 20-21. In her discussion of nineteenth-century consumption patterns in France, Auslander states, “By mid-century . the state had resumed an intense interest in what its citizens bought and used and had started to create institutions intended to improve consumers’ taste. Th e first among these were the world’s fairs and exhibitions, which began in the 1850s and were followed by the new museums, libraries, and schools of the 1880s and 1890s.” Auslander 82. 37 Auslander 81-82. 38 Emily Apter, Feminizing the Fetish: Psychoanalysis and Narrative Obsession in Turn-of-the-Century France (Ithaca: Corne ll UP, 1991) 60.

PAGE 21

13 it is true that bibelots must certainly have populated the wi ndows of the great department stores of the time, we also know that they were inhabited by grand displays of clothing, of fashion. The following passage from Emile Zola’s The Ladies’ Paradise is telling in this regard: But just as she was entering the street, De nise was attracted by a window in which ladies’ dresses were displayed . the dresse s were in this sort of chapel raised to the worship of women’s beauty and grace. Occupying the centre was a magnificent article, a velvet mantle, trimmed with silver fox; on one side a silk cape lined with miniver, on the other a cloth cloak edged with cocks’ plumes; and last of all, opera cloaks in white cashmere and white silk trimmed with swansd own or chenille. There was something for all tastes, from the opera cloaks at twenty-nine francs to the velvet mantle marked up at eighteen hundred.39 Based on this excerpt, it does not seem unreas onable to assume that individuals were collecting clothing in addition to other kinds of objects, even if the state or its museums were not. Nonetheless, evidence such as th is comprises the exception rather than the rule. The origins of the history of the clothing collection ca n actually be traced to a particular juncture in the history of the mu seum. Carol Duncan defines this period in American history as “an in teresting moment, culminati ng in the 1920s, but continuing into later decades, when art museums, far fr om maintaining an aloofness from industry, sought relations with it.”40 In his landmark essay “Museums, Merchandising, and Popular Taste: The Struggle for Influence,” hi storian Neil Harris notes that during the late nineteenth century, “Besides the museum, there were two other settings . where objects were exhibited in great number and vari ety, and which had strong connections with 39 Zola 7-8. 40 Carol Duncan, “Museums and Department Stores: Close Encounters,” High-Pop: Making Culture into Popular Entertainment ed. Jim Collins (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers Inc., 2002) 130.

PAGE 22

14 public knowledgeability.”41 Harris cites these as the Wo rld’s Fair, or Great Exposition, and the department store.42 In agreement with Harris’s claim, Duncan goes on to claim that these three institutions were components of a single development that was as much economic as it was cultural. . Through their display of objects, all three promoted the culture of consumerism and stimulated and/or facilitated markets for manufactured goods. Above all, they introduced notions of good taste to a br oad, middle-class public, and taught the pleasures of spending rather than saving unused purchasing power.43 The clothing industry played a significant ro le in the market of late nineteenthand early twentieth-century America.44 Along with other mass-produced goods, clothing would have been accumulated and displayed not only in department stores and at the World’s Fairs but in museums (and especially museums of decorative arts) as well. Clothing was certainly part of the Great Exposit ions; its presence at t hose events has been well-documented. Thomas Schlereth notes that machine-made shoes, bone corsets, and ready-made clothes were among the items exhi bited at the 1876 Cent ennial Exposition in Philadelphia.45 Additionally, at the 1893 Columbian Exposition in Chicag o, “Electricity illuminated miles of consumer-goods displays in the forty-four acre Manufacturers and 41 Neil Harris, “Museums, Merchandising, and Popular Ta ste,” Material Culture and the Study of American Life (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978) 140-74. Repr in Cultural Excursions: Marketing Appetites and Cultural Tastes in Modern America (Chicago: The U of Chicago P, 1990) 58. 42 Harris 58, 63. 43 Duncan 130-31. 44 In her discussion of the historic clothing coll ection in British and Scottish museums, Naomi Tarrant states, “Modern dress is part of a major industry. . Cloth production, or the raw materials for its manufacture, have been the staple of most of the European economies at some time. It was also the main motivator behind the technical innovations which led to the industrial revolutions of the medieval period and of the eighteenth century. . The health of the industry in any modern society should be of interest to politicians and economists because of the widespread effect that it has on a country’s economy.” Naomi Tarrant, The Development of Costume (London: Routledge; Edinburgh: National Museums of Scotland, 1994) 1-2. 45 Schlereth 274.

PAGE 23

15 Liberal Arts Building, the largest depart ment store the world had ever seen.”46 Clothing, of course, numbered among the wares shown that year as well.47 An “energetic new breed” of museum profe ssionals in the early twentieth century grasped onto the idea that “The museum and its collections . may be made ‘superlatively useful,’ es pecially by proving ‘of valu e to American industry.’”48 Figures such as the influential museum promoter George Brown Goode ( 1851-1896) adapted new techniques of accumulation and display from expositions and department stores alike.49 Stewart Culin (1858-1929), the first curator of the ethnological coll ection at the Brooklyn Museum, believed that industry co uld be applied to the context of the museum in order to put American museums ahead of their European counterparts.50 Likewise, John Cotton Dana (1856-1929), director of the Newark Museum from its founding in 1909 until his death, was especially interested in the possi bilities that the melding of the museum and modern industry offered. Dana took an expe rimental approach to the museum and asked, “‘What kind of museum best serves th e needs of a modern, industrial city?’”51 To attract investors, Dana emphasized the potential of the museum to stimulate commerce in the 46 Schlereth 283. 47 In her discussion of the significance of the universal exposition of 1900 in Paris, Rosalind Williams notes, “. . wax figurines modeling the latest fashions were displayed in glass cages under brilliant lights, a sight which attracted hordes of female spectators.” Williams 87. 48 Stewart Culin quoted in Simon J. Bronner, “Object Lessons: The Work of Ethnological Museums and Collections,” Consuming Visions: Accumulation and Display of Goods in America 1880-1920 ed. Simon J. Bronner (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1989) 217-254; 219. 49 Bronner 222-23. The concept of accumulation would s eem to be especially important in regard to the development of collections at a time when museums we re still relatively young. “The rising importance of museums . was a reflection of the growing importanc e of things and their accumulation” (Bronner 250). 50 Bronner 236. 51 Duncan 133, 135.

PAGE 24

16 city and “psychologically prepare the population for its role as workers and consumers in the industrial society of the future.”52 The advent of the First and Second World Wa rs also facilitated the development of a partnership between museums and industry. Th is was especially important in regard to the clothing and fashion industry, because in bo th instances, the war thwarted “the steady flow of style ideas from France to this country.”53 In response to the advent of the American fashion design industry in the la te 1940s, the director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Francis Taylor, asked, “‘Wh at can we do for the great industries of apparel and fabrics in this city?” Soon af ter, the Met made moves to make available particular clothing-related resources and develop events exclusively for industry employees.54 It also put on “Exhibition after e xhibition . to show not only what the museum’s resources are, but what leading de signers can do with such material and such facilities as the museum has to offer.”55 M. D. C. Crawford notes that museum collections with holdings in the areas of cl othing and fashion contained documents such as books and magazines as well as “complete costumes and accessories.”56 The collections were opened to designers from any number of clothing-related industries— representatives from the industries of dresses, embroidery and laces, children’s clothes, 52 Duncan 141. 53 M.D.C. Crawford, The Ways of Fashion (New York: Fairchild Publishing Co., 1948) 273. Bronner notes, “Interest in American designs and American things contributed to reliance on museum collections . as did restrictions on European goods because of World War I” (Bronner 224). 54 Crawford 275. 55 Crawford 276. 56 Crawford 277, 283.

PAGE 25

17 and accessories such as belts and buttons—w ere all noted by Crawford as having used museum collections “constantly and freely.”57 Two events that took place in New Yo rk City between 1935 and 1945 mark the first real indications that cl othing was being collected at an institutional level. In the middle of the decade, the Fairchild Fashion Li brary, a library oriented towards research in the industry, was opened. It contained t housands of books, magazines, and sketches that illustrated historic clothing and contem porary fashions as well as beadwork and embroidery samples. It was open only to me mbers of the clothing and fabric industries, and was “in the nature of a trade laboratory and . has been widely used.”58 Likewise, the Museum of Costume Art, opened in 1937, contained a collection of costume-related documents as well as several thousand complete costumes and accessories. As a laboratory museum, it too was visited fo r study by both students and professional designers.59 However, other data seems to indicate that historic clothing collections had been in existence for some time prior to these events. For example, Crawford’s statement that the Museum of Costume Art was “already old as an idea” at the time of its opening suggests that the idea of the institutional clothing co llection was not revolutio nary in 1937. It is notable that a good portion of this institu tion’s costume collection was given by an individual by the name of Lee Simonson.60 Hence, perhaps the early twentieth century marked the first movements of historic clothing collections from individuals to 57 Crawford 278. 58 Crawford 281-82. 59 Crawford 282-83. 60 Crawford 282.

PAGE 26

18 institutions such as museums. Additiona lly, Crawford mentions the “specialized collections” of the Museum of the City of New York and the New-York Historical Society.61 He does not say whether these collectio ns actually contained historic clothing or not, but the Museum of the City of New York today holds one of the most important historic clothing collections in the Unite d States, which would suggest that these institutions were collecting cl othing prior to the middle of th e twentieth century. Finally, in his discussion of clothing and textile co llections in American museums, Crawford states, “. . the Smithsonian Museum . has among many other treas ures a collection of the costumes of the presidents’ wives . and also a vast amount of material on every period of our national life and culture.”62 Again, exactly what kinds of objects are included in that “vast amount of material” rema ins a bit elusive, but it seems logical to hypothesize that the Smithsonian was indeed in the business of collecting historic clothing in those decades preceding the middle of the twentieth century. Thus, it seems that clothing collections in American museums were originally founded with the intentions of blending th e interests of the museum and industry, sometimes for the purposes of propagating a na tionalistic agenda; however, as is evident here, sufficient research has not yet been conducted in regard to the origins of the historic clothing collection. While a comprehensive i nvestigation of these origins falls outside the scope of this study, the case studies presente d here provide a starti ng point for such an inquiry. 61 Crawford 279. 62 Crawford 280.

PAGE 27

19 Why Women’s Clothing?: A Regional Case Study The prominence—indeed, the very existence —of historic clothing collections gives new urgency to the development of a critic al history of the co llecting of clothing. However, the focus of this essay is not the l ack of information available in the literature but rather what I hope will constitute the be ginnings of such a history. Locating the origins of the history of th e clothing collection in Ameri can museums in the twentieth century expedites the unearthing of some of the preconceptions that have contributed to its composition today and contributes to an unde rstanding of the ideol ogical work that is performed by collections as a result. This study involves the analys is of the historic clot hing collections at three different collecting institutions in the United States, and in Indiana specifically: the Indiana State Museum, the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection at Indiana University, and the Indianapolis Museum of Ar t. While these institutions are all located in Indiana, the conclusions drawn regarding the historical forces that have contributed to the compositions of each and the effects that these compositions have on public perceptions of women are appli cable on a more general, i.e ., national and international, level as well. In other words, although this is a regional case study, it is meant to serve as an example from which conclusions can be drawn and concepts applied. In each case, I attempt to explore the reas ons for the dominant or majority presence of women’s apparel and the ideo logical ramifications this ha s, both for the institution in question and on a more general level. In the case of the Indiana State Museum, a social history museum, the dominance of women’s cl othing and accessories within the historic clothing collection is linked to the relationships that women develop as a result of their roles as the primary producers/consumers of clothing within the household unit. My

PAGE 28

20 analysis of the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection demonstrates that the founding contributions of Elizabeth Sage, the woman for whom the collection was named, constituted a significant ideological impact that is manifested in the collection’s shape and even in its very existence. Finally, an investigation of the historical reasons for which clothing has been collected at the I ndianapolis Museum of Art and the use of historic clothing and fashion for exhibition w ithin the museum provides insight into the limitations of historical portrayals of women in the space of the art museum and the ways in which these limitations influence viewer perceptions of women’s (and men’s) roles.

PAGE 29

21 CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORIC CLOTHING COLLECTION AT THE INDIANA STATE MU SEUM, INDIANAPOLIS The historic clothing collec tion at the Indiana State Museum (ISM) is generally regarded as a social history collection. As such, emphasis is placed on “provenance and context rather than on designers.”1 It seems logical to assu me that a clothing collection dedicated exclusively to designer fashions would necessarily be comprised at least primarily of women’s clothing, and at face valu e, the focus of the clothing collection at the ISM seems much less limiting—i.e., it does no t preclude the inclusion of men’s and children’s clothing in additi on to women’s. Nonetheless, women’s clothing and accessories together make up the majority of this collection.2 I will argue here that this occurrence stems from the role s that women have historica lly played in the production and consumption of clothing and the relationshi ps that they devel op with clothing as a result. Background and History of the Collection The Indiana State Museum is a large public museum that “preserves, interprets and presents material evidence of Indiana’s cult ural and natural history in a context that encourages people to actively participate in discovering their world—as it was, as it is and as it can be.”3 The museum’s collections are comprised of approximately 300,000 1 Mary Jane Teeters-Eichacker, Curator of Social History, personal interview, 18 October 2004. 2 Teeters-Eichacker estimates that women’s clothing and accessories together constitute 75-80% of the historic clothing collection. Personal interview, 18 October 2004. 3 “Mission statement,” I ndiana State Museum and Historic Sites, 2003.

PAGE 30

22 objects in two different departments, natu ral and cultural histor y. Natural history collections consist of rocks, minerals, fossils, molluscs, Ice Age mammals, prehistoric and historic Native American collections, ma mmals, birds, fishes, and other smaller collections, while cultural hi story collections include furn iture, popular culture, textiles, costumes, metals, fine arts, politic s, documents and other groupings. The historic clothing collec tion at the Indiana State Museum includes items that are: “1. handmade (couture or homemade); 2. comercially [sic] mass produced; 3. worn by a significant person or group; 4. associat ed with a significan t place or event; 5. associated with occupation and everyday life.”4 The collection aims to “represent the customs, mores, and social practices of Hoos iers of all ethnic a nd cultural backgrounds,” and primary emphasis is placed on “objects . that document expectations and opportunities in the areas of home life; work experiences ; gender and group identity; social change; consumption patterns; and le isure activities that reflect the changing makeup of Indiana.”5 The collection presently consis ts of approximately 10,000 items. These are broken down as follows: clothing ac cessories, 2,198; footw ear, 848; headwear, 1538; outerwear, 4,548; and underwear, 779.6 The collection contains women’s, men’s, 4 Section II.B.4, “Costumes,” Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites Collection Management Policy 1991: 13-14. 5 “Social History,” Collections Management Policy, Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites 2003: 10-11. 6 Figures from the computer collections database employed by the museum, MultiMIMSY 2000, provided by Traci Cromwell, Cultural History Collections Mana ger, Indiana State Museum Items are grouped in the database according to The Revised Nomenclature for Museum Cataloguing: A Revised and Expanded Version of Robert G. Chenhall’s Syst em for Classifying Manmade Objects by James R. Blackaby and Patricia Greeno (Walnut Creek, CA; London: AltaMira Press and the American Association for State and Local History, 1995). The figures given here total 9,911; however, both Ms. Cromwell and TeetersEichacker, Curator of Social Histor y and the primary curator of the costume collection, believe that the actual total is probably closer to between 11,000 and 12 ,000 objects. They attri bute inaccuracies in figures obtained via database searches primarily to nomenclature errors during the data entry (cataloguing) process and also note that at the time the research for this study was being conducted, between 800 and 1000 objects (not including accessories of any kind) had yet to be unpacked and entered into the database.

PAGE 31

23 and children’s costumes and accessories, sports and military uniforms, and Amish clothing and accessories. However, as has been previously noted, women’s clothing and accessories, including blouses, skirts, suits, wedding dresses, formal gowns (couture), prom dresses, cocktail dresses, house dresse s, shoes, hats, bags, jewelry, and paisley shawls, constitute the majo rity of the collection. According to David McLary, who worked at the museum from 1967 to 1986, there were very few clothing pieces in the collec tion when the museum was moved from the basement of the Statehouse to its new locat ion in the former Indianapolis City Hall building in 1966.7 While early records suggest that the museum was accepting clothing for its collections as early as 1919, clothes accounted for a mi nute percentage of the total collection, and donations containi ng clothing items occurred at such infrequent intervals as to have been almost inconsequential. It seems the museum first began to activel y solicit clothing dona tions in January of 1971. In a letter to the museum dated Ja nuary 30, 1971, one Mary Louise Bone of Lafayette, Indiana writes, “Dear Sir,—I hear d on a TV program yesterday that you would like old clothes for your museum. . .”8 This document constitutes the earliest available evidence that the museum wished to begin co llecting historic garments in some quantity and had commenced efforts to do so. The museum’s holdings in historic clot hing items grew steadily throughout the 1970s, but the appointment in 1983 of Lee Scot t Theisen as Director of the museum marked the beginning of a period of unprecedented and uncapped growth for what was 7 Kathleen McLary, Vice President of Programs, personal interviews, 18 August 2003 and 15 March 2004. 8 From the donor file labeled “Bone, Mary Louise,” accession 71.971.30.

PAGE 32

24 quickly becoming a bona fide hi storic clothing collection. Dr Susan Dickey, Curator of Collections at the museum from 1981 to 1984 an d Curator of Costumes and Textiles from 1984 to 1988, notes that Theisen “encouraged more aggressive collecting through donation and purchase. His approach to accepting donations was ‘Take everything. The donor might give you better stuff later.’ (. .) His successor, Dick Gantz, was of the same opinion, i.e., accept just about everything.”9 Such an approach to collecting can acc ount for the large number of clothing items amassed by the museum in the 1980s, but it does not explain why the overwhelming majority of them were women’s. The pr evalence of women’s clothing items in the collection can hardly be passed off as coincide nce, since, as has al ready been noted, most historic clothing collections exhibit a similar imba lance. While it is tr ue that historically, women have owned more articles of clothing than their male counterparts, most clothing collections do not even begin to reflect an accurate gender-to-clothes-owned ratio, and the collection at the Indiana State Museum is no exception.10 Why Women’s Clothing? As noted in Chapter 1, Schlereth claims th at “evidential biases” have contributed to this disparity historically.11 Relying solely on this claim, it seems logical that unevenness 9 Susan J. Dickey, personal interview, 22 Nov 2003. In my interview with her, Dr. Dickey mentioned that Director Theisen was able “to obtain larger appropria tions” for the museum. While she did not say to what extent these increased appropriations affected purchasing funds for the historic clothing collection (if they did at all), because the museum has traditionally relied on the physical donation of items rather than on purchasing funds for building its collections (and especially the historic costume collection), this chapter focuses on donations alone. 10 “Gender-to-clothes-owned ratio” refers to the corre lation between gender (male/female) and the number of clothing items typically owned by a person of one or the other gender. Of course, as has already been noted, women traditionally own more articles of clothing than do men. 11 In his discussion of children’s clothing collections, Thomas Schlereth states, “. . many . share the same evidential biases that costume historians and curators bemoan for adult clothing: far fewer male costumes than female ones” (Schlereth 93).

PAGE 33

25 in the composition of historic clothing collectio ns could be attributed to a brand of male bias operating in their formation and developmen t. Certainly, this is not an unreasonable conclusion, given that the bulk of museum em ployees, even up until very recently, were men, and that commonly held notions of women—that they are consumers (and especially of clothing and fashion), are though t of as possessing an innate propensity for sartorial decoration (and a love of clothing generally), a nd are defined by what they wear—would all seem to favor an imbalance in terms of gender representation within historic clothing collections. However, while the importance of these factors cannot be underestimated, to credit them as being solely responsible for the shaping of historic clothing collections with respect to gender representation would be to ignore other, equally important social a nd historical processes of production at work in their development.12 In fact, I will argue here that there are other forces that contribute significantly to, and can account in large part for, the fact that the hist oric clothing collection at the Indiana State Museum is composed mostly of women’s attire— specifically, the relationships that women de velop with their clothing as a result of traditional female roles and functions within the household unit. Old Clothes and Their Stories The museum did not adopt a collections management policy until 1991, at which time individual departments and collections and their respective collect ing strategies were defined.13 As a result, between 1967 and 1991, th e museum’s collections grew rapidly and without any real direction. As has been previously noted, th e prevailing collecting 12 Clifford 229. 13 The official title of the policy is Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites Collection Management Policy This policy was revised and updated in the 2003 version, Collections Management Policy, Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites

PAGE 34

26 strategy consisted of the muse um essentially accepting any and all donations that it was offered. However, Dr. Dickey notes that although she does not recall there having been a written collections policy, several criteria were loosely employed in the selection process: items made or manufactured in Indiana; it ems made elsewhere, but representative of those used in Indiana and ha ving an Indiana provenance; and items associated with famous Hoosiers.14 In addition to the requirement of an association with Indi ana, all of these criteria have another common feature: each of them requires that the object in question be accompanied by a story, a history. Of course, the story of any article of clothing, be it a dress or a pair of trousers, does not (and cannot ) in and of itself expl ain why an historic clothing collection is composed primarily of women’s attire. But an examination of the mechanisms by which clothing items have been donated to the Indi ana State Museum in the past gives indications as to how the hi stories of individual obj ects can contribute to this trend. The museum first announced that it was inte rested in acquiring “old clothes” for its collection via a public television program in 1971. In investigating the intricacies of the processes that precede a donati on to a museum, specifically a donation of “old clothes,” two primary avenues of inquiry arise. Firs t of all, who had these old clothes? And second, why did they have them? The answer to the first question is obvi ous. Who had old clothes? Women did. But why they had them is perhaps not so a pparent. Why did women keep old clothes, and what clothes did they keep? The answer s to these questions fi nd their roots in the 14 Susan J. Dickey, personal interview, 22 Nov 2003.

