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Organizational Change Communication, Identity, Image, and Culture: The Case of CARE International


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ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE COMMUNI CATION, IDENTITY, IMAGE, AND CULTURE: THE CASE OF CARE INTERNATIONAL By FAITH SOPHIE AMON A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN MASS COMMUNICATION UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2004

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Copyright 2004 by Faith Sophie Amon

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This document is dedicated to William (Randy) Baten who is with me always and encourages me still.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to acknowledge the University of Floridas World Citizenship Program, which provided me with the grant from which this study evolved. I would like to also acknowledge Cooperative Assistance for Relief Everywhere (CARE) International; without their generous cooperation this study would not have been possible. I gratefully acknowledge the kind assistance of Barbara Jackson, the director of CARE International in Honduras, and the members of the country office staff. My experience there taught me much more than is found in these pages. CARE International USA, in Atlanta, graciously opened its doors to me for interviews, endured my presence wandering the office halls and graciously answered my questions despite their busy schedules. I would like to especially thank Jody Oldham, who fielded my calls when I tried to narrow my interview sample, and each of the participants who willingly and unselfishly gave of their time and knowledge to support my study. I would like to thank my advisory committee (Dr. Juan Carlos Molleda, Dr. Marilyn Roberts and Dr. Michael Leslie), whose guidance and support throughout this project was indispensable. Dr. Juan Carlos Molleda, who served as my chair, guided me patiently throughout the data collecting and writing stages of this thesis. I thank him for his time, and his unwavering confidence in me. I would like to thank the department of publications in the Universitys Office of News & Public Affairs (NAPA). As my co-workers and friends I thank everyone at NAPA for encouraging me and allowing me to adapt my schedule when necessary. The iv

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office and the people in it served as a refuge and an inspiration when I needed it most, particularly when supplemented with chocolate cake. I would like to thank Christopher Hardin for his love and encouragement throughout all of my studies. I also thank my friends who assured, commiserated, and encouraged always at the perfect moments. Finally, no graduate student could survive without the unwavering support of her family. I am grateful to my parents, Linda and Max Amon, for their love and support. They have given me more than I could ever acknowledge; they taught me to be myself, and most importantly to believe in who I am. v

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TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.................................................................................................iv ABSTRACT.......................................................................................................................ix CHAPTER 1 ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE COMMUNICATION: THE CASE OF CARE INTERNATIONAL......................................................................................................1 Marketing the Nonprofit Sector....................................................................................4 Organizational Identity and Branding..........................................................................6 Organizational Communication and Change................................................................7 Background...................................................................................................................9 Theoretical Foundations.............................................................................................10 Structure of Thesis......................................................................................................12 2 ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE COMMUNICATION...........................................14 Introduction.................................................................................................................14 Organizations Defined................................................................................................14 Change and Organizations..........................................................................................16 Types of Change.........................................................................................................18 Revolutionary Change.........................................................................................20 Evolutionary Change...........................................................................................20 Resistance to Change..................................................................................................21 Communication and Organizational Change..............................................................24 Incorporating Communication in Identity and Image Formation...............................25 Organizational Identity...............................................................................................27 Organizational Identification......................................................................................30 Organizational Image..................................................................................................32 Organizational Culture................................................................................................33 Branding.....................................................................................................................35 Conclusion..................................................................................................................38 3 METHODOLOGY.....................................................................................................39 Case Study Methodology............................................................................................39 vi

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Research Questions.....................................................................................................41 Methods......................................................................................................................42 Participant Observation.......................................................................................43 Interviews............................................................................................................45 The Research Site.......................................................................................................48 CARE International USA....................................................................................48 CARE International in Honduras........................................................................50 Limitations..................................................................................................................52 4 FINDINGS..................................................................................................................54 Overview of CARE Internationals Branding Change...............................................54 The New Brandmark...................................................................................................54 Preliminary Data: Summary of CAREs Internal and External Materials.................56 Participant Observation Data......................................................................................57 The Initial Stages.................................................................................................57 The Socialization Stage.......................................................................................61 The Brand Implementation in Honduras.............................................................64 Technical Issues...................................................................................................64 Overview of the Logo Launch Event..................................................................65 Planning Stages of the Logo Launch Event................................................................66 Structured, In-depth Interview Data...........................................................................68 Overview of the CARE Image............................................................................68 Overview of CARE International USA Positioning Assessment........................70 The New CARE Brandmark and Tagline............................................................73 Environmental Influences and Themes...............................................................75 Key Actions/ Internal Challenges........................................................................77 5 INTERPRETATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS.........................................................81 Introduction.................................................................................................................81 Organizational Identity and Identification..................................................................83 Organizational Image and Branding...........................................................................85 Organizational Culture................................................................................................87 Organizational Change In CARE International..........................................................88 Observations of Brand Implementation and Technical Issues...................................90 Implications and Further Research.............................................................................92 Conclusion..................................................................................................................93 APPENDIX A CARE INTERNATIONALS CURRENT LOGO WITH TAGLINE .......................95 B CARE INTERNATIONAL IN HONDURAS BROCHURE .....................................96 C EXAMPLES OF CARE INTERNATI ONALS PREVIOUS LOGO USAGE..........98 vii

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D CARE INTERNATIONALS VISION AND MISSION STATEMENTS ................99 CARE International Vision Statement........................................................................99 CARE International Mission Statement.....................................................................99 LIST OF REFERENCES.................................................................................................100 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...........................................................................................106 viii

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Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Mass Communication ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE COMMUNICATION, IDENTITY, IMAGE, AND CULTURE: THE CASE OF CARE INTERNATIONAL By Faith Sophie Amon May 2004 Chair: Juan Carlos Molleda Major Department: Journalism and Communications The Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE) International, one of the worlds largest private voluntary organizations (PVOs), recently set about changing its global brand. Management executives within the organization reacted to their changing environment and fundraising challenges with a focus on the organizations corporate identity and image perception by both internal and external publics. The process led the organization into an exploration of various aspects of organizational change communication; internal and external public relations; organizational relationships to image, identity, and identification; and considerations regarding CARE Internationals organizational culture. Organizational literature has, for some time, investigated the intricacies of change implementation in organizations. In the case of CARE International, understanding the successes and the challenges of undertaking a global branding change incorporates insight from organizational studies as well as current management and business literature. ix

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Research suggests that the communication of change interplays with several social constructs within an organizations structure. The implications of the present study offer to reevaluate the understanding of branding of nonprofits as well as to analyze the communications strategy during times of change. The findings and conclusions from this study serve both CARE as an organization in an evaluation of the process and the nonprofit community at large as a reorientation toward branding and organizational change strategies. Further, the study attempts to extend organizational change, organizational identity and branding theories into beneficial and applied terminology for the nonprofit sector. x

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CHAPTER 1 ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE COMMUNICATION: THE CASE OF CARE INTERNATIONAL Throughout the nonprofit 1 sector, private voluntary organizations (PVOs) and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are primary actors serving in healthcare, shelter, schooling, food, disaster relief, agriculture, development, and more. Over the last 60 years the nonprofit sector 2 has increased from a little more than 12,000 organizations in 1940 to over 1.5 million organizations today (Boris, cited in Frumkin & Kim, 2001). In 1997, it was estimated that nonprofits employed more than 6 percent of the workforce in the United States alone, over 6 million people (Mirvis & Hackett, 1983). That number has grown steadily and on a global level it is now suggested that nearly 39.5 million people worldwide hold full time employment in the nonprofit sector (OECD, 2003). Due to the types of community interventions which characterize these organizations and the inclusion of volunteer workers, the number of people whose lives are affected by the work of these organizations in the United States and abroad almost certainly run into the tens of millions (Mirvis & Hackett, 1983). The economic situation of most nonprofits, on the other hand, does not show such an impressive growth rate. Recent evidence has shown that the sector overall has not 1 According to the IRS website (nonprofit, n.d, www.irs.gov.) there is no legal differentiation between the terms not-for-profit, nonprofit and non-profit, although the literature uses all these terms interchangeably. For the purposes of this paper the author will remain consistent with current literature using the term nonprofit. 2 Nonprofit sector refers broadly to a sector between state and market, fulfilling both economic and social missions, which pursues a general interest and whose final objective is not the redistribution of profit (Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development [OECD], 2003). 1

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2 grown in the last 10 years in terms of funds raised or quantity of volunteers (Drucker, 1989; Schlegemilch, Love, & Diamantopoulos, 1997). The reasons for this stagnation is several fold, as Chetkovich and Frumkin summarize: Competition in the nonprofit world has intensified in recent years due to increasing numbers of agencies seeking support, shifting government funding, and the presence of for-profit organizations in the human services (2003, p. 564). Nonprofit organizations currently find themselves teetering between margin and mission (Chetkovich & Frumkin, 2003). The recognition of the need to become less reliant on government and other traditional charity sources and the need to fulfill their missions as organizations have led nonprofits toward a reassessment of their positions in the market (Froelich, 1999). In order to meet these diverse expectations, nonprofits currently struggle to nourish themselves in the marketplace without becoming disenfranchised by behaving in ways indistinguishable from ordinary commerce (OCED, 2003, p. 63). William Ryan (1999) relates the current state of the nonprofit sector this way: nonprofits are now forced to reexamine their reasons for existing in light of a market that rewards discipline and performance and emphasizes organizational capacity rather than for-profit or nonprofit status and mission (p. 128). Nonprofit organizations are faced with the necessity of changing their organizational conceptualizations, their identification as organizations and even their roles as service agencies due to changing economic and social environments. What is the significance of such organizational changes in the nonprofit sector? What aspects of the nonprofit organizational model are affected by these environmental changes? To begin to address these questions, one area

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3 where significant conceptual changes are occurring in nonprofit organizations lies in the fields of public relations, communication, and marketing. 3 The Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE) International, one of the worlds largest PVOs, has met the challenges of this presumed organizational re-identification head on. Management executives within the organization reacted to their changing environment and fundraising challenges with a focus on the organizations corporate identity and image perception by both internal and external publics. This focus brought the organization to consider aspects of organizational change, internal and external public relations, relationships to image and identity, and considerations regarding CARE Internationals organizational culture. In 1991, Gallagher and Weinberg noted that nonprofit organizations have only recently shifted their outlook concerning areas of external relations, generally referred to as marketing. As little as ten years ago they state, nonprofit organizations regarded marketing with suspicionno more. They have now embraced marketing because it provides them with tangible benefits (p. 27). Attitudes toward marketing in the nonprofit sector may have begun to shift; however, the complexities of the sectors constituents belie the opportunity to accept standard business practices or for-profit models as appropriate adaptations (Froelich, 1999). Frumkin and Kim (2001) note, beyond the need to build legitimacy and donor confidence, which may underlie the new bottom-line movement in the nonprofit sector, there has been much talk about the growing sophistication of philanthropy as evidenced in the expectation of donors that their contributions be well spent (p. 267). Nonprofits have never had such a need for strategic management in public relations and marketing 3 Public relations, communication and marketing are terms, which characteristically and for the purpose of this study, all relate to an organizations means of interactions with its various constituents.

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4 components as well as clear communication of organizational changes on all levels of the organization. Grunig, Grunig and Dozier (2002) purport that the value of public relations and marketing in effective organizations is contingent upon the pursuit of good relationships with internal and external publics, which may limit the ability of reaching organizational goals. The purpose of this study is to explore the correlations between communication and successful change in organizations, through examining CARE Internationals identity change. This research differs from current literature in that the case study of CARE Internationals identity change synthesizes current theoretical discourse in effective organizational change as well as recent identity, image, culture and branding literature. Whereas many organizations recognize issues of identity and image during the process of change in another area of the organization, CARE set out to transform the PVOs marketing/fundraising strategy and in turn its identity and image, rather than these aspects resonating during the process of change in other areas of the organization. Marketing the Nonprofit Sector Today, nonprofit organizations, particularly those working on a global level, are becoming aware of the increasing need to position themselves within a broader competitive market. Beyond marketing, nonprofit organizations have begun to monitor commercial sector trends in communication, public relations, competitive positioning, and management strategies. A growing number of nonprofit organizations have observed some success in their adoptive marketing practices proving the power behind their services (Gallagher & Weinberg, 1991). Yet, it is the international, corporate sector, particularly transnational corporations (TNCs), that seem to dominate the academic discourse regarding international management, public relations, and communications.

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5 TNCs have long held prominence in communication strategies and effective global influence. As Morley (2002) states: At the corporate level we see public relations in action communicating corporate messages to the worldwide financial markets, shaping corporate images, telling our side of the story in times of crisis, and playing a key role in developing new identities and positioning for companies formed in the wake of mergers, acquisitions and takeovers. (p. xi) These positions of global influence, however, are not limited to the business sector. Global nonprofit organizations, NGOs, and PVOs have historically held space at the table of international communication and development. Their presence is continually reflected through international projects and programming and their undeniable influence with contacts in governments and for-profit sectors worldwide (Chetkovich & Frumkin, 2003). Today, international aid organizations find themselves reassessing their positions as competition for international aid funding and top-of-mind presence in the minds of donors becomes increasingly arduous. The stage seems to be set for a new model of philanthropic investing one combining business and values, investment and philanthropy (Williams, 2003, p. 111). International NGOs and PVOs face many of the same transnational issues and interact with a similar array of companies, governments, and industries as for-profit businesses working in the global market (Gallagher & Weinberg, 1991). These international nonprofit organizations negotiate between publics, collaborate with a variety of funding organizations and navigate multiple identities (i.e., mission based goals and financial sustainability through grants and donations) all of which increase in complexity when spanning the globe (Ryan, 1999). The intensity of the global marketplace has demanded evolutionary changes in the nonprofit sector, namely the inclusion of business-like tactics in the competitive nature of fund procurement and investment. In the United States, as the government increases the outsourcing of public

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6 services, many for-profit companies are taking on traditionally nonprofit roles, such as the management of public schools and hospitals and the distribution of welfare programs (Ryan, 1999). Nonprofit organizations thus find themselves in competition with the for-profit sector for services they traditionally provided without contest. Organizational Identity and Branding In all sectors, issues of top-of-mind recognition, awareness and comprehension of products, and organizational identity quickly come to the forefront of any plan for success in the global marketplace. Organizational identity is abundantly addressed in organizational literature, most frequently aligning the term identity with culture within an organization (Whetten & Godfrey, 1998). Or even more simply put the way that the members of an organization perceive itself (Gioia & Thomas, 1996; Dukerich, Golden & Shortell, 2002). It is in the combination of elements that organizational identity holds new, more prominent significance. Identity, culture, and brand significance are currently dominating organizational management literature. Branding is reaching break though as a transformational strategic process (Gossen & Gresham, 2002 p. 2). Literature on all levels of organizational studies is pointing to branding as the panacea of marketing differentiation. Nonprofits too have found that with the rapid rise in the number of nonprofits seeking a piece of the limited charitable pie they must build upon their relationships, stabilize and promote their brands (Frumkin & Kim, 2001). Indeed, nonprofits are among the worlds most well known brands; governments, universities, and humanitarian agencies are weaved within a social structure in our global culture (Tan, 2003).

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7 Organizational Communication and Change Nonprofit organizations are now addressing these specific attributes in the reassessment of the needs of their organizations and the impacts on their beneficiaries. This reassessment of needs points to a conceptualization of organizations as evolutionary and intrinsically malleable, a conceptualization which inherently incorporates the need for incremental, or sometimes revolutionary change. Effective organizational management, therefore, includes a propensity for making changes in areas from product design or production, organizational structure, job descriptions and role transition, identity, culture, and information processes, among many others (Kanter, 1991). Yet, management decisions to change and the resulting process of dissemination or implementation are different courses of action. A change in one area of an organization inevitability affects the stability of another area (Schein, 1985). As paraphrased from Tourish and Hargie (1998), sound internal communications are paramount to the overall efficiency and effectiveness of an organization. Such a statement becomes even more salient in the case of an organization facing change. Organizational communication strategies are further promoted in Grunigs and Doziers recent book where through interviews and surveys of a variety of organizations, they concluded that internal symmetrical communications programs are crucial throughout the process of organizational changes (Grunig et al, 2002). Organizational change literature seldom addresses the nonprofit community; however, valuable research about change communication is immediately applicable to almost all organizations. This is obvious in the case of CARE International. After almost 60 years of global development work, addressing areas of humanitarian aid, disaster relief, and education, among others, the PVO recognized the need for a clear definition of

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8 their position in the global marketplace. Reviewing CARE Internationals recent change in organizational conceptualization, identity, and work philosophy offers an opportunity to reflect on the complexities of change communication in a transnational, nonprofit organization and its congruencies to similar practice in the international business sector. In this thesis, I examine the internal communication process in attempting an organizational change, specifically in the case of identity change. It is an exploratory study, reviewing current organizational change literature, expanding on the concepts of organizational identity and branding, and examining CARE Internationals experience in the process of global identity change. Three primary goals guide this research: To identify and describe organizational change in relation to organizational identity change; To explore the nuances of organizational identity and its correlations to image, culture and branding through current literature; To develop a case study of CARE International and specifically its global identity change as a constructive exercise focused on its communication processes. This study attempts to sketch the process of change in CARE International by using available corporate research and needs assessment conducted by the agency before the global launch of its new corporate identity. Additionally, the review of documents, participant observation information, and interview data are used to describe the implementation of the change process, specifically internally in the country office of Honduras. The data and personal experience of the research with the case has been possible through a generous grant form the Coca Cola Foundation and the University of Florida, which provided the researcher with an opportunity to participate and observe the Honduran office during the initial steps in implementation of the organizations new global identity change. The study is supplemented with data collection in the form of

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9 interviews from the organizations headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia, which spearheaded the change. Background June of 2003 marked one year since the implementation of CARE (Cooperative Agency for Relief Everywhere) Internationals new logo global launch. CARE, one of the worlds largest PVOs, spent 3 years developing a new, refreshed look to carry the organization into the new millennium. Originally, the acronym: CARE represented (Cooperative Agency for Remittances to Europe). Founded in 1945, CARE built a reputation for delivering needed CARE packages (medical supplies and food stuffs) from the United States to war-ravished Europe. CARE has since become generally identified with its humanitarian activities, agroforestry projects, education and health programs, as well as community organization-building in many of the poorest regions across the globe. Today, CARE USA, with its headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia, is a part of CARE International, a confederation of eleven CARE organizations 4 working in 72 countries worldwide. The process of re-branding led the organization though a journey of exploration in its identity both internally and externally by various publics as well as a reorientation to the nature of their business of international development work. The implications of this transition are embodied in the internal publics of CARE who express the vision and personify the mission of the organization. Thus, the study of CAREs successes and 4 CARE International is an confederation of CARE organizations in 11 member countries: Australia, Austria, Canada, Denmark, England, France, Germany, Holland, Japan, Norway, and the United States of America. The confederation is coordinated though a general secretary in Brussels. Thailand and Brazil are under current proposal to be added to the alliance of member countries.

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10 complexities in such a substantial organizational change reveal lessons for any organization attempting an identity change. Throughout the process and still today CARE International has worked closely with McCann Erickson, an international advertising agency based in New York. McCann Erickson New York, its affiliated international offices and its partner organization: FutureBrand, donated services in CAREs initial brand inventory research (assessing CAREs current positioning in the minds of donors), the design of a new logo, tagline, creative products and in various aspects of the campaign to launch the new image. The decision to develop a new logo, slogan, colors, and organizational communications strategy is reflective of the organizations fundamental change in understanding international development work itself and is somewhat telling of the current shift of many humanitarian organizations away from direct aid toward a new role as facilitators in international development work. CARE Internationals complex organizational structure as well as the organizations relationship with its identity became prominent considerations when addressing the need for change and its implementation process throughout the organization. Theoretical Foundations Organizational studies have foundational understanding in two different but intersecting theoretical domains, open systems theory; stemming from the field of biological sciences, and organizational psychology; based in the field of management (Burke, 2002; Schein, 1985). The standard literature for organization theory based in part on sociology and related disciplines emphasizes stabilization and not organization change (Burke, 2002, p. 43). Reflective of this perspective, organizational change theory

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11 draws mainly from the theory of open systems. The conceptualization of open systems is where the relationship between the organization and its environment can be examined (Beer, 1980). Following a definition of the environment and their strategy in it, managers can specify the demands of the environment and its implications for the kind of human outputs, people, structures, culture, organizational processes and behavior required (Beer, 1980, p. 101). Initially a biological term, systems theory and open systems theories when applied to social systems find inconsistencies and many researchers adopt, expand and critique the use of the term in social research arguing that biological systems differ significantly from social systems (Brown, 1980; Burke, 2002). Yet, social researchers have explored the complexities of the social system through political systems, organizational systems, cultural systems, and environmental systems, all with relation to behavior and social phenomena. Socially and scientifically, it is recognized that the system of an organization is vulnerable to change. It was noted by Schein (1996) that the field of organizational psychology is moving toward an integrated view drawing from psychology, sociology, and anthropology. Organizational science thus, has identified change as an inherent component of organizational survival (Shein, 1996; Hannan & Freeman, 1984). Organizations are in continuous change, whether from the subtle processes of environmental infusion, or by the intentional design of the powerful within the organization or by the collective will of organizational participants whose destiny is linked in some basic way to the changes (Cummings, 1980, p. 6). Identity as a element of change has recently been cited in organizational literature in the areas of culture (an organizations identity in relation to its organizational culture 5 ) 5 For extensive discussion on organizational culture see Martin. J. (2002)

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12 (Schein, 1996; Eisenberg & Riley, 2001; Martin, 2002), and on the level of external marketing (the communication of an organization as an entity to its external publics) (Cheney & Christensen, 2001; Dutton & Dukerich, 1991). The compelling aspect of CARE Internationals 6 story is that the change was both physical and conceptual, addressing internal publics and expectant of reactions from external publics, and therefore the process of communication and understanding was fundamentally complex. This study reflects the issues of management structure, communications strategies, and change implementation by examining this recent case. Currently, organizational change and organizational development research are overwhelmingly quantitative studies (Schein, 1996). Few qualitative studies exist in the field relating organizational change theories to specific qualitative data. CARE Internationals complex organizational structure proved a quantitative analysis beyond the scope of this study; however, due to the lack of similar qualitative information, this case study offers a significant addition to the current theoretical discourse. Structure of Thesis This document will reflect upon the communication processes inherent in identity change and discuss the relevant literature. The first part of this study reviews current literature defining organizations, the significance of organizational change, and the communication of change within organizations. A second section, within the second chapter outlines some of the contemporary perceptions and reflections of organizational identity in relation to image, culture, and recent branding philosophies. The third section 6 CARE International is interchangeably referred to as CARE or CARE International throughout this document. The abbreviated version of CARE still refers to the International confederation of CARE International. When addressing a specific country office the country is noted.

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13 describes the present study and the methodologies employed. The findings based on the researchers data collection are presented in Chapter Four. The final chapter offers an analysis of the observations and interview data and a discussion toward the implications for further research or exploration as well as a review of the lessons learned from the case of CARE International. The implications of this study offer to reevaluate the understanding of branding of nonprofits as well as to analyze the communications strategy during times of change. The ultimate aim of the thesis is to serve both CARE as an organization and the nonprofit community at large as a reorientation toward branding and organizational change strategies. Further, the study attempts to extend organizational change, organizational identity and branding theories into beneficial and applied terminology for the nonprofit sector.

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CHAPTER 2 ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE COMMUNICATION Changing something implies not just learning something new, but unlearning something that is already there and possibly in the way. (Schein, 1980 p.116) Introduction As a general introduction to organizations and organizational behavior it is useful to review the literature that discusses organizations themselves, how they are defined and how those definitions affect the way that organizations function and approach change. Also, relevant to the understanding of how organizational change conceptualizations cross the divide between the nonprofit and for profit sectors, this chapter is constructed to formulate the underpinnings of organizational change and the explore some of the social constructs which affect change across sectors. This chapter will follow the theoretical foundations from defining organizations to descriptions of organizational change and then the implications of organizational identity, image and culture on the communication of change. Organizations Defined As described in the previous chapter, conceptualizations of organizations have, by necessity, begun to shift from a highly standardized closed system to one incorporating a continual flow of internal and external responsiveness (Oxman & Smith, 2003). The definition of an organization from this new perspective then reflects that of Everett Rogerss description of a social system. A social system is a set of interrelated units that are engaged in joint-problem solving to accomplish a common goal (Rogers, 1995 14

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15 p. 23). The significance of making change within an organization is reflective of how conceptualization of organizations came about. In a chapter about theoretical foundations, Burke states: Any human organization is best understood as an open system. An organization can be considered open because of its dependency on and continual interaction with the environment in which it resides. (2002, p. 43) Thus, an organization is indeed a social system, or better described, a subsystem (Beer, 1980) placed within and interdependent upon a larger, multifaceted social system. Organizations are created to handle large-scale routine tasks though a pattern of regularized human relationships (Rogers, 1995, p. 375). Organizational development theorists have discussed systems theory and open systems for some time, specifically when applying theoretical knowledge to concepts of planned change 1 More recent organizational change theorists generally recognize organizations as living systems (Burke, 2002). This expansion on the open systems perspective draws in aspects of internal and external pressures placed on organizations, such as the realities of group dynamics and human behaviors (Schein, 1980, p. 188), and/or increased governmental regulations or changing economic situations (OECD, 2003). Thus, organizational change theorists define organizations within their environments and incorporate concepts of organizational structure, process, goals, and the implications of these aspects over time. The possibility or inevitability of organizational mortality is often then, the driving force behind change (Singh, House & Tucker, 1986). Acknowledging that every system has multiple functions and also exists 1 Planned change is terminology found in most organizational development research particularly in the processes of diffusion of innovation. For a lengthy discussion about planned change and systems theory see Cummings, T. G. (1980) ed. Systems Theory for Organizational Development, John Wiley & Sons Ltd.

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16 within an environment that provides unpredictable inputs, a systems effectiveness can be defined as its capacity to survive, adapt, maintain itself, and grow, regardless of the particular function it fulfills, writes Schein (1980, p. 230). As such, organizations begin to build a sense of who they are both in terms of how others see them and how the individuals who comprise the organization see the organizations where they work (Cheney & Christensen, 2001). Defining organizations becomes complex as internal and external dynamics constantly challenge how an organization may define itself. The forces leading organizations toward change have remained consistent even since Greiners 1967 article on patterns of organizational change. He noted that computer technology, mass communications (resulting in higher consumer awareness), new management knowledge, technological discoveries, new world markets, social drives for equality, and increasing governmental regulations are all aspects driving organizational change (1967, p. 120). Evidence reveals that all of these aspects remain influential in organizational change today. Change and Organizations In a survey conducted by Harvard Business Review in 1990, managers in 25 countries on six different continents responded to the global marketplace with a resounding message, Change is indeed everywhereregardless of country, culture or corporation (Kanter, 1991, p. 3). Organizational change in relation to the previous descriptions of organizations themselves is often described as a process rather than an identifiable entity (Schein, 1980; Burke, 2002; Kim, 2000). Steven Axely states that in the profit or nonprofit sectors alike, Ask managers to characterize the world they work in, and many different images of organizational life emerge. But one theme will connect most of the images: change (Axley, 2000).

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17 Theorists have chosen a variety of categorizations to describe the processes of organizational change, its motivations and outcomes. There is, however, no definition which covers all organizations and as of yet no theory which can adequately be applied to all types of organizations and their individual circumstances (Schein, 1980). Research in organizational change provides general motivations and broad theoretical perspectives, which have been identified in an attempt to classify organizational situations and the pursuit of change (Hannan & Freeman, 1977; Hannan & Freeman, 1984; Singh, House & Tucker, 1986). Management scholars have again borrowed concepts and metaphors from other disciplines in order to understand change; these include the concepts of punctuated equilibrium, stages of growth, processes of decay and death, population ecology, functional models of change and development, and chaos theory (Van de Ven & Poole, 1995, p. 510). Early research on change is also evident in studies of diffusion of innovations and planned change (see Rogers, 1995). Subsequent studies of organizational change tackle various aspects and effects of change within organizations on individuals, groups and larger arenas of influence (Martin, 2002; Burke, 2002). In a description of organizational structure models developed by Kotter in 1978, Schein (1980) illustrates the dynamic nature of organizations. Kotters figure describes the domino effect of change in any one area of the model. For example, a decrease in demand (external) affects the production, which may affect the managers relationship to the workers or potentially the staff moral, etc. (Schein, 1980). Organizational development and organizational change models advance open systems conceptualizations of organizations

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18 with an emphasis on the processes that occur in organizations over time as they face internal and external events [italics in original] (Schein, 1980, p. 212). Change has been articulated throughout organizational, management and marketing literature with various emphases. The motivations that lead organizations to pursue change are as individual as the organizations themselves, though the driving external forces may affect sectors or market niches at once. It is noted that the process of changes occurs both incrementally and radically (Burke, 2002). Thus, evolving descriptions of organizational changes are generally summarized to function in a mode of evolutionary and/or revolutionary phases (Schein, 1980; Singh, House & Tucker, 1986; Van de Ven & Poole, 1995; Burke, 2002). Types of Change The descriptions of organizational change perspectives span a relative array of theoretical foundations and models. Types of change have been described in relation to an organizations rate and control of transformation absorption, as described by Van de Ven and Poole: A prescribed mode of change channels the development of entities in a pre-specified direction, typically of maintaining and incrementally adapting their forms in a stable, predictable way. A constructive mode of change generates unprecedented novel forms that, in retrospect, often are discontinuous and unpredictable departures from the past. (Van de Ven & Poole, 1995, p. 522) An organization pursuing change, or being pursued by it (external environmental influences), finds that change to an organization is inevitable, continuous, and necessary to its survival (Hannan & Freeman, 1984; Everett, 1990), and further that it is intrinsically tied to the behavioral constructs of identity, image and culture. These constructs, to a certain degree, define the lengths to which an organization can implement change without distancing itself from its core constituents (Bouchikhi & Kimberly,

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19 2003). Change is not something new; business literature is riddled with research, suggestions and guidelines for organizations to follow when implementing change (Grenier, 1967; Ettorre, 1996; Schein, 1999; Kim, 2000), weather it be structural, regarding its size and age (Hannan & Freeman, 1984; Oxman & Smith, 2003; Galaskiewicz & Bielefeld, 1998), strategic (Beer, Eisenstat & Specter, 1990), technological, or cultural (Schein, 1999; Eisenberg & Riley, 2001). Current business literature largely emphasizes the importance of leadership during change (Ettorre, 1996) and communication (Axley, 2000). Types of change also reflect the manner which an organization approaches change, not simply the area within the organizational structure which is affected by it. An emphasis on the actions of managers to achieve objectives for the organization is found within theories of adaptation. Included in this approach are contingency theory, and resource dependence theory (Galaskiewicz & Bielefeld, 1998). More holistic approaches to change include the ecological exploration of change (Singh, House & Tucker, 1986; Beer & Nohria, 2000). The ecological view incorporates concepts of environmental driving forces and emphasizes the potential mortality of any organization. Aspects of this approach have also been labeled selection models (Barnett & Carroll, 1995). Within the ecological perspective, population ecology theory centers on the aspects of structural inertia created in organizations due to internal populations (Singh, House & Tucker, 1986). In this vein, Hannan (1998) has presented the argument that the age of an organization gives it viable security rather than immobility. Older organizations achieve high reliability, and high accountability though reproducible organizational structures. The ensuing structural inertia thus, creates an organization that is less vulnerable to the

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20 instabilities of a new organization (Hannan, 1998). Older organizations have built a process of confidence in its members, understanding and coordinating which may not grow the organization but which shields it from internal (roles, populations) uncertainties (Hannan & Freeman, 1984; Singh, House & Tucker, 1986). Among these theoretical models, the approach, method, or mode, can also delineate the kind of change taking place. The following is a description of two modes of change, classified as revolutionary and evolutionary. Revolutionary Change Revolutionary change can be seen as a jolt (perturbation) to the system (Burke, 2002). In another comparison to the biological sciences, Burke employs Stephen Jay Goulds theory that change does not simply occur in a steady gradual way but rather by a punctuated equilibrium: a steady state for a period of time, then a sudden (punctuated) change, followed by equilibrium again (Burke, 2002, p. 64). Revolutionary changes are considered to be when deeply established structures are fundamentally transformed and as a result the organizations identity is altered (Galaskiewicz & Bielefeld, 1998). A change in organizational mission could be seen as a revolutionary change, where a change in mission affects all other levels of an organizations function (Burke, 2002). Adoption of new innovations, changes in effectiveness programs and organizational structure can also illustrate elements of this change mode (Galaskiewicz & Bielefeld, 1998). Finally, it is noted that situations of crisis or contingency can be catalysts of revolutionary change (Wurck, 2000). Evolutionary Change Generally speaking, most organizational changes occur as the organization slowly adapts and maintains itself. Most organizational change consists of improvements;

