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 Front Cover
 Historical Association of Southern...
 Growing up, sort of, in Miami,...
 Seminole leadership: Changing substance,...
 The Seminole’s Christmas
 A Seminole reminiscence
 Richard Fitzpatrick’s south Florida,...
 List of members
 Back Cover






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Title: Tequesta
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: Historical Association of Southern Florida
Publisher: (multiple)
Publication Date: 1980
Copyright Date: 2010
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Bibliographic ID: UF00101446
Volume ID: VID00040
Source Institution: Historical Museum of Southern Florida
Holding Location: Florida International University: Florida History and Heritage
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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Page 1
        Page 2
    Historical Association of Southern Florida
        Page 3
        Page 4
    Growing up, sort of, in Miami, 1909-1915
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
    Seminole leadership: Changing substance, 1858-1958
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
    The Seminole’s Christmas
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
    A Seminole reminiscence
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
    Richard Fitzpatrick’s south Florida, 1822-1840
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
    List of members
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
    Back Cover
        Page 93
        Page 94
Full Text





THE JOURNAL OF THE HISTORICAL
I e l C tA' ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA

Editor
Charlton W. Tebeau
Associate Editors
Arva Moore Parks Dr. Thelma P Peters

NUMBER XL 1980

CONTENTS

Growing Up, Sort Of, in Miami, 1909-1915 5
By Will Davenport


Seminole Leadership: Changing Substance, 1858-1958 31
By James W. Covington


The Seminole's Christmas 39
A Seminole Reminiscence 43
(Reprints from the Miami Metropolis)
By J.W. Ewan


Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida, 1822-1840 47
Part I. Key West Phase
By Hugo L. Black, III
Introduction by Charlton W. Tebeau


List of Members 79

COPYRIGHT 1980 BY THE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA

is published annually by the Historical Association of Southern
rCe&L4st*^A Florida. Communications should be addressed to the Corresponding
Secretary of the Society, 3290 South Miami Avenue, Miami, Florida
33129. The Association does not assume responsibility for statements of fact or opinions
made by contributors.






This Page Blank in Original
Source Document









Historical Association of Southern Florida, Inc.


FOUNDED 1940-INCORPORATED 1941


Joseph H. Fitzgerald,M.D.
President

James Apthorp
First Vice President

Arva Moore Parks
Second Vice President

Pat Molinari
Rec wording Secretary

John C. Harrison, Jr.
Treasurer


Charlton W. Tebeau, Ph.D.
Editor Tequesta

Arva Moore Parks
Associate Editor Tequesta

Thelma Peters, Ph.D.
A4 sociate Editor Tequesta

Marie Anderson
Editor Update

Randy F Nimnicht
Executive Director


TRUSTEES


Marie W. Anderson
James K. Batten
William 0. Cullom
Mrs. Talbot D'Alemberte
James L. Davis
Irina C. Erickson
Hazel Reeves Grant
Judith E Hernstadt
Marcia J. Kanner
Sherrill Kellner
Stephen A. Lynch, III
Jesse McCrary. Jr.
C.T. McCrimmon


R. Layton Mank
David Mesnekoff
Jose Rafael Montalvo, Jr.
Charles P Munroe
Joseph H. Pero, Jr.
Thelma P. Peters, Ph.D.
Roderick N. Petrey
Mrs. Joe Robbie
Yvonne Santa-Maria
Audrey Simms
Barbara Skigen
Frank Soler
Mitchell Wolfson, Jr.


Dodie Wooten






This Page Blank in Original
Source Document















Growing Up, Sort Of, in Miami

1909-1915



By Will Davenport*







The house my family found soon after we arrived from central Florida
was on the river where the bridge lifted 12th Street (today Flagler) across
into pine and scrub palmetto country.
On our very first morning in this house I ran over to check out the
bridge for fishing, spitting into the river, crawling around underneath,
climbing the trusses.

*Will Davenport lived with his family in Miami from 1909 to 1915 storing up
memories of the city, his school friends, and his involvement in many social and
recreational activities. He attended Miami High School which was then a part of Central
School in downtown Miami. He is well and favorably remembered by some of his
classmates of the Class of 1914.
After serving inWorld War I. Davenport entered a career of magazine publishing as
a writer of promotion for Vanity Fair in New York. He juggled a variety of interests-
writing, art, skiing wrote the first major article on skiing to appear in a national
magazine- Vogue, 1935. He married a skier, Emily Hall.
In 1936 Davenport moved to London as advertising manager and American director
of British Vogue and the Conde Nast Publications in Europe. During World War II he was
chief of Combat Intelligence for combined Naval and Air Force operations from the
Aleutian Islands against Japanese installations in the Kuriles. rose to the rank of
lieutenant colonel. In 1952 came a shift in career-following graduation from the School
of the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston he devoted himself to art and exhibited his
paintings in many juried shows in the United States. In 1979 he received the L.E.
Sissman Award for "successfully combining a career of advertising with excellence in
the arts."
Will Davenport and his wife. Emily, live in Weston. Massachusetts, where he
continues to write and to paint.






6 TEQUESTA


Miami River, warm and red as tea, was laced with snakes and
alligators, ornamented by blue herons. At the river's vague beginnings in
the Everglades lived Seminole Indians of the tribes that had terrorized
coastal settlements through years of massacre, burnings, robbery, ambus-
cade until the peace of 1855.
The year was 1909. Fat, genial Mr. Taft was in the White House, lean
and pugnacious Kaiser Wilhelm 11 was in Berlin, but that was far away
and had nothing to do with us tucked away in our secret paradise on the
ravelled edge of nowhere.
It was summertime, Miami was twelve years old and so was I. That
morning, coming down the river, standing up in the stem of a dug-out
canoe, was an Indian. He poled along slowly, recovered with grace, kept
an exquisite balance in his fire- and hand-sculpted cypress log, prop-
ortioned like a pencil and with scarcely eight inches of freeboard.
Pinned to the bridge rail I watched him secure his canoe under
bushes and climb the river bank, a tall man, dark red in color with a heavy
fall of black hair cut the way of Japanese children. He wore a cotton
blouse, tight at the wrists and a kilt-like skirt to his knees. Basicallywhite,
these garments showed bright-colored horizontal stripings and were stiff
with narrow pleats. Above wide bare feet his calf muscles were form-
idable.
Lots of Miami kids never saw an Indian; I was lucky because the
river was their only approach to the coast and 12th Street was the shortest
way uptown. My family had moved to Miami from a remote village in
Volusia County where the streets were of pine needles and our
schoolhouse, although not painted red, had but one room. In that region
men rode horses with Mexican saddles, wore pistols and on occasion shot
each other. Among the young I was a bluebellied Yankee and forced to
defend myself with rudimentary fisticuffs, brief by mutual consent.
Frontier atmosphere was familiar to me. But Indians, wild Indians!
Eyes fixed on his path, foot tracking foot, my Indian moved along
the weedy edge of the street, never glancing at the sprinkle of houses
along the way. This walking style, a tribal invariable, was said to avoid
the venemous cotton-mouth moccasins, rattlers and coral snakes plus a
dozen harmless types that we all knew from chilling encounters in our
own backyards. But perhaps the true reason the Indians never looked our
way was because they disdained us and all our works. Their austerity was
complete. We never spoke to them, hooted at them or approached them.
Children's curiosity is intense but fleeting. Everything is a marvel
but not for long. So with the Indians; I failed to ask questions about them,






Growing Up in Miami, 1909-1915 7


never looked them up in books. They came and silently went, aliens in
their own country, while at the eastern end of 12th Street on Biscayne Bay
a different astonishment presented itself with the advent each winter of
northern people at the resplendant Royal Palm Hotel.
Our sidewalks in the few blocks of business buildings were hooded
over against sun and rain partly by second-story balconies and partly by
sheets of corrugated iron. Winter afternoons, along these shaded loggias,
guests of the hotel would appear; tall, big-eyed, white-skinned ladies
sheathed in eyelet-embroidered summer dresses in pale creamy colors.
One season they befuddled us with hobble-skirts, decreed, our mothers
assured us, by Mr. Paul Poiret of Paris, France.
At the opposite end of 12th Street, decreed by tribal custom of even
more insistent authority, Seminole women trapesing along behind their
men flaunted a bit of chic no less bizarre: around their necks. piled from
shoulders to ears hung pounds and pounds of bead necklaces, making a
truncated cone that held immobile their small top-knotted heads with
bangs of fiercely black hair.
The shops of 12th Street offered no great attractions for our exotics
from the North. No matter, in and out tripped and twittered these creatures
to us suspended in the unknown. And from their passing a tinge of
strangeness survived in the air, twitching our brown noses, nibbling away
at our simplicity. Only Edith Wharton could have explained them to us.
Miami had its peculiarities of situation: at its back door a jungle with
serpents. saurians and aborigines while its front door swung open on the
Royal Palm's pageant of cosmopolitan civility. But undeterred by either
of these disparate poles the little town's dauntless people heedless of heat,
mosquitoes, hurricanes and cultural vacuum went on about their business
of making real the American Dream. In 1909 there was little hint of
grandiose destiny. House lots and acreage were cheap: Tatum Brothers
took space in the High School Annual as late as 1914 to offer, "... a ten
acre farm or a city lot for $10 cash, balance monthly."
Our rented house on the river needed paint but it was a good big one.
had screen doors and windows to say nothing of sporting proper fittings
for slinging mosquito nets over the beds. Also it had been in place long
enough to be blessed with bearing fruit trees.
Spang in the front yard rose an unusually tall avocado tree with
smooth pears the size of small grapefruit; a dozen of them crammed my
Irish Mail cart and each brought a nickel from the grocer up town. who
then retailed them at ten cents. Lime, orange and grapefruit trees were out
in back and to one side a thick grove of guava bushes six feet tall. Their






8 TEQUESTA


wide leaves made a canopy that turned pale gold in autumn and when
sunlight blazed through and reflected from the gold leaves on the ground
the intervening air was yellow, an effect of Arabian Nights splendor.
The guava itself, a fist-sized yellow thing, is edible skin and all,
once you learn to tolerate its peculiar smell. My mother and elder
half-sister converted them into a thick concentrate called guava butter as
well as into that queen of all such confections, guava jelly, the dark-
colored rubbery kind.
In some yards banana trees unfurled their startling blossoms. They
did not prove commercially successful in southern Florida but pineapples
did; Miami's legendary French Count, Jean d'Hedouville, an early settler,
grew acres of them. There were odd fig trees, sapodillas and the totally
ridiculous mammy-apple. Papayas grew almost wild but few bothered to
eat them. New strains of mangos were being developed by the celebrated
David Fairchild but most of our local trees produced a disappointingly
fibrous fruit. The perfected mango of today is memorable eating but the
place to eat one is over the kitchen sink. We had plenty of fruit and mostly
for the picking.
A few fractionally seaworthy launches berthed near the Avenue D
bridge made up our fishing fleet that brought us the elegant yellow shape
of pompano, sometimes Spanish crawfish clawlesss lobsters) which my
mother made into salad. There were kingfish and Spanish mackerel.
Shrimp we boiled in quantity, then put the pot on the table for each to shell
his own. Red snapper captured both eye and taste buds. Marcellus Boyd,
whose father owned one of the boats, introduced me to the excellence of a
common panfish, the yellowtail, at its most delicious; brought up from
three fathoms of transparent salt water, scaled, gutted and fried right there
in the boat on a kerosene stove.
Owning and operating the fishing craft were the earliest south-
Florida men, men who had been there before anyone else except the
Indians, the permanently sun-dyed whose lives began in boats as had
their fathers'. They were lean men who had ranged the Keys and the
Florida Straits during the wrecking years, the Indian War years, hereditary
practitioners of independence who conned the sea into yielding them a
living. It was my luck to be friends with some of their sons and to go with
them in the boats on some fairly ticklish occasions of men against the sea.
At sea and ashore the winds were part of our lives. At certain
seasons on west winds mosquitoes swarmed among us but the trade
winds prevailing from the northeast chased them back into the
Everglades, there to resume feeding on the Indians. No wind, however,






Growing Up in Miami, 1909-1915 9


prevailed against cockroaches which, as big as mice, drove our mothers
to distraction.
Miami's acceptance as an outpost of the civilized world came with
the Royal Palm Hotel, built for the purpose by the grand Henry Flagler
the minute his Florida East Coast Railway made its way to the settlement
in 1896. The hotel, an imposing six stories of wood, painted Flagler
yellow, sported a 700 foot porch (covered of course since tanning was not
in fashion) that provided, across tropical gardens, the dazzling blue of
Biscayne Bay as well as a view of the river's mouth. It was the town's Taj
Majal, its Waldorf-Astoria below the frost line.
To me it was a window. As a child I had lived in New York and seen
its wonders but the Royal Palm was a jewel in a proper setting, a noble
structure of its kind in a place that staged it superbly. Exposure to this
monument and the other pleasure and business domes decreed by the
imperial Flagler enriched our young lives and no doubt influenced our
futures, too.
One of our pastimes was to meet the late afternoon train from the
north and check out the day-coach passengers for pretty girls and for
stocky youths who might beef up our school football team. Also noted
was the dress and luggage of the Pullman rich bound for the Royal Palm.
The ritual was exciting and it gave us a voice at supper.
Even more fascinating was the freight yard with its strings of
cabalistically marked box-cars from remote and romantic states. Com-
pulsively I memorized the railway lines the initials stood for and sang
them over to myself, long before Thomas Wolfe did. And ages before
Bing Crosby entranced us with his crooning of "... the Atchison, Topeka
and the Santa Fe" during the War II. The song soothed me daily during
eighteen months on the island of Adak, one of the Aleutian chain far out
in the North Pacific.
Best of all was the Terminal Dock designed to handle ship-borne
commerce from Cuba, Mexico, South America the Flagler dream
ranged far. The traffic did not materialize and the Dock became an aquatic
playground for the young, a diving board, swimming hole and place to
watch ponderous manatees graze along the bottom of the bay.
Soon after the railway reached Key West, last convulsion of Flagler's
fierce genius, our Miami High School basketball team made the trip for a
game with Ruth Hargrove Institute, an old and stylish landmark whose
team gave us plenty of trouble. Afterward our hosts laid on a veritable
ball, gleaming with intensely feminine dark-eyed girls with Hispanic
names; the Delgado's five daughters were each named for a South






10 TEQUESTA


American nation Colombia, Venezuela and others I have forgotten
except the daughter by whom I was stricken dumb with adoration, the
ravishing Argentina Republic Delgado.
Hurricanes finally destroyed the Overseas Railway as they did other
great works of man along that coast and would continue so to do. In
those days they killed, drowned and blew your house away with no
advance warning except for certain natural wonders about which Mia-
mians developed a measure of canniness. Days of heavy heat and a queer
stillness brought the paradox of enormous surf on the ocean side, a
pounding that could be heard at night across the width of Biscayne Bay.
These were our sensors. In our house the kerosene tank on the stove got
itself topped off and the lamps filled after which I was sent up town for a
reserve gallon of kerosene. Padding home with this burden, a potato
struck over the can's spout, gave me a feeling of importance. All ripe fruit
was brought in and the window shutters checked for closure and latching.
During these chores I would dart out into the street, study the sky and
report my views to which no one paid any attention. The waiting was
nervous while the signals accumulated; blackening sky, little flicks of
wind, a disquiet on the bay and then a great whelm of rain. When the
hurricane struck we began to breathe again.
These storms were experiences private to each household;
neighbor's houses were invisible, words were useless, communication
was by glance and grimace, ducked heads, humped shoulders. When it
was over the first move was to go outside and exclaim over the wreckage,
an almost hysterical relief. After a couple of hurricanes, knowing it
would be bad but knowing it would end, we learned a stance of resigna-
tion. In Miami's fecund climate, trees and shrubs recovered quickly,
damage was cleared away, boats refloated and the town resumed its
gentle simmer.
When we arrived in town, the area along the bay and a few blocks
inland, was pretty solidly built-up with pleasant, closely set houses,
tree-shaded, banked by hibiscus, jasmin, lantana, oleander, allamanda.
Bermuda grass struggled to match the green lawns of richer soils.
Bougainvillea would not arrive until later on, the Hispanic surge to
delight all eyes, solve all landscaping problems. West of Avenue D and
the railroad track houses dwindled to a sprinkling and west of the river
almost entirely petered out. The grand sections of town were Fort Dallas
Park and Brickell Point.
One of the town's special qualities was its implacable flatness.
Another was its freedom from noise. Automobiles were not common in






Growing Up in Miami, 1909-1915 11

Miami. Also lacking were industries, crowds, sirens, radios. This blissful
situation enabled small, benign sounds such as bird noises to be heard.
Another, unique to the tropics and unforgettable to me, was a faint dry
rattle randomly induced in coconut palms by the trade winds, a sort of
murmured exchange between the two, one in place the other in flight, a
secret converse that those who listen with care may still hear, perhaps
with a shiver, as long as wind and coconut fronds lean against each other.
Like the sound of surf it is one of earth's purest sounds.
Miami's status as a sub-tropical town was clearly marked by the
profusion of coconut trees whose nuts first floated in from the Bahamas
and took root along the coast. Multiplied in the 1880's by commercial
plantings they became a permanent glory. Miami adopted the tree for its
own from the very first. Biscayne Drive was bordered, the Royal Palm
Hotel was surrounded, they swarmed in the parks and every front yard
had one. Their sweetly curved trunks with crowns tumbling in the breeze
proclaimed tropical country loud and clear.
To footloose grammar-school kids these aesthetics were obscured by
the practical delights of the nuts themselves, their heavy clusters always
available to our pocket knives. We drank the tasteless liquid of the green
ones, slurped the jellied lining of the half-ripe ones and chomped the
brittle white meat in the ripe nut. Especially prized was the rich milk in
the ripe ones, believed by us to have all sorts of strength-building
properties.
It is sad to think that some sort of law probably prohibits such fun
today.
In spite of its cozy small-town appearance with "everybody knows
everybody else" connotations, Miami in its adolescent days under the
coconut trees, was largely a collection of strangers, strangers to the town
and to each other. We had all come from somewhere else. The first ten
names in the list of Miami High School graduates, class of '16 turns up
this assortment of birthplaces: Pennsylvania, Tennessee. Missouri,
Florida, Louisiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Kentucky, Georgia, Kansas -
and so on throughout. They and their families "knew everybody" where
they came from but in this formless new town all stood pretty much
alone.
People who, after careful deliberation, had decided to pull up stakes
and move south found that it took all their energies to cope with
surprising, sometimes hostile, surroundings. In such a place where much
remained to be decided, history still to be scribbled, conventions estab-
lished there was not much time for social life. And, except for the






12 TEQUESTA


churches, of which a great number and variety had been set up, there
existed practically no machinery for communication between families.
Miami had skipped the horse and buggy era but automobiles were
still a luxury; urban transport thus devolved on the bicycle. But, given the
climate, one's mother was not likely to hop on a bike and pedal across
town to a tea party or afternoon of bridge had such amenities been
offered, Fathers biked to their occupations, knew their associates, but as
families, the townspeople of those days were slow to become widely
acquainted. On the other hand, children enjoyed in their schools a
meeting place and a social scene ready made. Social cohesion was born at
that level.
Effortless social creatures that we were, mingling day after day it
was natural for us to develop our own hedonistic society, accepting the
sun, salt water, luscious fruit, the general flux as devised especially to
frame our comings and goings. With ease we established an accord and
an atmosphere of good will that made us a genuine civilizing force all by
ourselves.
As meeting places the churches did their part as well. I attached
myself to the First Presbyterian for Sunday School, and later for Christian
Endeavor with its Wednesday night meetings in the beautiful basilica
surrounded by Australian pines, the Casuarinas that became for Florida
what the Eucalyptus was for California. The Wednesday night rallies
lured me since I was sure to see one or another of the girls who had me on
leash. Moreover the church's fine organ and acoustics made the hymns
genuinely uplifting. Occasional stints at the organ pump did me no harm
either and I think orthodoxy took its grip on me at this church.
At school our education was helped along by frequent arrivals from
elsewhere of students whose families had come for the winter or to stay.
Welcomed and accepted at once, these newcomers delighted us with their
prep-school poise, wit, athletic skills, the tone they imparted. They
helped shape in our fortuitous conflux not so much a sub-culture but a
separate one of considerable validity. Disparities among us were either
ignored or celebrated; each moved freely to his own drummer in the
general peerage. Athletes and grinds were equally respected, Northerners
stood as tall as native Southerners. No one was asked where he had come
from, nor his father's occupation. It seems to me quite possible that civic
hegemony first began to form and function as our high school athletic
teams brought the citizenry together for the games, while school
dramatics, debates and glee-clubs equally contributed by gathering their
town-wide audiences year after year.







Growing Up in Miami, 1909-1915 13


William Ayer Davenport as shown in Miahi, the Miami High School Yearbook,
1914.






14 TEQUESTA


Since all of us at school were more or less new to each other and with
differing birthplaces, backgrounds, previous schooling, each of us
offered a strain of mystery and many were magnetic. David McClure, for
one, remained elusive throughout. He showed up for our sophomore year
in high school and immediately aroused interest. He had something most
of us lacked, reserve. Our corridor confabs leaned to bombast and
badinage but in the midst of jabber Dave's style was to listen, his smile
curved to one side, his pale blue eyes averted. He walked with a slightly
mannered swing of shoulders, played a terrific game of baseball and
water-polo, captained several of the teams, including basketball, and was
class president in his senior year. A sufficient number of girls were much
taken by him and his lively response was given an edge by a faintly
sardonic note. He and I were particular friends but I was always a little
awed by his confident presence. A sort of appointment in Samarra doom
was tragically to overtake him in the excellence of his youth.
Another arrival, in this case from some military school in the north,
brought a vivid slang and a fund of anecdotes that all found engrossing.
His tall, brown-eyed person and uninhibited manner struck a resonant
note with the girls, half a dozen of whom he fell in love with. His name
was Seth Clarkson but Seth sounded to us old fashioned, so we called him
Clark. He flatly refused to come out for any of the athletic teams, ignored
cultural school activities, indeed jeered at the entire academic circus.
Clark was romantic, his mind already set on journalism and after World
War I during which he saw harsh combat in the Marine Corps his raffish
figure was to become known among rueful newspaper editors as far north
as the Carolinas. He wrote extremely well but it was said that meeting
deadlines was alien to his mystique.
After I left Miami and before we both went to war the few letters I
received from Clark first revealed to me that colorful writing was an art
open to ordinary individuals, even high school pals, and not merely to
authors. I remember him as my dearest friend of those days.
A leggy dandy named Raleigh Daugherty drifted in one year and by
his own immediate choice took up a comic stance. Wherever you met him
his approach was invariably the earnest query,"Are you legal?" This
caught on instantly. He became known as R.U. Legal and everyone in
School adopted the phrase to excess. Mouthing it across a classroom did
great harm to decorum. In anonymous notes to girls it created hysteria.
Immensely endearing to us all, Forrest Gordon, our establishment
fat boy, was a formidable guard on the football team. In school when he
approached, his rosy face twinkling, his yellow hair in damp curls,






Growing Up in Miami, 1909-1915 15


Miami High Baseball Team. 1914. Left to right: Jean Andrews, Wallace Green,
Leon Rooney, William Schneidman, William Davenport, Edwin Shaw, Wil-
liam Green, Thomas F Davis, John Mathers. David McClure.


everyone felt happier at once. His greeting was always 'Lo fellers."
Landon Carney, whose father helped establish Coconut Grove be-
fore the invention of Miami, had a rare quality, dignity. He also had
available a stalwart Hudson touring car and kept it loaded with friends, a
substantial enrichment of our lives. A good athlete. generally admired
and loved.
Joy Heck lived out in the country somewhere. Gentle in manner, soft
in speech, he was a demon on the basketball court. Vernon Weaver, a witty
and electric personality with whom I did a lot of skiff sailing and
swimming. Charles Pfeiffer, athlete and jolly companion. Edwin Shaw
whose manic humors endeared him to students and faculty alike. Harold
Barker. very tall. elegant and a grand basso in the Glee Club and in
musical extravaganzas. Quietly urbane Van Huff, athlete and cavalier, a
youth of great charm and to us the very glass of fashion. Memory hoards
them all and dozens of others with whom I grew up, sort of, during a time
when all we had, really, was each other.






16 TEQUESTA


Miahi Staff, 1914. Standing: Candace Puffer, Gretchen Hand, Ralph Adams,
Van Huff, Lucille Atkisson, Earl Hoag, Joaddie Harper, Dwight McCluney,
Mamie Mizelle, Norma Duggan. Sitting: Kitty Karr, Bessie Sandlin, Dorothy
Davies, Jessie Pratt, Julius Blackman, Edward F O'Brien, Jr.


