The "Friends of the Florida Seminoles"...
 Judge Henry Hudson Hancock,...
 Ernest Graham and the Hialeah charter...
 Foreign colonies in south Florida,...
 Early families of Upper Matecu...
 Miami’s earliest known great...
 Cape Sable and Key West in 1919...
 List of members
 Officers and directors

Title: Tequesta
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00101446/00034
 Material Information
Title: Tequesta
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: Historical Association of Southern Florida
Publisher: (multiple)
Publication Date: 1974
Copyright Date: 2010
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00101446
Volume ID: VID00034
Source Institution: Historical Museum of Southern Florida
Holding Location: Florida International University: Florida History and Heritage
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 2096319
lccn - 42015131
issn - 0363-3705


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Table of Contents
        Page 1
        Page 2
    The "Friends of the Florida Seminoles" Society: 1899-1926
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
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        Page 14
        Page 15
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        Page 18
        Page 19
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    Judge Henry Hudson Hancock, 1868-1951
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
    Ernest Graham and the Hialeah charter fight of 1937
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
    Foreign colonies in south Florida, 1865-1910
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
    Early families of Upper Matecumbe
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
    Miami’s earliest known great hurricane
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
    Cape Sable and Key West in 1919 (reprinted)
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
    List of members
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
    Officers and directors
        Page 91
        Page 92
Full Text


Editor: Charlton W. Tebeau



"The Friends of the Seminole" Society, 1899-1926
By Harry A. Kersey, Jr. 3 lo

Judge Henry Hudson Hancock, 1868-1951 4
By Ruby Jane Hancock
Ernest Graham and the Hialeah Charter Fight of 1937
By Peter G. Klingman S 7 /
Foreign Colonies in South Florida, 1865-1910
By George E. Pozzetta
Early Families of Upper Matecumbe "7'- (3
By Richard E. Gentry
Miami's Earliest Known Great Hurricane (-"
By Donald C. Gaby

Cape Sable and Key West in 1919 (Reprinted)
By Willis S. Blatchley
List of Members ( 3
Officers and Directors 7


L" A'SatA' ,: is published annually by the Historical Association of Southern Florida.
r 1 Communications should be addressed to the Corresponding Secretary
of the Society, 3290 South Miami Avenue, Miami, Florida 33129. The Association does not
assume responsibility for statements of fact or opinions made by contributors.

This Page Blank in Original
Source Document

The "Friends of the Florida
Seminoles" Society: 1899-1926

In the decades immediately following the Third Seminole War
(1855-58) those Indians who remained in Florida were able to develop
their culture in relative isolation from encroaching white settlement.
Although from time to time there was agitation for their removal from
the state, federal authorities displayed limited interest in the Seminole
until the late 1870's.1 The report of Lt. Richard H. Pratt, an Army officer
who visited among the Seminole in 1879, convinced the national govern-
ment that thp Indians could be removed only at the risk of intervening
with troops and rekindling the old bitterness of the Seminole Wars; the
probable costs in lives and adverse publicity were deemed too high a
price to pay for moving a handful of Indians, so the Seminole were left in
peace-for a time. The decision of the government not to tamper with
the Seminole allayed the threat of removal to the Indian Territory, but
left them vulnerable to the vicissitudes of local justice as an increasing
number of settlers poured into south Florida. Throughout the 1870's and
80's various incidents involving apparent mistreatment of Indians came
to light, and there were calls for protection of the native population.
Much of the conflict between the Seminole and settlers grew out of
disputes over livestock on the open range. The Pratt Report of 1879 men-
tioned the complaints of cattlemen that the Seminole annually killed beef
worth $1,500.00 to $2,000.00, but he also noted that "like offenses are
committed against Indians. Within a few months 'a man named Lightsey
was charged by an Indian with having stolen sixteen of his hogs. The In-
dian brought the men who helped cut them up, as proof. At the time of
my visit public opinion was so strong against Lightsey that he was ex-
pected to pay for the hogs. Another notable case was when an Indian
named Streety Parker had bought from a white man named Collier fifty
cattle which proved to be stolen. Parker had to give them up, and Collier
was tried before the courts but escaped punishment. No restitution was
made and the friends of the Indians wrote to the Governor of the State

who replied that an Act of the legislature was the only remedy, and there
and there the case rests, with the Indians still indignant."2 In her
account of life along the Indian River in the last century, Emily Lagow
Bell recounted that her husband and his family had to resolve a case of
cattle rustling where Indians were the aggrieved party.3 Similarly, by 1888
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, acting on a report from his agent in
the field, reported to Congress on the necessity of acquiring land for the
Seminole because "...the increasing whitesettlementsin Southern Florida
are fast driving these people from their accustomed haunts and depriving
them of their means of support. It is charged that they kill cattle belong-
ing to the large herds in that section of the state, to the value of some
$2,000 or $3,000 annually. In view of these facts, trouble between them
and the whites is likely to occur at any time."4 However, not all white set-
tlers were anti-Seminole, and many individuals interceded in their behalf
with state and federal officials. Miss Lilly Pierpont of Winter Haven, a
staunch supporter of the Seminole who later was to become the first
woman Indian Agent in Florida, wrote directly to President Grover
Cleveland's wife protesting that "they are at present inclined to be
friendly, though they are often imposed upon by white settlers. A short
time ago a party of white men made a raid upon the property of some In-
dians stationed near Titusville and destroyed their hogs. The Indians, in-
stead of fighting, appealed to the Mayor of Titusville, D.L. Gaulden, for
Government protection; I have not heard if they received it."s Miss Pier-
pont and others who were appointed to locate lands for the Seminole had
little success in the face of local conditions and Indian reluctance to deal
with anyone, even their friends, who represented the national govern-
ment. Nevertheless, the time was coming when a permanent agency
would have to be established in Florida to protect Indian rights and secure
land for their use.
In 1891 the Women's National Indian Association of Philadelphia
purchased 400 acres of land and established a mission at Immokalee in
what is now Collier County. The following year the U.S. Government
opened a station on 80 adjacent acres, with a sawmill, store, school, and
medical service available for the Seminole. A short time later the WNIA
mission was taken over by the Protestant Episcopal Church, and the
medical missionary Dr. J.E. Brecht ultimately became the government
Indian Agent. Although the conscientious Agent Brecht made good
progress in purchasing lands for the Indians, having acquired some
10,000 acres by 1899, he had no authorization to provide legal protection
for the Seminole who consistently refused to move on to federal land and
settle there permanently. The Indians were a semi-nomadic people who
depended heavily on hunting and trapping for their livelihood, and their

range was the entire Everglades and Big Cypress Swamp region of the
lower peninsula. If an Indian was cheated out of his hides and pelts by an
unscrupulous trader, received bad liquor from whiskey vendors, or had
his domestic animals taken in the night, Agent Brecht could only com-
plain on his behalf to the local magistrates. Occasionally officials from the
Indian Service in Washington, such as Col. A.J. Duncan, would come on
inspection tours to advise about land purchases or the control of whiskey
selling, but federal power was never interposed to settle Indian-white
controversies in the state. Thus in his annual reports Dr. Brecht com-
plained of an inability to prosecute whiskey vendors, crooked traders, and
those who ran Indians off of lands that they had occupied for years. He did
note, however, that a group of citizens living north of Lake Okeechobee
was raising funds to purchase lands, provide education, and seek legal
protection for the Cow Creek band of Seminole living in that region.6 This
newly formed organization known as the Friends of the Florida Semi-
noles was to become the first effective citizens voice for Seminole rights
in the state.
On the seventh day of January, 1899, the Friends of the Florida
Seminoles was organized as "a humanitarian, benevolent and charitable
Society or unincorporated Association" in Kissimmee, Florida.7 The
group which met at the Kissimmee Hotel to adopt a Constitution and By-
Laws for the society was comprised of well known and articulate spokes-
men for the Seminole cause; the membership which ultimately rose to
over eighty persons included many prominent Florida business leaders,
journalists, politicians, and clergymen, as well as concerned citizens.8 The
slate of officers named at the first meeting was a veritable roll call of
those who had been fighting for the establishment of a Seminole reserva-
tion in Florida. The first president was the Rt. Rev. William Crane Gray,
Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church's Missionary Jurisdiction of
Southern Florida, who had been instrumental in sustaining the mission
work in the Immokalee region. Vice President was the Rev. D.A. Dodge,
pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Kissimmee. The position of Treas-
urer went to Senator C.A. Carson who represented the district in the state
legislature, and would be invaluable in future legislative activities of the
society. James M. Willson, a local realtor and perhaps the closest confi-
dant of the Seminole in that part of the state, was elected Secretary-a
post he was to occupy until his death in 1943. An equally prestigious Ex-
ecutive Committee was soon appointed which included: George W.
Wilson, editor of the Times-Union and Citizen, Jacksonville: Dr. J.E.
Brecht, United States Indian Agent, Fort Myers; Francis A. Hendry, a
leading cattleman and member of the legislature, Fort Thompson; P.A.
Vans Agnew, an attorney editor-publisher of the Kissimmee Valley

Gazette, Kissimmee; and R.H. Seymour, a prominent attorney and mayor
of Kissimmee. And always in the background but a driving force in the
deliberations of the society was Minnie Moore-Willson,wife of Secretary
J.M. Willson, whose book The Seminoles of Florida had brought national
attention to the plight of her indian friends.9
In most respects the Friends of the Florida Seminoles was similar to
other benevolent societies of the period which were devoted to alleviat-
ing the "Indian Problem" in the United States. This issue had been
brought into sharp focus in the last quarter of the nineteenth century pri-
marily through a number of journalistic exposes such as Indian Commis-
sioner G.W. Manypenny's Our Indian Wards(1879), and Helen Hunt
Jackson's A Century of Dishonor (1881) and Ramona (1884) which had
seared the national conscience and brought outcries to redress some of
the injustices done to native peoples. The outstanding federal response to
this movement was the Dawes Act of 1887, which proposed to turn In-
dian families into freeholders of individual farm allotments rather than
having tribal lands held in common as provided for by treaty; this was
brought about by the Dawes Commission of 1893. Although the Dawes
Act was hailed at the time as a step in the direction of assimilating the In-
dian into the social and economic life of the nation, its great cost in terms
of loss of personal and tribal identity, as well as the siphoning off of
millions of acres of Indian lands through chicanery, is today recognized
as a national tragedy for the Indian peoples.
Nevertheless, the American altruistic spirit responded to this new
cause celebre in typical fashion: Private associations were formed to assist
the Indian. National organizations such as the Women's National Indian
Association and the Indian Rights Association took the lead in establish-
ing missions, sending educational and medical workers into the field, and
acting as watchdogs against attempts to further usurp Indian lands. Both
of these national societies would ultimately become active in Florida
with the WNIA establishing the original mission station at Immokalee in
1891, and the IRA adding its support to the drive to establish a state
reservation after the turn of the century. The publication of Minnie
Moore-Willson's The Seminoles of Florida (1896) and Charles Coe's Red
Patriots (1898) catapulted Seminole mistreatment to national visibility
and it became an emotional issue around which reformers could rally;
thus it was only a matter of time until local societies would be formed and
the battle joined in Florida.
The press of the state generally lauded the society's founding as a
progressive step forward in protecting the Indian. As might be expected
the Jacksonville Times Union and Citizen and the Kissimmee Valley
Gazette, the editors of both being officers in the society, took the lead in

publicizing its work. Throughout the spring and summer of 1889 a
period of intense activity for the society practically every issue of the
weekly Gazette carried some report of the activities of the Friends. The
Gazette openly functioned as a clearing house for information about the
Seminole appearing in other newspapers throughout Florida. The
Friends also received attention at the national level during this period.
Extensive editorial comment in The Indian's Friend, published in Phila-
delphia as a house organ of the Women's National Indian Association,
hailed the formation of the Florida group; however, the WNIA did not
hesitate to take credit for being first in the field: "Our readers will need
no reminder that it was our Association which inaugurated the present
movement for the granting, in due legal form, their Florida homes to the
Seminoles...the advent of the new association above named will we trust
grandly aid in gaining the end desired, viz, permanent homes where their
dead are buried, where they have lived for many years, and where their
hearts are."ioThroughout the year the same journal had made a strident
plea for federal action on behalf of the Seminole, asking: "Will Congress
see and regard the justice and force of this, or will it listen to those who,
caring nothing for the Indians or their rights, would have them removed
from the State altogether, or, what is equivalent to a temporary reserva-
tion only?..."ii "Is it possible to stop these robberies? Is there no power
anywhere, to give to enforce protecting orders for these Indians who can-
not protect themselves? And if not, are not some of our troupes needed
to protect the homes of our own home-born oppressed race..."12
The mere suggestion that federal troops might be used quickly
aroused the ire of southerners still smarting from armed occupation dur-
ing the Reconstruction Era. The editorials in The Indian's Friend were
answered by the strongly pro-Seminole editor of the Times-Union and
Citizen: "No, the troops will not be sent here the Indians do not count
at election time, and their wrongs are little regarded. But it is a reproach
to the State of Florida that these things are so just as it is a reproach to
the nation that the same wrongs are constantly inflicted on the tribes in
'the West...But, usually, the injury done to the Seminole here is not by
Floridians, but by the new and irresponsible immigrant. The sin of Flori-
dians is mainly confined to laxness in punishment, but this evil seems to
cling forever to our skirts and mark us out as most patient of the wrongs
of others. Governor after Governor has talked and failed to do anything;
perhaps we shall continue on the same path to the end of time. Yet our
Governors are usually amenable to gentler influences where we fail
utterly perhaps the ladies might win. Might we suggest that the ladies
who publish The Indian's Friend express themselves forcibly and freely in
remonstrance to our State authorities instead of threatening us with an

invasion from outside at the instance of Federal authority?" 3
Just how difficult it would be to secure the legal rights of the Semi-
nole in Florida became apparent in the first venture of the Friends
society known as "The case of Tom Tiger's Horse." Tom Tiger was a
well-known and respected member of the Cow Creek Seminole band
who figured prominently in the accounts of many visitors among the
Seminole during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, especially
those of Ober,14 Pratt, is MacCauley, 16 Wilson, 17 and Willson. 18 In many
respects it was this incident, in which a white man had apparently che-
ated one of the most respected Indians of the period, that impelled many
of the founders of the Friends to form an organization which could exert
a unified influence in behalf of Seminole rights. Many of them were
already involved in the case long before the society was formally
organized and had laid the groundwork for the trial that took place in
April, 1899. Tom Tiger alleged that Harmon H. Hull had taken a horse
from his camp near Fort Drum, and wrote his promise to return same in
two months on the top of a cartridge box; however, a rainstorm soaked
the box making whatever was written there illegible, so the Seminole had
no proof of his claim. Nevertheless, after the time passed Tiger wanted
his horse returned, and brought his complaint to his friend Jim Willson
in Kissimmee. Willson corresponded with Hull to no avail, the latter
claiming that he bought the horse and held "...some white man has put
him up to claim that and get me scared up best that he can do. All the In-
dians in the South can't do that."i9 Faced with Hull's refusal to either
return the horse or pay for it, Willson sought financial and legal aid in
bringing the Indian's case to court. His initial contact with the Commis-
sioner of Indian Affairs brought the response that the government had
no right to intervene,"...there being no authority of law for the appoint-
ment of counsel," and it was suggested that "if he cannot regain posses-
sion of his horse in any other way about the only thing for him or his
friends to consider is the advisability of suing the white man before a
Justice of the Peace. This can better be determined by persons conver-
sant with the local conditions than by this office."20 Although federal
authorities at the national level disclaimed any responsibility in the mat-
ter, Dr. J.E. Brecht, the Special Agent working with the Seminole at the
Immokalee station, offered his personal unofficial support for the effort
to bring Hull to trial, and pledged funds to help hire a lawyer.2i
During the summer of 1898 a lawyer, R.H. Seymour of Kissimmee,
was retained to represent Tom Tiger. He and Willson contacted all parties
familiar with the horse transaction and presented this information to the
States Attorney in Titusville, the county seat of Brevard County where
the offense was ostensibly committed. All of this took time, and Tom

Tiger was growing increasingly impatient with white man's justice which
moved ever so slowly. A series of letters written by white traders such as
R.A. Swearingen,2 P.P. Cobb,3 and James Gray24 of Fort Pierce, and Ben
Doster of Jupiter25kept Tom Tiger in touch with Jim Willson and his law-
yer. When the Friends of the Florida Seminoles was organized in Janu-
arn, 1899, the society made Tom Tiger's case their primary concern and
provided additional financial support. Of course Willson and Seymour,
who were founding officers of the society, worked for expenses only in
traveling about the state gathering evidence. Ultimately, charges were
brought against H.H. Hull and he was jailed awaiting trial at the April ses-
sion of the Circuit Court meeting in Titusville.
The case of The State v Harmon Hull came to trail on April 28, 1899
with Judge M.S. Jones presiding.26 States Attorney J.D. Beggs, assisted by
Seymour, presented the case for the prosecution, and W.H. Jewell of
Orlando represented the defendant. Actually, the case rested on the
testimony of Tom Tiger and another Seminole, Billy Ham, who had been
sworn as witnesses for the prosecution, R.A. Swearingen served as their
interpreter when needed. After hearing testimony and cross examina-
tion, Judge Jones directed the jury to acquit the defendant as there was
no proof of a crime. As one of the newspapers covering the trial reported
"It was vital to the prosecution that the instrument in writing by which
the fraud was committed should be proved to have been signed by the
accused, and the two Indian witnesses, Tom Tiger and Billy Ham failed to
testify satisfactorily to the actual signing in spite of the assistance of the
interpreter, R.A. Swearengen [sic], who accompanied the Indians to
Titusville."27 Immediately following this unexpected conclusion to the
trial a fund was raised in the courtroom to buy the Seminole another
horse, and even the members of the court reportedly contributed. The
Indians and their intrepreter then returned home as guests of the Florida
East Coast Railroad which had arranged their trip at the request of Jim
Willson and the Friends society.
Although the society had scored a limited success in its legal defense
of Tom Tiger, the major thrust throughout the spring and summer of
1899 was toward acquiring land for the Seminole. Specifically, they hoped
to purchase certain tracts which were occupied by the Cow Creeks, those
Muskogee speaking Seminoles who lived north of Lake Okeechobee. The
Indians were actually without legal title to the land, most of it belonging
to either railroads or land development companies which were selling the
acreage to white settlers. As late as the 1880's the Cow Creek band had
lived and hunted in the upper reaches of the Kissimmee River basin in
the vicinity of present day Polk and Osceola Counties. Gradually,
however, they were pushed southward by cattle and agricultural interests

until by the turn of the century most of their camps were located near
Lake Okeechobee in the Hungryland-Bluefield district, and in the
vicinity of Indiantown in Brevard (now Martin) County.
The Friends set a goal of $1,000 for their solicitation campaign
which was first announced in April, 1899; unfortunately, by June little
had been collected despite the best efforts of J.M. Willson who headed
the fund raising effort. Then the society received tremendous national
exposure for its work through E.W. Martin's column in Harper's Weekly
which noted in part "A pathetic appeal comes from Florida in behalf of
a band of Seminole Indians, for whom a thousand dollars is wanted to
secure them in the possession of their present home. This band is known
as the Cow Creek tribe, and contains about twelve families, numbering
about seventy-five persons...Mr. Willson, writes that the only way to pro-
tect these Indians to the possession of their homes is to locate their
camps, buy the land, and hold it in trust for them. A thousand dollars, he
says, will serve the purpose amply, but he wants that thousand dollars
very much, and he says he can't raise it in Florida. The society therefore
'earnestly appeals to humane people in the North to subscribe the
amount necessary to protect this remnant of a brave and historic people
from robbery.' "28 From that point the tempo of contributions picked up
appreciably, with small dollar amounts coming in from throughout the
nation but primarily from the northeastern states. Weekly the Kissimmee
Valley Gazette published a listing of donations of the "Cow Creek Fund"
as reported by J.M. Willson. The last published report on October 20,
1899 showed that the sum of $595.85 had been received.
Apparently fearing to wait any longer for the thousand dollars to be
raised lest all the desired Indian lands be taken, the society voted in June
to send J.M. Willson, P.A. Vans Agnew, and a surveyor, J.E. Moseley, to
the Indiantown area to see what was available. Their report to the society
on July 7, confirmed everyone's worst fears: "Indian Town Taken"
headlined the Gazette, and its columns reported that the three men had
found "All of this tract has been bought from the railroad and land com-
panies owning it mostly within the last few months. One purchaser had
just built a house in the hammock within 300 yards of Chief
Tallahassee's shack, on a piece that includes several Indian fields, and is
fencing and preparing the place for cultivation. Another purchaser is
temporarily camped on his hammock track. A store stands on one for-
ty...The influx of the white settlers has disturbed them greatly as they do
not know where next to go and are loath to leave the rich Cow Creek
country.">? Distraught over their inability to save any Seminole camp
sites in the Indiantown area the society did manage to purchase an 80
acre tract known as "Polly Parker's Camp" in what is now St. Lucie

County, in essence creating a "private reservation" that was held in trust
by the Friends of the Florida Seminoles until 1926.30
Thwarted in the attempt to save existing Cow Creek camps through
outright purchase, individual Friends turned their considerable energies
to the support of legislation establishing a state Indian preserve in Florida.
This idea was not original with the Friends. Throughout the 1880's and
90's a succession of Special Agents of the U.S. Indian Service sought to
buy land in south Florida for the Seminole, and by 1899 some 10,000
acres had been secured mostly in Monroe and Lee Counties. The 1891
legislature passed legislation setting aside some 5,000 acres of state land
as a reservation, but this was never implemented. With the support of
Governor W.D. Bloxham and several key legislative leaders who had
taken up the Indian cause, the time seemed propitious to again seek state
land. A bill to establish an extensive reservation was introduced in the
House by Francis A. Hendry, representing Lee County, and a companion
measure was authored by C.A. Carson of Kissimmee in the Senate. With
the astute maneuvering of these veteran legislators the bill had little op-
position in either house, and was signed into law by Governor Bloxham
on May 29, 1899.31 Again, however, legislative action was to prove futile
as the sections of land named in the act had already been taken up by
various companies and individuals. The Friends and their supporters
would have to wait another 17 years before their goal of a state reserva-
tion could be realized.
A second piece of legislation passed in the 1899 session, though less
dramatic than the ostensible donation of land to the Seminole, drew
heavy support from the society and recognized an equally urgent need to
help the Indians develop an economic alternative to the hunting-trap-
ping economy that was beginning to play out. With a typical nineteenth
century faith in the power of education and technical training as a means
to bring the Indian into the mainstream of American life, the more ag-
gressive elements among the Friends had Rep. J.W. Watson introduce
legislation establishing a Seminole Industrial School. This measure,
which completely disregarded both the Seminole attitude toward formal
instruction and their ability to profit from it in their unsettled condition,
was reminiscent of R.H. Pratt's recommendations of 1879 which advo-
cated using old Fort Brooke in Tampa as a Seminole industrial education
center. The bill recognized the executive committee of the Friends of the
Florida Seminoles society as a "Board of Seminole Educators" to oversee
the school "to be located in the Cow Creek settlement of the Seminole
Indians in Brevard County."32 Moreover, it specifically named J.R. Par-
rot, G.W. Wilson, and F.A. Hendry to these unremunerated positions,
and appropriated a sum of $500 annually for two years with which they

were to establish and maintain the "experimental" school.
The bill passed the legislature and became law on June 1, 1899.33
Shortly thereafter the three man board met and organized itself for the
task at hand, in a newspaper interview Capt. Hendry held that "We ex-
pect to spend $500 each year, and to do such efficient work in the direc-
tion of making good citizens of the Seminoles that not only the State, but
the general Government, will be so impressed as to continue what the
Legislature has begun. The Seminoles on Cow Creek are not at all
different from those in other parts of Florida. They are the same people,
neither superior nor inferior in morals and ambition to their kindred
elsewhere in the State, but they are nearer civilization, and it is more
practicable to conduct schools among them than it would be among those
in more remote parts of the State."34 Despite these good intentions the
school project never got off the ground, none of the money was spent,
and no annual reports to the Governor called for in the law were ever
Apparently the visit of Willson, Vans Agnew, and Moseley to the In-
diantown region had left them highly skeptical of possible success for an
Indian school. A Gazette account of their report to the society noted
"Regarding the industrial school the report recommends that no attempt
be made in the present unsettled condition of the tribe to establish a
regular school down there, but that the children there be taught in a sim-
ple way at first by a local resident, and that one or two bucks and squaws
be persuaded to come to Kissimmee and learn how to tan skins and make
salable articles out of them, how to do needlework, make barrels and
other useful crafts."35 The Friends adopted this report, although it ex-
ploded another of their cherished goals for improving the Seminole lot,
and appointed the white trader at Indiantown, Joe Bowers, as the
society's agent to do what he could to help the Indians there. No doubt
the decision to forego formal schooling was a wise one, and in no way
negated the impulse to educate those few Indians who sought to learn
the 3R's; this was carried out on an individual basis by members of the
society and particularly the families of white traders in South Florida.
In retrospect it appears that the year 1899 saw the zenith of the
society's activities on many fronts organizational, legal defense,
education, and land acquisition. After that first scintillating year the
society settled into those routines associated with any charitable cause,
providing largess for needy Indians, and within the limits of their coffers
supplying Seminole representation at state and local affairs to build
public good will. After the turn of the century, however, the society's
efforts centered primarily on the passage of meaningful legislation to es-
tablish a reservation. In the process it increasingly became a showcase for

the unique talents of James and Minnie Moore-Willson.
Usually provocative, often abrasive, but always interesting, the mer-
curial Mrs. Willson became synonymous in the state press with Seminole
advocacy. She had initially reaped notoriety in 1896 with the publication
of her book The.Seminoles of Florida, which was the first full-length work
dealing with the post-removal history and culture of the tribe. It was a
poorly written, undocumented, maudlin creampuff, and almost totally
unreliable for its ethnohistoric content yet perfectly attuned to the na-
tional sentiment for reform of federal Indian policies at the end of the
nineteenth century.36 Thus, it became a best seller which went through
several printings, and Minnie Moore-Willson became a celebrity among
the reform set. Even so, her outspoken, no-holds-barred push for redress
of Indian ills, and especially land for the Cow Creek band, often alienated
other individuals and groups working for similar ends. She occasionally
seemed oblivious to the social and political ramifications of her activities,
and apparently was prone to make unfounded allegations about state and
federal officials who did not share her own single-minded devotion to the
Seminole. This led to some fierce encounters with such prominent
figures as Mrs. May M. Jennings,37 President of the Florida Federation of
Women's Clubs, and Mrs. Frank Stranahan, Chairman of the Federa-
tion's Indian Committee, who diplomatically suggested that "I trust that
you will receive this letter in the spirit in which it is sent. I really feel that
your being connected with my committee does [sic] not give you the
liberty you would have if you were free to act independently, you might
accomplish more and I feel sure you desire to do...I am putting Mrs. Julia
Hanson on my Committee."as Despite these rebukes Mrs. Willson per-
sisted in her letter writing, speech making, and general clamor for action
in behalf of the Seminole; she also refused to resign from the Indian
Committee of the Federation of Women's Clubs and spelled out her
views in a letter to Mrs. Stranahan:
"Your letter of recent date received suggesting that possibly
my being on the Seminole Committee is a hinderance to me. I
feel that we as a committee have a more serious responsibility
than any of the Federation committees, because we are work-
ing for innocent and oppressed humanity, and for this reason
my duty is with the Seminole Committee. I do not feel that
being a member of the Seminole Committee is hampering me,
nor interfering with any work that I may be able to do to
further the cause of our Seminole Indians. Any work that I
may do outside our committee work is just that much addi-
tional help toward the Seminole cause. I feel that during the
present year we ought to make great strides for the future