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21 incremental steps to fix a problem or change a part of the larger system (Burke, 2002). The evolutionary model can be used to focus on processes of variation, selection and retention among numerous organizational entities (Van de Ven & Poole, 1995, p. 518). Evolutionary change can be likened to that of Scheins early descriptions of an adaptive coping cycle (Schein, 1980). While describing elements of effective organizational health, Schein (1980) describes a process of adaptation, reflecting again on the dynamic character of organizations themselves. The adaptive coping cycle is said to have five stages, however, the stages may in fact occur simultaneously. 1. Sensing a change in some part of the internal or external environment. 2. Importing the relevant information about the change into those parts of the organization that can act upon it, and digesting the implications of that information. 3. Changing production or conversion processes inside the organization according to the information obtained while reducing or managing undesired side effects in related systems, and stabilizing the change. 4. Exporting new products, services, and so on, which are more in line with the originally perceived changes in the environment. 5. Obtaining feedback on the success of the change though further sensing of the state of the external environment and the degree of integration of the internal environment. (p. 233-234) The adaptive coping cycle as proposed by Schein to a large degree summarizes the process of organizational change. Inherit in the considerations of the cycle are of course entire areas of independent research, among them: leadership roles of management (Ettorre, 1996), the role of the change agent (Rogers, 1995), and the role of effective communications (Axley, 2000). Resistance to Change Why do people and/or organizations resist change? Most studies point to the adoption of a new perspective, innovation, structure, or other organizational changes as

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22 elements, which create uncertainty. In a description of the difficulties in the field of planned change and diffusion of innovations, Everett Rogers (1995) states: The more radical the innovation, indexed by the amount of knowledge that organization members must acquire in order to adopt, the more uncertainty it creates and the more difficult its implementation (p. 397). Rogers goes on to reiterate Donald Gerwins identification of three different types of uncertainty that lead organizational members out of there comfort zones: technical uncertainties, financial uncertainties, and social uncertainties (Rogers, 1995). Schein relates organizational behavior processes at work in organizations when he referred to the management of change: Human systems tend toward trying to maintain a stable equilibrium. If change is to occur, some new forces must upset the equilibrium; recognizing and managing these forces creates the motivation to change. Any change, then, begins with some disconfirmation (Schein, 1999, p. 117). Reasons for employee resistance to change are sometimes obvious yet, as Kegan and Lahey (2002) highlighted, it is often difficult and even maddening to attempt to understand an employees inability to implement change. Kegan and Lahey who work as organizational psychologists point to an employees competing commitments as potential inhibitors to change. They explained that individuals hold competing images of themselves in relation to their organization and often opportunities for change, even when seemingly beneficial, forces an unconscious identity dilemma for the individual (see Kegan & Lahey, 2002, p. 37-58). Organizational members can also see change as having significant cost. Though seemingly a pinnacle business decision maker, the impact of cost versus benefit analysis does not necessarily motivate change when managers and employees alike resist

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23 acknowledging the need (see Wruck, 2000). Schein attributed significant organizational change resistance as imbedded in aspects of organizational culture, and that adopting a new behavior, attitude, value, etc., involves unlearning old ways of doing or perceiving things and learning something new. He called this potential reflection of resistance as learning anxiety. Learning anxiety according to Schein (1999) is a combination of fears. The fear that ones lack of understanding the new skill or understanding will render them temporarily incompetent, the fear that the adoption of new attitudes or values will create a loss of identity or their role in the organization, the fear that internal social structures will cause ostracism as one deviates from previous roles or beliefs, and finally the fear that the learning process will be too long or difficult than deemed acceptable by the organization (Schein, 1999). On the other side, looking at external relationships, in a study about the National Film and Sound Archive (NFSA) in Australia, Ray Edmondson (2002) noted that the organizations attempt to change their name mattered deeply to the organizations stakeholders. He notes that the organizations donors identification with the organization and their support to the organization gives them a perceived moral ownership of the institution and what it stands for (p. 41). Thus, when the NFSA attempted to rename the organization the stakeholders strongly resisted and felt the social uncertainties of no longer knowing where they stood in relation to the organization (Edmondson, 2002). Nonprofit organizations can well find themselves in these theoretical domains of organizational change constructs. The nonprofit status of an organization does not preclude it from the environmental and social elements, which advance change processes. To a large degree, nonprofit organizations maintain a myriad of complexities due to their

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24 more delicate placement within the niche areas of nonprofit work, their vulnerability to public scrutiny and their internal cultural constructs. Communication and Organizational Change Communication theory can be used to explain the production of social structures, psychological states, member categories, knowledge, and so forth rather than being conceptualized as simply one phenomenon among these others in organizations (Hawes, 1974, p. 5). The communication lens then, might be seen as the underlying element in the construction of organizational ontology. It has been suggested that due to the increasingly blurring lines between internal and external communications current theories in organizational literature are in need of reinterpretation (Gioia & Thomas, 1996; Hatch & Shultz, 1997; Cheney & Christensen, 2001). Todays organizations are involved in much more complex communications activities. Internal groups now comprise part of the general audience that the organization wishes to addressexternally directed messages, accordingly become an integral part of the organizations operating discourse (Cheney & Christensen, 2001, p. 232). The convergence of internal and external communications has stimulated much of the literature regarding organizational identity, culture and image (Cheney & Christensen, 2001; Hatch & Shultz, 1997). However, it is generally during the process of change that these elements become a focal concern. In the discourse of organizational change processes, the boundaries between internal and external communication emerge as interrelated (Cheney & Christensen, 2001). Though managers generally cannot control the myriad of influences that instigate the need for change within an organization, many researchers have noted that strong communications can alleviate some of the insecurities and complexities associated with

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25 change. Many of the most important such steps we can take in our organizations center around the interface between change and the people whose organizational lives will be different as a result of change (Axley, 2000, p. 19). An organizations communication strategy throughout the process generally reflects the organizational structure and communication culture, where formal communications (i.e., management correspondence) may progress or hinder the process and how internal informal communications (i.e., social networks, coffee break conversations) affect the effectiveness of formal communication. Incorporating Communication in Identity and Image Formation In recognition of these boundary crossing constituents, organizations begin to focus on the need to project a holistic sense of self as an organization. Cheney and Christensen (2001) note the . surprising extent to which the question of what the organization is or stands for or wants to be cuts across and unifies many different goals and concerns. In the corporate world, identity-related concerns have, in other words, become organizational preoccupations, even when organizations are ostensibly talking about something else. (p. 232) Communication plays a significant role in an organizations determination of a sense of self. Questions of organizational identity, image, and culture are all interpreted though direct and indirect; formal and informal communications and play a critical part in building organizational values which may influence organizational decision making. The interplay of these organizational constructs has become the subject of a flurry of current theory discourse across the fields of marketing and organizational studies (Alvesson, 1990; Hatch & Shultz, 1997; Gioia, Shultz & Corley, 2000; Ravasi & Rekom 2003). Interestingly enough, elements of identity, image and culture have been both credited as instrumental in an organizations ability to weather the uncertainty of change

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26 (Dutton & Durekrich, 1991) and noted as an aspect, which constrains an organization from adapting to change (Bouchikhi & Kimberly, 2003). Yet, recent interest has, if anything, promoted significant dialogue regarding currently held notions of organizational identity, organizational image and organizational culture and their influence in organizations themselves (see Whetton & Godfrey, 1998). Hatch and Shultz (1997) argue, the categories of internal and external relations are collapsing together in organizational practice (p. 356). The result is a growing need to combine knowledge from the disciplines of marketing, public relations, communications and organizational studies. CARE and other nonprofit organizations, not unlike the private sector, have responsibilities to several distinct groups: the beneficiaries (those who receive the services of the organization), the donors (those who fund the work of the organizationcould be individuals, public associations and private corporations, among others), and the staff (those who perform the work and generally have a larger emotional investment) (Humphries, 1999). In recognition of these varied constituents, the terms identity, image and culture take on further complexities as each group internalizes the organizational function from a different perspective. Identity, image and culture are based in individual narratives, linking the motivations behind organizational identity to some combination of geographical space, nationality, core business, product or technology niche or expertise, organizational design, gender, values, strategy, or knowledge base among others (Bouchikhi & Kimberly, 2003). For example, Polaroids identity has been intimately tied to its core competence in instant film, by contrast, Hershey Foods identity is closely linked to its geographic location; and the identity of the Public Broadcasting Service

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27 (PBS) is anchored in its commitment to commercial-free, quality programming for mature audiences (Bouchikhi & Kimberly, 2003). CARE International, when assessing their organizational position in the global market, faced issues of identity on all levels from assessing its values as an organization, to individual members perspectives of association with a changing vision and mission and finally to the meanings of the organizations projected images. The remainder of this chapter reviews the current conceptualizations and meanings behind the terms identity, image, and culture when related to organizational life. An examination of the terminology and the social, even psychological constructs related to organizations and their members, provides a foundation for discussion of their implications and interrelations when an organization attempts change. Organizational Identity The idea of organizational identity has been recognized as a critical construct to understanding organizational behavior both on an internal level in relation to organizational cultural issues, as well as having significant impact on the management of external issues and mission related concerns (Gioia & Thomas, 1996; Ravasi & Rekom, 2003). Who are weas an organization? The question proposed by Albert and Whetten (1985) has developed beyond what was once perceived to be exclusively a management decision (Hatch & Shultz, 1997) to a multilevel notion (Gioia, Schultz & Corely, 2000) providing insights to organizational, cooperative and individual behavior (Dukerich, Golden & Shortell, 2002). As problematic as it might be for theorists and researchers to identify a collective organizational identity, and as much as the notion might be little more than a comprehensive construction by upper-echelon executives, by a relatively small subset of organization members, and/or by observing theorists and researchers, the notion is nevertheless metaphorically and analytically revealing. Certainly, we can

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28 observe that organizational leaders frequently invoke a collective identity as a means of imputing or maintaining the sense of organizational coherence and cooperativeness. (Gioia, 1998, p. 20) While theorists continue to dialogue and debate about definitions or structural orientations toward the conceptualization of organizational identity, the general point of departure for organizational identity discourse has been built upon Albert and Whettens (1985) summary of organizational identitys essential features: What is taken by the members of an organization to be central to the organizations work. What makes an organization distinctive (in the members perception) to other organizations. What members perceive to be the enduring or continuing feature linking the present and the past (and presumably the future) of the organization. Albert and Whittens description projected an internally perceived lens on the issue of identity, by focusing on the interpretations of the organizational members. From this view, organizational identity is broadly described to be what the members perceive, feel and think about their organizations (Hatch & Schultz, 1997, p. 357). Organizational researchers have sought to expose organizational identity through various studies of both the profit and nonprofit sectors. Dukerich, Golden & Shortell (2002) explored Albert and Whittens proposed features of organizational identity in an extensive survey of medical professionals perceived identification with the health care industry. The study related the presence of cooperative behavior with the attractiveness of perceived identity and construed external image. Gioia and Thomas (1996) studied university executives and identity in relation to academia and its conflicting constituents specifically during times of change. This study related that top management members in

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29 the university employed perceptions of identity and image in the sensemaking process, the navigation of change, and in the interpretation of issues. Also, Dutton and Dukerich (1991) reflected on organizational identity constructions in their case study of the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey. Their research focused on the Port Authoritys issue management and how external issues evoked emotional responses by members of the organization with regard to their internal interpretations of identity. Although we did not originally intend to make the organizations identity so central to the explanation of how the organization adopted to the issue, individuals senses of the organizations identity and image were metathemes that emerged from our data analysis (Dutton & Dukerich, 1991, p. 525). Throughout these studies there is an underlying characteristic of identity that relates to an organizations values as a commonly shared feature in issue interpretation and decision making (Hatch & Schultz, 1999). Dutton and Dukerich (1991) noted that identity molds how an organization might interpret and/or act on an issue. Members monitor and evaluate the organizations actions because others outside the organization use these actions to make character judgments about it (p. 520). Conceptualizations of organizational identity give organizations an anchor to keep them steady during the process of change. Identity sets the boundaries on how much an organization can change and still remain the same in the eyes of its key constituents (Bouchikhi & Kimberly, 2003 p. 21). Similarly, as noted by Rindova, Identity may be some sort of a truce: up to a point, the organization will be willing and able to go along with change; beyond this point, change might become catastrophic. Such a threshold point may demarcate the

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30 central elements of an organization and its modus operandi (at least as they are perceived by its members) (Rindova, 1998, p. 38). Many researchers through studies of organizations facing transition, now question part of Albert and Whittens early definition of organizational identity features where they denote organizational identity as being enduring. It has been expressed that in the rapidly changing business environment organizations are finding it necessary to exercise changes in their identity (Alvesson, 1990; Dukerich, Gioia & Thomas, 1996; Dukerich, Golden & Shortell, 2002). It is worth mention that the issue of an organizations reputation is closely linked to that of organizational identity, but they are not the same thing. The construct of identity, as previously described, reflects how the organization defines itself and how members perceive outsiders view the organization. Reputation is the view of all the organizations stakeholders of the organization, not the perceived notion. Knowledge of an organizations reputation, or that of the management, or of the CEO, may influence the security of an organizations identity and thus affect the resources it can accrue and the ability to recruit new members (Klein, 1999). Organizational Identification Cheney and Christensen (2001) note that contemporary organizations, functioning in a world of rapid changes seek identification and belongingness among its members (p. 247). Several researchers have addressed the linkages between organizational identity and an individual members identification with the organization. Dutton, Dukerich, and Harquail (1994) propose that organizational members incorporate characteristics of the organization into their self-concepts. The construction of self-concepts is derived from an individuals membership in different social groups. Similar to the description of

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31 competing commitments, an individuals self-construct evolves from participation in various roles and groups (Kegan & Lahey, 2002, Dutton, Dukerich & Harquail, 1994). Pratt (1998) attempted to summarize organizational identification when he stated: . organizational identification is the process whereby an individuals beliefs about an organization become self-referential or self-defining. The act of becoming identified seems to involve either (a) evoking ones self-concept in the recognition that one shares similar values with an organization (affinity), or (b) changing ones self-concept so that ones values and beliefs become more similar to the organizations (emulation). (p. 175) When assessing an organization in the process of change, the compliance and commitment of internal groups are pivotal in the success of the organizations adoption of change (Axley, 2000). Thus, understanding of employee identification may provide insight into their championing or resisting organizational change. As Dutton and Dukerich found in their study of the New York and New Jersey Port authority: The relationship between individuals senses of their organizational identity and image and their own sense of who they are and what they stand for suggests a very personal connection between organizational action and individual motivation. It suggests that individuals have a stake in directing organizational action in ways that are consistent with that they believe is the essence of their organization. (Dutton & Dukerich, 1991, p. 550) Organizations, like individuals, decide who they are by employing some classification scheme and then locating themselves within that scheme. As is evident, these dimensional features are directly parallel to those noted for individuals, differing mainly in their collectively shared character (Gioia, 1998, p. 21). Individuals often seek out organizations that are more or less in line with an individuals self-concept and core values (Pratt, 1998). According to Dutton, Dukerich, and Harquail (1994), the collective organizational identity becomes more salient when members believe that organizations actions are inconsistent with it s collective identity (p. 243).

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32 Organizational Image Image as a phenomenal fact, in the sense that the image as a specific idea, instrumentally exploited, becomes salient in a particular social context as a non-trivial part of management and organizational functioning is experienced by local actors to capture something meaningful, and thus is not a historical constant, but rather is contingent upon social, cultural and material factors. (Alvesson, 1990, p. 376) The construction of organizational image has taken different perspectives in the fields of organizational research and those of marketing and public relations. The perception of organizational image is at once an internal identity building mechanism and an external means of organizational display. Alvesson (1990) articulates that the construct of image is sometimes used to refer to the inner picture that someone holds (in this case, the inner picture of the organization) while, at other times it refers to the externally communicated attributes (of the organization). In contrast with marketing literature, organizational literature tends to focus on internal issues related to image (Hatch & Schultz, 1997). As Dutton and Dukerich (1991) explain image describes insiders assessments of what outsiders think (p. 547). Thus, an organizations image is reflective of its reputation, identity, as well as its projected imagery. Research regarding identity and image linkages has led to several constructions of organizational image both from an internal and external point of view (Hatch & Schultz, 1997; Gioia, Schultz & Corley, 2000). Research on organizational identity, identification and the interplay with image constructions may still be in its infancy. Recent developments coming not only from the academic world but from the corporate domain as well suggest a need for clarification of the terminology and its constructs. In the fields of public relations and marketing an organizations image and identity are generally studied in terms of corporate image and corporate identity and place the

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33 emphasis squarely on the projected relationship with the organizations external constituents (Gioia, Schultz & Corley, 2000). The corporate identity, as differentiated from organizational identity, is often viewed as all of the visual representations and projected images emphasized though the design and management of corporate symbols and logos (Gioia, Schultz & Corley, 2000 p. 66). While, in organizational research, image reflects more strongly on members as a result of information processing and communication of core identity constructs (Alvesson, 1990). Further exploration leads to management constructions of future image and organizational desires to reach projected goals of the kind of organization they want to be (Gioia & Thomas, 1996). Hatch & Schultz, (1997) describe the image as being some combination of the two, influenced by orchestrated and deliberated messages from organizational management and everyday interactions between organizational members and external audiences. Projected image communication spans internal and external communication needs of clear image and unambiguous symbolism (Alvesson, 1990), as well as the fluid notion of image as tied to an adaptable organizational identity (Gioia & Thomas, 1996). Alvesson (1990) notes that from the perspective of the employees the degree to which they maintain the projected (external) image of the organization means that the feeling of identity is created through mental structures rather than objective reality (Alvesson, p. 378). Further, organizations in the business of service production, find that corporate identity emerges from a systematic effort to anchor certain images of the corporation in the consciousness of the personnel (Alvesson, 1990, p. 378). Organizational Culture The dynamics of organizational change cannot be fully explored without some understanding of organizational culture. Schein (1996) and other organizational

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34 development scholars have proposed that organizations adapting to or adopting change do so though a process of organizational learning. Research addressing the process of change and organizational learning largely overlook a system of social norms held within organizations that can impede or progress the process. This invisible system of social norms could be referred to as organizational culture. Organizational culture involves all organizational members, originates and develops at all hierarchical levels, and is founded on a broad-based history that is realized in the material aspects (or artifacts) of the organization (e.g. its name, products, buildings, logos and other symbols, including its top managers) (Hatch & Schultz, 1997). Where studies of corporate identity and image might focus on these material aspects and how they express the core values or image of the organization to external constituencies, studies of culture reflect on how these aspects are realized and interpreted by organizational members (Hatch & Schultz, 1997). Communications scholars have taken particular interest in the role of culture in organizational change and communications. The communication perspective acknowledges the symbolic character of ordinary language and the ways in which cultural meanings are co-constructed in everyday conversation, textual evidence of patterns, and also the entire non-verbal semiotic field (Eisenberg & Riley, 2001). An organization facing change is faced with dealing with culture. It is in essence the modus operandi of the organization, in its communication flow, its sense of identity and shared tacit assumptions (Schein, 1996). Organizational culture could be said to have various themes, from viewing culture as a variable, something that the organization possesses as is evident in the functional approach (Martin, 2002), to a foundational

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35 metaphor; something the organization is (Eisenberg & Riley, 2001). Theorists who evade the functionalist approach view culture in its symbolic context (Hatch & Schultz, 1997). The symbolic approach posits that interpretations of organizational identity and formulations of organizational image are grounded in and justified by organizational cultural assumptions (Hatch & Schultz, 1997). In the introduction to her book, Organizational Culture: Mapping the Terrain, Martin notes: When organizations are examined from a cultural viewpoint, attention is drawn to aspects of organizational life that historically have often been ignored or understudied, such as the stories people tell to newcomers to explain how things are done around here, the ways in which offices are arranged and personal items are or are not displayed, jokes people tell, the working atmosphere (hushed and luxurious or dirty and noisy), the relations among people (affectionate in some areas of an office and obviously angry and perhaps competitive in another place) and so on. (Martin, 2002, p. 3) Organizational culture indeed influences the successes and challenges of organizational change. The culture context becomes an important source for understanding organizational change, change resistance, as well as a significant lens to organizational communications and the formation of organizational identities and image. Branding 2 In relation to the previously described constructs of organizational identity, organizational image, and organizational culture, a discussion of branding seems somewhat repetitive and possibly inconsequential. Yet, branding has become the corporate terminology of the day. The intention of this section is to recognize brandings subtle delineation from identity, image and culture. In fact, the most recent discourse 2 The literature on branding and corporate identity align the terms. In the remainder of this document the terms have been used interchangeably

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36 about branding has further minimized the boundaries between these concepts and has created a perspective, which interrelates each of these areas. What is branding? Most frequently a brand is described as being a name (Marconi, 1993), the name of a product, company, or organization. It is true that some of the most recognized and easily identifiable names represent a traditional perspective of a brand as a product (Coca-Cola) or a service (GE). However, marketing, organization, business, and finance literature from the early 1990s to today propose that the name is only the signifier of the brand. The brand itself is much more. This is where the lines between marketing and public relations positioning blur, and the definition of a brand emerges as the embodiment of an organization though its name. A brand could be described as the entire range of emotions experienced when the brand [name or logo] is heard or seen. The symbolic nature (Levy, 1999) of a brand name can come to be interpreted by an image; however, the image must evoke a name to be considered a brand. While the name may resonate, a brand is not simply a name, suggests Knapp (2000), president of BrandStrategy, Inc. Many companies and or organizations have well known names, but it is when a product or service is characterized by some distinctive attribute or unique narrative that it becomes a brand (Knapp, 2000). Thus emerge the three tiers of a brand symbol, name, and association. It is this process of narrative distinction that creates what is currently accepted as representative of a brand. Knowles argues that brands are important for their ability to communicate meaning (Goodchild & Callow, 2001). Mark Rowden in his book The Art of Identity states, Without branding, a face cream is only a cream, indeed a cream of unknown quality (Rowden, 2000, p. 128). Branding transmits an aura of trust, credibility, experience, and

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37 performance or lack thereof. A nonprofit organization seeking funds from donors is as dependent on the perception a donor has of its organizations brand as is any product competing for identity on the supermarket shelves. Referring to corporate identities, Rowden stated: An identity exists within a confusing and emotional market area. It is therefore vital to create and manage an identitys purpose, strength, and effectiveness (Rowden, 2000, p. 8). The concept of branding extends even further, as the exploration of potential brand value dictates that the brands perception in the mind of the consumer or donor is not the only one that counts. The ability to create relationships is what gives a brand power and makes them different from other corporate assets (Knowles, 2001, p. 36). In service-oriented industries as in corporate and nonprofit organizations, the employees help to build the brand. The product itself is intangible, and the brand is created out of the image or experience that the consumer/donor has with the organization. Interbrand has offered some criteria for nonprofit brand valuation. Factors such as level of trust in effective use of donations, personal experience with the cause, level of donor contact, and ease of transaction begin to develop a perspective of the organizations potential brand value (Rusch, 2003). However, the experience of the brand in the nonprofit sector is in the relationships that are maintained though the umbrella of the brand, what the organization does, represents, and creates. In fact, not-for-profit organizations are well-placed to become powerful brands. Be their focus the arts, culture, education, the environment, community services, or research, people working in these organizations are driven by the conviction of their work and the importance of the views they express and generate (Tan, 2003, p. 1).

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38 Current literature aimed at the business/entrepreneurial community focuses on a clear understanding of branding conceptualization. Predominant definitions propose branding as a metaphor for people. People relate to brands exactly as they relate to people (Bibby, 2001, p.1). Joachimsthaler and Aaker (1997), Knapp (2000) and Bedbury (2002), also describe branding in personified terms. Thus, the relationships that a brand maintains become far-reaching. Beyond the logo, name, or tagline, the motivation behind the brand and organizations work is the platform upon which the strength of the brand is built (Tan, 2003). Conclusion The concepts of organizational identity, identification, culture, image and brand maintain relationships to both internal and external audiences. While the literature continues to dialogue about the significance, meanings and even definitions of the terms, considerations of change in any one of these areas have a recognizable affect on the others. In reviewing the interrelationships between them casts increasing doubt on the consideration that identity is a stable enduring notion (Gioia, Schultz & Corley, 2000). Organizations strive to maintain some semblance of recognition and stability within their environments yet changes in identity are constrained within non-specified but nonetheless moderating environmental bounds (Gioia, Schultz & Corley, 2000, p. 73). Through unambiguous communication of organizational images the anxiety of identitythreatening actions can be reduced (Alvesson, 1990). The complexity and intensity of the current market place is certainly driving factors in organizational considerations of identity, identification, culture and brand. To this extent, the organizations branding mentality in fact, could be viewed as reflective of its organizational health in the areas of identity, identification, image, and culture.

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CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY The methodological considerations for this study have foundations in qualitative and ethnographic research. This chapter summarizes and explains the research methodology utilized in this study and the research questions the data collection pursued. The research was conducted in the form of a case study and employed two main methods to gather evidence: participant observation and semi-structured interviews. Case Study Methodology Qualitative research has enjoyed a long relationship and a rich history in the academic disciplines of anthropology and sociology. Within organization scholarship, however, the use of qualitative methods has struggled to find its footing. Only recently has the organizational academic community begun to recognize the interpretive and descriptive benefits offered by the incorporation of qualitative methodologies in various areas of organizational research (Van Maanen, 1979; Yin, 1981; Schein, 1996). Qualitative social research is said to have four main goals: to give voice to the group or community being studied, to interpret historically or culturally significant phenomena, and to advance theoretical ideas (Ragin, 1994). Qualitative methodologies, including case studies, conversation analysis, participant observation, ethnographies, among many others seek to identify symbols and record the patterns of responses that symbols elicit by way of assessing social, cultural and contextual meaning (Van Maanen, 1979). 39

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40 Yin (1981) articulates that the need for case studies emerges when an empirical inquiry examines a contemporary phenomenon, particularly when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident. Case studies offer researchers opportunities to explore social phenomena within its structural setting, attempting to explain the causal links in real-life interventions that are too complex for survey or experimental strategies (Yin, 1981, p. 98). Single-case studies can be viewed as serving knowledge utilization according to three models. The knowledge driven model (basic research that leads to practical applications), the problem driven model (utilization dependant on prior identification of a problem and subsequent specific study), and the interactive model (utilization occurs though continual communication between knowledge producers and knowledge users) (Yin, 1981). Applications of case studies intend to describe, to illustrate and to explore where the intervention being evaluated has no clear set of outcomes. Recently, organizational researchers have incorporated case studies into larger inquiries, but rarely employ it as the main methodology to address the constructs of organizational culture (Schein, 1996), to explore the intricacies of identity and organizational adaptation (Dutton & Dukerich, 1991), and organizational identification (Dutton, Dukerich & Harquail, 1994; Gioia, 1998). Management and business literature also, often refer to case studies as examples of management decision-making and opportunities to review the lessons learned in a variety of organizational situations, such is notable in publications such as Intrabrand Insights and Harvard Business Reviews Case Studies. In the instance of CARE International the case study design allowed for exploration of the nature of change communication within the organization. It employed written,

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41 spoken, and observed documentation of the uses and understanding regarding the corporate identity change within the organization while also assembling information from both internal and external aspects. The case study concept follows anthropologist Clifford Geertzs 1973 proposal of thick description where almost every aspect of daily life throughout the progression of change becomes significant in the understanding and interpretation of human action and response in social situations. This case study then, incorporates two qualitative methodologies as a means of data collection: active, overt, participant-observation and semi-structured, in-depth interviews. The resulting description or ethnographic report on CARE Internationals change communication serves as an evaluative study of decisions and processes as well as an illustrative example for similar organizations pursuing change. Research Questions The research for this study aimed at addressing questions of identity, image and culture in organizational change in the nonprofit setting. The first set of questions concern areas of conceptualization regarding these constructs. What are the characteristics of organizational identity, image and culture that become salient during organizational change? In other words, how does one identify these constructs within organizations and how does their input affect social reactions to change in the organizational setting? How does CARE identify these constructs and how did they emerge if they were not already notable during the change process? The second set of questions relates to the communications lens, particularly internal communications relative to the constructs of organizational and corporate identity, image and culture. How did CARE communicate the change process to its internal publics?

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42 What aspects of change resistance are attributable to the communication of change? How does organizational culture resonate in CAREs organizational communications? The final set of questions focus on the impact and challenges of organizational branding in the nonprofit sector. What factors led CARE to re-identity or re-brand itself? What factors led CARE to approach their identity change in the manner they did? What were the challenges the organization faced in undertaking and implementing this change? What was the impact of the change? Methods Prior to the fieldwork, a review of CARE organizational literature was used, as preliminary data, to orientate the researcher toward the organization, its work, its current strategies, and challenges. Printed materials were reviewed from both the CARE USA Headquarters and the CARE country office in Honduras. These printed materials are viewed as formal communications both internally and externally directed. The materials reviewed included annual reports, brochures, strategic plans, press releases, as well as research presentations provided to CARE by the consultant-advertising agency, McCann Erickson New York. In the first stage of the fieldwork, the researcher acted as a participant in the process of change in CARE International. Initial ethnographic data was collected during the researchers experience working in the CARE offices of Atlanta (May, 2002; July, 2003), and Honduras (May-August, 2002; July-August, 2003). This experience was supplemented by contact with various other country offices including, Egypt, Ecuador, and El Salvador (July, 2002). Extensive field notes consist of these participant observation opportunities, notes and minutes from preliminary meetings, and management meetings regarding communications strategies, particularly for the

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43 Honduras country office. Further observation opportunities were available in the Honduran office everyday functions and interoffice communications. As a follow-up to the fieldwork, the researcher conducted 5 semi-structured, open-ended interviews at the CARE USA Headquarters in Atlanta (February, 2004) with key people, in leadership roles, who were involved in various aspects of CAREs change. These interviews served to elaborate and verify the observed site where participant-observation evidence was gathered. Participant Observation Participant observation is used extensively in the social sciences, particularly in the fields of anthropology and sociology. It is a method, which is generally associated with ethnographic field studies, where a researcher enters a field site to immerse themselves in the social phenomena they wish to study. Participant observation is a special mode of observation in which you are not merely a passive observer. Instead you may assume a variety of roles within a case study situation and may actually participate in the events being studied (Yin, 1981, p. 87). Field observations as a participant can be described as falling into two dimensions: the researcher as an observer or a participant-observer (passive or active) and the researcher observing in the field overtly or covertly. The passive observer attempts to operate as anonymously as possible and integrates minimally so as to not influence the behavior being studied (Lindlof, 1995). Similarly, the covert, field researcher observes and participates without disclosing the fact they are conducting research or the research objective. The active participant-observer, on the other hand, tries to integrate as much as possible and interact with many people within the group or field site. The active participant-observer posits that the integration within the group might lessen the status or

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44 activity differences between the researcher and the group under study (Lindof, 1995). In a similar fashion, the overt positioning of the researcher attempts to foster good relations and openly pursue data collection where the subjects have full knowledge of the research. The participant-observer thus, takes an engaged position (whether active or passive, covert or overt) in the situation or phenomena being studied (Babbie, 1998). The participant observation technique also creates complexities as a research method. While the employ of participant observation offers the researcher the distinctive opportunity to gain access to events or groups that otherwise may be inaccessible to the researcher and to witness the studied phenomena in progress potential bias is produced (Yin, 1994). This position is discussed further in the following section about limitations to this study. It is noted however, that participant observation in many cases, offers an immersion into a studied situation that may result in insights from an insiders point of view, and may be one of the few ways to gain that perspective (Yin, 1994; Schein, 1996). In this case study of CARE International the researcher was given the opportunity (though a grant from the Coca-Cola Foundation, administered though the World Citizenship Program at the University of Florida) to both observe from an external, macro perspective and participate on the micro level of the organizational change implementation. During the three-month period spent in CARE Internationals Honduran country office, the researcher was positioned as an overt participant-observer in the role of change agent (an outsider, charged with facilitating the change within the organization), specifically, guiding the country office though the adoption of CAREs new brand or corporate identity. In the role of change agent, the support of the country director was critical in relating a sense of authority to the organizational members. The

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45 role entailed that the researcher play an adaptive role, first assessing the organizational culture of CARE as an organization and then observing the micro organizational culture of CARE International in Honduras. Further, the researcher relied on developed relationships in the Honduran office as both informants, with insight into the behavior of organizational members, and cultural guides relating to the Central American countrys system of values and acceptance, both of which influenced the change adoption on internal and external levels of the organization. The participant observation data collected was analyzed to identify themes according to the research questions. In the following chapter, the evidence gathered was used to construct chronological groupings of data. Interviews Interviews provide one of the most important sources of information in a case study (Yin, 1994). In opposition to the structured format of survey questions, interviews in qualitative research are generally designed to be more flexible, iterative and continuous than typically found in quantitative studies (Babbie, 1998, p. 290). Qualitative interviews are designed as conversations with a purpose (Lindolf, 1995, p. 163), where the researcher has developed a general direction for the inquiry and pursues information provided by the respondent (Babbie, 1998). Within a sociocultural communications framework the interview offers various benefits as a research tool, Mason describes the process as the following: interviewers frame and ask questions, respondents attempt to understand not only the questions but also their own experiences, respondents attempt to structure coherent answers and researchers interpret the respondents answers, (verbal and nonverbal). (Mason, 2001, pp. 59-60)

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46 Qualitative interviews become particularly useful in a research strategy when conducted with individuals who have access to information that average people do not have or who, because of their positions, can influence others, be receptive to novel ideas, or act as obstacles to change (Poindexter & McCombs, 2000, p. 268). Interview methods can generally be viewed in three forms. The form most commonly employed in qualitative research is the semi-structured, in-depth interview. The semi-structured, in-depth interview allows for the researcher to explore matters of fact and of the respondents opinions (Yin, 1994). A second type of interview is considered a focused interview (structured) where the researcher follows more or less the structure of a set group of questions but allows for fluidity and pursuit of respondents answers for clarification (Yin, 1994; Lindolf, 1995). The third type of interview follows the formal, structured format of a survey. The survey interview would allow for comparison analysis across all respondents, as each question is presented uniformly, and allows for the researcher to observe non-verbal reactions. Individual (or one-on-one) interviews are often used in qualitative research when it is impractical or prohibitively expensive to create a focus group or conduct a group interview of opinion leaders relevant to the researchers study (Poindexter & McCombs, 2000). Individual interviews can be used to corroborate information previously observed or explore opinions held by particular members of the organization being researched (Yin, 1994). The interview, as a qualitative research technique, also exhibits issues of complexity when assessing the reliable and reproducible value of the method. Further explored in the limitations section, interviews can reveal biases on the part of the

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47 researcher (Yin, 1994). Yin explains that interviews are verbal reports and as such are subject to common problems of bias, poor recall, and poor or inaccurate articulation (Yin, 1994, p. 85). Thus, the most effective use of interview methodologies is in conjunction with other techniques and information from other sources (Yin, 1994). Employing interview techniques into qualitative research studies serves to help triangulate other qualitative methods and, similarly to participant observation, is rarely used exclusively. Together, though, the techniques offer a description of organizational life generally not attainable though quantitative methods alone. In this case study, the researcher utilized purposive conversations with organizational members in the field, and semi-structured, in-depth interviews with CARE International organizational members. The interview participants were identified as being influential in designing and/or disseminating the organizations identity and corporate image change. The majority of these interviews took place at the CARE USA headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia in February 2004. The remainder of the interviews were conducted via telephone due to scheduling complications. Each interview in Atlanta was conducted in the individuals office and followed a generalized structure aimed at addressing issues of change resistance, organizational identity in relation to the brand change, the process of change, the individuals role in the change process or dissemination, the individuals perception of the change process in CARE and the individuals opinions about the new organizational identity. Accordingly, the analysis of this data entailed an assessment of recurrent themes and terminology used in the individuals description of the change process.

