• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Front Cover
 The federal music project...
 Miami’s bootleg boom
 150 years of defense activity in...
 Samuel Hodgman, Haines City, Florida,...
 The Matecumbe Methodist church
 First impressions: the earliest...
 Contents of Tequesta, Volumes I-XXX,...
 Treasurer’s report
 List of members
 Officers and directors
 Back Cover






Title: Tequesta
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Title: Tequesta
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: Historical Association of Southern Florida
Publisher: (multiple)
Publication Date: 1970
Copyright Date: 2010
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Bibliographic ID: UF00101446
Volume ID: VID00030
Source Institution: Florida International University: Florida History and Heritage
Holding Location: Historical Museum of Southern Florida
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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Page 1
        Page 2
    The federal music project in Miami
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
    Miami’s bootleg boom
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
    150 years of defense activity in Key West, 1820-1970
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
    Samuel Hodgman, Haines City, Florida, pioneer
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
    The Matecumbe Methodist church
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
    First impressions: the earliest description of Florida to circulate in Russia (1710)
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
    Contents of Tequesta, Volumes I-XXX, 1941-1970
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
    Treasurer’s report
        Page 78
        Page 79
    List of members
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
    Officers and directors
        Page 86
    Back Cover
        Page 87
        Page 88
Full Text





1 4esh *1THE JOURNAL OF THE HISTORICAL
CI ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA


Editor: Charlton W. Tebeau


NUMBER XXX 1970


CONTENTS
PAGE
The Federal Music Project in Miami 3-12
By Marilyn S. Stolee

Miami's Bootleg Boom 13-31
By Patricia Buchanan

150 Years of Defense Activity in Key West, 1820-1970 33-51
By Clayton D. Roth, Jr.

Samuel Hodgman, Haines City, Florida, Pioneer 53-63
By Bruce W. Ball

The Matecumbe Methodist Church 64-68
By Rev. Jean U. Guerry, Pastor

First Impressions: The Earliest Description of Florida
to Circulate in Russia (1710) 69-71
By Max J. Okenfuss

Contents of Tequesta, Volumes I-XXX, 1941-1970 72-77

Treasurer's Report 78-79

List of Members 80-85

Officers and Directors 86

COPYRIGHT 1970 BY THB HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA

TCutestAt: is published annually by the Historical Association of Southern Florida.
I Communications should be addressed to the Corresponding Secretary
of the Society, 2010 North Bayshore Drive, Miami 37, Florida. The Association does not
assume responsibility for statements of fact or opinion made by contributors.







This Page Blank in Original
Source Document










Fe IestsA%




The Federal Music Project In Miami 1935-1939
By MARILYN S. STOLE*

In his annual message to Congress, January 4, 1935, President Franklin
D. Roosevelt said:
Work must be found for able-bodied but destitute workers. The
Federal Government must and shall quit the business of relief
.... We must preserve not only the bodies of the Unemployed
from destitution, but also their self-respect, their self-reliance,
and courage and determination.
This speech set the stage for great changes in federal relief policies
and programs which were to occur.
The Roosevelt administration's earlier efforts in relief programs had
met with only partial success. The all-time peak of relief was reached in
early 1935 when about twenty million people, seventeen percent of the
population, received relief. On April 8, 1935 Congress approved the
Emergency Relief Appropriation Act with an appropriation of $4.88
billion.
On May 6 the President created the Works Progress Administration
(W.P.A.) with Harry Hopkins as administrator. Mr. Hopkins had worked
in Washington since April, 1933, as administrator of the Federal Emer-
gency Relief Act (F.E.R.A.) and Civil Works Administration (C.W.A.).
His firm belief in work relief had come to dominate federal policy. He
felt that direct relief, the "dole," small amounts of cash, food, or rent
payments, was degrading to recipients and did nothing to increase people's
purchasing powers. He believed that the worker must have something ap-
proaching real work if he were to be physically and psychologically ready
for re-employment in private industry when the emergency ended. The
purpose of work relief was to maintain the morale, skills, and physical

*Marilyn S. (Mrs. Michael J.) Stolee wrote a thesis for the Master of Arts
degree in American Studies at the University of Miami in 1970 on which
this article is based.