good of the Florida Indians. As an additional member of the
Seminole Committee Mrs. Hanson will no doubt prove
beneficial as she has always shown an interest in the Semi-
noles. Wishing you a prosperous and happy New Year, I am
sincerely yours. Signed (Mrs. James M. Jr.) Minnie Moore-
From one frustrating biennial legislative session to the next the
Willsons and their loyal supporters, particularly the Florida Times Union
and Kissimmee Valley Gazette, carried on the fight for a state reservation.
In 1911 a bill providing 15 townships in Monroe County passed the
House only to meet defeat in the upper chamber. Success was almost
theirs in 1913 when the measure passed both houses of the legislature
but was vetoed by the Governor as being too costly. In 1915 the anti-
reservation forces in the legislature again prevailed, but time and public
sentiment were running against them. Before the next session of the leg-
islature the Willsons had entered into an alliance with a powerful na-
tional organization, the Indian Rights Association of Philadelphia, which
threw the full weight of its prestige, funds, and able secretary, Matthew
K. Sniffen, into the fray. In 1915, Sniffen and a director of the Associ-
ation, Joseph Elkinton, had visited with the Willsons and the Friends of
the Florida Seminoles at Kissimmee, and after visiting the Indian camps
they decided to place their support behind the Seminole land effort.4oThe
lobbying efforts of Sniffen, both in Washington and Tallahassee, did
much to ease the way for passage of a bill in the following session. The
federal Indian Service was also a party to the proceedings through the ex-
pert testimony of special commissioner Lucien A. Spencer before the
various legislative committees. On May 18, the legislation cleared both
houses and Governor Sidney J. Catts signed it into law two days later. As
a tribute to her long struggle in behalf of the Seminole people,the Gover-
nor gave the golden pen with which he signed the bill to Minnie Moore-
It was a time of personal triumph for the Willsons, and especially for
Mrs. Willson who was lauded by the press of the state as the "mother of
the Seminole Land Bill," although her husband who had worked as long
and vigorously was curiously overlooked except by those closely associ-
ated with the Friends society. Even the U.S. Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, Cato Sells, acknowledged only the distaff side of the family in his
congratulatory telegram: "Being just advised that Governor Catt has
signed the bill creating a hundred thousand acre reservation for the
Seminole Indians I wish to congratulate you on the happy result of your
long and effective campaign in their behalf."42 Similar accolades were ac-
corded the Kissimmee pair from all quarters, and while most press ac-

counts recognized the role of the Friends of the Florida Seminoles
society, the Willsons had somehow assumed a separate existence in the
mind of the public which transcended their membership in the organiza-
tion. In the exuberance of the moment little attention was given to the
quality of the land acquired, or else it was chosen to ignore the fact that
only 5% of it was tillable and all of it was outside the drainage district. In
short, as the Florida Times-Union bitterly noted, the state had met
its"...obligation by donating worthless, at least in an agricultural sense,
swamp land to the Seminole."43
It is somewhat ironic that Jim Willson was shunted aside when the
tributes were being passed out. As secretary of the Friends of the Florida
Seminoles from its founding until it became defunct, he was a dogmatic
and tenacious defender of Indian rights as well as a close personal friend
to many Cow Creek families. He always seemed to have time to spend tra-
veling to the Everglades, to the state capitol, or wherever he was needed
to assist his Indian friends. This was generally done at his own expense as
the society had limited funds for such activities, and there is some conjec-
ture that his various business ventures perhaps suffered by these frequent
and prolonged absences from Kissimmee.44 Far less flamboyant than his
famous wife, he nevertheless maintained an equally voluminous corres-
pondence on all types of problems affecting Seminole welfare, and did not
limit his efforts to securing a reservation. In 1907 he intervened, on
behalf of the society, in an incident where a northern amusement park
operator had desecrated the burial site of Tom Tiger and attempted to sell
the Seminole leader's remains to the Smithsonian Institution.4s When the
Cow Creek band learned of this vandalism they threatened, although few
in number, to take their revenge against surrounding white settlers unless
the old warrior's remains were returned. Through the good offices of
Willson and various state and local officials the issue was resolved with
the return of. Tom Tiger's bones to the burial site, thus averting what
might have become a calamity for the Seminole.
Jim Willson also pursued even the most trivial reports of wrongdo-
ing where Indians were concerned. When it was reported that the Semi-
nole were being charged a dollar to pole their canoes on the drainage
canals which laced Southern Florida, he immediately confronted many
officials and found it to be an unfounded rumor.46 As a prominent Baptist
layman Willson actively supported the work of Creek-Seminole mission-
aries from Oklahoma who had come to convert their brothers in Florida,
and he led the movement for the Southern Baptist Convention to assume
full financial responsibility for his mission work which it did in 1936.47
One of his last acts as an officer of the society was to work with P.A. Vans
Agnew in preparing a defense against a suit brought to acquire title to the

"Polly Parker's Camp" land originally purchased in 1899. A prominent
resident of St. Lucie County, J.G. Coats, brought suit to quiet title to the
land which he had bought for taxes. The defense of the Friends was that
as a benevolent and charitable institution holding the land in trust for the
Seminole, it was exempt from taxation, and for that and other technical
legal reasons the suit should not be allowed. Nevertheless, the land was
As the older members passed away the effectiveness of the Friends
society rapidly faded.49 In the development fever that gripped Florida
during the "Land Boom" of the 1920's, as well as the terrible years of
economic depression which followed, the problems of the Seminole were
forgotten except by a few staunch friends such as the Willsons,
Stranahans, and Hansons. Ultimately, the social and economic salvation
of the Indian in Florida came with the establishment of federal trust
lands on which they could live in peace. This land base would provide the
source for the tribe's future economic well being, as well as a focus for
federally sponsored health, education, and housing programs aimed at
making the Seminole independent and self-sustaining once more. If the
time had come when private associations or devoted individuals could no
longer effectively meet the needs of their Indian friends, it in no way
diminished the importance of their earlier aid and friendship.
It might be contended by latter day critics that organizations such as
the Friends of the Florida Seminoles fostered a paternalistic and naive
image of the Seminole people and their needs, If so, this was only consis-
tent with the prevailing nineteenth century Christian, humanitarian
reform concept of being thy brother's keeper whether he wanted to be
kept or not. And in the case of at least one segment of the Seminole peo-
ple, the Cow Creek band, there is good evidence that they did not shun
the attention of their white friends and actively sought aid on a number
of occasions. When society members and the state press spoke in glowing
terms of turning the Seminole into a race of farmers and herdsmen, who
would be "good citizens" and a credit to Florida, they were only echoing
the most enlightened views emanating from national Indian welfare
organizations of the day; it was also the official policy of the national
government as expressed in the Dawes Act and other legislation.so
Luckily, the Friends membership was liberally laced with Florida fron-
tier folk like F.A. Hendry who had lived with and among the Seminole,
and who despite their rhetoric tempered a reforming zeal with practical
wisdom as in the decision not to pursue a Seminole Industrial School.
The criticism that the Friends focused their efforts narrowly on the
needs of the Cow Creek band, but did little for the other Seminole
groups, is well taken. Certainly the Cow Creeks received the bulk of the

society's attention if for no other reason than they were the closest group
to Kissimmee, were best known to the townspeople, and appeared to be
most receptive to the overtures of friendship from people like the
Willsons. Leaders of the Cow Creek band were frequent visitors in white
communities, and the Gazette regularly reported the arrival of Billy
Bowlegs, Chief Tallahassee, Tom Tiger, and members of their families.
The Indians were welcome visitors and the town (or at least the newspa-
per) seemed genuinely proud of them. In 1917 the Kissimmee Board of
Trade went so far as to make Billy Bowlegs an honorary life member in
recognition of his being an enthusiastic "booster."si It is unlikely that
any other town in Florida went to such lengths to honor Indians that
early in this century, but then no other town had the Willsons in resi-
In all fairness to the Friends it should be pointed out that members
such as F.A. Hendry, Bishop Gray, and Dr. J.E. Brecht were actively in-
volved with the Mikasuki-speaking Seminole bands living south of Lake
Okeechobee. Anyone familiar with the efforts of Gray to establish a
medical mission in the Big Cypress region, or Brecht's nine years in In-
dian service, can not help but compare the hostility and suspicion which
the Mikasuki held for most whites with the relative openess of the Cow
Creek. Certainly the Friends considered themselves working in behalf of
all Seminole people when seeking the establishment of a state reserva-
tion, although it is unlikely that the Indians of that day could have lived
together in such a limited territory due to both language and socio-politi-
cal differences. Interestingly, the 100,000 acre state reservation which
now stretches across the western edges of Palm Beach and Broward
Counties does belong to the Seminole Tribe (25%) and the newer Mic-
cosukee Tribe (75%), but very few of their people live on it to this day.52
In much the same way that the Friends society was formed to assist
the Indians living in the area north of Lake Okeechobee, later groups
would come into being to work with the Seminole of the Big Cypress
region, as well as those living along the lower east coast. The first of these
was the Seminole Indian Association founded in Fort Myers in 1913.53 It
was initially formed by the Episcopal missionary Dr. W.J. Godden, and
W. Stanley Hanson, Jr. who was perhaps the closest friend of the Indian
people living on the west side of the Everglades during the first half of
this century.54 An equally impressive organization would emerge in the
1940's at Fort Lauderdale, dedicated primarily to carrying on the work
started by Mrs. Frank Stranahan, and named "The Friends of the Semi-
noles."55 Both of these organizations are still in existence, although for all
practical purposes they provide only token assistance to the Seminole and
Miccosukee people. All significant functions affecting the Indian people

in Florida today are handled by the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, the
tribes themselves through their own institutional structures, or by other
state and local agencies. Nevertheless, the private associations, of which
the Friends of the Florida Seminoles was the first, filled the gap at a time
when none of these services were available to the Indian people. Those
individuals dedicated to the work accepted the challenge and did what
they could within the limits of their abilities, often achieving remarkable
results in the process, and they must be accorded a prominent place in any
definitive history of the Seminole people.

'Dr. Kersey is a Professor of Education at Florida Atlantic University
I U.S Congress, Senate, Report of the Secretary of the Interior. Exec, Doc 55,40th Cong., 3rd sess, 1869, p.
4. In this communication the Secretary referred to the "remnant of the Tribe of Seminole Indians now
living in or near the Everglades in South Florida," and presented letters from white settlers in the
region requesting that action be taken to remove the Indians. However, another decade passed before
any effort was initiated to investigate the condition of the Florida seminole.
2 William C. Sturtevant, "R.H, Pratt's Report on the Seminole in 1879," Florida Anthropologist, IX
(March, 1956), 12-13 The Seminole whom Pratt called Streety Parker had apparently adopted the
name of a well known white settler in the Barlow region,Streaty Parker. See D.B. McKay (ed.) Pioneer
Florida. Vol. III (Tampa, 1959), pp. 192-193, Also Vol 11, p. 565. McKay uses both spellings of Parker's
given name.
3 Emily Lagow Bell, My Pioneer Days in Florida, 1876-1898( Fort Pierce, 1928), p. 43.
4 U.S. Congress, Senate, Message From the President of the United States Transmitting a Letter o.l the Secre-
tary of Interior Relative to Land Upon Which to Locate Seminole Indians. Exec Doc. 139, 50th Cong., 1st
sess,. 1888, p. 3.
5 Ibid.. P. 5.
6 U.S. Congress. Senate, Report of the Commissioner of tIndian AJfairs, Exec. Doc. 5, 56th Cong., I st sess.,
1899, p. 179
7 Coats vs. Gray et alsa, Circuit Court of St. Lucie County, July 5, 1926. Answer of Friends of the Florida
Seminoles. Defendant, p. 5 Record File 1270, St. Lucie County Court House, Fort Pierce, Florida.
8 The ndian's Friend, March, 1899. pp. 7-8.
9 Minnie Moore-Willson, The Seminoles of.Florida( New York, 1896)
10 The Indian's Friend, March, 1899, p. 7.
11 The Indian's Friend, January, 1899, p. 6.
12 Editorial comment from The Indian's Friend(undated) quoted in the Kissimnvee Valley Gazette. June 9,
1899, p. 2.
13 Florida Times-Union and Citizen. June 28, 1899, p.4.
14 Fredrick A. Ober, "Ten Days with the Seminoles," Appleton 's Journal of Literature, Science, and Art,
XIV (August, 1875), 173.
15Sturtevant,"R.H. Pratt's Report," 8.
16 Clay MacCaulcy, "The Seminole Indians of Florida," FIfth Annual Report oa the Bureau of Amernan
Ethnology (Washington, 1887), p. 518.
17 U.S Congress, Senate, Message From the President.. Lands Upon Which to Locate Seminole Indians, p. 8.
18 Minnie Moore-Willson, The Seminoles ofFlorida, pp. 148-154.
19 Letter, H.H. Hull to J.M. Willson, May 29, 1898 Unless otherwise designated all correspondence is to-
cated in the Willson Collection of the University of Miami Library, Coral Gables. Florida.
20 Letter. Commissioner of Indian Affairs to J.M. Willson, June 18, 1898
21 Letters, J.E. Brecht to J.M. Willson, June 13, 28, July 8, August 15, 1898.
22 Letter. R.A.Swearingen to J.M. Willson,September 6, 1898
23 Letter, Tom Tiger to J.M. Willson. June (no date), 1898. Written on P.P. Cobb stationery.
24 Letter. Tom Tiger to J M. Willson, June 30, 1898 Signed as written by J.T. Gray. Also .T. Gray to J M.
Willson, August 4, 1898, confirms his role as an intermediary.
25 Letter, Tom Tiger to JM. Willson, July 23, 1898. Written on B.H. Doster stationery.
26 Circuit Court Minotes, Vol. 1., Brevard County, Florida, April 28, 1899, pp. 471-472. The case was tried
before a six man jury and ended in a directed verdict of not guilty.

27 Kissimmee Valley Gazette, May 5, 1899, p. 3.
28 E.S. Martin, "This Busy World," Harpers Weekly, Vol.43, No. 2215,(June 3, 1899), 3
29 Kissimmee Valley Gazette, July 14, 1899, p. 3.
30 Deed Book FF, St Lucie County, Florida, p. 510. The records show that Bishop Gray purchased 80
acres (SEV of NE and NE'/ ofSE' of Section 8, Township 35S, Range 37E) from Frank Q Brown,
Trustee for the Florida Southern Railroad. The deed was recorded on July 19, 1900
31 Acts and Resolutions Adopted by the Legislature of Florida at its Seventh Regular Session Under the Con-
stiturion of A.D. 1885. Ch. 4765, No. 104. (Tallahassee, 1899), p. 149.
32 Ibid., Ch. 4764, No. 103.
33 ibid.
34 Florida Times-Union and Citizen, June 12, 899, p. 5.
35 Kissimmee Valley Gazette, July 14, 1899, p. 3.
36 Minnie Moore-Willson, The Seminoles of Florida, (Kingsport, Tenn.. 1928), p. 148. It should be noted
that this source is held in low repute by some authorities on Seminole history and culture, most nota-
bly W.C. Sturtevant who wrote: "It may be classified as an example of poor amateur ethnology. To sift
the few useful facts from the mass of inaccuracies requires considerable knowledge of Seminole
culture and Seminole personalities; and the book is not to be recommended for any purpose." William
C. Sturtevant "Accomplishments and Opportunities in Florida Indian Ethnology" in Florida
Anthropology, Charles H. Fairbanks fed) Florida Anthropological Society Publications No. 5,
Tallahassee, 1958, pp. 20-21.
37 Letter, Mrs. May Jennings to Minnie Moore-Willson, May 12, 1915.
38 Letter, Mrs. Frank Stranahan to Minnie Moore-Willson, December 27, 1916.
39 Letter, Minnie Moore-Willson to Mrs. Frank Stranahan, January 7, 191i7
40 Letter, M.K. Sniffen to Minnie Moore-Willson, April 25, 1915.
41 Florida Times-Union, May 10,1917, p. 8.
42 Telegram, Commissioner of Indian Affairs to Minnie Moore-Willson. May 14, 1917.
43 Florida Times Union, May 10, 1917, p. 4.
44 Nevertheless, as a realtor J, M Willson was instrumental in the development of Osccola County, and
particularly the City of St. Cloud. In 1906-07 he was owner-agent for sizeable land holdings, the rem-
nant of Hamilton Disston's empire, in the vicinity of current day St. Cloud. This acreage was adver-
tised in the New York Tribune where Raymond Moore, a Washington, D.C. promoter, saw and filed it
for future reference. Then the National Tribuneof Washington, an influential paper among Civil War
veterans, began to look for a Florida site for a Union retirement colony. A group headed by Moore
made a deal with J.M. Willson for 55,000 acres, and formed the Seminole Land and In vestment Com-
pany which planted modern St. Cloud-appropriating the name originally given to the Disston Sugar
Mill on East Lake Tohopekaliga. For a complete historical account of this transaction see: St. Cloud
Tribune, December 6, 1934.
45 Harry A. Kersey, Jr,,"The Seminole 'Uprising' of 1907,"Florida Anthropolist, Vol. 27, no. 2 (June,
1974), 49-58.
,t6 Letter, Gov. Cary A. Hardee to J M. Wilison, November 4, 1922 Also. L A Spencer to J.M. Willson,
November 15, 1922.
47 Letter, J.M. Willson to J.C. Morrison, April 29, 1921. Also, J.M. Willson to Alice B. Davis, December
10, 1920, These letters to Indian missionaries from Mounds and Wewoka, Oklahoma, spell out
Willson's concern with the Baptist missionary efforts among the Florida Seminole.
48 Coats vs. Gray ti als., Circuit Court ofSt. Lucie County, July 5, 1926. Record File 1270, St. Lucie Coun-
ty Court House, Fort Pierce, Florida. Records reveal that J.G. Coats acquired a tax deed to the 80 acre
parcel on February 16, 1923, Apparently he felt the need toquiet title on the property before he sold it
so the suit was initiated on May 1, 1926. The Friends filed their answer on July 5, 1926, taking the
position that the land was exempt from taxation due to its unique status of being held in trust for the
Seminole people. The court records reveal no further proceedings and the case remains technically
open. however, Mr. Coats later sold the land.
19 Actually, the Willsons were among the last surviving members who founded the Friends Society.
James Mallory Willson was born at Somerset, Kentucky on August 4, 1860: he died at Kissimmee on
August 5, 1943. Minnie Moore-Willson was born at West Newton, Pa. on August 14. 1859: she died at
Kissimmee on August 8, 1937. Both are interred at Rosehill Cemetery in Kissimmee. Interview with
Mr. Ed Grissom, Kissimmee, July 25, 1974.
50 U.S. Statues at Large, Vol. XXIV, p. 338 The attempt ofl the Dawes Commission to transform the
American Indian into yoeman farmers through a series of acreage allotments, all but destroyed the
traditional tribal patterns of communal land ownership. It also opened some forty million acres of
former Indian lands for settlers.
5 Kissimmee Valley Gazette, March 30, 1917, p. I.
i2 Florida, Statutes, 285.061. Some 28,000 acres of this state reservation land in Palm Beach and Broward
Counties was recently transferred to the federal government to be held in trust status for the Seminole
Tribe Legislation was also enacted allowing the tribe to develop the land without interference from
the various counties

53 Postcard, W. Stanley Hanson, Jr. to Dr Hamilton Holt, September 3, 1933. This was part of a mass
mailing to announce the "Reorganization meeting of the Seminole Indian Association...Tampa...Sept.
8th, 1933." In the message it was noted that "the Seminole Indian Association, a corporation not for
profit, was chartered in 1913, with headquarters in Fort Myers." Mr. Hanson served as secretary of
the organization.
54 The work of W. Stanley Hanson, Jr. in behalf of the Seminole is detailed in numerous newspaper clip-
pings spanning almost halfa century, and in books such as: Karl H. Grismer, The Story of Fort Myers
(St. Petersburg, 1949), pp. 285-286. Allen H. Andrews, A Yank Pioneer in Florida (Jacksonville,
1950), passim.
55 In Fort Lauderdale the "Friends of the Seminoles" was chartered as a Florida Corporation on Novem-
ber 28, 1949. Corporation Book 13, Broward County, pp. 616-622. Office of the Comptroller Broward
County, Florida.

Judge Henry Hudson Hancock, 1868-1951


The name Hancock is prominently identified with pioneer history of
Florida. Around the middle of the nineteenth century they came into the
new state and took up land. Many of them married into territorial
families, and were influential in making Florida an integral part of the
Union. Also when the tragic division came with the Civil War, they were
well represented in the ranks of the South. Some are buried as far away as
Franklin, Tennessee. Those who remained behind were members of the
militia and raised beef to help feed the Confederate army.
Here they prospered and aided in formation of new communities
which began their record for public service that has been characteristic
of their descendants, among whom was Henry Hudson Hancock. He is
remembered for his long and distinguished service to mankind. After his
move from Polk County to the Lake Okeechobee region (a tremendous
undertaking at the time), he continued to be set apart as a leader in busi-
ness, political and social activities that had begun in the nineteenth cen-
tury and lasted well into the twentieth.
Judge Hancock, as he was to become familiarly known, was born in
Polk County, Florida, January 30, 1868, at his father and mother's home-
stead set among orange groves, timber lands with grazing cattle just west
of Fort Meade, Florida, the scion of one of Polk County's foremost
families. His father was James Thomas Hancock (always 'James' to his
family and friends) and his mother was Serena Willingham. Both natives
of Georgia, they did not meet until their families had moved and settled
in Polk County, Florida. The first Hancocks to enter Florida were from
Thomasville, Georgia. In the main, they were cattle herders who had
spread to what is now Madison, Florida, then spread on down the west
coast of the peninsula with James Thomas Hancock's family homestead-
ing and taking up more land on the banks of the Alafia River in
Hillsborough County. As a young man James set out on his own and took
up a homestead in Polk County. There he met and married Serena

Willingham, the daughter of the richest man anywhere around. She was a
pretty self-possessed girl with dark eyes and abundant coal black hair
above a high forehead (those of her children who most resembled her
were Henry and his sister, Isabel). His wife proved to be a woman of
great stamina.
Serena's father had come from Scotland, a mere lad thought to have
been impressed by a ship's captain who brought him to a port in Virginia
where he escaped. He made his way southward to east Florida and mar-
ried into the Baker and Hilliard Families. His wife, Annie, was the first
person to be buried at the Basinger Cemetery now in Okeechobee Coun-
ty. William Willingham it is said had ten thousand head of cattle grazing
on Kissimmee Island. His wife died while accompanying him there and it
was impossible to get her body back to Polk County to the Willingham
cemetery; however, today the Basinger Cemetery is a well kept historic
pioneer burying place. There are those who say Serena had traces of
Spanish blood, her facial features gave these hints some credence. Her
husband, James, was blue-eyed and had light brown hair which bore out
his English and Scotch-Irish heritage.
They built a spacious house on their homestead much in the tradi-
tion of southern pioneer dwellings of the more prosperous where they
raised their twelve children. As James acquired more land, he planted
more citrus, bought and sold timber land and ran several hundred head
of cattle. Not only did the Hancocks do well materially speaking, James
took on an active part in his community's affairs. He served as chairman
of the County Board of Commissioners, was a school trustee and per-
formed any service he was called on to do willingly, and left behind an
excellent reputation as a wise counselor to his family and fellow human
beings. Both he and Serena set an example to their children as being
citizens of distinction and usefulness.
Se-rena inherited the Willingham homestead near Fort Meade and
after she became a widow, she moved back there. Following her hus-
band's death, she divided the estate giving each one of her children a sec-
tion of land and a hundred head of cattle. The Willingham house where
she grew up was one of the first 'fine' houses to be built in this part of
Florida, a sturdy hand-pegged two-story dwelling painted white and with
gingerbread trimming on the broad veranda. In the 'front room' was a
huge fireplace made of limestone, large blocks hand cut from the Peace
River by her father. Her oldest son James Thomas Junior, had married
before his father died, and his patrimony had been given to him for a
wedding present; he had already built his own large white house, and so
Serena gave the Willingham place to her second son, Robert Washing-
ton, and she moved in with him and his family. To her youngest son,