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48 The Research Site CARE International USA 1 CARE International is one of the worlds largest PVOs working in international development and aid. CARE is organized as a confederation of 12 member countries 2 The organizations International Secretariat is located in Brussels. Each of the member countries has been designated as a lead member for countries where CARE programming is currently in progress. CARE International has programming presence in 72 countries; CARE International USA is the lead member for 44 of those countries (CARE USA Annual Report, 2003). CARE International USA has its headquarters in downtown Atlanta, Georgia. The building is accessible and maintains high security levels to its offices. Globally, CARE employees number approximately 12,000. CARE International USA is guided by a board of directors, consisting of various influential people from foundations, universities and private corporations. An executive team consisting of a chief of staff, president and executive officer, and four senior vice presidents administer the organization. CARE International USA receives funding support from charitable contributions, grants, and contracts from governmental and non-governmental entities (CAREs Annual Report 2003). CARE International distributes funds to each of the CARE member countries, further major support comes from the United States government, direct private donations, various United Nations agencies, UNICEF, World Bank, and host country governments. 1 CARE USAs membership in the confederation of CARE International creates the title of CARE International USA. Country offices that are a not members of the confederation but who maintain programming under a lead organization would be, for example, CARE International in Honduras. Often CARE USA or CARE Honduras is used as the abbreviated version. 2 CARE Internationals member countries are: Australia, Austria, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Japan, Netherlands, Norway, Thailand, United Kingdom, and United States.

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49 During the first phase of research, the fieldwork in Honduras was supplemented by and orientation in the Atlanta offices (June 2002). Through this orientation, researcher had the opportunity to meet with various departments in CAREs Atlanta offices including program directors in areas of disaster relief, education, and HIV AIDS, as well as fundraising and marketing. The orientation, organized by CARE, served as an introduction to CARE as an organization, its work, and its current marketing and communication strategies. Later, in February 2004, the researcher initiated interviews to address the specific area of inquiry for this study. The individuals chosen for interviewing were selected for their positions in the CARE organizational structure and due to their positions, the assumed leadership roles they maintained throughout the change process. Several of the respondents were in the employ of CARE before the changes were implemented and others joined CARE after the process was already underway. Several of the more recent management staff came to CARE from significant marketing positions with large private corporations such as Coca Cola and Pepsi, allowing for insightful commentary regarding the differences in marketing the profit versus the nonprofit sectors. The departments of included were CARE International USAs Marketing Department, External Relations, Human Resources, and Strategic Planning and Analysis. These interviews offered a more macro-view inquiry of the organizational culture and positioning, the respondents were able to offer insights in to CAREs organizational structure on the international level, the motivations for change and various upper management perspectives of the change implementation.

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50 CARE International in Honduras CARE International began working in Honduras in 1943, under the leadership of the lead member office CARE International USA. They maintain two main offices, one in each of the two largest Honduran cities, San Pedro Sula and, the main office in the nations capital, Tegucigalpa, as well as several smaller field offices. CARE International in Honduras employs approximately 200 people including its administration, operational and field staffs. Some eighty-five people work as field coordinators while extension agents number approximately one hundred. CARE Honduras is led by one country director and maintains communication and coordination with several regional directors and/or coordinators. CARE Honduras receives funding from a variety of sources, many of which are secured though the support of CARE International USA, which distributes funds to the country offices it leads. Other sources of funding come though grant writing to such agencies as USAID, various foundations and various foreign development agencies (including the Office of Food Security of the European Commission, and the Canadian Agency for International Development). Still other means of assistance come from collaboration with Honduran government agencies in the form of access, matching funds, or program specific support. At the time of the research, CARE Honduras was implementing eleven projects and/or programs. Programming represented areas of rural healthcare, education, small business creation, commercialization and financing, forest management, education, coffee export, and potable water. Most projects were based in the field sites and managed out of the main office in Tegucigalpa. Project managers alternated time in the field and time in the office. Each project was responsible for the individual programs budget and was accountable to both the country director and the donors.

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51 The Tegucigalpa and San Pedro offices also maintained a high level of security (walls around the buildings and guards 24 hours at the gates). The main office in Tegucigalpa was a building of four floors. A general secretary answered the phone and greeted visitors. The site of CARE International in Honduras was an ideal location to observe the implementation of CAREs global branding strategy. At the time of the research, the country office was in the midst of dealing with substantial financial cutbacks, the implementation of a regional collaborative strategy with the other Central American offices, as well as an exercise in finalizing the country offices five-year strategic plan. The researchers opportunity for involvement in the country office included a weeklong tour of programming in remote areas of the country, as well as programming that took place in small towns near the main office in Tegucigalpa. Initially, the researcher simply observed and was orientated to the work of CARE and the programming it facilitates. After several weeks the researcher then took on the role of change agent. Empowered with the support of the country director the researcher was given the responsibility to socialize the new logo to the staff of CARE International in Honduras and also to organize and lead a team to launch the new CARE image to the external constituents. Throughout the fieldwork timeframe, the researcher was invited to participate and observe in various management level workshops and meetings as well as conduct several informational meetings to begin the process of dissemination. The team, created by the director to help accomplish both the internal and external communication of the change, consisted of organizational members from various departments and positions within CARE International in Honduras. Several of the members had organized events for the

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52 organization in the past however, none had academic marketing experience. The team included individuals who held positions in areas such as computer analysis, programming coordination, secretarial duties and account management. This assignment came in addition to their daily responsibilities. Limitations The qualitative data presented in this study were gathered from the collaboration of CARE International. The findings are a result of the researchers overt, active participant observation experience in CARE Honduras and interviews with upper management in CARE International USA. As a result, the information lends itself to a bias with regard to the researchers participation within the organization. The decision to employ qualitative methods for this research was made in full recognition of the subjective position of the researcher as a change agent, the observations are thus filtered thorough the researchers interpretations. One limitation of the case study approach is the orientation toward identifying the presence or absence of factors, rather than evaluating the importance of those factors. This same limitation can also be viewed as an advantage where the selected organizational setting can be studied precisely because the researcher is interested in the social phenomenon that is believed to be present (Vaughan, 1992). The researcher, during this study, held a role of change agent within CARE Internationals country office of Honduras and was instrumental in the decisions made with regard to communications of the change process. The experience was much like that of a consultant where the researcher was able to observe from the position of an outsider and make notations regarding the organizational issues which surfaced during the process, yet the role of change agent, supported by the country director, may have created

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53 an environment where the researcher was not privy to some employee reactions. Also the simple presence of the researcher may have affected overt actions or reactions on the part of the groups observed. Yet, the opportunity to help initiate the change offered unparalleled access to the organization its behavior throughout the change process. With regard to the interviews, the study may have proved to be a more generalizable study if many levels of employees were included. Upper management perspective, albeit from various departments, reflect the formal organizational perspective of how change communications took place (or were intended to take place). The inclusion of a more varied interview sample among the many levels of the organizations headquarters could have provided generalizable information on an organization-wide level. The combination of methods deflects, in some respects, the limitations of each method individually, yet the findings of this case study cannot be generalized fully to other organizations. The descriptions and findings in this case study do, however, offer other development and nonprofit agencies some areas of consideration when their organizations are faced with or attempts change, specifically when that change addresses organizational identity and/or image.

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CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS The data for the present study were gathered over a period of two years (Summer 2002-2004). The findings are presented according to the various stages of the data collection. This chapter consists of three sections. First, a description of the preliminary data findings based on research from external and internal CARE documentation. This section provides the foundational conceptions of CAREs exploration of the identity and branding change. Second, the explanation and description of the researchers role as participant-observer as well as a change agent in CARE Honduras, and third, descriptive examples of interview data performed as follow-up to the field research. Overview of CARE Internationals Branding Change CARE International originally addressed the organizations placement in the market as a fundraising issue. As the organization began to explore its difficulties in the marketplace, it became more and more relevant to access marketing and communication knowledge in order to assess CAREs identity and image. McCann Erickson played a large part in educating CARE representatives with regard to the organizations positioning and brand. The identity and branding change was the result of a long internal assessment of where the organization was and where it wanted to be. The New Brandmark The original design of the CARE logo was navy blue with the acronym in stenciled capital letters. It was designed to resemble the stamp that identified the CARE packages sent to Europe in the late 1940s. Later, the image was updated by changing the color to 54

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55 dark green, attempting to project a more environmental balance. In 1999-2000 the brandmark 1 was completely revamped (See appendix A). It was determined that the CARE acronym in lower case letters projected a warmer, more inviting feeling, as did the change to a warm color palette. The cold green color was replaced with two warm colors, yellowish/gold and orange. The brandmark design is comprised of a circle of individual painted handprints (as might be seen in a childs art project), alternating the two warm tones of orange and yellow. The illustration was termed community of hands further reflecting the organizations repositioning as a partner in the fight against poverty. A particularly well-received description, in Latin America, of the conceptual change in the brand was articulated in a marketing phrase (translated from Spanish) Before we put our stamp on things, now we unite our hands to reach sustainable solutions in the fight against poverty. In addition to a change in the logo design CARE also addressed the tagline or slogan, which was designed to complement the logo itself. The slogan that accompanied the old logo was: Where Theres CARE Theres Hope. Along with the new colors and logo, a new tagline was introduced: Where the End of Poverty Begins. The slogan was not translated into other languages by the corporate headquarters given its belief that the individual country offices would better be able to use local language and/or dialects to interpret and translate the slogan most appropriately for the particular audiences in a given country. CARE International did not have a formal approval procedure for country office attempts to translate slogan. 1 Within CARE International the Brandmark is referent to the organizations logo. The terms are used interchangeably throughout the remainder of this document.

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56 Preliminary Data: Summary of CAREs Internal and External Materials If one were to ask a representative of CARE International for information regarding the organization, the inquiry would most frequently be met by an inundation of organizational literature. CAREs global focus on the root causes of poverty elicits a perceived need, on the part of the organizational members, to provide extensive information about the complexities of poverty on a global level. CARE is an organization centered around its programming. Its strategic longand short-term planning, its fundraising efforts, its internal employee improvement programs, and other organizational actions all reflect the emphasis on the intellectual side of the issues. Consistent with CAREs vision and mission of serving the individuals and communities of the poorest regions of the world, CARE International has embraced the wider international development communitys 1996 goal of working to reduce the number of people living in extreme poverty by half by the year 2015. As an overarching goal, CARE aligns itself with other international organizations with the belief that in working together they can overcome the affects of poverty. To this end, CARE acknowledged three strategic directions to guide their activities. 1) Adopt rights-based approaches to achieve greater impact on poverty and social justice, 2) build a diverse constituency dedicated to ending poverty, and 3) increase resources to end poverty. The external symbolism representing the pursuit of these changes was embodied in the new, unified CARE vision and mission, the logo, and tagline. Implementation of the branding strategy included the creation of a brand standards manual. The manual provided examples of acceptable usage of the brand and the tagline for various implementations. Each country office received a hard copy of the standards manual, and a compact disk with the logo in various file formats. Further, country directors and some

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57 country office management staff were socialized to the logo change and briefed on the implementation schedule by staff from the Atlanta headquarters. Implementation in country offices was decidedly left up to the country directors as to the most appropriate means dependant on the particular countrys cultural and physical constraints. The schedule requested that the county offices first employ the use of both the old and the new logos side by side, to accustom constituents to the new look. All the country offices were asked to have full implementation of the new logo by September 2002. Participant Observation Data The Initial Stages In summer 2002, the researcher arrived to the country office of CARE International in Honduras with the understood agenda of facilitating the external launch event, which would introduce the new logo to the external audiences. Meetings with the country office director emphasized the need to create an event that would be more engaging than the organizations typical approach of a formal dinner with speakers. The country director arranged for a small team of organizational members, who aside from their daily responsibilities, were assigned to assist the researcher in developing and implementing the launch event. It quickly came to the researchers attention that the country office had not yet disseminated information about the corporate identity change to the members of the country office staff, that is, the adoption of the new logo and tagline. The team of members ostensibly named the Comisin Lanzimento del Logo (commission for the logo launch 2 ), insisted that due to the country offices other changes, it was essential to 2 Hence forth in this document this team of members is referred to as the Comisin.

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58 provide more information to the staff. Initially, the researcher, based on information provided by Atlanta, explained to the Comisin members the significance of the logo change and its relationship to the other changes in CARE on a larger scale. The Comisin members had some knowledge that the logo change was eminent and provided suggestions as to the potential issues that might be encountered during the socialization process in the country office. The members of the Comisin soon became champions of the logo change and were instrumental in explaining the process both informally and formally within CARE International in Honduras. In 2001, the eight country offices of CARE International in the Central American and Caribbean region initiated the process of incorporating the global organizations new strategy and brandmark. In Honduras, several levels of management had collaborated to create a long-term, strategic plan. The plan, termed the PELP (Planeacin Estratgica a Largo Plazo), aimed to: Re-conceptualize the mission of CAREs projects and proposals. Reduce the individuals work loads. Improve communications and coordination across the region. Share leadership roles. Redefine functions of the managers and executives toward a more horizontal corporate structure. In line with the overall organizational changes, CARE Honduras and the other Central American and Caribbean offices aligned themselves in order to begin the implementation of these highly conceptual changes. CARE International in Honduras has enjoyed strong relationships with political leaders and long-term recognition within the country, with those who were familiar with

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59 their work. The larger population maintained a generally low awareness of the organization. CAREs work in Honduras has been most notable for its programs in the most poverty-stricken areas, its interventions in intercity sustainable planning, as well as for the significant aid that the organization provided in the aftermath of Hurricane Mitch in 1998. The country office determined that, for the most part, its target publics for the dissemination of their new strategic plan and the new brandmark were several specialized groups. Generally, the beneficiaries of CARE interventions in Honduras did not identify strongly to the brandmark, but rather with the extension agents who worked and often lived in their communities. The beneficiaries, therefore, were not targeted as needing extensive explanation of the change. The publics who were of concern were the employees themselves, as their dedication to the organization was viewed as one of CAREs strongest assets, political figures from local to national and international, as well as current and potential donors (including governmental agencies and private sector businesses), who support local projects. CARE Honduras worked within traditional hierarchical structure which has its origins in CAREs original organizational structure but which is exacerbated by a Central American cultural norm of deference for those in higher organizational positions (high stratification and power distance). Many employees have been working for the organization for more than eight years. Generally, the employees demonstrated a strong dedication and identification with the organization and its mission. This was evident from the frequent overtime hours and the management of heavy workloads the staff carried without the motivation of additional pay. The old slogan of Where Theres CARE

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60 Theres Hope had become part of the vernacular in referring to the organizations work throughout the country, revealing how ingrained this conceptualization was in the minds of most of the CARE Honduras employees. The administration staff had contact with much of the programming staff but knew little about the actual project implementation in the field. For example, the accounting staff was aware of the financial situations of each project, yet few of them had ever traveled to the field or understood the complexities of the work implementation. Further, while program managers often held meetings to address issues with regard to their positions, few program staff had knowledge of programming outside of their areas. For example, staff that worked in the health program knew little about the project for sustainable, potable water in another region of the country. Efforts to expand the knowledge base, particularly of administrative staff were met with difficulties of heavy workloads and limited financial means. The Hondurans staffs feelings of uncertainty regarding the logo change were exacerbated by a myriad of other changes simultaneously affecting the organization. CARE Honduras had, just a year prior, received a new country director (terms of country directors are generally 3 to 5 years). Adaptation to a new country director seems to be fluid within CARE as the position is one that is changed relatively frequently. Further, in mid 2002 the organization was hit with a severe cut in funding. The organizations programming portfolio had gone from 11 million in 2002 to 4.5 million in 2003. This cut resulted from the ending of relief projects initiated after Hurricane Mitch, a general global economic slowdown and the overall humanitarian aid shift to African HIV/AIDs issues and war/terrorist-affected countries in the Middle East. The employees in CARE

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61 Honduras were cautious in their reception to the branding change information given the uncertainty of the organizations situation. They were generally hesitant about the global organizations intentions to restructure and concerned for the potential insecurity of their positions. At the time of the research, CARE Honduras did not have a staff position of public relations, communications or marketing. When the need for materials arose, the project managers themselves or one of the individual project staff would use basic word processing software to create brochures and presentations or an outside publishing agency was outsourced. The country director generally managed public relations for CARE Honduras, along with other management staff and frequently with the assistance of the program executive assistant. However, contact with the media was generally limited. The Socialization Stage CARE Honduras turned initial attention to its staff. The Comisin together with management had to not only explain to the staff about the new brandmark, how to use it, and why the change was being made, but also explain the new more horizontal conceptualization of the Honduran offices organizational structure. Finally, there was also a need to relate to the staff the magnitude of the organizations financial strains and the cutbacks that would have to be made to avoid eliminating positions. The tasks were approached in several small stages. First, a brief internal informational brochure was distributed. The brochure was titled Where we are and where we want to be and it briefly described the finalization of the PELP, facts regarding the offices financial issues, the emphasis the organization holds in providing transparency in the

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62 communication of these changes, and a brief description of the decisions the organization had already taken in order to alleviate some of the issues (see appendix B). Secondly, information was disseminated through several small seminars with the field extension agents, administrative, and support staff. The half-day seminars included time for the director to present the relevant aspects of CAREs history, as it pertained to the current global confusion of the brand, and then for the Commission for the Logo Launch to explain the meaning and the usage standards of the new brandmark. The seminars were informal and allowed time for addressing the staffs questions and concerns. The next step was at the managerial level. Field office managers, project managers, human resources and accounting staff, and other mid-level staff were brought to the main office in Tegucigalpa for a three-day workshop/seminar. This workshop incorporated some team-building activities, inspirational presentations, heated discussion about the current financial situation, and candid descriptions of the expected financial cutbacks. The workshop included time for the Comisin to again explain the logo and tagline changes as well as an opportunity to stress the need for project managers to participate and coordinate in the conceptualization and execution of the external launch event. A separate brochure was created for this workshop emphasizing the introduction of the new CARE. The brochure was titled Did you know that we have changed colors? Initial reaction to the brochure was that of oversimplifying the changes. As mentioned by a participant in the workshop (translated from Spanish by the researcher): This information is incorrect, CARE has changed much more than its color. The workshop also allowed time for small groups to discuss the PELP and comment with the intention

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63 for improving the PELP document. Finally, the presentation of the new logo became the symbolic representation of all these changes that were introduced. Initial descriptions of the planning stages for the external launch event of the new logo were also brought up for discussion. The process allowed for the Honduran office staff to voice their concerns and ask questions. Evidence of conceptual resistance was especially prominent in the discussion of the new CARE tagline Where the End of Poverty Begins replacing that of Where Theres CARE Theres Hope. The Honduran management staff attempted to translate the new tagline into Spanish, as did many of the Latin American country offices. Attempts by the Honduran staff proved so controversial and unproductive that the office decided to eliminate its use on their organizational materials. The country offices affinity for the old tagline, and disappointment with the new one became evident in the members continual use of the previous tagline in communications and presentations. Communications with the CARE country of El Salvador related similar difficulties with the tagline translation. The El Salvador office had deliberated for several months over translation work to find a translation that they agreed would capture the essence of the new tagline. At the time of the research they had not come into agreement. While recognition of the inconsistent use of the previous CARE brand was generally accepted, standardization of the new logo was not among the staffs most salient concerns. The most frequent concern expressed by the staff was the question of why. Why, when our office is experiencing such severe financial cutbacks are we concerning even focusing on the change in the organizations corporate image? Why are

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64 we enduring the added financial strain of rebranding when we have more serious issues to address? The socialization process took place during a period of six weeks. In the cases where extension agents could not attend the meetings in the main office, the researcher or one of the Comisin members traveled to the field. The Brand Implementation in Honduras As mentioned earlier, the first uses of the logo came from CARE International USA, incorporating the old and new logos. Initial implementation in Honduras of the use of the new logo occurred sporadically before the official launch event. Internally, several program/project managers were in need of new business cards and other promotional materials. Each program hosted by CARE Honduras maintains individual budgets. The project/program managers are responsible for the budget dispersement including necessary communication materials. Therefore, before the socialization was complete, program managers were already including the new logo on printed materials and PowerPoint presentations. Technical Issues CARE International USA distributed to each country office a compact disk of the logo digital formats as well as a brand standards manual. The standards manual was provided in English and had not been translated into Spanish. Due to software limitations within the CARE Honduras office (and many of the local printers), the compact disk was inaccessible. The result was that CARE Honduras staff who wished to include the new logo in their materials retrieved the image from the CARE International website. Low technical knowledge of presentation software led to early misuse and/or distortions of the new logo. Keeping in mind that CARE project managers (with technical

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65 expertise in areas of health, agriculture, etc.) created their own materials, often presentations were noted to have incorporated a logo with very low resolution or constrained vertical or horizontal placement resulting in a disfigured image. It was further noted that the same difficulty occurred with the placement of donor logos or field images. Business cards were among the types of materials that were contracted with a local printer. When the first business cards were received it was noted that the new CARE logo had been altered. The printer had redrawn the individual painted hands, which comprised the community of hands imagery, so that each hand was solid and identical. Due to this incident, subsequent presentations to staff related the necessity of standardization. The Comisin began to actively and independently monitor the use of the logo both in the Honduran offices and abroad. One of the Comisin members in a description to the staff said that communication of the community of hands imagery was intended to illustrate the partnership of individuals that work together in CARE. The hands needed to be presented as was depicted in the official logo to emphasize the individuality of those who partner with CARE. Overview of the Logo Launch Event Over the following three months, planning began for an event that would show the best of CARE in its new structure and its new look. The launch event was called Entra y Conoce a CARE Internacional en Honduras (Enter and Get to Know CARE International in Honduras). The event was created as a virtual trip to CARE projects in the field throughout Honduras. Small art-festival-type tents were created, one for each of CARE Hondurass current projects. An informational poster that briefly explained the project, credited the donor, and described the projects duration and the number of beneficiaries was displayed outside each exhibit. Accompanying each tent was also the

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66 project manager and another CARE representative to explain and entertain questions from the guests. Inside the tent, the projects created an interactive atmosphere of what it is like to be in the field. For example, the health projects created a small health center, the education project had several children representatives initiating breif educational games with the guests, and the coffee growers had samples, plants and detailed descriptions of the high-altitude coffee they harvest, market and sell. The event welcomed guests by offering them a passport (a business card holder containing the business cards of the CARE managerial staff with the new logo) and a Visa; a pamphlet that listed each of the projects on display and opportunity to mark the ones that were most interesting to them. The visa had an entry stamp and an exit stamp to give the CARE greeters the occasion to remind the visitors to fill out the back of the visa, check their project of interest, and enter the visas into a raffle to win a real trip to visit the project of their choice in the field. These visas were also intended to update the contact information of the guests for later informational use in fundraising programs and future events. Planning Stages of the Logo Launch Event CARE Honduras was able to secure extra funds from CARE International USA to realize the launch event; other monies came from unrestricted funds in the administrations account. The event budget was approximately US $8,000. Due to the complexities and novelty of the events concept Comisin again undertook a socialization process to familiarize project managers with the idea, urge their participation and motivation. The concept required the participation of almost all of the CARE Honduras staff and almost 100 of them were asked to facilitate the evenings events.

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67 The invitation list, after receiving input from each project manager and passing though approval of each of the management staff, numbered almost 300. Invitations were sent to government officials, both national and local in the communities were CARE Honduras had programming, members of current donor organizations, foreign embassies, news media representatives, and partner NGO organizations working in Honduras. Due to the possibility of the attendance of the president as well as many foreign ambassadors, issues of protocol dominated many preliminary planning meetings. The finalization of the invitation list took significant time and many invitations were hand delivered (the national postal service was unreliable) just two weeks prior to the event. Originally, all of CAREs staff were also included on the invitation list, but due to the expense of bringing all the extension agents and field office staff to the capital and the already long invitation list, it was determined that the focus of the event was intended to introduce CARE Honduras externally. In the creation of the tents, a local artist was hired to facilitate the construction of the contents according to each project managers conceptualization. The researcher, the Comisin and the artist, met individually with each project manager to assist with the creation of the tent contents. Project managers were accustomed to making poster presentations when meeting with donors. Initially, many of the ideas revolved around hanging these posters or photomontages inside of the tent. Great effort was extended to conceptualize interactive or physical representations of the projects in the field. Once the project managers understood the concept, the Comisin was forced to tactfully tone down the ideas that were either prohibitively expensive or impractical.