TEQUESTA


condition of employables, defined as fit for employment, but unable to
find jobs. By providing meaningful work with a security wage the govern-
ment also hoped to prime the pump of the sluggish economy.

Work relief in the earlier programs had meant unskilled manual labor
on public construction projects. However, there had been an increasing
emphasis on diversification of work so as to allow workers to perform
activities related to their ordinary occupations. Throughout the summer
of 1935 the W.P.A. staff planned "small, useful projects" that would re-
move employable persons from relief rolls. There was a special effort to
devise work programs for white-collar workers including artists, musicians,
actors, and writers.
Late in the summer of 1935 Hopkins announced the formation of
Federal Project Number One within the W.P.A.'s Division of Professional
and Service Projects. It included projects in the fields of writing, art,
music, and theater. The programs were to be operated from Washington
as federally sponsored projects. However, they were designed as a co-
operative federal-state-local structure. The actual administration of relief
remained in state and local hands under federal rules and regulations.
Local agencies certified relief eligibility and referred persons to suitable
programs. Each of the arts projects had a national director, a regional
staff, a state director, and a local administrator.
Even before 1929 unemployment among musicians had become chronic.
One reason was technological. The phonograph and radio reduced the
demand for "live" music. In 1928 the sound track for moving pictures
appeared and caused the dismissal of pit orchestra personnel and organists.
As the depression widened, hotels reduced or discharged their dinner-hour
orchestras and established symphonies cut their personnel. Private music
teachers, as well as performers, had an increasingly difficult time. The
inclusion of music courses in the public schools narrowed the clientele for
private lessons; and as families were forced to economize, music lessons
were cancelled. The American Federation of Musicians estimated that dur-
ing the years from 1929 to 1934 approximately seventy percent of formerly
employed musicians were out of work; and that a large portion of the
remainder was not realizing a decent living from the profession.

The W.P.A. created the Federal Music Project to employ, to retrain,
and to rehabilitate unemployed musicians. The concert division established
performing units which presented public performances. There were sym-
phony orchestras, bands, chamber music ensembles, opera, and choral
units. The education division planned research activities, experiments in
musical therapy, teaching and training of persons unable to pay for music







MARILYN S. STOLE


study, courses for project teachers and leadership for community music
activities.

Dr. Nikolai Sokoloff, who had been the conductor of the Cleveland
Symphony for fifteen years, became the Music Project's national director.
His reputation assured the respect, support and cooperation of profes-
sional musicians as he organized the program. His stress upon technical
competence insured a high level of artistry.

The Florida Federal Music Project was organized in the fall of 1935.
Dr. Clarence C. Nice of Jacksonville was appointed the State Director.
The state was divided into five areas with headquarters at Tampa, Jackson-
ville, Miami, Orlando, and Pensacola. There were performing groups and
educational activities in each city.

In November, 1935 Lamar Stringfield, director of Region Five of the
Federal Music Project, came to Miami to plan the formation of a municipal
symphony orchestra. He met with representatives of the city commission,
Miami Chamber of Commerce, and Women's Federation of Music Clubs.
He announced that there were twenty-three musicians on local W.P.A.
relief rolls who would serve as a nucleus for the orchestra. Plans were
made to supplement these with other musicians so that the orchestra
would have fifty-five members who would present their first concert in
December.

Music Project employees were obtained by auditions. Anyone certified
as eligible for relief to the W.P.A. by the local employment agency, who
claimed to be a musician, was given an audition by a board of musicians.
At this time the board consisted of two professors from the University of
Miami, Arnold Volpe and Walter Grossman, and a representative of the
Miami Federation of Musicians Union. In addition to relief personnel, ten
percent of the project members could be non-relief people. These were
usually the conductor, first-chair performers, teacher supervisors, and
musicians not otherwise available. A constant problem for the orchestras
was balance of instruments. For instance, if there were no French horn
player available, one had to be obtained whether he was on relief or not.