Durham, she gave the Hancock homestead she had shared with her hus-
band. Also Serena had inherited what would be today a sizeable fortune
in Spanish gold. Long after the last of her family to live at the Willingham
place, one could go there and find those hopefully digging for a fortune
in gold around the fireplace where it was rumored William Willingham
had buried his gold. Today it is owned by a phosphate company, beneath
the homestead was another fortune that the Willinghams did not know
about in their day. She saw to it that each of her children built a home on
his or her property as well as planting a grove. True pioneers! Records of
1853 shows the Hancocks and the Willinghams among the earliest settlers
of central Florida.
To pioneers in general and to Southern ones in particular, kith and
kin, whether saint or sinner, cemeteries are an important part of their
lives along with family reunions and church dinners 'on the ground'. But
funerals and cemeteries have priority even over births and weddings! Of
course, the Hancock and Willingham clans each had its own cemetery lo-
cated near their homes and in view of passersby. It was a Sunday after-
noon pastime to go to the cemeteries, a social occasion not unlike the
Chinese of whom they knew very little, but today these provide invalua-
ble records for Florida historians. Both the Hancock and the Willingham
cemeteries are still maintained and burials continue in the Hancock's.
Judge Hancock, however, is the only one of his immediate family not to
be buried there. It was his wish to be buried in the country that had lured
him as a young man, and so he rests at the Okeechobee cemetery.
Even at the present time to attend a Hancock funeral is something to
remember! In no way is there any irreverence meant, for they pay ut-
most respect to one of theirs who has departed this life no matter how
distant the relationship or how he has spent his life. Blood to them, in-
deed, is thicker than water! It is an event! The news spreads quickly and
widely. They gather one and all, not only Hancocks but in-laws and in-
laws of in-laws. One could never believe there are so many'kissin'cousins
left in the world! Then there are the friends and friends of friends along
with the preachers and the politicians. These funerals are held out in the
open at the site of the cemetery. One of the criteria of just how much
esteem one of them is held can be judged by how many preachers hold
sway, in the main, 'hard-shells' (some who are more urban seem to
prefer Presbyterians). The 'mourners' make no complaint of their long-
windedness for it prolongs the handshaking, hugging, kissing and getting
up on the news of those whom they have not seen since the last occasion.
A distant cousin was heard to reply when she was asked about some
pleasurable event, "I never had such a good time since the last Hancock
funeral." The events, however, embody a great deal that was important

to a large portion of the South, mores and customs so much in the flux of
change, the younger generation will forget simply because they do not
have them to remember.
James Thomas, Junior, known as Jim, became a civil engineer, a
very good one. His surveys were accurate and dependable and so he was
asked to go into the Kissimmee River Valley and Lake Okeechobee
region to make accurate surveys where there were not any. Today his
Hancock Meander Line and corners he set there are used and respected by
any surveyor who desires a true description. Government engineers had
been sent in, but to them it was such a wild and unwilling land they
never penetrated far enough to make a true charting and only guessed at
the lay of the land. Often Judge Hancock would chuckle and his deep
brown eyes would twinkle as he said, "Had I built my house according to
those government engineers, it would right now be sitting in the middle
of Lake Okeechobee!" It was his brother Jim's assignment that was
responsible for Henry's move from Polk County. Henry also had some
knowledge of civil engineering (as did their father) and so Jim enlisted
his aid for the very difficult task.
Before Henry Hudson Hancock had left Polk County to take up a
new homestead in the Lake Okeechobee country, he was an educator and
a public figure of some consequence. Not only had his grandfather set an
example, as did his brother, Jim, but especially from his brother, Bob,
(Robert Washington) who was just older than he. Bob from the outset
had chosen to be a leader in public affairs. Sunday mornings would find
him leading the singing in church, but mostly through the week he was
off to chair the county commissioners, the school board, politicking or
some kind of meeting. He was a well known figure around the county
seat of Bartow twelve miles away. Often his mother would chide him,
"Bob, you are so busy 'tending to other peoples' business, you don't have
time to 'tend to yours." Nevertheless, Bob Hancock did distinguish him-
self in what he liked best-county and, state politics. He was a personal
friend of Henry B. Plant and a member of the Florida Legislature. At that
time he wielded a great deal of influence in getting Plant to serve isolated
communities with his railroad. Also he was one of the founders of the
citrus exchange and its first field secretary. In his last term in the legis-
lature Hardee County was carved out of huge Polk. Personally, he was
not against it but his constituents were. He thought he should abide by
what those who elected him wanted, and so he resisted such pressures
that the new county would be named for him if he voted for it. He
declined the honor and suggested it be named for the new governor,
Carey A. Hardee.
Henry was the most scholarly inclined of James and Serena Han-

cock's children. He was eager to go to school and did well. His basic
education was received in the schools of Polk County including the Sum-
merlin Institute at Bartow, a school financed by Jacob Summerlin, the
wealthiest cattleman in Florida, himself practically unlettered but who
had a great respect for learning. Many leading figures of central Florida
received their formal educations there. Jacob Summerlin was a distant
relative of Henry's.
On completion of high school, Henry was issued a teacher's certifi-
cate. Barely eighteen he began teaching school at the same continuing
his education by going to normal and summer schools along with self-
education. He became principal of the school at Fort Meade then later
Avon Park, Florida. But, in the meantime, he received his inheritance
and felt he had to leave the profession he loved to give it his attention;
however, he was appointed a member of Polk County's school board.
When he decided to accompany his brother, Jim, to help make the sur-
veys of the big lake country, he resigned from the school board not
knowing at the time it was his first act of severing his official ties with
Polk County and its affairs.
In the meantime, too, he had married. His bride was practically "the
new girl in town," Jane Sturgis. Jane had been born in Branford, Florida,
but she grew up at Waldo, Florida, where her father was an early railroad
man. When she was seventeen her mother, Martha Jane, was left a
widow and faced the task of making a living. She and her daughter left
Waldo and went to Fort Meade where Mrs. Sturgis ran an inn, in the
main, to accommodate the new railroad. Also she acquired a piano for her
daughter who was a somewhat accomplished musician. It was not long
until Henry Hancock, who liked to sing, was visiting at the Sturgis Inn to
the point that the townsfolk were beginning to notice how much time his
fine Tennessee walking horse spent at the hitching post in front of the
Sturgis place. It was June 30, 1889, when Henry Hudson Hancock mar-
ried Jane Sturgis in her mother's parlor.
Jane's fragile appearance with her gentle blue eyes and soft smile
often concealed her iron will, patience and a sly sense of humor. All of
which she needed in abundance for her life with Henry. It was a happy
union. The Henry Hancocks had seven children, five born in civilized
Polk County and two more born in a wilderness she did not even know
about at the time of her marriage. She outlived her husband by eleven
years. From the time the two brothers, Jim and Henry Hancock, astride
their Tennessee horses, left the sandhills dotted with small blue lakes
and descended into the lush green valley of the Kissimmee River, Henry
was entranced with the boundless horizon of the green valley meeting an
azure sky and it cast a spell over him. This pristine wilderness awed and

fascinated him. Unlike the government engineers, he wanted to explore
it and did not fear it. Henry exclaimed to his brother that he thought it a
beautiful country, one in which he might want to homestead. Jim with
less romance in his soul reminded his brother they had come to do a job
and would do it, but once it was done he wanted to return to Polk County
as soon as possible. Once they explored it, Henry was determined more
than ever to homestead on the north shores of Lake Okeechobee.
This was January, 1901, when the Hancock brothers had come to
this strange and unique world the entrance to the Everglades. Before
they had left home they knew that January was the best time to set out. It
was the 'dry' season, however, back then there were no real droughts as
of today. As they approached the Kissimmee River, their trained eyes
saw that it was a 'drain' (much as African Rivers) and what is called "a
braided river." Its multi-channels with their hurrying currents suddenly
would narrow and this cut bluffs which were the only semblance of per-
manent banks. The river, its water the color of strong tea, flowed from
northwest to southeast cutting a wide valley depression from Lake
Tohopekaliga to Lake Okeechobee. Before it emptied into Lake
Okeechobee its huge delta was a series of swamps, backwaters, lagoons,
dead rivers, ponds, islands and sandbars. It was easy to observe it battled
forever with wind, water and land (later with people!). Solitude brooded
here! Along the river it was teeming with aquatic life. Fish could be
caught with the bare hands except for the largest of the big-mouth bass.
Their meals were cooked over an open fire and always had a pan of fried
speckled perch or the big bass, often both. From the ponds and the
lagoons beneath the water lettuce came the sounds and croaks of myriad
frogs including that of the jumbo bullfrogs; it sounded like a convention
without any rules. On the sand banks, especially where water had re-
cently receded and fish were still gasping for air, lay great slimy piles of
cotton-mouth moccasins with their wide ugly mouths agape ready to
feast on the dead fish or bite anybody who disturbed them. Jim and He-
nry had been careful even though expert horsemen to avoid the snakes.
They watched out for the tortoise gopher holes where the danger was
two-fold, a horse could stumble in one of them risking breaking a leg and
at the same time being bitten by a huge diamond back rattlesnake that
had holed up there. Once they saw a rattler they guessed was about eight
feet long swimming gracefully across a lagoon toward a hillock of saw
palmettoes on the other side. Alligators were everywhere along the oozy
banks of the river as were turtles of all kinds and sizes. Some were sun-
ning and others were sliding in and out of the water. All about them were
the aquatic birds. Gorgeous ones! One could hardly believe there were so
many in the world! Wailing limpskins, snowy egrets that hung from the

willows like ornaments on Christmas trees, big white American ones that
stood about with the herons, great and small, galinules and even plenty
of Everglades kites back in 1901. Except for the limpkins, they watched
silently the intruders trespassing on their domain. Overhead were flights
of ibises both snow whites and glossies, and off to themselves standing in
a ring were big birds that belong to the stork family called by the natives
"ironheads," from the rusty-colored topknot on their big black heads
above their large white bodies. The ironheads were doing nothing more
than concentrating on the little pond frogs they were'going to eat but
they reminded one of praying elders. The most unusual were the
anhingas commonly called "snakebirds" and for good reason. When
swimming only long twisted necks and their heads could be seen, a bird
with no oil in its feathers and so when out of the water spreads its broad
black wings on a bush to dry like a Seminole's wash. In a glade nearby
were a flock of the luscious pink roseate spoonbills and three tall sandhill
cranes that always went in pairs unless with a young one. Birds, Birds!
Aquatic and of the air. Giant woodpeckers and other flickers, colorful
painted buntings, kingfishers just too many to name of course, the
Hancock brothers had been dining well along the way on quail, doves and
wild turkey.
Flora and fauna everywhere! Flags, mallows, small white water lilies.
It would take an expert to identify them all. Jim and Henry Hancock
knew more about the fauna: rabbits; opossums; armadilloes; the land
tortoises, called 'gophers'; foxes, otters; deer; bobcats; black bears and
panthers, Florida pumas. They saw the bears sauntering near the bay
galls and one night heard a panther scream and so they got up and built
up their campfire and then went back to sleep. They felt they had ex-
plored the west side of the river enough for the timebeing, so Jim and
Henry decided to look for the best place to ford the river to keep their in-
struments, saddle bags and guns dry. They came to some islands and
sandbars and saw cattle tracks, the concave "banks" of the river made
fine grazing, there they crossed over without any trouble. On the other
side they saw reddish rangy cattle grazing and some deer and they were
sleek. Jim told Henry he thought they would soon come to Peter Rauler-
son's. As they rode along, they came upon more of the cattle and before
them a man on horseback leisurely riding in and out of the cattle. They
spurred their horses and caught up with him. It was Peter sitting tall in,
his saddle astride his cow pony. The cattle were descendants of Spanish
cattle as was the'kind of horse Peter rode, these were fast and cut herds
quite well but because they were a small breed always called 'ponies.'.
Peter Raulerson, known as 'Pete,' also was a native of Polk County. Rela-
tives there often spoke of his wandering down into the lake country.

First, he had settled at Basinger ten miles to the north of Lake
Okeechobee, but the land was for the taking so for his own reasons he
moved on. He likely decided that if his wife, Louisiana, and their several
children did not mind the isolation, why should he worry about what his
relatives thought?
The Raulersons understood the country's climate and terrain, so
they had built a big two-story house of virgin pine, a square structure
with a bannistered porch that went all the way around it. Louisiana and
her husband were hospitable people and welcomed the Hancock
brothers. Long after the surveys were made, Jim would return
periodically to stay with the Raulersons and preach at the 'Hardshell'
church built on their homestead. After the meeting' he, Pete and Loui-
siana along with their friends and relatives would sit on the cool porch to
discuss their interpretations of the Bible. In spite of Jim's powerful
preaching, Henry did not become a 'Hardshell' (Primitive Baptists, a
denomination of the lower South).
Henry selected a homestead on the east bank of Taylor's Creek just
opposite the Peter Raulerson's on the west bank. Taylor Creek was a
water-way into Lake Okeechobee, two miles to the south of the home-
steads, named for Zachary Taylor who fought the famous Seminole Bat-
tle of Okeechobee, Christmas Day, 1838. Peter Raulerson gave Henry
some good advice, which he took. First of all, he advised him to drive his
cattle down from Polk County and build a temporary shelter for his
family. In the meantime, he would look after the cattle until Henry could
bring his family. This was the tradition of the pioneer cattleman, each
had his own marks and brands, used the common range and never
mismarked even a motherless calf.
Henry Hancock's son, Clyde, still lives at Okeechobee. He recalls the
'cattle drovin' (drive) and when his family moved to the Lake
Okeechobee region very vividly. "1I will always remember the day my
father told us we were going to move to Lake Okeechobee. First he was
going to drive the cattle down. He was making preparation for him and
his brother, uncle Martin, to make the drive. Even though we had cattle,
I had never been allowed to be a cowboy and that was why I wanted to be
more than anything. I thought this was my chance so I begged to go
along. But Papa kept saying I couldn't go. It was too much of an undertak-
ing to have one as young as I tagging along. Finally, Uncle Martin inter-
ceded and said, let the boy go, it will be good for him. Later this proved to
be right when it came time for the family to go. My father, though, told
me there would be only two horses and I would probably be a walking '
cowboy.' This hopefully would discourage me, but it didn't. My mother
made an extra bedroll of some old blankets and put some extra supplies

in the saddle bags for me. I have never been so happy in my life! 1 really
did walk much of the wayJgot very tired, my feet hurt but I did not com-
plain because so much of the trip was fun. We hunted, fished and cut
swamp cabbage, the tender heart of the sabal palm. By the natives it is
cooked with bacon in a heavy pot. Now it is a gourmet salad served raw or
canned and called "hearts of palm." All one needed was agun and a fish-
ing line to eat well off the land. The second day out was my birthday. I
was twelve years old October 22, 1901 and I never had such a fine birth-
day! As we went into the Kissimmee River Valley, I thought it the most
beautiful sight I ever had seen. Endless green beneath a high blue sky. It
was like a world at the beginning!"
With the hundred head of cattle ready to cross the river, Henry
decided he would send his bull across first and the cows and calves would
follow. The bull became excited and fled from the shallow waters of the
islands and sandbars and jumped into a deep lagoon where he went
round and round. This almost caused a stampede, but fortunately there
was a small paddle boat nearby and so Henry got into it and with the pad-
dles subdued the bull and drove him backto the crossing place where he
obediently did his duty and led the herd safely to the other side. Clyde
said, "Papa never backed down about anything he was determined to
They turned the cattle out with Pete's on the common grazing land
(no fences in those days), then they went to the Peter Raulerson place
where they stayed until Henry constructed a log house as a temporary
shelter for his family. Later there would be the big white one after Cap-
tain Hall had brought down the river the implements and tools to cut and
polish the lumber for it, glass for the windows, paint etcetera. After the
log house was completed Henry, his brother, Martin and Clyde returned
to Polk County to complete the arrangements for the big move.
Henry had sold his patrimony in Polk County against the wishes of
his relatives and neighbors; however, they were glad to have him and his
family stay with them until school was out, besides it would take at least
three months for their furniture and household goods to finally reach
their destination. These had been sent by rail to Kissimmee, a small cow
town located on Lake Tohopekaliga, where Captain Benjamin Hall's little
paddle wheel wood burning steamboat (an extension of the railroad's
service) would when the unpredictable river could be navigated take
them on down to Lake Okeechobee. If by any chance, their things ar-
rived before they did Peter Raulerson would see they were cared for.
Up to now Henry's relatives, friends and neighbors had thought him
a very intelligent fellow, but his stubborn decision to move to the wild
isolated country near the big lake made most of them think he had lost

his senses, especially when he decided to buy a wagon and a pair of oxen.
In fact, Henry was a very logical and sane individual for he knew that was
the only way for his family to make it over the dangerous and varied ter-
rain. The world owes a great debt to oxen! In spite of his lack of ex-
perience with this kind of transportation, he went ahead and acquired the
wagon and bought a pair of sturdy oxen from Judd Pylant, a shirt-tail
relative of his from the fact that Judd had married Bob's wife's sister.
This put them on familiar terms, and so Judd joshed the proud and vain
Henry Hancock the day he came to drive the oxen to his brother Jim's
place where his wagon was. "What are you going to do when the mos-
quitoes eat your oxen alive, your 'victuals' give out and Indians come
along and scalp your family?" At first, Henry tried to tell him that none
of these were going to happen but there was so much doubt as Henry
could sense in Judd's mind that he gave up trying to rationalize his move.
Then came up a fellow, they knew as Roebuck, who voiced the same sen-
timents as Judd. Henry's temper at this point had reached more than the
boiling point. He yanked at the oxen a bit too hard and before he could
say "whoa," they had dragged him down the little sandhill into the in-
evitable little lake at the bottom of it. Of course, there was laughter at the
top of the hill. But he was determined to conquer the unruly beasts and
did not look back. He clung to the rope of the yoke, kicked with his feet
until he had the animals out of the water and docilely lead them on to his
brother Jim's place. By this time he no longer cared how much he was
laughed at.
Also Clyde tells when his family left Polk County, "it was a fine day
in the late spring of 1902 when we left Fort Meade. The weather con-
tinued to be pleasant the five days it took us to make the journey. Papa
went on ahead riding his horse, but he left orders that Mama and the
girls, Ruth, Elsie and Janie Belle were to ride at all times in the wagon ex-
cept when we camped. It was a good thing I went along when we drove
the cattle down. I was put in charge and drove the wagon, I had got used
to the oxen before we left. My younger brother, Winnie (Winfield Scott)
rode the other horse and his job was to look after the guns and the dogs.
We had four fine cow dogs, hound and bulldog, which were worth a great
deal to a cattleman, even at that time a good cow dog could bring well
over a hundred dollars, and they were good for hunting too. Needless to
say, Mama and the girls always had plenty of fresh game and fish we
all went fishing to cook for our meals. We almost grew tired of quail
and young wild turkey. Once Winnie shot a limpkin and cooked it, but we
refused to eat it so Mama told him to let the pond birds alone. Also we
had plenty of staples in the wagon and so every night we had fresh bread
and hushpuppies to go along with the swamp cabbage, fish and game.

Too, guavas, pawpaws, sour oranges and berries provided supplements to
our diet. We camped in the hammock, circumscribed high ground, where
we played on the swooping limbs of the big live oaks, and before supper
went swimming in the chain of lakes of the Kissimmee. We avoided
camping near the bay galls that were blooming at this time, beautiful
slender shining green trees growing close together covered with waxy
white blossoms that glistened in the sunlight, but these were the haven
of the black bears and the panthers. It was a wonderful five days! We
loved the hunting, fishing and camping; and sleeping under the stars at
night. There were 'the thousands of beautiful birds. We liked the roseate
spoonbills best of all in spite of their funny scooping bills. And the
flowers! Lupines covered the sandhills, red lilies on the prairies, the pur-
ple and white flags at the edges of the ponds and lagoons, spidery white
lilies and mallows of the marshes, orchids and air plants dangled from the
cypress trees. The girls would pick them and put them in a fruit jar for
our'table'. Mama always spread a cloth at night for our evening meal. Sit-
ting around our campfire at night Winnie liked to tease Mama and the
girls by slipping into a thicket and screaming like a panther or claiming
he had seen Indians approaching our camp. But Mama just laughed at
him and said his antics were enough to scare anything away from us. We
arrived at our new home near Lake Okeechobee not even tired, but Papa
had bad news for us. Our household goods had not yet arrived! He,
however, had been given a letter that morning by the mailman who rode
horseback once a week from Fort Drum to deliver mail to the Raulersons
and him. It was from Captain Hall who said if he would cut three cords of
wood for his wood burning steamboat, he would bring our things free of
charge. Papa lost no time handing Winnie and me an axe and putting us
to work cutting wood for Captain Hall. By return mail he told the Captain
that the wood would be waiting for him. Within two weeks the little
steamer made its way down the tortuous river and up Taylor Creek to our
place. One of the most exciting days of our lives was when we heard the
boat's whistle.
It did not take long for the Hancocks to settle in the log house while
they were making plans for the new one. The big white house was com-
pleted in 1906. It was built from hand cut virgin pine, hand-pegged, and
Henry remembered his rare visits back to Thomasville where he admired
the columned houses. So, he cut and rounded, smoothed and polished
columns for his own house here in a strange wilderness that had never
seen a house like it. Around it he built a picket fence to keep livestock
and other intruders from the yard filled with Jane's fruit trees, shrubs
and flowers, many of which she had brought Wvith her from Polk County
and others were given to her by Louisiana Raulerson, who had a green

thumb for anything she planted. There were citrus of various varieties;
guavas, the small cattlya and the large white ones (she had brought the
seeds with her), especially good for making guava jelly; surinam cherry
and alligator pears (avocados). Alamandas, flame vines and jasmine over-
ran the fence. There were rose cuttings, hibiscus and devil's backbone
from Louisiana plus the annuals from seeds (saved from year to year).
The one flower that was the thriftiest of all, the phlox, Jane weeded out.
She said they were 'cemetery flowers.'
At first, it was a somewhat savage existence and took fortitude to
make it more civilized. One of the first things they did was to build a foot
bridge across Taylor Creek which made it easy to neighbor with the
Raulersons. Their children played together and there was so much day to
day adventure for them, they did not mind their isolated existence.
Two more children were born to the Henry Hancocks, Martin and
Robert. Henry had been busy enough to provide shelter and necessities
for his family, and now in 1907 he had been appointed Justice of the
Peace for his end of the large county of Brevard. The county seat was
Titusville, which meant he had to be away from home for long periods to
attend court there. There was no way to go except by horseback and dur-
ing the rainy season crossing the Allapatty (Allapattah) Flats between
his place and Fort Pierce could be treacherous. Sometimes he was not
able to cross them for days, once he and his horse had become mired
there and he had feared for the safety of both. Too, his grove at the Opal
hammock, several miles to the northeast of his homestead, was demand-
ing his attention. There was no time for him to continue a makeshift
school for his and the Raulerson children. Also Louisiana Raulerson was
concerned. So he contacted his old friend, Willian N. Sheats, state school
superintendent, and told him their need for a regular teacher. A maiden
lady, evidently with missionary zeal in her soul, came to teach the little
school. Her name she said was Tantie Huckabee ('Tantie' was probably a
form of 'auntie', often Southern spinsters like to be called that by nieces
and nephews and children of their friends). Some have described her as
being a formidable red-headed old maid, but this is not true. There are
those still around who went to school to her, and they say she was a
beautiful woman with white hair, a trim figure, and an engaging smile
with a musical voice enhanced by her native South Carolina accent.
Now that they had a school, it was time Judge Hancock decided to
apply for a post office designation. It was granted. Miss Tantie was held in
such high esteem that he wrote 'Tantie' on the form for the new post of-
fice. It was called that until the new county was formed. The outside
world began to discover the lake country. Until the boom, the largest
group of invaders, even more so than the farmers, was the commercial

fishermen, largely men void of family ties who had come tu make great
catches of fish from the abundant waters of Lake Okeechobee for Boothe
Fisheries of Chicago (the largest in the world), Standard Fisheries and
others. The companies built fish houses along the banks of Taylor Creek
where they iced and packed fish for northern cities.
In many ways the fisheries brought prosperity to the region, in
others a great deal of troubles. For the most part the fishermen were a
bibulous bunch, especially on Saturday nights after they received their
pay. This payroll set moonshiners to work in the high palmetto thickets;
a gambling parlor behind the front of a'Trading Company' also built near
the fish houses and an establishment known as 'Miss Fanny's'. To cope
with Monday morning's docket, Judge Hancock set up his court in a
shack near the trading company and for a jail he found an abandoned
freight car; however, by this time the legislature had formed Saint Lucie
County from Brevard and Osceola counties which made the county seat
of Fort Pierce nearer than Titusville, but still forty miles away. The more
obstreperous ones were sent there to jail.
Separating it from Saint Lucie, the legislature created Okeechobee
County in 1915 and it had its own county seat. Judge Hancock was ap-
pointed its county judge, duties he had been performing all along. The
first building of any consequences in Okeechobee County was its two-
story brick jail. The county court took quarters over O.W. Davis's new
furniture store. Sanford farmers had discovered the magic black soil at
the north end of the lake (Pahokee, Belle Glade and Chosen had not
come into existence). Henry Flagler's spur to the region was to accom-
modate these farmers as well as the fisheries, and the railroad began the
development of the new town of Okeechobee (no longer Tantie). The
train came in three times a week, freight cars and one passenger coach
sandwiched in between them and the caboose. It turned around at
Okeechobee. Some of the early riders say that by the time one made the
journey from Orange City Junction to Okeechobee, a horse and wagon
would have been faster; however, that one uncomfortable day coach
connected the isolated region with the outside world where there were
no paved highways into it until the boom.
Flagler's Model Land Company laid out the new county seat of
Okeechobee on a grand scale. One of its outstanding features was a large
mall dedicated as a park named for Flagler. The north side of Park street
saw no development until the boom, but on South Park Peter Raulerson's
oldest son, Louis, built a modest brick structure to house his general
store and the post office. The Model Land Company had advised a young
man from Saint Augustine that the farmers needed a hardware business
in Okeechobee, and so Ellis Meserve rode the first train to Okeechobee

where he remained to go into business and built a wooden pioneer struc-
ture that housed his hardware goods and living quarters. Also he married
Peter Raulerson's youngest and prettiest daughter, Faith. Somehow a
Hungarian named Albert Berka found his way to the region and set up a
bakery. These and O.W. Davis's furniture also housed in a wooden two-
story structure with a corrugated tin roof along with two other buildings
that adhered to the same architecture. They with the Northern Hotel and
across the street The Southern Hotel (at least, the new town did not take
sides) comprised, in the main, the business district of Flagler's new town.
The anomaly was the installation of a great whiteway. Not only were its
gleaming white globes, that were lighted up all night, placed completely
around the mall, but reached out where there was nothing but raw land
and white stakes. These shone for miles mostly lost on the local scene but
when one came in on the train that usually arrived after dark, one might
be astonished to see deep in the Florida wilderness what might be another
Paris! By day the illusion was utterly dispelled.
In 1916 due to the great efforts of Judge Hancock and the support of
Louisiana Raulerson, a large red brick school house was completed in
time to have its first senior high school graduating class, four pupils, in its
spacious auditorium.
Judge Hancock served as county judge until 1922. Thereafter he was
mayor of the town several times, served as county school superintendent
more than once and occupied whatever office that called for his talents.
His mother had a penchant for naming her sons after men of achieve-
ment, and "Solon" would have been more suitable for her third son than
"Henry Hudson." Over the years he was issued nine different certificates
for public office from various governors.
1922 brought some respite in Henry's busy life, a man who was
careful of his civic duties. It gave him time to devote himself to cultural
matters such as his love for music; he played several wind instruments
and sang tenor. At his urging the town built a bandshell in Flagler's mall
and he organized a band. He ordered instruments and taught anybody
willing to learn free of charge. It turned out to be a rather respectable
band and for many years performed weekly concerts. His best trom-
bonist was a moonshiner but when it came to his band, it was not a day in
This also was the year he and his wife took a trip to New York City.
The Judge had visited the Florida's 'Gold Coast' enough to be impressed
by the white palm beach suits and panama hats. He purchased a white
suit and a snap wide-brimmed panama hat for the trip (fortunately his
wife wore her usual dark blue). They went by train to Jacksonville where
they boarded the Clyde Line's "Apache." Once aboard the ship, the

Judge donned his new clothes. By nature a sociable man and a good
storyteller, he was as his wife related on their return, "the most popular
passenger on the boat." On their arrival in New York, Judge Hancock
went ashore clad in his cherished white suit and panama hat. While
registering at the hotel, his wife noticed her husband seemed to be get-
ting everybody's curious attention, it was in the days when it mattered
what one wore in the city. Jane Hancock began to look around and
realized why everybody was looking at her husband. She moved closer to
him and whispered, "Henry, I think you are the only man in New York
in a white suit!" Unperturbed he completed the registration, but once in
their room he changed to his dark suit and left his new clothes hanging in
the closet until the return voyage.
By this time mission boards were active in the region, especially the
Southern Baptist and the Methodist. When she was twelve years old back
in Waldo, Jane Sturgis Hancock had joined the Missionary Baptist
Church (Southern Baptist). She was pleased when the mission board in
Jacksonville recommended a new church at Okeechobee. Her husband
became a member of her denomination and was made chairman of the
board of deacons. Also of the building committee, choirmaster and was
superintendent of the Sunday school for seventeen years. He, however,
made no effort to proselyte his son, Winnie, who became an active mem-
ber of the new Methodist church. He was too aware that culture of a com-
munity represented its environment and so he welcomed the influences
that would improve it. Also Judge Hancock dedicated much of his time
and himself to the formation of a new chapter of his lodge, the Free and
Accepted Masons. The new one at Okeechobee was number 237, of
course, he was worshipful master.
Aside from political and civic accomplishments, the Judge enjoyed
success in other enterprises such as cattle herding, his orange grove
which produced what is now the famous Indian River fruit, and boat
building. The latter was a good-sized craft he operated, in the main, to
haul his fruit across the lake to Fort Myers where the yankees were pro-
viding a good market for it. Those who remember the Serena, named for
his mother, praise its appearance and worthiness. Judge Henry Hudson
Hancock lived a good and worthwhile life. He made the move to the lake
country from his secure surroundings in Polk County with no regrets.
There he had lived on the same site while serving three Florida counties.
He had survived pioneer hardships, boom and bust, vicious hurricanes
which left his sturdy house standing without much damage while the
binder boys found theirs flattened and lost beyond redemption. Bank
failures were not his lot for he had his fortune in the land and things he
loved never thinking of their intrinsic values if it meant the greater good.