PAGE 35

27 roles that women—specifically, women in the roles of wife/mother in a nuclear family setting—have historically played in the pr oduction and consumption of clothing within the household unit. Women: Producers and Consumers of Clothing Before the advent of mass clothing pr oduction, women were the primary producers of clothing for the members of the household unit. Later, in the decades spanning the middle of the twentieth century, and esp ecially in the 1950s, buying mass-produced clothing at large department and discount stores became the principal method of acquiring new apparel in middleand upper-c lass households. Women once again played a pivotal role, this time as the chief consum ers of clothing for the domestic unit. They thus possessed an intimate knowledge not onl y of what clothing was made or bought but also for what purposes and occasions it would be worn, or why it needed to be made or bought. Furthermore, in both scenarios, women would have been making and shopping for clothes not only for other family members but for themselves as well, thus establishing a relationship to their clothi ng that was unique to them and that was intimately tied to their functions as producers/consumers of clothing. Additionally, coupled with the fact that the sheer volume of garments and accoutrements that most women owned far outnu mbered those of any of their immediate family members, for many women—especially those who did not work outside of the home—clothing also served as an outlet for the display of personal tastes, acted as the most immediately recognizable symbol of membership in a socioeconomic class, and allowed one woman to distingui sh herself from the next. Hence, not only did women invest a significant amount of time making or selecting for purchas e their own clothing, they also had a deep social investment in the clothing that they wore. In other words, for

PAGE 36

28 women, clothing’s social func tion was closely interwoven wi th its practical functions: clothes, perhaps more than any other pers onal belonging, had the ability to define the woman that wore them. One need only reca ll images of iconic 1950s housewives such as Donna Stone of The Donna Reed Show (1958-1966) or June Cleaver of Leave it to Beaver (1957-1963) to comprehend the fundament al roles that clot hing and appearance played in shaping a woman’s identity. These investments affected the attitudes a nd feelings that women had toward their clothing and consequently how they might ha ve treated it. The amount of time, energy, and thought a woman spent in making a garment or in selecting an article of clothing for purchase, or how much she paid for it, likely had an effect on how expendable she viewed any given item as bei ng. Likewise, clothing’s social function made it that much more valuable (and less dispensable as a resu lt). Therefore, women were much more reluctant to part with clothing items than other members of their households would have been, even if an item was no longer being used. Additionally, many women kept clothing that was worn at an important event in their lives or in the lives of their older fema le relatives (mothers, grandmothers, or aunts, for example). Because of the social functi on that clothing served in women’s everyday lives, it makes sense that clothing worn duri ng significant occasions in the life of the wearer—a prom or a wedding, for example—woul d have been set apar t from the rest of the wardrobe as unique or distinctive, hen ce causing the wearer to feel that it was important to care for and keep the item (and pass it on to a younger fe male relative, in some cases) long after its use function had expired.

PAGE 37

29 Women Donors and Historic Clothi ng at the Indiana State Museum It is not surprising, then, that women have not only been the primary donors of historic clothing to the collection at the ISM, but the bulk of the clothing that they offer is women’s, even if it may not have belonged to them. For example, in the 1971 letter cited above, the author continues, “I have a muff and coat which my mother wore in the 1880’s . some formals of the 1930 vintage. . .”15 Citing an example from the following decade, Dr. Susan Dickey recalls “two or three” sizable donations made in the mid-1980s by Shirley Kulwin, the wife of a large electr ical supplier in Indianapolis. Although some of the clothing was less than ten years old, Dickey said that she accepted it because “most of it had come from local department stor es . and was in excellent condition.” Furthermore, Dickey states, “The donor was able to provide information regarding some of the occasions for which the clothing was worn.”16 In both of these examples, the history of the garment—wher e it came from, who wore it, and when it was worn—is dependent on the donor’s knowledge and memories of it. When clothing is saved, in many cases the history of the object—its story, so to speak—is preserved as well, thus making the cl othes that women are able to offer to the museum for donation particularly valuable. This is especially important for an institution like the ISM in which the story of the object is nearly as important as the object itself. For example, one Wanda Stapp donated the dre ss and stole that she wore to her junior prom at Bedford High School in 1957 to the museum in 2000. The donor notes that she purchased the dress at a shop on the Court house Square in Bloomington, a nearby town, 15 From the donor file labeled “Bone, Mary Louise,” accession 71.971.30. 16 Susan J. Dickey, personal interview, 22 Nov 2003.

PAGE 38

30 and recalls her surprise at the fact that her parents actually allowed her to travel out of Bedford to buy it.17 Thus, what at first glance se ems an old (albeit unique and wellconstructed) teen formal dress in good c ondition becomes an object imbued with a piece of the history of both one woman’s life and the state. This example demonstrates that via the mechanisms of saving, remembering, and donating, women have come to constitute a primary force in shaping the composition of th e historic clothing colle ction at the ISM. In the next chapter, I will examine the ways in which the contributions of one woman in particular had a fundamental impact on bot h the physical and ideological makeup of another historic clothing co llection, the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection. 17 From the donor file labeled “Sta pp, Wanda,” accession 71.2000.0 04.001.

PAGE 39

31 CHAPTER 3 THE ELIZABETH SAGE HISTORIC COSTUME COLLECTION AT INDIANA UNIVERSITY, BLOOMINGTON The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Co llection (ESHCC) is a museum-quality collection composed primarily of women’s cl othing and accessories. The dominance of women’s apparel has been apparent since the collection’s inception in 1937, when Elizabeth Sage, the first prof essor of textiles and clothing at Indiana University, donated her personal collection of historic clothi ng items to the university. While the same mechanisms discussed in Chapter 2—namely the relationships that women develop with clothing as a result of their roles as the primary producers/consumers of clothing within the household unit—have contributed in large part to the sustained prevalence of women’s clothing in the Sage Collection, I would like to argu e here that the reasons for both the shape of the collection in its earliest stages and, inde ed, its very existence can be traced to the ideological premises on which Elizabeth Sage’s motivations for collecting clothing were founded. Background and History of the Collection The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Coll ection is an “assemblage of eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first centu ry clothing and relate d accessories” whose mission it is to “record and preserve cu ltural heritage by co llecting, maintaining, exhibiting and sharing as a resource th ese articles of dress and accessories.”1 Maintained by the Department of Apparel Merchandising an d Interior Design at Indiana University, 1 “Statement of Purpose,” The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection Collection Policy 2003.

PAGE 40

32 Bloomington, the Sage Collecti on distinguishes itself from other historic clothing collections by the fact that it “is not limited to high fashion. It focuses on clothing of the United States and includes . dress of the common person as well as the elite.”2 The collection contains “body coverings articles used to adorn the body, and articles carried or in some manner used to enhance a fashion;” “items pertaining to Indiana history and Indiana University histor y,” particularly “articles reflecting the era 1800 to the present;” “articles of dress wh ich reflect American fashion design and illustrate the efforts of American designers” and “European design as related to American fashion . especially as it serves to illustrate and illuminate American design statements.”3 It is made up of some 20,000 objects which are broken down as follows: children’s accessories, 222; children’s clothing, 516; clot hing care and storage, 870; documentary and non-textile objects, 241; fl at textiles, 757; me n’s accessories, 585; men’s clothing, 679; non-Western objects, 72; personal care objects, 79; published materials, 3,094; sewing tools and equipment, 4; stage costume: 4 ensembles; uniforms: 6; unisex clothing and accessories, 263; women’s accessories, car ried: 964; women’s 2 Excerpt from a membership brochure, The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection, n.d. 3 “Collection Objectives,” The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection Collection Policy 2003.

PAGE 41

33 accessories, worn: 3,200; and women’s clothing: 4,794.4 As has already been noted, women’s clothing and accesso ries comprise the majority of the collection.5 Elizabeth Sage was appointed the first prof essor of textiles and clothing at Indiana University in 1913. Over the course of her 24 years of service there, Sage “assembled for the university a wide variety of clothing and textile instructional materials and accumulated her own impressive collection of exquisite fashions and accessories.”6 When she retired in 1937, Sage donated her pers onal collection of historic items to the university, and the Historic Costume Collection was founded in her name.7 The number of objects in th e collection grew steadily following its formal inception. Early donations were made by Sage’s friends and family, and as word of the collection spread, items from alumni, faculty and friends “throughout the state and country” were offered for donation.8 The nation’s bicentenni al celebration (1975-77) 4 Figures from the computer collections database employed by the ESHCC, io, provided by Kelly GallettRichardson, Assistant Curator, Elizab eth Sage Historic Costume Collection, on November 13, 2003. Items are grouped in the database according to the classification system employed by the computer collections database formerly used for the collection, SNAP!. The figures given here total 16,350; however, the number of items in the collection according to an overa ll database query totals 20,454. Hence, there is a difference of 4,104 objects. Mrs. Gallett-Richardson attributes this discrepancy to both nomenclature problems (at least 220 objects do not have categories) and to the margin of error inherent in database queries. 5 Based on the figures given here, women’s clothing and accessories account for approximately 55% of the collection overall, and 80% of th e collection when non-costume and non-Western objects are excluded from the total count. 6 Kathleen L. Rowold, “Preface,” Flights of Fancy: The Art of Fashion’s Surface Design (Bloomington: Metropolitan Printing Service, Inc., 1991) 6. 7 “Early History,” The State of the Collection November 1991: 1. The exact number of items that Miss Sage donated to the university is not known. Figures range from “several hundred” to 500 to 700. However, it has been noted that Sage’s “private collection of antique apparel and fashion artifacts . initially probably numbered fewer than 200 items.” Becau se this is the most recen t (and only published) figure available, I have chosen to use it here Tim Lucas, “Sage of Fash ion,” Indianapolis Star 5 Apr. 1992: H1. 8 “Collection growth and storage facilities,” The State of the Collection November 1991: 1.

PAGE 42

34 marked an important turning point in the collection’s growth; beginning in 1976, the first major exhibit of artifacts fr om the collection, the “Trave ling Exhibition of Historic Indiana Costumes,” was displayed in twenty communities in Indiana in a variety of public venues.9 The exhibit garnered much atten tion and interest in the ESHCC, and donations increased drama tically as a result.10 Prior to the bicen tennial exhibition, the collection was used “primarily for classroom ex amples and graduate student research. . Very few people knew it existed.”11 Thus, this event signif ied the beginning of the collection’s evolution from a hands-on, educat ional collection to one of museum quality in which objects were collected explic itly to be preserved and exhibited.12 By 1976, the collection had grown to incl ude a little over 2,000 objects; by 1991, its holdings totaled over 11,500 objects;13 and by 1997, the collection numbered more than 15,000 items.14 However, despite the growth of the collection over time, the ubiquitous presence of women’s apparel a nd accessories has remained a constant. A document marked “c. 1968” states, “The colle ction . contains almost two thousand examples of wearing apparel of men a nd women, children and infants during the 9 Kathleen L. Rowold, “Nelda M. Christ,” To Honor Retiring Faculty (program), Indiana University Bloomington, 9 April 1985. 10 Dr. Kathleen L. Rowold, Curator, Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection, and Professor, Department of Apparel Merchandising and Interior Design, personal interview, 12 November 2003. 11 Pamela J. Schlick, letter to Lynn Pittman, 18 Mar. 1985. 12 Rowold, personal interview, 12 November 2003, and a membership brochure, The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection, n.d. 13 “Collection growth and storage facilities” and “Sc ope of the Collection,” The State of the Collection November 1991: 1-2. 14 Rowold, “Preface,” 6.

PAGE 43

35 nineteenth and twentieth centuri es,” but goes on to say that “t he bulk of [it] is ladies’ apparel.”15 This is still the case t oday, almost 40 years later. Why Women’s Clothing? Of course, standard explanations fo r the overwhelming presence of women’s apparel in the Sage Collection in its earliest years abound. Perhaps it occurred by default: women’s clothing was certainly more ubiquit ous in consumer venues than men’s or children’s and was thus more readily available for purchase. Additionally, Elizabeth Sage never married, and she did not have any children. Hence, it seems likely that to some degree, at least, Sage would have been able to escape the domestic roles required of women in “traditional” family settings and could thus expend more time, energy, and money purchasing and collecting clothing for herself. Furthermore, consumer venues such as department stores and boutiques that carried the exemplary apparel that Sage sought after catered to, and even targeted, female customers. On another note, perhaps a woman who amassed an exemplary clothing collection, especially one dominated by women’s apparel, could use the collection as an avenue by which to define herself, to distinguish her from other women. While none of these explanations should be disregarded, and while the dominance of women’s clothing in the Sage Collection probably resulted at least in part from some or perhaps even all of them, the purpose for which the collection was originally established can account for the ubiquity of women’s clothing early in the collection’s history more than any other single factor. Sa ge intended for the collection to be used as 15 Lavinia Franck, “The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection,” Procedures and Classification System c. 1968: 1.

PAGE 44

36 an aid in the training of young women enrolled in Home Economics courses so that they might learn to be wise consumers of clothing.16 Elizabeth Sage: Teacher, Scholar, Collector Elizabeth Sage was a professor in what was then called the Home Economics department at I.U. and “a forerunner of th e notion that Home Economics was more than just sewing.”17 For her, “the study of clothing, tex tiles, and, particular ly, their history, was an academic subject no less serious th an the history of science or art.”18 During her tenure at the university, Sage author ed two textbooks, A Study of Costume (1926) and Textiles and Clothing (1930), the former of which was one of the first books on costume history to be published in the United States.19 The following statements, excerpted from her 1930 text, reveal Sage’s ideas about what an education in Home Economics should include: “As women more and more become spenders or consumers, instead of producers as they formerly were, the more essential it is that girls of to-day be taught how to buy their clothes ready-made. . The active life of the women and girls of to-day gi ves little time for the making of garments in the home.” Later in the text, she asserts, “It is especially necessary, th en, that this rapidly 16 I should note here that the ESHCC does still cont ain a study collection component; however, classroom education is no longer the sole objective of the coll ection. The primary collection, which “includes all artifacts identified for historic preservation and exhibition,” comprises the bulk of the collection as a whole and will thus constitute my focus here. “Statement of Purpose,” The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection Collection Policy 2003. 17 Patricia C. Kampe, untitled document, July 29, 1975. 18 Lucas H1. 19 “Early History,” The State of the Collection November 1991: 1.

PAGE 45

37 increasing number of buyers should have standards for choi ce when they purchase their clothes.”20 Sage’s philosophy was reflected in both her teaching and her collecting. To supplement her teaching, she collected clothi ng from family and friends and purchased exemplary historic costume items and related artifacts while traveling abroad, first in 1925 and again in 1934.21 It seems that Sage began co llecting items in the early 1920s.22 Although early records of the collection are incomplete at best, it is known that her earliest acquisition was an infant’s dress—sp ecifically, the Sage family christening robe.23 The next items to be added to the coll ection were a blue satin dress and a pink dress with matching shoes, all of wh ich also belonged to Sage’s family.24 Sage also collected examples of men’s and children’s clothing, but not to the same degree that she did women’s.25 An undated inventory of the ESHCC lists the total number of items in the collection as 663. Of these 663 items, 410—or 62%—of them are 20 Elizabeth Sage, Textiles and Clothing (New York: Scribner, 1930). Quoted in Gail Benjamin Anderson, “Elizabeth Sage,” unpublished essay, 1967: 3. Page numbers for the statements from the textbook are not noted in the research paper, and because a copy of the book was not available to me, I have cited the statements here as they appear in Anderson’s paper. 21 “Retirement of Miss Sage,” Indiana University Alumni Quarterly Winter 1937: 32. 22 Pamela J. Schlick, “Request for Funding for Add itional Storage Space in the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection – Department of Home Economics,” 1981: 1. Each statement in this document references a document authored by Coffee in 1978. This refers to a report prepared by consultant Barbara Coffee of the Smithsonian Institution – Museum of Amer ican History, who was hired in 1976 “to assess the state of the Collection and to make recommendations on storage, conservation, and exhibition issues” (“Collection Growth and Storage Facilities,” 1). Unfortun ately, a copy of her report was not available at the time that the research for this study was conducted. 23 “Collection growth and storage facilities” 1 and Anderson 4. 24 Anderson 4. See also “Appendix I: Transcription of Sage 1925/1928 Inventory,” The State of the Collection November 1991: 9. 25 Anderson notes that Miss Sage’s collection consisted of “outstanding examples of clothing for men, women, and children from 1830 to her time.” Anderson 4.

PAGE 46

38 women’s clothing and accessories, while only 17 (2.5%) are men’s, 52 (8%) are children’s, and 93 (14%) are infants’.26 Given that the collecti on that Sage gave to the university contained approximate ly 200 items, it is not unreas onable to conclude that it would have reflected similar percentages. Based on the opinions Sage expressed in he r scholarly writing, it seems clear that her decision to collect more women’s clothing than men’s or children’s was an informed decision on her part. Her primary object ives included teaching young women how to “buy their clothes ready-made” and provide th em with education regarding “standards for choice when they purchase their clothes;” hen ce, that her collection exhibits a majority percentage of women’s cl othing is not surprising.27 However, it is significant that her ideas about Home Economics e ducation constituted not only the basis for her collecting practices but the very premise on which the collection was founded. Sage’s idea that young women needed to be educated to be wise consumers of clothing provides several indications as to the ways in which women’s roles and femininity were perceived in American culture at that time. Firs t of all, women were becoming “more and more . spenders or consumers, instead of producers as they formerly were.”28 Thus, consumption, especially of clothing, was becoming a requisite component of femininity itself: being a wo man meant being a consumer. Additionally, Sage’s idea seems to reflect at least some degree of cultural anxi ety (or her own) in regard to the consumer roles that women were quickly assuming in th e first half of the 26 “Collection growth and storage facilities” and “Appendix 2: Undated Inventory,” The State of the Collection 1 and 10-13. 27 Sage as quoted in Anderson. 28 Sage as quoted in Anderson.

PAGE 47

39 twentieth century. Implicit in the notion that women needed to be educated about clothing consumption is the assumption that there existed the potential for women to consume irresponsibly or recklessly. As c onsumption eclipsed produc tion as the primary method of clothing acquisition and women vent ured with increasing frequency into the consumer realm to purchase their clothing, a sudd en need to educate them about it arose. If we recall the discussion in Chapter 1 of the disquietude many Parisians felt in the late eighteenth century, when women were for the fi rst time in history venturing into public to consume, such a response to women’s newfound roles as the primary consumers of their own clothing, even in the twen tieth century, is perhaps not so surprising. Furthermore, it is important to note that the notion of responsible consump tion reflected in the reasons for Sage’s collecting coincided directly with the stock market crash of 1929 and the Great Depression that followed. This is significant if only for the fact that it demonstrates the promulgation of a conception of consumption th at differs fundamentally from those that preceded it. During this time, emphasis was placed on frugality and fiscal responsibility, not the excess and luxury that had char acterized consumption historically.29 Regardless of the primary purposes for wh ich the objects in the Sage Collection have been used over time, the perception of women as consumers—especially of clothing—and the idea that consumption embodies at least in part the very essence of what it means to be “feminine” are reflected and perpetuated not only via the composition of the collection itself but in its very reason for being. He nce, the contributions of one 29 This, too, raises the question of class and the ways in which it is related to perceptions of “good” or “proper” consumption. Rosalind Williams’ discussion of courtly consumption is instructive in unearthing those early models of consumption to which large groups of people aspired and their defining characteristics, namely frivolity and excess. See Chap ter 2, “The Closed World of Courtly Consumption,” in Dream Worlds: Mass Consumption in Late Nineteenth-Century France 19-57.

PAGE 48

40 individual—Elizabeth Sage—made a fundamental and lasting impact on the collection as it exists today, physica lly and ideologically. The purposes for which clothing is collect ed within a particular collecting body, then, dictate the ways in wh ich women are represented and consequently how they are perceived in the space of that collecting body (in this case, th e ESHCC). In an institution such as the Indianapolis Museum of Art in which clothing is collected as art, we see that other reasons for collecting cl othing come to bear directly on ideas about women and their roles.