Miami was truly a frontier town but it got along without "West of the
Pecos" violence although I suppose every family owned shotgun, rifle, or
revolver-or all three. In our Avenue D saloon, its front wide open in the
Cuban manner, its interior a dark cave spilling out a delicious whiff of
beer- in there a man was shot. Perhaps there were knifings in our small
black segregation.
Only one real bang-up murder trial took place during my time.The
crime itself was commonplace but made front page headlines because of
the baroque style of "Judge" Worley, a bigger-than-life lawyer and burr
under the civic saddle. Whether defending or prosecuting, winning or
losing, the case in hand was always a victory for Worley himself. His
invocations could make a cause celebre of unpremeditated bicycle theft.
Burglary must have been rare. Robbery erupted only in 1915 when
the Ashley Gang began to commandeer the stock-in-trade of banks at the
points of repeating shotguns. Elusive as wolves the Ashley brothers were
finally hunted down by the redoubtable Sheriff of Dade County, Dan
Hardie.
Once a shocking accident overtook an automobile load of large
ladies from our miniscule Red Light District on the weedy outskirts of
town. Out for an afternoon airing their car was struck by a speeding






Growing Up in Miami, 1909-1915 17


locomotive at a grade crossing. Moral overtones kept this gory affair
alive for weeks while our mothers shuddered at its unmistakable revela-
tion of the Wages of Sin.
It was Sheriff Hardie who put together and trained the juvenile troop
of Zouaves that became famous along the coast. We were recruited during
our grammar school years and it was quite a thing to belong and sport our
red bolero jackets, yellow pantaloons, white leggings, red sashes topped
off with yellow tasseled red fez. Equally dazzling was our manual of
arms and the marching maneuvers that the Sheriff pounded into us during
night drills in front of the 12th St. Fire House. We appeared at odd
parades, dedications, corner-stone layings and I remember travelling
north to march in a meagre procession in celebration of the incorporation
of Fort Lauderdale, then hardly more than a string of shacks. In the
Zouaves we learned to stand up straight, the sting of command, instant
response and the satisfaction inherent in concerted action. It was all to
prove helpful. For me, a few years later, it yielded quick Corporal's
stripes in an infantry regiment of the Regular Army into which I had
edged myself at Fort Oglethorpe, Georgia and which landed me in France
within a couple of months.
InWorld War I David McClure was a fighter pilot- "pilot de chasse"
as the French had it in their touching convention that air warfare would
consist entirely of French pilots pursuing wildly fleeing Germans.
Dave was shot down behind the German lines, dragged out of the
wreckage and thanks to excellent German surgeons, survived. In the '20s
he and 1 enjoyed a reunion in Manhattan; we reminisced about our Miami
days and he told me of his good life as a stockbroker in Los Angeles. Not
long afterward, back in L. A., he and a girl friend drove down to one of the
Pacific beaches where he took off from the swimming pool's high board
in one of his beautiful dives and was pulled from the pool dead, it was
ascertained before striking the water. A strange coincidence; evaded in
warfare, death in the air had waited for its rendezvous with Dave on a
sunny Saturday afternoon in peacetime California.
Biscayne Bay, our watering place. generally ignored by the citizenry
was lushly praised by visitors from the north; its range of colors and
textures, its gayety in sunshine, tantrums in storm. Moody at twilight,
blissful at dawn it was undeniably magic when plated with tropic moon-
light. And all the while, a couple of miles eastward, sparring with the
Atlantic, on good terms with the Gulf Stream, reclined a narrow strip of
sand, coconut trees, sea grapes and mangrove, uninhabited Miami Beach.
The beauty of our great bay went hand in hand with its navigational






18 TEQUESTA


bafflements, tidal channels that came and went, fugitive sand bars,
impossible to buoy or stake. Nevertheless skippers wise to the hazards
could nuzzle out the port. Once in a while an unkempt schooner from the
Bahamas would tie up in our river with a few bunches of bananas, some
conch shells and a few blacks who would jump ship and enliven our labor
force with their velvet dialect.
We kids flapped around in skiffs, the fishermen threaded in and out
but Miami, breathing salt air, lapped by an ocean, could not have been
called a salty town. Mostly the people came from inland, did not have salt
water in their blood and, in truth, few Miamians in those days had the
leisure for fooling around with boats.
Along the bay, running for a mile or two north from the 12th Street
axis, buried in trees lay a sequence of relatively imposing houses owned
by people who in the earliest days had recognized a choice bit of real
estate when they saw it. One of these houses, distinguished by a red tile
roof, was believed by me and my pals to be that of Miami's intriguing
Count d'Hedouville. And why not? A red tile roof suggested to us a
chateau and since the known habit of French Counts was to live in
chateaux this must house our Count.
The Count was rarely seen about town; the massive foreign car he
was said to drive would certainly have caught our bright eyes. The house
was hidden from the landward side by extensive pineapple plantings and
a screen of trees. The title and the seclusion created a tissue of surmise
about him among our elders: why had he exiled himself in our raw
settlement? An unfortunately mortal duel, some financial debacle, milit-
ary disgrace, an ill-chosen political stance were among the possibilities
discussed. Of course the Count's existence was probably unknown to
most newcomers but such guesses were useful should his name happen to
come up.
Then it was my fate to stumble on a curious discovery that seemed
linked to d'Hedouville but so inexplicably that it only added to the
mystery surrounding him.
Across the road westward from his pineapple patch stretched one of
those long-leaf pine forests known to Florida as "the flatwoods." It was
easy to get lost in the flatwoods. Once in their depths the endless
repetition of tall, bare boles laid on a strange and disorienting feeling that
of course fascinated the young. It was an adventure I had been repeating
since childhood with a mix of bravado and trepidation, usually lugging a
shotgun for moral support.
On that afternoon, empty of everything but sun and that loneliness






Growing Up in Miami, 1909-1915 19


known only to the half-hollow skulls of teen-agers, I was deep in the
flatwoods because I had wrenched off one of the Count's pineapples and
wanted a place well away from the scene of the crime to carve it up.
Suddenly I noticed something out of place in the forest, a rectangular
shape. Nature does not make square corners. This was a work of man,
raised a foot or two from the forest floor and naturally camouflaged by a
thick blanket of pine needles, clearly the roof of an underground room.
The woods were still, there were no signs of life and scared as I was,
curiosity crawled me up to a narrow sort of window. Light came in from
a western window opposite mine and I could see a built-in bunk, a chair, a
small table with some books and a kerosene lamp. The room was clean
but it didn't look lived-in.
On the back wall hung a military uniform. As an avid reader of
illustrated books about the Napoleonic as well as the Franco-Prussian
wars, the match-up between their cavalry uniforms with the one I was
staring at was unmistakable; tunic and facings, epaulettes, various marks
of rank, lighter colored breeches. On the floor stood black jackboots.
Slung on the wall was the curve of a scabbarded sabre, its hilt and
tasselling catching bits of light. In all, what but the uniform of a French
Dragoon, in younger days, our Count? His rank, that of a Captain, at
least.
Bewildered and frightened, too, I ran from those woods, never to
return. Nor did I tell anyone what I had seen. The secret was mine and the
Count's. But to this day the questions remain. If not the Count's cabin and
uniform, then whose? Regardless of ownership why was the uniform in
that hidden place? If the Count's, why not in a mothproof closet under the
red tile roof of the bay? On and on. An eerie affair that remains lodged in
memory.
One Saturday night later that year, a great high-sterned, topless
automobile, carbide headlamps and brightwork bedazzling and coming
from the direction of the red tile roof, rounded the corner from Avenue C
into 12th Street. From my angle the driver was invisible behind a
towering vertical windshield and my eyes switched to its massive drive-
chain bucking on the sprocket in the turn. As the car swept majestically
westward on 12th one of my pals on the corner who had caught a glimpse
of the man at the wheel uttered a yelp, "There goes the Count." I had
missed him, our Chevalier of France, my Captain of Dragoons. I had
missed him. Was he pale of face? Had he a mustache crisply upturned?
The look of D'Artagnan?
The Count and his clanking Darracq, the mystery of the buried room






20 TEQUESTA


in the flatwoods, the Dragoon uniform-all these were erased by the
arrival in Miami of flying machines. Biscayne Bay, neglected by its adult
marginals became a magnet for all ages due to its ideal suitability as
take-off and landing surface for the pontoon-fitted biplanes of Mr. Glenn
Curtiss who installed moorings and a ramp on the Bay's edge just below
the Royal Palm Hotel. For the young, the Curtiss machines became an
obsession. Enthralled from the first clatter of engines, we quickly as-
sumed mastery of the science of flight, loudly noting the fine points of
take-off and landing, heralding maneuvers in advance of execution, our
figures itching for the controls.
One afternoon a young fellow known to us all but somewhat older,
parted the crowd, flashed a ten dollar bill, climbed aboard and was flown
abundantly up and down the bay, thus achieving instant fame, a hero to us
all. A few years later on a muddy street in a town in France, then brigade
headquarters of an infantry division, I saw him again. Uniformed with
exceeding smartness for a second lieutenant, even including a swagger
stick tucked under his arm in the British style, he confided with a grin that
he was hanging around HQ "awaiting court-martial." It would have been
a breach of taste for me, a corporal, to enquire into the charges against
him. Moreover I was still awed by the grandeur of his afternoon flight up
and down Biscayne Bay. Ah, Swift, laughing cavalier, did you ever go
back to Miami and the Green Tree Inn?
Summers were long. We explored up the river, swam, fished, hunted
with our .22's and later on fooled around with a torpid sloop presented to
us by a kind soul with the idea that we would organize a troop of Sea
Scouts around it. We never got around to this and most of the time the
sloop lay at anchor with a reputation for crankiness and leaking.
Sometimes, however, one would take her singlehanded, or with a girl
quite useless in handling the vessel, out into the Atlantic through Govern-
ment Cut. In the open sea we would sail north until our nerve gave out,
come about in the massive swells and in the late afternoon confront
re-entry into Biscayne Bay through a shambles of tide-rip, flukey winds
and mediocre seamanship.
Such exercises contributed perceptibly to growing up and perhaps
helped to ignite the yen, latent in all men, for enterprise containing an
element of risk. Warfare is one of these. Skiing, riding, climbing come to
mind. And serious effort in any of the arts is hard, lonely, dangerous
work.
Maybe Miami's emollient climate had something to do with it; in
any case our anti-social acts were few and mild. One was an ingenious






Growing Up in Miami, 1909-1915 21


arrangement for arousing half the town from sleep in the deep of night by
clanging the high school bell. Involved was a tedious climb into the
cupola to affix a breakable string to the bell clapper. Then, with a strong
fishline tied to the string and ourselves well hidden half a block away we
would clang out a doomsday clamor until lights came in the windows of
honest citizens. Then a sharp jerk would break the string and let us
retrieve our fishline and fade into the night.
Another exploit was the summertime invasion of the Home Econo-
mics Kitchen, there to combine ingredients left over from the school year
into weird baked pastries. Afterward we always cleaned up with care.
During my student years not a single school-house window was
smashed. Graffiti were unknown. This decency survived grammar and
high school years intact. School was the social pivot around which our
happy lives revolved; the vandalistic urge was totally absent.
Almost equal to the Curtiss flying machines in providing news for
Miami's hustling journals was the advent of a company of moving picture
people. On the premise that Miami had as much sunshine as California
and was a lot closer to New York, a gaggle of producers, cameramen,
scenic designers, grips, actors and camp followers swarmed upon us, set
up headquarters in a grey-shingled hotel on the bayfront near the Terminal
Dock, built a vast wooden platform over a vacant lot, rigged a muslin
canopy over all to diffuse the sun's glare and began shooting.
High Schoolers of some presence who could rummage up reason-
able facsimiles of formal evening clothes were recruited for a ballroom
scene at five dollars a day, a fabulous proposition to us when twenty-five
cents was pocket money for a week. The players brought us an authentic
whiff of the outside world more tangible than that diffused by the seldom
seen guests of the Hotel Royal Palm. Director and actors tooled around
town in low-slung snorters and waved at us who had been extras. They
were seen in the Spanish restaurants on Avenue D: a jolly crew, one of
whom added to the fun by crashing his yellow racer against the Avenue D
bridge. It was too good to last. After a while they folded their installations
and neither they nor their film ever surfaced again. The actors in their
fancy clothes were gone but for a time the echoes of a song that on
moonlit nights had sometimes larked upward from the hotel window of
the leading lady whose slave I had been since glimpsing her in the
ballroom scene, a melody beginning, "... say, do you remember Califor-
nia in September..." a plaintive song whose echoes continued to wrench
me.
Except for the fleeting appearances of hotel guests, fancy clothes






22 TEQUESTA


were rarely part of our scene. Miamians tended to wear the clothes they
had on when they sold the plumbing business and left their homes in
Michigan; thick woolens, stiff collars, derby hats. Indeed, after these hair
shirts had worn out or been consumed by mildew and moth the same
outfits seemed always to take their place. Women were the only ones able
to cope with the climate; putting their sewing machines to work they
whipped out light cotton dresses for themselves and daughters.
An astonishing part of becoming a high schooler was being addres-
sed by the faculty as Miss and Mister, a dignity that brought male
juveniles for the first time to some concern for their appearance with
mixed results. We could not aspire to the haberdashery of the young dudes
holidaying at the Royal Palm; their superb flannels, white and blue-
striped blazers, straw boaters, white oxfords, were not for sale on 12th
Street. Few of our families would have been either likely or able to
finance them anyway.
We settled for vested blue serge suits with augmented shoulders
selling in the vicinity of fifteen dollars. Our shoes, relentlessly high-top,
were laced or buttoned, some a feverish yellow in color and with peculiar
raised blips on the toes. The Arrow collar man, painted by the immortal
Leyendecker brothers was our nemesis. His elegant variations were
advertised to the saturation point in magazines, billboards, store
windows, his cool eyes commanding us to look like him day and night.
Ah, those sleek types in dinner jackets, crisp wing collars, precise black
bows and always the white-tipped red carnation boutonniere. The pain we
suffered during those years of deprivation no doubt made us, when we
achieved solvency, better than average customers of ER. Trippler, The
Bretheren and, in due course Savile Row.
Were the girls in high school similarly racked? It is doubtful. The
circulation of Vogue in Dade County could not have been appreciable.
Any sort of garment whose skirt reached the shoe-top was adequately in
the mode, or so it looks in contemporary photographs. Middy blouses
swathed a multitude of camisoled bosoms. A bit of fretwork around the
neck of a dress, a locket on a thin chain and the girls were off and running.
Hair ribbons, large bows in back, were important, sashes too. Underneath
it all-corsets. What else, no one knew.
Photographs of the '15 and '16 high school classes arranged on the
big front steps reveal a sort of della Francesca dignity in the faces of the
girls. No one is saying "cheese." There are such lovely extroverts as
Dorothy Davies, Joaddie Harper, Lucile Atkisson, who got up parties and
taught us the art of Irene and Vernon Castle. There is Katie Dean whose






Growing Up in Miami, 1909-1915 23


mission was the disciplining of pushy boys (her greeting all too often was,
"... the trouble with you, Bill Davenport, is ..."), beautiful Bessie
Sandlin, cool and elfin Florence Wharton, warm-hearted Mamie Mizell.
There also is a fragile girl from Georgia's peach country to whom on
moonlit nights, an ocean breeze troubling the palm fronds, I droned the
Rubaiyat, every single quatrain by heart.
Growing up progresses by exposure to assorted humans against
various backgrounds but the process is smartly accelerated by the reading
of books. In that I was lucky. Before moving to Miami we lived my eighth
to eleventh years in the hamlet of Lake Helen buried in Florida's high pine
country. During its brief flowering as a winter haven for quiet people
from upper New York and Massachusetts, one of the visitors, Mr. Hop-
kins by name, built and endowed a small jewel of a library. To me it was
the Kohinoor.
Always an adroit shirker of chores, I devoted much of those years to
swimming and bending the oars of my skiff on the lake. But mainly I
wove in and out of the library. My family always had quantities of books
but many migrations had depleted them and anyway I had read them all.
Now for the first time I had access to an unlimited supply. Reading four or
five a week I spun through staples, classics, novels, histories,
biographies, books of archaeology, adventure, warfare and poetry with
equal and insatiable zest, the beginning of a lifelong addiction. My
sneaky custom was to load books and a sandwich into the skiff, row to a
shady cove, tie up and read all day. A very good life it was. Characters,
scenes, illustrations, ideas from those books butterfly about in memory
but Swift and Kipling remain, perhaps, most firmly imprinted. Alexan-
der Dumas and G.A. Henty close seconds.
In Miami magazines mitigated our provincialism, mainly the Satur-
day Evening Post and Colliers but off and on subscriptions to such as
McClures, Harpers, Outlook and the Literary Digest. Colliers entranced
me with a series of center spreads in some early color-printing process, of
paintings by Frederick Remington, stunning evocations of Indians, cow-
boys and the U.S. Cavalry in the canyons, water-holes and prairies of the
old West. Following this editorial coup was a series of the great explorers
who forced their way through the new world's mazes.
In the rambunctious grammer school days, breathing chalk-dust and
sweating out long division, we were not concerned with girls nor they
with us. The mood was indifference; to each other we were non-persons.
High school introduced a different tune whose beat was not easy to catch.
No one had informed us that we were to confront relations between the






24 TEQUESTA


sexes, a subject that proved twice as touchy as algebra or Latin. Sex was a
word like cancer, absent from speech and print.
Our girls, mysterious personalities, always from somewhere far
away, were sweet and gentle creatures who spoke quietly, laughed often
but did not giggle. We met on a straightforward basis, no coquetry on
their part, no machismo on ours. Still, we were not the same kind of
people. Fellow students enduring the same bruising introduction to
learning, mixing in classes and all kinds of school activities, there
remained an awkwardness on our part which they did not display. We
breathed the same jasmin-scented air, bathed in the same unnerving
tropical moonlight but the effect on us was more unnerving than it was on
them.
Girls were a problem that demanded solution. We considered them
social fixtures but difficult. They were, of course, far and away our social
superiors, possessed of a moral solidarity based on the old established
taboos. All in all they gave us a span of pleasant and sufficiently exciting
years. The passes we made, inept, lacking in focus, were artfully
grounded without demeaning us. Mutual infatuations revealed them as
romantically vulnerable up to a point but that point was a stone wall. I am
convinced that in not a single instance did chastity of any of our high
school charmers suffer even the tiniest nick. Indeed the taboos were
equally built into the male contingent. We were younger than our years-
in retrospect, how fortunate we were! For our more timely discovery
time and circumstance had preserved almost intact a delightful new
landscape of human experience.
Opportunities for getting together were limited. The sole auto-
mobile in the school population was that of Landon Carney and he lived
in Coconut Grove. From school we walked home in groups, together for a
few blocks and then dispersed. Once in a while, after agonies of con-
sideration, we took a girl to the movies followed by a grape-ice at the
soda fountain. Holding hands walking her home was an electric intimacy.
As social groups jelled there were impromptu get-togethers for an orgy of
the haunting Hawaiian music then on records.
Other efforts toward sociability were evening parties which we
called "killings," with stuff to eat and grape-juice punch. There was no
precedent for drinking anything stronger and no one did.
Smoking was not part of the scene either. In grammer school the
baseball pictures enclosed in packs of cigarettes induced a bit of puffing
but the craze was brief. In high school we tried the excellent "green"
cigars made in Key West of Cuban tobaccos and sold untaxed in paper







Growing Up in Miami, 1909-1915 25


bags but most of us were involved in some athletic team or other and
considered ourselves "in training" and barred from smoking-an idea
derived from the antiseptic books about prep school life by Ralph Henry
Barbour of which we were rapt readers. The far superior books for
juveniles by our Coconut Grove neighbor Kirk Monroe we read but
disregarded since they were about the Everglades and the Keys. We
called on him one day and he received us graciously.
In high school dancing arrived to boost our growing up along. The girls
insisted that we learn and with the aid of victrolas put us over the jumps
mastering turkey trot, bunny hug, hesitation waltz. The Argentine tango
followed and tough going it all was. But to the tinny beat of International
Rag, Too Much Mustard and other compositions derided by our elders we
slowly caught on. Scraps of the International Rag lyrics survive;

Dukes and Lords and Russian Czars
Folks who own their motor-cars
Throw up their shoulders to that
Raggedy melody, full of originality-
Italian opera singers
Have learned to snap their fingers
All the world goes around the sound
Of the International Raaaaaaaggggggg.

On scholarship within the non-ivied walls of our new High School
there is little to be said. Out of my class of forty-six students no less than
twenty flunked their exams and were required to repeat the entire Junior
year. The seventeen males in this sheepish group included most of my
close friends and my name would have led all the rest had not I moved
away in mid-term. Our instructors were qualified and worked hard but we
spent too many hours gazing from the study hall windows at airplanes
skimming along over the coconut trees and weighing the Royal Canadian
Air Force route to a hero's career in the skies over Flanders Fields. From
this airy dream we were to come to earth crawling on our tummies
through Argonne Forest mud and machine guns.
Roman-profiled W.R. Thomas led us through Gaul with Julius
Caesar and coached basketball as well. His degree was a Master's from
the University of North Carolina. Lilliam McGahey did her best to
inculcate some faint understanding of mathematics, if only to preserve
intact the athletic teams. Miss Brown, I believe, was from Boston-her
drawling style being otherwise untraceable. With her we skimmed Mac-






26 TEQUESTA


beth and David Copperfield, wrote papers and grinned at her mannered
reproofs; to one chronically tardy member of her class, "Late again,
chewing gum and raising a disturbance as usual."
The school year ended with a picnic on Miami beach, reached in an
implausibly afloat ferry launch to a rickety dock across Biscayne Bay and
a trudge through sand to the gaunt shape of Smith's Casino, sole structure
on the ocean beach. It offered cubicles for changing into bathing suits,
orangeade and Coca Cola for refreshments. Upstairs was a breezy room
which later on proved a pleasant dancing place on summer evenings.
Coconut trees posed in their beguiling curves, the ocean was be-
nign, miles of untouched beach lay in the sunshine but Miami Beach with
capital letters had not yet evolved. Far-sighted men were drawing plans,
money was being rounded up but the awakening was not yet.
When surveying crews first began to chart the taming of Miami
Beach's bayside swamp, jungle and mangrove I got my accustomed
summer job as chairman. Handling the chain, which was not a chain at all
but a heavy coil of steel measuring tape, was a form of galley-slavery
marked out for high schoolers of strong back and weak mind. Armed with
machetes and axes, lugging chain and bundles of stakes, our function was
to slash and chop a line-of-sight through whatever intervened, measuring
and driving stakes as we progressed guided by signals from the civil
engineer squinting through the telescope of his tripod-mounted transit
instrument. If response to challenge is a builder of character we must
have laid in a bit, sweating day-long among snakes, mosquitoes and
alligators, chest deep in swamp, knee-deep in mud, suffering infected
cuts from dense sawgrass high over our heads. Luckily we were outdoor
kids, the pay was satisfying, the science interesting and the engineers
generally agreeable men.
One Llewellyn, tall, thin, stork-like in the riding-type breeches we
wore with leather puttees as some small deterrent to snake-bite, was
smitten by a lovely and vivacious aunt who visited us. Perhaps that was
why he so often found work for me.
Another professional named Parlee, a Scot, was small, darkly
sun-browned, spare of words, a hard driver with one inappropriate
weakness; a cold horror of snakes. With him I worked on a three week
expedition deep into the Everglades. On this enterprise, in addition to the
tools of our job, including enormous bundles of stakes we were equipped
with a 30-30 rifle in case of serious dispute with alligators and with
revolvers to even things up between us and the serpent population. In
practice and when necessary we killed snakes with our machetes: when
push came to shove there was no time to fool around with a pistol.