His sons and grandsons marcnea ont to war because they were called by
their country. The great depression affected him and his family little ex-
cept what he read in the papers and his heart went out to those who
suffered and so he made every effort to see that Franklin Delano
Roosevelt was elected the next president. He used his keen intelligence
for what he thought was best, right and just. A genial and compassionate
man. His relationships with his family, community and country were of
the highest order. After a brief illness, just short of his seventy-fourth
birthday, he died at his home January 7, 1951. Those attending his
funeral at the First Baptist Church of Okeechobee found it overflowing
with relatives and friends who had come to demonstrate their affection
and respect for a good man.

*Mrs, Hancock married James Thomas Hancock, a son of Robert Hancock, and lived until after his
death on a ranch at Okeechobee.

Ernest Graham and the Hialeah Charter
Fight of 1937


New Dealers in Florida during the 1930's were few and uneasily
identified. Most Florida politicians were reluctant to become associated
with President Roosevelt's big-government politics, with the notable ex-
ceptions of Florida Governor David Scholtz and United States Senator
Claude Pepper. Nonetheless, in the 1937 state legislature there were
Democrats committed to certain reforms. Their principal targets were the
abusive practices of racing and gambling interests in Florida and the
proliferation of political machines in local cities created to advance these
special groups. To counter these unwelcomed trends, the 1937 state legis-
lature passed several important reform measures, including the repeal of
the slot machine law passed in a previous session, municipal reform bills,
and the abolition of Florida's poll tax.
Much of this reform legislation resulted from the efforts of Ernest
Graham, Dade County state senator. Not only did Senator Graham play a
key role in abolishing the poll tax, a benefit to all depression-poor Flori-
dians, but he also challenged a political machine in his own district, a
fight that led to the Hialeah charter bill of 1937.
The poll tax controversy and Graham's participation in the
measure's repeal counters one of the more traditional notions in
southern political history. The poll tax was a failure as a measure to dis-
franchise Negroes; as a measure designed to re-enfranchise blacks, its
abolition had little effect. Graham's activity confirmed the conclusion of
V.O. Key in reference to the impact of the poll tax. Key had observed in
his landmark study of southern politics that the tax produced a greater
hardship for whites than for blacks, that more whites had been dis-
franchised as a result of the tax.i Nor was race a factor in the debate over
repeal of poll taxes in Florida; it was not even injected artificially.2
The poll tax concerned Florida machine politics. Graham had cam-
paigned for the state senate in 1936 in Dade County on a platform ad-
vocating repeal. As a dairy farmer in South Florida, he utilized his milk
salesmen as his campaign organization. While selling milk on their regu-
lar routes throughout Dade County, they drummed support for their can-
didate. Even Graham as a businessman was forced to note that it seemed
his salesmen "did more campaigning than selling."3

Graham and his organization of milk salesmen discovered thaf many
local white residents could not vote because of the poll tax. Among those
who were able to vote, moreover, a large number had their poll taxes paid
for them by others. Graham identified certain gamblers in Dade County
as his chief opposition: "They control between 4,000 and 5,000 votes.
Most of this vote I think opposed me as I openly panned some of the
leaders. It is possible for a block of this kind to control an election,
especially when there are three or more candidates running."4 Graham
won a close primary fight from Henry Filer, a Dade County businessman
whom he labeled a tool for gamblers, and he began his battle with
Hialeah's city government.
The "machine" Graham opposed was the city council of Hialeah,
which the senator felt to be in close alliance with two criminals, C.K.
"Red" Slayton and Frank Hyde. Slayton and Hyde ran gambling casinos,
bookmaking, and prostitution operations from Hialeah, and in 1931 they
had been convicted of kidnapping and murder. The body of a man,
Joseph Durrance, had been found in the Miami Canal to the west of
Hialeah, and Slayton and Hyde were convicted of his murder. Durrance
had been employed by them and his death was in retaliation for his
"skimming" bookmaking receipts. Slayton and Hyde were sentenced to
twenty years in the state penitentiary at Raiford: however, on appeal to
the state supreme court, their convictions were overturned. The highest
court in Florida ruled that the Dade County jury impaneled to hear the
murder case had been improperly drawn. Thereafter, Slayton and Hyde
continued illegal but highly profitable operations in South Florida. By the
end of prohibition in 1933, Slayton and Hyde were bringing in an esti-
mated $30,000,000 annually from gambling, bookmaking, and prosti-
Slayton and Hyde appeared in court again late in 1936, in connection
with the theft of slot machines. The Florida legislature the year before
had made the use of slot machines legal. On October 12, 1936 the two
gangsters were arrested for the assault of two Negro men whom Slayton
claimed had stolen two slot machines from one of his nightclubs. The in-
cident took place two blocks from the Hialeah police station. Slayton was
freed in a mistrial while Hyde pled guilty and paid a fine of $50.00 and
court costs on November 13. In a second trial, Slayton was also found
guilty, and his fine was $200.6 Graham, however, had developed a per-
sonal as well as a civic opposition to Hyde and Slayton. During his primary
campaign, they had beaten up a crippled boy, Les Lewis, a friend and a
campaign worker for Graham. As the senator noted: "That kind of raised
my ire, and I began to dig into their activities."7
Graham found a nexus between Hyde and Slayton and the Hialeah

city council, especially the mayor, L. O'Quinn, the council president, J.K.
Stripling, and two council members, Charles Barr and Carl Ault. His
efforts to repeal the poll tax and the Hialeah charter bill reflected his in-
tent to defeat them. With Senator John Beacham of West Palm Beach
and Representative Robert Hodges from Orange County, Graham as a
freshman senator became a principal architect of the anti-poll tax bill
which was passed in the 1937 legislative sessions
There had been previous attempts to achieve poll tax repeal before
1937 and although there was widespread support for it, the bulk of the
legislators would have preferred to ignore the issue. When debate and
persuasion failed to stir agreement for repeal of the tax, Graham and
Beacham were forced into parliamentary maneuverings. It was custom-
ary in every session of the state legislature for each member to present
one "pet bill" for immediate consideration. The intent of the practice was
to enable non-controversial measures to reach the floor by side-stepping
committee deliberation. Graham and Beacham used their pet bill pri-
vileges to force a vote on the poll tax. Fearing public disapprobation if it
were defeated, first the senate and then the house, under Hodges' direc-
tion, voted overwhelmingly for repeal.9
The poll tax was the opening skirmish. On May 25, 1937,Graham in-
troduced a bill to reform Hialeah's city charter. His bill would have
turned the city council out of office and appointed in its place a five-man
commission to serve uninterruptedly until 1940. In introducing the bill,
the senator pointed out that under the city council's administration,
Hialeah's financial resources had been ruined. He complained that the
city's bonded debt had grown irresponsibly large and that there was "too
much politics and undue influence" in the police department. As a
result, there was not only a "breakdown of law enforcement," but also
"much dissatisfaction and unsatisfactory results from the present form of
government in Hialeah."io
The charter reform measure Graham sent to the senate was the
result of intricate political dealing. Although any connection with the bill
later was repudiated, Graham contended that the origin of the charter act
came from Hialeah's major development company, Curtiss Properties.
One of the bill's earliest supporters was W.J. McLeod, vice-president of
the First State Bank of Miami Springs and also an official with Curtiss.
According to Graham, it was McLeod's promise that the city council
would resign if a new reform charter was enacted that led the senator to
draw up the bill. McLeod partly shared in the naming of the new com-
missioners, along with Graham and a citizens' group from Hialeah op-
posed to the council.ii The new commissioners named in the proposed
act were: B.L. Smith, a former marine officer: W.S. Berling, Pan-Ameri-

can Airways chief mechanic; Floyd Edleman, local grocer; Paul Simpson,
contractor; and Rufus Nutting, a Hialeah carpenter.12
The charter bill contained two controversial measures, each of
special concern to Hialeah residents. Because of the city council's wide
support among registered voters, Graham needed to maintain as much
influence as possible among other interests. One of the most obvious
local pressure groups was the Hialeah racing interest. There had been
since 1931, when Florida legalized saddle racing, a conflict between the
city council and the race track. Prior to the 1931 act, the track had paid to
the city a ten-cent head tax; when Florida legalized racing at large, the
track refused further payment. The city council charged that the track still
had an obligation to pay the head tax, and that the total amounted to
$300,000 in back taxes by 1937. Graham's original bill would have
allowed the track to be relieved of any head tax, but he was forced reluc-
tantly to accept a proviso in his charter that would have enabled the city to
collect an occupational license tax from the Hialeah track. 13
Because his bill would have reduced the back taxes considerably, the
old city council found it a convenient issue on which to attack both
Graham and the charter itself. The same evening that Graham in-
troduced the bill, May 25, 1937, the Hialeah city council met in special
session. The council charged that the Dade senator was only a front-man
for the racing group. His charter bill, the council claimed, had no connec-
tion with municipal reform in Hialeah. Instead it was designed by
Graham and Dan Mahoney, general manager of the MiamiDaily News, to
prevent the city from collecting tax monies from the track.14
The other politically explosive section of the charter act prohibited
city elections, recall of officials, and referendum voting until 1940.
Graham claimed he wanted only to isolate the new commissioners from
politics until they had time to straighten out the city government. Here
Graham faced opposition not only from the old council but also from his
fellow Dade County legislators who were reluctant to deny such basic
rights to Hialeah's citizens. To preserve unity among the Dade legislative
delegation, Graham conceded the right of recall of officials in the bill, but
he managed to prohibit elections and referendums for the trial period.is
Even before the measure reached the senate floor, Graham and the
city council clashed. In April the council and the chief of police in
Hialeah, John Porth, met in Tallahassee with the Dade delegation to dis-
cuss the proposed bill. The meeting degenerated into a shouting match.
Carl Ault declared that Graham was not only representing the special in-
terests of the track in the issue of the head tax, but its future profits as
well. The racing group was expected to expand into the new Jai Alai fron-
ton in the county.i6The senator countered by charging that Charles Barr

was racketeering the plumbing trade in the city and was a front-man for
Slayton and Hyde. Graham also charged Barr with assaulting another of
the senator's friends. To these statements, Barr publicly labeled Graham
as "a liar," "a punk," and "an egotistical ass."i7
One June 1 the state legislature approved the Hialeah charter bill as
Graham presented it. The most controversial portion was intact; there
would be no referendum votes, not even on the charter itself, for a three
year period. The entire Dade County delegation issued a joint statement
in praise of the charter reform. The message noted that conditions in
Hialeah's city government had reached a point requiring "firm, if not
drastic action" by the state. The city was analogized to an insolvent cor-
poration headed by a board of directors quarreling over policy and unwill-
ing to take action.is
The old city council elected to fight against the bill. They chose to at-
tack the charter's weakest section, the lack of a referendum provision.
Barr warned that "civil war" would be the result of no such right in the
charter. Graham, on the other hand, considered it the most critical sec-
tion and had compromised to keep it out. He had accepted a recall provi-
sion and had also replaced Nutting with H.A. Vivian, Hialeah's tax
assessor, to satisfy Curtiss Properties.i9 When the bill passed, McLeod
stated his opinion that the lack of a referendum would give the city "a
three year breathing space."zo
The council continued to hold meetings against the bill. Charles Barr
maintained that Senator Graham had "misled" the people as to the true
intent of the charter act. To offset Barr's claims, the senator was advised
to sponsor a bill in the next session requiring the Hialeah track to pay the
back tax; in that manner Graham's ties to the track interests could rise
above suspicion.2 A group in Hialeah friendly to the old city council
formed a citizens protective league to lobby against the bill and for its
repeal. Its major targets in a letter-writing effort were the non-Dade
County legislators who had supported the charter bill.22 The potential in-
justices of the no-referendum provision was not lost on the old council.
Even J.R. Stripling, council president, noted: "We may have dirty politics
in Hialeah,...but it's not fair and it's not honest to change our form of
government without a referendum."23
The bill became a serious issue among Hialeah residents. During the
weeks prior to its final passage, Graham was kept informed as to the
measure of opposition it aroused. Supporters sent word that fights bet-
ween Graham and anti-Graham people were common and that things
might grow worse: "There are several there who are dirty enough to
resort to anything, including a burn-out."24
The city council filed suit against Graham's bill as soon as it passed

the legislature. However, the state supreme court ruled tentatively in
favor of the bill's constitutionality on July 25, positing only the statement
that nothing in the Florida constitution prohibited such bills from being
passed: "Under the plenary power given the legislature by the Constitu-
tion to deal with municipalities in the state, we find no invalidity of the
act complained of."2s
The ruling did not touch upon the proposed charter's content, and
the court agreed that further study, if requested by the council, would be
undertaken by the court. The city attorney, Mitchell Price, was granted
an additional fifteen days in which to file a motion for further analysis.
Vernon Hawthorne, attorney for the proposed new commission, on the
other hand, objected strenuously to further delay, arguing that such time
was injurious to the rights of Hialeah's citizens to have a municipal
government. While court action proceed, Hawthorne argued, the people
"are practically without govern ment."26
The old city council continued to function, however, while the
charter case was in court. Their activities were severely hampered by the
fact that the city's finances were impounded until the case was decided
and, as a result, they were unavailable for use. On July 28, 1937, the
council met and passed a new budget for the next fiscal year. They also
heard the city's employees policemen, firemen, and other officials -
complain about their lack of pay since June 1.27
While the court case was pending, the old city council continued to
function under the rules of the old charter. They opened the registration
lists for September city elections in July and closed them again in August.
The results of the election showed Hialeah's growing impatience with
the court delay; the old council was returned, except for Mayor O'Quinn
who had not run for re-election.28 It appeared that the city council had
used the delay to good advantage. George Holt, a member of the legis-
lative delegation from Dade County, warned the court that not only could
Hialeah not function without funds, but there were political implications
resulting from the absence of a clear decision in the matter. In a letter to
the clerk of the supreme court, Holt noted: "a certain element in the City
are arousing the people and are using the delay in the decision of the case
as an excuse and basis for advancing their own political future....Public
meetings continue to be the rule with the people becoming more and
more excited."29
On October 27, 1937 the court reached a verdict in the case. By a
vote of five to one, it reversed its earlier ruling and declared Graham's
bill unconstitutional. Judge Roy Chapman, Governor Fred Cone's ap-
pointee, was the lone dissenter. The majority opinion was written by
Judge Rivers Buford. His review pointed out that while the title of the

charter act promised to "amend" the existing city charter, in fact it had
proposed to establish a whole new municipal government in Hialeah: "It
abolishes the form of government enjoyed and sets up a new and
different form of government. It strikes down local self-government and
sets up a government to be administered for a period of three years by
five persons named in the act. There was nothing in the title which indi-
cated that was the purpose of the act."3o The court's ruling thus validated
the September election results in Hialeah, and the charter fight was over.
Ernest Graham challenged Buford's role and motivation in rejecting
the charter bill. During the latter's re-election campaign against former
state senator D. Stuart Gillis, Graham accused Buford of having accepted
bribes and of becoming improperly influenced.30 Graham supported
Gillis in 1938 on a platform which called for judicial reform in Florida,
but Buford won a convincing victory. While the charter defeat did not
end Graham's political career (he ran for governor in 1944), it did reveal
the parameters to even legitimate reform in Florida during Roosevelt's
era. As local consolidation debates indicate, Conservative Floridians
around the state today resist outside tampering with local government in-
stitutions. The Hialeah charter dispute in 1937 illustrates that such at-
titudes are of long duration.

*Dr. Klingman is an instructor in social science at Daytona Beach Community College,
I V.O0 Key, Southern Politics in State andNation( New York, 1949), p. 579,605,618.
2 Frederic Ogden, The Poll Tax in the South (University, Ala., 1958), pp. 182-185; Charles D. Farris,
"The Re-Enfranchisement of Negroes in Florida," Journal of Negro History, XXXIX (October 1954),
pp. 259-283.
3 Ernest R, Graham to Robert W. Bentley, December 18, 1936, Ernest Graham Papers, Miscellaneous
Correspondence, 1936-1938. P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, University of Florida,
Gainesville, Florida.
4 Ibid.
5 Graham to J.V.N. Dorr: November 10, 1937, Graham Papers, Misc. Corres.; Graham to Katherine
Lewis, November 5, 1937, ibid. Miami Herald, April 22, 1937.
6 Miami Herald, April 22, 1937.
7 Graham to Dorr, November 10, 1937,Graham Papers, Misc. Corres.
8 According to Spessard L. Holland, author of the national amendment to abolish poll taxes, Graham
"was the real leader, "although Holland was in that session. See Charles Stafford, "Sen. Spessard L
Holland: Statesman and Southerner," The Floridian, October 11, 1970, pp. 15-20; Ogden, The Poll Tax
in the South, pp. 182-185.
9 Journal of the House of Representatives (1937), pp. 35, 398, 1409. Actually, the legislature did not
abolish the poll tax perse, but only the schedule of payments for it. Some controversy resulted from
this distinction. See Tallahassee Daily Democrat, May 26, 1937; also James B. Hodges to L.A. Grayson,
February 10, 1938, James B. Hodges Papers, mss. box 138, PK. Yonge Library of Florida History.
10 Miami Herald, May 26, 1937.
11 Miami Daily News, May 25, 1937, "Just to keep the record straight," Ernest Graham Papers, Hialeah
12 MiamiDailyNews, May 25, 1937; Miami Herald, May 26, 1937.
13Graham to H. Sayre Wheeler, May 16, 1937, Graham Papers, Hialeah File.
14 Miami Herald, May 26, 1937.
15 Graham to John T. Christiansen, May 21,1937; also memo undated and unaddressed, Graham Papers,
Hialeah File.

16 Miami Herald, April 22, 1937.
17 Ibid.
18Miami Tribune, June 2,1937
19 "Just to keep the record straight:" also, Graham to Christiansen, June 1, 1937, Graham Papers,
Hialeah, File.
20 Miami Tribune, June 2, 1937
21 G.C. Sparks to Graham, May 27, 1937, Graham Papers, Hialeah File.
22 Letter from the citizens protective league, Graham Papers, Misc. File.
23 Miami Herald, May 26,1937.
24 Thomas L. Arthur to Graham, May 23, 1937, Graham Papers, Misc. Corres., 1936-1938.
25 Miami Herald, July 27, 1937.
26 Ibid.
27Ibid., July 29,1937.
28 Ibid., October 28,1937.
29 George Holt to G.T. Whitfield, July 20, 1937, Graham Papers, Misc. Corres., 1936-1938.
30 Miami Herald, October 28, 1937.
31 Graham to D. Stuart Gillis, March 2, 1938; Graham to Dorr,.November 10, 1937; Rivers Buford to
Graham, Graham Papers, Misc. Corres., 1936-1938.

Foreign Colonies in South Florida, 1865-1910


In that unsettled period following the Civil War, Floridians anx-
iously sought ways of inducing capital and business talent to Florida so
that the state could recover its economic vitality and grow to its fullest
potential. Land promotion, railroad expansion, and intensive farming all
received consideration as being the key to developing the virtually un-
tapped peninsula. At the base of all proposals, however, lay the convic-
tion that what Florida needed most was people settlers to populate
countless acres of unused lands and to provide a reliable labor force for
the state's anticipated industrial development. Francis Irsch, a prominent
real estate agent and immigration booster, voiced the concerns of many
residents in this troubled time when he argued, "It would take centuries
to populate the thinly settled State of Florida through the natural in-
crease of the native population, and if her vast resources are to be
developed with reasonable expedition a desirable immigration into the
State is the most important factor to accomplish this end."i In response to
these considerations, various agencies within the state, both private and
public, produced an impressive volume of promotional literature
designed to attract immigrants to Florida.
At first those involved in the immigration campaign directed their
inducements primarily to individual foreigners or to families. In general,
there was little effort to attract newcomers in large groups. The state
Bureau of Immigration, for example, published several guide books
stressing the ease with which immigrant farmers might obtain home-
steads and become independent land owners. Similarly, land companies
often emphasized that their large holdings had been broken into smaller
tracts and were now available for individual settlement. By the early
1880's, however, when the expected flood of immigrant farmers and
laborers failed to materialize, a re-evaluation of the promotional pitch
took place. Hereafter, although appeals to individual settlers did not dis-
appear, the emphasis of the promotional literature shifted toward the
procurement of foreign colonies that is, settlement in mass.
Immigrant colonies appealed to promoters on several grounds. First,
this mode of selling disposed of large tracts of land in one transaction and
thereby reduced paperwork and sales effort on the part of real estate
agents Also fmm the developer's point of view, it brought significant

numbers of newcomers into an area immediately and served to enhance
the value of adjacent property. Even more importantly, however, land
agents sincerely felt that the colony settlement plan would insure the
permanence of immigrant communities. By settling people from the
same nation or province together, colonists could more easily perpetuate
familiar customs and practices and ease the difficult transition to a new
home. Moreover, such laborious tasks as clearing virgin land and digging
drainage ditches could be accomplished cheaper and quicker with a group
effort. Lastly, salesmen hoped that by supplying foreigners with "instant
communities" they could more readily by supplied with at least some of
the amenities of life (schools, churches, medical services, etc.) that they
had been accustomed to in their homeland. In short, Floridians believed
that the colony plan would provide maximum advantages to all parties in-
Though promoters attempted colonization projects in all parts of the
state, south Florida was the scene of the most intensive settlement ac-
tivity. It is not difficult to understand why this was so. Vast acreages of
excellent farm land lay unexploited in the southern part of the peninsula,
awaiting only the development of an adequate transportation system and
the arrival of enterprising farmers. Even more land lay under water, to be
rescued by proper drainage procedures. Here, then, was an area in which
land-hungry settlers could find ample opportunity for investment. This
section of the state was also the site of significant railroad expansion dur-
ing the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Practically all
railroad companies owned extensive lands bordering their lines and were
vitally interested in populating these tracts. The logic of events,
therefore, focused colonization enterprises on south Florida.
Perhaps the most serious handicap besetting respectable promoters
in their attempts to induce foreign colonies southward was the uncompli-
mentary image of Florida land deals that circulated both in Europe and
the United States. In truth the activities of many real estate agents did
deserve censure. Since the business dealings of these individuals went
virtually unregulated by state and local governments, they were charac-
terized by an unusual degree of fraud and deception. Abuses ranged from
simple overglorification of Florida's benefits, a practice which most peo-
ple probably recognized and made amends for, to gross and wilful distor-
tion of conditions that awaited trusting settlers. Far too many investors
found themselves owners of worthless swamp land or uneconomical
farm acreage. These deceptions generated a widespread distrust of
Florida land sales, and, in the case of those who paid their money and
failed to find the anticipated Garden of Eden, considerable disillusion-
ment. The experience of an 1885 effort to settle a Scottish colony at