The first concert by the new Federal Music Project Orchestra was
given on December 15, 1935 in the Miami High School Auditorium.
Lamar Stringfield returned as guest conductor. The Miami Symphony
Society sponsored the concert. Admission costs were fifty cents or one
dollar for adults and twenty-five cents for children. The program was
evenly divided between classical music and modem American compositions.
Henry Cavendish in the Miami Herald reviewed the concert very favorably







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and quoted Alexander Orr, Jr., city commissioner and Chairman of the
Miami Symphonic Society,
This concert is presented with the hope and belief that a con-
tinuation of such activity will be supported as a desired asset to
social and cultural life here .. with the works progress admin-
istration offering immediate assistance to definitely and per-
manently established music as an integral part of entertainment
to Miamians and their guests . Miami can well become an
outstanding music center.
The federal musicians made two other public appearances in Decem-
ber. They performed at Jackson Memorial Hospital and they gave a con-
cert on Christmas Eve at the Bayfront Park bandshell.
On Sunday, February 2, 1936, the Miami Concert Orchestra (through-
out the life of the project the names Miami Concert Orchestra, Miami
Federal Symphony, and Miami Symphony were used interchangeably)
presented its first concert in a series at Bayfront Park at four-thirty in
the afternoon. Walter Grossman, a member of the faculty at the University
of Miami, was the conductor. These concerts were free and they were well
publicized in the daily newspapers; the program was printed in an article
which told about guest soloists and special music. For example, the con-
cert on April 26, 1936 was in conjunction with Southern Memorial Day
services conducted by the Southern Cross Chapter of the United Daughters
of the Confederacy. The program featured a special symphonic arrange-
ment of "Dixie." These Sunday concerts continued through May.
April was a very busy month for the W.P.A. musicians in Miami.
Dr. Nice conducted two Easter concerts on Miami Beach on a specially
built platform at Fourteenth Street. For the occasion the Miami Federal
Symphony was augmented by musicians from Jacksonville, Tampa and
Orlando. A two hundred voice civic chorus sang Easter music. Other
highlights of the month included playing for President Franklin D. Roose-
velt when he arrived at Port Everglades after a fishing trip in the Bahamas;
at a reception for the Pan American Day celebration; for the opening
of the Federal Art Galleries; and for the national convention of the Feder-
ation of Women's Clubs at the Miami Biltmore.
In June a new series of Friday evening concerts in Bayfront Park,
called Community Music Nights, was announced under the joint auspices
of the Miami Recreation Department and the Federal Music Project. The
program was in three parts: (1) a half hour of orchestra music, standard
classics; (2) community singing led by the Civic Chorus; and (3) orchestra
music featuring lighter music. These concerts were well publicized and







MARILYN S. STOLEE


well attended. The orchestra featured American composers and an oc-
casional original composition, as well as special occasion music (July
Fourth), special guests (Gold Star Mothers), and special performers
(Clarence C. Nice, Jr., son of the state director). In an editorial the
Miami Herald commented on Federal Music Project activities:
Miami is the fortunate possessor of one federal symphony or-
chestra . For nearly a year this orchestra has been furnishing
Miami with weekly free concerts at Bayfront Park. . The
crowds have steadily increased . Efforts are made to inculcate
the love and appreciation of the finest in music, an essential in
the spreading of culture and education.
During this first, busy year, the music education division was very
active. In May, 1936 more than seven hundred people were receiving
some form of free musical instruction in Miami. Students included mem-
bers of the Civilian Conservation Corps, a class of blind adults, orphaned
and delinquent children in institutions, children of W.P.A. workers, and
other dependent groups. Only group teaching was permitted. This free
instruction was actually thought to benefit rather than compete with regular
teachers as it widened their professional opportunities by stimulating in-
terest in music which otherwise might never have been developed. Through-
out the years of the Music Project, Miami newspapers carried announce-
ments of classes and recitals.
In addition to music instruction, the federal musicians presented music
appreciation programs in the Dade County Schools. Mr. A. B. Wilson,
W.P.A. District Supervisor, said that the purpose "was to instill a desire
for good music and thus make it possible for the coming generations to
contribute something of worth to the musical world in contrast with the
jazz offerings of the present age."
There were some attempts at music therapy in Miami. There was
work at the Miramar School for Crippled Children. There were concerts
"to soothe patients" at the Dade County Tuberculosis Hospital and at
Jackson Memorial Hospital. After a series of Monday afternoon recitals
at Jackson Hospital, the group of seven to ten musicians decided not to
play any more classical music. The patients preferred light, popular music.
One afternoon an elderly patient beat time with his foot to a "show tune";
he became so enthusiastic that he jumped up, danced around, and laugh-
ingly called for a partners
The presentation of grand opera in Bayfront Park in Miami was cer-
tainly the most interesting and pretentious project of the Federal Music
Project. As part of the Miami Project, a civic chorus had been organized