PAGE 49

41 CHAPTER 4 COSTUME IN THE TEXT ILE AND FASHION ARTS COLLECTION AT THE INDIANAPOLIS MUSEUM OF ART The historic costume component of the Te xtile and Fashion Arts Collection at the Indianapolis Museum of Art (IMA) is comprised of costumes, costume accessories, and costume components1 of “aesthetic or art historical significance.”2 In other words, clothing is collected explicitly for its aesthetic properties. Primary emphasis is placed on the visual qualities of the item, on the ability of the item to stimulate visual engagement.3 What is of interest in the case of the historic costume collection at th e IMA is the fact that the collecting of clothing as art has led to the formation of a costume collection that is almost entirely women’s clothing. Based on this composition, it seems logical to conclude that thus far, only women’s clothing and accessories have been able to meet the criteria for collecting—i.e., that they fall into the category of “art.” I will argue here that those qualities that enable women’s apparel to be considered as “art” bear directly on the ways in which gender is both represented a nd perceived within th e context of the art museum. 1 “Costume components” include fabrics that were part of a costume at one time as well as items such as collars. 2 “Permanent Collection,” Collection Definitions Indianapolis Museum of Art, 2001. 3 Stephen Greenblatt’s concept of “wonder” is especially instructive here. Greenblatt defines “wonder” as “the power of the displayed object to stop the viewer in his or her tracks, to convey an arresting sense of uniqueness, to evoke an exalted attention.” Stephen Greenblatt, “Resonance and Wonder,” Exhibiting Cultures: The Poetics and Politics of Museum Display ed. Ivan Karp and Steven D. Lavine (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution P, 1991) 42.

PAGE 50

42 Background and Institutional History The Indianapolis Museum of Art is a la rge art museum whose mission it is to “enable a large and diverse a udience to see, understand and en joy the best of the world’s visual arts,” and “to th is end [it] collects, preserves, exhi bits and interprets original works of art.”4 One of the largest general art museums in the nation,5 its permanent collection consists of approximately 42,000 objects in nine curatorial de partments: African, Oceanic, and Precolumbian Art; Asian Art; Cl assical Art; Contemporary Art (post-1945); Decorative Arts; European and American Pa intings and Sculpture (1800-1945); European Paintings and Sculpture (bef ore 1800); Prints, Drawings, and Photographs; and Textile and Fashion Arts.6 The Textile and Fashion Arts Collection is comprised of nearly 6,000 items and “represents virtually all of the world’s tradi tions in fabric,” incl uding Asian, West Asian, African, American, and European textiles and costumes. Chinese textiles and costumes, Japanese kimonos and Buddhist robes, Ka shmir shawls and Indian ceremonial furnishings, Indonesian textil es, rugs and furnishing text iles from Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, Iranian rugs and kilims, Ottoma n embroideries from Turkey, Baluchi rugs and weavings, sub-Saharan African textiles and costumes, Moroccan costumes and embroideries, American and European s ilks dating from the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries, a lace collection spanning 500 years, nineteenth-century paisley 4 “IMA’s Mission Statement,” Museum News, A monthly newsletter for IMA Staff November 2003: 1. 5 The Story of the Indianapolis Museum of Art (Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art, 1998) 8. 6 This information was obtained via a marketing document prepared by Rebekah Marshall of the IMA in May of 2002. At the time of the creation of this document, the department now known as “Textile and Fashion Arts” was referred to as “Textiles and Costumes.” To avoid confusion, I have chosen to use the department’s most recent name here.

PAGE 51

43 shawls from England, Indiana quilts and cove rlets, European costumes dating from the eighteenth through the twentieth centuries, a nd twentieth-century fashion, especially works by Indiana natives Norman Norell, Bill Blass, and Halston, all number among the collection’s strengths.7 Curator Niloo Imami-Paydar notes that while an attempt has never been made to separate the collecti on into “textile” and “costume” components for inventory purposes, she estimates that 70-80% of the collection is costume. Within this part of the collection, the overwhelming majority—Imami-Paydar says as much as 99%—is women’s. Men’s clothing is not actively collected (nor has it ev er been), with the exception of some canes, a few top hats, and “3 or 4” eighteenth-century men’s ensembles.8 The Indianapolis Museum of Art was f ounded in 1883 as the Art Association of Indianapolis.9 The Association’s “Aims and Need s” statement indicates its mission: The Art Association propos es to increase its perman ent art collection, to hold frequent exhibitions of the productions of contemporary American and foreign artists, to develop an art lib rary to add to the facilities for teaching in the art school in order to keep abreast of the most advanced methods of instruction, to give lectures, receptions, and entertainments of an artistic character, and in every way possible to encourage the study a nd love of art among the people.10 7 “Collections: Textile and Fashion Ar ts,” Indianapolis Museum of Art 2004, Indianapolis Museum of Art, 1 Nov 2004 . 8 Niloo Imami-Paydar, Curator, Textile and Fa shion Arts, personal interview, 1 Nov 2004. 9 The Story of the Indianapolis Museum of Art 8. 10 Art Association of Indianapolis, Indiana: A Record, 1883-1906 Published on the occasion of the dedication of the John Herron Art Institute, November 20 1906. (This report is located in the book labeled “Art Association Reports 1883-1911” in the library at the museum.)

PAGE 52

44 Thus, it is clear that from the beginning, the Association meant to collect art exclusively. Yet today, the museum’s permanent collection is “composed of objects of aesthetic or art historical significance.”11 Why Women’s Clothing? In contrast to the historic clothing collection at the I ndiana State Museum and the Elizabeth Sage Historic Cost ume Collection, in the case of the IMA, the causes for the dominance of women’s attire in the costume portion of the collection are located not in the history of the collecting of clothing ove r time but in the museum’s rationale for collecting clothing in the first pl ace. What Schlereth refers to as “evidential biases” are, then, of primary concern in regard to this partic ular collection.12 As has already been noted, the museum has focused on collecting “a rt,” or “objects of aesthetic or art historical significance,” thr oughout its history. But again, it is remarkable that the collecting of clothing for this purpose has led to the development of what is essentially a women’s clothing collection. Does the collecting of cl othing as art preclude the inclusion of men’s clothing? I would argue that it does not. Thus, an examination of some of the reasons why this may have occurred is in order. A brief discussion of what Flgel referre d to as The Great Masculine Renunciation can elucidate some of the issues surrounding the present composition of the costume collection at the IMA.13 As has been previously note d, following the French Revolution, men’s apparel became markedly subdued, and it has remained so to up to the present day, 11 “Permanent Collection,” Collection Definitions Indianapolis Museum of Art, 2001. 12 In his discussion of children’s clothing collections, Thomas Schlereth states, “…many…share the same evidential biases that costume historians and curators bemoan for adult clothing: far fewer male costumes than female ones” (Schlereth 93). 13 Flgel 52.

PAGE 53

45 both in France and in the United States. Ma le renunciation of “all the brighter, gayer, more elaborate, and more varied forms of or namentation” was reflec ted in clothing that was dark in color, free of embellishment and adornment, and simply constructed.14 As man “abandoned his claim to be considered beautiful” and “henceforth aimed at being only useful,”15 brightly colored, ornately embellished, and elaborately fashioned garments and accessories were relegated to th e realm of women. This, too, is generally still the case in the twenty-first century. This phenomenon has a number of implicati ons for the IMA’s collecting habits in regard to clothing. The museum aims to co llect art specifically, and the qualities that enable women’s clothing and accessories to be considered as “art” include striking colors, detailed ornamentation, and/or intricat e or unique construction. What is important to note is that all of these qualities shar e a common trait: they stimulate visual engagement on the part of the vi ewer—i.e., they invite looking. Given these collecting criteria, it is safe to say that most, if not all, of the clothing and accessories in the Textile and Fashion Ar ts Collection at the IMA were originally intended not only to be worn but also to be seen. Consequently, the woman who donned such an article or ensemble would have invi ted looking, observation. Th is brings to light a fundamental assumption about the role of wo men in a historical context: that they existed to be seen, to be noticed, to be studi ed. This is not to say that women did not have or play other roles; cer tainly, they did, and the importa nce of those roles cannot be underestimated. However, it is significant th at this particular ro le—the role of the 14 Flgel 52, 110-111. 15 Flgel 111.

PAGE 54

46 viewed, of the object of viewing—is promulga ted more than any other, however subtly, via the composition of the clot hing collection at the IMA. This conveys to the viewer, too, a message about the role of women within the space of the art museum. The applica tion of Laura Mulvey’s notion of the spectacularization of women in cinema can be useful here: if women’s clothing is exhibited as art, it follows that woman become s a (the) spectacle as a result: “. . women are simultaneously looked at and displayed, w ith their appearance coded for strong visual and erotic impact so that they can be said to connote to -be-looked-at-ness.”16 Thus, both the composition of the clothing collection and the exhibition of the women’s items within it reinforce the idea that in a historical context, women ex isted solely to be seen. However, the exhibition of women’s clothing within the art museum space begs the question of whether it is indeed woma n or the clothing itself that becomes spectacularized. I would argue that the phys ical form of “woman” (i.e., the woman’s body) cannot be separated from women’s cl othing, regardless of the method of exhibition, and that woman remains the spect acle as a result, but this question is significant enough to warrant further exploration. An equally important avenue of inquiry re garding the reasons fo r the prevalence of women’s clothing in the collec tion can be found in those area s of historic costume that are emphasized within it. While the scope of the collection as a whole is broad, American and European costumes dating from the eighteenth through the twentieth 16 Laura Mulvey, “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,” Issues in Feminist Film Criticism ed. Patricia Erens (Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1990) 33.

PAGE 55

47 centuries and twentieth-century fashion toge ther constitute the bulk of the costume component of the collection, and each is “constantly expanding.”17 The Indiana Fashion Design Collection—a co llection composed chiefly of designer gowns—was established in 1973 at the IMA with a gift of five pieces from the estate of Norman Norell. By 1992, the collection had grown to include more than 700 pieces, including both haute couture (made-to-order ) and prt--porter (ready-to-wear) fashions by American and European designers, as well as many accessories, and it continues to grow today.18 Especially as regards this collection, women’s clothing and accessories play an integral role, since they comprise th e very essence of what “fashion” is. Before the 1960s, fashion designers created women’ s clothing exclusively; men who wanted custom-made garments patronized tailors. It was only in the 1960s that major designers began to take up the introduction of men’s lines in addition to their creations for women.19 Hence, it seems appropriate that a “Fashion Design Collection” would consist almost entirely of women’s apparel. This, too, has connotations for the ways in which gender is perceived and represented within the context of the art muse um. The collecting of fashion items for an art museum collection confer s legitimacy upon fashion as an art form, and upon fashion designers as artists, but in doing so it also conveys a representation of women that is necessarily limited. By choosing to colle ct only women’s clothi ng and accoutrements— and visually engaging clothi ng and accoutrements at that—the museum intimates not 17 The Story of the Indianapolis Museum of Art 51. 18 The Fine Art of Fashion: Recent Acquisitions (Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art, 1992). 19 Phyllis G. Tortora and Keith Eubank, Survey of Historic Costume, A History of Western Dress 2nd ed. (New York: Fairchild Publications, 1994) 450, 477.

PAGE 56

48 only what is important in terms of the history of clothing as an art form, but also what is important in terms of the history of women as the wearers of these it ems. The fact that the costume collection is composed mostly of women’s clothing may enable it to recognize the role of women in history in a more significant way th an any other area of the art museum’s collection, but th e fact that it does so on a purely aesthetic (or even art historical) basis limits the degree to which women can be accurately represented in a historical context. It happen s, then, that in the art museum women come to be identified solely by the clothing that th ey wore: women are represen ted by clothing, and clothes represent women. This extends also to thos e areas of the costume collection that do not fall into the category of “fashion,” name ly eighteenththrou gh twentieth-century American and European costumes but al so other areas of Western costume. The fact that men’s clothing is so conspi cuously absent from the costume collection at the IMA gives the impre ssion that men’s clothing is not worthy of aesthetic contemplation or that it is not art historically significant beca use it is not brightly colored, ornately embellished, or elabor ately fashioned—in other words, because it is not visually engaging. But is this conclusion valid? True, men’s clothes may not possess the same visual qualities that women’ s do, but this does not mean that men’s clothing is not important in an aesthetic or ar t historical sense. Hence, wh at does this utter lack (or at least gross underrepresentation) of male—and, conversely, what can only be called neartotal dominance of women’s—dress within the costume collection at the IMA imply about gender in the context of the art museum? It suggests that men’s clothes are not intended to be studied or l ooked at, nor are the men who we ar them. Flgel reminds us that following The Great Masculine Renunc iation, man “abandoned his claim to be

PAGE 57

49 considered beautiful” and “hencefor th aimed at being only useful.”20 Thus, while the contemplation of men’s clothing is not ruled out entirely, there seems to be no place for it in the art museum space. The analysis presented here means to se rve not so much as a judgment of the Indianapolis Museum of Art’ s decision to collect only wome n’s apparel for inclusion in its Textile and Fashion Arts Collection but ra ther attempts to illuminate the historical inaccuracies that can result from such a decision. In an institution that purports to represent history—in this case, art histor y—accurately, the reasons for the dominant presence of women’s apparel and accessories within the collection become paramount, as they reveal that however inadvertently or unintentionally, traditionally-held (and even outdated) notions of acceptable roles for, and perceptions of, men and women are both reflected and perpetuated in its composition and display. 20 Flgel 111.

PAGE 58

50 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION Based on the analyses presented here, it s eems that regardless of the reasons for which clothing is collected—the story to whic h an item is attached, its usefulness as a teaching aid, or special aesthetic properties that it possesses—women’s apparel is, time and again, the single most prevalent component within historic clothi ng collections today. What does this say about the collecting of clothing and, more broadly, institutional collecting practices at large? First of all, it is important to point out th at a very particular version of history is being represented within all of these collec tions: the history of the predominantly white middleand upper-middle classes, and specifi cally that of [white] middleand upperclass women. This has both positive and ne gative connotations. On one hand, it might be argued that because of their predominan tly female compositions—in other words, by sheer volume—historic clothing collections can actually serv e to represent women better than any other single area of the museum’s co llection. However, on the other side of this is the argument that by repres enting women more with clothi ng than with any other type of artifact in the museum, historical fact and context is lost, or is, at the very least, biased to a considerable degree. A dditionally, as has already been noted, it is important to acknowledge that class biases, t oo, are at work in the develo pment of historic clothing collections. This issue warrants furt her consideration and investigation. Second, these issues beg the question of museum respons ibility. What is the museum’s primary responsibility? Is it, in fact, to accurately represent history to the

PAGE 59

51 people for whom it holds historic obj ects in trust? To inspire “wonder”1 or to stir a desire for learning in the viewer? Is it all of these things, or pe rhaps none of them? The case studies presented here are illuminating in this regard. The historic clothing collection at the Indiana State Museum does, in fact, strive to “. . represent the customs, mores, and social practices of Hoosiers of a ll ethnic and cult ural backgrounds”2, while the mission of the ESHCC is to “record and preserve cu ltural heritage by collecting, maintaining, exhibiting and sharing as a resource . articles of dre ss and accessories”3 and the aim of the IMA generally is to “enable a large and diverse audience to see, understand and enjoy the best of the world’s visual arts.”4 Thus, it can be said that both the ISM and the Sage Collection seem to endeavor to present a balanced view of hi story. However, in the case of the IMA, no such claim is made; the presen tation of “the best of the world’s visual arts” is hardly a guarantee that history will be accorded fair and balanced representation within its walls. Can we conclude, then, that history is presented least accurately in the art museum? Perhaps. But why? Although it is touched on to some degree within this study, fu rther investigation regarding the particular methods used to exhibit clothing with in the space of the museum (or other collecting institution) would serve as an important complement to the analysis presented here. The historical reasons for the collecting of clothi ng and the fact that historic clothing collections are comprise d primarily of women’s clothing are of fundamental importance in unearthing some of the ideological forces at play in museum 1 Greenblatt 42. 2 “Social History,” Collections Management Policy, Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites 2003: 10-11. 3 “Statement of Purpose,” The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection Collection Policy 2003. 4 “IMA’s Mission Statement,” Museum News, A monthly newsletter for IMA Staff November 2003: 1.

PAGE 60

52 collecting practices, but the ways in which thes e collections have the opportunity to affect their audiences are illuminati ng in regard to the other e nd of the spectrum of museum practice: exhibition.

PAGE 61

53 LIST OF REFERENCES Anderson, Gail Benjamin. “Elizabet h Sage.” Unpublished essay, 1967. Apter, Emily. Feminizing the Fetish: Psychoa nalysis and Narrative Obsession in Turn-ofthe-Century France Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1991. Art Association of Indianapo lis, Indiana: A Record, 1883-1906 Indianapolis Museum of Art Lib., Indianapolis. Auslander, Leora. “The Ge ndering of Consumer Practices in Nineteenth-Century France.” The Sex of Things: Gender and C onsumption in Historical Perspective Ed. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furl ough. Berkeley: U of California P, 1996. 79112. Bronner, Simon J. “Object Lessons: Th e Work of Ethnological Museums and Collections.” Consuming Visions: Accumulation and Display of Goods in America 1880-1920 Ed. Simon J. Bronner. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1989. 217-254. Clifford, James. The Predicament of Culture Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1988. Collection Definitions Indianapolis: Indianapo lis Museum of Art, 2001. Collections Management Policy, Indian a State Museum a nd Historic Sites Indianapolis: Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites, Department of Natural Resources, 2003. “Collections: Textile and Fashion Ar ts.” Indianapolis Museum of Art 2004. Indianapolis Museum of Art. 1 Nov. 2004 < http://www.imaart.org/cTextiles2.asp?SID=6F 87DA6CD5BE483ABF7A5C328B77B072 >. Crawford, M.D.C. (Morris De Camp). The Ways of Fashion New York: Fairchild Publishing Co., 1941. Dickey, Susan J. Personal interview. 22 November 2003. Donor file 71.971.30. “Bone, Mary Louise.” Indianapolis: Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites, Department of Natural Resources, 1971. Donor file 71.2000.004.001. “Stapp, Wanda.” Indian apolis: Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites, Department of Natural Resources, 2000.

PAGE 62

54 Duncan, Carol. “Museums and Department Stores: Close Encounters.” High-Pop: Making Culture into Popular Entertainment Ed. Jim Collins. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers Inc., 2002. 129-154. The Elizabeth Sage Historic Co stume Collection Collection Policy Bloomington: Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection, Department of Apparel Merchandising and Interior De sign, Indiana University, 2003. The Fine Art of Fashion: Recent Acquisitions Indianapolis: Indiana polis Museum of Art, 1992. Flaubert, Gustave. Madame Bovary 1857. Trans. Lowell Bair, ed. and with an introduction by Leo Bersani. New York: Bantam Books, 1989. Flgel, J.C. The Psychology of Clothes London: The Hogarth P, 1966. Franck, Lavinia. Procedures and Classification System Bloomington: Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection, Department of Apparel Merchandising and Interior Design, Indiana University, 1968. Greenblatt, Stephen. “Resonance and Wonder. ” Exhibiting Cultures: The Poetics and Politics of Museum Display Ed. Ivan Karp and Steven D. Lavine. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution P, 1991. 42-56. Harris, Neil. Cultural Excursions: Marketing Appetites and Cultural Tastes in Modern America Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1990. Imami-Paydar, Niloo. Pers onal interview. 1 Nov. 2004. Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites Collection Management Policy Indianapolis: Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites, Department of Natural Resources, 1991. Inglis, Stephen. “Museums and the Future of Craft, Decorative Art, and Design.” Common Ground: Contemporary Craft, Arch itecture, and the Decorative Arts Canadian Centre for Folk Culture Studies Mercury Ser. 72. Hull, Quebec: Canadian Museum of Civilization; The Institute for Contemporary Canadian Craft, 1999. 140-43. Jones, Jennifer. “Coquettes and Grisettes : Women Buying and Selling in Ancien Rgime Paris.” The Sex of Things: Gender and C onsumption in Historical Perspective Ed. Victoria de Grazia and E llen Furlough. Berkeley: U of California P, 1996. 25-53. Kampe, Patricia. Untitled document. July 29, 1975. Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection, Department of Apparel Merc handising and Interior Design, Indiana University, Bloomington.