Growing Up in Miami, 1909-1915 27


Parlee asked me to bring along another chairman and 1 shanghaied
from Joe Dillon's poolroom on Avenue C a semi-pro baseball player
named Chapman with whom I had worked before. We took the train to
West Palm Beach, met up with the engineer and were transported by
launch through various watery ways a day's journey north and west of
Lake Worth. Abandoned there to the glades we had for shelter a shack on
stilts with cots and a kerosene stove. For food there was lumpy sacks and
bundles of bulk stuff that required cooking of which none of us knew
anything. Starvation stalked us throughout the entire affair.
The sawgrass was ten feet high, the water knee to waist deep.
Hammock barriers required tree chopping and jungle slashing. Which-
ever, there were perhaps half a dozen more or less intimate collisions with
snakes during a day's work of which two or three would be with mocca-
sins or rattlers. Poisonous or not the hazard was constant. Every step,
machete stroke and driven stake had the possibilities of unpleasant
response. Sometimes the tension self-destructed into wildly comic
moments.
One forenoon in a soggy hammock we were felling a tall cypress
that blocked the transit's cross-hairs, Chapman swinging the axe, Parlee
standing near. As the tree trembled ready to fall, its high branches loosed
a shower of assorted snakes, including one bright yellow one. I had seen
them coming and ducked but they plunked down on Chapman and Parlee.
Gallows humor, but a relief. I wonder if Parlee ever shook off those
weeks of acute discomfort. Chapman and I suffered also to the degree our
youth allowed.
Quite early we literally fell into a very private trick of the glades.
After a long dry spell and in certain places the muck would develop deep
cracks, crevasses, some of them, and when the normal water covering
returned they were invisible, as we found out wading homeward after a
wearying day.
Parlee was in the lead, the precious transit on his shoulder. Chapman
and I sloshed along behind with the rest of our tools. Suddenly Parlee
disappeared under the water. When we reached him he had resurfaced
and was hanging on to the transit which had lodged athwart the crevasse.
He said he had gone straight down and found no bottom. This was a
trying new problem against which there was no defense except the
post-facto staking of places where one of us had made the plunge.
Aside from the mosquitoes, serpents, crevasses and saurians the
Everglades atmosphere was not actively hostile but neither was it a
comfortable wilderness. The space was far too much. Between us and the
level horizon all around lay nothing but water, sawgrass and the scattered






28 TEQUESTA


blobs of hammocks, all canopied by an overwhelming aloofness. We
were there uninvited, at our own risk, our tiny presence totally ignored.
One of the effects of this primeval emptiness was to make any sort of
unexpected encounter disconcerting.
One day we were taking a short cut across a dry, open hammock, its
earth white sand instead of black muck, its growth scrub pines and
palmettoes in place of jungle. We walked as the Indians did, eyes on the
ground and were startled when, stark in brilliant sunshine, appeared a
ramshackle hut, its door shut and the sand in front untracked. On the
door, stretched from top to bottom, hung the skin of a giant rattlesnake.
The shock of coming on a human habitation in that wilderness, intruding
on our isolation, upsetting the established monotony of our working day,
was, as I have mentioned, disconcerting. None of us spoke, we just stood
there. The idea of trying the latch on that outlandishly decorated door
entered no one's head. We began slowly to circle away from the hut only
to find our way barred by the glitter of a monstrous rattler. coiled and very
much alive, tail sounding its vicious warning. Just behind the snake's
head, no doubt adding to its ill-temper, clung a complete necklace of
gray, bloated woodticks. A sinister neighborhood from which our extri-
cation was delicate but swift and, thanks to the pattern of our surveying,
for good.
An equally surprising and more wholesome sight greeted Chapman
and me one day when we finished grubbing our way through a jungle
hammock and with the last machete stroke were able to stand erect under
an open sky. At our very feet stretched a dazzling expanse of pure white
lilies cheek to cheek as far as we could see. Though growing in water they
were not pond lilies. Wiping our sweat, Chapman and I swung our eyes
out over the field and then looked at each other in the silence and surmise
of those Spaniards on the peak in Darien. Then, as we stared again at the
mat of white flowers rumples began to move across, a sign we well knew:
alligators. I was glad our surveying line turned ninety degrees at that
point and we had neither to bruise the lilies nor challenge the saurians.
I got back to Miami with a pocket full of money and a feeling of
elation that comes with success whatever the contest but quite un-
conscious of the experience as a rung in the growing-up ladder and I was
embarrassed when I met up with Clarkson who nearly wrung my hand
off.
His grin ear-wide, he spoke, "By God, Bill, you are a man!" It is
possible that a tear hung in Clark's admiring eye-or was it in mine.
Our growing up was indeed nourished by the surveying work, as it






Growing Up in Miami, 1909-1915 29


was soon to be further fed by the coming of war to my generation. We
liked to be seen heading off into the Everglades, the flatwoods or some
fetid mangrove swamp down the coast. The hardships and dangers
attendant were well known and the touch of bravado with which we
accepted them gave us a twist of pride, a feeling that our manhood in
some degree stood certified.
In 1915 Europe lay convulsed in war, first in a chain of wars the
merciless 20th century was to inflict. Biscayne Bay was bridged to the
beach. The town raised a couple of thousand dollars for promotional
advertising. Our age of innocence had begun to crumble.
Grown up? Well, sort of. A big six years worth anyway, years I
remember with love for the sunny young town and those who sort of grew
up with me. The process does not culminate. Life and growing up bump
along together all the way.
In the middle of my junior year at Miami High my family moved to
Tennessee where no coconut trees grew and in winter it snowed.
At various times, by various routes, various of my family returned to
Miami-some to stay. My half-brother A. Jay Sheldon and his wife and
daughter Thetis, who was born in Miami in 1913, stayed for many years.
My half-sister Helen and her husband Arthur James Wakefield with their
daughter Gertrude, Miami-born in 1911, to stay. My mother, Gertrude
Morrison Baker Sheldon Davenport returned to enjoy her final years with
the Wakefields. Only my sister Alice and I had to content ourselves with
visits. One of mine was in the spring of 1942 for six weeks in Air Force
Officer's Training School billetted at the noble Roney-Plaza. Another
visit, a very happy one, has been in the writing of this piece for Tequesta.






This Page Blank in Original
Source Document














Seminole Leadership:

Changing Substance, 1858-1958



By James W. Covington*






In discussing Seminole leadership it should be understood that the con-
cept of leader was considered in much different terms by the Indians than
the whites. To the whites, the leader was one who issued orders, took the
initiative in planning matters and whose orders, he hoped, should be
followed. To the Indians, the traditional leader was a spokesman who
determined and represented the consensus opinion of the group.' Deci-
sions made by the Seminoles were group decisions which were binding
upon all with no leader telling the others what to do? Before the so-called
leader made a move, he consulted with persons who had influence in
order to clarify his thinking or to judge how the matter would be received
by others. Should the issue be in doubt, the decision-making process was
delayed or ever set aside.
Generally speaking, important tribal decisions were deliberated at
councils and at the annual Green Corn Dances. Leaders of the tribe
gathered during the Second Seminole War to decree a policy of death to
those advocating surrender and in 1855 to decide that the military sur-
veying parties should be attacked; thus starting the Third and final
Seminole War. On Court Day held during the annual Green Corn Dance,
all of the males gathered at a meeting where the Medicine Man and his

*Dr. Covington, who is an authority on the Indians of Florida, is a professor of
history at the University of Tampa.






32 TEQUESTA


assistants were seated in a small open structure and the others sat on logs
or stood? To some white observers, the grouping of the Medicine Man
and his several assistants represented a political and judicial council with
the Medicine Man acting as a chairman. Elevation to the council was by
selection by council members and Medicine Man from the ranks of those
who had taken a prescribed course of training as a boy.
On Court Day at the annual Green Corn Dance charges were
brought against those who had committed crimes and problems confront-
ing the group or tribe were discussed. All males were encouraged to
speak but the opinion of the Medicine Man, council members and oldest
man of each clan present seemed to carry the most influence. Sometimes
punishment has been decreed by the group that a person be banished from
the group and cannot take part in any rituals or ceremonies. Should he
decide to rejoin the group, he must put himself in the hands of the
Medicine Man who tested him with various treatments designed to
"break down his anti-social attitude." Only after he had obeyed all of the
Medicine Man's orders to the fullest, was he allowed to take part in the
group's activities. When punishment other than treatment by the Medi-
cine Man was required, the male members of the clan of the wronged
person met and decided upon a proper penalty for the culprit. In 1892
Charley Tiger, while drunk, told a white man that Big Tommy had killed
the members of a white family during a pre-Civil War outbreak. The
Seminoles met and decided that Charley Tiger be banished from the tribe
and, in addition, should suffer the loss of part of one ear.4 Such punish-
ment was carried out and thence forth Charley was known to the whites
and Indians as Crop Ear Charley. Johnny Billie had killed two members
of theTiger clan on different occasions when he was drunk. Nevertheless,
the tribe took no drastic action except prohibiting him from taking part in
ceremonies for it was hoped he would be rehabilitated. Finally in 1938
after his beating a pregnant woman, the Tiger clan met and decided that
Johnny Billie could not be reformed and should be executed. The oldest
member,of the clan was given a gun, taken to where Johnny Billie lived,
and he killed him?
All of the above incidents involved Seminoles with the violations of
tribal and white law taking place on either reservation or non-reservation
land. When Indians were involved in violations of the white laws that
involved whites they were tried by the regular courts. When Sonny Billie
was involved in two hit and run accidents in Miami, he was apprehended
and required to make restitution?
During the 1920-1940 period many changes took place in Seminole






Seminole Leadership 33


way of life with the drainage of parts of the Everglades, the construction
of the Tamiami Trail across the center of the Everglades and the opening
of the Everglades National Park, many Seminole families that had
formerly been scattered throughout much of lower southern Florida
moved to points along theTamiami Trail where they built homes near the
highway and sold items in shops and charged admission to tourists who
wished to visit their homes and watch the usual activities.
When cattle were introduced to the Muscogee-speaking Seminoles
of the Brighton Reservation, the process started a trend that would lead to
the introduction of democratic ideas to the majority of the Seminoles.
Under the terms of the trust agreement approved by the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs on September 12, 1939, three Seminoles were to be elected
as tribal representatives to transact business in connection with the cattle
program. Still, nominations had to be approved by the Superintendent
and, in turn, by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. First trustees of the
cattle program were John Josh, Charlie Micco and Willie Gopher.7
Thomas Jefferson would not have been happy at this first experi-
ment in democracy for the Seminoles. In preparing the Indians for their
first election Fred Montsdeoca, the Extension Agent, and Willie King, a
Creek Baptist Missionary from Oklahoma, serving as interpreter, ex-
plained the need for elected trustees. In the vote, the women gave
scattered votes to virtually everybody and Willie Gopher, a man who
knew much more about horses than cattle was elected as one of the
trustees? The requirements for the elected trustees at this time seemed to
be a knowledge of English and the fact that they were instrumental in
furthering good white-Indian relations. Actually the election meant very
little for Montsdeoca gave the orders. The Extension Agent was the one
who tried to introduce new techniques to the cattle-owning Indians and,
next to the agent, he was the most important white man on the reserva-
tion. Still, any decisions had to be accepted by the bulk of the owners and,
if they were not in complete agreement, the decision would be delayed
until officials had a chance to persuade certain individuals that a change
was needed?
In 1941, one hundred and fifty head of Florida cattle were acquired
for the Big Cypress Reservation and, within a short time, the range cattle
industry was able to make some good advances on the reservation. By
1944 the Indians at Big Cypress Reservation wanted their own separate
cattle trustees. It was Josie Billie, accepted as spokesman for the Big
Cypress group by the whites, who said through interpreter Stanley Smith,
"the Brighton Indians signed some type of paper, what was it?"'"






34 TEQUESTA


Consequently, as a result of this March 18, 1944 meeting held at Big
Cypress, a new trust agreement was drawn up and approved by the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs on August 8, 1945.
The above pact provided for the establishment of two groups, the
Brighton Agricultural and Livestock Enterprise and the Big Cypress
Agricultural and Livestock Enterprise. Each group was eligible to select
three trustees but such selection was subject to approval by the Agency
Superintendent and Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Besides provision
for the cattle trustees, there was provision for the selection of tribal
trustees. Each of the two trustee groups would select one trustee, the
Superintendent would make another appointment, and the three selec-
tions would constitute a body representing the entire tribe." In theory, it
was the first time that a group was formed that would represent all of the
Seminoles but actually the tribal trustees were given very little power
either by the Indians or the Federal authorities. With the substitution of an
appointive or elective power structure to take the place of the traditional
one, persons who had been converted to the Christian faith were selected
for high positions. Of the four elected for the Big Cypress positions, one
was a former medicine man, two active Christians and one to be soon
converted.2 The principal reason these men were selected was that they
were adept at mediating between the Indian and the white world. In
explaining the Bible to the congregation or Sunday School class, they
understood a little English and realized the necessity for consensus
decisions."
With the rise of the elected councils the Green Corn Dance Council
declined in power in terms of political authority and tribal administration.
Within a few years the authority of the council was restricted to the actual
dance itself with selection of site, principal participants and other perti-
nent details. Since many of the new breed of leaders were or had been
Christians, they did not take part in the Green Corn Dances. Nevertheless
some Christians attended the annual ceremony and some Green Corn
adherents attended church.
Although the two livestock groups and the tribal government unit
seemed weak, it became the apparatus for a major move by the tribe. As
early as October, 1948 several Indians met with Superintendent Marmon
and attorneys concerning the prosecution of tribal claims against the
United States Government. By October 15, 1949 a contract was signed
with attorneys John 0. Jackson and Roger J. Waybright of Jacksonville to
represent the Seminoles in a $50,000,000 claim case to be tried before the
Indian Claims Commission.'4 Those who signed on behalf of the tribe






Seminole Leadership 35


were: Brighton Agricultural and Livestock Enterprise Trustees, Frank
Shore, Jack Smith and John Henry Gopher; Big Cypress Agricultural and
Livestock EnterpriseTrustees, Morgan Smith, Junior Cypress and Jimmy
Cypress; Hollywood Reservation Business Committee Members,
Sammy Tommie, Ben Tommie and Bill Osceola and Seminole Tribe
Trustees, Josie Billie, John Cypress and Little Charlie Micco.5 Non-
reservation Indians representing forty percent of the tribe were quick to
claim that they were not represented in this grouping and that the
Superintendent had been the prime mover in the lawsuit and the retention
of attorneys.'16
In 1934, the Wheeler-Howard Act had been passed by Congress.
Title I of the act reaffirmed the right of each Indian tribe living on a
reservation to establish a system of self-government. When the Wheeler-
Howard Act had been passed by Congress, the Seminoles saw no reason
to become incorporated but by April, 1955 there were some compelling
reasons to reconsider the decision. Both Bureau of Indian Affairs offi-
cials and tribal leaders were conscious of the fact that the tribe had no
control over reservation land or use of funds and wanted a change.
Although the tribe held $116,000 in funds, it could not use those funds for
improvement of the Hollywood reservation and construction of a com-
munity house because the Bureau of Indian Affairs noted that the Semi-
noles had no legal organization and would not release the funds."7
In 1957 Rex Quinn, Program Officer of the Bureau of Indian Affairs,
came from Washington to assist the Seminoles in preparing a suitable
constitution. After Quinn had drafted a preliminary version, he and
Superintendent Kenneth Marmon went over each paragraph with a com-
mittee selected by the Indians debating each point and changing some
concepts." Marmon and Quinn were doing their best to draw up a
constitution which would be acceptable to the guidelines regarding tribal
government in Indian Affairs Manual 83-1 which would be issued on
October 1, 1957."' On March 5, 1957 the committee met with the tribal
attorney Roger Waybright for three hours discussing such points as
governmental control over membership status, budget requests and rules
for election. The attorney explained that some controls were needed until
the tribe proved that it was capable of managing itself?" Members of the
constitutional committee included Bill Osceola, chairman; Jackie Willie,
Hollywood; Mike Osceola, Miami; John Henry Gopher, Brighton; Jim-
mie Osceola, Big Cypress and Frank Billie, Big Cypress. The finished
document which included a constitution and charter was approved July
11, 1957 by Assistant Secretary of the Interior Roger Ernst, submitted to






36 TEQUESTA


the tribe August 21, 1957 and given approval by a vote of 223 for and 5
against. Laura Mae Osceola had done much ground work for adoption by
visiting all three reservations and explaining the details of the constitution
and charter. Since the vote had included 55% of the 448 eligible voters,
the charter and constitution were considered to be legal and binding.
The constitution and by-laws provided for a tribal council of eight
members with the offices of chairman, vice-chairman, secretary and
treasurer. In the charter there were provisions for an eight member board
of directors. Elected as the first chairman of the tribal council was Billy
Osceola and, as the first president of the board of directors, Frank Billie.
Enactment of the constitution gave the tribe arid its council limited
control over the three Florida reservations and power to enact regulations
to safeguard health, safety and progress of the tribe?' Under resolutions
adopted by the council, state and county civil and criminal authorities
have been given jurisdiction within the Federal reservations but outside
authorities were requested only when a serious crime had been commit-
ted or a white person was involved. In 1974, the legislature of the State of
Florida established special improvement districts in which the Indians
were able to plan and govern their own police, health care and public
housing facilities.
Although the traditional leaders believed in a consensus or "low
key" approach, there arose at this time white-oriented leaders who would
tell the others what to do and took the place of the traditional leaders.
Almost all of these new leaders had been trained in the methods and styles
of the Christian church. Consequently, two of the most prominent
preachers were elected as leading officers of the tribal organization for
the next eight years. Most of the persons elected to posts prior to 1968
were mature men but in recent years younger persons including women
have been elected. Nevertheless, Baptist, English-speaking cattle owners
have been the ones who have been the leaders since the adoption of the
tribal constitution.
Leadership under the constitution adopted in 1957 was not strong for
there was little power for enforcement of authority. Since the leader was
weak he must rely upon moral persuasion and economic threat. Repre-
sentatives of the Federal government attend all meetings of the elected
council and cattlemen and often control the trend of the meeting. Thus,
elected officials needed to be able to please the agency people and yet be
able to adjust to the need for virtually unanimous approval action to be
taken by the Indians. Whenever the leader determines that there is some
opposition to a proposal, the decision is delayed or sometimes never acted






Seminole Leadership 37


upon. After seven years of "self government" under the Constitution of
1957, the Indians complained that due to a heavy turnover of Bureau of
Indian Affairs personnel including the superintendents, credit officers
and branch chiefs, little could be done at first for the Indians had to study
the man's character in the office. Should they misjudge the super-
intendent, he could become angry and effectively undercut any of their
programs Nevertheless the Tribal Council and Boards were able to
initiate a Corporate Revolving Credit Fund for repair of old houses and
construction of modem ones and emergency loans for other projects
including the purchase of furniture and cattle. Other activities stemming
from incorporation included the Seminole Arts and Crafts Center, Okalee
Village Enterprise and Land Development Enterprise.







NOTES

1. Merwyn S. Garbarino, Big Cypress: A Changing Seminole Community (New
York, 1972). 183.
2. James 0. Buswell "Florida Seminole Religious Ritual: Resistance and
Change:' Ph.D. dissertation. Saint Louis University, 1972. 59.
3. Louis Capron "The Medicine Bundles of the Florida Seminole and the Green
Corn Dance," Bureau of American Ethnology. Anthropological Papers, 35
(Washington, 1953), 196, hereafter cited as "Bundles."
4. Charles W. Pierce Pioneer Life in Southeast Florida, edited by Donald W. Curl.
(Coral Gables, 1970), 38-39.
5. "Bundles," 197-98.
6. Superintendent Kenneth Marmon to Chief of Police, Miami, Florida. November
6, 1953, 921 Employment, Record Group 75, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs,
Federal Records Center, East Point, Georgia. hereafter cited as FRC.
7. Marmon to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, March 18, 1944,930 Stock Raising,
FRC.
8. Robert T. King "Clan Affiliation and Leadership Among theTwentieth Century
Florida Indians," Florida Historical Quarterly L6V (October, 1976). 146.
9. Garbarino, Big Cypress, 118.
10. Marmon to Commissioner of Indian Affairs John Collier, March 18, 1944, 930
Stock Raising, FRC.
11. Marmon to W.O. Roberts, Area Director, March 30, 1951, Tribal Relations.
FRC.
12. Buswell "Florida Seminole Religious Ritual," 419-420.
13. Ibid. 385.
14. Hearing Before the United States Senate Select Committee on Indian Afftirs
Distribution of Seminole Judgement Funds, 95th Congress, Second session on S. 2000
and S. 2188, March 2, 19788 (Washington, 1978), 217.







38 TEQUESTA

15. Marmon to Roberts, March 30, 1951.
16. Hearing, 210.
17. Minutes of Board of Directors of Seminole Tribe, April 4, 1955. 064 Tribal
Matters, FRC.
18. King "Clan Affiliation," 148.
19. Indian Affairs Manual 83 IAM, Tribal Government, Bureau of Indian Affairs,
Department of the Interior (Washington, 1959), 6.1.
20. Roger Waybright to Rex Quinn, April 15, 1957, Rex Quinn Papers, University
of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.
21. La Verne Madigan "The Most Independent People: A Field Report on Indian
Florida," Indian Affairs Number 31, (April, 1959), 4.
22. "Seminoles of Florida, Ten Year Program," June 1, 1966, Rex Quinn Papers,
University of Florida.















The Seminole's Christmas



By J.W. Ewan*







To the Editor of the Metropolis:

Ye, who love the haunts of Nature,
Find that e'en in savage bosoms
There are yearnings, longing, burnings,
For the good they comprehend not-
Listen -
Longfellow

I had met a few of the Indians from time to time during the fall and winter
of 1874, but on Christmas Eve quite an assembly of them had met at
Brickell's Point, with a view of celebrating the "White Man's Christmas."
when, as they affirmed it, they would "all shake hands. white men,
Indians, all the same good friends, drink plenty, shake hands."
It was about 7 P.M.. when a party of us crossed the river from Fort
Dallas and landed about half way between Brickell's Point and what then

*J.W. Ewan, born in Charleston. S.C. January 13, 1850. came to Miami in 1874 and
was soon appointed resident agent by the owners of the Fort Dallas property. He resided
at the fort until Julia Tuttle took over the property in 1891. then he moved to Coconut
Grove where he had a homestead. For many years he was a United States commissioner.
and in 1878 served a term in the state legislature where he was given the sobriquet "Duke
of Dade." Ewan never married. He took a great interest in local history and the
development of South Florida, and was respected for his scrupulous honesty. He died in
1917 at age 67. The two articles reprinted here are from the Miami Metropolis. the first on
March 15, 1901. the second on March 7, 1903.






40 TEQUESTA


was known as the Barnes place. We saw about thirty Indians, of all sizes,
from babes at the breast to "Old Halleck," about 90 years of age. We were
formally introduced to the grown men, among them Key West Billy, Billy
Sunshine, Miami Doctor, Miami Jimmie, Cypress Tommie, Johnnie
Jumper, Big Mouth Tiger, Young Tiger Tail, etc.
The men were grouped around their sof-kee kettle, eating supper.
The women stood by to serve them and replenish their lightwood fires, of
which there were several, to give light and heat, and keep the pot boiling.
Sof-kee is a combination of coontie starch and green corn, making a
course gruel. A large brass kettle stood in the center of each group, and
one large spoon was used to dip with, a wooden spoon made of cypress,
with a very long handle. This single spoon was shared by all. They were
also eating young alligator tails, terrapin and garfish barbecued, to which
were added sweet potatoes and bananas. Coffee was also served, and
occasionally a cork was drawn from a quart bottle and whiskey offered.
Little Tiger was there in full force, flourishing a flat quart bottle,
which he informed us his great-grandfather had given him. It was of very
ancient pattern, and he was very proud of it. Some years after this he sat
with me on the piazza at Fort Dallas enlarging on the qualities of the
bottle and its contents, when it slipped from his hands and broke into
many pieces. He was amazed with grief, bottle and contents both gone.
As he expressed it "Bottle, whiskey, great-grandfather- all gone big
sleep; no come back no more." in broken Indian, Spanish and English.
Once as he elevated his "fi-las-co," as he called it, Big Mouth Tiger
reached it from behind, took a large, quick drink, and said: "Little Tiger
talk too much; lie plenty -holiwagus." To which Little Tiger responded:
"Un ga alltakea drink-good friends."
The picture was soft and beautiful. It was moonlight: a light western
breeze blowing, and the river flowing with a gentle lap-lap. The flickering
lightwood flames brought out the bronze figures to perfection; the
squaws standing partially draped, their outlines were softened and they
became statuesque; the profiles were unusually fine in that light. Then
there were groups of children playing with rattles made from palmetto
leaves woven together and having shells inside: some had the shells of the
box terrapin filled with sea shells. They were all bright-eyed and happy.
Some few of the girls from the Big Cypress were there-three there were
in a group, being about 16 years of age. They were lighter in color than our
coast Indians. Their well-rounded busts and well-turned arms and ankles,
sparkling eyes and fine heads of hair, snowy white and regular teeth made
one think of "The Judgment of Paris," and wonder what these wood
nymphs would like best.






The Seminole's Christmas 41


We were offered eatables and partook of terrapin cooked in the shell,
venison, sweet potatoes and bananas. After the men had finished eating,
the squaws and pickaninnies, as they called their children, feasted, the
men grouping themselves and talking over their adventures, not forget-
ting the bottle; and as they warmed up they would speak in a monotone of
the past, bring in deeds of Osceola, Cophineo Mcintosh, Arpiaka, Billy
Bowlegs, and others remembering Jackson, Worth, Taylor, Dade,
Harney, etc. As the glow increased, dancing commenced. Ere I was well
aware of it, Miami Doctor, to whom I was talking, had gathered me to his
bosom he is over 6 feet tall; my feet were off the ground and I was
wriggling in space. The men were all dancing and singing, the chant was
their music. When the Doctor got out of breath, I was "landed"; he gave
me a withering glance and said: "White man dance good; Indian all the
same; ungah." He settled down with me to a cigar; told me how at one
time all the trees in the hammocks north and south of the river were cut
down, so the soldiers could see the Indians if they came near the Fort. He
said: "Indians not fight nomore; soldiers plenty, too much, big officers
Washington, [three worlds illegible] not make big fight; all good friends
now; fight no good, pickaninnies no eat, no make fire, all go to
Arkansas." I left him; he had the right idea.
1 found Big Head Tiger interviewing a pretty Indian girl. I asked
Young Tiger Tail what it meant. "Big Head Tiger want to catch young
squaw?" "Whose squaw is that?" said I, indicating a woman standing
by. "Big Head Tiger's old squaw; no like it," he said. Now here stood a
pathetic group in bronze. The maiden and the man, and the unwilling
squaw looking on. The firelight flickered, the hearts throbbed, love's
arrows shed, and the serpent, jealousy, inflicted its fangs. Ah, woman!
Red, or what color you may be, you must suffer. Well may Kipling write,
"Mary, pity women!"
I will here add that Tiger eventually caught the young squaw,
marrying her some months later. That night he became awfully loaded,
terribly jagged, and when 1 next saw him his old squaw and some of her
sympathizing friends had him down and were sousing him heavily with
river water, which he seemed to enjoy. I will say here that I always found
him one of the best-natured and most honorable Indians of the tribe. He
really enjoys a joke.
About this time most of the men were at Brickell's store trading,
leaving the women. We tried our blandishments on these dark-eyed
bronzes, gave them some ribbons and candy. We noticed one of the lot, an
ill-favored squaw, going hurriedly "across lots." I thought it would be
well to follow her. She made straight for the store and told a tale of woe to






42 TEQUESTA


the men.Then there was a powwow. But I "seized Time by the bang" and
told the dealer to "set them up," and commenced to vigorously shake
hands with the braves. Then I got Young Tiger Tail a pint, told him to
come quick and we went back to the squaws. He told them "it was all
right: we good men and did not want to steal squaws; only wanted to
please the 'lydies.' I learned afterwards that the female who reported us
was the only old maid in the nation and she was always left as a
chaperone.
The night was growing old, clouds had risen, and at 12 o'clock quite
a heavy shower came on. The squaws and younger Indians had cut brush
and palmetto leaves, and made quite a substantial shelter. So all the
elderly people present, red and white, were sheltered. The Seminoles are
a thoughtful and kind people to their aged and young, manifesting the
greatest love and affection for them.
During the entire night Old Halleck and one of our oldest citizens, an
ex-Confederate warrior, were assigned a position of honor, side by side,
and were the recipients of all courtesies, so much so, that these heroes of
two nations, became hors du combat: they were overcome by King
Bourbon, and were laid peacefully side by side to sleep and dream of past
battles.
The show over, a final dance was held, interspersed with the Semi-
nole rallying call and war whoop. As the day star rose, we shook hands all
around; they asked us to come to their Christmas, or "Green Corn
Dance," and we parted that Christmas morn, having been hospitably
entertained by the Seminoles. And my thoughts as I crossed the Miami
river, turned to a lone grave on the right hand side of the sally port as you
enter Fort Moultrie, Charleston Harbor, where you will see a marble slab
with these words on it:

OSCEOLA
Seminole Warrior,
Chieftain, Patriot.