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68 The information posters, which were situated just outside of each tent, were created from the input of each project manager and existing project literature. The editing process was difficult as the literature existing for each project was extensive. In order to keep a consistent look throughout the event set up, the project explanations had to be edited to the posters size. To facilitate the movement of guests through the virtual trip, general and program staffs were recruited to be guides. This required that all participating staff be knowledgeable of all the country offices current programming. The staff members were included in planning meetings to help orient them to the representations that were created for each project as well as the opportunity to read program literature. Throughout the event CARE employees were recognizable by the CARE logo-bearing t-shirts, which they wore as a uniform. Initial discussion of this idea was met with extreme skepticism on the part of virtually every member of the CARE Honduras staff. It was deemed inappropriate for the staff members to dress in t-shirts at a formal, evening event. Resistance to the idea led to extended discussions in event planning meetings, and general expressions of distain by the staff. The Comisin resorted to the country directors influence to mandate the uniform. Structured, In-depth Interview Data Overview of the CARE Image In interviewing CARE International USA management staff at the organizations headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia, themes emerged in the semiotic descriptions and interpretations of the change process. Respondents were in general agreement about the chronology of the evaluation of CAREs positioning in the global market and the resultant attention to the organizations global brand. The respondents identified several

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69 issues in the evaluation, which led eventually to a brand assessment. First, CARE recognized that its image was dated. Its reputation throughout the United States and most of Europe was stable among those who remembered or could identify with the efforts of the organization after World War II. Younger generations had difficulty identifying with CARE beyond its famous CARE Packages, and even then the packages referred more to something their parents sent them while at summer camp than the war relief effort that gave birth to the term. Second, in many countries where CARE works, the organization was identified with only one or two of its projectsi.e., associations were made with food distribution, agricultural projects or disaster relief. Throughout the globe CARE was not able to maintain a united image as a humanitarian organization that addressed a variety of social and humanitarian issues related to poverty. Respondents related that CAREs recognition of fundraising challenges also resonated in a new direction for the organization of the partner of choice in the fight against global poverty. The theme of partnership reflected a shift in emphasis toward resource mobilization and the new vision and mission projection of development work: in conjunction with the local communities. CAREs focus is also described as a rights based approach, empowering communities to attain their rights to necessities as human beings. As a respondent described, CARE seeks to assist poor communities throughout the developing world [by] address[ing] the underlying or root causes of poverty. This also includes discussions with communities about their interaction with their indigenous government and the various institutions (financial, social, etc.) within their country. Understanding the rights associated with their citizenship enable communities to deepen their engagement with other parts of the society to accomplish the goal of overcoming poverty. (Personal interview, LMichael Green, Director of Planning and Strategic Analysis, External Relations, Feb. 20, 2004)

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70 CARE recognized that part of the image discrepancy resulted from a strict hierarchical structure that existed and that the organization sustained excess expenditures and misinterpretation due to this structure. The traditional organizational model of development work tends to be a top-down hierarchical structure. CARE began to analyze this organizational management style as outdated in an organization that purports to promote facilitating communities to provide for themselves. The result of its multiple personalities and organizational structure was that many program efforts were not receiving sufficient recognition to generate or maintain donor funding and many of the programs could not reach potential beneficiaries, who were unaware of the variety of the organizations program efforts. Overview of CARE International USA Positioning Assessment In 1990, one of the partners of McCann Erickson New York was a member of the board of directors of CARE International USA. It was implied by one of the respondents that someone in the CARE Executive Team must have been thinking along the lines of the organizations marketing needs when this top advertising executive was recruited to participate on the board of directors. The McCann Erickson representative offered its companys services to CARE, pro-bono, to provide the organization with formative market research, to analyze that information, and to suggest a potential communication strategy to address the fundraising issues. Thus, the re-branding exercise (as referred to by various research participants) of CARE International initially began as an attempt to understand CARE International USAs fundraising issues. Before the branding change, CARE had already begun to revaluate its international message and its global structure. Approximately 20 years ago the organization had created the international confederation now known as CARE International or CI. Until

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71 recently, however, each member office maintained an individual vision and mission statement. When McCann Erickson came on board with CARE in late 1998 this lack of unity was among the first aspects addressed. A respondent expressed, McCann Erickson came in and asked: whats your vision and mission, CARE?, cause thats got to be an input in determining what your brand is. And CI said well gosh, weve all got different visions and missions, CARE USA has theres CARE UK has theres. And so there was a halt in the process that says weve got to have a common vision and mission before we can advance the brand. (Personal interview, Adam Hicks, VP of Marketing and Communications, Feb. 18, 2004) The unification of the CARE International member countries brought about the realization that a common vision and mission statement was needed. The formation of this collective vision and mission, according to Eric Dupree-Walker, Coordinator for Strategic Planning and Analysis, in CARE USAs Executive Area, was a key driver in the reassessment of the organizations image and identity as a whole. McCann Ericksons research addressed donor constituents mainly disentangling the perceptions of CARE in relation to other international aid organizations, filtering out the distinguishing aspects of CAREs work, and deciphering CAREs target market. Keeping in mind that the objective of McCann Ericksons research was not necessarily to re-brand the organization, they were addressing a fundraising issue; the branding exercise was an outcome of the research. Prior to the CI unification of vision and mission the confederation, as consistent with CAREs programming focus created global units to address various issues with regard to more successful and extensive programming. CARE International USA, while pursuing its critical fundraising questions, recognized the potential benefit to the CI members and CARE as a whole. CARE International then formed a global task force to guide and assist McCann Erickson in its exploratory research. The task force consisted of

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72 individuals from CARE International member offices and several country offices. The task force also served as a preliminary approval committee in conjunction with the CARE International USA board of directors. McCann Erickson performed a brand inventory aimed at surveying images and perceptions of CARE in relation to other international aid organizations as perceived by current and potential donors. They also held 29 focus groups in the United States, Canada, Germany, Denmark, Australia, and Japan in order to unveil image perceptions, and giving behaviors across donor groups. The results of this research proved to be instrumental in conveying to CARE International USAs management and board of directors the organizations scattered image and the low awareness and multiple images of CAREs work. The research also revealed donor perceptions of CARE as an organization. The report revealed that donors perceived CARE as a large, traditional organization and hence bureaucratic and lumbering, empathetic, but not necessarily effective, and that its humanitarian imagery is mostly confined to the Anglophone markets due to the CARE package image. McCann Ericksons research also focused on defining CAREs target market. The multi-sectoral nature of the organization dictated several target publics. CARE was able to define an overarching target market as what was termed the Skeptical Progressive. The target was described as a younger (35 yrs and older), professional, college educated population. The understanding of this population was that organizational communications had to recognize their intelligence yet appeal to their sense of emotion. Adam Hicks reflected on the determination of the target market in this way: Looking back on our brand exercise I would say that it was a positive stride for CARE. But not sufficient to get us where we need to be. So we need to refine that

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73 Skeptical Progressive target so that people who receive our communications know, just by looking at it they say this is talking to me. Im supposed to advocate, donate; Im supposed to get involved with this organization because, CARE has chose me because they know something about me and about what motivates me. Weve had trouble making that real enough for the skeptical progressive. So I would say our central target that is in our brand architecture is still too broad and we have to do more refinement on it. (Personal interview, Adam Hicks, VP of Marketing and Communications, Feb. 18, 2004) The New CARE Brandmark and Tagline Respondents related various notions and connotations revealed during the assessment of the previous CARE logo. It was noted that the green color and the use of all capital letters portrayed a militaristic feel. For an organization that is generally allowed country access due to its neutral stance and depended on its neutrality as a banner of protection in conflict areas, this observation was salient. In the words of one respondant: In donor focus groups one of the interesting learning's was that the green color and the use of all capital letters in CARE's original logo inferred the following: stenciling on a food crate, affiliation with the military or the government in some way. Realizing that our focus has evolved significantly over the last decade we sought to look for ways to modify our logo to address this inconsistency and make the CARE brand more consistent with the CARE of 2002. (Personal interview, LMichael Green, Director of Planning and Analysis, External Relations, Feb.20, 2004) The previous CARE logo was also perceived to be old and traditional, not projecting warmth or humanity. McCann Ericksons partner company FutureBrands redesign of the logo was not the first attempt to change CAREs look. Approximately eight years ago, the organization changed the logo color from a navy blue to the subsequent green. Yet, no brand standards existed regarding the use and implementation of the logo or CARE imagery. In many cases the original blue logo was still in use. The

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74 result was an inconsistent use of the logo throughout the CARE offices 3 which became a symbolic reflection of the inconsistent perceptions of CAREs work. The new logo was intended to convey that CARE 1) does not work alone, 2) is part of a worldwide movement working to alleviate poverty, 3) is an evolving organization and 4) a redefinition, better understanding of what poverty is. The logo and tagline received a lot of attention from the CARE country offices. Yet, from the management perspective, the logo and tagline were only a symbolic image of the more significant changes within the organization. In the words of one respondent: It was the period at the end of the sentence. (Personal interview, anonymous respondent, Feb. 20, 2004). Comments regarding the logo generally emphasized the concept of branding in terms of brand architecture, as the structure or guideline for the organizations marketing strategy. According to Adam Hicks, CARE as an organization had little knowledge or acceptance of marketing terminology. Using the term and concept of brand architecture alleviated some of the overall hesitancy. The brand architecture was described as the structure of the marketing strategy. In his words: What we still had to overcome, and still do to this day, is the notion that a brand is a logo or a brand is a logo and a tagline whereas a brand is meant to be the guiding force behind all our communications and so when I think of the brand, my mind goes to the architecture, not to the logo or any creative piece. (Personal interview, Adam Hicks, VP of Marketing and Communications, Feb. 18, 2004) The tagline complicated the logo roll out on all levels of the organization. As was noted in Honduras and other Latin American offices much emphasis and time were spent attempting to translate the tagline. It became almost a preoccupation for the country 3 See Appendix C for examples of varying CARE International logo use.

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75 offices. When reflecting on the experience Adam Hicks, commented that if he had it to do over: I would only change it by eliminating the tagline as part of CARE International brand architecture all together. I would let each CI member develop their own because translation becomes so difficult and arriving at something that works in every language is just tougher than you can talk about. In the end what having a tagline did was distracted everyone from the true meaning of the process, which [was] developing a common language and look and feel for CARE. The tagline became, in too many circles, the only thing that people talked about and distracted people from what the real focus of the process was about. (Personal interview, Adam Hicks, VP Marketing, Feb. 18, 2004) Environmental Influences and Themes Although CARE as an organization recognized the signs that change was necessary to bolster their position in the market, the branding exercise was the organizations first attempt to respond to the changes in their environment. Respondents were in general agreement as to what external factors were identified as hindering the organizations fundraising possibilities. Individually, each respondent generally cited the same external factors that have created CAREs fundraising difficulties. It is assumed that McCann Ericksons previous research in this area and the dissemination of that information influenced the general, collective understanding of the organizations position. Foremost in the comments was the reiteration of the level of competition: The recent proliferation of NGOs and other nonprofit agencies working internationally has resulted in a challenge for us to effectively communicate our unique message (Personal interview, LMichael Green, Director of Planning and Analysis, External Relations, Feb. 20, 2004). CAREs mission is complex. The organization does not work with just one niche group or address one single issue. For example, and organization like Save the Children relates its message in its name. A donor may not know exactly what the organization does but at least they know it is something to do with helping children.

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76 CAREs message is more complex. The organization strives to alleviate extreme poverty 4 To do so, connotes involvement in all areas of the community where they work, from addressing individuals needs, education, infrastructure, and access to financial institutions or even local government. The complexity of the message reflects a certain extent of CAREs organizational culture and exacerbates the ability to be heard in an information-saturated marketplace. Other comments regarding the external influences included CAREs shrinking donor pool and low consumer/donor awareness. Since CAREs inception, the organizations main donors have begun to dwindle. Due to CAREs cultural and business model, which emphasizes programming, little attention had been given to attracting new donors. CARE is a very academic organization that focuses heavily on the underlying causes of poverty and how from a development perspective to "do no harm" to the communities we seek to assist. While all donors play a key role in facilitating CARE's work, our efforts [are] to ensure at least 90% of our annual expenditures are available for use overseas, [the] result is CARE having less funding than we'd like to invest [in] private donor acquisition activities. (Personal interview, LMichael Green, Director of Planning and Strategic Analysis, External Relations, Feb. 20, 2004) The programming focus while admirable in the organization resulted in a variety of conceptualizations of the organization itself. According to McCann Ericksons consumer/donor research, CARE was associated directly with the individual projects that CARE implemented in the various places. From the view of marketing, communicating the holistic CARE is complicated by the programming emphasis of the organization. This is not a marketing driven organization, its not a fundraising driven organization, this is a quality of programs driven organization. This is an organization thats all about the quality of its product in the field. Thats a good 4 See appendix D for CAREs vision and mission statements

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77 thing. You want that. But that makes it very difficult for marketers to do their jobs. (Personal interview, Adam Hicks, VP of Marketing and Communications, Feb.18, 2004) Finally, the Director of Planning and Strategic Analysis, in External Relations noted the relatively recent appearance of watchdog organizations 5 aimed at the nonprofit sector, which has exacerbated the information overload for the consuming/donating public. Although there are no official numbers, it is assumed that an ever-increasing computer savvy public is accessing these websites from their homes or offices before making their donation decisions. Key Actions/ Internal Challenges CAREs revision and standardization of the CI vision and mission was the start of its image and identity revaluation. McCann Ericksons subsequent research solidified, in the minds of the management that change was indeed necessary. The formation of the global task force served to give an overall representation of the areas where CARE worked and to address the concerns of the various regions. The market research and the new vision and mission statement led to a redefinition of CAREs business as an international development organization. One respondent noted that the vision and mission statement was widely accepted and easy to identify with, however, the terminology of marketing that followed in the brand evaluation was unfamiliar and unconventional in CAREs prior communications. This was a push back in the process (Personal telephone interview, Eric Dupree-Walker, Coordinator, Strategic Planning and Analysis, Executive Area, Feb. 23, 2004). She pointed out that in 5 Watchdog organizations such as American Institute of Philanthropy (AIP) and Charity Navigator are generally website based offering descriptions of non-profit organizations and their financial accountability, expense to program ratio etc. The service not only increases competition within the nonprofit sector it is also vulnerable to its own lack of resources to fully investigate other nonprofits. In some cases there is a fee for organizations to be certified by the website.

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78 the nonprofit sector marketing terminology is still not widely accepted. Yet, as the process went on, she noted, it was clear that the branding change and marketing emphasis was a roll out to support the revision of the vision and mission (Personal telephone interview, Eric Dupree-Walker, Coordinator, Strategic Planning and Analysis, Executive Area, Feb. 23, 2004). The introduction of the new brand was first made available via a website for CARE global staff to access and provide feedback. The website was made available to all of the CARE global offices through this website. It was estimated that given the multitude of small country satellite offices and field staffs it probably only reached a few thousand of CAREs 12 thousand employees. As I recall there were about 50 to 75 responses. That varied, all over the board. We knew that if youve got 75 pieces of feedback youd get 75 different opinionsWe knew that would exist but what we were looking for was [if] anything that came back would represent first, a preponderance of opinion that we were going in the wrong direction there wasnt. Second, was there any single piece of feedback that represented something that we hadnt thought of or discovered that would represent a reason to kill the direction we were going, in other words someone would say: Oh the symbol of the hands youve got there, Ive seen that symbol of the hands somewhere and it means this in some other language. (Personal interview, Adam Hicks, VP of Marketing and Communications, Feb. 18, 2004) Three respondents noted CAREs particular manner of including the general staff in decisions such as these. One respondent commented that CARE prides itself as being an open-access organization. Where staff has a voice and hence they can take ownership with the insinuation that the organization is inclusive and values their opinions and inputs. At CARE staff feel they have the ability to share their views and perspective in a positive and constructive manner (Personal interview, LMichael Green, Director of Planning and Strategic Analysis, External Relations, Feb 20, 2004).

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79 Eric Dupree-Walker, Coordinator of Planning and Analysis, In CAREs Executive Area commented that possibly CARE would have experienced less resistance, if they had simply mandated the change. Most businesses, she commented dont ask for peoples opinions, but thats not how CARE operates. Within the organization they strive for consensus in decision-making. Adam Hicks, the VP of Marketing and Communications, came to CARE after 12 years with Coca-Cola commented: Coming from the Coca-Cola world, I can tell you, that not in a million years would that kind of feedback be solicited. I have some pretty strong opinions about the NGO world and some of the mistakes that it makes in communicating to staffers, we tend to hold up the virtues of consensus decision making or the virtues of transparency, well, the fact is in holding up those thing as ideals that we strive for we create an expectation that we can never deliver against. You can never be absolutely transparent. (Personal interview, Adam Hicks, VP of Marketing and Communications, Feb. 18, 2004) Further comments to this regard suggest that CARE communication effectiveness, particularly internally, is still being addressed. Management of formal and informal communications, protocols, and internal communication structures are still evolving. One respondent suggested that in his opinion, CARE internal communications still miss the mark as effective and controlled. In summary, CAREs re-branding exercise was an outcome of the organizations attempt to address its fundraising issues. In exploring donor behavior and awareness of CARE the organization reverted to its fundamental identity and image as a potential hindrance to reach their fundraising goals. The process provided CARE with the opportunity to reassess its organizational goals and purpose. The result was a more clearly defined and more specifically stated understanding of the organizations essence; the business of international development and the alleviation of global poverty.

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80 The communication of this reorientation to organizational goals presented challenges not only in physical implementation but also in emotional, cultural constructions of the organizations identity, organizational identification, and image within the minds of the employees as well as external audiences. CARE Honduras exemplified a brief view as to the added complexities of national culture, identity and image constructions in the CARE country offices. The findings presented in this chapter were analyzed according to theme with regard the studies research questions. The following chapter presents interpretations and conclusions based on the combination of the participant observations and interview responses.

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CHAPTER 5 INTERPRETATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS A comprehensive understanding of organizations includes an orientation toward organizational identity and identification and the related concepts of image, reputation and corporate branding. (Ravasi & Rekom, 2003) Introduction This studys literature review and research findings explored the following organizational aspects: 1) how nonprofit organizations exist in a changing marketplace; 2) how organizations change; 3) the ways in which identity, image, and culture affect organizational change; 4) how these aspects of organizational change were evident in CARE Internationals organizational identity change. This chapter attempts to explain how the elements of organizational identity, identification, image, and culture were revealed in CARE International and how the process of change intensified these elements within the organization. This chapter is organized to first revisit the thematic areas of the findings and relate the implications concurrent with theoretical positions. Secondly, this chapter emphasizes the need for addressing these topics and suggestions for further research. Nonprofit organizations, specifically international development organizations, today find themselves in a complex marketplace. The growing number of nonprofit agencies and the influx of profit businesses into the nonprofit realm have created a need for nonprofit organizations to communicate more effectively in order to be recognized in a marketplace where the bottom line may supersede humanitarian missions. While fundraising has always been a part of nonprofit terminology and sustenance, the changes 81

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82 in the general market have led these organizations to expand their conceptions and acceptance of marketing and communication techniques. When organizations of one sector in the economy adopt methods ordinarily associated with another sector, it can be illuminating to pause and examine particular components of that adoption process. So it is with the borrowing of marketing concepts by public and nonprofit institutions (Fine quoted in Belk, 1987, p. 71). Nonprofit organizations today are employing measures akin to the marketing and communications practices of their for-profit neighbors, yet the in order to balance their organizational identities and philanthropic missions nonprofits must approach the process fully informed of the potential levels of acceptance both internally and externally. The CARE International re-branding process encountered many issues throughout its first three-years process. The change brought to the forefront many positive aspects of the organizations identity, structure and organizational culture. Yet, in reviewing the issues, it becomes clear that the organization overlooked several crucial aspects in its initial change conceptualization and implementation. As a fundraising assessment exercise, the deeper organizational constructs of identity, identification and the resulting levels of resistance, became recognizable as the change was put into practice. The case of Honduras exemplifies only a small example of communication and cultural aspects, which may have been exacerbated in countries with more extreme cultural differences than those separating Central America and the United States. It was in the globalizing of the organizations new brand, where aspects of the organizations structure and the country offices perceived autonomy, came into focus. The input of local knowledge was

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83 essential for the localizing of the global brand yet it created conflict for the global standardization of the organizations corporate image and identity. CARE and McCann Ericksons initial brand assessment studies identified three key areas where the organization focused its rebranding efforts: 1) the logo needed to be updated to attract the attention of new generations of donors and invigorate the organizations image; 2) the organization needed to be unified both in mission and in image to project a stable and effective humanitarian organization; 3) the organizational structure was in need of an overhaul with a reorientation towards its goals. These three driving aspects led to the global re-branding of CARE International, justifiable as measures whose time had come. In retrospect, the implementation, communication, and global considerations during the change, particularly in an organization of CAREs size and scope, however, may have been culturally and functionally narrow in focus. Organizational Identity and Identification Although theoretical attention to the organizational constructs of identity and identification has still not reached an operational definitive as to what these constructs actually entail, recognition of the social phenomena of group and individual identity in organizations is indisputable (Ravasi & Rekom, 2003). The present study involved the acknowledgment of several levels of identity in CARE International both on group and individual levels. Identity constructs within CARE became prominent during the process of change where the organization redefined itself thus, imposing a redefinition and reorientation of organizational members and their relationship to the organization. Foundational information disseminated with regard to the vision and mission statement was widely and quickly accepted into the organizations understanding of itself. This could be attributed to the general recognition that the revised and unified vision and

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84 mission statements were seen to be directly and explicitly in-line with the overall members understanding of the organizations identity. In other words the vision and mission simply articulated the organizations goals and perspective toward international development work, which were generally understood, relevant, and in agreement with previously held notions of who CARE International is. On an individual level, international development work as well as other nonprofit, mission based organizations, tend to attract individuals who hold similar values and concerns to that of the organization. CARE Internationals staff can generally be categorized by the genuine identification with the organizational focus on quality programming directed toward finding sustainable solutions to global poverty. Similarly, CAREs current donors and newly targeted skeptical progressive audience largely reflect similar core attributes of the general CARE staff. Again, resistance became apparent on individual and group levels when the change in the CARE marketing/communication approach, the adoption of marketing terminology and the expense of rebranding the organization were perceived as being in conflict with the organizations core values and nonprofit mission. And thus, affected individual constructs of understanding and placement within the organization. Internal educational programs and dissemination efforts aimed to alleviate this uncertainty and allowed for feedback and input (thus inclusion in the processes). These programs were highly successful, particularly on the management levels. Yet, recognition of the intensity of identification through all organizational levels and concentrated effort to reach all organizational staff were less comprehensive. The result was a degree of alienation on the part of country office extension agents, administrative and program staffs, and the

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85 necessity of country directors to themselves recognize and manage the cultural and organizational dynamics that were triggered by the organizational change. Organizational identity and identification in this case study were recognized as a continual and changing process in agreement with several theoretical perspectives (Gioia & Thomas, 1996; Dukerich, Golden & Shortell, 2002). Further, it was recognized as organizational phenomena with potential motivational, functional, and resource building consequences if ignored, and finally, it reinforced the strength of CARE Internationals organizational culture. Organizational Image and Branding The theoretical implications of organizational image in this case study align with current management and business literature concerning corporate branding and the terminology of corporate identity. Organizational image itself has its foundations in the internal perceptions of external organizational understanding and could well be affiliated with the symbolic interpretation of the brand. The present studys focus on the organizational branding of CARE International was the impetus to the recognition of the constructs of organizational identity, identification, and the reactionary resistance to organizational change. In the case of CARE international the symbolic representation of the organization, the brand and the tagline associated, brought to the surface individual and group identification with the organization. The perceived notions of external acceptance and understanding of the new logo and tagline resonated in: 1) reluctance due to the implied expense of re-branding, both regarding the perceptions of external audiences, and the significance for the organizations budget; 2) the affinity for the old logo and the insistence on incorporating

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86 the old tagline; and 3) the preoccupation by the country offices to translate the new tagline meaningfully in to native languages. Organizational image and the brand can be understood as quantifiably separate constructs. However, the interplay of the concepts in the organizational and management literature dictate recognition of the potential effects that one has on another. Organizational image is hence a dynamic organizational element. As noted by Gioia, Shultz & Corely (2000), images themselves do not originate from some basic organizational reality, but rather have been transformed though the pursuit of success in an increasingly volatile and hypercompetitve marketplace (p. 72). CARE International viewed its brand as essentially its image interpretation from external publics. At the management level the new brand conceptualization was rich and theoretically informed. Yet, knowledge transfer of this theoretical model with regard to the highly symbolic identification with the brand was limited. Hence, some of the practical, functional, and technical challenges in CARE Internationals brand change could be attributed to a possible disconnect from the management level to the interpersonal and field levels of the organization. Solberg (2002) noted, One of the most critical issues in global brand management is the trade-off between economies of scale resulting from standardization and the cultural prerequisites of local adaptation (p. 1). Country offices established their own interpretations of the significance behind the brand symbolism and derived individual explanations, particular to their country office experiences to justify the change. Standardization of the brand fell victim, almost immediately, to limited resources, technologies, and understanding in many countries.

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87 Organizational Culture Although the present case study did not focus on organizational culture constructs, recognition of CARE Internationals culture became apparent though various aspects of the organizations process of identity change. It is impossible to say that CARE International has one organizational culture, as every country office maintains individual cultural aspects in communications strategy and office interactions. However, an organizational-wide intellectual emphasis toward quality programming to alleviate poverty and a consensus building approach to organizational decisions could be distinguished as cultural characteristics of the overarching organization. These value orientations are reflective in the organizations communication process. As is apparent in the numerous and lengthy staff meetings as well as the magnitude of program related studies and organizational strategies put to paper. CARE International embarked upon the change in identity consistent with their interpretation of open-access and transparent values. The managements solicitation for feedback at the varying levels and stages of the identity change process align with the organizations approach of member integration. Observations by the researcher however, allude to the interpretation that communication strategies may still be somewhat tied to the hierarchical orientation of the organizations structure. Organizational culture is intrinsically tied to its structure with regard to communication processes. How information and knowledge transpires throughout an organization is largely reflective of the construction of organizational hierarchies. For example, in accordance with Hofstedes cultural relevance studies 1 the Latin American region displayed high power 1 Geert Hoftedes seminal (1980) study of cultural dimensions compared various national cultural perspectives in organizations and management practices.

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88 distance, low uncertainty avoidance and collectivist cultural dimensions (Hofstede, 1980). CARE International in Honduras staff was hesitant to question the organizational motives behind the change or voice concerns over its implementation to the country office management. Likewise, country offices were few in their participation in the feedback process to the headquarters of CARE International USA, which may have been residual effects of the organizations original hierarchical structure (or perceived structure) given that CARE USA spearheaded the change. National conceptualizations of marketing and communication processes also created challenges in information dissemination and standardization in branding implementation across the globe. CARE International in Honduras was a prime example of functional and technical limitations as well as a relevant perspective of organizational culture as tied to national culture. Organizational Change In CARE International Image and identity and culture are noted to be constructs that organization members hold in their minds, thus, individuals actively screen and interpret organizational issues and actions. The consistency or inconsistency of these constructs help to explain when, where and how individuals become motivated to push for or against organizational initiatives (Dutton & Dukerich, 1991, p. 550). CARE International in attempting change on a global level found challenges in their communication strategy. The approach from CARE USA attributed intellectual respect to the country directors in allowing them autonomy in the implementation of the new identity, image, and brand in the country offices. This perspective may be attributable to the organizations structure of autonomy for the country offices in general. Though it is notable that this same approach may have been a strategy, which led to CARE Internationals original problem of inconsistent

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89 brand usage and image perception worldwide. Country offices strived to make the new brand part of their own identity and the global standardization of the brand suffered. Possibly the conflict arose due to organizational structural confusion where prior to this change the country offices were able to make their own decisions based on the national cultures where they were based. Now the new brand was at once being mandated for use within the standards, while at the same time allowing the country offices to interpret appropriate implementation in their countries. Possibly, the limits of the country office autonomy, in relation to the brand, were not clearly communicated. Both the content and the mode of change in CARE International reflect that of the revolutionary change mode. Long before the branding conceptualization, the organizations exploration of identity was embodied by the change in vision and mission. The evolution that followed was implemented in a brief two-year period (a spec of time in organizations life). The restricted resources of the nonprofit, as is most likely the case in similar organizations, obligated CARE International to approach the change with an abbreviated time frame. The ensuing rush to implement the new brand in country offices may have given rise to stronger feelings of resistance as there were limited time and resources to fully educate all levels of staff as to the organizations overarching brand architecture. It is noteworthy to point out the considerable openness of CARE International staff to new ideas and betterment of the organization as a whole. CARE Honduras staff, once fully informed, quickly became champions and even defendants of the new organizational image, identity, and brand 2 This is highly attributable to CAREs 2 For example: The launch event in Honduras was originally titled Entra y Conoce el Mundo de CARE (Enter and Get to Know the CARE World). However, organizational members quickly observed the potential arrogance of the title and the implied exclusion of CAREs many partners and insisted on the change.

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90 communications culture of consensus building. While potentially hindering to the organization, (decisions are discussed at length and are often slow to implement), the approach provides the members with a valuable sense of ownership and value within the organization. Observations of Brand Implementation and Technical Issues CARE Internationals global structure includes smaller country offices many of which were neither technically capable nor design-savy enough to understand and implement the new brand standards and file formats provided on the compact disks (CDs) from the Atlanta Headquarters. The complexity of the new logo design required some graphic design familiarity to successfully reproduce it according to the brand standards and many field and country offices simply did not have the manpower or experience to do so. Most field offices, as in the case of CARE International in Honduras, do not have in house communications, public relations, or graphic design staff. Almost immediately, the unified and standardized new brand was presented in less than optimal ways. To further exacerbate this particular issue of the logo, most small country offices, among them those in Honduras and El Salvador, do not maintain the operational funding necessary to produce high-quality printed materials, purchase fonts or color correct pantones and often lack the orientation and knowledge to know the difference. Remembering, once again, the programming focus of the organization, project managers often created their own materials. Frequently, the logo was faxed or photocopied almost to the point that it was impossible to discern the design of the community of hands or in many cases the logo was digitally stretched or squashed to meet desired positioning in brochures or presentations. Use of the brand in manipulated ways lost the significance of the individualized hands, the symbolism of unity as illustrated by the logo. This may have

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91 been a limitation of the logo design itself, as its reproduction required understanding of its symbolism and technical knowledge of reproduction capabilities. The socialization process in Honduras did not include sufficient technical instruction. While discussions of the brand standards did take place, it was not recognized at the time that further instruction was necessary for the actual use within the various software programs. The quantity of information provided by the brand standards manual, although certainly relevant to any countrys implementation of the new brand was intimidating. The fact that the manual was provided only in English lessened any country offices motivation, where English was not the main language, to read and disseminate the information that it contained. Development of a smaller, illustrated version of the manual could have explained the fundamental aspects of the brand architecture and logo and may have been more accessible to, and more economical to translate, for the field offices. This oversight has structural and cultural connotations, both referent to the disconnection between the management in CARE International USA and country office staff as well as the apparent dominance of English as the prevailing language in CARE International communication. Finally, CARE International in Honduras launch event created an atmosphere in which the organizational members participated and in a sense resembled the new unified CARE International. The members participation seemed to revive the organization with a momentum of renewed interest in communicating who CARE is to the country offices constituents. Due to the participating members workloads, however, marking/communication activity after the event diminished quickly. Consequently, losing a great deal of the potential marketing momentum created form the event itself. CARE

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92 Honduras has recognized some of these issues and most recently; the country office has incorporated an orientation toward the brand architecture into the orientation process for new employees (though it is not currently part of CARE Internationals orientation) and has hired a public relations staff member. Implications and Further Research Through reviewing the case of CARE Internationals process of re-branding and recognizing some of the challenges that were faced in Honduras, obvious future research lies in evaluating the process on a global level. As had been noted by the research participants themselves, great potential lies in the assessment of the internal perceptions regarding the brand change and how the organizations communication strategy was effective or ineffective from employee and external audience perspectives. Comparison studies could also be insightful in this area from the perspective of other NGOs or of corporate brands, which implemented changes on a global scale. Critical perspectives could look at the layers of influence and implications of development marketing and communication practices including branding. Finally, the concept of brand value as associated with the nonprofit sector is an area of needed, measurable research. The use of social networks methods and theories could prove fruitful in further understanding internal communications within organizations. CARE International and other similar nonprofit organizations could greatly benefit from a social networks analysis to better understand issues of power relations within the organization and identification of opinion leaders.

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93 Conclusion Almost three years after CARE Internationals global re-branding it is difficult to measure its overall success. To date there has not yet been an evaluation study of the project nor has there been complete documentation that the organizations new image has been adopted worldwide. As global communications increase and new technologies bring us closer than ever before, the complexities of communicating consistent brand information across cultures and countries increases exponentially. A brief example of this is evident in the CARE offices in El Salvador. Due to extended access to satellite television English-speaking public service announcements (PSAs) for CARE often appear on television programs received by satellite. The CARE office in El Salvador currently struggles with donor interpretations of CARE (pronounced in English) and Ka-rey (CARE pronounced in Spanish with an accent on the a) as two separate organizations. In reviewing CAREs experience during significant and complex change the effect of competent and inclusive communication becomes salient. The image of the organization extends beyond the logo, tagline, and vision and mission statement. As became apparent in this case study, internal and external messages communicated though individual cultural lenses affected the intended success of a standardized identity or image worldwide. As noted by Cheney and Christensen (2001); despite the apparent autonomy of many of the public symbols that come to (re)present the organization, there is much that transpires between organizational members (both powerful decision makers and others) to determine the course of an organizations rhetorical enterprise (p. 246). It becomes essential then, to involve and evaluate perceptions and interpretations of organizational members at every level throughout the process of identity change.

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94 The case study of CARE International is an intriguing one, first for the nonprofit organizations simple recognition of the needs and the level of importance given to the brand on the corporate level. Second, the case reminds similar organizations of the multitude of layers on which a branding strategy functions and the relevance of clear, practical brand architecture. Finally, the CARE re-branding case is exemplary of the tendency of the nonprofit sector to look toward corporate marketing for guidance in maintaining organizational imagery. G. D. Weibes statement in 1952 "Why can't we sell brotherhood like we sell soap? Upon reflection, seems today to be almost nave. In todays competitive marketplace, even brotherhood has to market and communicate itself.

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APPENDIX A CARE INTERNATIONALS CURRENT LOGO WITH TAGLINE 95

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APPENDIX B CARE INTERNATIONAL IN HONDURAS BROCHURE 96

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97

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APPENDIX C EXAMPLES OF CARE INTERNATIONALS PREVIOUS LOGO USAGE 98

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APPENDIX D CARE INTERNATIONALS VISION AND MISSION STATEMENTS CARE International Vision Statement We seek a world of hope, tolerance and social justice, where poverty has been overcome and people live in dignity and security. CARE International will be a global force and a partner of choice within a worldwide movement dedicated to ending poverty. We will be known everywhere for our unshakeable commitment to the dignity of people. CARE International Mission Statement CARE Internationals mission is to serve individuals and families in the poorest communities in the world. Drawing strength from our global diversity, resources and experience, we promote innovative solutions and are advocates for global responsibility. We facilitate lasting change by: Strengthening capacity for self-help; Providing economic opportunity; Delivering relief in emergencies; Influencing policy decisions at all levels; Addressing discrimination in all its forms. Guided by the aspirations of local communities, we pursue our mission with both excellence and compassion because the people whom we serve deserve nothing less. 99

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Faith Amon was born in Freeport, New York, on May 11, 1972 and raised in Orlando, Florida. Her educational background includes living and working on a kibbutz in Israel, intensive photography training in Daytona, studying Spanish in Mrida, Venezuela, apprenticing to a professional goldsmith in Orlando, and creating a visual ethnography in the Yucatan, Mexico. Combining all of these experiences, in 1996, she graduated from Florida International University in Miami with an undergraduate degree in anthropology/sociology. After several years working professionally in commercial photography and graphic design in Orlando, Faith decided to return to academia to pursue a masters degree. At the University of Florida her interests turned from anthropology (though never far) to the incorporation of many of her skills into the communications department. Her experience at the University of Florida has included teaching and presenting in undergraduate classes, working in graphic design for the Universitys News and Public Affairs Department, and, slowly but surely, becoming a GATOR. 106


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ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE COMMUNICATION, IDENTITY, IMAGE, AND
CULTURE: THE CASE OF CARE INTERNATIONAL














By

FAITH SOPHIE AMON


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS INT MASS COMMUNICATION

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2004































Copyright 2004

by

Faith Sophie Amon


































This document is dedicated to William (Randy) Baten who is with me always and
encourages me still.
