PAGE 63

55 Kuchta, David. “The Making of the Self-M ade Man: Class, Clothing, and English Masculinity, 1688-1832.” The Sex of Things: Gender and Consumption in Historical Perspective Ed. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough. Berkeley: U of California P, 1996. 54-78. Lucas, Tim. “Sage of Fashion.” Indianapolis Star 5 Apr. 1992: H1+. McLary, Kathleen. Persona l interview. 18 August 2003. McLary, Kathleen. Persona l interview. 15 March 2004. Membership brochure. Bloomington: Elizab eth Sage Historic Costume Collection, Department of Apparel Merchandising a nd Interior Design, Indiana University, n.d. “Mission Statement.” Indianapolis: Indiana Stat e Museum and Historic Sites, Department of Natural Resources, 2003. Mulvey, Laura. “Visual Pleasure and Narrati ve Cinema.” Issues in Feminist Film Criticism Ed. Patricia Erens. Bl oomington: Indiana UP, 1990. Museum News, A monthly newsletter for IMA Staff November 2003. Parker, Roszika and Griselda Pollock. “Cra fty Women and the Hier archy of the Arts.” Old Mistresses: Women, Art, and Ideology New York: Pantheon Books, 1981. 5081. “Retirement of Miss Sage.” Indian a University Alumni Quarterly Winter 1937: 32. Rowold, Kathleen L. and Patricia L. Roat h. Flights of Fancy: The Art of Fashion’s Surface Design Bloomington: Metropolitan Pr inting Service, Inc., 1997. Rowold, Kathleen L. Personal interview. 12 November 2003. Schlereth, Thomas J. Cultural History and Ma terial Culture: Everyday Life, Landscapes, Museums Ann Arbor: UMI Research P, 1990. Schlick, Pamela J. Letter to Lynn Pittma n. 18 Mar. 1985. Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection, Department of Appa rel Merchandising and Interior Design, Indiana University, Bloomington. Schlick, Pamela J. “Request for Funding for Additional Storage Space in the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Coll ection – Department of Ho me Economics.” Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection, Depa rtment of Apparel Merchandising and Interior Design, Indiana University, Bloomington, 1981. The State of the Collection Elizabeth Sage Historic Cost ume Collection, Department of Apparel Merchandising and Interior De sign, Indiana University, Bloomington, Nov. 1991.

PAGE 64

56 The Story of the Indianapolis Museum of Art Indianapolis: Indiana polis Museum of Art, 1998. Tarrant, Naomi. The Development of Costume London: Routledge; Edinburgh: National Museums of Scotland, 1994. Teeters-Eichacker, Mary Jane. Pe rsonal interview. 18 October 2004. To Honor Retiring Faculty Bloomington: Indiana University, 9 April 1985. Tortora, Phyllis G. and Keith Eubank. Survey of Historic Costume, A History of Western Dress 2nd ed. New York: Fairchild Publications, 1994. Williams, Rosalind. Dream Worlds: Mass Cons umption in Late Nineteenth-Century France Berkeley: U of California P, 1992. Zola, mile. The Ladies’ Paradise 1883. Berkeley: U of California P, 1992.

PAGE 65

57 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Stacey E. Jones was born on May 2, 1979, in Indianapolis, Indiana, where she lived in the same house until she was 17 years old. Always eager to break with convention, in 1996, Stacey moved to Arizona to attend college at Northern Arizona University and Arizona State University, resp ectively. In 2000, she graduated summa cum laude from Arizona State University with a bachelor’s de gree in anthropology and a minor in French. The following year, she made (and survived) a perilous journey east to Gainesville, Florida, where she began—and eventually completed—her graduate studies in museology at the University of Florida. After gra duation, Jones hopes to sh ed the drudgeries of small-town life and begin her museum career in a major city. She also plans to travel extensively, teach in Japan, learn how to se w, read books for fun, continue singing, and enjoy doing nothing sometimes wit hout feeling guilty about it.


Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0009404/00001

Material Information

Title: Why women's clothing? A Critical history of clothing collections : a regional case study
Physical Description: 65 p.
Creator: Jones, Stacey Elizabeth ( Dissertant )
Willumson, Glenn ( Thesis advisor )
Hyde, Melissa ( Reviewer )
Kroen, Sheryl ( Reviewer )
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection
Indiana State Museum
Indianapolis Museum of Art
Clothing and dress -- Social aspects
Feminism and the arts -- Indiana
Museums -- Collection management -- Indiana
Women's clothing -- History -- United States

Notes

Abstract: While the histories of the collecting of many of the objects traditionally collected by museums are reasonably well documented, clothing is one area of collecting about which comparatively little has been written. In fact, there exists a relative paucity of scholarly literature on the subject, which seems striking if only for the fact that over the course of the twentieth century, some of the largest museums in the United States, as well as a number of universities and smaller museums, began to amass sizable collections of historic clothing. While the histories of the collecting of many of the objects traditionally collected by museums are reasonably well documented, clothing is one area of collecting about which comparatively little has been written. In fact, there exists a relative paucity of scholarly literature on the subject, which seems striking if only for the fact that over the course of the twentieth century, some of the largest museums in the United States, as well as a number of universities and smaller museums, began to amass sizable collections of historic clothing. Almost regardless of the institution in question, one trend that is immediately discernable within the historic clothing collection at present is the ubiquitous presence of women's apparel. This pattern is significant because it would seem to suggest that traditional notions of "woman" are both reflected and reinforced in an institution that purports to represent history accurately to the audiences for whom it holds objects in trust. Using a feminist approach, the study presents an analysis of the historic clothing collections at three different institutions: the Indiana State Museum, the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection at Indiana University, and the Indianapolis Museum of Art. Almost regardless of the institution in question, one trend that is immediately discernable within the historic clothing collection at present is the ubiquitous presence of women's apparel. This pattern is significant because it would seem to suggest that traditional notions of "woman" are both reflected and reinforced in an institution that purports to represent history accurately to the audiences for whom it holds objects in trust. Using a feminist approach, the study presents an analysis of the historic clothing collections at three different institutions: the Indiana State Museum, the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection at Indiana University, and the Indianapolis Museum of Art. While this is a regional case study, the conclusions drawn regarding those historical forces that have contributed to the composition of the historic clothing collections at each institution and the effects that these compositions have on public perceptions of women are applicable on a more general, i.e., national and international, level as well. In each case, the reasons for the dominant or majority presence of women's apparel and the ideological ramifications this has, both for the institution in question and generally, are explored. In the case of the Indiana State Museum, a social history museum, the dominance of women's clothing and accessories within the historic clothing collection is linked to the relationships that women develop as a result of their roles as the primary producers/consumers of clothing within the household unit. While this is a regional case study, the conclusions drawn regarding those historical forces that have contributed to the composition of the historic clothing collections at each institution and the effects that these compositions have on public perceptions of women are applicable on a more general, i.e., national and international, level as well. In each case, the reasons for the dominant or majority presence of women's apparel and the ideological ramifications this has, both for the institution in question and generally, are explored. In the case of the Indiana State Museum, a social history museum, the dominance of women's clothing and accessories within the historic clothing collection is linked to the relationships that women develop as a result of their roles as the primary producers/consumers of clothing within the household unit. The analysis of the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection demonstrates that the founding contributions of Elizabeth Sage, the woman for whom the collection was named, constituted a significant ideological impact that is manifested in the collection's shape and even in its very existence, one that embodies the notion of consumption as something that is distinctly feminine. Finally, an investigation of the historical reasons for which clothing has been collected at the Indianapolis Museum of Art and the use of historic clothing and fashion for exhibition within the museum provides insight into the limitations of historical portrayals of women in the space of the art museum and the ways in which these limitations can influence visitor perceptions of femininity, masculinity, and women's (and men's) roles. The analysis of the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection demonstrates that the founding contributions of Elizabeth Sage, the woman for whom the collection was named, constituted a significant ideological impact that is manifested in the collection's shape and even in its very existence, one that embodies the notion of consumption as something that is distinctly feminine. Finally, an investigation of the historical reasons for which clothing has been collected at the Indianapolis Museum of Art and the use of historic clothing and fashion for exhibition within the museum provides insight into the limitations of historical portrayals of women in the space of the art museum and the ways in which these limitations can influence visitor perceptions of femininity, masculinity, and women's (and men's) roles.
Summary: Clothing -- collection -- feminist -- history -- Indiana -- museum
General Note: Title from PDF title page.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2005.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-56).
General Note: Museum studies terminal project

Record Information

Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
System ID: UFE0009404:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0009404/00001

Material Information

Title: Why women's clothing? A Critical history of clothing collections : a regional case study
Physical Description: 65 p.
Creator: Jones, Stacey Elizabeth ( Dissertant )
Willumson, Glenn ( Thesis advisor )
Hyde, Melissa ( Reviewer )
Kroen, Sheryl ( Reviewer )
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2008

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection
Indiana State Museum
Indianapolis Museum of Art
Clothing and dress -- Social aspects
Feminism and the arts -- Indiana
Museums -- Collection management -- Indiana
Women's clothing -- History -- United States

Notes

Abstract: While the histories of the collecting of many of the objects traditionally collected by museums are reasonably well documented, clothing is one area of collecting about which comparatively little has been written. In fact, there exists a relative paucity of scholarly literature on the subject, which seems striking if only for the fact that over the course of the twentieth century, some of the largest museums in the United States, as well as a number of universities and smaller museums, began to amass sizable collections of historic clothing. While the histories of the collecting of many of the objects traditionally collected by museums are reasonably well documented, clothing is one area of collecting about which comparatively little has been written. In fact, there exists a relative paucity of scholarly literature on the subject, which seems striking if only for the fact that over the course of the twentieth century, some of the largest museums in the United States, as well as a number of universities and smaller museums, began to amass sizable collections of historic clothing. Almost regardless of the institution in question, one trend that is immediately discernable within the historic clothing collection at present is the ubiquitous presence of women's apparel. This pattern is significant because it would seem to suggest that traditional notions of "woman" are both reflected and reinforced in an institution that purports to represent history accurately to the audiences for whom it holds objects in trust. Using a feminist approach, the study presents an analysis of the historic clothing collections at three different institutions: the Indiana State Museum, the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection at Indiana University, and the Indianapolis Museum of Art. Almost regardless of the institution in question, one trend that is immediately discernable within the historic clothing collection at present is the ubiquitous presence of women's apparel. This pattern is significant because it would seem to suggest that traditional notions of "woman" are both reflected and reinforced in an institution that purports to represent history accurately to the audiences for whom it holds objects in trust. Using a feminist approach, the study presents an analysis of the historic clothing collections at three different institutions: the Indiana State Museum, the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection at Indiana University, and the Indianapolis Museum of Art. While this is a regional case study, the conclusions drawn regarding those historical forces that have contributed to the composition of the historic clothing collections at each institution and the effects that these compositions have on public perceptions of women are applicable on a more general, i.e., national and international, level as well. In each case, the reasons for the dominant or majority presence of women's apparel and the ideological ramifications this has, both for the institution in question and generally, are explored. In the case of the Indiana State Museum, a social history museum, the dominance of women's clothing and accessories within the historic clothing collection is linked to the relationships that women develop as a result of their roles as the primary producers/consumers of clothing within the household unit. While this is a regional case study, the conclusions drawn regarding those historical forces that have contributed to the composition of the historic clothing collections at each institution and the effects that these compositions have on public perceptions of women are applicable on a more general, i.e., national and international, level as well. In each case, the reasons for the dominant or majority presence of women's apparel and the ideological ramifications this has, both for the institution in question and generally, are explored. In the case of the Indiana State Museum, a social history museum, the dominance of women's clothing and accessories within the historic clothing collection is linked to the relationships that women develop as a result of their roles as the primary producers/consumers of clothing within the household unit. The analysis of the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection demonstrates that the founding contributions of Elizabeth Sage, the woman for whom the collection was named, constituted a significant ideological impact that is manifested in the collection's shape and even in its very existence, one that embodies the notion of consumption as something that is distinctly feminine. Finally, an investigation of the historical reasons for which clothing has been collected at the Indianapolis Museum of Art and the use of historic clothing and fashion for exhibition within the museum provides insight into the limitations of historical portrayals of women in the space of the art museum and the ways in which these limitations can influence visitor perceptions of femininity, masculinity, and women's (and men's) roles. The analysis of the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection demonstrates that the founding contributions of Elizabeth Sage, the woman for whom the collection was named, constituted a significant ideological impact that is manifested in the collection's shape and even in its very existence, one that embodies the notion of consumption as something that is distinctly feminine. Finally, an investigation of the historical reasons for which clothing has been collected at the Indianapolis Museum of Art and the use of historic clothing and fashion for exhibition within the museum provides insight into the limitations of historical portrayals of women in the space of the art museum and the ways in which these limitations can influence visitor perceptions of femininity, masculinity, and women's (and men's) roles.
Summary: Clothing -- collection -- feminist -- history -- Indiana -- museum
General Note: Title from PDF title page.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2005.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-56).
General Note: Museum studies terminal project

Record Information

Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
System ID: UFE0009404:00001


This item has the following downloads:


Full Text












WHY WOMEN'S CLOTHING?
A CRITICAL HISTORY OF CLOTHING COLLECTIONS:
A REGIONAL CASE STUDY















By

STACEY ELIZABETH JONES


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2005

































Copyright 2005

by

Stacey Elizabeth Jones

































This document is dedicated to my sister, Cheryl Corinne Jones.















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

First and foremost, I would like to thank my parents, William and Deborah Jones,

my brother Dan, and my sister Cheryl for their unconditional love and support. I would

also like to thank my committee members, Dr. Glenn Willumson, Dr. Melissa Hyde, and

Dr. Sheryl Kroen, for their guidance in the conception, development, and (very) gradual

completion of what began as a seemingly endless thesis project. Additionally, I owe

countless thanks to the following individuals, without whom this project would not have

been possible: Mary Jane Teeters-Eichacker, Traci Cromwell, Jeff Tenuth, Linda Badger,

Ron Richards, and Kathleen McLary at the Indiana State Museum; Dr. Susan J. Dickey;

Kelly Gallett-Richardson and Dr. Kate Rowold at the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume

Collection; and Niloo Imami-Paydar, Maureen Tucker, Sherry Peglow, Vanessa

Burkhart, Rebekah Marshall, Sonia Borntrager, and Alba Fernandez-Keys at the

Indianapolis Museum of Art. Finally, I want to thank my friends, especially Nelia

Hoffman, Naomi Spier, Elizabeth Hamilton, Noelle Mecoli, Robert Josey, Mary

Margaret Carr, Laraine Evans, all of the Art Girls, Brad Perry, Alia Wilson, Kassia

Petersen, and the Meline family, for helping me to maintain both my sanity and sense of

humor over the course of the last three-odd years. Last but not least, I also must thank

(and apologize to) anyone whose name has been forgotten here.
















TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S ................................................................................................. iv

ABSTRACT ............... ....................... ......... .............. vii

CHAPTER

1 IN TR OD U CTION ............................................... .. ......................... ..

Methodology ................................... ..... ... ................ .......... 3
Women and Clothing: Associations and Relationships.................... ...............5
The H history of the Collecting of Clothing................................................................ 11
Why Women's Clothing?: A Regional Case Study..................................................19

2 THE HISTORIC CLOTHING COLLECTION AT THE INDIANA STATE
MUSEUM, INDIANAPOLIS..................... ....... ............................. 21

Background and History of the Collection...................................................... 21
W hy W om en 's C clothing? ........................................ ............................................24
Old Clothes and Their Stories............................ ....... ........................... 25
Women: Producers and Consumers of Clothing ............................................... 27
Women Donors and Historic Clothing at the Indiana State Museum ......................29

3 THE ELIZABETH SAGE HISTORIC COSTUME COLLECTION AT INDIANA
UNIVERSITY, BLOOMINGTON................... ....... ........................... 31

Background and History of the Collection.............. .......... ..............................31
W hy W om en's Clothing? ....................... ............................... 35
Elizabeth Sage: Teacher, Scholar, Collector ................................... .................36

4 COSTUME IN THE TEXTILE AND FASHION ARTS COLLECTION AT THE
INDIANAPOLIS MUSEUM OF ART ............................... .................... 41

Background and Institutional H istory..................................... ......... ............... 42
W hy W om en 's C clothing? ........................................ ............................................44

5 C O N C L U SIO N ......... .................................................................. ..... .... .. ..... .. 50









L IST O F R E F E R E N C E S ........................................................................ .. ....................53

B IO G R A PH IC A L SK E T C H ...................................................................... ..................57
















Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

WHY WOMEN'S CLOTHING?
A CRITICAL HISTORY OF CLOTHING COLLECTIONS:
A REGIONAL CASE STUDY

By

Stacey Elizabeth Jones

May 2005

Chair: Glenn Willumson
Major Department: Art and Art History

While the histories of the collecting of many of the objects traditionally collected

by museums are reasonably well documented, clothing is one area of collecting about

which comparatively little has been written. In fact, there exists a relative paucity of

scholarly literature on the subject, which seems striking if only for the fact that over the

course of the twentieth century, some of the largest museums in the United States, as well

as a number of universities and smaller museums, began to amass sizable collections of

historic clothing.

Almost regardless of the institution in question, one trend that is immediately

discernable within the historic clothing collection at present is the ubiquitous presence of

women's apparel. This pattern is significant because it would seem to suggest that

traditional notions of "woman" are both reflected and reinforced in an institution that

purports to represent history accurately to the audiences for whom it holds objects in

trust.









Using a feminist approach, the study presents an analysis of the historic clothing

collections at three different institutions: the Indiana State Museum, the Elizabeth Sage

Historic Costume Collection at Indiana University, and the Indianapolis Museum of Art.

While this is a regional case study, the conclusions drawn regarding those historical

forces that have contributed to the composition of the historic clothing collections at each

institution and the effects that these compositions have on public perceptions of women

are applicable on a more general, i.e., national and international, level as well.

In each case, the reasons for the dominant or majority presence of women's apparel

and the ideological ramifications this has, both for the institution in question and

generally, are explored. In the case of the Indiana State Museum, a social history

museum, the dominance of women's clothing and accessories within the historic clothing

collection is linked to the relationships that women develop as a result of their roles as the

primary producers/consumers of clothing within the household unit. The analysis of the

Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection demonstrates that the founding contributions

of Elizabeth Sage, the woman for whom the collection was named, constituted a

significant ideological impact that is manifested in the collection's shape and even in its

very existence, one that embodies the notion of consumption as something that is

distinctly feminine. Finally, an investigation of the historical reasons for which clothing

has been collected at the Indianapolis Museum of Art and the use of historic clothing and

fashion for exhibition within the museum provides insight into the limitations of

historical portrayals of women in the space of the art museum and the ways in which

these limitations can influence visitor perceptions of femininity, masculinity, and

women's (and men's) roles.















CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

In James Clifford's The Predicament of Culture, the author states, "The categories

of the beautiful, the cultural, and the authentic have changed and are changing. Thus it is

important to resist the tendency of collections to be self-sufficient, to suppress their own

historical, economic, and political processes of production."1 While it is true that

contemporary institutions in the business of collecting-namely museums-may

recognize the first of these statements as self-evident in theory, as concerns the latter

statement, in practice this brand of awareness has certainly proved the exception rather

than the rule. However, it is for this reason that the passage is so provocative, for it

brings to light important questions in regard to the history of collections.2 Specifically,

what are the details of the history of collecting, and for what reasons were objects

collected (and collections amassed) in the past? On another level, Clifford's statements

also generate questions about those subjectivities inherent in the process of selection of

objects for collection.3 What assumptions underlie the choices that are made in regard to

the collecting of a certain type of object? What forces contribute to the shaping of the

modern museum collection? By viewing the collection as something that is necessarily

socially and culturally produced, as an organism that is imbued with a history that,


1 James Clifford, "On Collecting Art and Culture," The Predicament of Culture (Cambridge: Harvard UP,
1988) 229.
2 1 am especially interested here in the collection on an institutional level.

3 It follows, of course, that the selection of objects for display also involves such subjectivities.










however masked or veiled, is nevertheless fundamental to its very existence, Clifford's

thesis promises to offer insight into the origins-indeed, the very nature-of the museum

collection.

While the histories of the collecting of fine and decorative art objects, natural

history specimens, books, antiquities, curiosities, and even trinkets are reasonably well

documented, clothing is one area of collecting about which little has been said and even

less has been written.4 In fact, there exists a relative paucity of scholarly literature on the

subject, which seems striking if only for the reason that some of the largest museums in

the United States have amassed sizable collections of historic clothing.5 Additionally,

many universities and smaller museums have compiled important historic clothing

collections as well.6

Almost regardless of the institution in question, and whether in Europe or the

United States, one trend that is immediately discernable within the historic clothing

collection at present is the ubiquitous presence of women's apparel. This pattern is of


4 The definition of "clothing" that I employ here is necessarily limited. Because there is evidence that
"exotic" clothing (i.e., that originating from non-Western locales) was collected with other such curiosities
relatively early within the general history of collecting, in this study use of the term will refer strictly to
Western clothing.

5 The term "historic clothing" in this study refers specifically to fashionable clothing-i.e., an article of
clothing that represents a particular fashion or style dating from the period in which it was made and worn.
I should also note here that the terms "clothing," "costume," "apparel," and "fashions" are used
interchangeably throughout.