And these we read of are his people, and their heritage are these
traits, for they are "honorable men" in the light they have.














A Seminole Reminiscence


Some Interesting Facts about Old Tiger Tail






In 1875 while enjoying the hospitality of Mr. and Mrs. John A. Addison at
what was then known as The Hunting Grounds now Cutler and their
hospitality in those days was a thing "sui generis" and not to be despised,
as their menu consisted of mullet roes, venison, home-cured bacon, 5
varieties of bananas, pawpaws, baked sweet potatoes, guava jelly and
coontie pudding, all of which Mrs. Addison would prepare in a way that
would make an ordinary chef turn billions. While sitting on the piazza
sniffing the menu my attention was attracted to a tall-yes gigantic figure
-passing through the scrub and moving rapidly toward the bay landing. I
followed and recognized "Old Tiger Tail," Seminole Chief, on his
shoulders, knapsack fashion, was the entire carcass of a large buck whom
Tiger had "met up with" as we Crackers say. The entrails were removed
and the burden was about 80 pounds. Near the water were camped his two
squaws and little Wel-ke, his daughter, then about 8 years old a little
sloe-eyed beauty the pride of his old age, for Tiger was then over 80
years old, and royally descended on both sides, for her mother was a sister
of Emathla, commonly called Mottlo, one of their finest war chiefs.
Tiger dropped his burden at the feet of his squaws, little Wel-ke ran
to him and he gave her some soft pretty talk in Seminole a Semelah, as
they call it- then he turned to me, gave his hand, said "et-se" (tobacco),
then threw himself on some palmetto leaves, filled his pipe, after remov-
ing his double-soled hunting moccasins, and commenced smoking. His
squaws had taken his moccasins, placed them to dry, he had tramped
through wet glade, and they soon commenced work on the deer, preparing
the meat for sale, removing the antlers and getting the hide ready to turn






44 TEQUESTA


into buckskin. Little Wel-ke came to him like a little "red fawn of the
flowerland" and nestled in his arms, looking at him with grave wonder.
His sinewy hands stroked her bright black hair and he looked at her
wistfully. Oh, it was a pretty study in human savage bronze!
He talked: "Me old too much; eyes no good; see little bit, see etcho
plenty; rifle old, no good; git one etcho." I looked at his gun; it was an old
Kentucky rifle, muzzle loading, percussion cap; the stock was broken and
wired together. He wore a ragged red turban, his calico shirt was in rags
and his buckskin breech-clouts were much the worse for wear. He was
then "Tiger Tail the Hunter" tired hungry, but affectionate. Wel-ke
knew this and with her fingers she felt his veins and looked into his dim
eyes.
Mrs. Addison called dinner and Mr. Addison came and asked Tiger
Tail to join us. He rose and said: "John Addison, my friend long time;
some time long time Addison cowboy fight, kill Indians plenty; now all
good friends. Little bit me come, eat, you hiapus (go)."
We left him. As we eat, in about 20 minutes, the dogs Rock and
Butler-barked and we saw Tiger Tail Chief coming; about 6 feet 8 inches
tall, very erect, a bright red turban with a tuft of egret's plume waving, a
beautifully braided shirt draped with silver disks, fine mangrove-tanned
buckskin leggings, an elegant sash of beadwork and side pouch to match,
and at his side a long buck-handled hunting knife. He said: "Squaws fix
um good; me eat." He took his place and acted like a gentleman, showed
no embarrassment, and there we were-John Addison, a cowboy, once the
terror of the Indians, and Tiger Tail the chief. Mr. Addison told us how in
the fights they often ran short of bullets, how they looked in the mouths of
dead Indians and supplied themselves, for the Indian dropped his bullet
from mouth to muzzle as he loaded, no time to reach for them by hand;
how the Cracker cowboys fought for their stock, slaves and homes and
how, when the regulars were repeatedly repulsed, the cowboys came to
the rescue, fought the Seminoles in their own way, and to this day the
Seminole respects the cowboy if he don't admire him.
We talked of various affairs of the past. I asked Tiger Tail about the
Peter Johnson killing; it occurred on a tract of land now mapped as
Ewanton Heights. On the property owned by J.W. Little is a well, and
here Peter Johnson made coontie. Tiger said: "Me tell him three days,
little moon, Indians fight: you my friend go go! Johnson laugh; three
days me come; Johnson work, make starch; me kill him, he my friend; me
kill him quick; Indians take him kill him little bit; me not like that; squaws






A Seminole Reminiscence 45


hurt him."* He simply did not want Johnson tortured. After this occurred
a detail from Fort Dallas was sent. Buck and another man reported the
affair; they were Johnson's partners; Johnson's skull was found scalped
and taken to Miami.
After this I established a trading post at Fort Dallas, Miami. Old
Tiger was one of my best customers. I remember one evening as the sun
was setting, he came down the river. I asked him to supper; we retired: I
gave him a bed on the floor in my room; he talked with me very freely,
told me much of the past; at ten o'clock he said: "Big star get up. chickens
holler, me go." When the morning star rose and the rooster crowed. he
would go and he did, and I did not hear him. That night he told me his
father assisted General Jackson to defeat Packenham at the battle of New
Orleans. Indians fought on both sides but the Seminoles were with us, he
said they never wanted to fight again, squaws and pickaninnies starved,
Arkansas too cold, no want to go.
On another occasion he visited me. I went near him and asked him
for a piece of his hair; he scowled, was very angry. I told him I wanted it to
send away as the hair of a great warrior and chieftan, wanted it to send to
good friends. He said "one chalk" (25 cents), and after it made the trip
north it came back to me and I have now a lock of old Tiger Tail's hair-
snowy white it is-and a precious relic.
Old Tiger had by his first or old squaw, a son like him in build, but in
countenance resembling his mother. He was known as Young Tiger. In
1882, while sailing from Biscayne to Miami I saw a canoe put out from
Buena Vista, then Dan Clark's place; I ordered a luff; one Indian was in
the canoe-it was Young TigerTail. I asked him aboard. He took my hand
and said; "My father, my old man, Old Tiger Tail gone big sleep; no git up
no more." He was all broken up, told me his father had been struck by
lightning at his big cypress farm. Soon after that Young Tiger Tail met his
death in St. Lucie Sound, and since then, to me, the Seminoles have been
different. Tiger Tail was much respected. His say so was conservative he
knew the prowess of the whites and told his people of it. Emathlo who
succeeded him, is vindictive, a different type fromTiger Tail. I never saw
Old Tiger Tail and Young Tiger Tail in company, but I thought of
Chinga-Chook and Uncas, Cooper's heroes, they were the last of the


*Johnson had angered the Seminoles by selling them gunpowder adulterated with
ground charcoal. Cecil Warren: "Miami Pioneer Recalls Fights with Seminotes'" Miami
Daily News, March 29, 1931.






46 TEQUESTA


Mohicans and the Tigers are to me the last of the Seminoles. Robert
Osceola resembles his uncle, Old Tiger Tail, and Robert was ambitious,
but Robert was not popular and Robert will never be to the Seminoles
what the Tiger Tails were.
Old Tiger Tail owned and enjoyed the labor of his slaves up to the
time of his death. Mr. Lincoln's proclamation by which he changed the
color of many Federal office holders did not reach or effect Tiger Tail. He
long after the Southern Confederacy ceased to exist, vindicated State's
Rights. The Federal government has placed a monument to Osceola with
these words "Osceola, Seminole Chieftain, Warrior, Patriot." The
ex-Confederate States should erect a monument toTiger Tail. He was the
best representative of State's Rights, and to the end defied the strong
powers that existed.
About two miles south of Miami on the Brickell property, is a ledge
of rocks, among these is a profile rock, and it is a good outline of Old
Tiger Tail's face. It should be preserved; it was photographed many years
ago. The old man was a type of what we shall not see again. The past of
the Biscayne section is fading- as it was and is are quite different things.














Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida,

1822-1840

Part I: Key West Phase


By Hugo L. Black, III*




Introduction

By Dr. Charlton W. Tebeau


Richard Fitzpatrick was an important figure in the first two decades of the
American period in South Florida. Aside from the prominent role he
played in the economic and political life of the region, he represented a
class of southerner more closely associated with the life of middle Florida
in the territorial period. He came from the planter class in South Carolina,
brought slaves with him, and sought to impose the plantation system with
all of its caste and class system on the region. That he failed is due partly
to the sparse population and underdeveloped character of the society in
these early days. It is perhaps due even more to the unsuitability of South
Florida climate and soil for any of the plantation crops, cotton, rice,
tobacco and sugar cane. Key West is better understood as a cosmopolitan,
even international island of economic, social and cultural activity, unlike
any other in Florida, and having little contact with it. He did attempt to
establish the plantation system on the Miami River, but neither he nor

*Hugo Black, III is a resident of Miami, a former state legislator, a graduate of Yale,
and presently attending law school at Stanford University. This article was written as a
senior paper at Yale.






48 TEQUESTA


anyone after him there succeeded in the effort to adopt it to the natural
conditions of the region. Cane growing and sugar making were not really
tried until the 1920s and by that time the plantation system had ceased to
be of importance in Florida. Cotton growing never recovered its earlier
importance in Florida after the Civil War. One cannot generalize on the
basis of such a limited society and experience, but it is highly interesting
that this one man, in some ways an outcast from that society, but brought
up in it, brought the plantation concept to South Florida and sought to
establish it there. Though he did not succeed financially, it did determine
his attitude on questions of the day. His 1831 letter quoted here reveals his
expectations. This narrative account of his experiences gives us an
interesting picture of early South Florida at the same time.

This Country (South Florida) has heretofore been considered as of
no value, but a single look at the map is sufficient to convince any
intelligent man that the difference of Latitude (and consequently of
the climate) must, if there are good lands to be found there place
them beyond the value of any in the United States. I have seen more
of the country than any white man in Florida, one other excepted,
and being brought up a planter in South Carolina it is natural to
suppose I must know something of the quality of land and its fitness
for cultivation. You will no doubt be surprised when I state to you
this fact that the Lime and Banana trees grow here in the greatest
perfection as well as the sugar cane which is never injured by frost
and grows from year to year until cut. I have never seen better in the
West Indies or South America... If this country is surveyed and
brought into the market it would be bought up with avidity and in a
few years what is now a wilderness will be turned into the finest
sugar, cotton, and rice plantations in the Union.'


Richard Fitzpatrick






Richard Fitpatrick's South Florida 49


South Carolina Background

Born in 1792' in Columbia, South Carolina," Richard Fitzpatrick was, in
his own words, "brought up a planter." His father was William Fitz-
patrick, one of the leading members of the planter class in the Columbia
area. William Fitzpatrick served as a Captain in the Revolutionary War,3
and was a member of the General Assembly of South Carolina from
1787-1794, and again in 1798-1799. A wealthy cotton planter, at his death
in 1808 William's estate was worth over $80,000. Included were sixty-six
slaves, his main plantation known as Bell Hall, and another separate tract
of land including a mansion and over ten thousand acres ?
In contrast to his economic and political success, William's family
life was a disaster. Sometime soon after Richard's birth, William Fitzpat-
rick and his wife Elizabeth Lenon Fitzpatrick separated. Thereafter, the
two battled each other in the courts over Elizabeth Lenon Fitzpatrick's
claim for compensatory damages after William left her. Though William
and Elizabeth never divorced, the Court of Equity did award Mrs.
Fitzpatrick the sum of sixty pounds sterling to be paid her yearly for the
rest of her life. By 1798, William Fitzpatrick had taken a mistress,
Elizabeth Gillespie, with whom he moved away from Bell Hall to his
other tract of land .
William Fitzpatrick's union with Elizabeth Gillespie must have been
quite scandalous, for not only was William still legally married, court
papers at the time said that "(William) Fitzpatrick was an old and ugly
man and... Miss Gillespie was young and very handsome," a woman of
"good moral character... previous to her acquaintance with Fitzpatrick,"
who "had lost her good character by the visits of said Fitzpatrick."' Soon
after William began living with Elizabeth Gillespie, they had a son whom
they named William Gillespie Fitzpatrick. William's mistress and bastard
son made it impossible for him to run for another term in the South
Carolina General Assembly; he served his last legislative term in the 13th
General Assembly of 1798-99, not coincidentally the first two years of his
relationship with Elizabeth Gillespie. Columbia society must have made
William Fitzpatrick and his whole family, including Richard and
Richard's older sister, Harriet, into social pariahs because of William's
illicit relationship with Elizabeth Gillespie. The Fitzpatrick family, for
example, does not show up on the church lists of the time, including the
First Presbyterian Church were Harriet later was buried.
After William began his association with Elizabeth Gillespie, he
tried to arrange his affairs so that both Elizabeth Gillespie and William






50 TEQUESTA


Gillespie Fitzpatrick would inherit most of the Fitzpatrick property. A
South Carolina law prohibited mistresses and their bastard children from
inheriting more than one-quarter of the testator's estate. Through a com-
plicated arrangement of gifts and third-party purchases, however, Wil-
liam tried to circumvent the law. Although William did not try to cut his
natural children completely out of his will,8 we can only speculate that
Richard's and Harriet's affection for their father must have dwindled as
they saw him trying to give away what the law said should belong to
them, and as Richard was dropped in a second will from being named one
of William's executors. At the very least, Richard's ties to his family in
South Carolina must have been somewhat more tenuous than was com-
mon among planter families of the day.
In 1808, William went mad, and in April of 1808 a Declaration of
Lunacy was declared by the Court and the administration of William's
business affairs was taken over by his son-in-law, Harriet's husband,
Joseph English. Richard was sixteen at the time, and thus was not old
enough to take over. In June of 1808, William died, leaving his huge estate
to be fought over by his inheritors. Ultimately, through court actions
lasting into the 1820's, Elizabeth Gillespie and William Gillespie Fitzpat-
rick had to turn over all the property William had given them and settle
for a cash payment of $20,000, one quarter of William's estate. Richard
and Harriet were joint heirs of the remainder of the estate worth over
$60,000. In addition, Richard received ten slaves given to him as a gift by
his father years before William's death, but which William had never
released to Richard? The long court battle by no means deprived Richard
of his inheritance during the time actions in the court took place. By 1810,
Richard had turned eighteen and was listed in the South Carolina census
as the head of household of a plantation which had sixty slaves in the
Lexington District near Columbia. Richard Fitzpatrick was at the age of
eighteen one of the largest slaveholders in the Columbia area.
For whatever reason, sometime around 1816 or so, Richard left
South Carolina.Y We can only guess about the reasons Richard Fitzpatrick
left South Carolina and his plantation. The state of his family's reputation
undoubtedly played its part, and perhaps Fitzpatrick's childhood in a
broken home lessened endearing attachments that might normally have
kept him near his birthplace. Perhaps he just wanted to see the world and
had the wealth to allow himself to do so. We do not know where
Fitzpatrick went, but for whatever reasons, from this point on in his life,
he "became a man of moving habits," as his grand-nephew later de-






Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida 51


scribed himY One of Fitzpatrick's nieces remarked in 1854 that 'Uncle
Fitzpatrick ... has seen so much of the World that he is very pleasant
company.' 12
We know little else about the effect of Fitzpatrick's South Carolina
background on his later life. Quite likely Fitzpatrick's parents' marital
difficulties contributed to the reasons why Fitzpatrick never married.
Fitzpatrick's childhood also evidently made him quite a liberal on
divorce, for he later supported nearly every divorce bill he ever had to
vote on in the Florida Legislative Council. Fitzpatrick left no personal
papers, however, that spoke directly of his personal values and attitudes
that may have developed as he grew up in South Carolina, But although
the innermost thoughts of Fitzpatrick are inaccessible to us, we may
reasonably assume that he adopted the ideology and habits of mind that
were characteristic of the planters of the South. His later actions are those
of a man with the planter ideology outlined below by Eugene Genovese,
an ideology characterized by:

... an aristocratic, antibourgeois spirit with values and mores
emphasizing family and status, a strong code of honor, and aspira-
tions to luxury, ease, and accomplishment. In the planters'
community, paternalism provided the standard of human
relationships, and politics and statecraft were the duties and re-
sponsibilities of gentlemen. The gentleman lived for politics, not
like the bourgeois politician, off politics.
The planter typically recoiled at the notion that profit should
be the goal of life; that the approach to production and exchange
should be internally rational and uncomplicated by social values;
that thrift and hard work should be the great virtues; and that the test
of the wholesomeness of a community should be the vigor with
which its citizens expand the economy. The planter was no less
acquisitive than the bourgeois, but an acquisitive spirit is compati-
ble to capitalism. The aristocratic spirit of the planters absorbed
acquisitiveness and directed it into channels that were socially
desirable to a slave society: the accumulation of slaves and land and
the achievement of military and political honors,

As the Florida peninsula opened up to American settlement in the
1820's, men from the South like Fitzpatrick brought their ideology with
them. The manner in which these Southerners coexisted with Northern
bourgeois, lower-class whites of both the South and the North, people
from the Bahamas, blacks, and Indians all part of the South Florida
population- is the core of South Florida's early history.






52 TEQUESTA


EARLY ACTIVITIES IN KEY WEST

Thirty years old when he came to Key West in 1822, Richard Fitzpatrick
immediately became one of the foremost citizens of the small town. When
William AdeeWhitehead finished surveying the island and laying out the
town in February, 1829, streets were named after friends and relations of
the original proprietors and a few distinguished citizens such as Andrew
Jackson and Joseph M. White, Florida's Territorial Delegate. Richard
Fitzpatrick was the only prominent citizen of Key West after which a
street was named? Fitzpatrick Street exists today in the old section of Key
West.
Fitzpatrick's importance in Key West was a function of the condi-
tions of the society outside Key West as much as a result of the
acceptance, and even deference, he received in Key West. At a time when
Key West was extremely dependent on both the territorial and national
governments for the legitimation and ordering of the wrecking industry in
particular, and Key West's continued existence in general, Fitzpatrick fit
the model of respectability held by the ruling classes outside Key West.
Fitzpatrick's residency and importance in Key West life were valuable
assets for the young town; he helped to bring respectability and legitima-
cy to an area threatened by its reputation for crooked dealings and wild
disorderliness.
Wrecking was the chief industry in the early years of Key West's
existence. One commentator in 1851 expressed the situation well:

... First came the wreckers-from three to four hundred of them-to
prey upon the carcasses of dead ships; then came the merchants and
traders to prey upon the wreckers; then came the doctors and the
lawyers to prey upon both the traders and the wreckers; and last
came the clergy of all denominations to pray for all!

Fitzpatrick was an important man in the early unregulated wrecking
industry, prior to the establishment of an admiralty court in Key West.
During part of this period, he was the only authorized auctioneer of all the
wrecked property brought to Key West, a situation which led to some
controversy in 1826. Key West and Saint Augustine were battling over
becoming the center for the wrecking industry during the 1820's, and the
Collector of Customs of Saint Augustine, John Rodman, seized on
Fitzpatrick's monopolistic auctioneer's position as an example of Key
West's unscrupulousness. In a letter to the U.S. Secretary of the Treasury
on May 9, 1826, Rodman wrote:






Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida 53


... Sir, I deem it my duty to make known to you a fact, (for the
information of the President of the United States) which I think
deeply concerns the government of this Territory. It is this, the
business of auctioneer at Key West, since wrecked goods have been
carried there and sold to an immense amount has become very
profitable. By an Act of the Legislative Council passed at the last
Session, the enormous commission of 6 percent is allowed to
Auctioneers in thisTerritory in all cases. It is estimated that wreck-
ed property to the amount of nearly half a million of dollars, since
the passage of this Act has been taken and sold at auction at Key
West; for notwithstanding the repeal of the Territorial wrecking law
by Congress, the wreckers still carry their cargoes there, and by
what they pretend to be an arbitration the same abuses are practised
as formerly, from 75 to 80 percent is often allowed. There is but one
auctioneer for the whole Island, and he is George Walton, Esq., the
Secretary of thisTerritory, Treasurer, and Acting Governor himself.
Col. Walton I believe resides at Tallahassee, but he carries on the
business of an auctioneer at Key West, by deputy- that is Richard
Fitzpatrick who resides there transacts the business in the name of
Col. Walton as his deputy, agent or attorney. Whether Col. Walton
holds the commission of Auctioneer from the Governor or not I do
not know, but the fact that all wrecked goods carried to that Island
are sold in his name as the Auctioneer, Mr. Fitzpatrick acting as his
deputy, agent, or attorney, is unquestionably true. I derive my
information from Mr. Thomas Murphy, a gentleman of this place of
respectability and intelligence, who was at Key West about two
months ago and saw advertisements of goods for sale at auction in
the above mentioned manner, and a number of persons belonging to
this place and who went to Key West several months ago have lately
returned sick and in great distress. They all confirm the Statement
of Mr. Murphy and say that it was generally understood and
believed at Key West that Col. Walton was the partner of Mr.
Fitzpatrick in the Auctioneer's business carried on there.
I do not indeed know of any express law which forbids the
Secretary of this Territory, though holding a high honorable and
profitable office by appointment of the President of the United
States, from also holding a very profitable office by appointment of
the Governor of this Territory, and exercising that office by deputy
some five or six hundred miles from his place of residence. But
there appears to me to be a great impropriety in such an arrange-
ment. My views of the matter may however be erroneous, and I
respectfully submit the above information to the consideration of
the President.. .

Although Rodman's 6% figure for the auctioneer's commission should
have been only 4% (2% of the original 6% was a territorial tax)'
Fitzpatrick apparently made quite a lot of money for his parttime work as






54 TEQUESTA


an auctioneer. If we take Rodman's figure of $500,000 as the correct
figure for the amount of wrecked property sold in Key West in that one
year, and make an assumption that Fitzpatrick split the 4% commission in
half with Walton, then Fitzpatrick made around $10,000 in auctioneer's
fees in that year alone.
Although Fitzpatrick's arrangement withWalton was perfectly legal,
Fitzpatrick later apparently had misgivings about the arrangement, since
he sponsored a law, which passed in 1831, which provided "that it shall
not be lawful for any auctioneer in this Territory to sell any goods, wares,
or merchandise at auction, by deputy, or otherwise than in person, from
and after the passage of this act." Perhaps Fitzpatrick's moral qualms
about the auctioneer situation reflected his regret over having had to split
his percentage with an absentee holding a sinecure.
Fitzpatrick held a variety of other governmental positions in the
1820's. After Fitzpatrick's term as auctioneer was over, he frequently was
appointed on salvage cases as an independent appraiser of wrecked
property by the Superior Court? On at least one other occasion, Fitzpat-
rick was also appointed by the Court as a commissioner to arrange the
settlement of an estate' Fitzpatrick was appointed one of the judges of
election in the first election held after Monroe County was formed? He
was Clerk of the County Court in 1827," and was foreman of the Monroe
County Grand Jury." He was a member of the first Town Council of Key
West.'2 Fitzpatrick was also one of the first notary publics on the Island."
On the Federal level, when the Navy sold off their property in Key West
and moved to Pensacola, a few buildings left unsold were left in
Fitzpatrick's care." In 1828, Fitzpatrick applied for the post of U.S.
Marshal for the newly created Southern District, but Henry Wilson,
formerly the U.S. Marshal for the Middle District, was appointed
instead.'
In 1829, Fitzpatrick found himself on the other side of the law when
the Monroe County Grand Jury indicted him and George Hawkins for
circulating a handbill calling Gustavus Harrison a coward for refusing to
fight aduel.1 From January 17,1827 to November 21, 1829, Florida had no
law against duelling, but distributing handbills against an individual who
refused to accept a challenge was punishable by a fine of up to five
hundred dollars." Fitzpatrick ended up not receiving a fine for the hand-
bill offense, however, for after one continuance, the prosecution dismis-
sed the case in 1829. The prosecution most likely dropped its case because
juries just did not want to convict men for duelling and duelling related
offenses. Though some Floridians had begun to question the practice of






Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida 55


duelling by the late 1820's, the validity of the practice of duelling for a
long time had been a part of planter ideology, and most Floridians
approved of duelling as a means of settling disputes and maintaining
personal courage and honor among the individual members of the
society. Fitzpatrick's acquittal was one way the existence of the planter
ideology among the people of Key West manifested itself.
On one other occasion Fitzpatrick found himself the subject of
criminal prosecution, this time for breaking a federal law. In 1831, the
Monroe Grand Jury indicted Fitzpatrick, saying that Fitzpatrick:

... At the said New River settlement in the county aforesaid with
force and arms did cause and procure to be cut and as aforesaid did
then and there aid and assist in cutting a certain quantity of live oak
timber to wit of the value of three hundred dollars or thereabouts
dollars with intent to dispose of, use or employ the same in some
manner other than for the use of the Navy of the United States the
same being then and there the property of the United States and
then and there being and found on land the property then and there
of the United States...