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to acknowledge the University of Florida' s World Citizenship

Program, which provided me with the grant from which this study evolved. I would like

to also acknowledge Cooperative Assi stance for Relief Everywhere (CARE)

International; without their generous cooperation this study would not have been

possible. I gratefully acknowledge the kind assistance of Barbara Jackson, the director of

CARE International in Honduras, and the members of the country office staff. My

experience there taught me much more than is found in these pages. CARE International

USA, in Atlanta, graciously opened its doors to me for interviews, endured my presence

wandering the office halls and graciously answered my questions despite their busy

schedules. I would like to especially thank Jody Oldham, who fielded my calls when I

tried to narrow my interview sample, and each of the participants who willingly and

unselfishly gave of their time and knowledge to support my study.

I would like to thank my advisory committee (Dr. Juan Carlos Molleda, Dr.

Marilyn Roberts and Dr. Michael Leslie), whose guidance and support throughout this

proj ect was indispensable. Dr. Juan Carlos Molleda, who served as my chair, guided me

patiently throughout the data collecting and writing stages of this thesis. I thank him for

his time, and his unwavering confidence in me.

I would like to thank the department of publications in the University's Office of

News & Public Affairs (NAPA). As my co-workers and friends I thank everyone at

NAPA for encouraging me and allowing me to adapt my schedule when necessary. The









office and the people in it served as a refuge and an inspiration when I needed it most,

particularly when supplemented with chocolate cake.

I would like to thank Christopher Hardin for his love and encouragement

throughout all of my studies. I also thank my friends who assured, commiserated, and

encouraged always at the perfect moments.

Finally, no graduate student could survive without the unwavering support of her

family. I am grateful to my parents, Linda and Max Amon, for their love and support.

They have given me more than I could ever acknowledge; they taught me to be myself,

and most importantly to believe in who I am.




















TABLE OF CONTENTS


page

ACKNOWLEDGMENT S .............. .................... iv


AB STRAC T ................ .............. ix


CHAPTER


1 ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE COMMUNICATION: THE CASE OF CARE
INTERNATIONAL ................. ...............1.................


Marketing the Nonprofit Sector............... ...............4.
Organizational Identity and Branding .............. ...............6.....
Organizational Communication and Change ................. ............. ......... .......7
Back ground ................. ...............9.......... ......
Theoretical Foundations .............. ...............10....
Structure of Thesis ........._.___..... .___ ...............12....


2 ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE COMMUNICATION............._ .........._ .....14


Introducti on ....__ .................. ...............14.......

Organizations Defined .........._._ ........... ...............14....
Change and Organizations ................. ...............16....... ......
Types of Change ....__ ................. .........._.........1
Revolutionary Change ....__ ................. .......__ .......... 2
Evolutionary Change ................. ...............20....... ......
Resistance to Change .........._.... .. .......... ...............21....
Communication and Organizational Change................ .... .............2
Incorporating Communication in Identity and Image Formation............... ...............25
Organizational Identity .............. ...............27....
Organizational Identification ....__ ................. .......__ .......... 3
Organizational Image............... ...............32.
Organizational Culture............... ...............33
Branding .............. ...............35....
Conclusion ................. ...............38....... ......


3 METHODOLOGY .............. ...............39....


Case Study Methodology............... ..............3












Research Questions............... ...............4
Methods ................ .... ...............42
Participant Observation .............. ...............43....
Interview s .............. ...............45....
The Research Site ................... ...............48..
CARE Intemnational USA ........._._. ....___. ...............48...
CARE Intemnational in Honduras .............. ...............50....
Lim stations ........._... ...... ..... ...............52....


4 FINDINGS ........._... ...... ..... ...............54....


Overview of CARE International's Branding Change ........._... ..... .._._._..........54
The New Brandmark. ........._...... .......... ..... .. .. .._.._.._ ....... .......5
Preliminary Data: Summary of CARE' s Internal and External Materials ........._.......56
Participant Observation Data ............ .....___ ...............57...
The Initial Stages ............ ..... .._ ...............57...
The Socialization Stage .............. .. ...............61...
The Brand Implementation in Honduras .............. ...............64....
Technical Issues............... ........ ..............6
Overview of the Logo Launch Event .........__ ....... ___ ... ....__.........6
Planning Stages of the Logo Launch Event. ................ ............ ........ .........66
Structured, In-depth Interview Data ...._.._.._ ..... .._._. ...._.._...........6
Overview of the CARE Image ........._.._.... ... ..._..._ ......._ ...........6
Overview of CARE International USA Positioning Assessment............._.._.. .....70
The New CARE Brandmark and Tagline............... ...............73
Environmental Influences and Themes .............. ...............75....

Key Actions/ Intemnal Challenges............... ...............7


5 INTERPRETATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS .............. ...............81....


Introducti on ................. .. ............ .. .... ...............8 1....

Organizational Identity and Identification............... .............8
Organizational Image and Branding ................. ...............85................
Organizational Culture................ ..... .. ...............8
Organizational Change In CARE International ................. ................ ......... .88
Observations of Brand Implementation and Technical Issues ................. ................90
Implications and Further Research ................ ...............92................
Conclusion ................ ...............93.................


APPENDIX


A CARE INTERNATIONAL'S CURRENT LOGO WITH TAGLINE .......................95


B CARE INTERNATIONAL IN HONDURAS BROCHURE .............. ...................96


C EXAMPLES OF CARE INTERNATIONAL' S PREVIOUS LOGO USAGE.........98












D CARE INTERNATIONAL' S VISION AND MISSION STATEMENTS ................99


CARE International Vision Statement ................. ...............99................
CARE International Mission Statement .............. ...............99....


LIST OF REFERENCES ................. ...............100................


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................. ...............106......... ......
















Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Mass Communication

ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE COMMUNICATION, IDENTITY, IMAGE, AND
CULTURE: THE CASE OF CARE INTERNATIONAL

By

Faith Sophie Amon

May 2004

Chair: Juan Carlos Molleda
Maj or Department: Joumnalism and Communications

The Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE) Intemnational, one

of the world' s largest private voluntary organizations (PVOs), recently set about

changing its global brand. Management executives within the organization reacted to

their changing environment and fundraising challenges with a focus on the organization's

corporate identity and image perception by both internal and external publics. The

process led the organization into an exploration of various aspects of organizational

change communication; internal and external public relations; organizational

relationships to image, identity, and identification; and considerations regarding CARE

International's organizational culture.

Organizational literature has, for some time, investigated the intricacies of change

implementation in organizations. In the case of CARE International, understanding the

successes and the challenges of undertaking a global branding change incorporates

insight from organizational studies as well as current management and business literature.









Research suggests that the communication of change interplays with several social

constructs within an organization's structure.

The implications of the present study offer to reevaluate the understanding of

branding of nonprofits as well as to analyze the communications strategy during times of

change. The findings and conclusions from this study serve both CARE as an

organization in an evaluation of the process and the nonprofit community at large as a

reorientation toward branding and organizational change strategies. Further, the study

attempts to extend organizational change, organizational identity and branding theories

into beneficial and applied terminology for the nonprofit sector.















CHAPTER 1
ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE COMMUNICATION: THE CASE OF CARE
INTERNATIONAL

Throughout the nonprofit sector, private voluntary organizations (PVOs) and non-

governmental organizations (NGOs) are primary actors serving in healthcare, shelter,

schooling, food, disaster relief, agriculture, development, and more. Over the last 60

years the nonprofit sector has increased from a little more than 12,000 organizations in

1940 to over 1.5 million organizations today (Boris, cited in Frumkin & Kim, 2001). In

1997, it was estimated that nonprofits employed more than 6 percent of the workforce in

the United States alone, over 6 million people (Mirvis & Hackett, 1983). That number

has grown steadily and on a global level it is now suggested that nearly 39.5 million

people worldwide hold full time employment in the nonprofit sector (OECD, 2003). Due

to the types of community interventions which characterize these organizations and the

inclusion of volunteer workers, the number of people whose lives are affected by the

work of these organizations in the United States and abroad almost certainly run into the

tens of millions (Mirvis & Hackett, 1983).

The economic situation of most nonprofits, on the other hand, does not show such

an impressive growth rate. Recent evidence has shown that the sector overall has not


SAccording to the IRS website (nonprofit, n.d, www.irs.gov.) there is no legal differentiation between the
terms not-for-profit, nonprofit and non-profit, although the literature uses all these terms interchangeably.
For the purposes of this paper the author will remain consistent with current literature using the term
nonprofit.

SNonprofit sector refers broadly to "a sector between state and market, fulfilling both economic and social
missions, which pursues a general interest and whose final objective is not the redistribution of profit"
(Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development [OECD], 2003).










grown in the last 10 years in terms of funds raised or quantity of volunteers (Drucker,

1989; Schlegemilch, Love, & Diamantopoulos, 1997). The reasons for this stagnation is

several fold, as Chetkovich and Frumkin summarize: "Competition in the nonprofit world

has intensified in recent years due to increasing numbers of agencies seeking support,

shifting government funding, and the presence of for-profit organizations in the human

services" (2003, p. 564). Nonprofit organizations currently find themselves teetering

between margin and mission (Chetkovich & Frumkin, 2003). The recognition of the need

to become less reliant on government and other traditional charity sources and the need to

fulfill their missions as organizations have led nonprofits toward a reassessment of their

positions in the market (Froelich, 1999). "In order to meet these diverse expectations,

nonprofits currently struggle to nourish themselves in the marketplace without becoming

disenfranchised by behaving in ways indistinguishable from ordinary commerce"

(OCED, 2003, p. 63).

William Ryan (1999) relates the current state of the nonprofit sector this way:

"nonprofits are now forced to reexamine their reasons for existing in light of a market

that rewards discipline and performance and emphasizes organizational capacity rather

than for-profit or nonprofit status and mission" (p. 128). Nonprofit organizations are

faced with the necessity of changing their organizational conceptualizations, their

identification as organizations and even their roles as service agencies due to changing

economic and social environments. What is the significance of such organizational

changes in the nonprofit sector? What aspects of the nonprofit organizational model are

affected by these environmental changes? To begin to address these questions, one area









where significant conceptual changes are occurring in nonprofit organizations lies in the

fields of public relations, communication, and marketing.3

The Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE) Intemnational, one

of the world' s largest PVOs, has met the challenges of this presumed organizational re-

identification head on. Management executives within the organization reacted to their

changing environment and fundraising challenges with a focus on the organization's

corporate identity and image perception by both internal and external publics. This focus

brought the organization to consider aspects of organizational change, internal and

external public relations, relationships to image and identity, and considerations

regarding CARE International's organizational culture. In 1991, Gallagher and Weinberg

noted that nonprofit organizations have only recently shifted their outlook concerning

areas of external relations, generally referred to as marketing. "As little as ten years ago"

they state, "nonprofit organizations regarded marketing with suspicion- no more. They

have now embraced marketing because it provides them with tangible benefits" (p. 27).

Attitudes toward marketing in the nonprofit sector may have begun to shift;

however, the complexities of the sector' s constituents belie the opportunity to accept

standard business practices or for-profit models as appropriate adaptations (Froelich,

1999). Frumkin and Kim (2001) note, "beyond the need to build legitimacy and donor

confidence, which may underlie the new bottom-line movement in the nonprofit sector,

there has been much talk about the growing sophistication of philanthropy as evidenced

in the expectation of donors that their contributions be well spent" (p. 267). Nonprofits

have never had such a need for strategic management in public relations and marketing

3 Public relations, communication and marketing are terms, which characteristically and for the purpose of
this study, all relate to an organization' s means of interactions with its various constituents.










components as well as clear communication of organizational changes on all levels of the

organization. Grunig, Grunig and Dozier (2002) purport that the value of public relations

and marketing in effective organizations is contingent upon the pursuit of good

relationships with internal and external publics, which may limit the ability of reaching

organizational goals.

The purpose of this study is to explore the correlations between communication and

successful change in organizations, through examining CARE Intemnational's identity

change. This research differs from current literature in that the case study of CARE

International's identity change synthesizes current theoretical discourse in effective

organizational change as well as recent identity, image, culture and branding literature.

Whereas many organizations recognize issues of identity and image during the process of

change in another area of the organization, CARE set out to transform the PVO's

marketing/fundraising strategy and in tumn its identity and image, rather than these

aspects resonating during the process of change in other areas of the organization.

Marketing the Nonprofit Sector

Today, nonprofit organizations, particularly those working on a global level, are

becoming aware of the increasing need to position themselves within a broader

competitive market. Beyond marketing, nonprofit organizations have begun to monitor

commercial sector trends in communication, public relations, competitive positioning,

and management strategies. A growing number of nonprofit organizations have observed

some success in their adoptive marketing practices proving the power behind their

services (Gallagher & Weinberg, 1991). Yet, it is the international, corporate sector,

particularly transnational corporations (TNCs), that seem to dominate the academic

discourse regarding international management, public relations, and communications.









TNCs have long held prominence in communication strategies and effective global

influence. As Morley (2002) states:

At the corporate level we see public relations in action communicating corporate
messages to the worldwide financial markets, shaping corporate images, telling
"our side of the story" in times of crisis, and playing a key role in developing new
identities and positioning for companies formed in the wake of mergers,
acquisitions and takeovers. (p. xi)

These positions of global influence, however, are not limited to the business sector.

Global nonprofit organizations, NGOs, and PVOs have historically held space at the table

of international communication and development. Their presence is continually reflected

through international proj ects and programming and their undeniable influence with

contacts in governments and for-profit sectors worldwide (Chetkovich & Frumkin, 2003).

Today, international aid organizations find themselves reassessing their positions as

competition for international aid funding and top-of-mind presence in the minds of

donors becomes increasingly arduous. "The stage seems to be set for a new model of

philanthropic investing one combining business and values, investment and

philanthropy" (Williams, 2003, p. 111). International NGOs and PVOs face many of the

same transnational issues and interact with a similar array of companies, governments,

and industries as for-profit businesses working in the global market (Gallagher &

Weinberg, 1991). These international nonprofit organizations negotiate between publics,

collaborate with a variety of funding organizations and navigate multiple identities (i.e.,

mission based goals and financial sustainability through grants and donations) all of

which increase in complexity when spanning the globe (Ryan, 1999). The intensity of the

global marketplace has demanded evolutionary changes in the nonprofit sector, namely

the inclusion of business-like tactics in the competitive nature of fund procurement and

investment. In the United States, as the government increases the outsourcing of public









services, many for-profit companies are taking on traditionally nonprofit roles, such as

the management of public schools and hospitals and the distribution of welfare programs

(Ryan, 1999). Nonprofit organizations thus find themselves in competition with the for-

profit sector for services they traditionally provided without contest.

Organizational Identity and Branding

In all sectors, issues of top-of-mind recognition, awareness and comprehension of

products, and organizational identity quickly come to the forefront of any plan for

success in the global marketplace. Organizational identity is abundantly addressed in

organizational literature, most frequently aligning the term identity with culture within an

organization (Whetten & Godfrey, 1998). Or even more simply put the way that the

members of an organization perceive itself (Gioia & Thomas, 1996; Dukerich, Golden &

Shortell, 2002). It is in the combination of elements that organizational identity holds

new, more prominent significance. Identity, culture, and brand significance are currently

dominating organizational management literature. "Branding is reaching 'break though'

as a transformational strategic process" (Gossen & Gresham, 2002 p. 2). Literature on all

levels of organizational studies is pointing to branding as the panacea of marketing

differentiation. Nonprofits too have found that with the rapid rise in the number of

nonprofits seeking a piece of the limited charitable pie they must build upon their

relationships, stabilize and promote their brands (Frumkin & Kim, 2001). Indeed,

nonprofits are among the world's most well known brands; governments, universities,

and humanitarian agencies are weaved within a social structure in our global culture

(Tan, 2003).










Organizational Communication and Change

Nonprofit organizations are now addressing these specific attributes in the

reassessment of the needs of their organizations and the impacts on their beneficiaries.

This reassessment of needs points to a conceptualization of organizations as evolutionary

and intrinsically malleable, a conceptualization which inherently incorporates the need

for incremental, or sometimes revolutionary change. Effective organizational

management, therefore, includes a propensity for making changes in areas from product

design or production, organizational structure, job descriptions and role transition,

identity, culture, and information processes, among many others (Kanter, 1991). Yet,

management decisions to change and the resulting process of dissemination or

implementation are different courses of action. A change in one area of an organization

inevitability affects the stability of another area (Schein, 1985). As paraphrased from

Tourish and Hargie (1998), sound internal communications are paramount to the overall

efficiency and effectiveness of an organization. Such a statement becomes even more

salient in the case of an organization facing change. Organizational communication

strategies are further promoted in Grunigs' and Dozier' s recent book where through

interviews and surveys of a variety of organizations, they concluded that internal

symmetrical communications programs are crucial throughout the process of

organizational changes (Grunig et al, 2002).

Organizational change literature seldom addresses the nonprofit community;

however, valuable research about change communication is immediately applicable to

almost all organizations. This is obvious in the case of CARE International. After almost

60 years of global development work, addressing areas of humanitarian aid, disaster

relief, and education, among others, the PVO recognized the need for a clear definition of









their position in the global marketplace. Reviewing CARE Intemnational's recent change

in organizational conceptualization, identity, and work philosophy offers an opportunity

to reflect on the complexities of change communication in a transnational, nonprofit

organization and its congruencies to similar practice in the international business sector.

In this thesis, I examine the internal communication process in attempting an

organizational change, specifically in the case of identity change. It is an exploratory

study, reviewing current organizational change literature, expanding on the concepts of

organizational identity and branding, and examining CARE International's experience in

the process of global identity change. Three primary goals guide this research:

* To identify and describe organizational change in relation to organizational identity
change;

* To explore the nuances of organizational identity and its correlations to image,
culture and branding through current literature;

* To develop a case study of CARE Intemnational and specifically its global identity
change as a constructive exercise focused on its communication processes.

This study attempts to sketch the process of change in CARE International by using

available corporate research and needs assessment conducted by the agency before the

global launch of its new corporate identity. Additionally, the review of documents,

participant observation information, and interview data are used to describe the

implementation of the change process, specifically internally in the country office of

Honduras. The data and personal experience of the research with the case has been

possible through a generous grant form the Coca Cola Foundation and the University of

Florida, which provided the researcher with an opportunity to participate and observe the

Honduran office during the initial steps in implementation of the organization' s new

global identity change. The study is supplemented with data collection in the form of










interviews from the organization's headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia, which spearheaded

the change.

Background

June of 2003 marked one year since the implementation of CARE (Cooperative

Agency for Relief Everywhere) International's new logo global launch. CARE, one of the

world's largest PVOs, spent 3 years developing a new, refreshed look to carry the

organization into the new millennium. Originally, the acronym: CARE represented

(Cooperative Agency for Remittances to Europe). Founded in 1945, CARE built a

reputation for delivering needed CARE packages@ (medical supplies and food stuffs)

from the United States to war-ravished Europe. CARE has since become generally

identified with its humanitarian activities, agroforestry projects, education and health

programs, as well as community organization-building in many of the poorest regions

across the globe. Today, CARE USA, with its headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia, is a part

of CARE Intemnational, a confederation of eleven CARE organizationS4 WOrking in 72

countries worldwide.

The process of re-branding led the organization though a j ourney of exploration in

its identity both internally and externally by various publics as well as a reorientation to

the nature of their "business" of international development work. The implications of this

transition are embodied in the internal publics of CARE who express the vision and

personify the mission of the organization. Thus, the study of CARE' s successes and



4 CARE International is an confederation of CARE organizations in 1 1 member countries:
Australia, Austria, Canada, Denmark, England, France, Germany, Holland, Japan, Norway, and
the United States of America. The confederation is coordinated though a general secretary in
Brussels. Thailand and Brazil are under current proposal to be added to the alliance of member
countries.










complexities in such a substantial organizational change reveal lessons for any

organization attempting an identity change.

Throughout the process and still today CARE International has worked closely with

McCann Erickson, an international advertising agency based in New York. McCann

Erickson New York, its affiliated international offices and its partner organization:

FutureBrand, donated services in CARE's initial "brand inventory" research (assessing

CARE' s current positioning in the minds of donors), the design of a new logo, tagline,

creative products and in various aspects of the campaign to launch the new image. The

decision to develop a new logo, slogan, colors, and organizational communications

strategy is reflective of the organization' s fundamental change in understanding

international development work itself and is somewhat telling of the current shift of many

humanitarian organizations away from direct aid toward a new role as facilitators in

international development work.

CARE International's complex organizational structure as well as the

organization's relationship with its identity became prominent considerations when

addressing the need for change and its implementation process throughout the

organization.

Theoretical Foundations

Organizational studies have foundational understanding in two different but

intersecting theoretical domains, open systems theory; stemming from the field of

biological sciences, and organizational psychology; based in the field of management

(Burke, 2002; Schein, 1985). "The standard literature for organization theory based in

part on sociology and related disciplines emphasizes stabilization and not organization

change" (Burke, 2002, p. 43). Reflective of this perspective, organizational change theory









draws mainly from the theory of open systems. The conceptualization of open systems is

where the relationship between the organization and its environment can be examined

(Beer, 1980). "Following a definition of the environment and their strategy in it,

managers can specify the demands of the environment and its implications for the kind of

human outputs, people, structures, culture, organizational processes and behavior

required" (Beer, 1980, p. 101). Initially a biological term, systems theory and open

systems theories when applied to social systems find inconsistencies and many

researchers adopt, expand and critique the use of the term in social research arguing that

biological systems differ significantly from social systems (Brown, 1980; Burke, 2002).

Yet, social researchers have explored the complexities of the social system through

political systems, organizational systems, cultural systems, and environmental systems,

all with relation to behavior and social phenomena. Socially and scientifically, it is

recognized that the system of an organization is vulnerable to change. It was noted by

Schein (1996) that the field of organizational psychology is moving toward an integrated

view drawing from psychology, sociology, and anthropology. Organizational science

thus, has identified change as an inherent component of organizational survival (Shein,

1996; Hannan & Freeman, 1984). "Organizations are in continuous change, whether from

the subtle processes of environmental infusion, or by the intentional design of the

powerful within the organization or by the collective will of organizational participants

whose destiny is linked in some basic way to the changes" (Cummings, 1980, p. 6).

Identity as a element of change has recently been cited in organizational literature

in the areas of culture (an organization's identity in relation to its organizational culture )


5 For extensive discussion on organizational culture see Martin. J. (2002)










(Schein, 1996; Eisenberg & Riley, 2001; Martin, 2002), and on the level of external

marketing (the communication of an organization as an entity to its external publics)

(Cheney & Christensen, 2001; Dutton & Dukerich, 1991).

The compelling aspect of CARE International's6 Story is that the change was both

physical and conceptual, addressing internal publics and expectant of reactions from

external publics, and therefore the process of communication and understanding was

fundamentally complex. This study reflects the issues of management structure,

communications strategies, and change implementation by examining this recent case.

Currently, organizational change and organizational development research are

overwhelmingly quantitative studies (Schein, 1996). Few qualitative studies exist in the

field relating organizational change theories to specific qualitative data. CARE

International's complex organizational structure proved a quantitative analysis beyond

the scope of this study; however, due to the lack of similar qualitative information, this

case study offers a significant addition to the current theoretical discourse.

Structure of Thesis

This document will reflect upon the communication processes inherent in identity

change and discuss the relevant literature. The first part of this study reviews current

literature defining organizations, the significance of organizational change, and the

communication of change within organizations. A second section, within the second

chapter outlines some of the contemporary perceptions and reflections of organizational

identity in relation to image, culture, and recent branding philosophies. The third section



6 CARE Intemnational is interchangeably referred to as CARE or CARE Intemnational throughout this
document. The abbreviated version of CARE still refers to the Intemnational confederation of CARE
International. When addressing a specific country office the country is noted.










describes the present study and the methodologies employed. The findings based on the

researcher' s data collection are presented in Chapter Four. The final chapter offers an

analysis of the observations and interview data and a discussion toward the implications

for further research or exploration as well as a review of the lessons learned from the case

of CARE International.

The implications of this study offer to reevaluate the understanding of branding of

nonprofits as well as to analyze the communications strategy during times of change. The

ultimate aim of the thesis is to serve both CARE as an organization and the nonprofit

community at large as a reorientation toward branding and organizational change

strategies. Further, the study attempts to extend organizational change, organizational

identity and branding theories into beneficial and applied terminology for the nonprofit

sector.















CHAPTER 2
ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE COMMUNICATION

Changing something implies not just learning something new, but unlearning
something that is already there and possibly in the way. (Schein, 1980 p. 116)

Introduction

As a general introduction to organizations and organizational behavior it is useful

to review the literature that discusses organizations themselves, how they are defined and

how those definitions affect the way that organizations function and approach change.

Also, relevant to the understanding of how organizational change conceptualizations

cross the divide between the nonprofit and for profit sectors, this chapter is constructed to

formulate the underpinnings of organizational change and the explore some of the social

constructs which affect change across sectors. This chapter will follow the theoretical

foundations from defining organizations to descriptions of organizational change and

then the implications of organizational identity, image and culture on the communication

of change.

Organizations Defined

As described in the previous chapter, conceptualizations of organizations have, by

necessity, begun to shift from a highly standardized closed system to one incorporating a

continual flow of internal and external responsiveness (Oxman & Smith, 2003). The

definition of an organization from this new perspective then reflects that of Everett

Rogers's description of a "social system". "A social system is a set of interrelated units

that are engaged in joint-problem solving to accomplish a common goal" (Rogers, 1995










p. 23). The significance of making change within an organization is reflective of how

conceptualization of organizations came about. In a chapter about theoretical foundations,

Burke states:

Any human organization is best understood as an open system. An organization can
be considered 'open' because of its dependency on and continual interaction with
the environment in which it resides. (2002, p. 43)

Thus, an organization is indeed a social system, or better described, a subsystem (Beer,

1980) placed within and interdependent upon a larger, multifaceted social system.

"Organizations are created to handle large-scale routine tasks though a pattern of

regularized human relationships" (Rogers, 1995, p. 375).

Organizational development theorists have discussed systems theory and open

systems for some time, specifically when applying theoretical knowledge to concepts of

planned change More recent organizational change theorists generally recognize

organizations as "living systems" (Burke, 2002). This expansion on the open systems

perspective draws in aspects of internal and external pressures placed on organizations,

such as the realities of group dynamics and human behaviors (Schein, 1980, p. 188),

and/or increased governmental regulations or changing economic situations (OECD,

2003). Thus, organizational change theorists define organizations nI irlhin their

environments and incorporate concepts of organizational structure, process, goals, and

the implications of these aspects over time. The possibility or inevitability of

organizational mortality is often then, the driving force behind change (Singh, House &

Tucker, 1986). "Acknowledging that every system has multiple functions and also exists



SPlanned change is terminology found in most organizational development research particularly in the
processes of diffusion of innovation. For a lengthy discussion about planned change and systems theory see
Cummings, T. G. (1980) ed. Systems Theory for Organizational Development, John Wiley & Sons Ltd.










within an environment that provides unpredictable inputs, a system's effectiveness can be

defined as its capacity to survive, adapt, maintain itself, and grow, regardless of the

particular function it fulfills," writes Schein (1980, p. 230).

As such, organizations begin to build a sense of 'who they are' both in terms of

how others see them and how the individuals who comprise the organization see the

organizations where they work (Cheney & Christensen, 2001). Defining organizations

becomes complex as internal and external dynamics constantly challenge how an

organization may define itself. The forces leading organizations toward change have

remained consistent even since Greiner' s 1967 article on patterns of organizational

change. He noted that computer technology, mass communications (resulting in higher

consumer awareness), new management knowledge, technological discoveries, new

world markets, social drives for equality, and increasing governmental regulations are all

aspects driving organizational change (1967, p. 120). Evidence reveals that all of these

aspects remain influential in organizational change today.

Change and Organizations

In a survey conducted by HarvardBusiness Review in 1990, managers in 25

countries on six different continents responded to the global marketplace with a

resounding message, "Change is indeed everywhere- regardless of country, culture or

corporation" (Kanter, 1991, p. 3). Organizational change in relation to the previous

descriptions of organizations themselves is often described as a process rather than an

identifiable entity (Schein, 1980; Burke, 2002; Kim, 2000). Steven Axely states that in

the profit or nonprofit sectors alike, "Ask managers to characterize the world they work

in, and many different images of organizational life emerge. But one theme will connect

most of the images: change" (Axley, 2000).









Theorists have chosen a variety of categorizations to describe the processes of

organizational change, its motivations and outcomes. There is, however, no definition

which covers all organizations and as of yet no theory which can adequately be applied to

all types of organizations and their individual circumstances (Schein, 1980). Research in

organizational change provides general motivations and broad theoretical perspectives,

which have been identified in an attempt to classify organizational situations and the

pursuit of change (Hannan & Freeman, 1977; Hannan & Freeman, 1984; Singh, House &

Tucker, 1986).

Management scholars have again borrowed concepts and metaphors from other

disciplines in order to understand change; these include the concepts of "punctuated

equilibrium, stages of growth, processes of decay and death, population ecology,

functional models of change and development, and chaos theory" (Van de Ven & Poole,

1995, p. 510). Early research on change is also evident in studies of diffusion of

innovations and planned change (see Rogers, 1995). Subsequent studies of organizational

change tackle various aspects and effects of change within organizations on individuals,

groups and larger arenas of influence (Martin, 2002; Burke, 2002). In a description of

organizational structure models developed by Kotter in 1978, Schein (1980) illustrates

the dynamic nature of organizations. Kotter' s figure describes the domino effect of

change in any one area of the model. For example, a decrease in demand (external)

affects the production, which may affect the manager' s relationship to the workers or

potentially the staff moral, etc. (Schein, 1980). Organizational development and

organizational change models advance open systems conceptualizations of organizations









with an emphasis on the "processes that occur in organizations over time as they face

internal and external events" [italics in original] (Schein, 1980, p. 212).

Change has been articulated throughout organizational, management and marketing

literature with various emphases. The motivations that lead organizations to pursue

change are as individual as the organizations themselves, though the driving external

forces may affect sectors or market niches at once. It is noted that the process of changes

occurs both incrementally and radically (Burke, 2002). Thus, evolving descriptions of

organizational changes are generally summarized to function in a mode of evolutionary

and/or revolutionary phases (Schein, 1980; Singh, House & Tucker, 1986; Van de Ven &

Poole, 1995; Burke, 2002).

Types of Change

The descriptions of organizational change perspectives span a relative array of

theoretical foundations and models. Types of change have been described in relation to

an organization's rate and control of transformation absorption, as described by Van de

Ven and Poole:

A prescribed mode of change channels the development of entities in a pre-
specified direction, typically of maintaining and incrementally adapting their forms
in a stable, predictable way. A constructive mode of change generates
unprecedented novel forms that, in retrospect, often are discontinuous and
unpredictable departures from the past. (Van de Ven & Poole, 1995, p. 522)

An organization pursuing change, or being pursued by it (external environmental

influences), finds that change to an organization is inevitable, continuous, and necessary

to its survival (Hannan & Freeman, 1984; Everett, 1990), and further that it is

intrinsically tied to the behavioral constructs of identity, image and culture. These

constructs, to a certain degree, define the lengths to which an organization can implement

change without distancing itself from its core constituents (Bouchikhi & Kimberly,










2003). Change is not something new; business literature is riddled with research,

suggestions and guidelines for organizations to follow when implementing change

(Grenier, 1967; Ettorre, 1996; Schein, 1999; Kim, 2000), weather it be structural,

regarding its size and age (Hannan & Freeman, 1984; Oxman & Smith, 2003;

Galaskiewicz & Bielefeld, 1998), strategic (Beer, Eisenstat & Specter, 1990),

technological, or cultural (Schein, 1999; Eisenberg & Riley, 2001). Current business

literature largely emphasizes the importance of leadership during change (Ettorre, 1996)

and communication (Axley, 2000).

Types of change also reflect the manner which an organization approaches change,

not simply the area within the organizational structure which is affected by it. An

emphasis on the actions of managers to achieve obj ectives for the organization is found

within theories of adaptation. Included in this approach are contingency theory, and

resource dependence theory (Galaskiewicz & Bielefeld, 1998). More holistic approaches

to change include the ecological exploration of change (Singh, House & Tucker, 1986;

Beer & Nohria, 2000). The ecological view incorporates concepts of environmental

driving forces and emphasizes the potential mortality of any organization. Aspects of this

approach have also been labeled selection models (Barnett & Carroll, 1995). Within the

ecological perspective, population ecology theory centers on the aspects of structural

inertia created in organizations due to internal populations (Singh, House & Tucker,

1986). In this vein, Hannan (1998) has presented the argument that the age of an

organization gives it viable security rather than immobility. Older organizations achieve

high reliability, and high accountability though reproducible organizational structures.