6 The focus of this study will center on American museums. However, the inclusion of data from similar
institutions in other Western countries, especially England and France, is illuminating, for many similarities
exist. Such information will be used when it is relevant to the topic at hand.

7 In his discussion of children's clothing collections, Thomas Schlereth states, "... many ... share the
same evidential biases that costume historians and curators bemoan for adult clothing: far fewer male
costumes than female ones." However, are these biases indeed "evidential," as Schlereth assumes? They
may be. However, within the small body of scholarship that currently exists in the area of historic clothing
collections, I would argue that these biases have not been thoroughly addressed. Thomas J. Schlereth,
Cultural History and Material Culture: Everyday Life, Landscapes, Museums (Ann Arbor: UMI Research
P, 1990) 93










particular interest if only for the fact that it would seem to both reflect and reinforce

traditional notions of "woman"-woman as possessing an innate propensity for "sartorial

decoration" (and clothing more generally), woman as consumer, and woman as

spectacle-in an institution that purports to represent history accurately for public

benefit, be it social history or art history.8 Hence, perhaps unwittingly, the museum may

be propagating some of the very notions it wishes to challenge.9

Methodology

Within the context of the museum, the historical and art historical paradigms

traditionally employed in the study of objects are not conducive to the viewing of the

historic clothing collection as anything other than "self-sufficient."10 However, feminist

interventions in these disciplines have been particularly instructive in unmasking some of

the biases that are more often than not taken for granted or ignored entirely in the course

of museum practice. For example, Roszika Parker and Griselda Pollock's pioneering

tome Old Mistresses: Women, Art, and Ideology, particularly Chapter 2, "Crafty Women

and the Hierarchy of the Arts," is one attempt to expose and deconstruct the


8 Susan Vogel briefly discusses the ability of the museum collection to transmit values to the museum
audience: "The museum communicates values in the types of programs it chooses to present, in the
audiences it addresses ... in the selection of objects for acquisition. ... All tell the audience what to think
beyond what the museum ostensibly is teaching." Hence, exhibits are obviously not the only groups of
objects in the museum that communicate ideas and beliefs. Susan Vogel, "Always True to the Object, in
Our Fashion," Exhibiting Cultures: The Poetics and Politics of Museum Display, ed. Ivan Karp and Steven
D. Lavine (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1991) 195. Quoted in Stephen Inglis, "Museums
and the Future of Craft, Decorative Art, and Design," Common Ground: Contemporary Craft. Architecture,
and the Decorative Arts, Canadian Centre for Folk Culture Studies Mercury Ser. 72 (Hull, Quebec:
Canadian Museum of Civilization; The Institute for Contemporary Canadian Craft, 1999) 140-43; 141.

9 I would argue that the museum indeed does perceive itself (and is perceived by others) as a space in which
commonly held ideas can (and should) be challenged. As Stephen Inglis points out in his essay "Museums
and the Future of Craft, Decorative Art, and Design," ". .. museums have become 'zones of contestation,'
sites of negotiation among administrators, scholars, politicians and communities. Museums are often at
the heart of post-moder and post-colonial cultural issues." Inglis 141.

10 Clifford 229.









differentiation in contemporary (non-feminist) art historical discourse between "high" art

and "craft," the latter of which is distinctively "feminine" (and consequently substandard)

expressly because its creators are usually women.11 According to Parker and Pollock,

"The sex of the artist matters. It conditions the way art is seen and discussed."12

What is so valuable about a study such as Parker and Pollock's is not so much its

content as its approach. Parker and Pollock employ a Marxist feminist approach in order

to critique the current composition of the art historical canon. A similar methodology can

be applied to the study of the museum collection, whose formation is susceptible to those

same forces that shape the art historical canon. However, the application of a strictly

Marxist feminist methodology requires that issues relating to class be addressed. Such

issues are certainly pertinent to the development of the collections discussed here, and the

need for further research in regard to class and its relation to and effect upon the

composition of historic clothing collections is acknowledged. However, such an

investigation falls outside the scope of this study, which is limited to questions regarding

gender specifically. Thus, a feminist, rather than a Marxist feminist, approach will be

used here to analyze the development of the composition of the historic costume

collection.13






1 Roszika Parker and Griselda Pollock, "Crafty Women and the Hierarchy of the Arts," Old Mistresses:
Women. Art, and Ideology (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981) 50-51.
12 Parker and Pollock 50.

13 The type of museum or collecting body in which an historic clothing collection is housed does not restrict
the application of this theoretical framework. Regardless of whether the collection in question is contained
in an art museum or a history museum, the approach maintains its efficacy in that it enables the analysis of
social and cultural forces at work in history within each of them.









Women and Clothing: Associations and Relationships

What are the "historical, economic, and political processes of production" at work

in the formation of the historic clothing collection, and from whence can their origins be

traced? Historically, clothing, and "sartorial decoration" especially, has long been

associated (and, in fact, is often even equated) with the entity of "woman."14 This

identification was first marked by what J.C. Flugel has coined The Great Masculine

Renunciation. Male renunciation of "all the brighter, gayer, more elaborate, and more

varied forms of ornamentation" near the end of the eighteenth century signaled a

fundamental change in the ways that clothing and its adornments were viewed in relation

to gender.15 Flugel states, "Man abandoned his claim to be considered beautiful. He

henceforth aimed at being only useful."16 The author attributes this overhaul to the

democratic ideals of the French Revolution and the growing acceptance of work as a

man's most important activity.17 Enlightenment philosophy also plays a significant role

in his discussion of this Great Masculine Renunciation:

It is ... safe to say that, in sartorial matters, modern man has a far sterner and rigid
conscience than has modem woman, and that man's morality tends to find
expression in his clothes in a greater degree than is the case with woman. Hence, it
is not surprising that modern man's clothing abounds in features which
symbolise his devotion to the principles of duty, of renunciation, and of self-
control.18

And,


14 According to Fliigel, sartorial decoration "consists in the embellishment of already existing garments."
J.C. Fliigel, The Psychology of Clothes, (London: The Hogarth P Ltd., 1966) 52.

15 Fliigel 110-111.

16 Fliigel 111.

1 Fliigel 111-112.

8 Fliigel 113.









the sex distinction has been greatly emphasized ... by the fact that men, not
content with a different type, have adopted a completely different style of dress to
that of women-a style which renounces all gaiety, exuberance, and beauty, which
aims only at correctness, and which permits of only the slowest and most gradual
modifications .... There is, in fact... a standard which demands of men a far more
austere morality than it demands of women.19

Passages such as these lay the foundations for Flugel's explanation of this Renunciation

as a cultural phenomenon in which women became the exclusive proprietors of "sartorial

decoration" (and, it would seem, a questionable morality).20 Additionally, Flugel notes,

the Great Masculine Renunciation is "one of the most remarkable events in the whole

history of dress, one under the influence of which we are still living.21

While Flugel locates the Great Masculine Renunciation in France in the latter half

of the eighteenth century, scholar David Kuchta argues that it "had its origins in an

aristocratic response to the increasing diffusion of fashion in the eighteenth century and

to the political culture that emerged after 1688 ..."22 According to Kuchta, this first

occurred in England, not in France, and took place immediately following the Glorious

Revolution of 1688. Additionally, Kuchta states that the renunciation "began ... with a

different class 'plain and uniform costume' was not inherently, timelessly, or

exclusively a middle-class ideal, but functioned as an aristocratic ideal as well."23

Kuchta's contribution puts the Great Masculine Renunciation in historical perspective,

19 Fligel 203.

20 Fliigel states, "Hitherto man had vied with woman in the splendour of his garments ... henceforward, to
the present day, woman was to enjoy the privilege of being the only possessor of beauty and magnificence,
even in the purely sartorial sense" (Fliigel 111).

21 Fliigel 111.

22 David Kuchta, "The Making of the Self-Made Man: Class, Clothing, and English Masculinity, 1688-
1832," The Sex of Things: Gender and Consumption in Historical Perspective, ed. Victoria de Grazia and
Ellen Furlough (Berkeley: U of California P, 1996) 56.

23 Kuchta 56.










and sheds light on the fact that class, and not gender alone, factors significantly into

considerations of people's associations to and with clothing.

The association of women with clothing did not stop with the decoration of their

garments. In fact, it seems likely that the sheer number of articles of clothing in a

woman's wardrobe also would have contributed to the idea that women had some

inherent connection to all things sartorial. Jennifer Jones notes, "On the eve of the

[French] Revolution, a typical male artisan might have possessed fifteen items of clothing

... whereas his wife might have possessed as many as fifty items."24 Thus, it is perhaps

not so surprising that a woman's identity was closely linked to the clothing in her

wardrobe. Additionally, Flugel's statement in the second passage cited above that men's

dress "permits of only the slowest and most gradual modifications" serves as evidence

that although changes in men's fashions certainly occurred, they did so at a much slower

rate than in women's fashions, making men's purchase of clothing far less frequent.25

Of course, the modern notion of woman as consumer is intimately connected to the

equation of women with clothing. Its origins can be traced to the second half of the



24 Daniel Roche, "L'6conomie des garde-robes A Paris, de Louis XIV A Louis XVI," Communications 46
(1987) 93-188; idem, The People of Paris (Berkeley: U of California P, 1987) 160-94. Cited in Jennifer
Jones, "Coquettes and Grisettes: Women Buying and Selling in Ancien R6gime Paris," The Sex of Things:
Gender and Consumption in Historical Perspective, ed. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough (Berkeley: U
of California P, 1996) 31. It is important to mention here that the growth in the "value, size, and variety" of
the wardrobe was not limited to the members of the elite classes. In fact, the opposite was true; the
wardrobes of almost all Parisians, with the exception of the very poor, grew considerably. Jones 30.

25 Fliigel also states, "As long as individuality is permitted, women struggle with one another for wearing
the 'latest' or most costly frocks," thus acknowledging the frequent changes in women's fashions. Fliigel
114. Critics might argue that if women's fashions did, in fact, change more rapidly than did men's, and
that if this necessitated the more frequent purchase of clothing, thus resulting in larger wardrobes for
women across the board in comparison to their male counterparts, then the prevalence of women's
garments in historic clothing collections is not an issue of great importance. However, the crux of the
argument presented here is rooted in the idea that the very notion that woman can be represented within the
museum collection in an accurate manner by clothing alone is inherently flawed. In other words, clothes
did-and do not-make the [whole] woman.










eighteenth century. In the 1770s and 1780s, women in Paris were venturing into public

for the first time to purchase, among other goods, clothing.26 This mode of the

consumption of clothing deviated substantially from that which prevailed during the

seventeenth century. At that time, the rich received tailors and dressmakers in their

homes, were fitted for garments accordingly, and then had the goods delivered directly to

them at their residences, while the poor acquired clothing by buying from traveling

merchants and vendors who dealt in second-hand apparel.27 However, in the late

eighteenth century, a "culture of shopping" was emerging "in the luxury districts of Paris,

a culture in which women played prominent roles as ... shoppers."28 Although this trend

was initially disquieting for many Parisians, several of the foremost critiques that were

used to discourage it during the late eighteenth century later facilitated its naturalization.

While Jones acknowledges "the construction in the later eighteenth century of a

conceptual framework that regarded the excessive desire to consume as a peculiarly

feminine quality, a weakness shared by all women," it is also true that shopping later

came to be regarded as a component role of femininity itself29 "For countess or shop

girl, the pursuit of fashion was acceptable if it took place within the proper confines of





26 Jones 33. In her essay "The Gendering of Consumer Practices in Nineteenth-Century France," Leora
Auslander states, "Many of these dynamics of the gendering of consumption ... were similar across
Europe and in the United States. But the gendering of consumption is, in many ways, a very French story."
(In The Sex of Things: Gender and Consumption in Historical Perspective, Victoria de Grazia and Ellen
Furlough, eds. (Berkeley: U of California P, 1996) 80.) For this reason, and because so much of the
literature on the subject of consumer culture begins with France (and Paris more specifically), I feel it is
appropriate to situate my discussion of the beginnings of the gendering of consumption in France.

27 Jones 31.

28 Jones 26.

29 Jones 27.









pleasing a husband or attracting legitimate suitors."30 Hence, it is evident that well before

the emergence of the department store, women were being branded as innate consumers,

and innate consumers of clothing at that.

As consumption became naturalized and woman's predilection for all things

sartorial came to be viewed as socially acceptable, the branding of woman as a consumer

of clothing became further embedded in the Western consciousness. Following the

Revolution, Jones posits, a new outlook on fashion prevailed. She cites a passage from

the Encyclopedie de la beauty as an example:

Clothes double the value of a woman. They augment men's pleasures and joys by
revealing women's charms. They are the natural complement of beauty; without
fashions a pretty woman is a diamond, but a diamond which is not mounted, and
who awaits an artist to give her a brilliant setting.31

Hence, clothing came to define the very essence of woman. A woman's clothing served

to complement the best of her individual qualities much in the way that a fine wallpaper

could accentuate the decorative nuances of a bourgeois salon.

Representations of this brand of "woman" also surfaced in nineteenth-century

literature, further reinforcing those stereotypes already in place. Earlier examples reflect

the anxieties that accompanied the advent of women as consumers. Gustave Flaubert's

portrayal of housewife Emma Bovary in his novel Madame Bovary (1857) is a classic

example. Emma, the angst-ridden wife of a country physician, is portrayed as the

prototypical female consumer: idle, frivolous, and easily seduced by the charms of Paris

and its inhabitants:



30 Jones 38.

31 A.C.D.S.A. [August Caron], Toilette des dames, ou Encyclop6die de la beauty (Paris: A.-G. Debray,
1806) 108. Quoted in Jones 38.









Paris, vaster than the ocean, glittered before Emma's eyes in a rosy light. The
teeming life of the tumultuous city was divided into parts, however, separated into
distinct scenes. She distinguished only two or three which overshadowed the
others and represented all mankind for her. The world of the ambassadors moved
across gleaming parquets, in drawing rooms paneled with mirrors, around oval
tables covered with gold-fringed velvet. It was a world of trailing gowns, profound
mysteries, and anguish concealed beneath smiles. ... As for the rest of the world, it
was lost to her; it had no specific location and scarcely seemed to exist at all. ... In
her longing she confused the pleasures of luxury with the joys of the heart, elegant
customs with refined feelings.32

Emma's fascination (or what might more appropriately be deemed obsession) with this

world leads her to reckless consumption. "A woman .. certainly had a right to indulge

in a few whims she sent for a blue cashmere dress from Rouen; she bought the finest

scarf in Lheureux's shop."33 Of course, Emma's buying frenzies are not limited to the

realm of clothing, and her character indulges in reckless behavior outside of her

consumption patterns. However, it is significant that because of her consumption, the

novel ends with the financial ruin of her husband, Charles, and her own dramatic, self-

induced death. The conclusion to the story reflects the unease people were experiencing

at the time in regard to women's increasing presence in the public sphere as consumers.

The nineteenth century witnessed the dawn of the department store, an institution

that was immediately taken up in the literature of the latter half of that century as a

context in which to position the woman as consumer. Appropriately entitled Au bonheur

des dames (The Ladies' Paradise), Emile Zola's 1883 novel explores, among other



32 Gustave Flaubert, Madame Bovary, trans. Lowell Bair, ed. and with an introduction by Leo Bersani
(1857; New York: Bantam Books, 1989) 50-51. In her ground-breaking text Dream Worlds: Mass
Consumption in Late Nineteenth-Century France, author Rosalind Williams notes, "The advent of the
consumer revolution in the French provinces was more gradual than in the cities but was still decisive."
Hence, despite the Bovaries' provincial residence, consumption was obviously not confined to the city
limits of Paris. Rosalind Williams, Dream Worlds: Mass Consumption in Late Nineteenth-Century France
(Berkeley: U of California P, 1982) 10-11.

3 Flaubert 108.









things, the marvels of the Parisian department store. Throughout the text, the masses of

women that flock to the store to partake of its fineries are portrayed within the frame of

the consuming woman:

There was a crowd .. groups of women pushing and squeezing, devouring the
finery with longing, covetous eyes .... And all that went on in an orderly manner,
with mechanical regularity, quite a nation of women passing through the force and
logic of this wonderful commercial machine.34

In her discussion of the stereotyping of women as consumers in the nineteenth century,

Rosalind Williams notes, "Women are the ones who crowd into department stores like

Au Bonheur des Dames, who urge their henpecked husbands to buy round furniture for

chic apartments, who gape at fashion displays in the expositions .. ."35 Hence, however

fictionalized, Zola's physical descriptions of the The Ladies' Paradise department store

clearly echo the realities of the time, making its subtitle of "A Realistic Novel" all too

appropriate.

Finally, the concept of woman as spectacle is significant for the purposes of this

study. As women physically ventured into the consumer realm, both they and the

[fashionable] clothing that they wore became the object of looking, of the gaze of others.

In fact, the very notion of woman as spectacle is integrally linked to fashionable clothing.

This constitutes an important association in the analysis presented here.

The History of the Collecting of Clothing

As this study hopes to demonstrate, these notions of "woman" are both reflected in

and have contributed significantly to the composition of the historic clothing collection

today. However, the reasons for this occurrence are located in the historical moment at


34 mile Zola, The Ladies' Paradise (1883; Berkeley: U of California P, 1992) 16-17.

35 Williams 308-9.









which the collecting of clothing began. As was previously mentioned, the history of the

collecting of other kinds of objects that are traditionally collected by museums are

addressed throughout the literature on the subject, but information about clothing is

conspicuously absent. According to Leora Auslander, although the French state had

begun to collect many different types of objects for institutions such as museums in the

later decades of the nineteenth century, clothing did not number among them.36 In fact,

Auslander describes clothing as being too ephemeral to be included in the category of

"domestic goods":

Domestic goods occupied a particular location in this nineteenth-century
bourgeois world of goods. Furniture, paintings, silverware, and rugs, unlike food
and clothing, were often intended to last at least one lifetime. The acquisition of an
objet d'art, even for the very rich, represented something different than the
purchase of a new spring suit. Clothing could be changed according to the social
occasion. One had, in contrast, only one living room in which to receive .... And,
no matter what one's income, furniture was almost always a major purchase and
was intended as an investment for use in the future as well as in the present.
Furthermore ... family histories were inscribed in the domestic objects.37

However, in her discussion of the frenzy for collecting that swept Paris in the nineteenth

century, Emily Apter cites a passage by Paul Bourget from 1895 that would seem to

suggest otherwise: "'In the windows of the department stores which boast the latest

novelties and which form a colossal resume of the habits of a people in anticipating their

desires, what do you encounter? The bibelot again, and again the bibelot .."'38 While


36 The French monarch had set taste standards in courtly circles throughout the country in the two centuries
preceding the Revolution. See Chapter 2, "The Closed World of Courtly Consumption," in Williams, 19-
57, esp. 20-21. In her discussion of nineteenth-century consumption patterns in France, Auslander states,
"By mid-century ... the state had resumed an intense interest in what its citizens bought and used and had
started to create institutions intended to improve consumers' taste. The first among these were the world's
fairs and exhibitions, which began in the 1850s and were followed by the new museums, libraries, and
schools of the 1880s and 1890s." Auslander 82.

7 Auslander 81-82.

38 Emily Apter, Feminizing the Fetish: Psychoanalysis and Narrative Obsession in Turn-of-the-Century
France (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1991) 60.









it is true that bibelots must certainly have populated the windows of the great department

stores of the time, we also know that they were inhabited by grand displays of clothing,

of fashion. The following passage from Emile Zola's The Ladies' Paradise is telling in

this regard:

But just as she was entering the street, Denise was attracted by a window in which
ladies' dresses were displayed the dresses were in this sort of chapel raised to
the worship of women's beauty and grace. Occupying the centre was a magnificent
article, a velvet mantle, trimmed with silver fox; on one side a silk cape lined with
miniver, on the other a cloth cloak edged with cocks' plumes; and last of all, opera
cloaks in white cashmere and white silk trimmed with swansdown or chenille.
There was something for all tastes, from the opera cloaks at twenty-nine francs to
the velvet mantle marked up at eighteen hundred.39

Based on this excerpt, it does not seem unreasonable to assume that individuals were

collecting clothing in addition to other kinds of objects, even if the state or its museums

were not. Nonetheless, evidence such as this comprises the exception rather than the

rule.