The case came to trial, and Fitzpatrick was acquitted by the jury. The
foreman of the jury was William Cooley, who occupied a plantation on
the New River on land that Fitzpatrick owned and most likely rented to
Cooley. Even if such a close connection between Fitzpatrick and the
foreman of the jury had not existed, however, it was unlikely that a jury
would have convicted Fitzpatrick or any other South Florida resident for
such an offense, whether or not he was actually guilty. Illegal cutting and
shipping of timber from the public lands was a common occurrence in
Florida in the 1820's. Illegal timber cutters were in most areas of Florida
the vanguard of frontier expansion.'9 Federal and state officials at the time
noted the failure of the courts to deal with the problem, and attributed the
lack of successful prosecutions to "public indifference."20
Ironically, shortly after Fitzpatrick's indictment he wrote a letter to
John Simonton requesting Simonton to attempt to persuade the federal
government to survey the land in what was to become Dade County, and
in an attempt to sell the government on the importance of the area,
Fitzpatrick spoke to Simonton of the valuable timber in the area. In
Fitzpatrick's letter of December 20, 1831, he wrote:

... The Government is not aware of the abundance of fine timber
suited for naval purposes to be found here, or something would
certainly be done respecting it. There should be an agent on shore as






56 TEQUESTA


well as vessels on the coast to protect the property of the
Government, and it is not possible for the agent at St. Augustine to
attend to it here.. .2

We may perhaps be allowed a bit of cynicism about the degree of sincerity
in Fitzpatrick's concern for the Government's timber interests. What the
letter does show us is that the possibility of having southeast Florida
readied for the immigration of other planters was far more important to
Fitzpatrick than any profit he might have made from cutting timber.
While Key West's ruling class found itself with much in common,
like societies everywhere disputes were also frequent among the ruling
group. Several court fights Fitzpatrick had with Pardon C. Greene were
representative and help to place these disputes in proper perspective.
Greene was one of Key West's largest landowners and also a promin-
ent merchant. For many years the wharf and warehouses of Pardon C.
Greene and Co. were the most important on the island .2 Greene was also
the type of man who gave Key West a bad reputation and made
Fitzpatrick's presence so valuable. Major James M. Glassell, Comman-
der of the Army Port at Key West, described Greene in a letter of 1832:

... I understand that Mr. Greene left his native state (Rhode Island)
to defraud his creditors; left his family; got command of a Guinea-
man vessel in the slave trade for Havana; made money, and not
daring to go home speculated on the lands in this place, the
proprietors being much in want of funds: his wife and children in
their native state, he has ever since my arrival here, until very lately,
lived in open concubinage with a black woman from Nassau, by
whom he has children, and who left him in consequence of con-
tinued brutal treatment, during his fits of intoxication, which occur
every afternoon?.

Fitzpatrick filed suit against Greene in May of 1830, alleging that on
January 3, 1829, Greene had made out a promissory note for $3,205.43
and that Greene had refused to pay the money to Fitzpatrick. Fitzpatrick
sued Greene for the original sum plus damages to arrive at a total of
$3,400. Greene admitted his liability in an affidavit responding to
Fitzpatrick's charges, but said Fitzpatrick in turn owed Greene $2,644.75
for Fitzpatrick's account with Greene and Company. Greene thus claimed
he owed Fitzpatrick the difference of $560.25. The jury awarded Fitzpat-
rick the full sum Greene originally owed, $3,205.2324
Not to be outdone, during the succeeding two sessions of the
Southern District Court Greene filed three suits against Fitzpatrick. In






Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida 57


one suit filed November, 1830, Greene said that Fitzpatrick on February
20, 1830, "with force and arms at the county aforesaid (Monroe) did place
and put a very large quantity of logwood upon one side of said wharf
knowingly and with intent to injure said wharf and entirely destroy the
same..." Greene further claimed that the wharf was out of service from
that day, February 20, to March 16, and that the cost of repairs and damage
done to Greene's business amounted to $1,200. The jury fond in Greene's
favor and awarded Greene the full sum of $1,200. Fitzpatrick's motion for
a new trial was dismissed by the court."
At the next court term in 1831, Greene filed two suits against
Fitzpatrick: one alleging non-payment of a debt for $3,516 for
Fitzpatrick's account with Greene and Company, and the.second alleging
a debt for $600. In the $600 case, Greene alleged that he had left
Fitzpatrick in charge of Greene and Company's warehouse during one
period while Greene was out of town, and that while Greene was gone
Fitzpatrick took $537 from Captain Lloyd of the wrecked vessel Belle
Isle as payment for taking in the goods of the Belle Isle at Greene's
warehouse, but had never turned over the $537 to Greene. With damages,
Greene said Fitzpatrick owed $600 to Greene and Company. In reply to
this charge, Fitzpatrick took the deposition of John Ford Pike of Havana.
Pike testified that Lloyd had asked him (Pike) for advice about what to do
with the wrecked Belle Isle, that he (Pike) had advised Lloyd to speak to
Fitzpatrick for advice and counsel in Key West, and that he (Pike) had
even gone so far as to give Lloyd a letter of introduction to Fitzpatrick.
Thus, Fitzpatrick claimed that the $537 was a fee for giving advice to
Lloyd, a matter strictly between Fitzpatrick and Lloyd, separate from any
fee for warehouse storage. "
As these second and third suits stretched on into the latter part of
1831, Fitzpatrick filed a countersuit for $8,100 against Greene, Joseph
Cottrell, who was Greene's business partner in Greene and Company, and
Ed Chandler, their lawyer, subject to a condition that Fitzpatrick would
drop his countersuit if Greene paid all court costs and dropped his two
suits, which combined totalled $4,050. Fitzpatrick said the $8,100 suit
was for damages resulting from Greene's suit against Fitzpatrick for
$4,050 "which was obtained and published without cause and to injure
the credit reputation and character of plaintiff.. ."z' Though we find no
final judgment in the incomplete court records on Greene's claims for
$4,050 or Fitzpatrick's claim for $8,100, Fitzpatrick's countersuit
apparently failed to scare Greene off, for from the evidence that does
remain, it seems likely that Fitzpatrick lost the suit for $4,050. On May






58 TEQUESTA


20, 1831, the Court ordered the Marshal to "attach and take into your
custody... so much of the lands tenements goods and chattels of Richard
Fitzpatrick of said County as will be sufficient to satisfy the demand of
Pardon C. Greene, the Plaintiff in their attachment in the full sum of four
thousand and fifty dollars," which was then, "executed upon on Sloop
Eagle and Lot No. Three in Square No. Eight in the town of Key West
together with the Houses and improvements thereon." While it is possible
such an attachment was issued before the final judgment, it is more likely
that the attachment was issued subsequent to Fitzpatrick's losing the
$4,050 suits .8
Fitzpatrick was involved in early Key West in more than just his
tertiary roles in the Key West powerstructure, such as his position as an
auctioneer. The sloop Eagle referred to in the previous writ of attachment
was a wrecking boat which Fitzpatrick owned, working the Florida Keys.
A subsequent court case between Fitzpatrick and his successor, P.J.
Fontane and Company, contained account books which placed
Fitzpatrick's ownership of the sloop Eagle at least as early as 1825.29 This
case between Fitzpatrick and Cotterell and Company, Fitzpatrick's only
other legal battle, stretched from 1835 to 1842, when Cotterell's lower
court judgments for non-payment of debt against Fitzpatrick for
$1,124.92 and $453.14 were overturned by territorial Florida's final Court
of Appeal on May 9, 1842Y0 References to the sloop Eagle in the Cotterell
case stop with the 1831 account books, which lends even more weight to
the evidence that Fitzpatrick lost the sloop Eagle in 1831 as a result of
Pardon C. Greene's suits.
Fitzpatrick's direct participation in the central economic activity of
KeyWest, the wrecking industry, did not end when Fitzpatrick gave up the
sloop Eagle. While we do not know any specifics about the sloop Eagle
during the time of its ownership by Fitzpatrick, we have more informa-
tion about Fitzpatrick's subsequent ownership of another wrecking boat;
by at least 1834, Fitzpatrick had become the owner of the schooner
Florida of Key West. Expenses for a year covering part of 1834 and much
of 1835 were $1,840.59, for such items as captains' salaries and food
(mainly pork, molasses, rice, coffee, flour, and tea). By the end of that
fiscal year. Fitzpatrick owed Cotterell and Company $235.95 in the
schooner Florida account, a year in which the schooner Florida had not
salvaged any major wrecks.3' In the subsequent fiscal year in 1835,
however, the schooner Florida had a huge success, when she received
two-fifths of the value of the salvage of the brig Sea Drift. Wrecks such as
the Sea Drift were what later made Key West the richest city per capital in







Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida 59


the United States. Of the salvage worth $51,487.14, Fitzpatrick and the
Florida received $20,594.85.32 Even after giving the crew their share,
Fitzpatrick had certainly realized quite a profit.
Fitzpatrick's ownership of wrecking boats is significant to us be-
cause it demonstrates that at least this one member of the planter class did
not find wrecking incompatible with his ideology. Thus, the business of
wrecking was not an activity restricted to owners and sea-captains from
the North, though many of the wrecking-boat owners and sea-captains
were from the North. While no one has ever studied the ownership
patterns of Key West's wrecking industry, we do know that other South-
erners like Fitzpatrick were involved. Fitzpatrick's nephew from South
Carolina, William F English, at one time captained a wrecker as well as
owned one ?3
In March of 1830, Fitzpatrick broadened his economic activities
beyond the wrecking business to attempt salt-making.r He leased an
interest in the Whitehead portion of the Key West ponds. From the first
days of Key West, according to Jefferson Browne, "the original prop-
rietors and first settlers of Key West considered the manufacture of salt as
the most probable means of making it known in the commercial world."35
While this high expectation placed on salt-manufacture is usually attrib-
uted by historians solely to the existence of natural ponds on the island, an
additional consideration was that salt-making was an activity thought to
be particularly attractive for large slaveholders. One writer in the Key
West Register on the salt ponds remarked, for example, that:

... The extent of the Ponds will afford employment to at least five
thousand laborers, and from the terms which have been extended to
those who have already made contracts, there can be but little
resque in saying that many of our countrymen who have large
gangs of slaves, would find it greatly to their interest to engage in
this business.?


And again, in another article in the Key West Register:

The extent of the pond will afford employment to a very large
number of labourers in the formation of the pans; after the comple-
tion of which, except during the raking season, they might be
otherwise employed. This fact should engage the attention of those
who have embarked in sugar planting in Middle Florida, whose
hands, during the growth of their cane, might be advantageously
employed here ?7






60 TEQUESTA


Fitzpatrick leased an interest in the Whitehead portion of the salt
ponds on March 29, 1830. Fitzpatrick's rental schedule was based on the
amount of salt he would produce. For the first year, Fitzpatrick's rent was
set at ten bushels of salt out of every 100 bushels of salt produced, for the
second year 15% of the salt produced, and for the third and following
years, 25% of the salt produced. Whitehead was also careful to reserve
the right to become a partner at the end of three years .8
The process of salt-making by solar evaporation, though often
referred to at the time as manufacturing, was actually an agricultural
activity. Like traditional agricultural pursuits, salt-making was a labor-
intensive process in which one prepared an optimum situation for nature
to work on its own, and after a period of time harvested the results.
Jefferson Browne described how the process worked at Key West:

About one hundred acres of this property were subject to overflow
at any ordinary high tide, a large portion being always under water.
This was divided into compartments or "pans" one hundred feet
long and fifty feet wide, separated by walls two feet high made of
coral rock. Small wooden floodgates connected all ten pans, and
sea water was turned into them from a large canal, in which was a
floodgate for regulating the water supply; thus the water could be
let into or cut off from all or any of the pans. The pans were then
filled with salt water and the floodgate in the canal closed, and as
the water was lowered by solar evaporation more salt water was let
in.This process was repeated until the approach of the rainy season,
when the water was allowed to evaporate and the salt precipitated
into crystals, from an eighth to a quarter of an inch in size."


In the Bahamas, salt-making was an established business, and it was
believed in Key West that, "if experienced salt-makers could be induced
to leave the West Indies and reside here, (of which there can be no doubt),
it may reasonably be presumed that this valuable source of wealth will be
fully and fairly developed..." Fitzpatrick, like everyone else in Key
West at the time, was aware of the knowledge and experience of the
Bahamians in salt-making, and thus "an intelligent, educated colored
man named Hart was brought from the Bahamas and placed in charge of
the works..."" While this does seem rather remarkable, the presence of a
free negro in charge of Fitzpatrick's works certainly did nothing to change
the use of slave labor by Fitzpatrick in the salt-making process. In
conjunction with other evidence, Fitzpatrick's hiring of a free negro for
such an important position might be used to argue a lesser degree of






RichardFitzpatrick's South Florida 61


racism in Fitzpatrick, but every other bit of evidence we do have points to
the contrary.
Although, according to Jefferson Browne, "several dry seasons
promised favorable results," and though Fitzpatrick at one time "had over
thirty hands employed;'" Fitzpatrick's salt-making activities were not
successful42 On February 25, 1832, the Niles Weekly Register put
Fitzpatrick's production at '4,000 bushels annually," far less than the
expectation stated in the same article which read: "Key West is a new
source for the production of salt. Ponds have been made, which are
expected to supply from 500,000 to 800,000 bushels a year."4" The closest
Fitzpatrick came to success was, again according to Jefferson Browne,
"in the summer of 1832 (when) the prospect was thought good for sixty
thousand bushels, but rains set in early, and the crop was lost.""
Several reasons were advanced at the time for Fitzpatrick's failure.
According to Walter C. Maloney, in A Sketch of the History of Key West,
Florida, "(Fitzpatrick's) hopes were never realized, partly, as was
thought at the time, from the demand for labor around the wharves in the
town, at high rates, drawing off the hands. Prompt returns therefrom,
very naturally inducing the master to disregard future prospects for
present realization from the labor of his slaves."45 This statement seems to
indicate that Fitzpatrick himself hired out his slaves on the wharves rather
than using the slaves when necessary at the salt works. Another reason
advanced for Fitzpatrick's failure was the lessening of the duty on foreign
salt, which duty had dropped from twenty cents to fifteen cents in 1831,
and to ten cents in 1832. It is quite possible that Fitzpatrick hired out his
slaves at the expense of his salt business in the expectation that he would
be able to concentrate on salt-making in the future, but that the lowering
of the duty on salt and the disastrous harvest of 1832 discouraged
Fitzpatrick from continuing his salt-making efforts.


THE 1831 AND 1832 LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS

Fitzpatrick's entrance into the salt business was a cause for exultation in
Key West, for his undertaking promised the fulfillment of a dream of
extraordinary prosperity for the whole town. One writer in the Key West
Register had phrased his hopes for the salt ponds in the following terms:

... When we take into consideration the existing protecting duty on
salt made in this country the immense quantity of that article that






62 TEQUESTA


the pond on this Island is capable of furnishing the geographical
advantages of our port by which a number of our vessels annually
return in ballast from ports in the Gulf of Mexico, Cuba, etc. we
should not be thought visionary in predicting that the growth of our
population and commercial importance must be certain, and unpar-
relied in its rapidity.

With the advent of his extraordinary popularity because of his salt-
making activity, Fitzpatrick ran for Florida's Legislative Council in 1830.
Fitzpatrick defeated George Weaver of Indian Key, 69-48, in the
1830 election. Fitzpatrick carried the Key West precinct, 49-14, and the
New River precinct, 13-1, but Weaver carried the Indian Key precinct
33-7.2 While Fitzpatrick's strong showing at the New River precinct was
probably attributable to his having begun to buy land for a plantation in
that area, the abrupt difference between the Indian Key and Key West vote
was due to more than just the traditional carrying of the home precinct.
By 1830, Indian Key and Key West had begun an intense sectional rivalry
over which port would be the center of the wrecking industry, a rivalry
which was a factor to some degree in nearly every election for the
Legislative Council in the 1830's in South Florida.
Fitzpatrick's election to the territory's Legislative Council in 1830
was the beginning of one of the most extraordinary legislative careers of
any legislator in Florida'sTerritorial period. Only a few other men were as
influential, and very few matched Fitzpatrick's record of election victor-
ies. Fitzpatrick served as the representative from Monroe from 1830-32,
and again from 1835-36; as Dade's representative from 1837-40; and as
Dade's representative in the Consitutional Convention of 1838.
Due to a change made by the 1829 Council in the date of holding
both the election for the Council and the Council session itself, there was
no 1830 session. In Fitzpatrick's first session, begun in January, 1831, he
was appointed to the Finance Committee and the Committee on the State
of the Territory.3 In nearly every subsequent legislative session, Fitzpat-
rick was on one or another variants of these two committees, often as
Chairman. Such appointments gave him a central position in several of
the most significant developments of the 1830's: the controversy over the
creation of banking and other corporations, and the sectionally-divided
debates over such issues as statehood and the removal of the capital from
Tallahassee.
Fitzpatrick introduced only one bill in 1831, the previously men-
tioned bill to prevent the appointment of deputy auctioneers. Fitzpatrick






Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida 63


was involved in numerous other issues as well, however. On January 20,
Edward L. Drake of Escambia County introduced a resolution, "That a
committee of five be elected, whose duty it shall be to inquire into and
report upon the expediency of removing the seat of Government from
Tallahassee."4 The resolution passed overwhelmingly, and Fitzpatrick
was one of the five men chosen. This committee's final report, which
passed over Governor Duval's veto, became one of the most serious
threats to Tallahassee's position in its history. The final report of the
committee recommended the appointment of five commissioners to
examine eligible places and make a recommendation for the site of a new
capital. The committee's report strongly determined that Tallahassee
should not remain the seat of government.
Fitzpatrick was also involved in passing a bill to overturn the 1829
law which had made duelling illegal. Fitzpatrick was the Chairman of the
committee of the whole which reported the pro-duelling bill to the floor,
and his one affirmative vote proved crucial in the 8-7 vote passing the
bill.6
Several local Key West matters were dealt with in the 1831 Legisla-
tive Council. Fitzpatrick helped to pass an appropriation for $2,000 to
build a jail in Key West.? In 1828, Fitzpatrick had been a member of the
Monroe Grand Jury which originally recommended the construction of a
new jail. The 1829 Grand Jury had repeated the recommendation and
requested the Legislative Council for funds, which request resulted in the
$2,000 appropriation in 1831!.
In another separate local matter, Fitzpatrick presented a "petition
from the President and Councilmen of the Town of Key West, praying an
amendment of their Charter of Incorporation, which was read and refer-
red to a select committee, consisting of Messrs. Fitzpatrick, Booth and
Sanchez."' The petition informed the Council that no election for Town
Council had been held in 1830, and that no one had continued the business
of the Town Council in 1830. But that:

.. On the first Monday in January 1831, agreeable to the Law
establishing this Town the citizens proceeded to elect certain per-
sons as Town Council and the choice was made of your memorial-
ists. It having been doubted if the Act continued in force after a
failure to elect members in 1830, your memorialists pray that a Law
may be passed re-enacting the former act establishing the Town of
Key West, with a further provision that should the Citizens omit to
choose the Council on the First Monday in January in each year






64 TEQUESTA


they may have power to do so on the first Monday in any other
month during the said year...

Fitzpatrick's select committee reported out a bill which did exactly what
the petition requested, and the bill passed."
Two incidents in the 1831 Council may have led to some opposition
to Fitzpatrick in the next election. Twenty-five of Key West's most
prominent citizens petitioned the 1831 Council soliciting "the enactment
of a law constituting a salt company in the Island of Key West composed
of Pardon C. Greene Esquire and others...'"C Shortly afterward, Mr.
Gautier of Jackson County "introduced a Bill to be entitled, An Act to
Incorporate the North American Salt Company... at Key West."3 It was
unusual enough that the sponsor of a local Key West bill should be Gautier
rather than the home-county representative, Fitzpatrick. But even more
unusual was that the bill failed at a time when nearly every bill creating a
corporation passed unless it was one that excited sectional jealousies,
which the North American Salt Company did not. Furthermore, the bill's
defeat came about not through a roll-call vote on the floor, a procedure by
which the bill would most likely have passed, but rather through legisla-
tive inaction. The bill passed second reading, but was postponed twice to
a date certain and was not taken up on the second date specified.'4
According to Jefferson Browne, "Mr. Fitzpatrick was a member of the
Council and opposed the bill and prevented its passage."'
The Key West newspaper had "estimated that this new (salt) com-
pany would require 500 vessels to transport the salt that would be made
annually."'6 Dashing such hopes was not the way to insure re-election.
Fitzpatrick's opposition to the North American Salt Company bill, "gave
rise to an attack on him, which became very bitter before the election.""
Fitzpatrick's opposition to the North American Salt Company bill
was motivated by self-interest: Fitzpatrick's interest in revenge against
Pardon C. Greene as a part of the running battle between the two men, and
Fitzpatrick's interest in protecting his own salt-making operation from
competition. This confusion of the realms of public and private interest
was not unusual at all at the time among the members of the Legislative
Council. This type of action was quite different in their minds from
something like stealing from a public fund. Acts of incorporation, for
example, were routinely passed with several members of the Legislative
Council on the Board of Directors. All over Florida, planters like Fitzpat-
rick believed they personally were creating the foundations of Florida's
society, and were infected by an arrogance which did not allow them to







Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida 65


see the difference between their own personal interests and the interests
of society as a whole.
Fitzpatrick may have caused Lackland M. Stone to run in the next
election for Fitzpatrick's legislative seat when Fitzpatrick made a motion
that endangered a relief bill introduced for Stone in the 1831 Council. Or
perhaps Fitzpatrick knew about Stone's political plans beforehand, and
tried to hinder Stone's relief bill out of pique. The "Bill for the Relief of
L.M. Stone," introduced by William H. Allen of Mosquito County, had
been making its way through the legislative process, having been read a
second time and referred to a committee of the whole, from which "Mr.
Byrd, from that committee, reported progress which report was
received." But, for whatever reason "Mr. Fitzpatrick then moved that the
petitioner have leave to withdraw his petition, which was granted."'" It is
doubtful that Stone desired to actually withdraw his petition, for it was
later taken up again and eventually passed. Although Fitzpatrick voted
for the relief bill on final passage, Fitzpatrick's other actions, both in
making his motion to allow Stone to withdraw his petition and in
allowing someone from another county to introduce the bill in the first
place, indicate a lukewarm attitude at the least toward Stone's bill.?
The ensuing campaign between Fitzpatrick and Stone, then U.S.
Marshal of the Southern District and a former member of the Legislative
Council from Jackson County, was a stormy one. Jefferson Browne
described the campaign thus:

.,. Mr. Fitzpatrick was candidate for re-election: communications
signed "Voter," "Honestus," "One of the People," etc., appeared
in the Enquirer in which the good and bad qualities of the respec-
tive candidates were set forth. As both gentlemen were men of
culture and high standing, the charges against them were no doubt
as false as those promulgated in the primaries of the present day.
Among other things, Mr. Fitzpatrick was charged with having
traduced and slandered the people of Key West, calling them a "set
of dishonest and unprincipled men and that the people of this
county were unworthy of trust." He came in for the greater share of
the abuse, but was triumphantly elected "'


Fitzpatrick's elation about his re-election shows up in a chatty letter
he wrote to Governor Westcott about the elections for the Council that
year. (While it is important to be aware that class motivations received
their concrete form through individual desires and emotions, it is also
equally as important to give personal considerations their proper weight,






66 TEQUESTA


to realize the degree to which personal considerations were ends in
themselves.) Fitzpatrick's letter to Westcott is the closest we have to a
personal letter written by Fitzpatrick and reminds us of the extent to
which the sheer joy of winning was a motivation in Fitzpatrick's political
career.