The ensuing structural inertia thus, creates an organization that is less vulnerable to the









instabilities of a new organization (Hannan, 1998). Older organizations have built a

process of confidence in its members, understanding and coordinating which may not

grow the organization but which shields it from internal (roles, populations) uncertainties

(Hannan & Freeman, 1984; Singh, House & Tucker, 1986).

Among these theoretical models, the approach, method, or mode, can also delineate

the kind of change taking place. The following is a description of two modes of change,

classified as revolutionary and evolutionary.

Revolutionary Change

"Revolutionary change can be seen as a jolt (perturbation) to the system" (Burke,

2002). In another comparison to the biological sciences, Burke employs Stephen Jay

Gould's theory that change does not simply occur in a steady gradual way but rather by a

"punctuated equilibrium": "a steady state for a period of time, then a sudden (punctuated)

change, followed by equilibrium again" (Burke, 2002, p. 64). Revolutionary changes are

considered to be when deeply established structures are fundamentally transformed and

as a result the organization's identity is altered (Galaskiewicz & Bielefeld, 1998). A

change in organizational mission could be seen as a revolutionary change, where a

change in mission affects all other levels of an organization's function (Burke, 2002).

Adoption of new innovations, changes in effectiveness programs and organizational

structure can also illustrate elements of this change mode (Galaskiewicz & Bielefeld,

1998). Finally, it is noted that situations of crisis or contingency can be catalysts of

revolutionary change (Wurck, 2000).

Evolutionary Change

Generally speaking, most organizational changes occur as the organization slowly

adapts and maintains itself. "Most organizational change consists of improvements;









incremental steps to fix a problem or change a part of the larger system" (Burke, 2002).

"The evolutionary model can be used to focus on processes of variation, selection and

retention among numerous organizational entities" (Van de Ven & Poole, 1995, p. 518).

Evolutionary change can be likened to that of Schein's early descriptions of an "adaptive

coping cycle" (Schein, 1980). While describing elements of effective organizational

health, Schein (1980) describes a process of adaptation, reflecting again on the dynamic

character of organizations themselves. The adaptive coping cycle is said to have five

stages, however, the stages may in fact occur simultaneously.

1. Sensing a change in some part of the internal or external environment.

2. Importing the relevant information about the change into those parts of the
organization that can act upon it, and digesting the implications of that information.

3. Changing production or conversion processes inside the organization according to
the information obtained while reducing or managing undesired side effects in
related systems, and stabilizing the change.

4. Exporting new products, services, and so on, which are more in line with the
originally perceived changes in the environment.

5. Obtaining feedback on the success of the change though further sensing of the state
of the external environment and the degree of integration of the internal
environment. (p. 233-234)

The adaptive coping cycle as proposed by Schein to a large degree summarizes the

process of organizational change. Inherit in the considerations of the cycle are of course

entire areas of independent research, among them: leadership roles of management

(Ettorre, 1996), the role of the change agent (Rogers, 1995), and the role of effective

communications (Axley, 2000).

Resistance to Change

Why do people and/or organizations resist change? Most studies point to the

adoption of a new perspective, innovation, structure, or other organizational changes as









elements, which create uncertainty. In a description of the difficulties in the Hield of

planned change and diffusion of innovations, Everett Rogers (1995) states: "The more

radical the innovation, indexed by the amount of knowledge that organization members

must acquire in order to adopt, the more uncertainty it creates and the more difficult its

implementation" (p. 397). Rogers goes on to reiterate Donald Gerwin's identification of

three different types of uncertainty that lead organizational members out of there comfort

zones: technical uncertainties, Einancial uncertainties, and social uncertainties (Rogers,

1995). Schein relates organizational behavior processes at work in organizations when he

referred to the management of change: "Human systems tend toward trying to maintain a

stable equilibrium. If change is to occur, some new forces must upset the equilibrium;

recognizing and managing these forces creates the motivation to change. Any change,

then, begins with some disconfirmation" (Schein, 1999, p. 117).

Reasons for employee resistance to change are sometimes obvious yet, as Kegan

and Lahey (2002) highlighted, it is often difficult and even maddening to attempt to

understand an employee's inability to implement change. Kegan and Lahey who work as

organizational psychologists point to an employee's "competing commitments" as

potential inhibitors to change. They explained that individuals hold competing images of

themselves in relation to their organization and often opportunities for change, even when

seemingly beneficial, forces an unconscious identity dilemma for the individual (see

Kegan & Lahey, 2002, p. 37-58).

Organizational members can also see change as having significant cost. Though

seemingly a pinnacle business decision maker, the impact of cost versus benefit analysis

does not necessarily motivate change when managers and employees alike resist









acknowledging the need (see Wruck, 2000). Schein attributed significant organizational

change resistance as imbedded in aspects of organizational culture, and that adopting a

new behavior, attitude, value, etc., involves unlearning old ways of doing or perceiving

things and learning something new. He called this potential reflection of resistance as

learning anxiety. Learning anxiety according to Schein (1999) is a combination of fears.

The fear that one' s lack of understanding the new skill or understanding will render them

temporarily incompetent, the fear that the adoption of new attitudes or values will create

a loss of identity or their role in the organization, the fear that internal social structures

will cause ostracism as one deviates from previous roles or beliefs, and finally the fear

that the learning process will be too long or difficult than deemed acceptable by the

organization (Schein, 1999).

On the other side, looking at external relationships, in a study about the National

Film and Sound Archive (NFSA) in Australia, Ray Edmondson (2002) noted that the

organization's attempt to change their name mattered deeply to the organization's

stakeholders. He notes that the organization's donors' identification with the organization

and their support to the organization gives them a perceived "moral ownership of the

institution and what it stands for" (p. 41). Thus, when the NFSA attempted to rename the

organization the stakeholders strongly resisted and felt the social uncertainties of no

longer knowing where they stood in relation to the organization (Edmondson, 2002).

Nonprofit organizations can well find themselves in these theoretical domains of

organizational change constructs. The nonprofit status of an organization does not

preclude it from the environmental and social elements, which advance change processes.

To a large degree, nonprofit organizations maintain a myriad of complexities due to their









more delicate placement within the niche areas of nonprofit work, their vulnerability to

public scrutiny and their internal cultural constructs.

Communication and Organizational Change

"Communication theory can be used to explain the production of social structures,

psychological states, member categories, knowledge, and so forth rather than being

conceptualized as simply one phenomenon among these others in organizations" (Hawes,

1974, p. 5). The communication lens then, might be seen as the underlying element in the

construction of organizational ontology. It has been suggested that due to the increasingly

blurring lines between internal and external communications current theories in

organizational literature are in need of reinterpretation (Gioia & Thomas, 1996; Hatch &

Shultz, 1997; Cheney & Christensen, 2001). Today's organizations are involved in much

more complex communications activities. "Internal groups now comprise part of the

general audience that the organization wishes to address... externally directed messages,

accordingly become an integral part of the organization' s operating discourse" (Cheney

& Christensen, 2001, p. 232).

The convergence of internal and external communications has stimulated much of

the literature regarding organizational identity, culture and image (Cheney & Christensen,

2001; Hatch & Shultz, 1997). However, it is generally during the process of change that

these elements become a focal concern. In the discourse of organizational change

processes, the boundaries between internal and external communication emerge as

interrelated (Cheney & Christensen, 2001).

Though managers generally cannot control the myriad of influences that instigate

the need for change within an organization, many researchers have noted that strong

communications can alleviate some of the insecurities and complexities associated with










change. "Many of the most important such steps we can take in our organizations center

around the interface between change and the people whose organizational lives will be

different as a result of change" (Axley, 2000, p. 19). An organization's communication

strategy throughout the process generally reflects the organizational structure and

communication culture, where formal communications (i.e., management

correspondence) may progress or hinder the process and how internal informal

communications (i.e., social networks, coffee break conversations) affect the

effectiveness of formal communication.

Incorporating Communication in Identity and Image Formation

In recognition of these boundary crossing constituents, organizations begin to focus

on the need to proj ect a holistic sense of "self' as an organization. Cheney and

Christensen (2001) note the

.. surprising extent to which the question of what the organization "is" or "stands
for" or "wants to be" cuts across and unifies many different goals and concerns. In
the corporate world, identity-related concerns have, in other words, become
organizational preoccupations, even when organizations are ostensibly talking
about something else. (p. 232)

Communication plays a significant role in an organization's determination of a

sense of self. Questions of organizational identity, image, and culture are all interpreted

though direct and indirect; formal and informal communications and play a critical part in

building organizational values which may influence organizational decision making.

The interplay of these organizational constructs has become the subj ect of a flurry

of current theory discourse across the fields of marketing and organizational studies

(Alvesson, 1990; Hatch & Shultz, 1997; Gioia, Shultz & Corley, 2000; Ravasi & Rekom

2003). Interestingly enough, elements of identity, image and culture have been both

credited as instrumental in an organization's ability to weather the uncertainty of change










(Dutton & Durekrich, 1991) and noted as an aspect, which constrains an organization

from adapting to change (Bouchikhi & Kimberly, 2003). Yet, recent interest has, if

anything, promoted significant dialogue regarding currently held notions of

organizational identity, organizational image and organizational culture and their

influence in organizations themselves (see Whetton & Godfrey, 1998). Hatch and Shultz

(1997) argue, "the categories of internal and external relations are collapsing together in

organizational practice" (p. 356). The result is a growing need to combine knowledge

from the disciplines of marketing, public relations, communications and organizational

studies.

CARE and other nonprofit organizations, not unlike the private sector, have

responsibilities to several distinct groups: the beneficiaries (those who receive the

services of the organization), the donors (those who fund the work of the organization-

could be individuals, public associations and private corporations, among others), and the

staff (those who perform the work and generally have a larger emotional investment)

(Humphries, 1999). In recognition of these varied constituents, the terms identity, image

and culture take on further complexities as each group internalizes the organizational

function from a different perspective. Identity, image and culture are based in individual

narratives, linking the motivations behind organizational identity to some combination of

geographical space, nationality, core business, product or technology niche or expertise,

organizational design, gender, values, strategy, or knowledge base among others

(Bouchikhi & Kimberly, 2003). "For example, Polaroid's identity has been intimately

tied to its core competence in instant film, by contrast, Hershey Foods' identity is closely

linked to its geographic location; and the identity of the Public Broadcasting Service










(PBS) is anchored in its commitment to commercial-free, quality programming for

mature audiences" (Bouchikhi & Kimberly, 2003). CARE International, when assessing

their organizational position in the global market, faced issues of identity on all levels

from assessing its values as an organization, to individual members' perspectives of

association with a changing vision and mission and finally to the meanings of the

organization' s proj ected images.

The remainder of this chapter reviews the current conceptualizations and meanings

behind the terms identity, image, and culture when related to organizational life. An

examination of the terminology and the social, even psychological constructs related to

organizations and their members, provides a foundation for discussion of their

implications and interrelations when an organization attempts change.

Organizational Identity

The idea of organizational identity has been recognized as a critical construct to

understanding organizational behavior both on an internal level in relation to

organizational cultural issues, as well as having significant impact on the management of

external issues and mission related concerns (Gioia & Thomas, 1996; Ravasi & Rekom,

2003). Who are we- as an organization? The question proposed by Albert and Whetten

(1985) has developed beyond what was once perceived to be exclusively a management

decision (Hatch & Shultz, 1997) to a multilevel notion (Gioia, Schultz & Corely, 2000)

providing insights to organizational, cooperative and individual behavior (Dukerich,

Golden & Shortell, 2002).

As problematic as it might be for theorists and researchers to identify a collective
organizational identity, and as much as the notion might be little more than a
comprehensive construction by upper-echelon executives, by a relatively small
subset of organization members, and/or by observing theorists and researchers, the
notion is nevertheless metaphorically and analytically revealing. Certainly, we can










observe that organizational leaders frequently invoke a collective identity as a
means of imputing or maintaining the sense of organizational coherence and
cooperativeness. (Gioia, 1998, p. 20)

While theorists continue to dialogue and debate about definitions or structural

orientations toward the conceptualization of organizational identity, the general point of

departure for organizational identity discourse has been built upon Albert and Whetten's

(1985) summary of organizational identity's essential features:

* What is taken by the members of an organization to be central to the organization's
work.

* What makes an organization distinctive (in the members perception) to other
organizations.

* What members perceive to be the enduring or continuing feature linking the
present and the past (and presumably the future) of the organization.


Albert and Whitten' s description proj ected an internally perceived lens on the issue

of identity, by focusing on the interpretations of the organizational members. From this

view, organizational identity is broadly described to be what the members "perceive, feel

and think about their organizations" (Hatch & Schultz, 1997, p. 357).

Organizational researchers have sought to expose organizational identity through

various studies of both the profit and nonprofit sectors. Dukerich, Golden & Shortell

(2002) explored Albert and Whitten' s proposed features of organizational identity in an

extensive survey of medical professionals' perceived identification with the health care

industry. The study related the presence of cooperative behavior with the attractiveness of

perceived identity and construed external image. Gioia and Thomas (1996) studied

university executives and identity in relation to academia and its conflicting constituents

specifically during times of change. This study related that top management members in









the university employed perceptions of identity and image in the sensemaking process,

the navigation of change, and in the interpretation of issues. Also, Dutton and Dukerich

(1991) reflected on organizational identity constructions in their case study of the Port

Authority of New York and New Jersey. Their research focused on the Port Authority's

issue management and how external issues evoked emotional responses by members of

the organization with regard to their internal interpretations of identity. "Although we did

not originally intend to make the organization's identity so central to the explanation of

how the organization adopted to the issue, individuals' senses of the organization' s

identity and image were metathemes that emerged from our data analysis" (Dutton &

Dukerich, 1991, p. 525).

Throughout these studies there is an underlying characteristic of identity that relates

to an organization's values as a commonly shared feature in issue interpretation and

decision making (Hatch & Schultz, 1999). Dutton and Dukerich (1991) noted that

identity molds how an organization might interpret and/or act on an issue. Members

monitor and evaluate the organization's actions "because others outside the organization

use these actions to make character judgments about it" (p. 520). Conceptualizations of

organizational identity give organizations an anchor to keep them steady during the

process of change. "Identity sets the boundaries on how much an organization can change

and still remain the same in the eyes of its key constituents" (Bouchikhi & Kimberly,

2003 p. 21). Similarly, as noted by Rindova, "Identity may be some sort of a truce: up to

a point, the organization will be willing and able to go along with change; beyond this

point, change might become catastrophic. Such a threshold point may demarcate the









central elements of an organization and its modus operandi (at least as they are perceived

by its members)" (Rindova, 1998, p. 38).

Many researchers through studies of organizations facing transition, now question

part of Albert and Whitten' s early definition of organizational identity features where

they denote organizational identity as being enduring. It has been expressed that in the

rapidly changing business environment organizations are finding it necessary to exercise

changes in their identity (Alvesson, 1990; Dukerich, Gioia & Thomas, 1996; Dukerich,

Golden & Shortell, 2002).

It is worth mention that the issue of an organization's reputation is closely linked to

that of organizational identity, but they are not the same thing. The construct of identity,

as previously described, reflects how the organization defines itself and how members

perceive outsiders view the organization. Reputation is the view of all the organization's

stakeholders of the organization, not the perceived notion. Knowledge of an

organization' s reputation, or that of the management, or of the CEO, may influence the

security of an organization's identity and thus affect the resources it can accrue and the

ability to recruit new members (Klein, 1999).

Organizational Identification

Cheney and Christensen (2001) note that contemporary organizations, functioning

in a world of rapid changes seek identification and belongingness among its members (p.

247). Several researchers have addressed the linkages between organizational identity

and an individual member's identification with the organization. Dutton, Dukerich, and

Harquail (1994) propose that organizational members incorporate characteristics of the

organization into their self-concepts. The construction of self-concepts is derived from an

individual's membership in different social groups. Similar to the description of










competing commitments, an individual's self-construct evolves from participation in

various roles and groups (Kegan & Lahey, 2002, Dutton, Dukerich & Harquail, 1994).

Pratt (1998) attempted to summarize organizational identification when he stated:

.. organizational identification is the process whereby an individual's beliefs
about an organization become self-referential or self-defining. The act of
'becoming' identified seems to involve either (a) evoking one's self-concept in the
recognition that one shares similar values with an organization (affinity), or (b)
changing one's self-concept so that one's values and belief's become more similar
to the organizations (emulation). (p. 175)

When assessing an organization in the process of change, the compliance and

commitment of internal groups are pivotal in the success of the organization' s adoption

of change (Axley, 2000). Thus, understanding of employee identification may provide

insight into their championing or resisting organizational change. As Dutton and

Dukerich found in their study of the New York and New Jersey Port authority:

The relationship between individual's senses of their organizational identity and
image and their own sense of who they are and what they stand for suggests a very
personal connection between organizational action and individual motivation. It
suggests that individuals have a stake in directing organizational action in ways that
are consistent with that they believe is the essence of their organization. (Dutton &
Dukerich, 1991, p. 550)

Organizations, like individuals, decide who they are by employing some

classification scheme and then locating themselves within that scheme. As is evident,

these dimensional features are directly parallel to those noted for individuals, differing

mainly in their collectively shared character (Gioia, 1998, p. 21). Individuals often seek

out organizations that are more or less in line with an individual's self-concept and core

values (Pratt, 1998). According to Dutton, Dukerich, and Harquail (1994), "the collective

organizational identity becomes more salient when members believe that organizations

actions are inconsistent with it s collective identity" (p. 243).









Organizational Image

Image as a phenomenal fact, in the sense that the image as a specific idea,
instrumentally exploited, becomes salient in a particular social context as a non-
trivial part of management and organizational functioning is experienced by local
actors to capture something meaningful, and thus is not a historical constant, but
rather is contingent upon social, cultural and material factors. (Alvesson, 1990, p.
376)

The construction of organizational image has taken different perspectives in the

Shields of organizational research and those of marketing and public relations. The

perception of organizational image is at once an internal identity building mechanism and

an external means of organizational display. Alvesson (1990) articulates that the

construct of image is sometimes used to refer to the inner picture that someone holds (in

this case, the inner picture of the organization) while, at other times it refers to the

externally communicated attributes (of the organization).

In contrast with marketing literature, organizational literature tends to focus on

internal issues related to image (Hatch & Schultz, 1997). As Dutton and Dukerich (1991)

explain "image describes insiders' assessments of what outsiders think" (p. 547). Thus,

an organization' s image is reflective of its reputation, identity, as well as its proj ected

imagery. Research regarding identity and image linkages has led to several constructions

of organizational image both from an internal and external point of view (Hatch &

Schultz, 1997; Gioia, Schultz & Corley, 2000). Research on organizational identity,

identification and the interplay with image constructions may still be in its infancy.

Recent developments coming not only from the academic world but from the corporate

domain as well suggest a need for clarification of the terminology and its constructs.

In the fields of public relations and marketing an organization' s image and identity

are generally studied in terms of 'corporate image' and 'corporate identity' and place the










emphasis squarely on the proj ected relationship with the organization' s external

constituents (Gioia, Schultz & Corley, 2000). The corporate identity, as differentiated

from organizational identity, is often viewed as all of the visual representations and

proj ected images "emphasized though the design and management of corporate symbols

and logos" (Gioia, Schultz & Corley, 2000 p. 66). While, in organizational research,

image reflects more strongly on members as a result of information processing and

communication of core identity constructs (Alvesson, 1990).

Further exploration leads to management constructions of future image and

organizational desires to reach proj ected goals of the kind of organization they want to be

(Gioia & Thomas, 1996). Hatch & Schultz, (1997) describe the image as being some

combination of the two, influenced by orchestrated and deliberated messages from

organizational management and everyday interactions between organizational members

and external audiences. Projected image communication spans internal and external

communication needs of clear image and unambiguous symbolism (Alvesson, 1990), as

well as the fluid notion of image as tied to an adaptable organizational identity (Gioia &

Thomas, 1996). Alvesson (1990) notes that from the perspective of the employees the

degree to which they maintain the proj ected (external) image of the organization "means

that the feeling of identity is created through mental structures rather than objective

reality" (Alvesson, p. 378). Further, organizations in the business of service production,

find that corporate identity emerges from a systematic effort to "anchor certain images of

the corporation in the consciousness of the personnel" (Alvesson, 1990, p. 378).

Organizational Culture

The dynamics of organizational change cannot be fully explored without some

understanding of organizational culture. Schein (1996) and other organizational









development scholars have proposed that organizations adapting to or adopting change

do so though a process of organizational learning. Research addressing the process of

change and organizational learning largely overlook a system of social norms held within

organizations that can impede or progress the process. This 'invisible' system of social

norms could be referred to as organizational culture.

"Organizational culture involves all organizational members, originates and

develops at all hierarchical levels, and is founded on a broad-based history that is realized

in the material aspects (or artifacts) of the organization (e.g. its name, products, buildings,

logos and other symbols, including its top managers)" (Hatch & Schultz, 1997). Where

studies of corporate identity and image might focus on these material aspects and how

they express the core values or image of the organization to external constituencies,

studies of culture reflect on how these aspects are realized and interpreted by

organizational members (Hatch & Schultz, 1997).

Communications scholars have taken particular interest in the role of culture in

organizational change and communications. The communication perspective

"acknowledges the symbolic character of ordinary language and the ways in which

cultural meanings are co-constructed in everyday conversation, textual evidence of

patterns, and also the entire non-verbal semiotic field..." (Eisenberg & Riley, 2001).

An organization facing change is faced with dealing with culture. It is in essence

the modus operandi of the organization, in its communication flow, its sense of identity

and shared tacit assumptions (Schein, 1996). Organizational culture could be said to have

various themes, from viewing culture as a variable, something that the organization

possesses as is evident in the functional approach (Martin, 2002), to a foundational










metaphor; something the organization is (Eisenberg & Riley, 2001). Theorist's who

evade the functionalist approach view culture in its symbolic context (Hatch & Schultz,

1997). The symbolic approach posits that interpretations of organizational identity and

formulations of organizational image are grounded in and justified by organizational

cultural assumptions (Hatch & Schultz, 1997). In the introduction to her book,

Organizational Culture: Mapping the Terrain, Martin notes:

When organizations are examined from a cultural viewpoint, attention is drawn to
aspects of organizational life that historically have often been ignored or
understudied, such as the stories people tell to newcomers to explain "how things
are done around here", the ways in which offices are arranged and personal items
are or are not displayed, jokes people tell, the working atmosphere (hushed and
luxurious or dirty and noisy), the relations among people (affectionate in some
areas of an office and obviously angry and perhaps competitive in another place)
and so on. (Martin, 2002, p. 3)

Organizational culture indeed influences the successes and challenges of

organizational change. The culture context becomes an important source for

understanding organizational change, change resistance, as well as a significant lens to

organizational communications and the formation of organizational identities and image.

Branding2

In relation to the previously described constructs of organizational identity,

organizational image, and organizational culture, a discussion of branding seems

somewhat repetitive and possibly inconsequential. Yet, branding has become the

corporate terminology of the day. The intention of this section is to recognize branding' s

subtle delineation from identity, image and culture. In fact, the most recent discourse





2 The literature on branding and corporate identity align the terms. In the remainder of this document the
terms have been used interchangeably









about branding has further minimized the boundaries between these concepts and has

created a perspective, which interrelates each of these areas.

What is branding? Most frequently a brand is described as being a name (Marconi,

1993), the name of a product, company, or organization. It is true that some of the most

recognized and easily identifiable names represent a traditional perspective of a brand as

a product (Coca-Cola) or a service (GE). However, marketing, organization, business,

and finance literature from the early 1990s to today propose that the name is only the

signifier of the brand. The brand itself is much more. This is where the lines between

marketing and public relations positioning blur, and the definition of a brand emerges as

the embodiment of an organization though its name.

A brand could be described as the entire range of emotions experienced when the

brand [name or logo] is heard or seen. The symbolic nature (Levy, 1999) of a brand name

can come to be interpreted by an image; however, the image must evoke a name to be

considered a brand. While the name may resonate, a brand is not simply a name, suggests

Knapp (2000), president of BrandStrategy, Inc. Many companies and or organizations

have well known names, but it is when a product or service is characterized by some

distinctive attribute or unique narrative that it becomes a brand (Knapp, 2000). Thus

emerge the three tiers of a brand symbol, name, and association. It is this process of

narrative distinction that creates what is currently accepted as representative of a brand.

Knowles argues that brands are important for their ability to communicate meaning

(Goodchild & Callow, 2001). Mark Rowden in his book 7he Art ofldentity states,

"Without branding, a 'face cream' is only a cream, indeed a cream of unknown quality"

(Rowden, 2000, p. 128). Branding transmits an aura of trust, credibility, experience, and










performance or lack thereof. A nonprofit organization seeking funds from donors is as

dependent on the perception a donor has of its organization's brand as is any product

competing for identity on the supermarket shelves. Referring to corporate identities,

Rowden stated: "An identity exists within a confusing and emotional market area. It is

therefore vital to create and manage an identity's purpose, strength, and effectiveness"

(Rowden, 2000, p. 8).

The concept of branding extends even further, as the exploration of potential brand

value dictates that the brand' s perception in the mind of the consumer or donor is not the

only one that counts. "The ability to create relationships is what gives a brand power and

makes them different from other corporate assets" (Knowles, 2001, p. 36). In service-

oriented industries as in corporate and nonprofit organizations, the employees help to

build the brand. The product itself is intangible, and the brand is created out of the image

or experience that the consumer/donor has with the organization. Interbrand has offered

some criteria for nonprofit brand valuation. Factors such as level of trust in effective use

of donations, personal experience with the cause, level of donor contact, and ease of

transaction begin to develop a perspective of the organization' s potential brand value

(Rusch, 2003). However, the experience of the brand in the nonprofit sector is in the

relationships that are maintained though the umbrella of the brand, what the organization

does, represents, and creates. "In fact, not-for-profit organizations are well-placed to

become powerful brands. Be their focus the arts, culture, education, the environment,

community services, or research, people working in these organizations are driven by the

conviction of their work and the importance of the views they express and generate"

(Tan, 2003, p. 1).









Current literature aimed at the busine ss/entrepreneuri al community focuses on a

clear understanding of branding conceptualization. Predominant definitions propose

branding as a metaphor for people. "People relate to brands exactly as they relate to

people" (Bibby, 2001, p.1). Joachimsthaler and Aaker (1997), Knapp (2000) and Bedbury

(2002), also describe branding in personified terms. Thus, the relationships that a brand

maintains become far-reaching. Beyond the logo, name, or tagline, the motivation behind

the brand and organization's work is the platform upon which the strength of the brand is

built (Tan, 2003).

Conclusion

The concepts of organizational identity, identification, culture, image and brand

maintain relationships to both internal and external audiences. While the literature

continues to dialogue about the significance, meanings and even definitions of the terms,

considerations of change in any one of these areas have a recognizable affect on the

others. In reviewing the interrelationships between them casts increasing doubt on the

consideration that identity is a stable enduring notion (Gioia, Schultz & Corley, 2000).

Organizations strive to maintain some semblance of recognition and stability within their

environments yet "changes in identity are constrained within non-specified but

nonetheless moderating environmental bounds" (Gioia, Schultz & Corley, 2000, p. 73).

Through unambiguous communication of organizational images the anxiety of identity-

threatening actions can be reduced (Alvesson, 1990).

The complexity and intensity of the current market place is certainly driving factors

in organizational considerations of identity, identification, culture and brand. To this

extent, the organization's branding mentality in fact, could be viewed as reflective of its

organizational health in the areas of identity, identification, image, and culture.
















CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY

The methodological considerations for this study have foundations in qualitative

and ethnographic research. This chapter summarizes and explains the research

methodology utilized in this study and the research questions the data collection pursued.

The research was conducted in the form of a case study and employed two main methods

to gather evidence: participant observation and semi-structured interviews.

Case Study Methodology

Qualitative research has enjoyed a long relationship and a rich history in the

academic disciplines of anthropology and sociology. Within organization scholarship,

however, the use of qualitative methods has struggled to find its footing. Only recently

has the organizational academic community begun to recognize the interpretive and

descriptive benefits offered by the incorporation of qualitative methodologies in various

areas of organizational research (Van Maanen, 1979; Yin, 1981; Schein, 1996).

Qualitative social research is said to have four main goals: to give voice to the group or

community being studied, to interpret historically or culturally significant phenomena,

and to advance theoretical ideas (Ragin, 1994). Qualitative methodologies, including case

studies, conversation analysis, participant observation, ethnographies, among many

others seek to identify symbols and record the patterns of responses that symbols elicit by

way of assessing social, cultural and contextual meaning (Van Maanen, 1979).










Yin (1981) articulates that the need for case studies emerges when an empirical

inquiry examines a contemporary phenomenon, particularly when the boundaries

between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident. Case studies offer researchers

opportunities to explore social phenomena within its structural setting, attempting to

"explain the causal links in real-life interventions that are too complex for survey or

experimental strategies" (Yin, 1981, p. 98). Single-case studies can be viewed as serving

knowledge utilization according to three models. The knowledge driven model (basic

research that leads to practical applications), the problem driven model (utilization

dependant on prior identification of a problem and subsequent specific study), and the

interactive model (utilization occurs though continual communication between

knowledge producers and knowledge users) (Yin, 1981).

Applications of case studies intend to describe, to illustrate and to explore where

the intervention being evaluated has no clear set of outcomes. Recently, organizational

researchers have incorporated case studies into larger inquiries, but rarely employ it as

the main methodology to address the constructs of organizational culture (Schein, 1996),

to explore the intricacies of identity and organizational adaptation (Dutton & Dukerich,

1991), and organizational identification (Dutton, Dukerich & Harquail, 1994; Gioia,

1998). Management and business literature also, often refer to case studies as examples

of management decision-making and opportunities to review the lessons learned in a

variety of organizational situations, such is notable in publications such as hItrabrand

hIsights and Harvard Business Review 's Case Studies.

In the instance of CARE International the case study design allowed for exploration

of the nature of change communication within the organization. It employed written,










spoken, and observed documentation of the uses and understanding regarding the

corporate identity change within the organization while also assembling information from

both internal and external aspects. The case study concept follows anthropologist Clifford

Geertz' s 1973 proposal of "thick description" where almost every aspect of daily life

throughout the progression of change becomes significant in the understanding and

interpretation of human action and response in social situations. This case study then,

incorporates two qualitative methodologies as a means of data collection: active, overt,

participant-observation and semi-structured, in-depth interviews. The resulting

description or ethnographic report on CARE Intemnational's change communication

serves as an evaluative study of decisions and processes as well as an illustrative example

for similar organizations pursuing change.

Research Questions

The research for this study aimed at addressing questions of identity, image and

culture in organizational change in the nonprofit setting. The first set of questions

concern areas of conceptualization regarding these constructs. What are the

characteristics of organizational identity, image and culture that become salient during

organizational change? In other words, how does one identify these constructs within

organizations and how does their input affect social reactions to change in the

organizational setting? How does CARE identify these constructs and how did they

emerge if they were not already notable during the change process?

The second set of questions relates to the communications lens, particularly internal

communications relative to the constructs of organizational and corporate identity, image

and culture. How did CARE communicate the change process to its internal publics?









What aspects of change resistance are attributable to the communication of change? How

does organizational culture resonate in CARE's organizational communications?

The Einal set of questions focus on the impact and challenges of organizational

branding in the nonprofit sector. What factors led CARE to re-identity or re-brand itself!

What factors led CARE to approach their identity change in the manner they did? What

were the challenges the organization faced in undertaking and implementing this change?

What was the impact of the change?

Methods

Prior to the Hieldwork, a review of CARE organizational literature was used, as

preliminary data, to orientate the researcher toward the organization, its work, its current

strategies, and challenges. Printed materials were reviewed from both the CARE USA

Headquarters and the CARE country office in Honduras. These printed materials are

viewed as formal communications both internally and externally directed. The materials

reviewed included annual reports, brochures, strategic plans, press releases, as well as

research presentations provided to CARE by the consultant-adverti sing agency, McCann

Erickson New York.