The origins of the history of the clothing collection can actually be traced to a

particular juncture in the history of the museum. Carol Duncan defines this period in

American history as "an interesting moment, culminating in the 1920s, but continuing

into later decades, when art museums, far from maintaining an aloofness from industry,

sought relations with it."40 In his landmark essay "Museums, Merchandising, and

Popular Taste: The Struggle for Influence," historian Neil Harris notes that during the late

nineteenth century, "Besides the museum, there were two other settings where objects

were exhibited in great number and variety, and which had strong connections with



39 Zola 7-8.
40 Carol Duncan, "Museums and Department Stores: Close Encounters," High-Pop: Making Culture into
Popular Entertainment, ed. Jim Collins (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers Inc., 2002) 130.










public knowledgeability."41 Harris cites these as the World's Fair, or Great Exposition,

and the department store.42 In agreement with Harris's claim, Duncan goes on to claim

that these three institutions were

components of a single development that was as much economic as it was cultural.
... Through their display of objects, all three promoted the culture of consumerism
and stimulated and/or facilitated markets for manufactured goods. Above all, they
introduced notions of good taste to a broad, middle-class public, and taught the
pleasures of spending rather than saving unused purchasing power.43

The clothing industry played a significant role in the market of late nineteenth- and

early twentieth-century America.44 Along with other mass-produced goods, clothing

would have been accumulated and displayed not only in department stores and at the

World's Fairs but in museums (and especially museums of decorative arts) as well.

Clothing was certainly part of the Great Expositions; its presence at those events has been

well-documented. Thomas Schlereth notes that machine-made shoes, bone corsets, and

ready-made clothes were among the items exhibited at the 1876 Centennial Exposition in

Philadelphia.45 Additionally, at the 1893 Columbian Exposition in Chicago, "Electricity

illuminated miles of consumer-goods displays in the forty-four acre Manufacturers and


41 Neil Harris, "Museums, Merchandising, and Popular Taste," Material Culture and the Study of American
Life (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978) 140-74. Repr. in Cultural Excursions: Marketing Appetites and
Cultural Tastes in Modem America (Chicago: The U of Chicago P, 1990) 58.

42 Harris 58, 63.

43 Duncan 130-31.

44 In her discussion of the historic clothing collection in British and Scottish museums, Naomi Tarrant
states, "Modem dress is part of a major industry ... Cloth production, or the raw materials for its
manufacture, have been the staple of most of the European economies at some time. It was also the main
motivator behind the technical innovations which led to the industrial revolutions of the medieval period
and of the eighteenth century. .... The health of the industry in any modem society should be of interest to
politicians and economists because of the widespread effect that it has on a country's economy." Naomi
Tarrant, The Development of Costume (London: Routledge; Edinburgh: National Museums of Scotland,
1994) 1-2.

45 Schlereth 274.










Liberal Arts Building, the largest department store the world had ever seen."46 Clothing,

of course, numbered among the wares shown that year as well.47

An "energetic new breed" of museum professionals in the early twentieth century

grasped onto the idea that "The museum and its collections ... may be made

superlativelyy useful,' especially by proving 'of value to American industry."'48 Figures

such as the influential museum promoter George Brown Goode (1851-1896) adapted new

techniques of accumulation and display from expositions and department stores alike.49

Stewart Culin (1858-1929), the first curator of the ethnological collection at the Brooklyn

Museum, believed that industry could be applied to the context of the museum in order to

put American museums ahead of their European counterparts.50 Likewise, John Cotton

Dana (1856-1929), director of the Newark Museum from its founding in 1909 until his

death, was especially interested in the possibilities that the melding of the museum and

modern industry offered. Dana took an experimental approach to the museum and asked,

"'What kind of museum best serves the needs of a modern, industrial city?"'51 To attract

investors, Dana emphasized the potential of the museum to stimulate commerce in the



46 Schlereth 283.

47 In her discussion of the significance of the universal exposition of 1900 in Paris, Rosalind Williams
notes, "... wax figurines modeling the latest fashions were displayed in glass cages under brilliant lights, a
sight which attracted hordes of female spectators." Williams 87.

48 Stewart Culin quoted in Simon J. Bronner, "Object Lessons: The Work of Ethnological Museums and
Collections," Consuming Visions: Accumulation and Display of Goods in America 1880-1920, ed. Simon
J. Bronner (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1989) 217-254; 219.

49 Bronner 222-23. The concept of accumulation would seem to be especially important in regard to the
development of collections at a time when museums were still relatively young. "The rising importance of
museums ... was a reflection of the growing importance of things and their accumulation" (Bronner 250).

50 Bronner 236.

51 Duncan 133, 135.









city and "psychologically prepare the population for its role as workers and consumers in

the industrial society of the future."52

The advent of the First and Second World Wars also facilitated the development of

a partnership between museums and industry. This was especially important in regard to

the clothing and fashion industry, because in both instances, the war thwarted "the steady

flow of style ideas from France to this country."53 In response to the advent of the

American fashion design industry in the late 1940s, the director of the Metropolitan

Museum of Art, Francis Taylor, asked, "'What can we do for the great industries of

apparel and fabrics in this city?" Soon after, the Met made moves to make available

particular clothing-related resources and develop events exclusively for industry

employees.54 It also put on "Exhibition after exhibition ... to show not only what the

museum's resources are, but what leading designers can do with such material and such

facilities as the museum has to offer."55 M. D. C. Crawford notes that museum

collections with holdings in the areas of clothing and fashion contained documents such

as books and magazines as well as "complete costumes and accessories."56 The

collections were opened to designers from any number of clothing-related industries-

representatives from the industries of dresses, embroidery and laces, children's clothes,





52 Duncan 141.

53 M.D.C. Crawford, The Ways of Fashion (New York: Fairchild Publishing Co., 1948) 273. Bronner
notes, "Interest in American designs and American things contributed to reliance on museum collections ..
. as did restrictions on European goods because of World War I" (Bronner 224).

54 Crawford 275.

55 Crawford 276.

56 Crawford 277, 283.









and accessories such as belts and buttons-were all noted by Crawford as having used

museum collections "constantly and freely."

Two events that took place in New York City between 1935 and 1945 mark the

first real indications that clothing was being collected at an institutional level. In the

middle of the decade, the Fairchild Fashion Library, a library oriented towards research

in the industry, was opened. It contained thousands of books, magazines, and sketches

that illustrated historic clothing and contemporary fashions as well as beadwork and

embroidery samples. It was open only to members of the clothing and fabric industries,

and was "in the nature of a trade laboratory and has been widely used."58 Likewise,

the Museum of Costume Art, opened in 1937, contained a collection of costume-related

documents as well as several thousand complete costumes and accessories. As a

laboratory museum, it too was visited for study by both students and professional

designers.59

However, other data seems to indicate that historic clothing collections had been in

existence for some time prior to these events. For example, Crawford's statement that the

Museum of Costume Art was "already old as an idea" at the time of its opening suggests

that the idea of the institutional clothing collection was not revolutionary in 1937. It is

notable that a good portion of this institution's costume collection was given by an

individual by the name of Lee Simonson.60 Hence, perhaps the early twentieth century

marked the first movements of historic clothing collections from individuals to

57 Crawford 278.

58 Crawford 281-82.

59 Crawford 282-83.

60 Crawford 282.









institutions such as museums. Additionally, Crawford mentions the "specialized

collections" of the Museum of the City of New York and the New-York Historical

Society.61 He does not say whether these collections actually contained historic clothing

or not, but the Museum of the City of New York today holds one of the most important

historic clothing collections in the United States, which would suggest that these

institutions were collecting clothing prior to the middle of the twentieth century. Finally,

in his discussion of clothing and textile collections in American museums, Crawford

states, ". .. the Smithsonian Museum ... has among many other treasures a collection of

the costumes of the presidents' wives and also a vast amount of material on every

period of our national life and culture."62 Again, exactly what kinds of objects are

included in that "vast amount of material" remains a bit elusive, but it seems logical to

hypothesize that the Smithsonian was indeed in the business of collecting historic

clothing in those decades preceding the middle of the twentieth century.

Thus, it seems that clothing collections in American museums were originally

founded with the intentions of blending the interests of the museum and industry,

sometimes for the purposes of propagating a nationalistic agenda; however, as is evident

here, sufficient research has not yet been conducted in regard to the origins of the historic

clothing collection. While a comprehensive investigation of these origins falls outside

the scope of this study, the case studies presented here provide a starting point for such an

inquiry.


61 Crawford 279.

62 Crawford 280.









Why Women's Clothing?: A Regional Case Study

The prominence-indeed, the very existence-of historic clothing collections gives

new urgency to the development of a critical history of the collecting of clothing.

However, the focus of this essay is not the lack of information available in the literature

but rather what I hope will constitute the beginnings of such a history. Locating the

origins of the history of the clothing collection in American museums in the twentieth

century expedites the unearthing of some of the preconceptions that have contributed to

its composition today and contributes to an understanding of the ideological work that is

performed by collections as a result.

This study involves the analysis of the historic clothing collections at three

different collecting institutions in the United States, and in Indiana specifically: the

Indiana State Museum, the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection at Indiana

University, and the Indianapolis Museum of Art. While these institutions are all located

in Indiana, the conclusions drawn regarding the historical forces that have contributed to

the compositions of each and the effects that these compositions have on public

perceptions of women are applicable on a more general, i.e., national and international,

level as well. In other words, although this is a regional case study, it is meant to serve as

an example from which conclusions can be drawn and concepts applied.

In each case, I attempt to explore the reasons for the dominant or majority presence

of women's apparel and the ideological ramifications this has, both for the institution in

question and on a more general level. In the case of the Indiana State Museum, a social

history museum, the dominance of women's clothing and accessories within the historic

clothing collection is linked to the relationships that women develop as a result of their

roles as the primary producers/consumers of clothing within the household unit. My









analysis of the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection demonstrates that the

founding contributions of Elizabeth Sage, the woman for whom the collection was

named, constituted a significant ideological impact that is manifested in the collection's

shape and even in its very existence. Finally, an investigation of the historical reasons for

which clothing has been collected at the Indianapolis Museum of Art and the use of

historic clothing and fashion for exhibition within the museum provides insight into the

limitations of historical portrayals of women in the space of the art museum and the ways

in which these limitations influence viewer perceptions of women's (and men's) roles.















CHAPTER 2
THE HISTORIC CLOTHING COLLECTION AT
THE INDIANA STATE MUSEUM, INDIANAPOLIS

The historic clothing collection at the Indiana State Museum (ISM) is generally

regarded as a social history collection. As such, emphasis is placed on "provenance and

context rather than on designers."' It seems logical to assume that a clothing collection

dedicated exclusively to designer fashions would necessarily be comprised at least

primarily of women's clothing, and at face value, the focus of the clothing collection at

the ISM seems much less limiting-i.e., it does not preclude the inclusion of men's and

children's clothing in addition to women's. Nonetheless, women's clothing and

accessories together make up the majority of this collection.2 I will argue here that this

occurrence stems from the roles that women have historically played in the production

and consumption of clothing and the relationships that they develop with clothing as a

result.

Background and History of the Collection

The Indiana State Museum is a large public museum that "preserves, interprets and

presents material evidence of Indiana's cultural and natural history in a context that

encourages people to actively participate in discovering their world-as it was, as it is

and as it can be."3 The museum's collections are comprised of approximately 300,000


1 Mary Jane Teeters-Eichacker, Curator of Social History, personal interview, 18 October 2004.

2 Teeters-Eichacker estimates that women's clothing and accessories together constitute 75-80% of the
historic clothing collection. Personal interview, 18 October 2004.

3 "Mission statement," Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites, 2003.










objects in two different departments, natural and cultural history. Natural history

collections consist of rocks, minerals, fossils, molluscs, Ice Age mammals, prehistoric

and historic Native American collections, mammals, birds, fishes, and other smaller

collections, while cultural history collections include furniture, popular culture, textiles,

costumes, metals, fine arts, politics, documents and other groupings.

The historic clothing collection at the Indiana State Museum includes items that

are: "1. handmade (couture or homemade); 2. commercially [sic] mass produced; 3. worn

by a significant person or group; 4. associated with a significant place or event; 5.

associated with occupation and everyday life."4 The collection aims to "represent the

customs, mores, and social practices of Hoosiers of all ethnic and cultural backgrounds,"

and primary emphasis is placed on "objects that document expectations and

opportunities in the areas of home life; work experiences; gender and group identity;

social change; consumption patterns; and leisure activities that reflect the changing

makeup of Indiana."5 The collection presently consists of approximately 10,000 items.

These are broken down as follows: clothing accessories, 2,198; footwear, 848; headwear,

1538; outerwear, 4,548; and underwear, 779.6 The collection contains women's, men's,


4 Section II.B.4, "Costumes," Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites Collection Management Policy,
1991: 13-14.

5 "Social History," Collections Management Policy, Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites, 2003: 10-11.

6 Figures from the computer collections database employed by the museum, MultiMIMSY 2000, provided
by Traci Cromwell, Cultural History Collections Manager, Indiana State Museum. Items are grouped in
the database according to The Revised Nomenclature for Museum Cataloguing: A Revised and Expanded
Version of Robert G. Chenhall's System for Classifying Manmade Objects, by James R. Blackaby and
Patricia Greeno (Walnut Creek, CA; London: AltaMira Press and the American Association for State and
Local History, 1995). The figures given here total 9,911; however, both Ms. Cromwell and Teeters-
Eichacker, Curator of Social History and the primary curator of the costume collection, believe that the
actual total is probably closer to between 11,000 and 12,000 objects. They attribute inaccuracies in figures
obtained via database searches primarily to nomenclature errors during the data entry (cataloguing) process
and also note that at the time the research for this study was being conducted, between 800 and 1000
objects (not including accessories of any kind) had yet to be unpacked and entered into the database.









and children's costumes and accessories, sports and military uniforms, and Amish

clothing and accessories. However, as has been previously noted, women's clothing and

accessories, including blouses, skirts, suits, wedding dresses, formal gowns (couture),

prom dresses, cocktail dresses, house dresses, shoes, hats, bags, jewelry, and paisley

shawls, constitute the majority of the collection.

According to David McLary, who worked at the museum from 1967 to 1986, there

were very few clothing pieces in the collection when the museum was moved from the

basement of the Statehouse to its new location in the former Indianapolis City Hall

building in 1966.7 While early records suggest that the museum was accepting clothing

for its collections as early as 1919, clothes accounted for a minute percentage of the total

collection, and donations containing clothing items occurred at such infrequent intervals

as to have been almost inconsequential.

It seems the museum first began to actively solicit clothing donations in January of

1971. In a letter to the museum dated January 30, 1971, one Mary Louise Bone of

Lafayette, Indiana writes, "Dear Sir,-I heard on a TV program yesterday that you would

like old clothes for your museum ."8 This document constitutes the earliest available

evidence that the museum wished to begin collecting historic garments in some quantity

and had commenced efforts to do so.

The museum's holdings in historic clothing items grew steadily throughout the

1970s, but the appointment in 1983 of Lee Scott Theisen as Director of the museum

marked the beginning of a period of unprecedented and uncapped growth for what was



SKathleen McLary, Vice President of Programs, personal interviews, 18 August 2003 and 15 March 2004.

8 From the donor file labeled "Bone, Mary Louise," accession 71.971.30.










quickly becoming a bona fide historic clothing collection. Dr. Susan Dickey, Curator of

Collections at the museum from 1981 to 1984 and Curator of Costumes and Textiles from

1984 to 1988, notes that Theisen "encouraged more aggressive collecting through

donation and purchase. His approach to accepting donations was 'Take everything. The

donor might give you better stuff later.' (. .) His successor, Dick Gantz, was of the same

opinion, i.e., accept just about everything."9

Such an approach to collecting can account for the large number of clothing items

amassed by the museum in the 1980s, but it does not explain why the overwhelming

majority of them were women's. The prevalence of women's clothing items in the

collection can hardly be passed off as coincidence, since, as has already been noted, most

historic clothing collections exhibit a similar imbalance. While it is true that historically,

women have owned more articles of clothing than their male counterparts, most clothing

collections do not even begin to reflect an accurate gender-to-clothes-owned ratio, and

the collection at the Indiana State Museum is no exception.10

Why Women's Clothing?

As noted in Chapter 1, Schlereth claims that "evidential biases" have contributed to

this disparity historically.11 Relying solely on this claim, it seems logical that unevenness


9 Susan J. Dickey, personal interview, 22 Nov 2003. In my interview with her, Dr. Dickey mentioned that
Director Theisen was able "to obtain larger appropriations" for the museum. While she did not say to what
extent these increased appropriations affected purchasing funds for the historic clothing collection (if they
did at all), because the museum has traditionally relied on the physical donation of items rather than on
purchasing funds for building its collections (and especially the historic costume collection), this chapter
focuses on donations alone.

10 "Gender-to-clothes-owned ratio" refers to the correlation between gender (male/female) and the number
of clothing items typically owned by a person of one or the other gender. Of course, as has already been
noted, women traditionally own more articles of clothing than do men.

1 In his discussion of children's clothing collections, Thomas Schlereth states, "... many ... share the
same evidential biases that costume historians and curators bemoan for adult clothing: far fewer male
costumes than female ones" (Schlereth 93).









in the composition of historic clothing collections could be attributed to a brand of male

bias operating in their formation and development. Certainly, this is not an unreasonable

conclusion, given that the bulk of museum employees, even up until very recently, were

men, and that commonly held notions of women-that they are consumers (and

especially of clothing and fashion), are thought of as possessing an innate propensity for

sartorial decoration (and a love of clothing generally), and are defined by what they

wear-would all seem to favor an imbalance in terms of gender representation within

historic clothing collections. However, while the importance of these factors cannot be

underestimated, to credit them as being solely responsible for the shaping of historic

clothing collections with respect to gender representation would be to ignore other,

equally important social and historical processes of production at work in their

development.12 In fact, I will argue here that there are other forces that contribute

significantly to, and can account in large part for, the fact that the historic clothing

collection at the Indiana State Museum is composed mostly of women's attire-

specifically, the relationships that women develop with their clothing as a result of

traditional female roles and functions within the household unit.

Old Clothes and Their Stories

The museum did not adopt a collections management policy until 1991, at which

time individual departments and collections and their respective collecting strategies were

defined.13 As a result, between 1967 and 1991, the museum's collections grew rapidly

and without any real direction. As has been previously noted, the prevailing collecting

12 Clifford 229.

13 The official title of the policy is Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites Collection Management Policy.
This policy was revised and updated in the 2003 version, Collections Management Policy, Indiana State
Museum and Historic Sites.









strategy consisted of the museum essentially accepting any and all donations that it was

offered. However, Dr. Dickey notes that although she does not recall there having been a

written collections policy, several criteria were loosely employed in the selection process:

items made or manufactured in Indiana; items made elsewhere, but representative of

those used in Indiana and having an Indiana provenance; and items associated with

famous Hoosiers.14

In addition to the requirement of an association with Indiana, all of these criteria

have another common feature: each of them requires that the object in question be

accompanied by a story, a history. Of course, the story of any article of clothing, be it a

dress or a pair of trousers, does not (and cannot) in and of itself explain why an historic

clothing collection is composed primarily of women's attire. But an examination of the

mechanisms by which clothing items have been donated to the Indiana State Museum in

the past gives indications as to how the histories of individual objects can contribute to

this trend.

The museum first announced that it was interested in acquiring "old clothes" for its

collection via a public television program in 1971. In investigating the intricacies of the

processes that precede a donation to a museum, specifically a donation of"old clothes,"

two primary avenues of inquiry arise. First of all, who had these old clothes? And

second, why did they have them?

The answer to the first question is obvious. Who had old clothes? Women did.

But why they had them is perhaps not so apparent. Why did women keep old clothes,

and what clothes did they keep? The answers to these questions find their roots in the


14 Susan J. Dickey, personal interview, 22 Nov 2003.









roles that women-specifically, women in the roles of wife/mother in a nuclear family

setting-have historically played in the production and consumption of clothing within

the household unit.

Women: Producers and Consumers of Clothing

Before the advent of mass clothing production, women were the primary producers

of clothing for the members of the household unit. Later, in the decades spanning the

middle of the twentieth century, and especially in the 1950s, buying mass-produced

clothing at large department and discount stores became the principal method of

acquiring new apparel in middle- and upper-class households. Women once again played

a pivotal role, this time as the chief consumers of clothing for the domestic unit. They

thus possessed an intimate knowledge not only of what clothing was made or bought but

also for what purposes and occasions it would be worn, or why it needed to be made or

bought. Furthermore, in both scenarios, women would have been making and shopping

for clothes not only for other family members but for themselves as well, thus

establishing a relationship to their clothing that was unique to them and that was

intimately tied to their functions as producers/consumers of clothing.

Additionally, coupled with the fact that the sheer volume of garments and

accoutrements that most women owned far outnumbered those of any of their immediate

family members, for many women-especially those who did not work outside of the

home-clothing also served as an outlet for the display of personal tastes, acted as the

most immediately recognizable symbol of membership in a socioeconomic class, and

allowed one woman to distinguish herself from the next. Hence, not only did women

invest a significant amount of time making or selecting for purchase their own clothing,

they also had a deep social investment in the clothing that they wore. In other words, for









women, clothing's social function was closely interwoven with its practical functions:

clothes, perhaps more than any other personal belonging, had the ability to define the

woman that wore them. One need only recall images of iconic 1950s housewives such as

Donna Stone of The Donna Reed Show (1958-1966) or June Cleaver of Leave it to

Beaver (1957-1963) to comprehend the fundamental roles that clothing and appearance

played in shaping a woman's identity.