Key West 22 Nov., 1831
James D. Westcott Esqr.
Dear Sir: I have been most anxious to hear from your part of the
Territory relative to the different Elections. You will see by the
returns that I make you a visit next session. The matter turned out as
I always knew it would do, and I am sorry Stone offered himself as
a candidate, those who call themselves his friends here have done
him no good. I have heard he is very sick. Little more than half the
votes in the County were taken and I lost "nearly the whole of those
who did not vote" I hope you and your family have not been
visited by the dreadful fever which raged in Tallahassee and the
neighborhood around it. I shall leave here about the 15th December
and hope to have the pleasure to give you a hearty shake of the hand
about Christmas. I hope Booth is re-elected, I want to see him.
Dunlap is dead. You are truly unfortunate in the case of two in
succession. Who will be the next? Please to make my respects to
Mrs. W. and all the Babies-
Your friend & Sert.
R. Fitzpatrick"


In the 1832 Council, Fitzpatrick was appointed to only the Finance
Committee, of which he was Chairman. He was more active than he had
been in 1831, introducing several more bills than he had previously as
well as continuing to be involved in local matters?2
As he had been in the previous session Fitzpatrick was a central
figure in one of the most controversial issues of the session, the relocation
of the capital away from Tallahassee. The commissioners who the Coun-
cil had appointed the previous year had been unable to decide on a proper
location, and Fitzpatrick introduced a resolution "to provide for holding
the next session of the legislative council of this territory in the city of St.
Augustine, and for other purposes." The resolution passed, was vetoed by
Governor Westcott, and then finally lost when the votes fell one short of
overriding the veto". The vote on the Tallahassee bill was motivated by
sectional considerations, as was so much of the politics of the time.
Fitzpatrick's position as a legislator for South Florida, unaffiliated with
either East, Middle, or West Florida, gave him an objectivity born of






Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida 67


geography which resulted in the deferral of the initiative on intense
sectional issues throughout the 1830's to Fitzpatrick by other more self-
ishly involved legislators. Fitzpatrick's special position in this regard
undoubtedly contributed to his extraordinary influence on the Council.
Fitzpatrick was again involved in several local matters during the
1832 session. No bids had been taken on the building of the Key West jail
authorized at the 1831 session, so Fitzpatrick had the time extended within
which the construction would be allowed to begin." Later in 1832, bids
were let for the building of the jail. Fitzpatrick submitted a bid to erect a
jail with a cistern (the original Grand Jury report had recommended and
the original bill had specified a cistern) for $3,200, and John Simonton
submitted a bid for $1,699 without a cistern. The commissioners in charge
of selecting someone to build the jail decided they could do without the
cistern, and ended up deciding in favor of Simonton's bid25
As in 1831, Fitzpatrick again submitted a petition from Key West
citizens requesting an amendment in their Charter. While the original
petition no longer exists, the bill that passed probably merely im-
plemented the suggestions in the petition. We can thus assume the petition
related to the taxation situation in Key West. The first Charter granted in
1828 authorized only a poll tax and did not allow a tax on real estate.
Browne said, "This was a source of much controversy, the large landed
proprietors being opposed to taxing their realty, as the major part of it was
unproductive and they were freely donating lots to induce settlers to come
to Key West."" The new 1832 "Act to Incorporate the City of Key West"
broadened the tax base considerably, allowing the Mayor and Alderman,


.. to tax and license billiard tables, to tax and license hawkers,
pedlars and transient traders, to tax retailers of dry goods, grocers,
commission merchants and auctioneers; to tax free negroes, mulla-
toes and slaves provided the tax on slaves shall not exceed the
territorial tax on them -They shall have power to levy a tax on
improved and real estate within said city, of not more than one half
of one per centum upon its value, and one half of one per centu m on
all unimproved lots within said city..."


It is difficult to know just how much personal involvement Fitzpat-
rick had in this Charter change. The tax on real estate did not affect
Fitzpatrick greatly, for he owned very little land on the island. On the
other hand, the potential for a tax on slaves had more effect on Fitzpatrick






68 TEQUESTA


than anyone else. Most likely, the petition for a Charter change came from
the existing Town Council, along with enough of Key West's prominent
citizens such that Fitzpatrick could claim he was merely following a
popular mandate in passing the Charter change. But even with this
mandate, Fitzpatrick most likely earned the opposition of the large
landholders. Though large landholders were quite a minority in Key West,
they were a powerful minority. One of the largest landholders, Pardon C.
Greene, already was feuding with Fitzpatrick. It is quite possible that this
opposition of the large landholders, perhaps combined with some sec-
tional jealousy on the part of Key West citizens over the amount of time
and energy Fitzpatrick was putting into establishing a plantation on the
Miami River, cost Fitzpatrick his seat on the Legislative Council. In the
election for the 1833 Council, Fitzpatrick was defeated by Ed Chandler, a
prominent Key West attorney and also, as Pardon C. Greene's lawyer, a
target of Fitzpatrick's $8,100 defamation suit"?



FREE NEGRO IMMIGRATION

Although the defeat by Chandler temporarily knocked Fitzpatrick off the
Legislative Council, he continued to play a role in the government of the
island. One of the acts passed by the 1832 Council had made it unlawful
for "any free negro or mulatto to migrate, or be brought into thisTerritory
from any State of Territory within the United States, or elsewhere."' At
first as a private citizen, and then as a Justice of the Peace, Fitzpatrick
became the central figure in efforts to enforce this law on the island of Key
West.
On August 10, 1833, Fitzpatrick appeared as a private citizen before
Justice of the Peace Ede Van Evour and presented an affidavit naming ten
Negroes who Fitzpatrick said had been brought into the territory of
Florida contrary to the 1832 Act. Furthermore, Fitzpatrick swore that two
of the Negroes had previously been deported under this act, which made
their crime all the more serious because the penalty for a second offense
under the law was to be sold into slavery for a period of five years. The
Negroes were arrested and brought before Van Evour on September 18,
1833, who thereupon set them free "for want of testimony."2 The incident
did not end with the release of the Negroes, however. The 1834 Grand
Jury, with Fitzpatrick as foreman, indicted Van Evour for malpractice for
his action in setting the Negroes free. The Grand Jury charged that:






Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida


... the said Ede Van Evour being then and there and always a
wicked and evil disposed person and well knowing the premises
but devising designing contriving and subtly intending to prevent
the due course and administration of law and Justice and to make
the same subservient to his own private lucre and gain and to his
own private wicked purposes and intentions did then and there ...
cause and procure the said (negroes) to be discharged and to escape
and go at large from and out of the custody of the said Marshal. to
the great hinderance and mockery of public justice of said Territory
to the evil and pernicious example of all other in like case
standing.. I

As Justice of the Peace, Fitzpatrick was involved in several other
cases involving the same statute. On May 20, 1834, as a Justice of the
Peace, Fitzpatrick received testimony naming five Negroes who had been
brought into the Territory illegally on several different schooners cap-
tained variously by Henry Fitzgerald and Frances Watlington. Four of the
five Negroes had been seamen on boats captained by Fitzgerald, but had
been discharged on reaching Key West and they had begun living on
shore. In Fitzpatrick's opinion convicting the Negroes, Fitzpatrick ex-
pressed an extremely harsh interpretation of the 1832 law. an interpreta-
tion including a denial of any right of the Negroes even to appeal their
conviction. Fitzpatrick's opinion stated:


... The Court will observe that the Law does not require any proof
upon oath that a free negroe or mulattoe has been brought here
contrary to law, any information of any kind is sufficient, or a
citizen or officer can take hold of a free negroe or mulattoe without
a warrant and bring him before a magistrate and if he, upon
examination of the party be of opinion that he has come or brought
into the Territory contrary to the law of 1832 to proceed and carry
that law into effect. In this instance the Justice committed the
Negroes and Mulattoes to jail as the Law directs. The Counsel for
the free negroes asked an appeal under the 21 Section of the Law of
12 Feby. 1832 "Regulating appeals and writes of Certiorari:" upon
examination of the Law under which the appeal was asked the
Justice thought himself bound to refuse upon the ground that the
Law in question has no bearing or reference to criminal proceed-
ings before Justices of the Peace, and where the Justice has only the
power to commit; a party could by the 2d Section of Law claim an
appeal when committed by a Justice to Jail upon a charge of Murder
or any other criminal offence where the testimony was ample and
conclusive, if the ground taken by the counsel for the free negroes
is tenable; and the criminal might by delay escape punishment. The






70 TEQUESTA


Act of 1832 relative to appeals and writs of certiorari, has reference
to the Act of 1829, and repeals the 7th and 8th Sections of that Law,
and which was not, nor never was intended to have any thing to do
with criminal cases, but is applicable alone to civil proceedings
before Justices of the Peace. This view of the matter is also sus-
tained by the Law of 24th Nov. 1829 which repeals so much of the
10th and 34th Sections of the Law of 21 Nov. 1828, as conflicts with
the Law of Congress the two Sections having reference to civil
proceedings exclusively.
The Law of 10th Feby. 1832 is positively a criminal statute,
because it prohibits the migration of free negroes and mulattoes to
thisTerritory under certain pains and penalties, and every Justice of
the Peace is bound by his oath to carry it into effect when any
person or persons of this description (free negroes and mulattoes)
are brought before him, and upon examination of the party or other
testimony he be of opinion that said party "has come or been
brought" into this Territory contrary to its provisions.
The Justice believes that the Law is a constitutional one,
because the scrutiny of Congress and has been permitted to remain
on the Statute books, and that there was no good ground for an
appeal, and that the Law under which the appeal was asked had no
relevancy to the case of the Free negroes.


Although Fitzpatrick's interpretation of the free Negro law was
harsh, his interpretation was not outlandish. The statutes in question
could quite reasonably be interpreted in the manner in which Fitzpatrick
interpreted them. Fitzpatrick had merely interpreted the law as harshly as
it could reasonably have been interpreted. For the Judge of the County
Court, William R. Hackley, however, Fitzpatrick's interpretation went too
far. "It appears to the Judge of our said County Court, that the said
Richard Fitzpatrick Esquire refused to allow an appeal for the final
judgment rendered by him ..., and that the same is illegal and unjust."
Hackley had the Negroes discharged from custody after they put up bond
to await their retrial in County Court.'
Two cases originally brought before Fitzpatrick and subsequently
appealed to Judge Webb of the Superior Court became the major state-
ments in South Florida interpreting the 1832 law on the immigration of
free Negroes. In 1834 and again in 1835, Fitzpatrick convicted William
Delancy, a free Negro who had shipped into Key West as a seaman and
had then been discharged, of breaking the 1832 law. The 1834 Delancy
case was appealed to Judge Webb, who upheld the conviction. But in
upholding the conviction, Webb expressed the following dictum about the






Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida 71


1832 Free Negro Act: "The intention of the Legislature was simply to
prevent free persons of colour from coming here to reside..."

.. .The Legislature could not have intended to say. that a free person
of colour in travelling from New York to Louisiana, shall not pass
along the public roads of Florida, or if he did, should be taken up
and confined in jail until it was convenient to the arresting officer to
send him out of the Territory: nor could they have intended to say
that a vessel passing on a voyage from New York to New Orleans,
with a crew of free colour'd persons on board shall not stop at Key
West or St. Marks to repair damages after a gale of wind, without
incurring the liability of having the whole crew seized and sent to
jail. there to remain until the Sheriff thought proper to send them
out of the Territory -., .

Webb made his dicta into law in the case of "Territory of Florida vs.
John Steward et. al," a case in which Fitzpatrick had convicted a group of
five free Negroes in 1835. Unlike the Delancy case, Fitzpatrick's convic-
tions did not meet with approval this time from Judge Webb. In the first
place, Judge Webb strongly disapproved of Fitzpatrick's evidentiary
procedures.

... Had the applicants relied upon the defects in the commitment as
shown by the return of the sheriff. I should have felt it my duty to
discharge them from custody, as neither the return itself, nor the
papers referred to. shew any offense on the part of the prisoners, or
any good cause for their arrest and detention: but as they have
themselves placed all the matters before me by the introduction of
evidence, 1 must now. do that, which I conceive the magistrate
should have done. when they were before him:.. .

According toWebb's investigation, all five of the free Negroes in the
"John Steward et. al" case had migrated to Key West long before the
passage of the 1832 Act, but had left the Territory for one reason or
another, and then later returned to Key West, One of the men Fitzpatrick
had convicted, Thomas Stout, had left merely on a short trip about a
business matter. Fitzpatrick had interpreted the words, "not be lawful for
any free Negro or mulatto to migrate, or be brought" in the original
statute in such a way as to mean that if a free Negro resident left the
Territory for any length of time and in any sense was "brought" back, like
Stout had been brought back as a passenger on a boat. then the Negro was
in violation of the statute. Webb's opinion was that the Council had not







72 TEQUESTA


intended for the word "brought" to mean anything different than the
word "migrate." Webb believed that,

(the object)... sought to be attained was no other than to prevent the
future settlement within the limits of Florida of a class of persons
believed to be injurious, rather than beneficial to its interests.. .

Judge Webb then went on to consider the other free Negroes besides Stout
charged in the case, and determined that three of the rest were analogous
to Stout's situation, having maintained their residency in Key West with
no intention of establishing their residence elsewhere. The fifth
individual, however, Felix C. Ruby, was determined by Webb to have
established a home and family in the Bahamas, to which Ruby had
travelled and then returned to his long-established business as a carpenter
at Key West, Webb thus upheld Ruby's conviction on the grounds that by
establishing a home and family in the Bahamas, Ruby had given up his
residency in Key West and thus could not legally return to reside in Key
West because of the 1832 law."
In each of these cases concerning the migration of free Negroes,
Fitzpatrick tood a decidedly sterner position than did either Van Evour,
Hackley or Webb. All over the South, planters were afraid of a slave
insurrection aided and abetted by free Negroes. In particular, the Nat
Turner insurrection, which had occurred shortly before the 1832 Legisla-
tive Council session, had inflamed the planters' fear of free Negroes and
slaves and probably had led to the enactment of the 1832 Statute prohibit-
ing the immigration of free Negroes. Fitzpatrick's interpretations of the
1832 law certainly were not inconsistent with the intention to keep the
free Negro population as low as possible, which was the intention behind
the passage of the bill. Even if one regards Fitzpatrick's interpretation of
the word "brought" as irrational in a logical sense, one could hardly
consider his interpretation as irrational from the point of view of a strong
planter ideology; that is, one could hardly disagree that, if it was an
irrationality, then it was one which grew out of planter ideology, one
which was more consistent with a strongly and harshly felt planter
ideology than the more limited interpretation of Webb.
The split between Fitzpatrick and the other judges is quite
significant, for it is a concrete indication of weakness in the planter
ideology among the ruling class in Key West. It is doubtful that three
separate judges in Middle Florida would have decided the way these
South Florida judges did. It is worthy of note that neither Van Evour,






Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida 73


Hackley or Webb were major slaveholders, and it is far from coincidental
that they were not, since they lived and worked in a non-slave-based
economy with comparatively greater numbers of Northern bourgeois
among the ruling class. It is also far from coincidental that Fitzpatrick, the
upholder of the most stringent interpretations of the 1832 Statute, was the
man who owned the most slaves in the area, and who by the time of these
cases had begun to establish a plantation on the Miami River where his
slaves were involved in more economically significant activities than
being household servants. The weakness in planter ideology as man-
ifested in the free Negro cases can be attributed in some measure to the
lack of a slave-based economy and its resulting social structure.











NOTES


Introduction

1. Fitzpatrick to Simonton. Dec. 30. 1831, enclosed in Simonton to Hayward, Dec.
24, 1831, *NA, GLA. (Misc. Letters, Received).



South Carolina Background

I. Fitzpatrick was listed as 58 years old in the 1850 U.S. Census for Brownsville.
Texas of Oct. 11, 1850, 33rd Congress, 2d Session, U.S. House Reports. and as 62 in
Report No. 7 Committee on Military Affairs, Reports of Committees of the House of
Representatives, Made During the Second Session of the Thirt'-Third Congress, 1854-
55. (Washington D.C., A.O.P. Nicholson. Printer, 1855).
2. Richland County Probate Records, Estate of Richard Fitzpatrick. Oct. 13, 1883,
Box 117, package number 3025. South Carolina State Archives, Columbia, S.C.
3. S.R. Mallory to Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, in Claim of
Richard Fitzpatrick, U.S. Court of Claims Reports, Vol. 3, 35 Congress. 1st Session. No.
175 (Washington D.C.: James Steedman, Printer, 1858).
4. House of Research Committee. Biographical Directory of the South Carolina
House of Representatives, Vol. I, 1692-1973. (Columbia: University of South Carolina
Press, 1974).







74 TEQUESTA


5. Richland County Chancery Records. Bill for Relief of Elizabeth Denton vs.
Joseph English. Roll 159. South Carolina State Archives, Columbia, South Carolina.
6. Richland County Chancery, Denton vs. English.
7. Richland County Chancery, Denton vs. English.
8. Richland County Chancery. Denton vs. English.
9. Richland County Chancery, Denton vs. English.
10. Richland County Chancery, Denton vs. English.
11. Richland County Probate. Richard Fitzpatrick,
12. Maria E.P English (Mrs. John English) to her sister, May 15. 1854. Means-
Engtish-Doby Papers, Unpublished Letters, 1828-1917. University of South Carolina.
South Carolina Collection. Manuscripts Division, Columbia, South Carolina.
13. Eugene Genovese, The Political Economy of Slavetri (New York: Vintage,
1967). p. 28.



Early Activities in Key West

1. Col. R. Fitzpatrick, "Col. Fitzpatrick proposing to end the Florida War by
Contract." House of Representatives Committee on Military Affairs, 1849, Memorial.
NA, HR 26A-GH5. #669.
2. Jefferson Browne, Key West, the Old and the New (Gainesville: University of
Florida Press, 1973, facsimile reproduction of 1912 edition), p. 52.
3. The Autobiography of Joseph Le Conte, in Florida State University Library, pp.
138-139.
4. John Rodman to the Secretary of the Treasury, May 9, 1826, in Territorial Papers
of the United States. Florida Territory. Vol. 23 (Washington, D.C.: GPO). pp. 537 538.
5. "An Act to provide, in part, for raising a Revenue," passed Dec. 9. 1825. in Acts
of the Legislative Council, 1825, pp. 60-62.
6. "An Act to amend an Act concerning the Appointment of Auctioneers,"
Approved February 10, 1831. in Acts of the Legislative Council, p. 240.
7. Records of the superior Court for the Southern Judicial District, Federal Records
Center Atlanta, see cases involving Schooner Canton, Barque, Jean Rey. and the Brig
Union.
8. "Estate of H.D. Neale," Court papers of the County Court of Monroe County
and of the Superior Court for the Southern Judicial District, Monroe County Public
Library, Key West. Fla.
9. Territorial Papers, Vol. 23, p. 622.
10. Unpublished Biographical file on Richard Fitzpatrick in Monroe County Public
Library.
11. Court Papers in Monroe County Public Library.
12. "An Act to Incorporate the Island of Key West." Acts ofthe Legislative Council.
1828.
13. Territorial Papers, Vol. 23, p. 1007.
14. Territorial Papers, Vol. 23, p. 669.
15. Territorial Papers, Vol. 24, p. 13.
16, "Territory of Florida vs. Richard Fitzpatrick and George D. Hawkins:' Court
papers in Monroe County Public Library. (hereafter cited as MCPL).
17. Rebecca Keith. "The Humanitarian Movement in Florida. 1821 to 1861,"
Unpublished Master's Thesis. Florida State University, 1951. p. 23.
18. "United States vs. Richard Fitzpatrick, Indictment for Cutting Live Oak on
Public Land," Court Papers in MCPL.







Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida 75


19. William N. Thurston, "A Study of Maritime Activity in Florida in the
Nineteenth Century," Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Florida State University. 1972.
pp. 50-56.
20. William E Steele to the Secretary of the Navy, December 19, 1823, Territorial
Papers, Vol. 22, p. 809, as quoted in Thurston.
21. Fitzpatrick to Simonton, Dec. 30,1831, enclosed in Simonton to Hayward, Dec.
24, 1831.
22. Walter C. Maloney. A Sketch of the History of Key West. Florida (Gainesville:
University of Florida Press, 1968, facsimile reproduction of the 1876 edition), p. 71.
23. Florida Territorial Papers, Vol. 24, p. 763.
24. "Richard Fitzpatrick vs. Pardon C. Greene," Court Papers in MCPL.
25. "Pardon C. Greene vs. Richard Fitzpatrick." Court Papers in MCPL.
26. "Pardon C. Greene vs. Richard Fitzpatrick," Court Papers in MCPL.
27. "Richard Fitzpatrick vs. Pardon C. Greene," Court Papers in MCPL.
28. "Pardon C. Greene vs. Richard Fitzpatrick," Court Papers in MCPL.
29. "Joseph Cotterell and Company vs. Richard Fitzpatrick:' Court Papers in
MCPL.
30. Record of Territorial Florida Supreme Court. May 1842, microfilm copy in PK.
Yonge Library of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.
31. "Cotterell vs. Fitzpatrick," Court Papers in MCPL.
32. "Peter Stout vs. Brig Sea Drift," Records of the Superior Court for the
Southern Judicial District, Federal Records Center, Atlanta.
33. Records of the Superior Court for the Southern Judicial District, Federal
Records Center, Atlanta.
34. Deed between William Whitehead, John Whitehead, and Richard Fitzpatrick,
March 29, 1830, Monroe County Deed Book, MCPL.
35. Jefferson Browne.p. 112.
36. Key West Register, March 5, 1829, microfilm copy in RK. Yonge Library of
Florida History at University of Florida, Gainesville. Florida
37. Key West Register, February 12, 1829, microfilm in PK. Yonge Library of
Florida History at University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.
38. Deed between Whitehead and Fitzpatrick. Monroe County Deed Book.
39. Jefferson Browne, p. 112.
40. Key West Register, February 12, 1829.
41. Walter C. Maloney, p. 22.
42. Jefferson Browne, pp. 112-113.
43. Niles Weekly Register, Feb. 25, 1832.
44. Jefferson Browne, pp. 112-113,
45. Walter Maloney, p. 22.
46. Niles Weekly Register, Vol. 41, Jan. 14, 1832, p. 374.







The 1831 and 1832 Legislative Councils

I. Key West Register. March 5, 1829.
2. Territorial Election Returns, 1830. Monroe County, State Archives. Tallahassee,
Florida.







76 TEQUESTA


3. "Proceedings of the 1831 Legislative Council." original manuscript on micro-
film at P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History. University of Florida. Gainesville.
Florida.
4. "Proceedings of the 1831 Legislative Council."
5. "Proceedings of the 1831 Legislative Council."
6. "Proceedings of the 1831 Legislative Council." Jan. 25, 1831.
7. "Proceedings of the 1831 Legislative Council?" Monroe County (iiand Jury
Reports, 1828 and 1829.
8. Monroe County Grand Jury Reports. 1828 and 1829. in Records of the Superior
Court for the Southern Judicial District. Federal Records Center. Atlanta.
9. "Proceedings of the 1831 Legislative Council."
10. "Memorial of Town Council of Key West praying an amendment of the Charter
of Incorporation," Committee Reports of the Territorial Legislative Council. 1831. State
Archives. Tallahassee. Florida.
11. "Proceedings of the 1831 Legislative Council."
12. "Memorial of citizens of Key West requesting enactment of a law creating a salt
company,' Committee Reports of the Territorial Legislative Council, 1831 Legislative
Council:' State Archives, Tallahassee, Florida.
13. "Proceedings of the 1831 Legislative Council." Feb. 2. 1831.
14. "Proceedings of the 1831 Legislative Council."
15. Jefferson Browne, p. 112.
16. Jefferson Browne, p. 112.
17. Jefferson Browne, p. 112.
18. "Proceedings of the 1831 Legislative Council."
19. "Proceedings of the 1831 Legislative Council."
20. Jefferson Browne. p. 129.
21. R. Fitzpatrick to James Westcott. Nov. 22, 1831. Governor General
Correspondence, 1825-1921. State Archives, Tallahassee. Florida.
22. Journal of the Proceedings of the Legislative Council 1832, original published
volume in State Library of Florida, Tallahassee, Florida.
23. Journal of the Proceedings of the Legislative Council. 1832.
24. Journal of the Proceedings of the Legislative Council, 1832.
25. Jefferson Browne, p. 59.
26. Jefferson Browne. p. 50.
27. "Act to Incorporate the City of Key West," in Acts of the Legislative Council.
1832.
28. Territorial Election Returns, 1832, Monroe County, State Archives.
Tallahassee. Florida.





Free Negro Immigration

1. "An Act to Prevent the Future Migration of Free Negroes or Mulattoes to this
Territory, and for other purposes:' Acts of the Legislative Council, 1832.
2. "Territory of Florida vs. William Cary et. al.," Court Papers in MCPL.
3. "Territory of Florida vs. Ede Van Evour." Court Papers in MCPL.
4. "Territory of Florida vs. John Hepburn et. al.." Court Papers in MCPL.
5. "Territory of Florida vs. John Hepburn et. al.'" Court Papers in MCPL.







Richard Fitzpatrick's South Florida 77

6. "Territory of Florida vs. William Delancy," Court Papers in MCPL.
7. "Territory of Florida vs. John Stewart et. al.." Court Papers in MCPL.
8. "Territory of Florida vs. John Stewart et. al.." Court Papers in MCPL.
9. "Territory of Florida vs. John Stewart et. al.." Court Papers in MCPL.