In the first stage of the Hieldwork, the researcher acted as a participant in the

process of change in CARE International. Initial ethnographic data was collected during

the researchers experience working in the CARE offices of Atlanta (May, 2002; July,

2003), and Honduras (May-August, 2002; July-August, 2003). This experience was

supplemented by contact with various other country offices including, Egypt, Ecuador,

and El Salvador (July, 2002). Extensive field notes consist of these participant

observation opportunities, notes and minutes from preliminary meetings, and

management meetings regarding communications strategies, particularly for the









Honduras country office. Further observation opportunities were available in the

Honduran office everyday functions and interoffice communications.

As a follow-up to the fieldwork, the researcher conducted 5 semi-structured, open-

ended interviews at the CARE USA Headquarters in Atlanta (February, 2004) with key

people, in leadership roles, who were involved in various aspects of CARE' s change.

These interviews served to elaborate and verify the observed site where participant-

observation evidence was gathered.

Participant Observation

Participant observation is used extensively in the social sciences, particularly in the

fields of anthropology and sociology. It is a method, which is generally associated with

ethnographic field studies, where a researcher enters a field site to immerse themselves in

the social phenomena they wish to study. "Participant observation is a special mode of

observation in which you are not merely a passive observer. Instead you may assume a

variety of roles within a case study situation and may actually participate in the events

being studied" (Yin, 1981, p. 87).

Field observations as a participant can be described as falling into two dimensions:

the researcher as an observer or a participant-observer (passive or active) and the

researcher observing in the field overtly or covertly. The passive observer attempts to

operate as anonymously as possible and integrates minimally so as to not influence the

behavior being studied (Lindlof, 1995). Similarly, the covert, field researcher observes

and participates without disclosing the fact they are conducting research or the research

obj ective. The active participant-observer, on the other hand, tries to integrate as much as

possible and interact with many people within the group or field site. The active

participant-observer posits that the integration within the group might lessen the status or









activity differences between the researcher and the group under study (Lindof, 1995). In a

similar fashion, the overt positioning of the researcher attempts to foster good relations

and openly pursue data collection where the subj ects have full knowledge of the research.

The participant-observer thus, takes an engaged position (whether active or passive,

covert or overt) in the situation or phenomena being studied (Babbie, 1998). The

participant observation technique also creates complexities as a research method. While

the employ of participant observation offers the researcher the distinctive opportunity to

gain access to events or groups that otherwise may be inaccessible to the researcher and

to witness the studied phenomena in progress potential bias is produced (Yin, 1994). This

position is discussed further in the following section about limitations to this study. It is

noted however, that participant observation in many cases, offers an immersion into a

studied situation that may result in insights from an "insider' s" point of view, and may be

one of the few ways to gain that perspective (Yin, 1994; Schein, 1996).

In this case study of CARE International the researcher was given the opportunity

(though a grant from the Coca-Cola Foundation, administered though the World

Citizenship Program at the University of Florida) to both observe from an external, macro

perspective and participate on the micro level of the organizational change

implementation. During the three-month period spent in CARE International's Honduran

country office, the researcher was positioned as an overt participant-observer in the role

of change agent (an outsider, charged with facilitating the change within the

organization), specifically, guiding the country office though the adoption of CARE' s

new brand or corporate identity. In the role of change agent, the support of the country

director was critical in relating a sense of authority to the organizational members. The










role entailed that the researcher play an adaptive role, first assessing the organizational

culture of CARE as an organization and then observing the micro organizational culture

of CARE International in Honduras. Further, the researcher relied on developed

relationships in the Honduran office as both informants, with insight into the behavior of

organizational members, and cultural guides relating to the Central American country's

system of values and acceptance, both of which influenced the change adoption on

internal and external levels of the organization.

The participant observation data collected was analyzed to identify themes

according to the research questions. In the following chapter, the evidence gathered was

used to construct chronological groupings of data.

Interviews

Interviews provide one of the most important sources of information in a case study

(Yin, 1994). In opposition to the structured format of survey questions, interviews in

qualitative research are generally designed to be more flexible, iterative and continuous

than typically found in quantitative studies (Babbie, 1998, p. 290). Qualitative interviews

are designed as "conversations with a purpose" (Lindolf, 1995, p. 163), where the

researcher has developed a general direction for the inquiry and pursues information

provided by the respondent (Babbie, 1998). Within a sociocultural communications

framework the interview offers various benefits as a research tool, Mason describes the

process as the following:

...interviewers frame and ask questions, respondents attempt to understand not only
the questions but also their own experiences, respondents attempt to structure
coherent answers and researchers interpret the respondent' s answers, (verbal and
nonverbal). (Mason, 2001, pp. 59-60)










Qualitative interviews become particularly useful in a research strategy when

conducted with individuals who "have access to information that average people do not

have or who, because of their positions, can influence others, be receptive to novel ideas,

or act as obstacles to change" (Poindexter & McCombs, 2000, p. 268).

Interview methods can generally be viewed in three forms. The form most

commonly employed in qualitative research is the semi-structured, in-depth interview.

The semi-structured, in-depth interview allows for the researcher to explore matters of

fact and of the respondent' s opinions (Yin, 1994). A second type of interview is

considered a focused interview (structured) where the researcher follows more or less the

structure of a set group of questions but allows for fluidity and pursuit of respondents

answers for clarification (Yin, 1994; Lindolf, 1995). The third type of interview follows

the formal, structured format of a survey. The survey interview would allow for

comparison analysis across all respondents, as each question is presented uniformly, and

allows for the researcher to observe non-verbal reactions.

Individual (or one-on-one) interviews are often used in qualitative research when it

is impractical or prohibitively expensive to create a focus group or conduct a group

interview of opinion leaders relevant to the researcher' s study (Poindexter & McCombs,

2000). Individual interviews can be used to corroborate information previously observed

or explore opinions held by particular members of the organization being researched

(Yin, 1994).

The interview, as a qualitative research technique, also exhibits issues of

complexity when assessing the reliable and reproducible value of the method. Further

explored in the limitations section, interviews can reveal biases on the part of the









researcher (Yin, 1994). Yin explains that interviews are verbal reports and as such are

"subj ect to common problems of bias, poor recall, and poor or inaccurate articulation"

(Yin, 1994, p. 85). Thus, the most effective use of interview methodologies is in

conjunction with other techniques and information from other sources (Yin, 1994).

Employing interview techniques into qualitative research studies serves to help

triangulate other qualitative methods and, similarly to participant observation, is rarely

used exclusively. Together, though, the techniques offer a description of organizational

life generally not attainable though quantitative methods alone.

In this case study, the researcher utilized purposive conversations with

organizational members in the field, and semi-structured, in-depth interviews with CARE

International organizational members. The interview participants were identified as being

influential in designing and/or disseminating the organization's identity and corporate

image change. The maj ority of these interviews took place at the CARE USA

headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia in February 2004. The remainder of the interviews were

conducted via telephone due to scheduling complications.

Each interview in Atlanta was conducted in the individual's office and followed a

generalized structure aimed at addressing issues of change resistance, organizational

identity in relation to the brand change, the process of change, the individual's role in the

change process or dissemination, the individual's perception of the change process in

CARE and the individual's opinions about the new organizational identity. Accordingly,

the analysis of this data entailed an assessment of recurrent themes and terminology used

in the individuals' description of the change process.










The Research Site

CARE International USA1

CARE International is one of the world' s largest PVO's working in international

development and aid. CARE is organized as a confederation of 12 member countries

The organization' s International Secretariat is located in Brussels. Each of the member

countries has been designated as a "lead member" for countries where CARE

programming is currently in progress. CARE Intemnational has programming presence in

72 countries; CARE International USA is the lead member for 44 of those countries

(CARE USA Annual Report, 2003). CARE International USA has its headquarters in

downtown Atlanta, Georgia. The building is accessible and maintains high security levels

to its offices. Globally, CARE employees number approximately 12,000.

CARE Intemnational USA is guided by a board of directors, consisting of various

influential people from foundations, universities and private corporations. An executive

team consisting of a chief of staff, president and executive officer, and four senior vice

presidents administer the organization. CARE International USA receives funding

support from charitable contributions, grants, and contracts from governmental and non-

governmental entities (CARE' s Annual Report 2003). CARE International distributes

funds to each of the CARE member countries, further maj or support comes from the

United States government, direct private donations, various United Nations agencies,

UNICEF, World Bank, and host country governments.

SCARE USA's membership in the confederation of CARE International creates the title of CARE
International USA. Country offices that are a not members of the confederation but who maintain
programming under a lead organization would be, for example, CARE International in Honduras. Often
CARE USA or CARE Honduras is used as the abbreviated version.

2 CARE International's member countries are: Australia, Austria, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany,
Japan, Netherlands, Norway, Thailand, United Kingdom, and United States.









During the first phase of research, the fieldwork in Honduras was supplemented by

and orientation in the Atlanta offices (June 2002). Through this orientation, researcher

had the opportunity to meet with various departments in CARE's Atlanta offices

including program directors in areas of disaster relief, education, and HIV AIDS, as well

as fundraising and marketing. The orientation, organized by CARE, served as an

introduction to CARE as an organization, its work, and its current marketing and

communication strategies.

Later, in February 2004, the researcher initiated interviews to address the specific

area of inquiry for this study. The individuals chosen for interviewing were selected for

their positions in the CARE organizational structure and due to their positions, the

assumed leadership roles they maintained throughout the change process. Several of the

respondents were in the employ of CARE before the changes were implemented and

others j oined CARE after the process was already underway. Several of the more recent

management staff came to CARE from significant marketing positions with large private

corporations such as Coca Cola and Pepsi, allowing for insightful commentary regarding

the differences in marketing the profit versus the nonprofit sectors.

The departments of included were CARE Intemnational USA's Marketing

Department, Extemnal Relations, Human Resources, and Strategic Planning and Analysis.

These interviews offered a more macro-view inquiry of the organizational culture and

positioning, the respondents were able to offer insights in to CARE' s organizational

structure on the international level, the motivations for change and various upper

management perspectives of the change implementation.









CARE International in Honduras

CARE Intemnational began working in Honduras in 1943, under the leadership of

the lead member office CARE Intemnational USA. They maintain two main offices, one

in each of the two largest Honduran cities, San Pedro Sula and, the main office in the

nation's capital, Tegucigalpa, as well as several smaller field offices. CARE Intemnational

in Honduras employs approximately 200 people including its administration, operational

and field staffs. Some eighty-five people work as field coordinators while extension

agents number approximately one hundred.

CARE Honduras is led by one country director and maintains communication and

coordination with several regional directors and/or coordinators. CARE Honduras

receives funding from a variety of sources, many of which are secured though the support

of CARE International USA, which distributes funds to the country offices it "leads".

Other sources of funding come though grant writing to such agencies as USAID, various

foundations and various foreign development agencies (including the Office of Food

Security of the European Commission, and the Canadian Agency for International

Development). Still other means of assistance come from collaboration with Honduran

government agencies in the form of access, matching funds, or program specific support.

At the time of the research, CARE Honduras was implementing eleven projects

and/or programs. Programming represented areas of rural healthcare, education, small

business creation, commercialization and financing, forest management, education,

coffee export, and potable water. Most proj ects were based in the field sites and managed

out of the main office in Tegucigalpa. Proj ect managers alternated time in the field and

time in the office. Each proj ect was responsible for the individual program's budget and

was accountable to both the country director and the donors.









The Tegucigalpa and San Pedro ounces also maintained a high level of security

(walls around the buildings and guards 24 hours at the gates). The main office in

Tegucigalpa was a building of four floors. A general secretary answered the phone and

greeted visitors.

The site of CARE Intemnational in Honduras was an ideal location to observe the

implementation of CARE' s global branding strategy. At the time of the research, the

country office was in the midst of dealing with substantial Einancial cutbacks, the

implementation of a regional collaborative strategy with the other Central American

offices, as well as an exercise in finalizing the country office's five-year strategic plan.

The researcher' s opportunity for involvement in the country office included a weeklong

tour of programming in remote areas of the country, as well as programming that took

place in small towns near the main office in Tegucigalpa. Initially, the researcher simply

observed and was orientated to the work of CARE and the programming it facilitates.

After several weeks the researcher then took on the role of change agent. Empowered

with the support of the country director the researcher was given the responsibility to

socialize the new logo to the staff of CARE Intemnational in Honduras and also to

organize and lead a team to launch the "new CARE" image to the external constituents.

Throughout the fieldwork timeframe, the researcher was invited to participate and

observe in various management level workshops and meetings as well as conduct several

informational meetings to begin the process of dissemination. The team, created by the

director to help accomplish both the internal and external communication of the change,

consisted of organizational members from various departments and positions within

CARE Intemnational in Honduras. Several of the members had organized events for the










organization in the past however, none had academic marketing experience. The team

included individuals who held positions in areas such as computer analysis, programming

coordination, secretarial duties and account management. This assignment came in

addition to their daily responsibilities.

Limitations

The qualitative data presented in this study were gathered from the collaboration of

CARE Intemnational. The findings are a result of the researcher' s overt, active participant

observation experience in CARE Honduras and interviews with upper management in

CARE Intemnational USA. As a result, the information lends itself to a bias with regard to

the researchers participation within the organization. The decision to employ qualitative

methods for this research was made in full recognition of the subj ective position of the

researcher as a change agent, the observations are thus filtered thorough the researcher' s

interpretations.

One limitation of the case study approach is the orientation toward identifying the

presence or absence of factors, rather than evaluating the importance of those factors.

This same limitation can also be viewed as an advantage where the selected

organizational setting can be studied precisely because the researcher is interested in the

social phenomenon that is believed to be present (Vaughan, 1992).

The researcher, during this study, held a role of change agent within CARE

International's country office of Honduras and was instrumental in the decisions made

with regard to communications of the change process. The experience was much like that

of a consultant where the researcher was able to observe from the position of an outsider

and make notations regarding the organizational issues which surfaced during the

process, yet the role of change agent, supported by the country director, may have created










an environment where the researcher was not privy to some employee reactions. Also the

simple presence of the researcher may have affected overt actions or reactions on the part

of the groups observed. Yet, the opportunity to help initiate the change offered

unparalleled access to the organization its behavior throughout the change process.

With regard to the interviews, the study may have proved to be a more

generalizable study if many levels of employees were included. Upper management

perspective, albeit from various departments, reflect the formal organizational

perspective of how change communications took place (or were intended to take place).

The inclusion of a more varied interview sample among the many levels of the

organization's headquarters could have provided generalizable information on an

organization-wide level.

The combination of methods deflects, in some respects, the limitations of each

method individually, yet the Eindings of this case study cannot be generalized fully to

other organizations. The descriptions and Eindings in this case study do, however, offer

other development and nonprofit agencies some areas of consideration when their

organizations are faced with or attempts change, specifically when that change addresses

organizational identity and/or image.















CHAPTER 4
FINDINGS

The data for the present study were gathered over a period of two years (Summer

2002-2004). The findings are presented according to the various stages of the data

collection. This chapter consists of three sections. First, a description of the preliminary

data findings based on research from external and internal CARE documentation. This

section provides the foundational conceptions of CARE' s exploration of the identity and

branding change. Second, the explanation and description of the researcher' s role as

participant-observer as well as a change agent in CARE Honduras, and third, descriptive

examples of interview data performed as follow-up to the field research.

Overview of CARE International's Branding Change

CARE International originally addressed the organization's placement in the

market as a fundraising issue. As the organization began to explore its difficulties in the

marketplace, it became more and more relevant to access marketing and communication

knowledge in order to assess CARE's identity and image. McCann Erickson played a

large part in educating CARE representatives with regard to the organization's

positioning and brand. The identity and branding change was the result of a long internal

assessment of where the organization was and where it wanted to be.

The New Brandmark

The original design of the CARE logo was navy blue with the acronym in stenciled

capital letters. It was designed to resemble the stamp that identified the CARE packages@

sent to Europe in the late 1940s. Later, the image was updated by changing the color to










dark green, attempting to proj ect a more environmental balance. In 1999-2000 the

brandmarkl was completely revamped (See appendix A). It was determined that the

CARE acronym in lower case letters proj ected a warmer, more inviting feeling, as did the

change to a warm color palette. The cold green color was replaced with two warm colors,

yellowish/gold and orange. The brandmark design is comprised of a circle of individual

painted handprints (as might be seen in a child' s art proj ect), alternating the two warm

tones of orange and yellow. The illustration was termed "community of hands" further

reflecting the organizations repositioning as a partner in the fight against poverty. A

particularly well-received description, in Latin America, of the conceptual change in the

brand was articulated in a marketing phrase (translated from Spanish) "Before we put our

stamp on things, now we unite our hands to reach sustainable solutions in the fight

against poverty."

In addition to a change in the logo design CARE also addressed the tagline or

slogan, which was designed to complement the logo itself. The slogan that accompanied

the old logo was: "Where There's CARE There's Hope." Along with the new colors and

logo, a new tagline was introduced: "Where the End of Poverty Begins." The slogan was

not translated into other languages by the corporate headquarters given its belief that the

individual country offices would better be able to use local language and/or dialects to

interpret and translate the slogan most appropriately for the particular audiences in a

given country. CARE International did not have a formal approval procedure for country

office attempts to translate slogan.




SWithin CARE International the Brandmark is referent to the organization's logo. The terms are used
interchangeably throughout the remainder of this document.









Preliminary Data: Summary of CARE's Internal and External Materials

If one were to ask a representative of CARE International for information regarding

the organization, the inquiry would most frequently be met by an inundation of

organizational literature. CARE' s global focus on the "root causes of poverty" elicits a

perceived need, on the part of the organizational members, to provide extensive

information about the complexities of poverty on a global level. CARE is an organization

centered around its programming. Its strategic long- and short-term planning, its

fundraising efforts, its internal employee improvement programs, and other

organizational actions all reflect the emphasis on the intellectual side of the issues.

Consistent with CARE' s vision and mission of serving the individuals and

communities of the poorest regions of the world, CARE International has embraced the

wider international development community's 1996 goal of working to reduce the

number of people living in extreme poverty by half by the year 2015. As an overarching

goal, CARE aligns itself with other international organizations with the belief that in

working together they can overcome the affects of poverty. To this end, CARE

acknowledged three strategic directions to guide their activities. 1) Adopt rights-based

approaches to achieve greater impact on poverty and social justice, 2) build a diverse

constituency dedicated to ending poverty, and 3) increase resources to end poverty.

The external symbolism representing the pursuit of these changes was embodied in

the new, unified CARE vision and mission, the logo, and tagline. Implementation of the

branding strategy included the creation of a brand standards' manual. The manual

provided examples of acceptable usage of the brand and the tagline for various

implementations. Each country office received a hard copy of the standards' manual, and

a compact disk with the logo in various file formats. Further, country directors and some









country office management staff were socialized to the logo change and briefed on the

implementation schedule by staff from the Atlanta headquarters. Implementation in

country offices was decidedly left up to the country directors as to the most appropriate

means dependant on the particular country's cultural and physical constraints. The

schedule requested that the county offices first employ the use of both the old and the

new logos side by side, to accustom constituents to the new look. All the country offices

were asked to have full implementation of the new logo by September 2002.

Participant Observation Data

The Initial Stages

In summer 2002, the researcher arrived to the country office of CARE International

in Honduras with the understood agenda of facilitating the external launch event, which

would introduce the new logo to the external audiences. Meetings with the country office

director emphasized the need to create an event that would be more engaging than the

organization's typical approach of a formal dinner with speakers. The country director

arranged for a small team of organizational members, who aside from their daily

responsibilities, were assigned to assist the researcher in developing and implementing

the launch event.

It quickly came to the researcher' s attention that the country office had not yet

disseminated information about the corporate identity change to the members of the

country office staff, that is, the adoption of the new logo and tagline. The team of

members ostensibly named the "Comision Lanzimento del Logo" (commission for the

logo launch2, inSisted that due to the country office's other changes, it was essential to


2 Hence forth in this document this team of members is referred to as the Comisi6n.










provide more information to the staff. Initially, the researcher, based on information

provided by Atlanta, explained to the Comisi6n members the significance of the logo

change and its relationship to the other changes in CARE on a larger scale. The Comisi6n

members had some knowledge that the logo change was eminent and provided

suggestions as to the potential issues that might be encountered during the socialization

process in the country office. The members of the Comisi6n soon became champions of

the logo change and were instrumental in explaining the process both informally and

formally within CARE Intemnational in Honduras.

In 2001, the eight country offices of CARE Intemnational in the Central American

and Caribbean region initiated the process of incorporating the global organization' s new

strategy and brandmark. In Honduras, several levels of management had collaborated to

create a long-term, strategic plan. The plan, termed the PELP (Planeaci6n Estrategica a

Largo Plazo), aimed to:

* Re-conceptualize the mission of CARE' s proj ects and proposals.

* Reduce the individual's work loads.

* Improve communications and coordination across the region.

* Share leadership roles.

* Redefine functions of the managers and executives toward a more horizontal
corporate structure.

In line with the overall organizational changes, CARE Honduras and the other

Central American and Caribbean offices aligned themselves in order to begin the

implementation of these highly conceptual changes.

CARE Intemnational in Honduras has enjoyed strong relationships with political

leaders and long-term recognition within the country, with those who were familiar with










their work. The larger population maintained a generally low awareness of the

organization. CARE' s work in Honduras has been most notable for its programs in the

most poverty-stricken areas, its interventions in intercity sustainable planning, as well as

for the significant aid that the organization provided in the aftermath of Hurricane Mitch

in 1998.

The country office determined that, for the most part, its target publics for the

dissemination of their new strategic plan and the new brandmark were several specialized

groups. Generally, the beneficiaries of CARE interventions in Honduras did not identify

strongly to the brandmark, but rather with the extension agents who worked and often

lived in their communities. The beneficiaries, therefore, were not targeted as needing

extensive explanation of the change. The publics who were of concern were the

employees themselves, as their dedication to the organization was viewed as one of

CARE' s strongest assets, political figures from local to national and international, as well

as current and potential donors (including governmental agencies and private sector

businesses), who support local proj ects.

CARE Honduras worked within traditional hierarchical structure which has its

origins in CARE's original organizational structure but which is exacerbated by a Central

American cultural norm of deference for those in higher organizational positions (high

stratifieation and power distance). Many employees have been working for the

organization for more than eight years. Generally, the employees demonstrated a strong

dedication and identification with the organization and its mission. This was evident from

the frequent overtime hours and the management of heavy workloads the staff carried

without the motivation of additional pay. The old slogan of "Where There' s CARE









There' s Hope" had become part of the vernacular in referring to the organizations work

throughout the country, revealing how ingrained this conceptualization was in the minds

of most of the CARE Honduras employees.

The administration staff had contact with much of the programming staff but knew

little about the actual proj ect implementation in the field. For example, the accounting

staff was aware of the financial situations of each proj ect, yet few of them had ever

traveled to the field or understood the complexities of the work implementation. Further,

while program managers often held meetings to address issues with regard to their

positions, few program staff had knowledge of programming outside of their areas. For

example, staff that worked in the health program knew little about the proj ect for

sustainable, potable water in another region of the country. Efforts to expand the

knowledge base, particularly of administrative staff were met with difficulties of heavy

workloads and limited financial means.

The Honduran' s staff' s feelings of uncertainty regarding the logo change were

exacerbated by a myriad of other changes simultaneously affecting the organization.

CARE Honduras had, just a year prior, received a new country director (terms of country

directors are generally 3 to 5 years). Adaptation to a new country director seems to be

fluid within CARE as the position is one that is changed relatively frequently. Further, in

mid 2002 the organization was hit with a severe cut in funding. The organization's

programming portfolio had gone from 11 million in 2002 to 4.5 million in 2003. This cut

resulted from the ending of relief proj ects initiated after Hurricane Mitch, a general

global economic slowdown and the overall humanitarian aid shift to African HIV/AIDs

issues and war/terrorist-affected countries in the Middle East. The employees in CARE










Honduras were cautious in their reception to the branding change information given the

uncertainty of the organization' s situation. They were generally hesitant about the global

organization' s intentions to restructure and concerned for the potential insecurity of their

positions.

At the time of the research, CARE Honduras did not have a staff position of public

relations, communications or marketing. When the need for materials arose, the proj ect

managers themselves or one of the individual proj ect staff would use basic word

processing software to create brochures and presentations or an outside publishing

agency was outsourced. The country director generally managed public relations for

CARE Honduras, along with other management staff and frequently with the assistance

of the program executive assistant. However, contact with the media was generally

limited.

The Socialization Stage

CARE Honduras turned initial attention to its staff. The Comisi6n together with

management had to not only explain to the staff about the new brandmark, how to use it,

and why the change was being made, but also explain the new more horizontal

conceptualization of the Honduran office' s organizational structure. Finally, there was

also a need to relate to the staff the magnitude of the organization' s financial strains and

the cutbacks that would have to be made to avoid eliminating positions. The tasks were

approached in several small stages. First, a brief internal informational brochure was

distributed. The brochure was titled "Where we are and where we want to be" and it

briefly described the finalization of the PELP, facts regarding the office's financial

issues, the emphasis the organization holds in providing transparency in the










communication of these changes, and a brief description of the decisions the organization

had already taken in order to alleviate some of the issues (see appendix B).

Secondly, information was disseminated through several small seminars with the

Hield extension agents, administrative, and support staff. The half-day seminars included

time for the director to present the relevant aspects of CARE' s history, as it pertained to

the current global confusion of the brand, and then for the Commission for the Logo

Launch to explain the meaning and the usage standards of the new brandmark. The

seminars were informal and allowed time for addressing the staff~ s questions and

concerns.

The next step was at the managerial level. Field onfce managers, proj ect managers,

human resources and accounting staff, and other mid-level staff were brought to the main

office in Tegucigalpa for a three-day workshop/seminar. This workshop incorporated

some team-building activities, inspirational presentations, heated discussion about the

current Einancial situation, and candid descriptions of the expected Einancial cutbacks.

The workshop included time for the Comisi6n to again explain the logo and tagline

changes as well as an opportunity to stress the need for proj ect managers to participate

and coordinate in the conceptualization and execution of the external launch event.

A separate brochure was created for this workshop emphasizing the introduction of

the "new" CARE. The brochure was titled "Did you know that we have changed colors?"

Initial reaction to the brochure was that of oversimplifying the changes. As mentioned by

a participant in the workshop (translated from Spanish by the researcher): "This

information is incorrect, CARE has changed much more than its color". The workshop

also allowed time for small groups to discuss the PELP and comment with the intention









for improving the PELP document. Finally, the presentation of the new logo became the

symbolic representation of all these changes that were introduced. Initial descriptions of

the planning stages for the external launch event of the new logo were also brought up for

discussion.

The process allowed for the Honduran office staff to voice their concerns and ask

questions. Evidence of conceptual resistance was especially prominent in the discussion

of the new CARE tagline "Where the End of Poverty Begins" replacing that of "Where

There's CARE There's Hope". The Honduran management staff attempted to translate

the new tagline into Spanish, as did many of the Latin American country offices.

Attempts by the Honduran staff proved so controversial and unproductive that the office

decided to eliminate its use on their organizational materials. The country office's affinity

for the old tagline, and disappointment with the new one became evident in the member's

continual use of the previous tagline in communications and presentations.

Communications with the CARE country of El Salvador related similar difficulties with

the tagline translation. The El Salvador office had deliberated for several months over

translation work to find a translation that they agreed would capture the essence of the

new tagline. At the time of the research they had not come into agreement.

While recognition of the inconsistent use of the previous CARE brand was

generally accepted, standardization of the new logo was not among the staff s most

salient concerns. The most frequent concern expressed by the staff was the question of

"why". Why, when our office is experiencing such severe financial cutbacks are we

concerning even focusing on the change in the organization's corporate image? Why are










we enduring the added financial strain of rebranding when we have more serious issues to

address?

The socialization process took place during a period of six weeks. In the cases

where extension agents could not attend the meetings in the main office, the researcher or

one of the Comision members traveled to the field.

The Brand Implementation in Honduras

As mentioned earlier, the first uses of the logo came from CARE International

USA, incorporating the old and new logos. Initial implementation in Honduras of the use

of the new logo occurred sporadically before the official launch event. Internally, several

program/proj ect managers were in need of new business cards and other promotional

materials. Each program hosted by CARE Honduras maintains individual budgets. The

proj ect/program managers are responsible for the budget dispersement including

necessary communication materials. Therefore, before the socialization was complete,

program managers were already including the new logo on printed materials and

PowerPoint presentations.

Technical Issues

CARE International USA distributed to each country office a compact disk of the

logo digital formats as well as a brand standards' manual. The standards' manual was

provided in English and had not been translated into Spanish. Due to software limitations

within the CARE Honduras office (and many of the local printers), the compact disk was

inaccessible. The result was that CARE Honduras staff who wished to include the new

logo in their materials retrieved the image from the CARE International website.

Low technical knowledge of presentation software led to early misuse and/or

distortions of the new logo. Keeping in mind that CARE proj ect managers (with technical










expertise in areas of health, agriculture, etc.) created their own materials, often

presentations were noted to have incorporated a logo with very low resolution or

constrained vertical or horizontal placement resulting in a disfigured image. It was further

noted that the same difficulty occurred with the placement of donor logos or field images.

Business cards were among the types of materials that were contracted with a local

printer. When the first business cards were received it was noted that the new CARE logo

had been altered. The printer had redrawn the individual painted hands, which comprised

the "community of hands" imagery, so that each hand was solid and identical. Due to this

incident, subsequent presentations to staff related the necessity of standardization. The

Comisi6n began to actively and independently monitor the use of the logo both in the

Honduran offices and abroad. One of the Comision members in a description to the staff

said that communication of the community of hands imagery was intended to illustrate

the partnership of individuals that work together in CARE. The hands needed to be

presented as was depicted in the official logo to emphasize the individuality of those who

partner with CARE.

Overview of the Logo Launch Event

Over the following three months, planning began for an event that would show the

best of CARE in its new structure and its new "look." The launch event was called "Entra

y Conoce a CARE Internacional en Honduras" (Enter and Get to Know CARE

International in Honduras). The event was created as a "virtual trip" to CARE proj ects in

the field throughout Honduras. Small art-festival-type tents were created, one for each of

CARE Honduras' s current proj ects. An informational poster that briefly explained the

proj ect, credited the donor, and described the proj ects duration and the number of

beneficiaries was displayed outside each exhibit. Accompanying each tent was also the










proj ect manager and another CARE representative to explain and entertain questions

from the guests.

Inside the tent, the proj ects created an interactive atmosphere of what it is like to be

in the field. For example, the health proj ects created a small health center, the education

proj ect had several children representatives initiating breif educational games with the

guests, and the coffee growers had samples, plants and detailed descriptions of the high-

altitude coffee they harvest, market and sell.

The event welcomed guests by offering them a "passport" (a business card holder

containing the business cards of the CARE managerial staff with the new logo) and a

"Visa"; a pamphlet that listed each of the proj ects on display and opportunity to mark the

ones that were most interesting to them. The visa had an entry stamp and an exit stamp to

give the CARE greeters the occasion to remind the visitors to fill out the back of the visa,

check their proj ect of interest, and enter the visas into a raffle to win a real trip to visit the

proj ect of their choice in the field. These visas were also intended to update the contact

information of the guests for later informational use in fundraising programs and future

events .

Planning Stages of the Logo Launch Event

CARE Honduras was able to secure extra funds from CARE International USA to

realize the launch event; other monies came from unrestricted funds in the

administration's account. The event budget was approximately US $8,000. Due to the

complexities and novelty of the event' s concept Comisi6n again undertook a socialization

process to familiarize proj ect managers with the idea, urge their participation and

motivation. The concept required the participation of almost all of the CARE Honduras

staff and almost 100 of them were asked to facilitate the evening' s events.









The invitation list, after receiving input from each proj ect manager and passing

though approval of each of the management staff, numbered almost 300. Invitations were

sent to government officials, both national and local in the communities were CARE

Honduras had programming, members of current donor organizations, foreign embassies,

news media representatives, and partner NGO organizations working in Honduras. Due

to the possibility of the attendance of the president as well as many foreign ambassadors,

issues of protocol dominated many preliminary planning meetings. The finalization of the

invitation list took significant time and many invitations were hand delivered (the

national postal service was unreliable) just two weeks prior to the event. Originally, all of

CARE' s staff were also included on the invitation list, but due to the expense of bringing

all the extension agents and field office staff to the capital and the already long invitation

list, it was determined that the focus of the event was intended to introduce CARE

Honduras externally.