These investments affected the attitudes and feelings that women had toward their

clothing and consequently how they might have treated it. The amount of time, energy,

and thought a woman spent in making a garment or in selecting an article of clothing for

purchase, or how much she paid for it, likely had an effect on how expendable she

viewed any given item as being. Likewise, clothing's social function made it that much

more valuable (and less dispensable as a result). Therefore, women were much more

reluctant to part with clothing items than other members of their households would have

been, even if an item was no longer being used.

Additionally, many women kept clothing that was worn at an important event in

their lives or in the lives of their older female relatives (mothers, grandmothers, or aunts,

for example). Because of the social function that clothing served in women's everyday

lives, it makes sense that clothing worn during significant occasions in the life of the

wearer-a prom or a wedding, for example-would have been set apart from the rest of

the wardrobe as unique or distinctive, hence causing the wearer to feel that it was

important to care for and keep the item (and pass it on to a younger female relative, in

some cases) long after its use function had expired.









Women Donors and Historic Clothing at the Indiana State Museum

It is not surprising, then, that women have not only been the primary donors of

historic clothing to the collection at the ISM, but the bulk of the clothing that they offer is

women's, even if it may not have belonged to them. For example, in the 1971 letter cited

above, the author continues, "I have a muff and coat which my mother wore in the 1880's

... some formals of the 1930 vintage ..."15 Citing an example from the following

decade, Dr. Susan Dickey recalls "two or three" sizable donations made in the mid-1980s

by Shirley Kulwin, the wife of a large electrical supplier in Indianapolis. Although some

of the clothing was less than ten years old, Dickey said that she accepted it because "most

of it had come from local department stores and was in excellent condition."

Furthermore, Dickey states, "The donor was able to provide information regarding some

of the occasions for which the clothing was worn."16 In both of these examples, the

history of the garment-where it came from, who wore it, and when it was worn-is

dependent on the donor's knowledge and memories of it.

When clothing is saved, in many cases the history of the object-its story, so to

speak-is preserved as well, thus making the clothes that women are able to offer to the

museum for donation particularly valuable. This is especially important for an institution

like the ISM in which the story of the object is nearly as important as the object itself.

For example, one Wanda Stapp donated the dress and stole that she wore to her junior

prom at Bedford High School in 1957 to the museum in 2000. The donor notes that she

purchased the dress at a shop on the Courthouse Square in Bloomington, a nearby town,



15 From the donor file labeled "Bone, Mary Louise," accession 71.971.30.

16 Susan J. Dickey, personal interview, 22 Nov 2003.









and recalls her surprise at the fact that her parents actually allowed her to travel out of

Bedford to buy it.17 Thus, what at first glance seems an old (albeit unique and well-

constructed) teen formal dress in good condition becomes an object imbued with a piece

of the history of both one woman's life and the state. This example demonstrates that via

the mechanisms of saving, remembering, and donating, women have come to constitute a

primary force in shaping the composition of the historic clothing collection at the ISM.

In the next chapter, I will examine the ways in which the contributions of one woman in

particular had a fundamental impact on both the physical and ideological makeup of

another historic clothing collection, the Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection.


7 From the donor file labeled "Stapp, Wanda," accession 71.2000.004.001.














CHAPTER 3
THE ELIZABETH SAGE HISTORIC COSTUME COLLECTION AT
INDIANA UNIVERSITY, BLOOMINGTON

The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection (ESHCC) is a museum-quality

collection composed primarily of women's clothing and accessories. The dominance of

women's apparel has been apparent since the collection's inception in 1937, when

Elizabeth Sage, the first professor of textiles and clothing at Indiana University, donated

her personal collection of historic clothing items to the university. While the same

mechanisms discussed in Chapter 2-namely the relationships that women develop with

clothing as a result of their roles as the primary producers/consumers of clothing within

the household unit-have contributed in large part to the sustained prevalence of

women's clothing in the Sage Collection, I would like to argue here that the reasons for

both the shape of the collection in its earliest stages and, indeed, its very existence can be

traced to the ideological premises on which Elizabeth Sage's motivations for collecting

clothing were founded.

Background and History of the Collection

The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection is an "assemblage of eighteenth,

nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first century clothing and related accessories" whose

mission it is to "record and preserve cultural heritage by collecting, maintaining,

exhibiting and sharing as a resource these articles of dress and accessories."1 Maintained

by the Department of Apparel Merchandising and Interior Design at Indiana University,


1 "Statement of Purpose," The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection Collection Policy, 2003.









Bloomington, the Sage Collection distinguishes itself from other historic clothing

collections by the fact that it "is not limited to high fashion. It focuses on clothing of the

United States and includes dress of the common person as well as the elite."2

The collection contains "body coverings, articles used to adorn the body, and

articles carried or in some manner used to enhance a fashion;" "items pertaining to

Indiana history and Indiana University history," particularly "articles reflecting the era

1800 to the present;" "articles of dress which reflect American fashion design and

illustrate the efforts of American designers" and "European design as related to American

fashion especially as it serves to illustrate and illuminate American design

statements."3 It is made up of some 20,000 objects, which are broken down as follows:

children's accessories, 222; children's clothing, 516; clothing care and storage, 870;

documentary and non-textile objects, 241; flat textiles, 757; men's accessories, 585;

men's clothing, 679; non-Western objects, 72; personal care objects, 79; published

materials, 3,094; sewing tools and equipment, 4; stage costume: 4 ensembles; uniforms:

6; unisex clothing and accessories, 263; women's accessories, carried: 964; women's







2 Excerpt from a membership brochure, The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection, n.d.

3 "Collection Objectives," The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection Collection Policy, 2003.










accessories, worn: 3,200; and women's clothing: 4,794.4 As has already been noted,

women's clothing and accessories comprise the majority of the collection.5

Elizabeth Sage was appointed the first professor of textiles and clothing at Indiana

University in 1913. Over the course of her 24 years of service there, Sage "assembled for

the university a wide variety of clothing and textile instructional materials and

accumulated her own impressive collection of exquisite fashions and accessories."6

When she retired in 1937, Sage donated her personal collection of historic items to the

university, and the Historic Costume Collection was founded in her name.

The number of objects in the collection grew steadily following its formal

inception. Early donations were made by Sage's friends and family, and as word of the

collection spread, items from alumni, faculty and friends "throughout the state and

country" were offered for donation.8 The nation's bicentennial celebration (1975-77)



4 Figures from the computer collections database employed by the ESHCC, io, provided by Kelly Gallett-
Richardson, Assistant Curator, Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection, on November 13, 2003. Items
are grouped in the database according to the classification system employed by the computer collections
database formerly used for the collection, SNAP!. The figures given here total 16,350; however, the
number of items in the collection according to an overall database query totals 20,454. Hence, there is a
difference of 4,104 objects. Mrs. Gallett-Richardson attributes this discrepancy to both nomenclature
problems (at least 220 objects do not have categories) and to the margin of error inherent in database
queries.

5 Based on the figures given here, women's clothing and accessories account for approximately 55% of the
collection overall, and 80% of the collection when non-costume and non-Western objects are excluded
from the total count.

6 Kathleen L. Rowold, "Preface," Flights of Fancy: The Art of Fashion's Surface Design (Bloomington:
Metropolitan Printing Service, Inc., 1991) 6.

7 "Early History," The State of the Collection, November 1991: 1. The exact number of items that Miss
Sage donated to the university is not known. Figures range from se\ ciul hundred" to 500 to 700.
However, it has been noted that Sage's "private collection of antique apparel and fashion artifacts ...
initially probably numbered fewer than 200 items." Because this is the most recent (and only published)
figure available, I have chosen to use it here. Tim Lucas, "Sage of Fashion," Indianapolis Star 5 Apr. 1992:
HI.

8 "Collection growth and storage facilities," The State of the Collection, November 1991: 1.









marked an important turning point in the collection's growth; beginning in 1976, the first

major exhibit of artifacts from the collection, the "Traveling Exhibition of Historic

Indiana Costumes," was displayed in twenty communities in Indiana in a variety of

public venues.9 The exhibit garnered much attention and interest in the ESHCC, and

donations increased dramatically as a result.10 Prior to the bicentennial exhibition, the

collection was used "primarily for classroom examples and graduate student research ...

Very few people knew it existed.""1 Thus, this event signified the beginning of the

collection's evolution from a hands-on, educational collection to one of museum quality

in which objects were collected explicitly to be preserved and exhibited.12

By 1976, the collection had grown to include a little over 2,000 objects; by 1991,

its holdings totaled over 11,500 objects;13 and by 1997, the collection numbered more

than 15,000 items.14 However, despite the growth of the collection over time, the

ubiquitous presence of women's apparel and accessories has remained a constant. A

document marked "c. 1968" states, "The collection contains almost two thousand

examples of wearing apparel of men and women, children and infants during the





9 Kathleen L. Rowold, "Nelda M. Christ," To Honor Retiring Faculty (program), Indiana University
Bloomington, 9 April 1985.

10 Dr. Kathleen L. Rowold, Curator, Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection, and Professor,
Department of Apparel Merchandising and Interior Design, personal interview, 12 November 2003.

1 Pamela J. Schlick, letter to Lynn Pittman, 18 Mar. 1985.

12 Rowold, personal interview, 12 November 2003, and a membership brochure, The Elizabeth Sage
Historic Costume Collection, n.d.

13 "Collection growth and storage facilities" and "Scope of the Collection," The State of the Collection,
November 1991: 1-2.

14 Rowold, "Preface," 6.









nineteenth and twentieth centuries," but goes on to say that "the bulk of [it] is ladies'

apparel."1 This is still the case today, almost 40 years later.

Why Women's Clothing?

Of course, standard explanations for the overwhelming presence of women's

apparel in the Sage Collection in its earliest years abound. Perhaps it occurred by default:

women's clothing was certainly more ubiquitous in consumer venues than men's or

children's and was thus more readily available for purchase. Additionally, Elizabeth

Sage never married, and she did not have any children. Hence, it seems likely that to

some degree, at least, Sage would have been able to escape the domestic roles required of

women in "traditional" family settings and could thus expend more time, energy, and

money purchasing and collecting clothing for herself. Furthermore, consumer venues

such as department stores and boutiques that carried the exemplary apparel that Sage

sought after catered to, and even targeted, female customers. On another note, perhaps a

woman who amassed an exemplary clothing collection, especially one dominated by

women's apparel, could use the collection as an avenue by which to define herself, to

distinguish her from other women.

While none of these explanations should be disregarded, and while the dominance

of women's clothing in the Sage Collection probably resulted at least in part from some

or perhaps even all of them, the purpose for which the collection was originally

established can account for the ubiquity of women's clothing early in the collection's

history more than any other single factor. Sage intended for the collection to be used as



15 Lavinia Franck, "The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection," Procedures and Classification
System, c. 1968: 1.










an aid in the training of young women enrolled in Home Economics courses so that they

might learn to be wise consumers of clothing.16

Elizabeth Sage: Teacher, Scholar, Collector

Elizabeth Sage was a professor in what was then called the Home Economics

department at I.U. and "a forerunner of the notion that Home Economics was more than

just sewing.""17 For her, "the study of clothing, textiles, and, particularly, their history,

was an academic subject no less serious than the history of science or art."18 During her

tenure at the university, Sage authored two textbooks, A Study of Costume (1926) and

Textiles and Clothing (1930), the former of which was one of the first books on costume

history to be published in the United States.19

The following statements, excerpted from her 1930 text, reveal Sage's ideas about

what an education in Home Economics should include: "As women more and more

become spenders or consumers, instead of producers as they formerly were, the more

essential it is that girls of to-day be taught how to buy their clothes ready-made. The

active life of the women and girls of to-day gives little time for the making of garments in

the home." Later in the text, she asserts, "It is especially necessary, then, that this rapidly






16 I should note here that the ESHCC does still contain a study collection component; however, classroom
education is no longer the sole objective of the collection. The primary collection, which "includes all
artifacts identified for historic preservation and exhibition," comprises the bulk of the collection as a whole
and will thus constitute my focus here. "Statement of Purpose," The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume
Collection Collection Policy, 2003.

17 Patricia C. Kampe, untitled document, July 29, 1975.

18 Lucas H1.

19 "Early History," The State of the Collection, November 1991: 1.










increasing number of buyers should have standards for choice when they purchase their

clothes."20

Sage's philosophy was reflected in both her teaching and her collecting. To

supplement her teaching, she collected clothing from family and friends and purchased

exemplary historic costume items and related artifacts while traveling abroad, first in

1925 and again in 1934.21 It seems that Sage began collecting items in the early 1920s.22

Although early records of the collection are incomplete at best, it is known that her

earliest acquisition was an infant's dress-specifically, the Sage family christening

robe.23 The next items to be added to the collection were a blue satin dress and a pink

dress with matching shoes, all of which also belonged to Sage's family.24

Sage also collected examples of men's and children's clothing, but not to the same

degree that she did women's.25 An undated inventory of the ESHCC lists the total

number of items in the collection as 663. Of these 663 items, 410-or 62%-of them are



20 Elizabeth Sage, Textiles and Clothing (New York: Scribner, 1930). Quoted in Gail Benjamin Anderson,
"Elizabeth Sage," unpublished essay, 1967: 3. Page numbers for the statements from the textbook are not
noted in the research paper, and because a copy of the book was not available to me, I have cited the
statements here as they appear in Anderson's paper.
21 "Retirement of Miss Sage," Indiana University Alumni Quarterly Winter 1937: 32.

22 Pamela J. Schlick, "Request for Funding for Additional Storage Space in the Elizabeth Sage Historic
Costume Collection Department of Home Economics," 1981: 1. Each statement in this document
references a document authored by Coffee in 1978. This refers to a report prepared by consultant Barbara
Coffee of the Smithsonian Institution Museum of American History, who was hired in 1976 "to assess the
state of the Collection and to make recommendations on storage, conservation, and exhibition issues"
("Collection Growth and Storage Facilities," 1). Unfortunately, a copy of her report was not available at
the time that the research for this study was conducted.
23 "Collection growth and storage facilities" 1 and Anderson 4.

24 Anderson 4. See also "Appendix I: Transcription of Sage 1925/1928 Inventory," The State of the
Collection, November 1991: 9.

25 Anderson notes that Miss Sage's collection consisted of "outstanding examples of clothing for men,
women, and children from 1830 to her time." Anderson 4.









women's clothing and accessories, while only 17 (2.5%) are men's, 52 (8%) are

children's, and 93 (14%) are infants'.26 Given that the collection that Sage gave to the

university contained approximately 200 items, it is not unreasonable to conclude that it

would have reflected similar percentages.

Based on the opinions Sage expressed in her scholarly writing, it seems clear that

her decision to collect more women's clothing than men's or children's was an informed

decision on her part. Her primary objectives included teaching young women how to

"buy their clothes ready-made" and provide them with education regarding "standards for

choice when they purchase their clothes;" hence, that her collection exhibits a majority

percentage of women's clothing is not surprising.27 However, it is significant that her

ideas about Home Economics education constituted not only the basis for her collecting

practices but the very premise on which the collection was founded.

Sage's idea that young women needed to be educated to be wise consumers of

clothing provides several indications as to the ways in which women's roles and

femininity were perceived in American culture at that time. First of all, women were

becoming "more and more .. spenders or consumers, instead of producers as they

formerly were."28 Thus, consumption, especially of clothing, was becoming a requisite

component of femininity itself: being a woman meant being a consumer. Additionally,

Sage's idea seems to reflect at least some degree of cultural anxiety (or her own) in

regard to the consumer roles that women were quickly assuming in the first half of the


26 "Collection growth and storage facilities" and "Appendix 2: Undated Inventory," The State of the
Collection, 1 and 10-13.
27 Sage as quoted in Anderson.

28 Sage as quoted in Anderson.









twentieth century. Implicit in the notion that women needed to be educated about

clothing consumption is the assumption that there existed the potential for women to

consume irresponsibly or recklessly. As consumption eclipsed production as the primary

method of clothing acquisition and women ventured with increasing frequency into the

consumer realm to purchase their clothing, a sudden need to educate them about it arose.

If we recall the discussion in Chapter 1 of the disquietude many Parisians felt in the late

eighteenth century, when women were for the first time in history venturing into public to

consume, such a response to women's newfound roles as the primary consumers of their

own clothing, even in the twentieth century, is perhaps not so surprising. Furthermore, it

is important to note that the notion of responsible consumption reflected in the reasons

for Sage's collecting coincided directly with the stock market crash of 1929 and the Great

Depression that followed. This is significant if only for the fact that it demonstrates the

promulgation of a conception of consumption that differs fundamentally from those that

preceded it. During this time, emphasis was placed on frugality and fiscal responsibility,

not the excess and luxury that had characterized consumption historically.29

Regardless of the primary purposes for which the objects in the Sage Collection

have been used over time, the perception of women as consumers-especially of

clothing-and the idea that consumption embodies at least in part the very essence of

what it means to be "feminine" are reflected and perpetuated not only via the composition

of the collection itself but in its very reason for being. Hence, the contributions of one



29 This, too, raises the question of class and the ways in which it is related to perceptions of "good" or
"proper" consumption. Rosalind Williams' discussion of courtly consumption is instructive in unearthing
those early models of consumption to which large groups of people aspired and their defining
characteristics, namely frivolity and excess. See Chapter 2, "The Closed World of Courtly Consumption,"
in Dream Worlds: Mass Consumption in Late Nineteenth-Century France, 19-57.






40


individual-Elizabeth Sage-made a fundamental and lasting impact on the collection as

it exists today, physically and ideologically.

The purposes for which clothing is collected within a particular collecting body,

then, dictate the ways in which women are represented and consequently how they are

perceived in the space of that collecting body (in this case, the ESHCC). In an institution

such as the Indianapolis Museum of Art in which clothing is collected as art, we see that

other reasons for collecting clothing come to bear directly on ideas about women and

their roles.















CHAPTER 4
COSTUME IN THE TEXTILE AND FASHION ARTS COLLECTION AT
THE INDIANAPOLIS MUSEUM OF ART

The historic costume component of the Textile and Fashion Arts Collection at the

Indianapolis Museum of Art (IMA) is comprised of costumes, costume accessories, and

costume components1 of"aesthetic or art historical significance."2 In other words,

clothing is collected explicitly for its aesthetic properties. Primary emphasis is placed on

the visual qualities of the item, on the ability of the item to stimulate visual engagement.3

What is of interest in the case of the historic costume collection at the IMA is the fact that

the collecting of clothing as art has led to the formation of a costume collection that is

almost entirely women's clothing. Based on this composition, it seems logical to

conclude that thus far, only women's clothing and accessories have been able to meet the

criteria for collecting-i.e., that they fall into the category of "art." I will argue here that

those qualities that enable women's apparel to be considered as "art" bear directly on the

ways in which gender is both represented and perceived within the context of the art

museum.





1 "Costume components" include fabrics that were part of a costume at one time as well as items such as
collars.

2 "Permanent Collection," Collection Definitions, Indianapolis Museum of Art, 2001.

3 Stephen Greenblatt's concept of"wonder" is especially instructive here. Greenblatt defines "wonder" as
"the power of the displayed object to stop the viewer in his or her tracks, to convey an arresting sense of
uniqueness, to evoke an exalted attention." Stephen Greenblatt, "Resonance and Wonder," Exhibiting
Cultures: The Poetics and Politics of Museum Display, ed. Ivan Karp and Steven D. Lavine (Washington,
D.C.: Smithsonian Institution P, 1991) 42.









Background and Institutional History

The Indianapolis Museum of Art is a large art museum whose mission it is to

"enable a large and diverse audience to see, understand and enjoy the best of the world's

visual arts," and "to this end [it] collects, preserves, exhibits and interprets original works

of art."4 One of the largest general art museums in the nation,5 its permanent collection

consists of approximately 42,000 objects in nine curatorial departments: African,

Oceanic, and Precolumbian Art; Asian Art; Classical Art; Contemporary Art (post-1945);

Decorative Arts; European and American Paintings and Sculpture (1800-1945); European

Paintings and Sculpture (before 1800); Prints, Drawings, and Photographs; and Textile

and Fashion Arts.6

The Textile and Fashion Arts Collection is comprised of nearly 6,000 items and

"represents virtually all of the world's traditions in fabric," including Asian, West Asian,

African, American, and European textiles and costumes. Chinese textiles and costumes,

Japanese kimonos and Buddhist robes, Kashmir shawls and Indian ceremonial

furnishings, Indonesian textiles, rugs and furnishing textiles from Turkmenistan and

Uzbekistan, Iranian rugs and kilims, Ottoman embroideries from Turkey, Baluchi rugs

and weavings, sub-Saharan African textiles and costumes, Moroccan costumes and

embroideries, American and European silks dating from the sixteenth through the

nineteenth centuries, a lace collection spanning 500 years, nineteenth-century paisley



4 "IMA's Mission Statement," Museum News. A monthly newsletter for IMA Staff November 2003: 1.