This Page Blank in Original
Source Document
















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Carr, Mrs. A. Marvin (F)
Carr, Robert S. (I)
Carroll, Mrs. Edith A. (I)
Cartee, Mrs. Horace L. (I)
Carter, Beverly R. III (F)
Cashbaugh, William E. (I)
Caso, Carlos (1)
Caster, Mrs. George B. (I)
Castleberry, Hibbard, Jr. (I)
*Catlow, Mr. & Mrs. William
R. (D)
Cauce, Elena (I)
Cayton, Leona Peacock (1)
Chaille, Joseph H. (I)
Chaille, Mrs. Josiah (I)
Chalfant, Helen C. (I)
Chalnik, Robert & Sarah (F)
Chambers, Francis R. (1)
Chandler, Winifred (1)
Chaplin, Katherine D. (I)
Chapman, Arthur E. (I)
Chardon, Roland D. (F)
Chastain, Mr. & Mrs. R.B.
(F)
Cheezen, Jan Carson (I)
Cheng, Tyrone Tai-Loon (I)
Chiaravallock, Mrs. Frank
(1)
Chillis, Mrs. J. Aranha (1)
Chowning, John S. (F)
Christensen, Mrs. Charlotte
C. (I)
Christie, Mrs. R.B. (I)
Church, David & Louise (F)
Clark, Bernal E. (I)
Clark, Betty Carman (I)
Clark, Mrs. H.L., Jr. (S)


Clark, Mrs. Mae Knight (D)
Clearwater Public Library
(IS)
Coates, Miss Beatrice & Miss
Nelle (F)
Coburn, Fred & Mary (F)
Coffey, Mr. & Mrs. L.F. (F)
Cogswell, Mr. & Mrs. T.J.
(F)
Cohn, Anne S. (I)
Cole, Carlton W. (F)
Cole, Mr. & Mrs. R.B. (F)
Cole, Richard P. (I)
Cole, Robert G. (I)
Cole, Mrs. Wallace H. (F)
Coleman, Hannah P. (1)
Collier County Museum &
Archives (IS)
Collier Free Public Library
(IS)
Collins, Patricia A. (I)
Collins, Paul (F)
Collins, Mrs. Virginia M. (I)
Colsky, Dr. & Mrs. Jacob (F)
Colson, Bill (S)
*Combs, Walter (1)
Conduitte, Catherine J. (I)
Cone, Lawrence B. (I)
Conklin, Miss Dallas M. (I)
Conlon, Lyndon C. (I)
Cook, Gary L. (I)
Cook, Rebel (F)
Cookston, Dana Clay (I)
Cool, Stephen E. (I)
Coombs, William F., Jr. (I)
Coon, Firman A., Lt. Col.
USAF (ret) (F)
Cooney, Mrs. Robert E. (1)
Cooper, Mr. & Mrs. Worth
(F)
Coral Gables Junior
Woman's Club (IS)
Cormack, Elroy Calvin (I)
Corwin, Dr. William (I)
Cosford, W.D. (I)
Constant, Mrs. K. (I)
Costanzo, Sam (I)
Costello, Mrs. Gertrude (I)
Costello, Mr. James (I)
Cothron, Pat (I)
Cowan, Gregory, M. (1)
Crainshaw, Mr. & Mrs.
George (F)
Creel, Earl M. (I)
Creel, Joe (I)
Criswell, Col. Grover C. (I)
Crow, Lon Worth, Jr. (F)


List of Members 81

Crow, Mrs. Mary Graham
(D)
Crowder, Mrs. J. Fred (1)
Crowder, Mrs. James F. (I)
Culbertson, Mr. & Mrs.
W.W. (1)
Cullom, Mrs. Caryl J. (F)
Culmer, Mrs. John E. (I)
Culpepper, K.M. (I)
Cunningham, Les (I)
Curry, Miss Lamar Louise (I)
Curry, Mrs. T.C. (1)
Curwood, Mr. & Mrs. W.J.
(I)
Curtis, David (I)
*Cushman, Dr. Laura (1)
Cybulski, Thomas I. (F)

Dade Heritage Trust (S)
Dager, H.J., Jr. (F)
D'Alemberte, Mrs. Sandy (F)
Dallis, Mr. & Mrs. Park A.
(F)
Dane, George & Gail (F)
Daniel, Mr. & Mrs. W.A. (F)
Danielson, J. Deering (D)
Davenport, Dr. & Mrs. O.W.
(I)
Davidson, Mrs. Robert M. (I)
Davies, Joan M. (I)
Davis, Mrs. Carl H. (I)
Davis, Mr. & Mrs. Frank C.
(F)
Davis, Hal D. (F)
Davis, Marion Peters (1)
Davis, Rubie Thigpen (I)
Davison, Mrs. Walter R. (I)
Dawson, Phyllis (I)
Dean, Kate Stirrup (I)
Dearman, Rachel A. (I)
DeBuchanne, J.D. (I)
DeCarion, George H. (F)
DeGarmo, Mr. & Mrs.
Kenneth (I)
Delden, Mrs. Wilhelmina (F)
DelMoral, Jorge (I)
Delmouzes, Melba (I)
Demorsky, Mary & Walter
(F)
Denham, David B. (I)
DeNies, Charles F. (I)
Depres, Claudia (I)
Detroit Public Library (IS)
DeVane, Rufus K. (F)
DeWald, Bill (1)
Diamond, Leonard J. (I)
Dickey, Dr. Robert (F)







82 TEQUESTA


Dine, Mr. & Mrs. Sidney (F)
Dinkel, David 0. II (I)
Dion, Nancy L. (I)
*Dismukes, William Paul (I)
Dix, John W. (F)
Donovan, James Maitland (I)
Dom, Mrs. Robert (I)
Dorsey, Mrs. Mary C. (I)
Dotson, Martha Jo (1)
Dougherty, Mr. & Mrs. Jas.
C. (F)
**Douglas, Marjory Stone-
man (1)
Dowdell, Mr. & Mrs. S.H.
(F)
Dowlen, Dr. & Mrs. L.W.,
Jr. (D)
Dowlen, Otto (I)
Downey, Christine (1)
Doyle, Elaine F. (F)
Drulard, Marnie Loehr (F)
DuBois, Bessie Wilson (I)
Duffy, Mr. & Mrs. E. Hugh
(F)
Dugas, Mrs. Faye (I)
Dunan, Mrs. G.V.R. (F)
Duncan, Dr. & Mrs. Andrew
A. (F)
Duncan, Marvin L. (F)
Duncan, Norman (I)
Dunn, Hampton (I)
Dunty, R.P., Jr. (I)
Dunwoody, Atwood (F)
DuPont, Henry (I)
DuPre, Ellie (1)
DuPuis, John G., Jr. (S)
Duvall, Mrs. John E. (I)

Edelen, Ellen (I)
Edward, Jim (F)
Edwards, Mr. & Mrs, N.L.
(F)
Eggert, Jim C. (I)
Ehrhardt, Mrs. Harriet (D)
Eichmeyer, Ann (I)
Eig, Saul & Lois (F)
Eldoredge, Mr. & Mrs.
Charles L. (S)
Eldredge, Joy Parker (S)
El Portal Woman's Club (IS)
Elhert, Dr. & Mrs. E.L. (F)
Ellenburg, Mr. & Mrs. James
(F)
Elliot, Donald L. (F)
Elmore, Dorothy A. (1)
Engelke, Syble (1)


Eppes, William D. (1)
Erbst, Fred, PA (I)
Erickson, Douglas (Fw)
Erickson, Mrs. Melville A. (I)
Erickson, Pauline 0. (I)
Ernst, Martha (I)
Esco, Jacquelyn (I)
Espada, Lourdes (I)
Everglades Natural History
Association (IS)
Ewell, Mrs. A. Travers (1)
Eyster, I.R. (I)
Ezell, Mr. & Mrs. Boyce F.
III (S)

Farina, Mr. & Mrs. Joseph P.
(F)
Farrell, John B. (I)
Farrey's Wholesale Hard -
ware Company, Inc. (C)
Fascell, Dante B. (1)
Federico, A. Christine &
Robert (F)
Feinberg, Bernard Richard
(1)
Feingold, Dr. & Mrs. Alfred
(I)
Feldman, Irving (I)
Feltman, Mrs. Robert (F)
Ferendino, Andrew J. (F)
Ferguson, Mrs. James C. (I)
Fernandez, Frank J. (I)
Ferry, Rosemary (F)
Field, Capt. & Mrs. Ben-
jamin (F)
Field, Mrs. Lamar (I)
Fields, Mrs. Eddie L. (I)
Findeisen, Bettie (I)
Finlay, Helen K. (1)
Fischer, Jeanne U. Page (I)
Fisher, Mrs. Ray (I)
Fitzgerald, Dr. Joseph H.
(Fw)
Fitzgerald, Mrs. W.L. (I)
Fitzgerald-Bush, Frank S. (1)
Fitzgibbon, J.M. (F)
Flattery, Michael J., Jr. (F)
Fleeger, Mr. & Mrs. Darrell
(F)
Fleites, Mr. & Mrs. Raymond
A. (I)
Fleming, J. Neuman (I)
Fleming, Joseph Z. (1)
Fleming, Dr. & Mrs. Richard
(F)
Flinn, David L. (D)


Flinn, Rep. & Mrs. Gene (F)
Florence, Robert S. (F)
Florida Atlantic University
(IS)
Florida International Uni-
versity (IS)
Florida Southern College (IS)
Florida Technical University
(IS)
Floyd, Shirley P. (1)
Fonte, Joan (I)
Forsyth, The Rev. Ronald W.
(I)
Ft. Lauderdale Historical
Society (IS)
Fortner, Ed (I)
Foss, George B., Jr., Esq. (F)
Foster, Mr. Kenneth (I)
Fowler, Mrs. Walter H. (I)
Fox, Chief & Mrs. Kenneth
(I)
Francis, Edward (F)
Franklin, Ms. Deborah H. (I)
Franklin, Mitchell (L)
Frates, Mr. & Mrs. William
(F)
Frazer, Col. & Mrs. Fred J.,
USMC (ret) (F)
Frederick, Mr. John M. (I)
Freed, Mr. & Mrs. Owen (F)
Freiden, Ms. Ellen (1)
Freifelder, Maryon (I)
Frisbie, Mr. & Mrs. Loyal (I)
Frohock, Mrs. Jack (F)
Fuchs, Richard W. (I)
Fuhrman, Tom R. (F)
Fullerton, Mr. John P. (F)
Funk, Michael Paul (F)
Fussell, Mr. & Mrs. J.E. (F)

Gabler, Mrs. George E. (F)
Gaby, Donald (F)
Gaffney, Timothy (I)
Gallogly, Ms. Vera (I)
Gallwey, William J. Ill (I)
Gannett, J. King IV (I)
Garavaglia, Louise (F)
Garcia, Kathleen (1)
Gardner, Mrs. Dick B. (D)
Gardner, Don & Carol (F)
Gardner, Donald F. (I)
Gardner, Mr. & Mrs. Robert
J. (F)
Garrett, Lowell P. (I)
Garwood, Steve (I)
Gaskill, Geraldine (I)










Gautier, Redmond Bunn (I)
Gelberg, Bob (I)
Gemini, Peter (I)
Geoghegan, Howard & Med-
ly (F)
George, Paul S. (I)
George, Dr. & Mrs. Phillip T.
(Fw)
Gerace, Mrs. Terence (F)
Gerhardt, David & Johanna
(F)
German, Mr. & Mrs. Trent
(F)
Geyer, Elizabeth D. (F)
Gibson, John James (F)
*Gifford, Mrs. John C. (I)
Grill, George, Sr. (I)
Gilleland, Ms. Carolyn (I)
Ginzburg, Jerome (I)
Glabson, G.A. Jr. (I)
Gladstone, Frank & Lisa (F)
Gluski, Henry Adam (F)
Godbye, Cleo R. (I)
Goddard, Hilda (F)
Goldenburg, Mr. & Mrs.
Robert (F)
Goldman, Sue S. (I)
Goldstein, Judge Harvey L.
(I)
Goldweber, Mr. & Mrs. S.
(F)
Gonzales, Francisco (I)
Goode, Ray (S)
Gooding, Naomi Cornell (I)
Goodlet, Mr. & Mrs. James
H. (F)
Goodlove, Mrs. William (I)
Gordon, Mr. & Mrs. Howard
(I)
Gotch, Christopher E. (I)
Gould, Patricia Lummus (I)
Goza, William M. (I)
Grafton, Mr. & Mrs. Edward
(D)
Graham, Carol (I)
Graham Foundation
Graham, Joan (F)
Graham, Dorothy W. (F)
Graham, Sandra (I)
Graham, Mr. & Mrs. William
B. (Fw)
Gramling, Frank R. (F)
Grant, Mrs. Hazel Reeves
(D)
Gray, Gloria H. (1)
Green, Mrs. Lonsdale B. (I)


Green, Margie (1)
Green, Marvin M. (F)
Green, Roy 0., Jr. (I)
Greene, Mr. & Mrs. Richard
D. (F)
Greer, Mr. & Mrs. Alan (D)
Gregorson, Joan F. (I)
Griley, Victor P., Jr. (I)
Grinter, Mr. & Mrs. Robert
B. (F)
Grose, Esther N. (1)
Gross, Dr. Zade Bernard (I)
Grout, Mrs. Elizabeth (I)
Grove, Janis Drybread (I)
Gubbins, John M. (1)
Gullage, Richard H. (F)
Gunn, T. Helen (1)


Haas, Miss Joan G. (I)
Hackett, Melvin & Family
(F)
Haggard, Thomas B. (I)
Haijko, Paul (F)
Halbert, Martha (I)
Hall, Stephen (I)
Halprin, Dr. & Mrs. Kenneth
(F)
Hamilton, Mr. & Mrs.
Clinton (F)
Hamilton, John C. (I)
Hamilton, Henry (1)
Hammond, Jeffrey, M.D. (I)
Hampton, Mrs. John (I)
Hance, Nancy V. (I)
Hancock, Mrs. James T. (I)
Hand, H. Lana (I)
Harbett, E.J. (F)
Harbett, Mrs. June H. (F)
Hardie, George B., Jr. (I)
Hardin, Henry C., Jr., M.D.
(I)
Hardin, Fitzgerald, Dowlen,
Mekras M.D. (1)
Hardlee, J. William (I)
Hardy, Laymond M. (I)
Harless, Gwen (I)
Harllee, John W., Jr. (I)
Harlow, Mr. & Mrs. John (F)
Harmon, Bruce S., Esq. (I)
Harnett, Mr. & Mrs. James
D. (F)
Harper, Florence F. (I)
Harring, Mrs. Margie (I)
Harrington, Frederick H. (F)
Harris, Robert (I)


List of Members 83


Harrison, Mrs. Crutcher
Field (1)
Harrison, John C., Sr. (L)
Harrison, John C., Jr. (F)
Harrison, Mr. & Mrs. John
H. (F)
Harrison, Mr. & Mrs. Joseph
R., Jr. (F)
Harrison, Mr. & Mrs. M.R.
Jr. (F)
Harrison, Mr. & Mrs. Peter
(F)
Harvard College Library (IS)
Harvey, Mrs. C.B. (I)
Harwood, Mrs. Manton E.
(I)
Hatfield, Mr. & Mrs. M.H.
(F)
Hauser, Mr. Leo A. (I)
Hawa, Maurice & Jean (F)
Hayes, Hamilton W. (F)
Head, M. Patricia (1)
Heard, Dr. & Mrs. Joseph G.
(F)
Hebrew Academy P.T.A.
(IS)
Hector, Louis J. (D)
Hector, Mr. & Mrs. Robert
C. (F)
Heinl, Mrs. J.L. III (F)
Hellman, Mr. & Mrs. Roy (F)
Hencenski, Marcia M. (I)
Henderson, Muriel, W. (I)
Hendry, Judge Norman (I)
Hennessy, Mr. & Mrs. John
E. (F)
Hennington, Annie Ruth (I)
Herbert, Lynn (F)
*Herin, Thomas D. (I)
*Herin, Judge William A. (I)
Hernandez, Dr. Maria C. (I)
Herreshoff, Mrs. Rebecca (1)
Heym, Katherine L. (D)
Hialeah Library (IS)
Hibbard, R.W. (I)
Hicks, William M. (F)
Hiers, J.B., Jr. (I)
Highleyman, Daly (D)
Hildreth, Robert R. (I)
Hill, Bruce (1)
Hill, Herbert (I)
Hill, Joe J. (1)
Hill, Walter C. (I)
Hill, Mr. & Mrs. William
W. (F)







84 TEQUESTA


Hillbauer, Mrs. William C.,
Sr. (F)
Hiller, Herbert L. (I)
Hills, Lee (D)
Hinkley, Gregg (F)
Hingston, The Rev. Allen R.
(I)
Historic Key West Preser-
vation Board (IS)
Historical Society of Palm
Beach County (IS)
Hodsden, Mrs. Harry E. (I)
Hoeffel, Mrs. Kenneth (I)
Hoffman, Mary Ann (I)
Hoffman, Nancy (I)
Hofstetter, Mrs. Ronald (I)
Hogan, G.B., Jr. (I)
Hogan, Mrs. Thomas D. III
(I)
Holcomb, Lyle D., Jr. (F)
Holland, Francine (1)
Holland, Stanley & Thelma
(I)
Hollands, Dick T. (F)
Hollinger, Mrs. Barbara (F)
Holloway, Ms. June (I)
Holmes, Gordon J. (1)
Holsenbeck, Mrs. J.M. (I)
Hopper, Mrs. Lloyd G. (I)
Horacek, Muriel K. (1)
Hoskins, Mrs. Eddie (I)
Houser, Roosevelt C. (I)
Howe, Mrs. Elden L. (I)
Howell, Mrs. Roland M. (1)
Hubbart, Phillip A. (F)
Huck, Mr. & Mrs. Paul C.
(D)
Hudson, James A. (I)
Huff, Van E. (I)
Hufsey, Mrs. B. (I)
Hughes, Kenneth (I)
Hume, Mrs. Charles Lea (I)
Hume, David (F)
Henry E. Huntington Library
& Art Gallery (IS)
Hunt, Don (I)
Huston, Mrs. Tom (I)
Hutchinson, Mrs. Robert (I)

Iglesias, Alberto G. (I)

Jackson, Mr. & Mrs. F.C. (F)
Jackson, Mr. & Mrs. Jerry
W. (F)
Jackson, Kril M. (F)
Jacobson, Allen C. (F)


Jacobstein, Dr. Helen L. (I)
James, Carolyne (1)
James, Mary Crofts (I)
Jemeson, Dimitri (I)
Jenkins, Elsie A. (I)
Jensen, Bob & Helen (F)
Johns, Louis & Denise (F)
Johnson, Mrs. Westerdahl (I)
Johnson, David W. (1)
Johnston, Mr. & Mrs.
Shepherd D. (F)
Johnston, Mr. & Mrs.
Thomas McE. (F)
Jones, Dr. & Mrs. Albert (F)
Jones, A. Tillman (1)
Jones, Mrs. Edgar Jr. (I)
Jones, Mr. & Mrs. Jesse (F)
Jones, Marie (I)
Jones, Robert A. (1)
Jones, Thompson V. (1)
Jones, William F. (I)
Jordan, Mrs. June (I)
Joyce, Hortense H. (I)
Jude, Mrs. James R. (F)
Junkin, Mr. & Mrs. John E.,
III (F)
Junkin, Mrs. Stella B. (1)
Jupin, Ms. Elizabeth J. (I)
Jureit, Mrs. L.E. (I)

Kahn, Donald (F)
Kammer, Mrs. Barbara (I)
Kannner, Mr. & Mrs. Lewis
M. (Fw)
Kantor, Mr. & Mrs. S. (F)
Kaplan, James S. (F)
Karrenberg, Bill (I)
Kassewitz, Mr. & Mrs. Jack
(F)
Kattel, G. Edward (I)
Kaufman, Barbara J. (F)
Kaufman, Mr. & Mrs. Otto
(F)
Keck, Mr. J.W. (F)
Keep, Oscar J. (I)
Keith, Mrs. Jean (I)
Keith, Mr. William V. (1)
Kelley, John B. (F)
Kelley, Mrs. Marilyn C. (F)
Kellner, Mr. & Mrs. Steven
(D)
Kelly, Mr. & Mrs. J. Ter-
rance (F)
Kelly, Jane (I)
Kelly, Mr. & Mr. Loyd G. (F)
Kelly, Minnie Pierce (I)


Kelso, John & Ann (F)
Kemper, Marlyn (1)
Kendall, Harold E., Jr. (1)
Kendall, Peter H.F. (I)
Kendrew, James J. (I)
Kenner, Mrs. Maynard (I)
Kent, Mrs. Frederick A. (F)
Kent, Olga (1)
Kercher, W.C. IIl (1)
Kern, Joe E. (I)
Kesselman, Michael N. (I)
Key West Art & Historical
Society (IS)
Keyes Company, Realtors (C)
Kien, Mr. & Mrs. Stanley (F)
Kimen, Mr. & Mrs. Thomas,
Jr. (F)
Kincaid, Gretchen Hand (I)
King, Charles E. (I)
Kinsey, Mr. & Mrs. Isaac (S)
Kensloe, Evelyn B. (1)
Kinsman, George (F)
Kinzer, Mayor & Mrs. M.
(F)
Kislak, Jay 1. (F)
Kistler, Robert S. (F)
Knight, Mrs. Annie (F)
Knight, John S. (S)
Kniskern, Mr. & Mrs. Ken-
neth (F)
Knott, Judge James P. (ret)
(I)
Knotts, Tom (I)
Knowles, Phyllis B. (I)
Kobelin, Joel (I)
Kollish, Mrs. Joseph M. (I)
Kononoff, Hazel N. (1)
Korth, Valerie W. (I)
Kramer, Ms. Judi (I)
Krause, Thomas & Rochelle
(F)
Krichton, Mrs. Carl V. (I)
Krohn, Edward (1)
Krome, William H. (I)
Kunz, Mrs. Lyle B. (F)

Labar, Ron (I)
LaCroix, Mrs. Aerial C. (1)
Lacy, George E., M.D. (I)
Lake Worth Public Library
(IS)
Lamme, Robert (I)
Langhorne, Richard M. (1)
Langle, David C. (I)
Langley, Wright (1)
Langner, Mrs. Mildred C. (I)










LaPorte, Peggy (I)
LaRoue, Samuel D., Jr. (I)
Larrabee, Charles, Jr. (I)
Lary, Banning Kent (I)
LaSalle, Mr. & Mrs. A.L.,
Jr. (F)
Laso, Oswaldo (I)
Lasseter, Harley 0., Sr. (I)
Lassman, Mrs. Harold (I)
Law, Eleanor (I)
Lawrence, Richard A. (F)
Lawson, Toni (I)
Laxon, Dan D. (1)
Leake, Martin C. (S)
**Leary, Lewis (I)
Leflet, David (I)
Lehman, Mrs. Joan (F)
Lehman, Richard L. (1)
Leigh, Mrs. Charles N. (F)
LeNoir, Mayrene (I)
Lenssen, Mrs. I.M. (I)
*Leonardy, Dr. Herberta (1)
Levenson, Robert K. (I)
Levin, Jerry (I)
Levine, Dr. Harold (I)
Lewin, Robert (D)
Lewis, Anne E. (F)
Lewis, Mr. & Mrs. William
C., Jr. (F)
Library of Florida History
(IS)
Liles, Mrs. Clark E. (I)
Lindgren, Mrs. M.E. (F)
Lindsey, James B. (I)
Lindsey, John R. (I)
Lindsley, Mrs. A.R. (I)
Linehan, Mrs. John (I)
Lininger, Richard (1)
Link, E.A. (F)
Lipp, Mr. & Mrs. Morris N.
(I)
Lippert, Mrs. W.K. (I)
Lipsky, Bernie & Terry (F)
Little, Robert & Beverly (F)
Livingston, John G. (F)
Livingston, Mr. & Mrs.
Robert (I)
Lloyd, David M. (I)
Lloyd, J. Harlan (1)
LoCicero, Doreen Clara (I)
Lohnes, Daniel & Doria (F)
Lomax, Alice (I)
Lone, William F. (F)
Longshore, Frank (F)
Lopez, Agular (F)


Lores, Dr. & Mrs. Edward
(F)
Lowell, Mr. & Mrs. John, Jr.
(F)
Lowenthal, Larry (F)
Loxahatchee Historical
Society (IS)
Lukens, Mr. & Mrs. Jaywood
(F)
Lummus, J.N., Jr; (F)
Lunsford, Mrs. E.C. (I)
Lutton, Mr. & Mrs. Stephen
C. (F)
Lynch, Mr. & Mrs. Stephen
A. III (Fw)
Lyon, Eugene (F)

McAliley, Mr. & Mrs.
Thomas W. (F)
McArthur Foundation
McCabe, Dr. & Mrs. Robert
H. (F)
McCall, Mrs. Howard (I)
McCorquodale, Mrs. Don-
ald, Jr. (I)
McCreary, Ms. Jane (F)
McCrimmon, C.T. (Fw)
McCullough, Mrs. John I.B.
(D)
McDermott, Dorothy J. (I)
McDonald, John Kirk (F)
McDougal, Mr. & Mrs.
Robert D. III (F)
McHale, William J. (S)
Mclnnis, Kenneth N. (I)
McIntyre, Brookes (I)
McIntyre, Patricia C. (I)
Mclver, Stuart (I)
McKay, John G., Jr. (I)
McKeller, Mrs. James D. (I)
McKenna, Daniel C. (I)
McKenna, Mrs. R.A. (F)
McKey, Mrs. R.M. (I)
McKinney, Mrs. Madge S. (I)
McKinstrey, Mr. & Mrs.
John W. (F)
McKitrick, Sarah L. (I)
McLaren, Donald (I)
McLean, Lenore (I)
McMillan, Dr. G. William (I)
McNaughton, M.D. (I)
McNaughton, Dr. & Mrs.
Robert A. (F)
McNeil, Mr. R.C. (I)
McNeill, Robert E., Jr. (I)


List of Members 85


McPhee, Harriet (1)
McVicker, Dan A. (1)
Maclntyre, Mr. & Mrs. A.C.
(F)

Macy, Barbara, (1)
Maer, G. Miriam (I)
Mahany, Angela M. (I)
Mahoney, Lawrence & Linda
(F)
Mahoney, L.T., Jr. (F)
Maingo, Dr. & Mrs. Anthony
P. (F)
Maione, Paul (I)
Malafronte, Anthony F. (I)
Malcomb, Mr. & Mrs. John
(I)
Malone, Katherine (F)
Malone, Mrs. Randolph A.
(I)
Maltby, Mr. & Mrs. L.A. (F)
Manconi, Dean (I)
Mandina, Kity Darling (I)
Mandy, Connie (I)
Mangels, Dr. Celia C. (1)
Mangum, Mr. & Mrs. A.C.,
Jr. (F)
Mank, Mr. Phillip J., Jr. (I)
Mank, Mr. & Mrs. Phillip J.,
Sr. (F)
Mank, Mr & Mrs. R. Layton
(Fw)
Manley, Miss Marion (I)
Manly, Grace (I)
Manning, Mr. & Mrs. J. (I)
Marchant, Michael J. (I)
Marco, Ed (1)
Marks, Henry S. (1)
Markus, Daniel 0. (I)
Markus, Mr. & Mrs. Victor
(F)
Marlowe, Helen L. (I)
Marmesh, Dr. & Mrs.
Michael (F)
Marshall, Muriel S. (1)
Marshall, Roger V. (I)
Martin County Public
Library (IS)
Martin, Emmett E., Jr. (1)
Martin, Mr. & Mrs. George
P. (F)
Martin, Mr. & Mrs. James 0.
(F)
Martin, Harriet E. (I)
Martin, Mrs. Kirby A. (S)