Sarasota was typical of many abortive settlement efforts.
Depressed economic conditions in Scotland during the early 1880's
and the widespread availability of information about Florida induced
some fifty settlers to immigrate to the sunshine state. These adventurers
were influenced primarily by the writings of one J. Selven Tait (Tate), a
former English land developer and colonizer reputed to be a nephew of
the archbishop of Canterbury. On the basis of assurances given by Tait's
company, the colonists purchased six thousand acres of allegedly choice
land near the "thriving" community of Sarasota. Once settled the group
was to utilize their forty acre plots for citrus and truck farming. Tait kept
interest high by announcing that a further increment of one hundred
and fifty families would arrive as soon as the colony was well established.
Several Florida publications noted with obvious pleasure that "each of
the settlers is expected to spend $1,250.00 during the first year and
$500.00 per annum thereafter."2
The colonists left Glasgow aboard the Furnessia late in 1885, and like
immigrants everywhere and at every time, they undoubtedly looked to
the future with a large measure of hope and good faith. Such feelings
were not to be rewarded. Their mid-winter landing revealed that they
had been completely deceived. Instead of the promised acreage, they
found, "a flat and sandy stretch of soil, where no proper provisions had
been made for receiving a large group of people...no communications
with other parts of the state...desolate." No bustling town with wide
thoroughfares existed, only a few scattered buildings. Faced with this
situation, most of the Scotsmen abandoned hopes for their colony and
dispersed as best they could. Some months later a Scottish newspaper in
New York City noted that a small party of these adventurers arrived "in a
destitute state from Sarasota, Florida." The paper discussed the "swampy
wilderness" that had greeted their countrymen and concluded with the
rhetorical question, "How many such lessons are needed to put
emigrants on their guard against land speculators? "3
Florida developers attempted to minimize the effect of this failure
by claiming that only a few settlers had actually left the state; the ma-
jority had supposedly scattered themselves among several middle Florida
towns and were now contented residents of the state. For the most part
these claims fooled no one. The Florida Agriculturist, perhaps the state's
most consistent and articulate booster of immigration, correctly per-
ceived the impact of this incident. After condemning those "who delude
strangers by false assurances" the journal concluded that the Sarasota
affair and all similar practices would "do us a great deal of harm."4 In this
assessment the paper was assuredly correct.
The Danish colony of White City in St. Lucie County experienced

somewhat similar difficulties in its dealings with land agents. During the
early 1890's news of Florida's advantages reached many Danes, both in
their homeland and in the northern states of America. The Danish
Pioneer, a promotional magazine published in Omaha, Nebraska, was just
one of many Danish language sources disseminating information about
the sunshine state. Consequently, when a Danish land agency ran adver-
tisements offering Florida land for sale in 1893, the proposal found a
receptive audience. Approximately five hundred Danes, primarily from
the Chicago area, under the guidance of promoter Louis Pio, responded
to this particular inducement and made ready to move. A special excur-
sion train financed jointly by the land company and the state Bureau of
Immigration brought the colonists to their new homes
Two disasters struck the community before a week had passed. The
indefatigable Mr. Pio died shortly after arriving in White City and his ex-
perienced leadership was sorely missed. Hard on the heels of this disap-
pointment, the colonists learned that their financial manager, a man
named Myers, had sold them land that he did not own and had abs-
conded with their money before his chicanery was discovered. Those set-
tlers possessing some monetary resources left the area immediately. The
majority, however, were absolutely destitute and had to remain.6
Local residents provided some relief to the abandoned Danes, but it
was millionaire oil and railroad magnate, Henry M. Flagler, who proved
to be their rescuer. Flagler was undoubtedly moved by the plight of these
people and the help he offered came at least in part from humanitarian
motives. He also surely recognized that the present situation afforded
him an excellent opportunity to establish a productive settlement along
his railroad line. Combining altruism and self-interest, he undertook to
save the White City colony.
Flagler's Florida East Coast Railway (FECR) erected a large "Im-
migrant House" near the settlement which provided lodging for any man
and his family until crops were harvested and sold. Additionally, the
railroad provided seed, fertilizer, and a small weekly stipend to any settler
willing to stay in Florida. The experiment proved successful. By 1897
there were seventy families living at the colony; mere survival was no
longer an issue. James E. Ingraham, General Agent and Land Commis-
sioner of the FECR, reported in that year that White City was now com-
pletely self supporting and that after next year's crops, the colonists
would "begin to make payments on their indebtedness." Newcomers
were trickling in, Ingraham further indicated, and "the prospects for the
colony are encouraging."7
Railroad aid did not cease with these emergency measures. In-
graham made consistent efforts to provide for the agricultural diversity of

the colony. In 1895 a planting of citrus trees arrived in White City, a gift
of the railroad. Early in 1899 Ingraham sent a boxcar of seed for Kaffir
corn to be used as livestock forage and two carloads of seed cane from
Hastings so that colonists might attempt to grow sugar cane. Of equal im-
portance, the railroad appointed as White City agent, Mr. C.H. Rooks, a
careful and judicious manager who guided the settlement to permanent
stability. By 1900 the community was sufficiently affluent that it could
advertise a surplus of males and claim that "the first young marriageable
ladies that come in can have their pick and choice..."a
It was no accident that the Florida East Coast Railway was on hand
to assist in saving the White City venture. Flagler's system was the single
most aggressive and energetic promoter of foreign colonization within
the state. Unlike independent real estate agents, the railroad was able to
offer a comprehensive range of services and business arrangements to
prospective settlers. Ingraham's land department, for example, was em-
powered to offer special purchase transactions which often reduced the
cost per acre of colony land by fifty percent. Additionally, the railroad
regularly featured special transportation rates for homeseekers, rebates
on shipping for the initial years of a colony's settlement, and periodic
help in the procurement of farm supplies. For a time the FECR rented
tractors and other motorized farm equipment to settlers at daily rates
ranging from three to five dollars. It should also be mentioned that Mr.
Flagler himself manifested a decided sense of integrity, fair play and
liberality in all his colonization enterprises. During an 1899 citrus freeze,
it was entirely characteristic of him to direct that officials "err on the side
of generosity" in dispensing a $100,000 emergency loan fund for set-
tlers.9 These factors combined to produce a remarkably successful settle-
ment record.
The establishment of Dania, Florida, grew out of land arrangements
coordinated by the FECR. In 1896 Ingraham was approached by James
Paulson, a Chicago land agent, with a proposal to settle a section of south
Florida with Danes. The FECR was to act as a middle man between
Paulson's firm, the Linton Land Company, and the other major land
holders in the area (principally the FECR and the Boston and Florida
Atlantic Coast Land Company). As its part of the proposed agreement,
the railroad pledged to supply a subsidy of 10,000 acres of land as well as
an arrangement giving Paulson the sole authority to sell land directly to
the Danish colonists. Land was to be sold at the rate of $100 per acre of
muck land and $17 per acre for pine and spruce land. Moreover, the
FECR agreed to give any settlers coming to the colony the same pri-
vileges offered to purchasers of railroad land. At this particular time these
inducements included a fifty percent rebate on freight charges for house-

hold goods, free transportation for heads of families, and the grant of a
free lot in town if any purchaser agreed to build in town. The Linton
Land Company was to receive a 25% commission from gross sales as pay-
ments were made by Danish buyers, the remaining profits were to be
split equally between the FECR and the Boston and Florida Atlantic
Coast Land Company. Ingraham committed the railroad to these agree-
ments and enthusiastically predicted to his superiors that four hundred
families would soon move to the new colony called Modelo.io
Such optimism proved to be unfounded. Despite much promotional
effort, only a small stream of settlers made the trek to south Florida. In
1898 Paulson personally brought a dozen Danish families from Wiscon-
sin. It was largely this group that changed the name of the community to
Dania, ostensibly because the name of Modelo had already been used by
an earlier settlement elsewhere. Few of these newcomers remained. Un-
familiar crops and farming conditions, recurrent freezes, and the theft of
$1,100 in community funds by Paulson served to discourage the majority
of Dania's residents.ii By the turn of the century the experiment was
judged by nearly everyone to have been a dismal failure. Had it not been
for the ability and drive of Mr. A.C. Frost, a newly appointed land agent
for the FECR, Dania may well have collapsed at this point.
Frost was an experienced colonizer, having successfully established
two new towns in his home state of Wisconsin. He arrived in Dania in
1901 determined to reverse the sagging fortunes of the community.
Upon arrival he was greeted with a scene that would have discouraged a
lesser man. Only one white woman and two unmarried white males re-
mained; the rest of the settlement was composed of scattered negro far-
mers and laborers. With the aid of his contacts in the Northwest and
overseas, Frost energetically recruited settlers and, after several initial
setbacks, he proved to be the stabilizing element that the community
needed. By 1908 Dania's population reached nearly a thousand residents
and the community produced an impressive three hundred and sixty-
five train car loads of tomatoes and fifty car loads of pineapples.12
In the same year that the Florida East Coast Railway began to colon-
ize Dania, the company laid plans for a settlement of Swedes in their
lands just north of Miami. Ingraham created the Halland Land Company
to administer these tracts and opened an agency in New York City under
the control of Mr. Olof Zetterlund, general manager. Zetterlund
organized a promotional campaign which circulated Swedish language re-
ports of the lands throughout the Northwest and Sweden. His efforts
bore fruit in 1897 when the Swedish Evangelical Lutheran Bethlehem
Church of Brooklyn purchased some small tracts from the Halland Com-
pany with the intention of creating a community of Swedes in Florida.

The railroad donated additional acreage to the church's pastor, Rev. F.
Jacobson, in the hopes that this inducement would encourage further
settlement. In the space of the next year the community, named Hallan-
dale by its founders, became a reality. The railroad supplied the usual
drainage and surveying services while the settlers engaged primarily in
truck farming.13 Although no major catastrophy befell Hallandale during
its formative stages, throughout its first three years of existence many
colonists became dissatisfied with the remoteness and isolation of the
area and left. These disillusioned travellers attempted to obtain refunds
from Zetterlund, without success, and when rebuffed, circulated tales of
duplicity and fraud about their settlement effort in Florida.I4
Perhaps the most ambitious colonization undertaking in south
Florida involved the establishment of a Japanese settlement near the
present day site of Boca Raton. This community was the creation of a
Japanese land promoter, Mr, J. Sakai, who came to Florida in 1903 to
select lands for purchase. He approached officials of the FECR with his
plans for an agricultural colony and received pledges of support. After
careful investigation, he bought one thousand acres of land and, as was
normally the case, received free grants covering more territory from the
railroad and other land holders.15
The Russo-Japanese war briefly delayed the movement of settlers to
America, but by 1905 nearly thirty hard-working Japanese comprised the
new colony of Yamato. Sakai and his countrymen gave over their lands
entirely to the production of pineapples. Such was their success with this
thorny fruit that the FECR established a station at Yamato in 1907 in
order to expedite shipment of their bumper crops. During that same year
Sakai received permission to open a branch of the U.S. Post office in the
community, a further indication of economic and social stability.16
The colony's economic affairs were controlled by an incorporated
entity called the Yamato Colony Association. Under the terms of incor-
poration, all members were required to be Japanese and to bind them-
selves strictly to the rules of the Association. The membership elected
officers at an annual meeting in October and funds for operation were
provided by a percentage of profits from pineapple sales. Prospective set-
tlers in Japan who did not have the required passage money (about
$150.00 in this pre-Panama Canal era) could receive assistance from the
Association in return for an indenture of three years. At the end of this
work period, settlers were to receive a small grant of land and five
hundred dollars in cash.17 The disruptive effects of the Russian war upon
Japan's fragile economy provided a steady flow of newcomers willing to
accept these terms in return for the opportunity to settle in America.
As so often happened in Florida of that day, nature intervened to

alter the plans of these settlers. A virulent pineapple blight struck in late
1908 and destroyed that year's crop. Before the community could re-es-
tablish itself, competition from Cuban pineapple fields, which were just
now reaching full production, served to depress further the Florida
markets. Many colonists grew discouraged with the uncertainties of
farming in Florida and returned to their homeland. Those that remained
were forced to seek employment elsewhere. Some emigrated to corf-
munities along the coast and worked at odd jobs; others took to
sharecropping for American farmers.i8 Though many of those that stayed
became successful, the dream of a permanent settlement of Japanese,
governing their own affairs and providing a field of opportunity for ad-
venturesome countrymen, was dead.
Meeting a similar fate at the hands of Florida's fickle agricultural
conditions was the English colony at Narcoosee. This settlement had its
roots in the activities of the Florida Agricultural Company, a land promo-
tion concern that speculated in lands bordering Lake Tohopekaliga dur-
ing the early 1880's. The company purchased a twelve mile square tract
of land approximately sixteen miles from Kissimmee and announced
plans to induce English settlers to Florida. The original concept of the
company was to furnish English people of some means with an oppor-
tunity to make homes for themselves and speculate in real estate. Only a
few investors were attracted to the plan during its first years of operation;
as of 1884 only scattered homes, one saw mill, and a few young orange
groves gave evidence of the company's efforts. One energetic speculator,
J.B. Watson of Gilthall, England, dramatically altered the course of
events. He bought five hundred acres of virgin land and wrote an
enthusiastic pamphlet describing the wonders of Florida for foreign con-
sumption.19 His labors may well have sparked the larger movement into
By 1885 other investors had become intrigued with the English set-
tlement venture and several promotional pamphlets circulated
throughout England. Within a year, these efforts generated significant
new movement to Florida, centered in the new town of Narcoosee. The
majority of these emigrees were from wealthy families and the develop-
ment of the colony clearly revealed their financial position. Residents
built tennis courts, polo fields, cricket fields, and golf courses hardly
the usual activities of Florida's immigrant settlers. A large frame hotel
served visitors in a style that was more typical of London than south
Florida of the 1880's.20
The disastrous freeze of 1894-95 utterly destroyed the colony's
citrus groves, and seemingly its will to survive. Unlike most other settle-
ment ventures which met with adversity, the English colonists aban-

doned their creation with a haste that shocked the local citizenry. As one
commentator remarked, they departed for England "abandoning groves,
homes, furniture, with tables set and dishes unwashed..."21 Those few
that remained after the freeze gradually drifted away, and dreams of an
affluent English town in south Florida vanished.
The record of colonization efforts in south Florida points out several
unmistakable lessons. It is immediately clear that colonization proved to
be a risky business for promoter and settler alike. Real estate agents often
saw their expensive projects fall victim to the quirks of nature and end as
failures. On the other hand immigrants were frequently bilked by dis-
honest agents and lost all they possessed. Additionally, experience
showed that most private land companies possessed neither the
resources nor the administrative talent necessary to fund and carry
through group colonization projects. Such undertakings were far more
difficult than most contemporaries imagine. We will never know exactly
how many attempts failed undoubtedly the records of many no longer
exist and are lost to history but even those we know about are con-
siderable in number. In most instances those colonies which succeeded
required the intervention of a large railroad or land company with ample
capital reserves to meet unexpected contingencies. These companies not
only supplied the financial stability necessary for the frontier-like condi-
tions then existing in Florida, but they also frequently were able to pro-
vide the effective, on-site leadership in colonies that proved to be in-
dispensable for success.
In spite of the fact that many of these ventures failed to live up the
fullest expectations of their creators, they were nonetheless important in
the development of south Florida. In a time period when population in-
creases were crucial to this section of the state, they supplied badly
needed manpower and productive capability. Colonists performed much
of the basic clearing of the land and laying out of drainage systems if
not directly by the labor of their own hands, then at least indirectly by
stimulating companies and governmental agencies to carry out these im-
provements in order to secure a continued flow of settlers. They were
notable also for the impact they had on businesses. Colonists bought
household goods, lumber, fertilizer, and an endless variety of other pro-
ducts this purchasing power provided a base of support for many nas-
cent Florida businesses and trades and undoubtedly aided in the eco-
nomic development of the entire state. The last contribution made by
foreign colonization is perhaps impossible to measure with any exac-
titude, but it is no less important than those already mentioned. The
courage and fortitude many of these colonists manifested in their strug-
gles against the perversities of man and nature assuredly energized

others to emulate them. Such qualities are significant in the development
of any frontier region and [this] was certainly the case in Florida.


*Dr Pozzetta is an Assistant Professor of Social Science and History, University College. University of
I Francis Irsch, Florida lmmigraiion( Jackson ville, 1891), p 4
2 "The Latest Method of Populating Florida," The Florida Agiculturtisi, VIII (December 16, 1885), 260.
Journal hereafter referred to as TFA. Consult also, "The Scotch Colonists to Sarasota," Fornda Dis-
patch, IV (December 21, 1885), 906: "The Florida Scotch Colony," TFA, VIII (December 21, 1885),
901: Karl H. Grismer, The Story of Sarasota (Sarasota, 1946), pp. 92-100.
3 "The Scotch Colony," TFA, VIll (March 3, 1886), 369; "The Scotch Colony," TFA, VIII (March 24,
1886), 400; Del Marth, Yesterday's Sarasota (Miami, 1973), p. 17,
4 "The Scotch Colony," TFA, iX (January 13, 1886), 300; "The Sarasota Scotch Colony," Florida Dis-
patch, V ( March 22, 1886), 224. For information on other swindles involving the proposed settlement
of foreign colonies see, "Immigration," TFA, XXXI (June 22, 1904), 392; "How a Colony Succeeds,"
TFA. XXXI (August 10, 1904). 504; "Immigration," TFA, XXX (December 16, 1903), 802.
5 Ada Coats Williams. A BriefHistory of'Sr. Lucie County( Ft Pierce. Florida, 1963), 19; Senate Journal,
1894-1895, "Immigration," (Tallahassee, 1896). 155.
6 Williams, Ibid.
7 James E. Ingraham to Parrott, June 30, 1897, Box 21.A-1, Henry M Flagler Papers, Flagler Museum,
Palm Beach, Florida; Dr. W.E Douglas to Parrott, November 10, 1899, Box 21.A-1, Flagler MSS;
Jacksonville Florida Times Union, October 13, 1897. Prior to 1896 Flagler's railroad was named the
Jacksonville, St. Augustine and indian River Railway.
8 "The Garden Spot of the South," The Florida East Coast Homeseeker, I (May, 1899), 8. Journal
hereafter referred toas FECH. Also see, C.H. Rooks to E.V. Blackman,"Letters to the Editor," FECH,
1 (September, 1899), 2; "White City," FECH, I (January, 1899). 8; "White City," FECH, II (August,
1900), 3: "Our White City," FECH, 11 (October, 1900), 14.
9 J.E. Ingraham to Mr. Larson, February 16, 1899, Box 21.A-1, Flagler MSS
10J.E. Ingraham to A.P, Sawyer and George F. Miles, March 23, 1896, Box 2 I.A-I, Flagler MSS: George
F. Miles to A.P. Sawyer, September 16, 1896, Box 21.A-I, Flagler MSS; J.E. Ingraham to A.P. Sawyer,
October 20, 1897, Box 21.A-1, Flagler MSS. Paulson's company was often referred to as "The Modelo
Land Company" because of the colony's name.
11 George F Miles to A.P. Sawyer, February 20, 1897, Box 21.A-1, Flagler MSS: Lola R. Carr, "Dania
adds Historic Interest to Greater Hollywood," The Hollywood Record, I (May 1, 1926), 1-2.
12 "Dania," FECH, VII (July 1, 1905), 6: "Dania," FECH, VIII (January, 1906), 7' "The Success of
Dania," FECH, X (November, 1908), 357; "Two New Towns Near New River," FECH, XII (Septem-
ber, 1910), 335.
13 Fred S. Dewey to J.E. Ingraham, December 23, 1896, Box 21 .A-1, Flagler MSS, F. Jacobson to J.E. In-
graham, March 26, 1897, Box 21 I.A-1, Flagler MSS; ;'Hallandale," FECH, I (May, 1899) 10; "Hallan-
dale," FECH, VI (September, 1904), 8.
14 OlofZetterlund to .E. Ingraham, November 8, 1899, Box 21.A-1, Flagler Mss.
15 Jacksonville Florida Times Union, December 23, 1903: January 9, 1904.
16 A.G. Bradbury. A Chronology o/ Florida Post O/fices(Florida Federation of Stamp Clubs, 1962), p.91;
The East Coast of Florida(St. Augustine, 1906), p.58; Jacksonville Florida Times Union, March 9, 1906.
17 Jacksonville Florida Times Union, November 2, 1906: "Yamato A Japanese Colony," FECH, X
(November, 1908), 363: The East Coast oa Florida(St Augustine, 1908), p. 61; "Yamato," FECH, X
(July, 1908), 225: "A Japanese Colony," FECH. XI (February, 1909), 40.
18 Interview with Mr. George Morikami, one of the original settlers of Yamato, June I1, 1974 Tape in
files of Oral History Collection. University of Florida
19"The English Colony," TFA, VII (November 4, 1884), 703
20 RichardJ. Bowe, Pictorial History oq Florida Tallahassee, 1965). p1 126
21 Bowe, lbid.: William B. Blackman, History o/ Orange County(Chuluotta. Florida: 2nd edition, 1973), pp.
124-125; Gaore City Route (South Florida Railroad Company, n.d.), p. 36.


Florida East Coast Railroad Station at Dania, Florida. Tomatoes awaiting shipment, ca.
1907. (source) Florida East Coast Homeseeker, VIII, (May, 1907), 155.

A. C. Frost's pineapple fields, Dania, Florida, ca. 1911. Mr. Frost is in the center.
(source) Florida East Coast Homeseeker, XIII (August, 1911), 292.

Main Street, Dania, Florida, ca. 1907. (source) Florida East Coast Homeseeker, IX
(September, 1907), 283.

The main settlement area of the Japanese colony of Yamato, ca. 1908. Two story
structure in the middle belongs to Mr. J. Sakai, founder of the colony. (source)
Florida East Coast Homeseeker, X (November, 1908), 363.

Early Families of Upper Matecumbe


Curving gently to the southwest from the mainland of Florida lies a
string of small islands that make up the Florida Keys. Of these none is
prettier than Upper Matecumbe, now synonymous with the town of
Islamorada. This tiny island, consisting of less than 500 acres, lies almost
equidistant between Miami and Key West. White settlers can be traced
back as far as 1860,i but its role in modern Florida history began with the
northward passage of Spanish treasure ships along the Florida reef where
many of them met disaster. The recent history begins with three families
who homesteaded the land and still live on the same property after the
passage of more than a century.
The Russells, the Pinders, and the Parkers are the original Conchs of
Upper Matecumbe.2 Conch is a term applied to residents of the Florida
Keys who are of British descent by way of the Bahamas. Being a people
dependent on the sea and its bounty they chose the name "Conch" after
a large mollusk found throughout the Caribbean. These people shared a
oneness of background. Their forefathers were American Tories who left
the American colonies at the end of the Revolution and went to the
Bahamas, where they were given new homes on grants of land from
George Ill.3 They settled throughout the Bahamas and some of them
ultimately found their way to the Florida Keys. The Keys living afforded
them a better and more varied life in which the sea yielded much of their
needs and location along a trade route brought them into closer contact
with civilization.
Upper Matecumbe is a small island of only 465 acres. Between 1880
and 1906 three families, the Russells, the Pinders, and the Parkers ac-
quired the entire island under the provisions of the Homestead Act of
1862, and divided it among themselves more or less evenly.4 In 1880 the
Russell family homesteaded 162 acres on the upper end of the island
which came to be called "East End" by its inhabitants. Three years later
the Pinder family settled on the middle section. Its 130 acres were the
highest and considered the best of the land. Finally the Parkers acquired
the lower third in 1903, and its 171 acres became "West End." Not all of
the land was usable as much of it around the perimeter along the
seashore particularly on the north or Florida Bay side was low-lying
mangrove swamp.

The families actually lived on and worked the land some years
before they acquired title to it. In 1860 Mary Ann Russell with her hus-
band and family came to Matecumbe from what is now Marathon. They
had visited the island much earlier and must have liked what they saw,
but news of the Massacre of Dr. Henry Perrine on Indian Key on August
7, 1840 sent them back to Marathon, closer to the protection of Key
West.s Dr. Perrine was a distinguished horticulturist who came to Florida
to experiment with the introduction of tropical plants. He was to receive
a township of land on the mainland, but was residing temporarily on In-
dian Key which was an important trading center at the time, but did not
afford the hoped-for protection. Chief Chekika and a party of so-called
"Spanish Indians" came in canoes to attack and loot the trading post. Dr.
Perrine was among those killed.
Soon after the Russells arrived, Mary Ann's husband died. She and
two of her sons, James William and John Henry, continued to farm the
land. The other children moved elsewhere but returned from time to
time for visits.6
The Russell like most of their neighbors built their homes of drift-
wood. This was lumber washed overboard from passing ships wrecked on
the Florida Reef, or from the ships themselves as they broke up. This
material was plentiful and cement was not yet in wide use though
pioneers made a lime by burning oyster shells. Matecumbe houses, of
course, had wooden floors which their owners kept scrubbed clean with
the skin of the turbot or triggerfish, a reef fish with a very coarse skin or
"hide," still used today in the Bahamas. If they had lived on the palmetto
and pine lands of mainland Florida they would probably have used
palmetto roots as scrub brushes.
The natural environment also supplied the material for making beds.
They collected "mattress grass" which grew wild along the beaches with
which to fill the mattress. When the grass broke down or became
unevenly distributed, they simply addec, more or refilled the ticking with
fresh grass.
James and John Russell grew pineapples on East End and became
fairly prosperous. They acquired two sailboats to carry their own produce
and that of other dwellers along the Keys to market. With the larger boat
they made trips to Mobile and New York.
The Russells also grew sweet potatoes in the rich soil on the Key.
They made a bread of the potatoes which was baked in large outdoor
ovens. The bread is still baked by the same recipe today on East End.7
Looking at the rocky and barren looking soil on the Key today one might
wonder that it once was called fertile and produced valuable crops.
Longtime residents of the Key say that recurring hurricanes that swept

over the low land stripped the Keys of their topsoil. When the dense
vegetation was cleared for farming operations the soil could more easily
be washed away. Some Conchs maintain that they do not get the rainfall
that was common even a generation ago. Some recall a swale along the
Atlantic beach ridge running the entire length of the Key which held
brackish water almost the year around.s For some, shallow wells provided
a source of fresh water...Since the only fresh water was what fell on the
land, it may be that the natural means of trapping it were destroyed. For
instance, clearing the vegetation facilitated runoff. Residents offer
further confirmation that there was water enough to provide a breeding
ground for hordes of mosquitoes. Hats with mosquito netting to protect
the face had to be worn out of doors and mosquito netting was required
for sleeping. Smudge pots were used to drive out and keep away the pests.
When wire screens did become available the material usually rusted
quickly in the salt air.s
While the Russells were busy farming the East End, Richard Pinder
was busy establishing his home and family in the center of the island.
Like most of the Pinders who found their way to Florida, Richard came
from Spanish Wells in the Bahamas where the name Pinder is still one of
the most common. Richard brought with him his wife Sarah and two
sons, Cephas and Adolphus. They came by way of Key West, and lived
for a short time at Indian Key. In 1875 he applied for a homestead on
Matecumbe. He received the patent or title to the 130.76 acres on Janu-
ary 20, 1883, in a document bearing the name of President Chester A.
Richard and his two sons began to grow pineapples for market as
well as vegetables and fruits for the family table. Pineapple growing was a
flourishing business at the time and the Pinders often employed four or
five men in their fields. When the pineapples were ripe they were cut
and sent to market by boat. Since the water was too shallow for ocean-
going vessels to come in to their docks, the "pines" were loaded onto
small vessels and carried out to dry-well smacks which could not come
inside Alligator Reef.io These vessels were fast little cargo ships some-
what similar to the more famous clipper ships which sailed the high seas
of the world at the time. There are Conch tales of one smack loaded with
pineapples from Upper Matecumbe that sailed to New York in four days,
quite a feat.
At the height of their pineapple growing activity Cephas and
Adolphus Pinder established a small canning factory on the beach at Up-
per Matecumbe. It ran smoothly for a time, until a major disagreement
arose between the brothers and the man who operated the plant. When
he quit, the modest factory fell into disuse.i

After Sarah Pinder died, Richard took a second wife, Caroline. There
were no children from this marriage. On September 22, 1900, Richard
Pinder died and the property passed undivided to the sons. However, on
December 22, just two months after the death of his father, Adolphus
died leaving a wife and seven children, and for the first time the home-
stead was divided.
The heydey of pineapple growing came to an end early in this cen-
tury for the Russells and the Pinders and all of the other residents of the
Keys and the South Florida mainland. Pineapples came by ferry from
Cuba to Key West and moved north by way of the Florida East Coast
Railroad which reached Key West in 1912. If the railroad which ran
along the Keys opened to them a new world, it also let the competition of
a wider world into their secluded and isolated land. At one time three fer-
ries were running between Cuba and Key West; the Henry Flagler, the
Parrott, and one other.12 Pineapple growers on the Keys could not meet
the Cuban competition and turned to the growing of limes. There too
they soon met competition from growers in Dominica where labor was as
cheap as twenty-five cents a day which made it possible to wrap the limes
individually in paper.13
When the growing of limes and pineapples became no longer prof-
itable, the Pinders tried, along with commercial fishing which always
played a part in their economy, raising tomatoes and gathering sponges.
The fine sheep's wool sponges they collected from the nearby shallow
waters remained a lucrative occupation until a blight destroyed the
sponge beds. Also the center of sponge gathering had moved from Key
West to Tarpon Springs where Greek divers gathered the sponges from
deeper water. But they too were ruined by the blight, and Tarpon Springs
became more a tourist attraction than a commercial sponge capital.
Meanwhile also synthetic sponges began to take much of the market.
Only in recent years have natural sponges been gathered in any quantity
in the Biscayne Bay-Florida Keys waters. The industry has to some ex-
tent been restored by Cuban refugees.
Several generations of the Pinder family have farmed tomatoes from
time to time. In the early 1900s tomatoes often brought the family from
$400 to $600 a year, considered a respectable cash income for the times
in that area. Tomatoes were sent to Key West where they were placed
aboard steamers bound for eastern ports.14 This was an early phase of
Florida's winter vegetable industry. Key West was at the time a major
port linking much of the Caribbean and Cuba to the United States in
both the Atlantic and the Gulf ports.
Until the coming of the railroad almost all development was along
the beach, which was the highway of travel and communication at the

time. The inner part of the island, narrow as it was, remained dense with
native woods except where it was cleared for planting.15 In order to go
from Russell's East End to Parkers' West End one simply, walked the
beach. The other alternative was a small boat. There were no horses for
the farm work or transportation. On land all work was done by hand.
Mules made their first appearance on the island when they were brought
in for use in railroad construction early in this century.16
Everyone's home, as well as the general store and the church, was
situated just above the high water mark, and often the smell of seaweed
washed upon the beach was almost unbearable. There were advantages
to living on the beach, however, for one could enjoy the cooling ocean
breezes before the days of air conditioning.
Hurricanes often played havoc with the three Conch families. In
1935 the fury of the storm swept away and killed many residents on the
Keys. Long before there was a functioning weather bureau, residents
learned to trust God and his barometer between the months of June and
October. Little could be done to protect a house on the beach, but the
families maintained "hurricane shanties" on the higher ground of the is-
land's interior in the midst of the thick vegetation that served to break
the force of the wind and water. One such refuge owned by the Pinder
family was constructed of heavy timbers, the windows, for example,
being made of 1" x 12" boards.
In the 1935 storm four Pinders died. Sixty-one Russells were lost
leaving only eleven descendants. Henry Russell, his wife and eleven
children perished. All of the Parkers survived.
Mail delivery was always a problem in the Keys. John Wesley
Johnson owned the first store in the Upper Keys and as was the case in
so many early settlements it doubled as the post office. It was located at
the now abandoned town of Planter just north of Tavernier. Mail came
from the mainland by a side-wheel steamer, the Chinnecock. Since there
was no channel deep enough to float the boat, the mail was left on a pil-
ing set in water deep enough for the steamer's keel. Johnson would row
out, pick it up, and leave the outgoing mail for the return trip of the Chin-
There were no cows on the island and no supply of milk was availa-
ble. Babies were all breast fed. It was often supplemented with grits at an
early age just as children farther north were fed mush when very young.
Religion was an important part of the lives of these early settlers.
Late in the nineteenth century, mainly by the efforts of Richard and
Cephas Pinder a Methodist Church was constructed toward the eastern
or upper end of the island. The location proved unsatisfactory and the
building was dragged to the shore at low tide and floated on the high tide.