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early in 1936. The W.P.A. sponsored the chorus, but membership was
available to any interested person. Over one hundred singers rehearsed
the opera "Aida" throughout the summer months. Professional operatic
performers from New York City, who had volunteered their talents to
the Federal Music Project, came to Miami to sing the lead roles in this
and other operas.
More than five hundred people worked on this first production-many
W.P.A. personnel were involved. Construction workers built the stage;
artists and theater people created the scenery; and women of the sewing
project made costumes. Members of the Civilian Conservation Corps camp
at Kendall served as extras in the production-playing roles as soldiers,
slaves, and citizens. The United States Treasury Department cooperated
by contributing money for materials and supplies and collecting the re-
ceipts. The City of Miami contributed five hundred dollars. After meeting
expenses all proceeds were for additional free musical entertainments.
After three months of preparation, on Wednesday, August 12, an over-
flow crowd of six thousand persons attended the performance of "Aida."
There were seats for forty-five hundred; so fifteen hundred paid for stand-
ing room. Newspaper accounts did not say what this price was; regular
prices were reserved seats at one dollar and general admission ten cents.
For later productions the charge was twenty-five cents general admission,
ten cents for students.
The performance was cut short by heavy rains and rescheduled for
Saturday, August 15. More than five thousand people viewed this "open-
air production"; although thunder rolled an accompaniment to the musical
score and there was a brief shower. Frank J. Kelly, acting city manager,
sent a telegram to President Roosevelt expressing thanks for W.P.A.
musical units. "The press and public have been enthusiastic in their praise
and we wish to express in this official message our very great appreciation
for this generous and valuable contribution to the cultural life of Miami."
The "Winter Opera Series" opened in Miami on November 27, 1936
with the production of "Rigoletto." The Miami Recreation Department
was the co-sponsor. W.P.A. musicians from Tampa joined Miamians in a
ninety voice chorus and a sixty piece symphony orchestra. Again the
weather interfered, but despite the wintry breeze that swept across Bay-
front Park, twenty-five hundred persons attended the opera. The Miami
City Commission requested a repeat performance on December 4. Thirty-
five hundred people attended and the Miami Herald review said that the
"audience was receptive throughout."
On December 16, "The Pirates of Penzance" was presented-the first








MARILYN S. STOLE


of a projected series of Gilbert and Sullivan operettas. In early February
performers from Key West and St. Petersburg assisted the Miami Company
in presenting "H.M.S. Pinafore." There were reserved seats and mail
order requests came from all over South Florida. Also that month, "Rigo-
letto" and "Aida" were repeated.
For reasons which were never announced, but were probably due to
government economy measures, there was no more opera that winter. On
July 23, 1937, as a "complimentary gesture," the W.P.A. presented "Aida"
for the fortieth triennial conclave of the Knights Templars being held in
Miami. The opera was chosen because much of the symbolism of Masonic
lore traced back to Egypt.
The next opera to be presented was "In Trovatore." It was scheduled
for November 26; then it was postponed until December 3 because of the
illness of a leading performer. After two more postponements due to un-
seasonably cold weather the presentation was in Edison High School.
Many productions had been plagued by unfavorable weather so Music
Project officials announced that opera would be presented permanently
at Edison. However, there was just one more presentation-"Cavalleria
Rusticana" and "I Pagliacci," on December 11.
In reviewing this production Henry Cavendish in the Miami Herald
said:
The importance of this year's operatic efforts . lies in the fact
that they augur well for the future. There is abundant evidence
of a healthy and meritorious opera movement in Miami, giving
every indication of finer things to come.
Later in the month a Miami Herald editorial urged support of opera:
The performances of opera already presented attest to the high
standards of the artistic merit of the company. . Through
government aid and the cooperation of the city, Miami has added
opera to its seasonal attractions. . Miami's cultural stature
warrants the opera company. . .
Throughout 1937, in addition to opera productions, the Miami Sym-
phony Orchestra had continued to present Friday evening concerts in
Bayfront Park. Walter Grossman was the conductor, and the programs
followed the pattern established in the first year-classical music, lighter
music, and community singing. Newspaper accounts of these concerts
referred to "symphony in God's open air." At the end of the year Dr.
Nice announced that the four federal symphonies in Florida, Miami,
Jacksonville, Tampa, and St. Petersburg, would be merged permanently
into the Florida Federal Symphony Orchestra. It was more economical







TEQUESTA


to have one organization that could tour the state, and there were people
in music circles who wanted a first-class symphony orchestra in Florida
which was now possible with W.P.A. sponsorship.