In the creation of the tents, a local artist was hired to facilitate the construction of

the contents according to each proj ect manager' s conceptualization. The researcher, the

Comisi6n and the artist, met individually with each proj ect manager to assist with the

creation of the tent contents. Proj ect managers were accustomed to making poster

presentations when meeting with donors. Initially, many of the ideas revolved around

hanging these posters or photomontages inside of the tent. Great effort was extended to

conceptualize interactive or physical representations of the proj ects in the field. Once the

proj ect managers understood the concept, the Comision was forced to tactfully tone down

the ideas that were either prohibitively expensive or impractical.









The information posters, which were situated just outside of each tent, were created

from the input of each proj ect manager and existing proj ect literature. The editing process

was difficult as the literature existing for each proj ect was extensive. In order to keep a

consistent look throughout the event set up, the proj ect explanations had to be edited to

the poster's size.

To facilitate the movement of guests through the virtual trip, general and program

staffs were recruited to be "guides". This required that all participating staff be

knowledgeable of all the country office's current programming. The staff members were

included in planning meetings to help orient them to the representations that were created

for each proj ect as well as the opportunity to read program literature.

Throughout the event CARE employees were recognizable by the CARE logo-

bearing t-shirts, which they wore as a uniform. Initial discussion of this idea was met

with extreme skepticism on the part of virtually every member of the CARE Honduras

staff. It was deemed inappropriate for the staff members to dress in t-shirts at a formal,

evening event. Resistance to the idea led to extended discussions in event planning

meetings, and general expressions of distain by the staff. The Comision resorted to the

country director' s influence to mandate the "uniform".

Structured, In-depth Interview Data

Overview of the CARE Image

In interviewing CARE International USA management staff at the organization's

headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia, themes emerged in the semiotic descriptions and

interpretations of the change process. Respondents were in general agreement about the

chronology of the evaluation of CARE' s positioning in the global market and the

resultant attention to the organization's global brand. The respondents identified several









issues in the evaluation, which led eventually to a brand assessment. First, CARE

recognized that its image was dated. Its reputation throughout the United States and most

of Europe was stable among those who remembered or could identify with the efforts of

the organization after World War II. Younger generations had difficulty identifying with

CARE beyond its famous CARE Packages@, and even then the packages referred more

to something their parents sent them while at summer camp than the war relief effort that

gave birth to the term. Second, in many countries where CARE works, the organization

was identified with only one or two of its proj ects--i.e., associations were made with

food distribution, agricultural proj ects or disaster relief. Throughout the globe CARE was

not able to maintain a united image as a humanitarian organization that addressed a

variety of social and humanitarian issues related to poverty.

Respondents related that CARE' s recognition of fundraising challenges also

resonated in a new direction for the organization of "the partner of choice" in the fight

against global poverty. The theme of partnership reflected a shift in emphasis toward

resource mobilization and the new vision and mission proj section of development work: in

conjunction with the local communities. CARE' s focus is also described as a "rights

based approach", empowering communities to attain their rights to necessities as human

beings. As a respondent described,

CARE seeks to assist poor communities throughout the developing world [by]
address[ing] the underlying or root causes of poverty. This also includes
discussions with communities about their interaction with their indigenous
government and the various institutions (financial, social, etc.) within their country.
Understanding the rights associated with their citizenship enable communities to
deepen their engagement with other parts of the society to accomplish the goal of
overcoming poverty. (Personal interview, LMichael Green, Director of Planning
and Strategic Analysis, External Relations, Feb. 20, 2004)









CARE recognized that part of the image discrepancy resulted from a strict

hierarchical structure that existed and that the organization sustained excess expenditures

and misinterpretation due to this structure. The traditional organizational model of

development work tends to be a top-down hierarchical structure. CARE began to analyze

this organizational management style as outdated in an organization that purports to

promote facilitating communities to provide for themselves. The result of its multiple

personalities and organizational structure was that many program efforts were not

receiving sufficient recognition to generate or maintain donor funding and many of the

programs could not reach potential beneficiaries, who were unaware of the variety of the

organization's program efforts.

Overview of CARE International USA Positioning Assessment

In 1990, one of the partners of McCann Erickson New York was a member of the

board of directors of CARE Intemnational USA. It was implied by one of the respondents

that someone in the CARE Executive Team must have been thinking along the lines of

the organization's marketing needs when this top advertising executive was recruited to

participate on the board of directors. The McCann Erickson representative offered its

company's services to CARE, pro-bono, to provide the organization with formative

market research, to analyze that information, and to suggest a potential communication

strategy to address the fundraising issues. Thus, the re-branding exercise (as referred to

by various research participants) of CARE International initially began as an attempt to

understand CARE Intemnational USA's fundraising issues.

Before the branding change, CARE had already begun to revaluate its international

message and its global structure. Approximately 20 years ago the organization had

created the international confederation now known as CARE International or CI. Until










recently, however, each member office maintained an individual vision and mission

statement. When McCann Erickson came on board with CARE in late 1998 this lack of

unity was among the first aspects addressed. A respondent expressed,

McCann Erickson came in and asked: "what's your vision and mission, CARE?",
cause that's got to be an input in determining what your brand is. And CI said well
gosh, we've all got different visions and missions, CARE USA has there's CARE
UK has there's. And so there was a halt in the process that says we've got to have a
common vision and mission before we can advance the brand. (Personal interview,
Adam Hicks, VP of Marketing and Communications, Feb. 18, 2004)

The unification of the CARE International member countries brought about the

realization that a common vision and mission statement was needed. The formation of

this collective vision and mission, according to Eric Dupree-Walker, Coordinator for

Strategic Planning and Analysis, in CARE USA' s Executive Area, was a key driver in the

reassessment of the organization' s image and identity as a whole.

McCann Erickson's research addressed donor constituents mainly disentangling the

perceptions of CARE in relation to other international aid organizations, filtering out the

distinguishing aspects of CARE' s work, and deciphering CARE' s target market. Keeping

in mind that the obj ective of McCann Erickson' s research was not necessarily to re-brand

the organization, they were addressing a fundraising issue; the branding exercise was an

outcome of the research.

Prior to the CI unification of vision and mission the confederation, as consistent

with CARE's programming focus created global units to address various issues with

regard to more successful and extensive programming. CARE International USA, while

pursuing its critical fundraising questions, recognized the potential benefit to the CI

members and CARE as a whole. CARE International then formed a global task force to

guide and assist McCann Erickson in its exploratory research. The task force consisted of









individuals from CARE International member offices and several country offices. The

task force also served as a preliminary approval committee in conjunction with the CARE

International USA board of directors.

McCann Erickson performed a "brand inventory" aimed at surveying images and

perceptions of CARE in relation to other international aid organizations as perceived by

current and potential donors. They also held 29 focus groups in the United States,

Canada, Germany, Denmark, Australia, and Japan in order to unveil image perceptions,

and giving behaviors across donor groups. The results of this research proved to be

instrumental in conveying to CARE International USA' s management and board of

directors the organization's scattered image and the low awareness and multiple images

of CARE' s work. The research also revealed donor perceptions of CARE as an

organization. The report revealed that donors perceived CARE as a large, traditional

organization and hence bureaucratic and "lumbering", empathetic, but not necessarily

effective, and that its humanitarian imagery is mostly confined to the Anglophone

markets due to the CARE package@ image.

McCann Erickson's research also focused on defining CARE's target market. The

multi-sectoral nature of the organization dictated several target publics. CARE was able

to define an overarching target market as what was termed the "Skeptical Progressive".

The target was described as a younger (35 yrs and older), professional, college educated

population. The understanding of this population was that organizational communications

had to recognize their intelligence yet appeal to their sense of emotion. Adam Hicks

reflected on the determination of the target market in this way:

Looking back on our brand exercise I would say that it was a positive stride for
CARE. But not sufficient to get us where we need to be. So we need to refine that










Skeptical Progressive target so that people who receive our communications know,
just by looking at it they say "this is talking to me. I'm supposed to advocate,
donate; I'm supposed to get involved with this organization because, CARE has
chose me because they know something about me and about what motivates me.
We've had trouble making that real enough for the skeptical progressive. So I
would say our central target that is in our brand architecture is still too broad and
we have to do more refinement on it. (Personal interview, Adam Hicks, VP of
Marketing and Communications, Feb. 18, 2004)

The New CARE Brandmark and Tagline

Respondents related various notions and connotations revealed during the

assessment of the previous CARE logo. It was noted that the green color and the use of

all capital letters portrayed a "militaristic" feel. For an organization that is generally

allowed country access due to its neutral stance and depended on its neutrality as a

"banner of protection" in conflict areas, this observation was salient. In the words of one

respondant:

In donor focus groups one of the interesting learning's was that the green color and
the use of all capital letters in CARE's original logo inferred the following:
stenciling on a food crate, affiliation with the military or the government in some
way. Realizing that our focus has evolved significantly over the last decade we
sought to look for ways to modify our logo to address this inconsistency and make
the CARE brand more consistent with the CARE of 2002. (Personal interview,
LMichael Green, Director of Planning and Analysis, External Relations, Feb.20,
2004)

The previous CARE logo was also perceived to be old and traditional, not

proj ecting warmth or humanity. McCann Erickson' s partner company FutureBrand' s

redesign of the logo was not the first attempt to change CARE' s look. Approximately

eight years ago, the organization changed the logo color from a navy blue to the

subsequent green. Yet, no brand standards existed regarding the use and implementation

of the logo or CARE imagery. In many cases the original blue logo was still in use. The









result was an inconsistent use of the logo throughout the CARE offices, which became a

symbolic reflection of the inconsistent perceptions of CARE' s work.

The new logo was intended to convey that CARE 1) does not work alone, 2) is part

of a worldwide movement working to alleviate poverty, 3) is an evolving organization

and 4) a redefinition, better understanding of what poverty is. The logo and tagline

received a lot of attention from the CARE country offices. Yet, from the management

perspective, the logo and tagline were only a symbolic image of the more significant

changes within the organization. In the words of one respondent: "It was the period at the

end of the sentence". (Personal interview, anonymous respondent, Feb. 20, 2004).

Comments regarding the logo generally emphasized the concept of branding in

terms of "brand architecture", as the structure or guideline for the organization' s

marketing strategy. According to Adam Hicks, CARE as an organization had little

knowledge or acceptance of marketing terminology. Using the term and concept of brand

architecture alleviated some of the overall hesitancy. The brand architecture was

described as the structure of the marketing strategy. In his words:

What we still had to overcome, and still do to this day, is the notion that a brand is
a logo or a brand is a logo and a tagline whereas a brand is meant to be the guiding
force behind all our communications and so when I think of the brand, my mind
goes to the architecture, not to the logo or any creative piece. (Personal interview,
Adam Hicks, VP of Marketing and Communications, Feb. 18, 2004)

The tagline complicated the logo roll out on all levels of the organization. As was

noted in Honduras and other Latin American offices much emphasis and time were spent

attempting to translate the tagline. It became almost a preoccupation for the country


3 See Appendix C for examples of varying CARE International logo use.









offices. When reflecting on the experience Adam Hicks, commented that if he had it to

do over:

I would only change it by eliminating the tagline as part of CARE International
brand architecture all together. I would let each CI member develop their own
because translation becomes so difficult and arriving at something that works in
every language is just tougher than you can talk about. In the end what having a
tagline did was distracted everyone from the true meaning of the process, which
[was] developing a common language and look and feel for CARE. The tagline
became, in too many circles, the only thing that people talked about and distracted
people from what the real focus of the process was about. (Personal interview,
Adam Hicks, VP Marketing, Feb. 18, 2004)

Environmental Influences and Themes

Although CARE as an organization recognized the signs that change was necessary

to bolster their position in the market, the branding exercise was the organizations first

attempt to respond to the changes in their environment. Respondents were in general

agreement as to what external factors were identified as hindering the organization's

fundraising possibilities. Individually, each respondent generally cited the same external

factors that have created CARE's fundraising difficulties. It is assumed that McCann

Erickson' s previous research in this area and the dissemination of that information

influenced the general, collective understanding of the organization' s position.

Foremost in the comments was the reiteration of the level of competition: "The

recent proliferation ofNGOs and other nonprofit agencies working internationally has

resulted in a challenge for us to effectively communicate our unique message" (Personal

interview, LMichael Green, Director of Planning and Analysis, External Relations, Feb.

20, 2004). CARE' s mission is complex. The organization does not work with just one

niche group or address one single issue. For example, and organization like Save the

Children relates its message in its name. A donor may not know exactly what the

organization does but at least they know it is something to do with helping children.










CARE' s message is more complex. The organization strives to alleviate extreme

poverty. To do so, connotes involvement in all areas of the community where they work,

from addressing individuals' needs, education, infrastructure, and access to financial

institutions or even local government. The complexity of the message reflects a certain

extent of CARE' s organizational culture and exacerbates the ability to be heard in an

information-saturated marketplace.

Other comments regarding the external influences included CARE's shrinking

donor pool and low consumer/donor awareness. Since CARE's inception, the

organization' s main donors have begun to dwindle. Due to CARE' s cultural and business

model, which emphasizes programming, little attention had been given to attracting new

donors.

CARE is a very academic organization that focuses heavily on the underlying
causes of poverty and how from a development perspective to "do no harm" to the
communities we seek to assist. While all donors play a key role in facilitating
CARE's work, our efforts [are] to ensure at least 90% of our annual expenditures
are available for use overseas, [the] result is CARE having less funding than we'd
like to invest [in] private donor acquisition activities. (Personal interview,
LMichael Green, Director of Planning and Strategic Analysis, External Relations,
Feb. 20, 2004)

The programming focus while admirable in the organization resulted in a variety

of conceptualizations of the organization itself. According to McCann Erickson' s

consumer/donor research, CARE was associated directly with the individual proj ects that

CARE implemented in the various places. From the view of marketing, communicating

the holistic CARE is complicated by the programming emphasis of the organization.

This is not a marketing driven organization, its not a fundraising driven
organization, this is a quality of programs driven organization. This is an
organization that's all about the quality of its product in the field. That' s a good


4 See appendix D for CARE's vision and mission statements










thing. You want that. But that makes it very difficult for marketers to do their j obs.
(Personal interview, Adam Hicks, VP of Marketing and Communications, Feb. 18,
2004)

Finally, the Director of Planning and Strategic Analysis, in External Relations

noted the relatively recent appearance of watchdog organizations' aimed at the nonprofit

sector, which has exacerbated the information overload for the consuming/donating

public. Although there are no official numbers, it is assumed that an ever-increasing

computer savvy public is accessing these websites from their homes or offices before

making their donation decisions.

Key Actions/ Internal Challenges

CARE' s revision and standardization of the CI vision and mission was the start of

its image and identity revaluation. McCann Erickson's subsequent research solidified, in

the minds of the management that change was indeed necessary. The formation of the

global task force served to give an overall representation of the areas where CARE

worked and to address the concerns of the various regions.

The market research and the new vision and mission statement led to a redefinition

of CARE' s "business" as an international development organization. One respondent

noted that the vision and mission statement was widely accepted and easy to identify

with, however, the terminology of marketing that followed in the brand evaluation was

unfamiliar and unconventional in CARE' s prior communications. "This was a push back

in the process" (Personal telephone interview, Eric Dupree-Walker, Coordinator,

Strategic Planning and Analysis, Executive Area, Feb. 23, 2004). She pointed out that in

SWatchdog organizations such as American Institute of Philanthropy (AIP) and Charity Navigator are
generally website based offering descriptions of non-profit organizations and their financial accountability,
expense to program ratio etc. The service not only increases competition within the nonprofit sector it is
also vulnerable to its own lack of resources to fully investigate other nonprofits. In some cases there is a fee
for organizations to be "certified" by the website.









the nonprofit sector marketing terminology is still not widely accepted. Yet, as the

process went on, she noted, "it was clear that the branding change and marketing

emphasis was a roll out to support the revision of the vision and mission" (Personal

telephone interview, Eric Dupree-Walker, Coordinator, Strategic Planning and Analysis,

Executive Area, Feb. 23, 2004).

The introduction of the new brand was first made available via a website for CARE

global staff to access and provide feedback. The website was made available to all of the

CARE global offices through this website. It was estimated that given the multitude of

small country satellite offices and field staffs it probably only reached a few thousand of

CARE' s 12 thousand employees.

As I recall there were about 50 to 75 responses. That varied, all over the board.
...We knew that if you've got 75 pieces of feedback you' d get 75 different
opinions- We knew that would exist but what we were looking for was [if]
anything that came back would represent first, a preponderance of opinion that we
were going in the wrong direction there wasn't. Second, was there any single
piece of feedback that represented something that we hadn't thought of or
discovered that would represent a reason to kill the direction we were going, in
other words someone would say: "Oh the symbol of the hands you've got there,
I've seen that symbol of the hands somewhere and it means this in some other
language. (Personal interview, Adam Hicks, VP of Marketing and
Communications, Feb. 18, 2004)

Three respondents noted CARE' s particular manner of including the general staff

in decisions such as these. One respondent commented that CARE prides itself as being

an "open-access" organization. Where staff has a "voice" and hence they can take

"ownership" with the insinuation that the organization is inclusive and values their

opinions and inputs. "At CARE staff feel they have the ability to share their views and

perspective in a positive and constructive manner" (Personal interview, LMichael Green,

Director of Planning and Strategic Analysis, External Relations, Feb 20, 2004).









Eric Dupree-Walker, Coordinator of Planning and Analysis, In CARE' s Executive

Area commented that possibly CARE would have experienced less resistance, if they had

simply mandated the change. "Most businesses," she commented "don't ask for people's

opinions, but that' s not how CARE operates". Within the organization they strive for

consensus in decision-making. Adam Hicks, the VP of Marketing and Communications,

came to CARE after 12 years with Coca-Cola commented:

Coming from the Coca-Cola world, I can tell you, that not in a million years would
that kind of feedback be solicited. I have some pretty strong opinions about the
NGO world and some of the mistakes that it makes in communicating to staffers,
we tend to hold up the virtues of consensus decision making or the virtues of
transparency, well, the fact is in holding up those thing as ideals that we strive for
we create an expectation that we can never deliver against. You can never be
absolutely transparent. (Personal interview, Adam Hicks, VP of Marketing and
Communications, Feb. 18, 2004)

Further comments to this regard suggest that CARE communication effectiveness,

particularly internally, is still being addressed. Management of formal and informal

communications, protocols, and internal communication structures are still evolving. One

respondent suggested that in his opinion, CARE internal communications still "miss the

mark" as effective and controlled.

In summary, CARE' s re-branding exercise was an outcome of the organization' s

attempt to address its fundraising issues. In exploring donor behavior and awareness of

CARE the organization reverted to its fundamental identity and image as a potential

hindrance to reach their fundraising goals. The process provided CARE with the

opportunity to reassess its organizational goals and purpose. The result was a more

clearly defined and more specifically stated understanding of the organization' s essence;

the business of international development and the alleviation of global poverty.










The communication of this reorientation to organizational goals presented

challenges not only in physical implementation but also in emotional, cultural

constructions of the organization's identity, organizational identification, and image

within the minds of the employees as well as external audiences. CARE Honduras

exemplified a brief view as to the added complexities of national culture, identity and

image constructions in the CARE country offices.

The findings presented in this chapter were analyzed according to theme with

regard the studies research questions. The following chapter presents interpretations and

conclusions based on the combination of the participant observations and interview

responses.















CHAPTER 5
INTERPRETATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS

A comprehensive understanding of organizations includes an orientation toward
organizational identity and identification and the related concepts of image,
reputation and corporate branding. (Ravasi & Rekom, 2003)

Introduction

This study's literature review and research findings explored the following

organizational aspects: 1) how nonprofit organizations exist in a changing marketplace;

2) how organizations change; 3) the ways in which identity, image, and culture affect

organizational change; 4) how these aspects of organizational change were evident in

CARE International's organizational identity change. This chapter attempts to explain

how the elements of organizational identity, identification, image, and culture were

revealed in CARE International and how the process of change intensified these elements

within the organization. This chapter is organized to first revisit the thematic areas of the

findings and relate the implications concurrent with theoretical positions. Secondly, this

chapter emphasizes the need for addressing these topics and suggestions for further

research.

Nonprofit organizations, specifically international development organizations,

today find themselves in a complex marketplace. The growing number of nonprofit

agencies and the influx of profit businesses into the nonprofit realm have created a need

for nonprofit organizations to communicate more effectively in order to be recognized in

a marketplace where the bottom line may supersede humanitarian missions. While

fundraising has always been a part of nonprofit terminology and sustenance, the changes









in the general market have led these organizations to expand their conceptions and

acceptance of marketing and communication techniques. "When organizations of one

sector in the economy adopt methods ordinarily associated with another sector, it can be

illuminating to pause and examine particular components of that adoption process. ... So

it is with the borrowing of marketing concepts by public and nonprofit institutions ..."

(Fine quoted in Belk, 1987, p. 71). Nonprofit organizations today are employing

measures akin to the marketing and communications practices of their for-profit

neighbors, yet the in order to balance their organizational identities and philanthropic

missions nonprofits must approach the process fully informed of the potential levels of

acceptance both internally and externally.

The CARE International re-branding process encountered many issues throughout

its first three-year' s process. The change brought to the forefront many positive aspects of

the organization's identity, structure and organizational culture. Yet, in reviewing the

issues, it becomes clear that the organization overlooked several crucial aspects in its

initial change conceptualization and implementation. As a fundraising assessment

exercise, the deeper organizational constructs of identity, identification and the resulting

levels of resistance, became recognizable as the change was put into practice. The case of

Honduras exemplifies only a small example of communication and cultural aspects,

which may have been exacerbated in countries with more extreme cultural differences

than those separating Central America and the United States. It was in the globalizing of

the organization' s new brand, where aspects of the organization' s structure and the

country office's perceived autonomy, came into focus. The input of local knowledge was









essential for the localizing of the global brand yet it created conflict for the global

standardization of the organizations corporate image and identity.

CARE and McCann Erickson's initial brand assessment studies identified three key

areas where the organization focused its rebranding efforts: 1) the logo needed to be

updated to attract the attention of new generations of donors and invigorate the

organization's image; 2) the organization needed to be unified both in mission and in

image to proj ect a stable and effective humanitarian organization; 3) the organizational

structure was in need of an overhaul with a reorientation towards its goals. These three

driving aspects led to the global re-branding of CARE International, justifiable as

measures whose time had come. In retrospect, the implementation, communication, and

global considerations during the change, particularly in an organization of CARE' s size

and scope, however, may have been culturally and functionally narrow in focus.

Organizational Identity and Identification

Although theoretical attention to the organizational constructs of identity and

identification has still not reached an operational definitive as to what these constructs

actually entail, recognition of the social phenomena of group and individual identity in

organizations is indisputable (Ravasi & Rekom, 2003). The present study involved the

acknowledgment of several levels of identity in CARE International both on group and

individual levels. Identity constructs within CARE became prominent during the process

of change where the organization redefined itself thus, imposing a redefinition and

reorientation of organizational members and their relationship to the organization.

Foundational information disseminated with regard to the vision and mission statement

was widely and quickly accepted into the organization's understanding of itself. This

could be attributed to the general recognition that the revised and unified vision and









mission statements were seen to be directly and explicitly in-line with the overall

members' understanding of the organizations identity. In other words the vision and

mission simply articulated the organization's goals and perspective toward international

development work, which were generally understood, relevant, and in agreement with

previously held notions of who CARE Intemnational is.

On an individual level, international development work as well as other nonprofit,

mission based organizations, tend to attract individuals who hold similar values and

concerns to that of the organization. CARE International's staff can generally be

categorized by the genuine identification with the organizational focus on quality

programming directed toward finding sustainable solutions to global poverty. Similarly,

CARE' s current donors and newly targeted "skeptical progressive" audience largely

reflect similar core attributes of the general CARE staff.

Again, resistance became apparent on individual and group levels when the change

in the CARE marketing/communi cation approach, the adoption of marketing terminology

and the expense of rebranding the organization were perceived as being in conflict with

the organization's core values and nonprofit mission. And thus, affected individual

constructs of understanding and placement within the organization. Internal educational

programs and dissemination efforts aimed to alleviate this uncertainty and allowed for

feedback and input (thus inclusion in the processes). These programs were highly

successful, particularly on the management levels. Yet, recognition of the intensity of

identification through all organizational levels and concentrated effort to reach all

organizational staff were less comprehensive. The result was a degree of alienation on the

part of country office extension agents, administrative and program staffs, and the









necessity of country directors to themselves recognize and manage the cultural and

organizational dynamics that were triggered by the organizational change.

Organizational identity and identification in this case study were recognized as a

continual and changing process in agreement with several theoretical perspectives (Gioia

& Thomas, 1996; Dukerich, Golden & Shortell, 2002). Further, it was recognized as

organizational phenomena with potential motivational, functional, and resource building

consequences if ignored, and finally, it reinforced the strength of CARE International's

organizational culture.

Organizational Image and Branding

The theoretical implications of organizational image in this case study align with

current management and business literature concerning corporate branding and the

terminology of "corporate identity". Organizational image itself has its foundations in the

internal perceptions of external organizational understanding and could well be affiliated

with the symbolic interpretation of the brand.

The present study's focus on the organizational branding of CARE International

was the impetus to the recognition of the constructs of organizational identity,

identification, and the reactionary resistance to organizational change. In the case of

CARE international the symbolic representation of the organization, the brand and the

tagline associated, brought to the surface individual and group identification with the

organization. The perceived notions of external acceptance and understanding of the new

logo and tagline resonated in: 1) reluctance due to the implied expense of re-branding,

both regarding the perceptions of external audiences, and the significance for the

organizations budget; 2) the affinity for the old logo and the insistence on incorporating









the old tagline; and 3) the preoccupation by the country offices to translate the new

tagline meaningfully in to native languages.

Organizational image and the brand can be understood as quantifiably separate

constructs. However, the interplay of the concepts in the organizational and management

literature dictate recognition of the potential effects that one has on another.

Organizational image is hence a dynamic organizational element. As noted by Gioia,

Shultz & Corely (2000), "...images themselves do not originate from some basic

organizational reality, but rather have been transformed though the pursuit of success in

an increasingly volatile and hypercompetitve marketplace (p. 72).

CARE International viewed its brand as essentially its image interpretation from

external publics. At the management level the new brand conceptualization was rich and

theoretically informed. Yet, knowledge transfer of this theoretical model with regard to

the highly symbolic identification with the brand was limited. Hence, some of the

practical, functional, and technical challenges in CARE International's brand change

could be attributed to a possible disconnect from the management level to the

interpersonal and field levels of the organization. Solberg (2002) noted, "One of the most

critical issues in global brand management is the trade-off between economies of scale

resulting from standardization and the cultural prerequisites of local adaptation" (p. 1).

Country offices established their own interpretations of the significance behind the brand

symbolism and derived individual explanations, particular to their country office

experiences to justify the change. Standardization of the brand fell victim, almost

immediately, to limited resources, technologies, and understanding in many countries.










Organizational Culture

Although the present case study did not focus on organizational culture constructs,

recognition of CARE International's culture became apparent though various aspects of

the organization's process of identity change. It is impossible to say that CARE

International has one organizational culture, as every country office maintains individual

cultural aspects in communications strategy and office interactions. However, an

organizational-wide intellectual emphasis toward quality programming to alleviate

poverty and a consensus building approach to organizational decisions could be

distinguished as cultural characteristics of the overarching organization. These value

orientations are reflective in the organization's communication process. As is apparent in

the numerous and lengthy staff meetings as well as the magnitude of program related

studies and organizational strategies put to paper.

CARE International embarked upon the change in identity consistent with their

interpretation of open-access and transparent values. The management' s solicitation for

feedback at the varying levels and stages of the identity change process align with the

organization' s approach of member integration. Observations by the researcher however,

allude to the interpretation that communication strategies may still be somewhat tied to

the hierarchical orientation of the organization's structure. Organizational culture is

intrinsically tied to its str-ucture with regard to communication processes. How

information and knowledge transpires throughout an organization is largely reflective of

the construction of organizational hierarchies. For example, in accordance with

Hofstede's cultural relevance studies the Latin American region displayed high power


i Geert Hoftede's seminal (1980) study of cultural dimensions compared various national cultural
perspectives in organizations and management practices.









distance, low uncertainty avoidance and collectivist cultural dimensions (Hofstede,

1980). CARE International in Honduras' staff was hesitant to question the organizational

motives behind the change or voice concerns over its implementation to the country

office management. Likewise, country offices were few in their participation in the

feedback process to the headquarters of CARE Intemnational USA, which may have been

residual effects of the organizations original hierarchical structure (or perceived structure)

given that CARE USA spearheaded the change.

National conceptualizations of marketing and communication processes also

created challenges in information dissemination and standardization in branding

implementation across the globe. CARE Intemnational in Honduras was a prime example

of functional and technical limitations as well as a relevant perspective of organizational

culture as tied to national culture.

Organizational Change In CARE International

Image and identity and culture are noted to be constructs that organization members

hold in their minds, thus, individuals actively screen and interpret organizational issues

and actions. The consistency or inconsistency of these constructs "help to explain when,

where and how individuals become motivated to push for or against organizational

initiatives" (Dutton & Dukerich, 1991, p. 550). CARE International in attempting change

on a global level found challenges in their communication strategy. The approach from

CARE USA attributed intellectual respect to the country directors in allowing them

autonomy in the implementation of the new identity, image, and brand in the country

offices. This perspective may be attributable to the organization's structure of autonomy

for the country offices in general. Though it is notable that this same approach may have

been a strategy, which led to CARE International's original problem of inconsistent










brand usage and image perception worldwide. Country offices strived to make the new

brand part of their own identity and the global standardization of the brand suffered.

Possibly the conflict arose due to organizational structural confusion where prior to this

change the country offices were able to make their own decisions based on the national

cultures where they were based. Now the new brand was at once being mandated for use

within the standards, while at the same time allowing the country offices to interpret

appropriate implementation in their countries. Possibly, the limits of the country office

autonomy, in relation to the brand, were not clearly communicated.

Both the content and the mode of change in CARE Intemnational reflect that of the

revolutionary change mode. Long before the branding conceptualization, the

organization's exploration of identity was embodied by the change in vision and mission.

The evolution that followed was implemented in a brief two-year period (a spec of time

in organization' s life). The restricted resources of the nonprofit, as is most likely the case

in similar organizations, obligated CARE Intemnational to approach the change with an

abbreviated time frame. The ensuing rush to implement the new brand in country offices

may have given rise to stronger feelings of resistance as there were limited time and

resources to fully educate all levels of staff as to the organization's overarching brand

architecture. It is noteworthy to point out the considerable openness of CARE

International staff to new ideas and betterment of the organization as a whole. CARE

Honduras staff, once fully informed, quickly became champions and even defendants of

the new organizational image, identity, and brand2. This is highly attributable to CARE's


2 For example: The launch event in Honduras was originally titled "Entra y Conoce el Mundo de CARE"
(Enter and Get to Know the CARE World). However, organizational members quickly observed the
potential arrogance of the title and the implied exclusion of CARE's many partners and insisted on the
change.









communications culture of consensus building. While potentially hindering to the

organization, (decisions are discussed at length and are often slow to implement), the

approach provides the members with a valuable sense of ownership and value within the

organization.

Observations of Brand Implementation and Technical Issues

CARE International's global structure includes smaller country offices many of

which were neither technically capable nor design-savy enough to understand and

implement the new brand standards and Eile formats provided on the compact disks (CDs)

from the Atlanta Headquarters. The complexity of the new logo design required some

graphic design familiarity to successfully reproduce it according to the brand standards

and many Hield and country offices simply did not have the manpower or experience to

do so. Most Hield ounces, as in the case of CARE International in Honduras, do not have

in house communications, public relations, or graphic design staff. Almost immediately,

the "unified" and "standardized" new brand was presented in less than optimal ways.

To further exacerbate this particular issue of the logo, most small country offices,

among them those in Honduras and El Salvador, do not maintain the operational funding

necessary to produce high-quality printed materials, purchase fonts or color correct

pantones and often lack the orientation and knowledge to know the difference.

Remembering, once again, the programming focus of the organization, proj ect managers

often created their own materials. Frequently, the logo was faxed or photocopied almost

to the point that it was impossible to discern the design of the "community of hands" or

in many cases the logo was digitally stretched or squashed to meet desired positioning in

brochures or presentations. Use of the brand in manipulated ways lost the significance of

the individualized hands, the symbolism of unity as illustrated by the logo. This may have