Two small schooners, the Linton and the Virginia, flanked the church and
"sailed" it down to about the center of the island. It was brought ashore
there and placed on a new foundation where it served very well until it
was washed away in the 1935 hurricane.is
On his death bed Adolphus Pinder, a devout Christian, asked his son
Preston to stand by the church. Preston kept his promise by acting as
Sunday School Superintendent for fifty-five years and serving as lay
preacher for twenty-five of them, often sharing the pulpit with Edney
In 1898 William Parker brought his family from Key West to Planta-
tion Key, just north of Upper Matecumbe. He was born on a small point
of land called "The Bluff" just off Harbor Island in the Bahamas. Before
coming to Florida he had married Amy Cash. On Plantation Key the
Parkers had much the same experiences as their neighbors on
Matecumbe. They grew tomatoes, limes, and other vegetables for market
and for the family table. William and several others constructed the first
church on the Upper Keys.19 William also did commercial fishing at
times, catching and salting the fish which were sold to a buyer out of
The Parkers found homesteading no easier than did other Conchs.
They lost one child to diphtheria shortly after their arrival. They tried
raising chickens, but mosquitoes killed many of them. To supplement
their diet with something other than fish, they ate cormorants and egrets
abundant throughout the area. Since these birds usually had a salty taste
from the diet of fish they were usually stewed. In season the young cor-
morants could be taken from the nest before they could fly add could be
prepared in other ways such as frying, and they lacked the salty flavor of
the older birds.20 Beans, fresh or dried, were always a staple in the diet.
Freshly shelled lima beans cooked almost to a puree and served with
freshly baked bread was a favorite Sunday meal.
The nearest medical services were at Key West, and Conch pioneers
like all others dealt with most medical problems with folk remedies.
Kerosene was applied to cuts and lacerations, while a freshly cut aloe leaf
relieved the pain of a burn. For fever they made a sage brush tea from a
plant that grew on the island. A tea brewed from the leaves of the lime
tree also made a delightful beverage. It was made by crushing the leaves
and putting them in hot water.2I Once every year everyone received a
dose of castor oil in order to get in the mood for "spring cleaning." For a
chest cold William Parker made an onion plaster and wore it on his chest.
Kerosene lamps were used to light the houses. Sometimes the flame
would travel down the wick, and begin to burn on top of the kerosene in
the reservoir. The response was to throw it out the window lest it explode
In 1911 one of William Parker's sons, Edney, married Edna Mae
Pinder, thus uniting two of the early families in marriage. For their first

house Edney acquired a two story building on Umbrella Key, now called
Windley's Key, placed it on a barge and floated it to Upper Matecumbe.
Edney chose a spot and placed a marker just above the beach where he
wanted the front of the building to rest. The man who supervised the set-
ting of the building placed the rear of the house at that point, and
Edney's front door was only about fifty feet from the high tide. Later
when the second story proved unsatisfactory, the neighbors turned out
in the fashion of a barn or house raising and sawed off the second story
and reroofed the building.
The coming of winter visitors spelled the end of frontier days on Up-
per Matecumbe. Some of the residents rented living quarters to them.
The men also served as guides to visiting fishermen. Many a child on the
island earned pocket money digging crabs on the beach to be used for
bait by bonefishermen.22 The final response to visitors was the construc-
tion of Matecumbe Club for accommodation of visitors.
The founding of the club, like the coming of the railroad at much the
same time, marked the end of a special way of life on Upper Matecumbe.
Frontiers lose their romance when progress catches up with them. It was
only a matter of time before the newer residents would say that they had
never heard of East End or a dry-well smack. Life might be more secure,
but it was less varied and less individual. Today Russells, Pinders and
Parkers make up less than ten percent of the more than 1,000 inhabi-

*The author was a member of a Florida History Class at the University of Miami. He is a resident of Up-
per Matecumbe and related to two of the families named in the paper.
Editor's comment: This paper is an indication of what can be learned almost exclusively from interviews
with pioneers and their descendants, and little or no documentary sources
1 Interview with Mrs, Clifton Russell, Islamorada, April 14, 1973.
2 Land abstracts, Monroe Title Company, Key West.
3 Interview with Mrs Clifton Russell, April 14, 1973.
4 Land abstracts, Monroe Title Company,Key West.
5 interview with Mrs. Cliflon Russell, April 14. 1973
6 Ibid
7 lbid
8 lbid
9 Interview with Mrs. Burl Finder, Islamorada, March 8, 1973.
10 Ibid
II /bid
12 1bid
13 /bid
14 /bid
15 Interview with Mrs. Clifton Russell, April 14,1973.
16 Interview with Mrs. Hurt Pinder, March 18, 1973.
17 Ibid
18 Jean U Guerry, "The Matecumbe Methodist Church," Tequesto XXX (1970) pp. 64-68.
19 Interview with Mrs. EddieSweeting and Mrs. Earl Gentry, Islamorada, April 22, 1973.
20 Interview with Mrs. Earl Gentry, Islamorada, April 15, 1973,
21 See note 19.
22 See Note 9.



Miami's Earliest Known Great Hurricane


On 13 September 1824 the area now known as Miami was battered
by a severe hurricane, the like of which was not to strike this particular
part of the coast again for over a century. Who was there to bear witness
and tell the story? What other evidence might there be? It is an interest-
ing account and the pieces to make the whole come from various sources.
In 1824 the United States had only recently acquired Florida from
Spain and South Florida was considered by many to be only a wilderness.
Yet several pioneer families did live here then and worked the land. The
Davis and Lewis families lived on Key Biscayne, the Hagen's (Egan)
lived north of the Miami River, another Lewis lived south of the Miami
River, and the Pent's probably lived in what is now Coconut Grove un.
These families had all lived in the region of Cape Florida and the Miami
River for several years, but none left a written record of what must have
been a most terrifying experience. Also in 1824, on the 26th of May, the
U.S. Congress provided for the construction of three lighthouses along
the Florida Keys, one of which was to be built at Cape Florida. During
that same summer the revenue cutter Crawford surveyed the sites for the
lighthouses, and a contract for the construction of these was given to a
Mr. Samuel Lincoln. But because of the hurricane, the Cape Florida
lighthouse would not be built until the following year.
In 1903, Dr. Charles Torrey Simpson, pioneer Florida botanist,
retired from the Smithsonian Institution and came to South Florida to
build himself a home. He chose a home site facing Biscayne Bay and
along the Little River some 15 acres consisting of mangroves, tropical
hammock, and pine woods. Dr. Simpson was himself quite knowledgea-
ble about hurricanes, having personally experienced many in the West
Indies and Florida, and was ahead of his time in his understanding of
them. The great hurricane of 18 September 1926, still well remembered
by many local residents, did immense damage to the trees and plants
about his beautiful home, and his observations of this provide our first
clueu3 In this hammock was living a venerable old oak that had been
blown down in an earlier storm, and from its roots had grown a young
oak that in 1926 was twisted off at its base. Cutting this younger oak to

clear a path through the hammock, he counted the tree rings and found
about one hundred! Later, in going through the pine forest, he found it
largely devastated, and wherever the county crews had cut trees to clear
the roads he counted the rings. There were many trees with about one
hundred rings, and a few with more. Here was clear evidence, speaking
from the past, of a great hurricane that had passed this way about a cen-
tury earlier!
What other evidence might there be? At the U.S. National Archives
are the "Lighthouse Letters" from the first keeper of the Cape Florida
light and certain correspondence prior to the building of the lighthouse.
A letter from Mr. John Rodman (4),Collector at St. Augustine, to the Act-
ing Commissioner of the Revenue (then the official responsible for the
lighthouses) dated 30 November 1824, states that "I had the honour to
address you on the 28th Sept. last informing you that Mr. Samuel B. Lin-
coln, with whom a contract had been made for the building of three
Light Houses in this Territory, had not then arrived at this place. I deem
it my duty to inform you that I am still without any information from him
and it seems to be the general opinion here that he and his ship with
materials on board were lost in the severe gale of September last, on the
passage from Boston to this place". John Rodman was a man of fair
character, a lawyer, previously District Attorney for the City of New
York, well travelled, and by the record a prominent citizen of East
Florida during the territorial periods. Reading of these "Lighthouse Let-
ters" from 1823 through 1829 reveals no other reference to a storm in
the vicinity of Cape Florida. Clearly a severe hurricane occurred in Sep-
tember 1824, about a century before September 1926, and no other ap-
peared to pass before or after for some time. Was this our "great hur-
There is yet more evidence. Poey(6) mentions a hurricane at
Guadelupe on 7-8 September 1824 and Ludlumi7) describes a hurricane
that passed through the Lower Bahama Islands on 11-12 September
1824, leaving a vessel driven high and'dry at Turk's Island and others
ashore on Rum Key, Long Island, and Harbor Island. Latern7 the storm is
recorded coming ashore in Georgia and eventually reaching the southern
Appalachian mountains, being known as the Georgia Coastal Hurricane
and Storm Tide of that year. The weather record at St. Augustine for
14-15 September 1824 showed a wind shift from northeast to south but
no special remarks indicating that the storm was well offshore at that
point. Putting all of the evidence together, the pieces make a very
coherent picture of what happened long ago. Clarkg) has deduced a most
probable track for this historic hurricane.
No doubt the hurricane was born in the lower latitudes of the North

Atlantic Ocean, perhaps developing from a disturbance that had its origin
over Africa. On 7-8 September 1824 the hurricane passed near
Guadelupe and on 9-10 September passed to the east and north of Puerto
Rico but was little noticed by those living on the island. For the next two
days it moved inexorably west by northwest to threaten what is now
Miami. The hurricane, now grown to severe intensity, bore in across
Cape Florida and its eye, with its awesome stillness and calm winds, came
ashore very nearly at the mouth of the Miami River. Then it moved
northward up the coast, devastating the Simpson hammock and the in-
land pine woods, and out to sea again in the vicinity of Cape Canaveral. It
came ashore for the last time in Georgia leaving at least 83 persons
drowned at St. Simon Island and immense damage to property with addi-
tional loss of lives for as far north as Savannah, The flooding of streams
that followed as tropical downpours deluged both the coastal plain and
the Piedmont brought great losses to the plantations of that region.
Eventually it spent its final energy over the mountains. Somewhere
along the east coast of Florida the ill-fated Mr. Lincoln with his heavily
laden ship was overtaken by the great hurricane and laid to rest at the
bottom of the sea. Not until the following year would the Cape Florida
lighthouse be built. After its completion, the remainder of the decade
passed without a storm to break the peace or delay the rebirth of the tro-
pical growth along the coast that is now Miami.

Acknowledgements: I wish to thank Mrs. Arva Moore Parks for her
encouragement and keeping me constantly headed in the right direction
for some of the needed historical data; Dr. Charlton W. Tebeau for
helpful suggestions and reading the manuscript; and Mr. Gilbert B. Clark
for his expert professional assistance in deducing the probable track of
the great hurricane.

1Marks, Henry S., 1958: Tequesta, No. XVIII, pp 15-21. The Earliest Land Grants in the Miami Area.
Miami, Florida.
2Carter, C E., 1956: The Territorial Papers of the UnitedStates, Vol. XXIII, PP 94-95. Petition to Congress
by Inhabitants of Cape Florida. Washington, D.C.
3Simpson, Charles Torrey, 1932: Florida WildLije, pp 142-146. MacMillan Co., New York, N.Y.
4Rodman, John, 1824: Lighthouse Letters, U.S. National Archives, Washington, D. C.
5Verplanck, Gulian C., 1821: The Territorial Papers ofthe United States. Vol. XXII, P 17 (and others),
Gulian C. Verplanck to the Secretary of State. Washington, D.C.
6Poey, Andres, 1862: No. 348. Table Chronologique de Quatre Cents Cyclones Qui Ont Sevi Dans Les indes
Occidentales Et Dan L'Ocean Atiantique Nord, Pendant Un Intervalle de 362 Annees (Depuis 1493-1855),
Paris, France.
7Ludlum, David M., 1963: Early American Hurricanes, 1492-1870. American Meteorological Society.
Boston, Massachusetts,
8Unpublished communication from the National Climatic Center, Asheville, N.C.
9Clark, Gilbert V., 1973: Unpublished hurricane track based upon all available data. National Hurricane
Center, NOAA. Miami, Florida

Cape Sable and Key West in 1919


Editor's note: Reprinted from In Days Agone: with the long subtitle
"Notes on the Fauna and Flora of Subtropical Florida in the Days When
Most of Its Area was a Primeval Wilderness," Indianapolis, The Nature
Publishing Company, pp. 271-296. The author was collecting insect
specimens but provides many descriptions of people and natural condi-
tions that elaborate on his title. In 1922 he might have travelled from
Homestead to Flamingo by highway. The Tamiami Trail was opened in
1928 to cross-state traffic. In a footnote he notes that he later made the
trip from Dunedin to Homestead in seven hours over a paved road all the
way, via Tampa, Sarasota, Fort Myers, Naples and the Tamiami Trail.
Other changes were coming rapidly too. In another note he reports going
back to East Cape twice, driving from the Lodge at Royal Palm Park. Hur-
ricanes in 1926 and 1928 had changed the surface a great deal, and fire
had destroyed the clubhouse. Copy supplied by a volume in the Univer-
sity of Miami's Florida Collection.

Wednesday, February 12,1919. -Once again the Red Gods call me-
call me with a fervor which will not be denied-and so again I leave
Dunedin for the place where they abide. That at present is Cape Sable,
the most southern point of the mainland of this country, and now a place
very difficult to reach. I have learned that a "Cape Sable Land Co.," hav-
ing its headquarters at Lakeland, owns or controls a large area a few miles
east of the East Cape; that they have a so-called "Club House" there and
that they make occasional trips to it from Lakeland, using automobile,
train and boat. By correspondence I find'that their agent leaves on Satur-
day and that, as I am a naturalist, not a prospective customer, I can for
$15.00, go with him as far as Homestead, where he leaves his automobile.
To-day therefore, I left Dunedin by bus and arrived at Lakeland at 2:45
P.M. Securing a room at the place where I stopped last year, I called upon
the agent and found that his trip had been postponed till Monday, so that
I will have four days here when two would have been more than enough.
Thursday, February 13, 1919. -Taking with me a lunch, so that I could
collect all day, I went out to Lake Parker and farther north along its shore
than I was a year ago. It was a poor day for an outing, as the sky was over-
cast and the wind very strong.

Beneath chunks at the edge of the cypress covered margin of the
lake I again found the slimy salamander frequent, six or eight being un-
covered. Here also, sometimes in company with the salamander, I un-
covered a long, very slender reddish-yellow myriapod, two of them being
coiled around large masses of their yellow eggs. Beneath other chunks I
found my only two Florida examples of a medium sized (15-18 mm.)
black carabid, Dicoelus elongatus Dej. From other members of its genus it
is known by all the elytral intervals being equal, convex or carinate, and
by its elongate form. It ranges from Connecticut, west and south to Il-
linois and Texas and is frequent throughout Indiana, but very rare in
From a bunch of Spanish moss I beat a single specimen of Pseudomus
sedentarius (Say), a robust little weevil heretofore known only from Or-
mond and Enterprise, Florida. I have since taken a single specimen at
Gainesville by beating holly and another at Royal Palm Park from a
decaying leaf of the royal palm.
Sitting on the porch of an empty house near the lake shore I enjoyed
my lunch-as I always do-after several hours strenuous work. I after-
wards entered the confines of a large nursery and was collecting from
wild shrubs near its margin when the proprietor, with arms waving, came
running toward me. For the first and only time in Florida, I was ordered
off my collecting grounds. I told him who I was and what I was doing but
it made no difference. He claimed that I would introduce some strange
and injurious bug into his nursery, when I was only trying to rid his pre-
mises of some that were already there. He walked by my side, berating
me and protesting against my trespassing, until we reached a gate and I
was beyond his domain.
Friday, February 14, 1919.-Once again I went out for the day, this
time to Lake Hollingsworth, two miles southwest of the city limits. As its
shores are of muck, I could only beat, sweep and turn over chunks.
From Spanish moss I beat a number of examples of the "broad-nosed
grain weevil," Caulophilus latinasus Say, a little reddish-brown species,
one-eighth of an inch long and with a broad, cylindrical beak. It is a
subtropical form, recorded in this country from South Carolina to
Florida; the larvae feeding upon dried cereals, Indian corn and the seeds
of alligator pears. From the moss I also beat a pretty little clerid, Hyd-
nocera verticalis Say, not before recorded from the State but rather com-
mon in the north.
Saturday, February 15, 1919.-1 again went out to Lake Parker, but
was careful to keep out of the nursery grounds. The yellow jessamine,
queen of Florida's winter blooming vines, is now in full blossom, its
pleasing fragrance wafted to me from afar by the strong wind-which

seemingly forever blows. My day's quest yielded me little but what I have
before taken.
An old fisherman showed me a siren or "mud eel," Siren lacertina L..
that he had caught last night on his trot line. It is apparently not often
seen in Florida but is probably common enough in its chosen haunts. I
searched for it for years in Indiana and finally got eight of them by
following for a few rounds a man who was plowing up a recently drained
marsh. He said that he had plowed up several hundred of them, none
over 15 inches in length.
Sunday, February 16, 1919. -The morning is very cold and with a raw
wind still blowing. I went out east along the railway but there was no
good collecting ground for three miles and that was fenced in by a wire
fence so tight and high that I could not enter. Beyond it a quarter of a
mile there is a dense thicket where I worked a while and then passed
through it to the edge of a vast grassy marsh. I did not care about entering
the water, but remembering my experience of last year with the saw-
grass near Moore Haven, I spread out my rubber blanket, cut off clumps
of the tall cattail-like grass and pulled them apart over it. In this way I got
four specimens of a small weevil new both to my collection and to
science. This I afterward described as Barilepton robusta. It is a robust sub-
cylindrical species a third of an inch long, black, densely clothed with
fine gray hairs. I have since taken it from the same plant on the shores of
Lake Butler, near Tarpon Springs, 50 miles northwest of Lakeland.
Living with this weevil between the basal leaves and stems of the
grass were two other beetles unknown to me. One, of which only a single
specimen was taken, was a small weevil, Conotrachelus coronatus Lec.,
heretofore known by only two specimens taken by Schwarz at En-
terprise, Fla. I have since taken another, the fourth one known, at
Gainesville, Fla. Of the other six examples were taken. It is a buprestid,
Taphrocerus puncticollis Sz., the largest member of its genus, and was de-
scribed from Enterprise and Ceda Keys. I have since collected it by
sweeping in a saw-grass marsh at Royal Palm Park.
With these three prizes in my bottle I was content to call it a day and
tramped back the four miles to my room. Here I packed and made ready
for the long automobile trip to Homestead.
Monday, February 17, 1919.-There was a heavy frost this morning
and the land agent's old car gave him trouble, so that we did not get
started till 8:20. There were five of us in the car, the agent and driver,
another man, a prospective customer of his, two ladies who went along
for the trip, and myself. As in these days there are no closed cars I
suffered much from the cold in the forenoons of the first two days. In
order to get on a good road the agent went northeast to New Smyrna,

then 268 miles down the east coast, on what is now the Dixie highway, to
Homestead. I will not dwell on the trip. There were several detours over
sandy roads, much tire trouble, one blow-out occurring when we were six
miles from any town. Another car came along and the agent paid its
owner $40.00 for a tire worth about ten. It took us three full days to reach
Homestead, where we arrived at 7:30 P.M. on Wednesday night. There
were no vacant rooms at the hotel. The landlord finally found us a bed in
an attic room of a private house, where the agent and I tried to sleep. The
bed sagged in the middle. He was a big man and filled the middle-but at
last-"came the dawn."
As there is no road from here to the Club House near Cape Sable,
the agent left his car and we took the morning train on the East Coast
railway for Long Key, 62 miles southwest, arriving there at 9 o'clock.
Here we went on board a small launch belonging to the land company,
which makes the trip from the Club House across the 30 miles of the
Florida Bay once a week for mail and supplies. Due to engine trouble and
rough water we did not reach the dock of the Club House till 3:45. This
dock is a narrow two-boarded affair extending out a quarter of a mile
before it reaches water deep enough for the boat.
The "Club House" is a large frame building raised on piling six feet
above the ground. Belonging to it are half a dozen "cottages," tents with
board floors furnished with a fair bed, a wash stand, kerosene lamp and
two chairs. Both bed and doorway are supplied with mosquito netting.
The charge is $2.50 per day for "cottage" and board, of which latter more
After getting settled in my tent I went out for a short time to get the
lay of the surrounding country and to do a little beating. Two small
weevils proved to be my only catch of importance. Of these there were
two specimens of a little shining black cossonid weevil with very short
and broad beak. This I beat from dead limbs of buttonwood and after-
ward described as Pentarthrinus brevirostris sp. nov. The other, my first
specimen of the very slender-bodied little barid, Stenobaris avicennia
Linell., was taken from black mangrove. The types of Linell were from
Punta Gorda. I have since taken it at Chokoloskee and it is known only
from extreme southern Florida.
There are three Cape Sables, the Northwest, the Middle and the
Eastern. The Club House is three miles east of the latter, while a stretch
of six miles of a fine sand beach intervenes between the Eastern and
Middle capes. The land forming these two is occupied to within 50 yards
of the water's edge by coconut groves, which contain 50,000 or more
bearing trees.
The country about the Club House differs much from other parts of

Florida, being for the most part a low, flat region devoid of pine, saw
palmetto and sand, the three dominant features of the usual south
Florida landscape. The soil, or rather the surface, is a grayish marl or
comminuted limestone and, except along the brackish inlets and sloughs,
supports only a prairie-like vegetation of weeds and grasses. The houses,
few and widely scattered, are raised high above the ground to avoid the
tides which, during hurricanes or violent storms, often cover the country
for miles. There is no fresh water and rain water collected in large square
surface concrete cisterns furnishes the supply for the settlers. Along the
inlets and in the lower depressions are the so-called hammocks, com-
posed of a dense growth of subtropical shrubs and trees among which
Spanish bayonet, tall cacti and other thorn-bearing vegetation so abound
that collecting has to be done mostly along the margins. A single phrase
from my notebook, viz., "a few fair things and a million mosquitoes," was
the average record of each day's collecting while here. In fact, late in the
afternoon or on sultry days, a "million" would be a very low estimate of
the mosquito population. Several times they drove me out of the ham-
mocks onto the open prairie where there was a little air stirring but very
poor collecting.
Friday, February 21, 1919.-The breakfast hour at the Club House is
7:30, so that I shall be late each day in getting started to work. This morn-
ing I walked west along the narrow sandy beach to the East Cape. This
beach was piled high with winrows of sea-grass, shells and other sea
debris, beneath which I took a few tenebroid and staphylinid beetles and
earwigs. Reaching the tip of the cape proper I stood for a while on the
southernmost point of the mainland of the United States. It is said to be
nearly 50 miles farther south than any point in Texas. A channel of deep
water runs in close to shore and along the beach were great winrows of
shells, mainly "angel's-wings," Pholus costatus L. This mollusk, which
burrows in colonies 10 inches to a foot deep in the sand and ooze of the
sea bottom, is seldom found alive on the beach, but here were thousands
of the detached valves, some of them 6 to 8 inches in length. They are
white, bear on the outer side peculiar ridges and grooves, and in a way
conform in outline and sculpture to the usual pictured representation of
the expanded wings of angels, hence the common name. The animal is
said to be a staple article of food in the markets of Havana and Key West.
The only structure on this cape is an old shed used for the storing of
supplies for the people who once or twice each year gather the nuts. The
trees are none of them over 40 feet high, but the coconuts, now almost
ripe, are most of them too high to reach with any pole I could find, and I
had no accommodating monkey or small boy to climb for them. I finally
succeeded in bringing down two, and after some trouble got a hole

through their "eyes," so that for the first time I drank the juice or "milk"
from a nut fresh from the tree. It was sweet and very agreeable to the
palate of a thirsty man.
Near the center of this grove there is a grave with a concrete monu-
ment and inserted bronze plaque, the inscription reading:
"Guy M. Bradley
Faithful unto Death.
As Game Warden of Monroe County, Florida, he gave his life for the
cause to which he was pledged."
He was murdered while striving to protect the snowy egrets and
other herons from the vandalism of the outlaws who were killing the
nesting birds to satisfy the vanity of woman and the greed of man.
The collecting on the cape proper was poor. From the roots of some
bunches of grass I sifted my first specimen of a small brick-red
chrysomelid beetle, Coptocycla repudiata Suffr. It was described from
Cuba and is known in this country only in Southern Florida as far north
as Dunedin and Haw Creek. A single specimen of a curious little
anthribid weevil, Euxenus piceus Lec., was found crawling along the
beach. It usually occurs on dead leaves of cabbage palmetto.
The most interesting form taken was swept from low.herbs just back
of the sandy beach. It is a slender subcylindrical cerambycid, afterward
described as Heteracthes sablensis sp. nov., a third of an inch long, dark
chestnut brown, elytra with tips truncate, feebly spined, and with a large
oval yellow spot at base and the apical fifth wholly yellow. The unique
type is still the only specimen known.
For supper to-night we had a stew of wood ibis, "flint heads" or
"iron-bills," as the natives call them. They are very fair, but I would have
preferred stewed chicken. I had killed specimens of this ibis on my
Kissimmee trip, but Hay and I did not consider them fit for food, though
we ate their cousin, the white ibis.
Saturday, February 22, 1919. -There grows in abundance along the
edges of low hammocks in this region a very thorny shrub or small tree,
the saffron plum or buckthorn, Bumelia angustifolia Nutt. It belongs to
the sapodilla family, reaches a height of 20 feet, has narrow, peach-like
leathery evergreen leaves, numerous axillary clusters of small greenish-
white flowers and an oblong, edible fruit, three-fourths of an inch in
length. Like the Spanish bayonet if oten grows in dense clumps along the
margins of the hammocks, forming for them a veritable chevaux-de-
frise, through which no man can pass. From its foliage and dead limbs I
beat more insects while here than from all other plants together. Among
the more interesting beetles taken only on this Bumelia were Scymnillus

elutheroe Csy., a very small black coccinelli, described from the Bahamas,
and not before recorded from this country; Toxonotus fascicularis
(Schon.), a prettily marked medium sized anthribid frequent on the dead
branches; Erodiscus tinamus Lec., a peculiar, long-snouted shining black
weevil known only from southern Florida; Conotrachelusfloridanus Fall,
frequent on the dead branches, also confined to this section of the State;
Lembodes solitarius Boh., a small cryptorhynchid with a thick grayish
spongy crust concealing the sculpture of the whole upper surface. It is
usually considered rare, but 30 or more were beaten from the dead limbs
of the Bumelia.
There was also beaten from this saffron plum a single specimen of
that most handsome of Florida weevils, Metamesius mosieri Barber, a
third of an inch long, black with front and hind margins of thorax and
basal half of elytra bright red. The types were from Cayamas, Cuba and
Paradise Key, Royal Palm Park. From the latter place I have since taken it
in some numbers.
The forenoon was spent in beating this and other shrubs along the
edges of isolated hammocks. The interior of these hammocks are so filled
with thorny and spiny vines and shrubs that the collector can do little
within them. He cannot use the sweep net and can open and use his
umbrella only with much difficulty. One of the most common of these
nuisances is a slender stemmed climbing or sprawling cactus,
A canthocereus pentagonus (L.). It often grows to a length of 25 feet, send-
ing out numerous branches, each with three to five sharp angles, each
angle armed with vicious spines an inch or more in length. Like other
cacti it has no leaves and its large white flowers open only at night, so it is
often called a "night-blooming cereus." Around this and often covering
it and other shrubs with great tangled masses of its branches is the "pull
and haul back" or "devil's claws," Pisonia aculeata L., a shrub or vine
which often climbs to the tops of tall trees by aid of its strong hooked
thorns. Simpson rightfully calls it the "vilest shrub in Florida." There are
also numerous species of greenbrier or smilax and other vines, all ready
to scratch or trip any one bold enough to try to work his way through
these hammocks.
One of the more interesting beetles taken to-day in numbers is the
most slender-bodied of our cerambycids, Spalacopsis costulata Csy. It is a
third of an inch long with antennae as long or longer. The color is gray
mottled with small black dots. When at rest it stretches the antennae
straight out in front of body, then hugs its support as closely as possible,
its hues so blending with that of the bark that it is almost invisible. De-
pending on this protective mimicry it usually remains motionless until
picked up, though most of those taken were beaten into the umbrella.