86 TEQUESTA


Martin, Mrs. Sylvia G. (I)
Martin, J. William (F)
Martin, William R. (I)
Martinez-Ramos, Alberto (I)
Mason, Mrs. Joe J. (I)
Mason, William C. III (I)
Matheson, Mr. & Mrs. Finlay
B. (Fw)
Matheson, Mr. & Mrs. Finlay
L, (F)
Matheson, James (I)
Matheson, Mr. & Mrs. J.
Henry (F)
Matheson, Mrs. Michael (F)
Matheson, R. Hardy (F)
Mathews, Delores W. (F)
Mathews, Mr. & Mrs. A.
Lamar, Jr. (I)
Mathews, Suzanne Claugh-
ton (F)
Mathewson, Dr. & Mrs.
Crover (F)
Matkov, Mrs. Thomas J. (F)
Mattucci, Mr. Donald (I)
Matusek, Mrs. Virginia G. (I)
Maxted, F.J., Jr. (D)
Megee, Mrs. B.L. (I)
Mendez, Marie (I)
Menn, Suzanne (I)
Mercer, Mattie J. (I)
Mercy College Library (IS)
Merrick, Mrs. Eunice P. (1)
Merrill, Mr. & Mrs. Henry T.
(F)
Merrill, James C. III (F)
Merritt, Mrs. Ward (I)
Mertz, John (I)
Mesnekoff, Mr. & Mrs.
David (S)
Metz, Martha J. (D)
Miami Beach Public Library
(IS)
Miami Dade Community
College Architecture
Department, South (IS)
Miami Dade Community
College Periodicals
Department, South (IS)
Miami Herald Library (IS)
Miami Public Library (IS)
Miami-Coconut Grove
Library (IS)
Miami-Coral Gables
Public Library (IS)
Miami-North Dade
Regional Library (IS)


Miami-Northeast Branch
Library (IS)
Miami-South Dade
Regional Library (IS)
Miami-West Dade
Regional Library (IS)
Miami Times (IS)
Miccosukee Community
Library (IS)
Middlethon, William R. (I)
Miles, Richard M. Jr. (1)
Millar, Mrs. Gavin S. (I)
Millard, Dr. & Mrs. M. (F)
Milledge, Deidre (F)
Milledge, Evelyn (I)
Milledge, Sarah F. (I)
Miller, Miss Bessie (I)
Miller, Bud (I)
Miller, Mr. & Mrs. Dale (D)
Miller, Mr. & Mrs. Dean R.
(F)
Miller, Delores & Charles (F)
Miller, Mr. William Jay (I)
Miller, William T. (1)
Milton, Belle (I)
Mincy, Mrs. Evlyne (I)
Minear, Mrs. L.V. (I)
Minor, Susan (I)
Minsker, Joel N. (1)
Mizel, Earl S. (F)
Mizrach, Mr. Larry (F)
Molinari, Dr. & Mrs. Robert
L. (D)
Monk, J. Floyd (1)
Monnin, Mrs. Joanne (I)
Monroe County Public
Library (IS)
Montague, Mrs. Charles H.
(I)
Monticino, Mrs. Alma (F)
Moore, Mrs. Jack (I)
Moore, Mrs. Jasper (F)
Moran, Mrs. Ramon, Jr. (F)
Mordant, Mr. & Mrs. Hal (F)
Morgan Guaranty (C)
Morgan, Capt. Robert G. (F)
Morris, Mr. & Mrs. C.C. (I)
Morris, Mr. & Mrs. Edwin S.
(F)
Morris, Mr. James (1)
Morris, Ms. Thomasine (1)
Morris, Mr. & Mrs. W.J. (F)
Morrissey, Fran (I)
Moure, Mrs. Edwin P. (I)
Moylan, Mrs. E.B. (I)
Mrozek, Ronald W. (I)


M.R. Harrison (C)
Muir, William T. (I)
Muir, Mr. & Mrs. William
Whalley (F)
Muller, David F. (I)
Mullins, Joanne (F)
Munroe, Mr. & Mrs. Charles
P.(F)
Murray, Miss Mary Rugh (D)
Mursten, Margaret (I)
Mustard, Margaret Jean (I)
Myers, Ruth Dowell (I)
Myshrall, Leslie D. & Mindy
(F)

Napier, Mr. & Mrs. Harvey
(F)
Narup, Mavis (I)
Nauce, R. Tracy, Jr. (F)
Naujoks, Mr. Walter (I)
Nelson, Mr. & Mrs. David
(F)
Nelson, Jonathan (I)
Nelson, Theodore R. (I)
Nettleton, Danforth H. (F)
Newberry Library (IS)
Newell, Ms. Barbara T. (1)
Nicholson, Allene (F)
Nicholson, Mr. Don G. (F)
Nimnicht, Mary Jo (I)
Nolan, Mr. & Mrs. Vincent
B. (F)
Noone, Mary Waters (I)
Nordt, Mr. & Mrs. John C.
(F)
Norman, Dr. & Mrs. Harold
G., Jr. (F)
Norman, Walter & Berta L.
(F)
Norton, Mr. & Mrs. Edward
W.D. (F)
Noya, Ines R. (I)
Nuckols, B.P. & Jean D. (F)

Ockree, Norma (I)
O'Connell, Peter J. (I)
O'Hara, Mrs. James (F)
Oktham, Dorothy C. (I)
Oliver, Dr. & Mrs. Robert
M., Jr. (F)
Oren, Dr. & Mrs. Benjamin
G. (F)
Orlando Public Library (IS)
Orr, Allyne S. (I)
Orseck, Mrs. Robert (I)
O'Steen, Mrs. Edna (I)










Ostrenko, Witold, Jr. (I)
Oswald, Mrs. M.J. (1)
Otto, Mrs. Thomas Osgood
(1)
Otto, Mr. & Mrs. Thomas III
(F)
Overstreet, Estelle C. (I)
Owens, Mrs. Bradley (F)


Palmer, Mrs. Mary Virginia
(F)
Palmer, Miriam (I)
Pancoast, Alice A. (I)
Pancoast, John Arthur (I)
Pancoast, Katherine French
(I)
Pancoast, Mr. & Mrs. Lester
C. (F)
Pappas, Ted & Cal (S)
Papper, Patricia M. (I)
Pardo, Juan & Cecilia (F)
Pardue, Leonard G. (I)
Pardue, L.G. Ill (I)
Park, Dabney, Jr. (1)
Parker, Alfred R. (I)
Parker, Crawford H. (1)
Parker, Robin E. (1)
Parkhurst, Mr. & Mrs.
William D. (F)
Parks, Merle, (1)
Parks, Mr. & Mrs. Robert L.
(Fw)
Panes, Dr. & Mrs. Edmund
I. (F)
Parsons, Mr. & Mrs. Edward
G. (F)
Passela, Mrs. George (I)
Patera, Meridith (I)
Paterson, Merna (D)
Patton, Mrs. Dan 0. (I)
Pawelkop, Mary R. (I)
Pawley, Anita (F)
Paxton, Mrs. G.B., Jr. (F)
Payne, Mrs. R.W., Jr. (F)
Peacock, Mrs. Albert, Jr. (F)
Peacock Foundation
Peacock, Mr. & Mrs.
Lawrence (F)
Peacock, Roy A. (F)
Peacock, Mr. R.C. (I)
Pearce, Mrs. A. Dixon (1)
Pearson, Mr. Wilbur (I)
Pederson, Phillip F. (I)
Peeler, Miss Elizabeth (I)
Peeples, Vernon (1)


Pennell, Dr. Mrs. J. Phillip
(F)
Pepper, Hon. Claude (I)
Perlman, Mulia, M.D. (F)
Perner, Mrs. Henry (I)
Pero, Joseph H., Jr. (S)
Perry, Roy A. (I)
Peters, Gordon H. (F)
Peters, John S. (I)
*Peters, Dr. Thelma (F)
Peters, Mrs. Wirt (I)
Peterson, Mr. & Mrs. Albert
(F)
Petrey, Mr. & Mrs. Roderick
(D)
Philbrick, W.K. (I)
Piano, Lawrence J. (I)
Pichel, Mrs. Clem A. (I)
Pieke, Wesley C. (F)
Pierce, Mrs. J.B., Jr. (I)
Pierce, J.E. (I)
Pierce, Mr. & Mrs. Staples L.
(F)
Pimm, Mr. & Mrs. Gordon
(F)
Pinecrest School (IS)
Pirie, Mrs. L.M. (I)
Piper, Mrs. Scott (F)
Plumer, Richard B. (F)
Plummer, Lawrence, H. (I)
Poe, Frank H. (I)
Polizzi, Mr. & Mrs. Nicholas
G. (F)
Polk County Historical
Library (IS)
Pollock, Mr. A. Richard-(])
Poorman, Mrs. Elizabeth (I)
Post, Amelia M. (D)
Post, Howard M. (F)
Potter, Chris (I)
Potter, Gene (F)
Potter, Robert E. (1)
Potts, Mr. & Mrs. Joseph (F)
Potts, Roy V. (1)
Powell, Pamela (I)
Prahl, William (I)
Preston, Ann S. (I)
Prio, Maria A. (I)
Price, Lew (1)
Pritchard, Barbara (I)
Proenza, Mrs. Morris G. (1)
Provenzo, Dr. Eugene (I)
Pruitt, Mr. Peter T. (F)
Purvis, Mrs. Hugh F. (I)
Pushkin, Dr. & Mrs.
Emanuel (F)


List of Members 87


Quarles, Julian (1)
Quarles, Miss Mary Nell (1)
Quesenberry, William F. (F)
Quigley, Shawn & Jim (F)
Quillian, Dr. Warren II (F)
Quinton, Mr. & Mrs. A.E.,
Jr. (F)

Radeloff, Nancy (I)
Ramblewood Elementary
School (IS)
Ramos, Pauline E. (I)
Rappaport, Edward (1)
*Rast, Mrs. J. Lawton (HL)
Ratner, Mr. Nat (I)
Rawls, Mrs. R.L. (I)
Ray, Peter C. (I)
Read, Mrs. Albert Cushing
(S)
Reagan, A. James, Jr. (I)
Rebozo, C.G. (1)
Redman, Virginia R. (I)
Redmond, Norma S. (I)
Reed, Miss Elizabeth Ann (I)
Reed, Richard (I)
Reeves, Garth C. (F)
Reid, Dr. & Mrs. Edward (F)
Reiger, John F. (I)
Reilly, Phillip (I)
Reinhardt, Miss Blanche (1)
Renick, Ralph (I)
Reno, Mrs. Jame (I)
Reno, Janet (F)
Rentscher, Mr. & Mrs.
Joseph C. (F)
Resnick, Larry (I)
Reubert, Mrs. Jay Franklin
(F)
Rey, Amparo Barbara (I)
Reyna, Dr. L.J. (F)
Rhyne, Paul (F)
Rice, Sister Eileen, O.P. (I)
Rice, Mr. & Mrs. Ralph E.
(F)
Rice, R.H., Jr. (I)
Rich, Louise (1)
Richmond Heights Junior
High School (IS)
Rieder, Mrs. William Dustin
(F)
Rieder, W. Thomas (F)
Rieman, Nancy (I)
Riesenberg, Mr. & Mrs. Saul
(F)
Riley, Mrs. Bernard (I)
Riley, Sandra (I)






88 TEQUESTA


Rivera, Leslie (I)
Riviera Beach Public Library
(IS)
Robbins, Mrs. Lawrence J.
(I)
Robbins, Mr. & Mrs. William
R., Jr. (F)
Roberts, C. (I)
Roberts, Richard E. (I)
Robinson, Mr. & Mrs.
Charles M. (I)
Robinson, James (I)
Roca, Pedro L. (1)
Rodgers, Domino J. (I)
Rodgers, John III (F)
Rodriguez, Ivan (1)
Rogers, Mr. & Mrs. Frank
(F)
Rogers, Mrs. Walter S.C. (1)
Rone, W.R. (I)
Roller, Mrs. G. Phillip (I)
Rollins, Chris (I)
Rollins College (IS)
Rosborough, Dr. Melanie R.
(I)
Roscoe, Mr. & Mrs. Lucky
G. (F)
Rosendorf, Mr. & Mrs.
Howard S. (F)
Rosinek, Jeff (F)
Ross, Mrs. Richard F. (I)
Ross, Mrs. Stanley E. (1)
Rothra, Mrs. Elizabeth (I)
Rowell, Donald (D)
Rowland, Blake (I)
Rubini, Joseph R., M.D. (I)
Rudolph, Alfred (1)
Ruffner, Charles L. (1)
Ruggles, R.S., Jr. (I)
Ruiz, Joseph A.J. (I)
Russell, Ms. Darlene (I)
Russell, George (I)
Russell, Sabrina (I)
Russo, Mr. Lewis T. (I)
Rutledge, Nina (I)
Ryder, Ralph (L)
Ryder System Inc. (C)

Sacher, Mr. & Mrs. Charles
P. (F)
Sadler, Mr. J.D. (D)
Sadler, Margaret A. (F)
Sadowski, Robert (I)
Saks, Peggy R. (1)
Salles, Mr. & Mrs. Sherman
(F)


Salvatore, Mr. & Mrs. Lewis
L. (F)
Salzman, Phyllis S. (I)
St. Lucie County Museum
(IS)
Samet, Alvin M. (F)
Samet, Barbara J. (I)
Sams, Elizabeth & Francis (F)
Samueloff, Shima (I)
Samuels, Leslie & Harris (F)
Sanderhoff, Jean (I)
Sanders, Barrett (I)
Sandier, John (I)
Sands, Harry B. (I)
Santa-Maria, Ms. Yvonne (I)
Sargent, Priscilla M. (I)
Saster, William (I)
Sauvigne, Cecile D. (F)
Sawyer, Viola (I)
Sax, Connie A. (1)
Sayder, Richard R. (F)
Scarborough, Mrs. Chaffee
(I)
Schafer, Mr. & Mrs. George
(F)
Schechter, Jessica (F)
Schelberg, Mrs. Richard (I)
Schley, The Rev. Fr. Joseph,
Jr. (I)
Schmucker, Bob (I)
Schober, Warren (I)
Scholz, Michele R. (I)
Schuh, Niles (1)
Schultz, Mrs. Lenore (I)
Schwabe, Sharon (I)
Schwalke, Elinor T. (I)
Schwarz, LuAnne & Michael
(F)
Selby Public Library (IS)
Seley, Ray B., Jr. (I)
Selvaggi, Albert (I)
Semat, Roger P. (I)
Serkin, Manuel (I)
Seule, Mrs. Bernard W. (I)
Sharer, Cyrus, J. (I)
Sharp, Harry Carter (D)
Shaw, Mr. & Mrs. Harry (F)
*Shaw, Dr. Luelle (I)
Shaw, Mrs. W.F. (I)
Shea, Mr. Charles J. (I)
Shearston, Misses Helen &
Alice (I)
Sheffman, Dorothy (I)
Shenston, Tiffin Highleyman
(I)


Sherman, Mrs. Ethel
Weatherly (I)
Sherman, John S. (S)
Sherman, John S., Sr. (I)
Sherman, Virginia C. (F)
Sherrick, Dora (I)
Shipley, Mr. & Mrs. Vergil
(F)
Shields, Mr. & Mrs. Robert
E. (F)
Shiver, Otis W. (I)
Shoffner, Mr. & Mrs. A.
George (F)
Shook, Sherry (F)
Shouse, Abbie H. (I)
Sibert, Mr. J.D. (I)
Sicius, Frank (I)
Simmonite, Col. Henry G. (I)
Simmons, Mr. & Mrs. Glen
(F)
Simms, Mrs. Robert (F)
Simon, Mr. & Mrs. Edwin 0.
(F)
Simon, Philip (I)
Simons, Mr. & Mrs. J.P. (F)
Sisca-Cook, Marrietta (1)
Sisselman, Mr. Murray (F)
Skigen, Dr. & Mrs. Jack (F)
Skolits, Mr. & Mrs. Gary (F)
Skipp, Marjorie (I)
Slack, Mary Sue & Ted C. (F)
Slesnick, Mr. & Mrs. Donald
(F)
Smiley, Dr. & Mrs. Karl (F)
Smiley, Nixon (I)
Smith, Mrs. Avery C., Jr. (I)
Smith, C. (I)
Smith, Mrs. Edward F. (I)
Smith, Harrison H. (I)
Smith, Mrs. Lillian J. (1)
Smith, Mr. & Mrs. Linton (F)
Smith, Louise T. (I)
Smith, McGregor (F)
Smith, Ralph S. (I)
Smith, Mrs. Robert L. (1)
Smith, Mr. & Mrs. Samuel
(F)
Snare, Rose Tower (I)
Snidow, Richard K. (I)
Snodgrass, Miss Dena (I)
Snyder, Mrs. Frederick R. (F)
Sobel, Jack (F)
Soler, Frank (S)
Songer, Mrs. Gerald R. (1)
Soto, Alex (F)











Southard, Mr. & Mrs. Joe B.,
Jr. (F)
Southeast First National
Bank of Miami (C)
Southern Illinois University
(IS)
Southern Florida Water
Management district (IS)
Souviron, Dr. R.R. (1)
Spach, Helen Keeler (I)
Sparkman, Mr. John B. (I)
Spersoni, Dorothy (I)
Spieth, Jeanee (I)
*Spinks, Mrs. Elizabeth (I)
Stadler, John B. (1)
Stadler, John W. (L)
Stafford, Robert C. (1)
Stanford, Dr. Henry King (F)
Stearns, Frank F. (1)
Stearns, Laura P. (I)
Steams, Mr. & Mrs. Reid F.
(F)
Steel, William C. (F)
Steinbring, Mr. & Mrs.
Steven (F)
Stephens, RADM I.J. (ret)
(S)
Stepnec, Mrs. Leo S. (I)
Stetson University (IS)
Stevens, Mrs. Elizabeth (I)
Stevens, Mr. & Mrs. Jack (I)
Stewart, Mr. & Mrs. Chester
B. (F)
Stewart, Dr. Franz, Jr. (Fw)
Stimson, Mrs. Miriam M. (I)
Stokes, Thomas J. (F)
Stokes, Mr. & Mrs. William
(F)
Stokes, William D., PhD. (F)
Stone, Mrs. L. Storter (I)
Stowe, Kenneth I. (I)
Straight, Dr. & Mrs. Jacob
(F)
Straight, Dr. William M. (S)
Stripling, John R. (F)
Stroh, Richard (I)
Stuart, Frank C. (I)
Sullivan, Barry T. (1)
Sullivan, Catherine B. (I)
Sullivan, Jacqueline E. (I)
Sullivan, Lois E. (I)
summers Dr. & Mrs. Jerome
M. (F)
Supple, Mr. & Mrs. Frank (F)
Sutcliffe, William H. (F)


Sutton, Mr. & Mrs. William
(D)
Swartz, Donna C. (I)
Sweeney, Mrs. Edward C. (S)
Sweet, George H. (F)
Symmes, Lee E. III (1)
Syskind, Mr. & Mrs. Eric (I)

Tampa Public Library (IS)
Tangorra, Achilles (1)
Tardif, Robert G. (I)
Tartak, Mr. & Mrs. N. (F)
Tashiro, Joe (I)
Taylor, Mrs. F.A.S. (F)
Taylor, Henry H., Jr. (S)
Teasley, T.H. (I)
*Tebeau, Dr. Charlton W.
(HL)
Tennessee State Library &
Archives (IS)
*Tharp, Dr. & Mrs. Charles
Doren (F)
Thatcher, John (I)
Thayer, Mr. M.W. (I)
Theobold, Elizabeth Dillon
(I)
Thilmont, Diane (I)
Thomas, Ms. Kay (I)
Thomas, Lowell (I)
Thomas, Wayne (1)
Thomas, W. Donald (F)
Thompson, Edward H. (F)
Thompson, Mr. & Mrs. Jon
(F)
Thompson, Mrs. Roberta (I)
Thompson, Mrs. Parker (F)
Thorn, Dale A. (I)
Thorpe, Fran Hutchings (I)
Thrift, Dr. Charles T., Jr. (I)
Thurlow, Tom, Jr. (I)
Todd, Eva R. (I)
Toms, Mr. & Mrs. Gerald (F)
Tongay, Mrs. Betty (I)
Tonkin, Henry M., Jr. (I)
Torres, Carlos R. (I)
Tottenhoff, Mrs. J.R. (F)
Town, Miss Eleanor F. (I)
Trachman, Pamela B. (I)
Traer, Mrs. Zilla P. (I)
Trammell, Dr. Mary Kaye
(F)
Tranchida, Michael A. (I)
Traurig, Leonard (F)
Traurig, Robert (Fw)
Tribble, Byrd B. (F)


List of Members 89


Truby, Ms. Ann (I)
Tucker, Bruce E. (I)
Turner, Mr. & Mrs. Ben-
jamin W. (F)
Turner, Mrs. Lawrence 0.,
Jr. (I)
Tuttle, Dorothy (I)
Twing, G.S. (I)

Udy, Eh anor F. (I)
Ulrich, Yolanda W. (I)
University of Miami (IS)
University of Pennsylvania
(IS)
University of South Florida
(IS)
University of West Florida
(IS)
Upshaw, Mrs. Florence Akin
(i)
Urban, Victor & Muriel (F)
Useden, Doris (I)

Van Buren, Michael (F)
Van Bezooyen, Miss Mae A.
(I)
*Vance, Mrs. Herbert 0. (S)
Van Denend, Mrs. Herbert
(I)
Vanderwyden, William P. (1)
Van Landingham, Kyle S. (I)
Vann, Mrs. Caroline D. (I)
Van Orsdel, C.D. (F)
Vaughn, Mr. Eugene M. (I)
Vergara, Dr. & Mrs. George
(F)
Verger, Marilyn (I)

Wacks, Howard (I)
Wakeman, Mrs. Charles H.,
Jr. (F)
Waldorf, Ms. Robin (I)
Waldron, Mr. Edward J. (1)
Waldron, Mrs. Neal E. (I)
Walker, Lyn A. (1)
Walker, Mr. & Mrs. Thomas
B. (F)
Wallace, James F. (I)
Walsh, Bryan 0.
Walter, Mr. & Mrs. Albert
P., Jr. (F)
Ward, Alexandria (1)
Warren, Mr. & Mrs. Lewis
G., Jr, (F)







90 TEQUESTA


Washington Federal Savings
& Loan Association (C)
Wassell, Mr. & Mrs. John R.,
Jr. (F)
Waters, Fred M., Jr. (HL)
Waters, Reginald V. (D)
Watson, Ms. Amber (I)
Watt, Rep. Jimm (F)
Watt, Jeanne B. (I)
Weber, John 0. (1)
Webster, N.K. (1)
Weiland, Arthur H. (F)
Weinkle, Julian T. (F)
Weinreb, Ann H. (F)
Weintraub, Lee 1. (I)
Weintraub, Mr. & Mrs.
Sidney (F)
Weir, Paulette (I)
Weissenborn, Mr. & Mrs.
Lee (F)
Wenck, James H. (D)
Wells, Helen D. (1)
Welles, Peter & Anne (F)
Welsh, Carla A. (I)
Wepman, Warren S. (F)
Werbstein, Mr. Timorthy P.
(I)
Wersen, Mr. & Mrs. B.A. (I)
Werson, William (I)
Wescott, William F. (F)
West, Patricia (F)
Westbrook, Mrs. A.J. (I)
Westlund, Richard (F)
West Palm Beach Public
Library (IS)
Wheeler, Julia T. (1)
Whigham, Mrs. Florence R.
(I)
White, Carolyn C. (I)
White, Richard M. (I)


White, Mrs. Robert (I)
Whitenack, Mrs. Irwen A. (I)
Whitlock, Luke (I)
Whitner, Dr. & Mrs. Kenneth
S. (F)
Whittelsey, K. (I)
Whitten, George E. (F)
Wildman, Robin R. (1)
Wilkins, Woodrow Wilson
(1)
Wilkinson, Lawrence S. (I)
Willey, The Rev. Seaver A.
(1)
William-Anne, Sister (I)
Williams, Elmo H. (F)
Williams, Freeman J. (F)
Williams, Gordon L. (1)
Williams, Harvey L. III (F)
**Wilson, Mrs. Gaines R.
Wilson, Nancy L. (I)
Wilson, Nell G. (S)
*Wilson, Peyton L. (I)
Wilson, Robert L. (I)
Wimbish, Paul (I)
Windish, Gage (I)
Winkelman, Mr. N.J. (I)
Wipprecht, Mrs. Marion (I)
Wirkus, Mr. & Mrs. Leonard
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Wisconsin State Historical
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Withers Van lines of Miami
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Wolfson, Col. & Mrs. Mitch-
ell (D)
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Wometco Enterprises, Inc.
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