5 The Story of the Indianapolis Museum of Art (Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art, 1998) 8.

6 This information was obtained via a marketing document prepared by Rebekah Marshall of the IMA in
May of 2002. At the time of the creation of this document, the department now known as "Textile and
Fashion Arts" was referred to as "Textiles and Costumes." To avoid confusion, I have chosen to use the
department's most recent name here.









shawls from England, Indiana quilts and coverlets, European costumes dating from the

eighteenth through the twentieth centuries, and twentieth-century fashion, especially

works by Indiana natives Norman Norell, Bill Blass, and Halston, all number among the

collection's strengths.7

Curator Niloo Imami-Paydar notes that while an attempt has never been made to

separate the collection into "textile" and "costume" components for inventory purposes,

she estimates that 70-80% of the collection is costume. Within this part of the collection,

the overwhelming majority-Imami-Paydar says as much as 99%-is women's. Men's

clothing is not actively collected (nor has it ever been), with the exception of some canes,

a few top hats, and "3 or 4" eighteenth-century men's ensembles.8

The Indianapolis Museum of Art was founded in 1883 as the Art Association of

Indianapolis.9 The Association's "Aims and Needs" statement indicates its mission:

The Art Association proposes to increase its permanent art collection, to hold
frequent exhibitions of the productions of contemporary American and foreign
artists, to develop an art library to add to the facilities for teaching in the art school
in order to keep abreast of the most advanced methods of instruction, to give
lectures, receptions, and entertainments of an artistic character, and in every way
possible to encourage the study and love of art among the people.10








S"Collections: Textile and Fashion Arts," Indianapolis Museum of Art, 2004, Indianapolis Museum of Art,
1 Nov 2004 .

8 Niloo Imami-Paydar, Curator, Textile and Fashion Arts, personal interview, 1 Nov 2004.

9 The Story of the Indianapolis Museum of Art 8.

10 Art Association of Indianapolis, Indiana: A Record, 1883-1906. Published on the occasion of the
dedication of the John Herron Art Institute, November 20, 1906. (This report is located in the book labeled
"Art Association Reports 1883-1911" in the library at the museum.)









Thus, it is clear that from the beginning, the Association meant to collect art exclusively.

Yet today, the museum's permanent collection is "composed of objects of aesthetic or art

historical significance.""1

Why Women's Clothing?

In contrast to the historic clothing collection at the Indiana State Museum and the

Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection, in the case of the IMA, the causes for the

dominance of women's attire in the costume portion of the collection are located not in

the history of the collecting of clothing over time but in the museum's rationale for

collecting clothing in the first place. What Schlereth refers to as "evidential biases" are,

then, of primary concern in regard to this particular collection.12 As has already been

noted, the museum has focused on collecting "art," or "objects of aesthetic or art

historical significance," throughout its history. But again, it is remarkable that the

collecting of clothing for this purpose has led to the development of what is essentially a

women's clothing collection. Does the collecting of clothing as art preclude the inclusion

of men's clothing? I would argue that it does not. Thus, an examination of some of the

reasons why this may have occurred is in order.

A brief discussion of what Flugel referred to as The Great Masculine Renunciation

can elucidate some of the issues surrounding the present composition of the costume

collection at the IMA.13 As has been previously noted, following the French Revolution,

men's apparel became markedly subdued, and it has remained so to up to the present day,

1 "Permanent Collection," Collection Definitions, Indianapolis Museum of Art, 2001.
12 In his discussion of children's clothing collections, Thomas Schlereth states, "...many... share the same
evidential biases that costume historians and curators bemoan for adult clothing: far fewer male costumes
than female ones" (Schlereth 93).

13 Fliigel 52.









both in France and in the United States. Male renunciation of "all the brighter, gayer,

more elaborate, and more varied forms of ornamentation" was reflected in clothing that

was dark in color, free of embellishment and adornment, and simply constructed.14 As

man "abandoned his claim to be considered beautiful" and "henceforth aimed at being

only useful,""15 brightly colored, ornately embellished, and elaborately fashioned

garments and accessories were relegated to the realm of women. This, too, is generally

still the case in the twenty-first century.

This phenomenon has a number of implications for the IMA's collecting habits in

regard to clothing. The museum aims to collect art specifically, and the qualities that

enable women's clothing and accessories to be considered as "art" include striking

colors, detailed ornamentation, and/or intricate or unique construction. What is important

to note is that all of these qualities share a common trait: they stimulate visual

engagement on the part of the viewer-i.e., they invite looking.

Given these collecting criteria, it is safe to say that most, if not all, of the clothing

and accessories in the Textile and Fashion Arts Collection at the IMA were originally

intended not only to be worn but also to be seen. Consequently, the woman who donned

such an article or ensemble would have invited looking, observation. This brings to light

a fundamental assumption about the role of women in a historical context: that they

existed to be seen, to be noticed, to be studied. This is not to say that women did not

have or play other roles; certainly, they did, and the importance of those roles cannot be

underestimated. However, it is significant that this particular role-the role of the


14 Fliigel 52, 110-111.

5 Flfigel 111.









viewed, of the object of viewing-is promulgated more than any other, however subtly,

via the composition of the clothing collection at the IMA.

This conveys to the viewer, too, a message about the role of women within the

space of the art museum. The application of Laura Mulvey's notion of the

spectacularization of women in cinema can be useful here: if women's clothing is

exhibited as art, it follows that woman becomes a (the) spectacle as a result: ... women

are simultaneously looked at and displayed, with their appearance coded for strong visual

and erotic impact so that they can be said to connote to-be-looked-at-ness."16 Thus, both

the composition of the clothing collection and the exhibition of the women's items within

it reinforce the idea that in a historical context, women existed solely to be seen.

However, the exhibition of women's clothing within the art museum space begs the

question of whether it is indeed woman or the clothing itself that becomes

spectacularized. I would argue that the physical form of "woman" (i.e., the woman's

body) cannot be separated from women's clothing, regardless of the method of

exhibition, and that woman remains the spectacle as a result, but this question is

significant enough to warrant further exploration.

An equally important avenue of inquiry regarding the reasons for the prevalence of

women's clothing in the collection can be found in those areas of historic costume that

are emphasized within it. While the scope of the collection as a whole is broad,

American and European costumes dating from the eighteenth through the twentieth






16 Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema," Issues in Feminist Film Criticism, ed. Patricia
Erens (Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1990) 33.









centuries and twentieth-century fashion together constitute the bulk of the costume

component of the collection, and each is "constantly expanding.""17

The Indiana Fashion Design Collection-a collection composed chiefly of designer

gowns-was established in 1973 at the IMA with a gift of five pieces from the estate of

Norman Norell. By 1992, the collection had grown to include more than 700 pieces,

including both haute couture (made-to-order) and pret-a-porter (ready-to-wear) fashions

by American and European designers, as well as many accessories, and it continues to

grow today.18 Especially as regards this collection, women's clothing and accessories

play an integral role, since they comprise the very essence of what "fashion" is. Before

the 1960s, fashion designers created women's clothing exclusively; men who wanted

custom-made garments patronized tailors. It was only in the 1960s that major designers

began to take up the introduction of men's lines in addition to their creations for

women.19 Hence, it seems appropriate that a "Fashion Design Collection" would consist

almost entirely of women's apparel.

This, too, has connotations for the ways in which gender is perceived and

represented within the context of the art museum. The collecting of fashion items for an

art museum collection confers legitimacy upon fashion as an art form, and upon fashion

designers as artists, but in doing so it also conveys a representation of women that is

necessarily limited. By choosing to collect only women's clothing and accoutrements-

and visually engaging clothing and accoutrements at that-the museum intimates not


17 The Story of the Indianapolis Museum of Art 51.

18 The Fine Art of Fashion: Recent Acquisitions (Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art, 1992).

19 Phyllis G. Tortora and Keith Eubank, Survey of Historic Costume, A History of Western Dress. 2nd ed.
(New York: Fairchild Publications, 1994) 450, 477.









only what is important in terms of the history of clothing as an art form, but also what is

important in terms of the history of women as the wearers of these items. The fact that

the costume collection is composed mostly of women's clothing may enable it to

recognize the role of women in history in a more significant way than any other area of

the art museum's collection, but the fact that it does so on a purely aesthetic (or even art

historical) basis limits the degree to which women can be accurately represented in a

historical context. It happens, then, that in the art museum, women come to be identified

solely by the clothing that they wore: women are represented by clothing, and clothes

represent women. This extends also to those areas of the costume collection that do not

fall into the category of "fashion," namely eighteenth- through twentieth-century

American and European costumes but also other areas of Western costume.

The fact that men's clothing is so conspicuously absent from the costume collection

at the IMA gives the impression that men's clothing is not worthy of aesthetic

contemplation or that it is not art historically significant because it is not brightly colored,

ornately embellished, or elaborately fashioned-in other words, because it is not visually

engaging. But is this conclusion valid? True, men's clothes may not possess the same

visual qualities that women's do, but this does not mean that men's clothing is not

important in an aesthetic or art historical sense. Hence, what does this utter lack (or at

least gross underrepresentation) of male-and, conversely, what can only be called near-

total dominance of women's-dress within the costume collection at the IMA imply

about gender in the context of the art museum? It suggests that men's clothes are not

intended to be studied or looked at, nor are the men who wear them. Flugel reminds us

that following The Great Masculine Renunciation, man "abandoned his claim to be









considered beautiful" and "henceforth aimed at being only useful."20 Thus, while the

contemplation of men's clothing is not ruled out entirely, there seems to be no place for it

in the art museum space.

The analysis presented here means to serve not so much as a judgment of the

Indianapolis Museum of Art's decision to collect only women's apparel for inclusion in

its Textile and Fashion Arts Collection but rather attempts to illuminate the historical

inaccuracies that can result from such a decision. In an institution that purports to

represent history-in this case, art history-accurately, the reasons for the dominant

presence of women's apparel and accessories within the collection become paramount, as

they reveal that however inadvertently or unintentionally, traditionally-held (and even

outdated) notions of acceptable roles for, and perceptions of, men and women are both

reflected and perpetuated in its composition and display.


20 Fliigel 111.














CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION

Based on the analyses presented here, it seems that regardless of the reasons for

which clothing is collected-the story to which an item is attached, its usefulness as a

teaching aid, or special aesthetic properties that it possesses-women's apparel is, time

and again, the single most prevalent component within historic clothing collections today.

What does this say about the collecting of clothing and, more broadly, institutional

collecting practices at large?

First of all, it is important to point out that a very particular version of history is

being represented within all of these collections: the history of the predominantly white

middle- and upper-middle classes, and specifically that of [white] middle- and upper-

class women. This has both positive and negative connotations. On one hand, it might

be argued that because of their predominantly female compositions-in other words, by

sheer volume-historic clothing collections can actually serve to represent women better

than any other single area of the museum's collection. However, on the other side of this

is the argument that by representing women more with clothing than with any other type

of artifact in the museum, historical fact and context is lost, or is, at the very least, biased

to a considerable degree. Additionally, as has already been noted, it is important to

acknowledge that class biases, too, are at work in the development of historic clothing

collections. This issue warrants further consideration and investigation.

Second, these issues beg the question of museum responsibility. What is the

museum's primary responsibility? Is it, in fact, to accurately represent history to the









people for whom it holds historic objects in trust? To inspire "wonder"1 or to stir a desire

for learning in the viewer? Is it all of these things, or perhaps none of them? The case

studies presented here are illuminating in this regard. The historic clothing collection at

the Indiana State Museum does, in fact, strive to ". represent the customs, mores, and

social practices of Hoosiers of all ethnic and cultural backgrounds"2, while the mission of

the ESHCC is to "record and preserve cultural heritage by collecting, maintaining,

exhibiting and sharing as a resource articles of dress and accessories"3 and the aim of

the IMA generally is to "enable a large and diverse audience to see, understand and enjoy

the best of the world's visual arts."4 Thus, it can be said that both the ISM and the Sage

Collection seem to endeavor to present a balanced view of history. However, in the case

of the IMA, no such claim is made; the presentation of "the best of the world's visual

arts" is hardly a guarantee that history will be accorded fair and balanced representation

within its walls. Can we conclude, then, that history is presented least accurately in the

art museum? Perhaps. But why?

Although it is touched on to some degree within this study, further investigation

regarding the particular methods used to exhibit clothing within the space of the museum

(or other collecting institution) would serve as an important complement to the analysis

presented here. The historical reasons for the collecting of clothing and the fact that

historic clothing collections are comprised primarily of women's clothing are of

fundamental importance in unearthing some of the ideological forces at play in museum

1 Greenblatt 42.
2 "Social History," Collections Management Policy, Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites, 2003: 10-11.

3 "Statement of Purpose," The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection Collection Policy, 2003.

4 "IMA's Mission Statement," Museum News, A monthly newsletter for IMA Staff November 2003: 1.






52


collecting practices, but the ways in which these collections have the opportunity to affect

their audiences are illuminating in regard to the other end of the spectrum of museum

practice: exhibition.















LIST OF REFERENCES


Anderson, Gail Benjamin. "Elizabeth Sage." Unpublished essay, 1967.

Apter, Emily. Feminizing the Fetish: Psychoanalysis and Narrative Obsession in Turn-of-
the-Century France. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1991.

Art Association of Indianapolis, Indiana: A Record, 1883-1906. Indianapolis Museum of
Art Lib., Indianapolis.

Auslander, Leora. "The Gendering of Consumer Practices in Nineteenth-Century
France." The Sex of Things: Gender and Consumption in Historical Perspective.
Ed. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough. Berkeley: U of California P, 1996. 79-
112.

Bronner, Simon J. "Object Lessons: The Work of Ethnological Museums and
Collections." Consuming Visions: Accumulation and Display of Goods in America
1880-1920. Ed. Simon J. Bronner. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1989. 217-254.

Clifford, James. The Predicament of Culture. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1988.

Collection Definitions. Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art, 2001.

Collections Management Policy, Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites. Indianapolis:
Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites, Department of Natural Resources, 2003.

"Collections: Textile and Fashion Arts." Indianapolis Museum of Art. 2004. Indianapolis
Museum of Art. 1 Nov. 2004 art.org/cTextiles2.asp?SID=6F87DA6CD5BE483ABF7A5C328B77B072>.

Crawford, M.D.C. (Morris De Camp). The Ways of Fashion. New York: Fairchild
Publishing Co., 1941.

Dickey, Susan J. Personal interview. 22 November 2003.

Donor file 71.971.30. "Bone, Mary Louise." Indianapolis: Indiana State Museum and
Historic Sites, Department of Natural Resources, 1971.

Donor file 71.2000.004.001. "Stapp, Wanda." Indianapolis: Indiana State Museum and
Historic Sites, Department of Natural Resources, 2000.









Duncan, Carol. "Museums and Department Stores: Close Encounters." High-Pop:
Making Culture into Popular Entertainment. Ed. Jim Collins. Malden, MA:
Blackwell Publishers Inc., 2002. 129-154.

The Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection Collection Policy. Bloomington:
Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection, Department of Apparel
Merchandising and Interior Design, Indiana University, 2003.

The Fine Art of Fashion: Recent Acquisitions. Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art,
1992.

Flaubert, Gustave. Madame Bovary. 1857. Trans. Lowell Bair, ed. and with an
introduction by Leo Bersani. New York: Bantam Books, 1989.

Flugel, J.C. The Psychology of Clothes. London: The Hogarth P, 1966.

Franck, Lavinia. Procedures and Classification System. Bloomington: Elizabeth Sage
Historic Costume Collection, Department of Apparel Merchandising and Interior
Design, Indiana University, 1968.

Greenblatt, Stephen. "Resonance and Wonder." Exhibiting Cultures: The Poetics and
Politics of Museum Display. Ed. Ivan Karp and Steven D. Lavine. Washington,
D.C.: Smithsonian Institution P, 1991. 42-56.

Harris, Neil. Cultural Excursions: Marketing Appetites and Cultural Tastes in Modem
America. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1990.

Imami-Paydar, Niloo. Personal interview. 1 Nov. 2004.

Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites Collection Management Policy. Indianapolis:
Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites, Department of Natural Resources, 1991.

Inglis, Stephen. "Museums and the Future of Craft, Decorative Art, and Design."
Common Ground: Contemporary Craft, Architecture, and the Decorative Arts.
Canadian Centre for Folk Culture Studies Mercury Ser. 72. Hull, Quebec: Canadian
Museum of Civilization; The Institute for Contemporary Canadian Craft, 1999.
140-43.

Jones, Jennifer. "Coquettes and Grisettes: Women Buying and Selling in Ancien Regime
Paris." The Sex of Things: Gender and Consumption in Historical Perspective. Ed.
Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough. Berkeley: U of California P, 1996. 25-53.

Kampe, Patricia. Untitled document. July 29, 1975. Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume
Collection, Department of Apparel Merchandising and Interior Design, Indiana
University, Bloomington.









Kuchta, David. "The Making of the Self-Made Man: Class, Clothing, and English
Masculinity, 1688-1832." The Sex of Things: Gender and Consumption in
Historical Perspective. Ed. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough. Berkeley: U of
California P, 1996. 54-78.

Lucas, Tim. "Sage of Fashion." Indianapolis Star 5 Apr. 1992: H1+.

McLary, Kathleen. Personal interview. 18 August 2003.

McLary, Kathleen. Personal interview. 15 March 2004.

Membership brochure. Bloomington: Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection,
Department of Apparel Merchandising and Interior Design, Indiana University, n.d.

"Mission Statement." Indianapolis: Indiana State Museum and Historic Sites, Department
of Natural Resources, 2003.

Mulvey, Laura. "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema." Issues in Feminist Film
Criticism. Ed. Patricia Erens. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1990.

Museum News, A monthly newsletter for IMA Staff November 2003.

Parker, Roszika and Griselda Pollock. "Crafty Women and the Hierarchy of the Arts."
Old Mistresses: Women, Art, and Ideology. New York: Pantheon Books, 1981. 50-
81.

"Retirement of Miss Sage." Indiana University Alumni Quarterly Winter 1937: 32.

Rowold, Kathleen L. and Patricia L. Roath. Flights of Fancy: The Art of Fashion's
Surface Design. Bloomington: Metropolitan Printing Service, Inc., 1997.

Rowold, Kathleen L. Personal interview. 12 November 2003.

Schlereth, Thomas J. Cultural History and Material Culture: Everyday Life, Landscapes,
Museums. Ann Arbor: UMI Research P, 1990.

Schlick, Pamela J. Letter to Lynn Pittman. 18 Mar. 1985. Elizabeth Sage Historic
Costume Collection, Department of Apparel Merchandising and Interior Design,
Indiana University, Bloomington.

Schlick, Pamela J. "Request for Funding for Additional Storage Space in the Elizabeth
Sage Historic Costume Collection Department of Home Economics." Elizabeth
Sage Historic Costume Collection, Department of Apparel Merchandising and
Interior Design, Indiana University, Bloomington, 1981.

The State of the Collection. Elizabeth Sage Historic Costume Collection, Department of
Apparel Merchandising and Interior Design, Indiana University, Bloomington,
Nov. 1991.









The Story of the Indianapolis Museum of Art. Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art,
1998.

Tarrant, Naomi. The Development of Costume. London: Routledge; Edinburgh: National
Museums of Scotland, 1994.

Teeters-Eichacker, Mary Jane. Personal interview. 18 October 2004.

To Honor Retiring Faculty. Bloomington: Indiana University, 9 April 1985.

Tortora, Phyllis G. and Keith Eubank. Survey of Historic Costume, A History of Western
Dress. 2nd ed. New York: Fairchild Publications, 1994.

Williams, Rosalind. Dream Worlds: Mass Consumption in Late Nineteenth-Century
France. Berkeley: U of California P, 1992.

Zola, Emile. The Ladies' Paradise. 1883. Berkeley: U of California P, 1992.















BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Stacey E. Jones was born on May 2, 1979, in Indianapolis, Indiana, where she lived

in the same house until she was 17 years old. Always eager to break with convention, in

1996, Stacey moved to Arizona to attend college at Northern Arizona University and

Arizona State University, respectively. In 2000, she graduated summa cum laude from

Arizona State University with a bachelor's degree in anthropology and a minor in French.

The following year, she made (and survived) a perilous journey east to Gainesville,

Florida, where she began-and eventually completed-her graduate studies in museology

at the University of Florida. After graduation, Jones hopes to shed the drudgeries of

small-town life and begin her museum career in a major city. She also plans to travel

extensively, teach in Japan, learn how to sew, read books for fun, continue singing, and

enjoy doing nothing sometimes without feeling guilty about it.