I also swept in some numbers from low herbage just back of the
shore of the bay the types of a little melyrid, A ttalus australis Blatch. It is
only one-sixteenth of an inch long, shining blue-black, femora black,
tibiae and tarsi pale. It has not since been taken by me or recorded
Sunday, February 23, 1919.-This morning a Dr. King, who is in
charge of the Club House, and I took the one mule-wagon, the only vehi-
cle kept here, and drove across the prairie, eight miles eastward, to
Flamingo, the solitary settlement on the coast between here and Home-
stead. A number of deserted houses were passed along the way which
had been abandoned by settlers who had grown tired of the isolation, the
ever present hordes of mosquitoes and occasional hurricanes. We also
passed about five miles out a school, house, a square unpainted building
set high in piling. At Flamingo the principal building is the home of Un-
cle Stephen Roberts, a pioneer and original settler, who has been here 17
years. This house, a two-story gray unpainted shack, and the half dozen
or more one-story ones of his sons and in-laws, comprise the settlement.
I left Dr. King and went out to a near-by hammock bordering a grove of
lime trees, where I collected until noon. We had brought our lunch with
us, but on returning I found King and the family at dinner. They insisted
that I join them, which I did in a kitchen which smelled to heaven of
cockroach stink. The main items of the meal were wild duck stew,
gingerbread and limeade.
After dinner I went out with a boarder who is burning charcoal in a
buttonwood clearing a mile and a half away. There he had 390 bags, the
result of his winter's work, piled up ready to be hauled out to a schooner
and then taken to Key West. A cord of the buttonwood yields ten bags of
the fuel.
A surveying party had recently cut a narrow trail through a large
hammock north of his pits. I was thus able to penetrate the hammock and
beat dead branches along the sides of the trail. By so doing I got a number
of good beetles, among them the unique type and as yet the only known
example of a new ptinid, Ptinus tuberculatus, an eighth of an inch long,
head and thorax reddish-brown, elytra darker; thorax bearing four large
conical tubercles, each with a tuft of short erect yellowish hairs. This
peculiar thorax reminds me of the spiked collar often worn by aristocratic
Boston bull terriers. Another good catch was one of the two type speci-
mens of Acalles sablensis Blatch., a small robust cryptorhynchid weevil,
reddish-brown with patches of white scales on thorax and elytra. The
other cotype was taken a few days later from a dead branch of the saffron
plum. A third specimen has since been found at Chokoloskee, the three
representing the species to date.

Mr. Roberts raises a number of turkeys, but many of them are killed
each year by wild cats which are numerous in this region. The whole
country is unfenced and his horses and cows are kept in corrals at night,
and his hogs on two small islands three miles off shore, where they live
partly on fiddler crabs, which are nearly as common as the mosquitoes.
We took home in the wagon several bushels of limes and also two men
who had left the Club House yesterday to hunt on Whitewater Bay, but
had found the water too shallow to use a boat. The poor mule had a big
load to pull and we did not reach home till 8:30.
Monday, February 24, 1919.-1 went out northwest for three miles
along a prairie road which some negroes from Key West were using to
haul charcoal from their pits to a landing east of the Club House. The col-
lecting, except from the Bumelia, was poor, there being few insects on the
herbage in the prairie. One of the many strange thorny plants along the
margins of the hammocks is the gray nicker bean, Guilandina crista(L), a
sprawling shrub, with bipinnate leaves, one to two feet long, their
petioles and the stems armed with stout hooked prickles; flowers in
racemes, dull yellow, one half inch across; pods oval, two or three inches
long, thickly covered with straight needle-like prickles. All these thorns
and prickles catch and tear, and they and others of their kind leave the
collector at the end of a day with his clothing in shreds and his nets torn
in many places.
My main catch to-day was the two type examples of Bagous pictus
Blatch., a small, prettily marked erirhinid weevil, swept from herbage
along the edge of the beach. It has not since been recorded elsewhere.
My first specimen of the scarce black tenebrionid, Blapstinus alutaceus
Csy., were beaten from dead branches of the saffron plum. My other two
specimens were taken at Key West by sifting dead leaves.
A morning glory, Ipomoea cathartica Poir, grows everywhere along
the margins of the hammocks and the beach, its vines often trailing over
and hiding low shrubs beneath its tangle of leaves and stems. Its pinkish-
purple flowers are very pretty in the sparkling dew of the morning, but
like those of the moonflower, close forever by noon.
The meat supply has run low, the main dish for supper to-night
being stewed coot or mud hen, which the foragers had brought in. It
tastes very good to a hungry man, but I would not wish it for a steady diet.
Tuesday, February 25, 1919. -This morning I took a lunch and walked
along the shore to the East Cape, where 1 drank some fresh coconut milk
and collected for a while; then went up along the bay about three miles to
the house of Judge H. C. Low, the caretaker of the coconut groves on the
capes. He is an intelligent man who has lived in this region for 27 years,
part of the time at Flamingo. He came here from Ohio on account of

rheumatism, of which he has been wholly cured. His house is a one-room
shack braced fore and aft with long poles to withstand the hurricanes.
Coconut trees surround it, but on one side is a little garden where he
raises tomatoes, sweet potatoes, guavas and figs. A good ripe tomato fresh
from this garden was the best thing I have tasted since I left home.
After talking a while we went up to the Middle Cape, one of the most
beautiful spots I have seen in Florida. A bare triangular beach of shell
and sand extends out 500 feet into deep water, a channel, 5 to 15 feet in
depth, running in close to its shore. Sharks are very plentiful in this deep
water. At the very point of the cape we saw one which Low said was 15
feet long. On the way up I had seen a score or more of them; also
numerous porpoises which at short intervals jumped straight up wholly
out of the water, instead of swimming in an undulating way as they do in
the bay at Dunedin. Back of this beach which, between the two capes,
averages 100 yards or more in width, is the living green wall of coconut
trees. Back of them is a sombre hammock and then a dreary mangrove
swamp, reaching north to Whitewater Bay. Low says there are 60,000
coconut trees in the two groves. Some of the trees bear 100 or more nuts
each year. The owners get $70 a thousand for them in Miami and Key
West, but have trouble in getting help to gather them.
At 3 P.M. I started back for the 9-mile tramp to the Club House, tak-
ing with me in memory's cells a picture of this Middle Cape which will
last while life remains.
My prize capture during the day was the type of a new weevil,
Pseudoacalles maculatus Blatch., which I swept from herbage on the East
Cape. It is a sixth of an inch long, piceous black, prettily marked with
spots of pale scales on the upper surface. I have since taken two of them
at Royal Palm Park. But one other species of the genus, P. nuchalis(Lec.),
occurring in South Carolina and Florida, is known.
Wednesday, February 26, 1919.-The cook at the Club House has a
garden two miles east in the grounds surrounding an abandoned house.
Dr. King took the mule and wagon and drove up there for turnips and
beets, the only things left growing after the heavy frost of a month ago. I
rode up with him and walked back, collecting on the way. The tracks of
coons and wild cats were very plentiful along the roadway, and also in
places those of a much larger cat, probably the Florida panther.
One of the vilest trailing or sprawling herbs on these prairie flats is
the "poor man's plaster," or "stickleaf," Mentzelia floridana Nutt. It
grows to a length of 6 feet, has very brittle stems, alternate ovate lobed
leaves and bright yellow flowers nearly an inch in width. The whole
plant, including the seed pods, is densely clothed with minute barbed
stinging hairs. If one touches it or walks near it all parts of it break away

and cling tenaciously to clothing and shoes; in fact so tightly that the,
cannot be scraped off, but remain until they wear away. The plant occur
frequently in open places in South Florida and also in the Bahamas.
In one place I came near stepping on a ground or pygmy rattlesnakt
which had the body prettily marked with red spots. I have seen none of
the big diamond rattlesnakes which Simpson says are very common in
this region. In fact up to this time in all my tramping about Florida I have
never happened upon one of them alive.
My noteworthy insect captures were few along the prairie road.
From the roots of tufts of grass I sifted 20 or more examples of the little
Coptocycla, one of which I took at the East Cape last Tuesday, and in the
midst of the only hammock I entered I beat a number of examples of the
prettily marked little barid weevil, Catapastus albonotatus Linell, the only
ones I have ever taken. It was described from Key West and Lake Worth
and is not known outside this State.
In the afternoon I worked for a time along the beach, turning over
drift and beating the foliage of buttonwood and saffron plum. From
beneath the former I took a second specimen of my Cryptorhynchus sch-
warzi, previously mentioned, and from the buttonwood secured two ex-
amples of a scarce weevil, Conotrachelus belfragi Lec., known only from
Texas and Florida. I had taken a single specimen at Eustis, the first one
previously known from this State.
On my last beating of the Bumelia I was delighted to find in the
umbrella a fine female of the giant katydid, Stilpnochlora couloniana
(Sauss.). It is the largest tettagonid occurring in the eastern United States,
the females reaching to a length to tips of wings of three and a quarter in-
ches, the males but little smaller. I had one from Eustis, and though
recorded by others from a number of stations in the State, I have since
taken it only at Chokoloskee. Its ranges includes Cuba, the Isle of Pines
and Florida.
Our suppers at the Club House are supposed to be the principal meal
of the day. They have had no fresh meat except wild water fowl. To-night
they served us stewed die-dapper or hell-diver. As I am always willing to
try any dish once, I went to it. It was tender and very good-better than
the coots we had a few nights ago. There are plenty of large cooter turtles
about the ditches of the prairie, but the cook evidently passed them up as
being too hard to catch and dress. I am always willing to try a turtle twice
or even oftener if properly cooked.
Thursday, February 27, 1919.-This morning I bade farewell to the
Club House at Cape Sable, as the boat is going out on its weekly trip. It is
the only place in all my ramblings where I paid $2.50 a day for a tent and
stews of iron-heads, coots and hell-divers. It is located in a wild and

lonely region which every few years is swept by hurricanes and subject
always to the barrage of a million mosquitoes. Its only redeeming feature
is that it is still almost as the God of Nature made it- when he had much
else on hands and so was in a hurry.
When the boat had gotten four miles away from the dock the captain
discovered that they had forgotten the mail and so had to return for it.
About half way across the bay we saw a black-headed or laughing gull,
Chroicocephalus atricillus(L), standing erect on a small plank and merrily
riding the waves. We also passed close by Sandy Key, a spit about half a
mile long and half as wide, which the government has reserved as the site
for a future light house.
The boat reached Long Key at 12:20. It is a fishing resort for the
high and mighty, patronized by millionaires and presidents. I paid $1.00
for only a fair dinner at the hotel, but it was so much better than I had
been getting that I was satisfied. There were the wrecks of two aeroplanes
in the shallow water which were not there last Thursday. Another one
had recently made a forced landing on the prairie about a mile from the
Club House at Cape Sable and had been stripped of everything but the
engine by the natives. These planes were all from the big airport at Key
West and were owned by the government. The loss of several thousand
dollars each was but a drop in the bucket of the several billions spent in
aviation equipment by a frenzied nation in time of war. The public, or
you and I, eventually pay the bills, but the "public be damned" as far as
the ones who control the expenditures care.
As the train for Key West was not due until 4:45 I went out along
the sandy beach in search of what I might find. The only thing worthy of
note was about 30 specimens of the big chrysomelid tortoise beetle,
Chelymorpha geniculata Boh., which was mating on and beneath its host
plant, the goat's-foot morning glory. It was after dark when my train
reached Key West, but I was fortunate enough to get a good room in a
private house for $1.00 a day.
Friday, February 28, 1919.-After breakfast I bought a box lunch at a
restaurant and took a street car out to the end of its run, which was on a
county road, several miles from my room. The island of Key West has
been visited by many entomologists and its insect fauna is well known.
The conditions for collecting are, however, poor and growing worse. This
is due to the lack of vegetation and fresh water. Only a few stunted
shrubs and trees remain on the island, and all the herbage near the city is
closely grazed by the cows and goats of its poorer classes.
On the flowers and foliage of a large purple morning glory I took in
numbers that very handsome greenish-blue weevil, Pachnoeus litus(Ger-
mar). It is known only from Florida, where it is said to be injurious to the

foliage of the orange, and to that of limes on the southern keys. With it
were numerous specimens of Artipusfloridanus Horn, the most common
weevil found at Key West. By sifting dead leaves near the cemetery I
found the small carabid, Selenophorusfatuus Lec. in some numbers, and
with them my main catch of the day, nine specimens of a dytiscid,
Copelatus debilis Sharp, a Central American species not before known
from this country. I was much surprised to find this water beetle on dry
land and in a place where there was no fresh water. It may, however, be a
sumaritime species breeding in brackish or salt water pools, some of
which were within 200 yards. From all other species of Copelatus it is
easily known by having only five striae on each elytron.
Saturday, March 1, 1919.-1 worked this morning along the west
shore, near where I was on yesterday. From the foliage of the seaside
grape, I beat 18 specimens of the very robust weevil, Pseudomus inflatus
Lec., and by sweeping in the low scant herbage along the margin of tidal
lagoons I took eight examples of a little dull red weevil bearing numerous
patches of large gray scales on its upper surface and with the lower one
densely clothed with smaller scales. It is Smicronyx halophilus Blatch. and
is not recorded except from this, its type station.
In the afternoon I went down to the docks and watched a big fleet of
sponge boats come in from a two weeks' cruise. Their decks were covered
with great piles of large sponges, 6 to 10 on a strand. They do not dive for
them as do the Greeks at Tarpon Springs, but gather them with hooks in
clear water 7 to 12 feet in depth.
I am always interested in these maritime vocations of man and in the
men themselves who get by strenuous toil, direct from Nature's great
store-house, the sea, many things which it so freely offers. Far and wide
the water stretches, deep and shallow it varies, yet everywhere it yields its
gifts to those who seek them by honest toil. Fish, shells, lobsters, crabs,
sponges, turtles and a host of other things old ocean freely gives. Rough
and rugged, yet kind of heart and generous of soul, the men who make
their living in this, their own wild free way, asking no odds, fawning not
at the heels of so-called "higher ups," seeking only; some days full of
luck, others barren of catch-hope ever in their souls, the element of
chance, the daily gamble ever lending zest and pleasure to their lives.
For supper to-night I tried "green turtle steak." It might have been
horse meat for all I know. At any rate it had a fine flavor, but was rather
Sunday, March 2, 1919.-Last evening when I turned on the light
there were two large cockroaches on the walls in my room. I succeeded in
catching one of them and found it to be the large brown roach,
Periplaneta brunnea Burm., a house-dwelling circumtropical species,

nearly an inch and a half in length and exuding a very vile odor. It is a
adventive from Cuba which in this State occurs mainly in the southern
My morning's trip to-day was out southwest of the city to near the
old fort. Here beneath shreds of bark of a gumbo-limbo I took two pairs
of the "muskmare," or large striped walking-stick, Anisomorpha
buprestoides(Stoll). It occurs frequently throughout Florida, at this season
usually mating, the female stretched out on stems of weeds and bearing
her diminutive mate, less than one-half her size, on her back. When dis-
turbed or picked up she exudes from glands beneath the pro-thorax a
white milky fluid which has a peculiar, though somewhat pleasing odor,
recalling that of the common "everlasting" of the north. This excretion is
doubtless used as a defense against certain enemies to which its taste or
odor is repugnant.
From low herbage near the old fort I swept a single and my only
specimen of the little coccinellid, Psyllobora nana Muls., a Cuban and
Jamaican species known in this country only from the Florida keys. With
them were a half dozen specimens of my Paragoges minutus, a little spot-
ted brown weevil heretofore known only from the unique type taken at
Fort Myers in 1911. I always rejoice when I find additional examples,
especially at a new station, of any species founded on a single specimen
or even a single pair, as such a find puts the species firmly "on the map,"
and removes any doubt that the type may have been a freak or hybrid.
The afternoon was spent in resting and reading, and for supper I had
a meal which tickled not only my gullet but my stomach. It consisted of
green turtle soup, broiled sea crawfish, hashed browned potatoes and ice
cream, a feast fit for the gods, all for only 80 cents.
Monday, March 3, 1919.--I went out for the forenoon by trolley to its
terminal, and worked back close along the tidal pools in the limestone
rock, taking on the way two species of Scymnus new to my collection, viz.,
S. dichrous Muls. and S. bivulnerus Horn, the former a West Indian species
not before recorded from this country, the latter described in part from
Key West. In the roadway I found lying on its back, alive and kicking, my
only specimen of a large oval, gray scaly tenebriod, Branchus floridanus
Lec. It was described from "Florida" and Schwarz lists it as "On Atlantic
seashore, very rare."
Additional specimens of Copelatus debilis Sharp and Smicronyx
halophilus Blatch. were taken by sifting and a few of the little weevils,
Anthonomus varipes Duval by sweeping.
My collecting at Key West forever finished I went back to my room
and packed my belongings ready for the steamer "Miami," plying bet-
ween Havana and Tampa, due to leave to-night at 8 o'clock.

As my trip to the Okeechobee region last year was productive mainly
of water beetles, this one, when I came to sort, mount and label my speci-
mens, abounded in Rhynchophora or weevils. More than 40 species of
these were taken in my week's stay at Cape Sable and half as many at Key
West. At the former place most of them were hibernating in Spanish
moss, bunches of dead leaves or in dead wood, but a number were active
on the foliage of the saffron plum. Many of these were new to my collec-
tion, six of them (as well as four of other groups) new to science, and a
number of others furnished the first records for the United States.

Explanatory Note: The Association provides several classes of membership,
"Sustaining" members who pay ten dollars a year make up the basic member-
ship. For those who wish to contribute more for the promotion of the work of the
Association other classes of membership provide the opportunity, and the
publication of their names in the appropriate category of membership is a means
of recognition. "Patrons" pay fifteen dollars a year. "Donors" twenty-five, "Con-
tributors" fifty, "Sponsors" one hundred, and "Benefactors" two hundred and
fifty or more. Honorary Life Memberships are voted by the Board of Directors to
recognize special services to the Association.
This printed roster is made up of the names of those persons and institutions
that have paid dues since September 30, 1973. Those joining after September 30,
1974 will have their names in the 1975 roster. The symbol ** indicates founding
member and the symbol indicates charter member.


Abbott, John F., Miami Shores
Adams, Eugene C., Miami
Adams, Mrs. Richard B., Miami
Alexander, David T., Sidney, Ohio
Altmayer, M.S., Miami
American Bibliographical Center,
Santa Barbara, Calif.
Anderson, Marie, Miami
Ansbaugh, Mrs. Fay X., Ft. Lauderdale
Appell, Mrs. A.D., Miami
Aschman, David C., Coral Gables
Ashe, Miss Barbara Rose, Coral Gables
Ashe, Mrs. Bowman Foster, Coral Gables
Atkinson, Judge Edith M., Miami
Aurell, Mrs. John K., Coral Gables
Baber, Adin, Kansas, Illinois*
Baldwin, C. Jackson, Miami
Balfe, Mrs. E: Hutchins, Miami
Barkdull, Thomas H., Miami
Barnes, Col. Francis H., Miami
Barrett, Rev. Allen L., Miami
Bates, Franklin W., Miami
Baucom, Mrs. Ruth Kaune, Ft. Myers
Baxter, John M., Miami*
Baya, George J., Esq., Miami
Bedall, Mrs. James J., Miami
Belle Glade Municipal Library
Beriault, John G., Naples
Bills, Mrs. John T., Miami
Bloomberg, Robert L., Miami
Bodley, Lena, Coral Gables
Boldrick, Samuel J., Miami
Borton, F.W., Miami
Bowen, Alice L., Coral Gables
Bower, Robert S., North Miami Beach
Breeze, Mrs. Kenneth W., Miami Shores
Brevard Community College, Cocoa
Bresnahan, Rev. John F., Miami
Brookfield, Charles M., Miami
Brooks, J.R., Upper Key Largo
Broward County Archaeological Society

Broward County Historical Commission
Brown, Dr. James N., Coral Gables
Brown University Library, Providence, RI
Brunstetter, Mrs. Roscoe, Coral Gables
Budenz, Mrs. Margaret R., Miami
Buhler, Mrs. Jean E., Coral Gables
Burghard, August, Ft. Lauderdale
Burghardt, Sue Pope, West Palm Beach
Burns, Edward B., Las Cruces, N.M.
Haydon Burns Library, Jacksonville
Burr, Mrs. Raymond 0., Miami
Burt, Al, Hawthorne, Florida
Buswell, James 0., Ill, Highland Park, I11.

Cables, June E., Homestead
Callahan, Mrs. K.W., Coral Gables
Campbell, W.A., M.D., Ft. Lauderdale
Carlton, Mrs. Patricia P., Ft. Lauderdale
Cartee, Mrs. Horace L., Coral Gables
Cassano, Mrs. Patricia A., Miami
Castillo, Robert, Miami
Cayton, Mrs. Leona Peacock, Miami
Cesarano, Mrs. P.J., Miami
Chapman, Arthur E., Miami
Cheatham, Mrs. John H., Jr., Coral Gables
Cherry, Mrs. Gwendolyn S., Miami
Christensen, Mrs. Charlotte Curry, Miami
Clarendon, David P., Miami
Clark, Mrs. Marie, Coral Gables
Clearwater Public Library, Clearwater
Coconut Grove Library, Miami
Coleman, Mrs. Florence B., Miami
Coleman, Hannah P., Miami
Conklin, Miss Dallas M., Long Beach, Calif.
Conlon, Frank C., Hollywood
Colon, Lyndon C., Hollywood
Cool, Stephen E., Miami
Cook, Miss Mary C., Crownpoint, N.M.
Cooney, Mrs. Robert E., Miami Shores
Coral Gables, Public Library, Coral Gables*
Cormack, Elroy.Calvin, Miami

Coslow, George R., Miami
Covington, Dr. James W., Tampa
Cox, Dr. William E., Jr., Chagrin Falls, Ohio
Crane, Mrs. Francis V., Marathon
Creel, Earl M., Melbourne, Fla.
Creel, Joe, Miami
Criswell, Col. Grover C., Citra
Cromer, Peggo, Coral Gables
Cross, J. Alan, Miami
Crowder, Mrs. James F., Jr., Coral Gables
Cullom, Mrs. Caryl J., Miami
Culpepper, Mrs. Kay M., Miami
Curry, Miss Lamar Louise, Coral Gables
Cushman School, The, Miami**

Dann, Charles W., Jr., Coconut Grove
Dann, Mrs. Charles W., Jr., Coconut Grove
Daryman, June N., Miami
David, Mrs. Carl H., Miami
Dean, Mrs. Kate Stirrup, Coconut Grove
DeBoe, Mrs. M.P., Coral Gables
Detroit Public Library, Detroit, Mich.
Dexter, John F., Key Biscayne
Dorothy, Mrs. Caroline, Miami*
Dorsey, Mrs. Mary C., Coral Gables
Douglas, Marjory Stoneman, Miami**
Dressier, Philip, Ft. Lauderdale
Drew, Miss Claire, Miami
Duncan, Marvin L., Miami
Dunn, Hampton, Tampa
Dusman, Mrs. Florence R., Coral Gables
Dusman, Gilbert H., Coral Gables
Duvall, Mrs. John E., Miami
Duvall, Miss Maileen, Miami

Edelen, Ellen, Miami
El Portal Women's Club, Miami
Erickson, Mrs. Melville A., Coral Gables
Eulo, Mrs. Dorothy, Cliffwood Beach, N.J.
Evans, Mary K., Coconut Grove
Everglades Natural History Ass'n.,
Ezell, Judge Boyce F., Jr., Coral Gables
Ezell, Boyce F., Ill, Coral Gables

Farley, Margaret M., Miami
Ferguson, Andrea R., Miami
Field, Capt. Benjamin P., Lantana
Fields, Mrs. Eddie L., Miami
Finlay, James N., Miami
Fitzgerald-Bush, Frank S., Opa Locka
Fleming, Joseph Z., Miami
Florence, Robert S., Miami
Florida International University
Library, Miami
Florida Technological University
Library, Orlando
Floyd, Shirley P., Jupiter, Fla.
Fort Lauderdale, Historical Society
Fortner, Ed, Ocala
Foss, George B., Jr., Miami
Franken, Mrs. Marshall H., Miami
Franklin, Mitchell, St. John, N.B., Canada

Frisbie, Mrs. Louise K., Bartow
Frisbie, Loyal, Bartow
Frost, Mrs. Michael, Miami
Fullerton, R.C., Coral Gables

Gainesville Public Library
Gauld, Dr. Charles A., Miami
Giller, Norman M., Miami Beach
Glass, Dr. Stanley, Miami
Godown, Mrs. Albert W., Ft. Myers
Goldman, Sue S., Miami
Goldstein, Charles, Miami
Goza, William M., Clearwater
Gramling, J.C., Miami
Green, Mrs. Lonsdale B., Miami Beach
Greene, Mrs. S.M., Coral Gables
Griley, Victor P., Miami
Gross, Dr. Zade Bernard, Largo
Hahn, Mrs. Robert C., Miami
Hamlin, Miss Betsy Belle, Miami
Hampton, Mrs. John, Baltimore, MD*
Hancock, Mrs. James T., Jacksonville
Harding, Mrs. Henry K., Delray Beach
Harrington, Frederick H., Hialeah
Harris, Mrs. Ralph A., Coral Gables
Harris, Mrs. William A., Jr., Naples
Harwood, Mrs. Manton E., Coral Gables
Hatfield, Bruce, Miami
Hatfield, Mrs. M.H., North Miami
Hattenbrun, Christian W., Miami
Hendry, Judge Norman, Miami
Herin, Thomas D., Miami
Herin, Judge William A., Miami*
Hesslein, Frank B., Miami
Hialeah, City of, Library Division
Hiers, J.B., Jr., Miami
Hill, Herbert H., Miami
Hills, Lee, Miami
Hodsden, Mrs. Harry E., Miami
Hogan, Mrs. Thomas D., III, Miami
Holcomb, Lyle D., Jr., Coral Gables
Holland, George Russell, Miami
Hoyt, Robert L., Miami
Hume, David, Miami
Henry E. Huntington Library,
San Marino, Calif.
Hutchinson, Mrs. Robert J., Coral Gables

Institute of Jamaica, Kingston,
Jamaica, B.W.I.

Jacobstein, Dr. Helen L., Coral Gables
James, Mary Crofts, Miami
Jasper, Mrs. Lawrence H., Miami
Johnson, Mrs. Kathryne I., Coral Gables
Johnson, S.H., M.D., Miami
Johnson, Mrs. Westerdahl, Miami
Jones, Mrs. Edgar, Coral Gables
Jones, Mark B., Venice, Florida
Jones, Thompson V., Miami
Junkin, Mrs. Edson B., Lehigh Acres

Kammer, Barbara,'Miami

Kanner, Mrs. Lewis M., Coral Gables
Kattel, G. Edward, Key Biscayne
Keep, Oscar J., Coral Gables
Kemper, Tim, Miami Shores
Knott, Judge James R., West Palm Beach
Knotts, Tom, Yankeetown
Kunz, Mrs. Lyle B., Miami

LaCroix, Mrs. Aerial C., Miami
Lake Worth Public Library, Lake Worth
Langley, Wright, Key West
Larrabee, Charles, Jr., Miami
Laughlin, Mrs. Dorothy A., Miami
LaVerne, Pamela, Key Biscayne
Law, Mrs. J.B., Jupiter
Laxson, Dan D., Hialeah
Leary, Lewis, Chapel Hill, N.C.
Lebrun, Donald E., Coral Gables
Leffler, Miss Cornelia, Miami**
Lehman, Richard H., Dania
Leonardy, Dr. Herberta, Miami*
Lewis, Gerald A., Coconut Grove
Lindsey, Mrs. A.R., Miami Beach
Linehan, Mrs. John, Lantana
Locke, R.R., Miami
Longshore, Frank, Miami
Loxahatchee Historical Society, Jupiter
Luft, Mary, Coconut Grove

Malone, Randolph A., Coral Gables
Mank, Mrs. R. Layton, Coral Gables
Marathon Public Library, Marathon
Marks, Henry S., Huntsville, Ala
Marchman, Watt P., Fremont, Ohio*
Martin County Public Library, Stuart
Mason, Dix, Coconut Grove
Matheny, John W., Miami
Matheson, Bruce C., Goulds
Matheson, Finlay L., Miami
Matheson, R. Hardy, Coral Gables
Mathewson, R. Duncan, North Miami
Matthaus, Mrs. Edward, Miami
Matusek, Mrs. Virginia G., Miami
Maxwell, Mrs. Arline, Miami
McArthur, Mrs. J.N., Miami
McCarty, Genie M., Miami Springs
Mclver, Stuart B., Lighthouse Point
McKay, John G., Jr., Coral Gables
McNaughton, M.D., Miami
Merritt, Mrs. Leslie R., Fairfax, Va.
Miami Central Sr. High School, Miami
Miami-Dade Community College, Miami
Miami Pioneers, Inc., Miami
Miami Public Library, Miami*
Miami-West Indian Archaeological Society,
Mickler, Mrs. Thomas, Chuluota
Miller, Irving E., Miami Beach
Miller, William Jay, Miami
Minear, Mrs. L.V., Jupiter
Minton, Thomas Lee, Coral Gables
Monk, J. Floyd, Miami
Monroe County Public Library, Key West

Moore, Mrs. Jack, North Miami
Morales, Ivan, Jr., Coral Gables
Morningside Elementary P.T.A., Miami
Moseley, Mrs. Dale U., Coral Gables
Moss, Mrs. Harry N., Coral Gables
Moylan, E.B., Jr., Miami
Mudd, Dr. Richard D., Saginaw, Mich.
Muller, David Fairchild, Miami
Muller, Dr. Leonard R., Miami
Mustard, Alice Isabel, Coral Gables
Mustard, Margaret Jean, Coral Gables
Myers, Ida P., North Miami Beach

Nance, Judge L. Clayton, Ft. Lauderdale
Nelson, John S., Miami Beach
Newberry Library, Chicago, Ill.

Orlando Public Library, Orlando
Orseck, Robert, North Miami Beach
O'Steen, Mrs. Edna, Miami
Oswald, Mrs. M.J., Miami
Overstreet, Estelle C., Miami
Owens, Mrs. Bradley, Miami Shores

Palm Beach County Historical Society
Pancoast, Alice A., Miami
Pancoast, John Arthur, Pompano Beach
Pancoast, Lester C., Miami
Pancoast, Mrs. Lester C., Miami
Pancoast, Peter Russell, Miami
Parks, Jeffrey R., Miami
Parks, Merle, Miami
Parkway Junior High School, Opa Locka
Patton, Mrs. Dan 0., Miami
Peacock, Mrs. Albert, Jr., Coconut Grove
Pearce, Dr. Frank H., Coral Gables
Peeler, Miss Elizabeth H., Coral Gables
Pensacola Junior College, Pensacole
Perry, Roy A., Miami
Peters, John S., Orlando
Peters, Mrs. Wirt, Coral Gables
Peterson, Stuart J., Miami
Pettigrew, Richard A., Miami
Pfaff, Robert M., Miami
Phillips, Merry Lynn, Coral Gables
Pierce, Harvey F., Miami
Pierce, Mrs. Maylen N., Coral Gables
Pizzo, Tony, Tampa
Plockelman, Cynthia H,, West Palm Beach
Potter, Robert E., Hialeah
Proenza, Mrs. Morris G., Miami
Quillian, Dr. Warren, II, Coral Gables

Rader, Earle M, Miami
Rader, Paul C., Miami
Ransom School Library, Miami
Reed, Miss Elizaheth Ann, Delray Beach
Reed, Ralph D., Clearwater
Reiger, Dr. John F., Coral Gables
Renick, Ralph, Miami,
Rich, Louise, Miami
Rijock, Kenneth W., Coconut Grove

Riviera Beach Public Library, Riviera
Robbins, Mrs. Lawrence J., Miami
Robertson, Mrs. L.B., Miami
Rogers, Mrs. Walter S.C., Coral Gables
Roller, Mrs. G. Philip, Miami
Rollins College Library, Winter Park
Rosborough, Dr. Melanie R., Coral Gables
Ross, Helen, Benton Harbor, Mich.
Ross, Mrs. Richard F., Delray Beach
Rothra, Mrs. Elizabeth, Miami
Rowell, Edward P., Coconut Grove
Rummel, Virginia C., Goulds
Ryan, Mrs. Alan F., Miami
Ryan, Mrs. J.H., Miami Beach
Rymer, Mrs. John E., Miami

Sadler, Anita C., Coconut Grove
Samet, Alvin M., Miami
Sands, Harry B., Nassau, N.P., Bahamas
Scarborough, Mrs. Chaffee A., Miami
Scher, Mrs. Frederick, Miami
Schwartz, Laura, Miami
Seemann, Ernest A., Miami
Seley, Ray B., Jr., Miami
Serkin, Manuel, Coral Gables
Shearston, Evelyn R., Miami
Shipley, Zannie May, Coral Gables
Shiver, Otis W., Miami
Shiverick, Mrs. Thomas T., Miami
Simms, John G., Jr., Miami
Smathers, Frank, Jr., Miami
Smiley, Nixon, Miami
Smith, Mary Ellen, Miami
Smith, McGregor, Jr., Miami
Smith, Walter P., Miami
Smith, Mrs. William Burford, Miami
Snodgrass, Miss Dena, Jacksonville
Southern Illinois University Libraries,
Spalding, Lynne R., Key Biscayne
State Historical Society of Wisconsin,
Staubach, James C., Miami
Stevens, Mrs. Elizabeth, Miami
Stewart, Franz H., M.D., Miami
Stewart, Dr. Harris B., Jr., Coral Gables
Stillman, Chauncey, New York
Stimson, Mrs. Miriam M., Miami
Stoker, Charles J., Miami
Straight, Dr. William M., Miami
Stripling, Robert, Hialeah
Sullivan, Catherine B., Bal Harbour
Sutcliffe, William H., Coral Gables

Sutton, Mrs. Norman E., Goulds

Tampa Public Library, Tampa
Tardif, Robert G., Miami
Taylor, Mrs. F.A.S., Miami
Taylor, Mrs. Nina, Coral Gables
Teasley, T.H., Coral Gables
Tebeau, Mrs. Violet H., Coral Gables
Ten Eick, Mrs. M. Nunez, Tampa*
Tennessee State Library and Archives,
Tharp, Dr. Charles Doren, Miami*
Thomas, Arden H., Miami
Thomas, Wayne, Tampa
Thomson, Parker D., Miami
Thirft, Dr. Charles T., Jr., Lakeland
Tottenhoff, Mrs. J.R., Coral Gables
Trenerry, Walter N., Key Biscayne
Trybus, John E., Coral Gables
Twing, G.S., Coral Gables

University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa City
University of Miami Richter Library,
Coral Gables
University of South Florida Library, Tampa
University of Tampa Library, Tampa

Van Beuren, Michael, Marathon
Wakeman, Mrs. Charles H., Jr., Miami
Waldhour, E. Ardelle, Coral Gables
Walker, Evan B., Miami
Ware, Mrs. John D., Tampa
Ware, Mrs. Willard M., Miami Beach
Warren, C. Rhea, Miami
Watters, Mrs. Preston H., Miami
Weintraub, Albert, Miami
West Palm Beach Public Library
Whigham, Mrs. Florence R., Miami
Whitenack, Mrs. Irven A., Coral Gables
Whitmer, Dr. Kenneth S., Miami
Will, Lawrence E., Belle Glade
Williams, John B., Miami
Windhorn, Stan, Key West
Wirkus, Mrs. Leonard V., Miami
Wittkow, Mrs. Christian, La Jolla, Calif.
Wood, Prunella, Coconut Grove
Woore, Mrs. A. Meredith, Miami*
Wright, Dr. lone S., Miami Shores
Wrighley, Mrs. Fran, Miami
Wynne, Jefferson, Miami Beach

Young, Mary E., Jupiter
Young, Montgomery L., Miami


Aberle, M/M Gustave C., Jr., Miami
Adams, M/M Alto, Jr., Fort Pierce
Adams, Adam G., Coral Gables*
Adams, Wilton L., Miami
Aldrich, M/M Roy L., Jr., Miami
Allen, Mrs. Eugenia, Miami
Allen, Raymond F., Miami
Allston, Mrs. William F., Miami
Angus, Mrs. Evalene K., Miami
Archer, Ben, Homestead
Averbook, Daniel Z., Miami
Ayars, Erling E., Coral Gables
Baker, Charles H., Jr., Naples*
Baker, Mrs. Rita L., Miami
Beal, K. Malcolm, Miami*
Beare, Mrs. Richard, Miami
Beckham, W.H., Jr., Coral Gables
Biedron, Mrs. Stanley, Coral Gables
Bielawa, R.A., Miami
Bowen, Mayor/Mrs. Forrest H., Miami
Brannen, H.S., Miami Springs
Brimson, M/M W.G., Sr., Coral Gables
Bumstead, Evvalyn R., Miami
Burton, Mrs. Robert A., Jr., Miami*

Cameron, D. Pierre G., Miami
Cameron, Joanna M., Miami
Carroll, Mrs. Edith A., Miami
Casey, Mrs. M.H., Coconut Grove
Childress, L.C., Coral Gables
Cole, M/M Carlton William, Miami
Cole, R.B., Miami
Combs, Walter H., Jr., Miami*
Corliss, Carlton J., Tallahassee
Corwin, Dr. William, Coral Gables
Crymes, Dr. James E., Coral Gables
Dade Heritage Trust, Inc., Miami
D'Alemberte, Mrs. Sandy, Miami
Davidson, Mrs. Robert M., Miami
Deen, Mrs. George, Coral Gables
Deen, James, Miami
Dismukes, William Paul, Coral Gables*
DuBois, Mrs. Bessie Wilson, Jupiter
Dunan, Mrs. G.V.R. Miami
Dunan, Mrs. Otis F., Coral Gables
DuPriest, Margaret, Coconut Grove

Edwards, Robert V., M.D. Coral Gables
Erickson, Douglas, Miami
Errera, Mrs. Dorothy W., Miami
Evans, Mrs. Robert D., Miami
Ewell, Mrs. A. Travers, Miami
Fascell, Dante B., Washington, D.C.
Ferendino, Andrew J., Coral Gables
Field, Dr. Henry, Miami
Florida Southern College, Lakeland
Florida State Library, Tallahassee
Fowler, Mrs. Walter H., North Miami

Freeman, Harley L., Ormond Beach
Frohock, Mrs. Jack, North Miami
Fuchs, Richard W., Naranja
Gifford, Mrs. John C., Miami
Goldweber, Seymour, Perrine
Gray, M/M William L., III, Coral Gables
Griley, M/M Victor P., Jr., Miami

Hancock, Mrs. Eugene A., Miami
Harrison, M/M Joseph R., Jr.,
Coconut Grove
Harvard College Library
Head-Beckham Insurance Agency, Miami
Highleyman, Mrs. Katherine D., Miami
Hilles, Mrs. Margaret P., Coral Gables
Hopkins, M/M Carter W., Coconut Grove
Houser, Roosevelt C., Miami
Hubbell, Willard, Miami
Hudson, M/M James A., Miami

Jasiecki, Dorothy F., Miami Lakes
Johnston, M/M Thomas McE.,
Coral Gables
Jones, Joseph Marion, Coconut Grove
Junkin, M/M John E., Coral Gables
Jureit, Mrs. L.E., Coral Gables
Karcher, M/M David P., Miami
Kent, Mrs. Frederick A., Coral Gables
Kessler, Mrs. Sharon S., Miami
Key West Art & Historical Society
Kolisch, Mrs. Joseph M., Miami
Krome, Mrs. William J., Homestead*

Lindgreen, Mrs. M.E., Miami Shores
Lipp, Morris N., Miami Beach
Lippert, Mrs. Anne A., Miami
Lloyd, J. Harlan, Miami

Magnuson Properties Corp., Miami
Mangels, Dr. Celia C., Miami Shores
March, M/M John P., Miami
Mathews, Lucinda N. Alexandria, Va.
McKey, Mrs. R.M., Coral Gables
McNaughton, Dr. Robert A., Miami
McNeill, Robert E., Jr., Windermere
Merrick, Mrs. Eunice P., Coral Gables*
Miami Beach Public Library, Miami Beach
Moseley, William H., Delray Beach
Mueller, Edward A., Jacksonville
Muir, M/M William Whalley, Miami
Munroe, Mary J., Coral Gables
Munroe, Mrs. Wirth M., Miami
Myers, M/M Philip D., Coral Gables
Nabutovsky, Barbara, Miami
Napier, M/M Harvey, Coral Gables
Nelson, Theodore R., Miami Beach
Nettleton, Danforth H., Miami
Norman, Dr/Mrs. Harold G., Jr., Coral Gables

Old Island Restoration Foundation, Inc.,
Key West
Oren, M/M Benjamin G., Miami
Otto, Mrs. Thomas Osgood, Miami Beach

Padgett, Inman, Coral Gables
Pardue, Leonard G., Miami Springs
Pearce, Mrs. A. Dixon, Miami
Pepper, Hon. Claude, Miami Beach
Philbrick, W.L., Coral Gables
Polin, Judith W., Miami
Preston, J.E. Ted., Miami
Proby, Mrs. Lucien, Jr., Miami
Purvis, Mrs. Hugh F., Coral Gables

Quesenberry, William F., Coral Gables

Ramsey, M/M David III, Miami
Reese, T.T., Palm Bdach
Rice, Sister Elizabeth Arm, Miami Shores
Rider, M/M Eugene, Miami Beach
Rieder, W. Thomas, Miami
Robbins, M/M William R., Jr., Miami
Russell, T. Trip, Miami

Sadler, Michael Howe, Coconut Grove
Saint Augustine Historical Society
Schober, Warren, Miami
Schwartz, Judge/Mrs. Alan R., Miami
Shank, H.W., Coral Gables
Shaw, Harry Oversreet, Miami
Shaw, Miss Luelle, Coral Gables*
Shaw, Mrs. W.F., Miami
Sibert, M/M J.D., Miami
Simmonite, Col. Henry G., Coral Gables
Sisselman, M/M Murray,
North Miami Beath
Skigen, Dr./Mrs. Jack, Miami
Smiley, Dr./Mrs. Karl, Miami
Snyder, Mrs. Frederick R., Sr., Miami
South Florida Growers Ass'n., Goulds
Spector, M/M J. Bernard, Miami Beach
Spinks, Mrs. Elizabeth J., Miami*

Stanford, Dr. Henry King, Coral Gables
Statewide Appraisal Service, Inc., Miami
Steel, William C., Miami
Stewart, M/M Chester B., Miami
Stiles, Wade, Palm City"
Stokes, Thomas J., Miami
Stowe, M/M Larry B., Miami
Summers, M/M John, Miami
Sweeney, Mrs. Edward C., Miami
Swenson, Edward F., Miami

Thatcher, John, Miami
Thompson, M/M Jon, Coconut Grove
Thorpe, Fran Hutchings, Miami
Thorpe, M/M George H., Miami
Tibbetts, Alden M., Coral Gables
Town, Miss Eleanor F., Coral Gables
Turner, Mrs. Lawrence 0., Jr., Miami

University of Florida, P.K. Yonge Library,
University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia

Vann, Merrill C., Miami
VanOrsdel, C.D., Coral Gables
Vergara, Dr./Mrs. George L., Miami

Wakefield, Thomas H., Miami
Weinreb, Mrs. Ann Henry, Miami
Weintraub, Mrs. Sydney, Miami
Wenck, James H., Miami
West, M/M Everett G., Ft. Lauderdale
White, Louise V., Key West
White, Richard M., Miami
Whitten, George E., Miami Beach
Williamson, M/M R.W., Coconut Grove
Wilson, Peyton L., Miami*
Wimbish, Paul C., Miami Beach
Wolfe, Miss Rosalie L., Miami
Woods, Frank M., M.D., Miami
Woodworth, Barbara L., Coral Gables
Wooten, Mrs. Eudora Lyell, Miami
Wooten, James S., Miami


Admire, Jack G., Coral Gables
Admire, Mrs. Jack, Coral Gables

Bader, M/M Robert "Bob", Miami
Battle, M/M Benjamin, Miami
Biglin, Mrs. W.A., Fort Lauderdale
Black, M/M Leon, Jr., Coral Gables
Blackburn, Elmer E., Miami
Blue, Mrs. R.L., Miami Shores
Blumberg, M/M David, Coral Gables
Brandt, M/M Kenneth G., Miami
Buker, Charles E., Sr., Miami
Burdine, William M., Miami
Burkett, Mrs. Charles W., Jr., Miami Beach

Cassidy, Owen J., Coconut Grove
Caster, Mrs. George B., Coral Gables
Catlow, M/M William R., Jr., Miami*
Chaille, Joseph H., North Miami
Chowning, John S., Coral Gables
Clay, Dana, Coral Gables
Colson, Bill, Miami
Crow, Lon Worth, Jr., Coral Gables

Danielson, Mrs. R.E., Boston, Mass.
Davis, M/M Bruce L., Miami
Davis, Frank C., Miami
Davis, Hal D., Coral Gables
DeNies, Charles F., Hudson, Mich.

Dickey, Dr. Robert F., Miami
Dodd, M/M Stanley, Jr., Miami
Dohrman, Howard I., Miami
Dunlop, Mrs. Donald D., Miami
Dunty, R.P., Jr., Lake Placid
Dunwody, Atwood, Miami
DuPuis, John G., Miami

Everglades School for Girls, Miami

Flinn, Mrs. Gene, Miami
Franklin, Mrs. Sandra, Miami
Frates, M/M William, Coral Gables
Frazer, Col. Fred J., USMC re'td., Miami
Frazier, James C., Miami

Gabler, Mrs. George E., Miami
Gaby, Donald C., Miami
Gautier, Redmond Bunn, Miami

Hardie, George B., Jr., Miami
Hardin, Henry C., Jr., M.D., Coral Gables
Hicks, William M., Miami
Highleyman, Daly, Miami
Hildreth, Robert R., Coral Gables
Howe, Mrs. Elden L., Coral Gables

Jude, Dr./Mrs. James R., Coral Gables

Kaufman, Mrs. James M., Coral Gables
Kelly, M/M J. Terence, Coral Gables
Kislak, Jay I., Miami
Kistler, Robert S., Miami
Knight, John S., Miami
Kniskern, Kenneth F., Miami
Kolbe, M/M Leo B., Coral Gables

Leslie, M/M Richard M., Coral Gables
Lewin, Robert,' Miami
Lummus, J.N., Jr., Miami

Maclntyre, M/M A.C., Miami
MacNeill, Malcolm G., Miami
Martin, Mrs. Kirby A., New York
Matheson, M/M Finlay B., Coconut Grove
Maxted, F.J., Jr., Coral Gables
McAdam, Joanne F., Bal Harbour
McCabe, Dr. Robert H., Coral Gables

McCabe, Mrs. Robert H., Coral Gables
McCrimmon, C.T., Miami
McKenna, Mrs. R.A., Coral Gables
Mead, D. Richard, Miami
Mead, Mrs. D. Richard, Miami Beach
Mitman, Earl T., Miami
Murray, Miss Mary Ruth, Coral Gables

National Railway Historical Society, Miami
Nicolet, Mrs. Robert A., Key Biscayne
Nordt, Mrs. John C., Miami

Pancoast, Katherine Franch, Miami
Parker, Alfred B., Miami
Payne, Mrs. R.W., Jr., Coral Gables
Perry, Dr. Charles E., Miami
Peters, Gordon H., Miami Shores
Peters, Dr. Thelma P., Miami*
Pierce, J.E., Miami
Plumer, Richard B., Miami

Quinton, MIM A.E., Jr., Miami

Rast, J. Lawton, Miami
Rice, M/M Ralph E., Key Biscayne
Robinson, Mrs. Bruce, Miami Springs
Ryder, Mrs. Jane, Coral Gables

Schreiber, Michael, North Miami Beach
Shipe, Paul E., Coral Gables
Simon, Edwin 0., Miami
Smith, M/M John E., Miami
Stamey, Ernest M., Hialeah

Taylor, Henry H., Jr., Miami
Thomson, Mrs. Vann, Coral Gables
The Tribune, Nassau, N.P., 13ahamas

Underwood, Edwin H., Jr., Miami

Wallace, George R., Miami Beach
Wessel, George H., V., M.D., Hialeah
Wilkins, Woodrow Wilson, Miami
Wilkinson, Lawrence S., Miami Beach
Wilson, D. Earl, Black Mountain, N.C.**
Wipprecht, Mrs. Marion H., Coral Gables
Wolfson, Richard F., Coral Gables


Blanck, Bernie, Coral Gables
Bohan, Brent Alan, Miami
Clark, M/M H.L., Miami Shores
Clark, Mrs. Mae Knight, Coral Gables

Danielson, J. Deering, Coral Gables
Farrey, M/M Francis X., Miami.Beach
Fitzgerald, Dr. Joseph H., Miami
Harrison, John C., Miami
Johnson, Mrs. Myron A.C., Miami


Arvida Corporation, Miami
Belcher Oil Company, Miami
Bruce, M/M Otho B., Miami
Dade Federal Savings & Loan Ass'n.,
Dotson, Martha Jo, Miami
Grafton, M/M Edward G., Coral Gables
Graham, Mrs. Ernest R., Miami Lakes
Graham Foundation, The, Miami Lakes

Keyes Foundation, Inc., The, Miami
Link, E.A., Fort Pierce
Ross, Mrs. Stanley E., Coral Gables

Sharp, Harry Carter, Miami
Southern Bell Tel. & Tel. Co., Miami
Stouder, David C., Miami
Withers Van Lines of Miami, Inc., Miami
Wolfson, Col. Mitchell, Miami

Matheson, Mrs. Finlay L., Miami
Parks, M/M Robert L., Coral Gables
Peacock Foundation, Inc., Miami
Read, Mrs. Albert Cushing, Miami
Reed, Mrs. Armand E., Miami
Trainer, Monty P., Coconut Grove
Vance, Mrs. Herbert 0., Coral Gables*


Burger King Corporation, Miami

First Federal Savings & Loan Ass'n., Miami
Florida Power & Light Co., Miami
Harris, Miss Julia F., Stuart
Hill, Walter C., Miami
Miami Herald, The., Miami
McHale, William J., Coral Gables

Honorary Life

Brown, Daniel M., Jr., Midmi

Carson, Mrs. Ruby Leach, Miami**
Pardo, Mrs. Ramiro V., Miami
Rast, Mrs. J. Lawton, Miami*


Podhurst, Orseck & Parks, P.A., Miami

Ryder Systems, Inc., Miami
Saga Development Corp., Coral Gables
Stepjhens, RADM/Mrs. I.J., Miami
Worley, Gautier & Sams, Miami

Tebeau, Dr. Charlton W., Coral Gables*
Waters, Fred M., Jr., Coral Gables
Wilson, Gaines R., Miami**
Withers, James G., Coral Gables
Withers, Wayne E., Coral Gables



RAdm. Irvin J. Stephens
George B. Hardie, Jr.
First Vice President
Jack G. Admire
Second Vice President
Mrs. Robert A. Nicolet
Recording Secretary
Mrs. Robert L. Parks
Corresponding Secretary
Walter C. Hill

Leonard G. Pardue
Editor Update
Dr. Thelma P. Peters
Research Consultant
Randy F. Nimnicht
Museum Director
Ms. India Sue Barbee
Museum Administrator
Ms. Patricia West
Museum Curator
Ms. Rebecca A. Smith

Charlton W. Tebeau
Editor Tequesta


Ms. Marie Anderson
Samuel J. Boldrick
Otho B. Bruce
Mrs. William 0. Cullom
Mrs. Kate Stirrup Dean
Alfredo G. Duran
Boyce F. Ezell, III
Mrs. Edward G. Grafton
John C. Harrison
Donald E. Lebrun
Finlay B. Matheson

Mrs. Robert McCabe
John F. Reiger
Mrs. Thomas J. Shiverick
McGregor Smith
William M. Straight
Mrs. Herbert 0. Vance
Woodrow W. Wilkins
Wayne E. Withers
Richard Wolfson
Mrs. James S. Wooten

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