Mr. John Bitter, who at a later time was Dean of the School of Music
at the University of Miami and conductor of the University of Miami
Symphony Orchestra, was appointed director of the Florida Symphony
when it was formed early in 1938 and he conducted through 1939. He had
been music director of the Little Symphony in Jacksonville. The organ-
ization of the Florida Symphony took place in Jacksonville which became
the headquarters. It was an all professional orchestra consisting of approxi-
mately sixty musicians who auditioned for membership. In order to have
the best talent, as well as complete instrumentation, non-relief people
joined the orchestra.
In an interview Mr. Bitter recalled the tours which the Florida Federal
Symphony made. W.P.A. money was for salaries and a minimum of operat-
ing expense; therefore, Mr. Bitter raised funds from cities and organizations
who sponsored concerts. He himself drove the tour bus, and he often
had to change tires. The Symphony performed in Miami just once; the
distance was too great and the W.P.A. wished to avoid competition with
the University of Miami Symphony. Community sponsors advanced funds
and sold tickets. The Junior Service League presented the Symphony in
St. Augustine; the Eustis Music Club sponsored concerts in Eustis; and
the Ocala Choral Society and the Primary Parent-Teachers Association
co-sponsored in Ocala. In smaller cities the concerts were held in the high
school auditorium and occasionally Mr. Bitter had to use a smaller or-
chestra due to inadequate space.

The then Florida Senator Claude Pepper commented on the Florida
Federal Symphony Orchestra for a publicity handout prepared by Music
Project headquarters:

The Work Projects Administration, through the Florida Federal
Symphony Orchestra under the able direction of John Bitter, has
made a great symphony orchestra out of Florida's own unem-
ployed musicians. This organization is a living example of what
an intelligent and sympathetic program may do with those who
have had the misfortune to be among the unemployed. ...
Mr. Bitter said,
In retrospect, I feel that a perfectly remarkable job was done.
For the first time music was brought to people who had never
heard it before. Little groups, amateur and professional, were







MARILYN S. STOLEE


germinated. High school orchestras were started with the help
of W.P.A. teachers. The organization was never free of political
strife, but we don't remember this now.

1938 was not an active year for the Miami Federal Music Project.
The City of Miami hired Caesar La Monaca's band for the free concerts
in Bayfront Park. State officials asked that civic and music groups con-
tribute funds to supplement federal music activities, but this plan never
developed. Letters to the editor in Miami newspapers gave some insight
into this situation. Writers indicated that Miamians could support only
one orchestra, and that this should be the University of Miami Symphony.

On November 30, 1938 it was announced that a new Miami federal
concert orchestra had been formed, "to replace the organization disbanded
here last December." With a nucleus of fifteen musicians it was expected
to be enlarged to thirty-five members. It was not planned to present Bay-
front concerts as improving economic conditions had left few talented
musicians available. Rather, they planned concerts in institutions and
hospitals and in small city parks in cooperation with city recreation
departments.
Thus, on January 13 and 19, 1939, the Miami Federal Orchestra gave
its first concert in Lummus Park and in Little River Park. This series
was under joint sponsorship with the City of Miami Recreation Depart-
ment. A twenty-piece orchestra directed by William G. Utermoehlen per-
formed on a simple stage built on the back of a truck. Mr. E. E. Seller,
director of the Recreation Department at that time, recalled that he plan-
ned this stage to bring recreation and entertainment to the neighborhood.
This concept of decentralizing city services has become very popular in
recent years; but Mr. Seiler developed this method to utilize the talent
which W.P.A. made available to the Recreation Department.

The orchestra also presented Friday evening concerts in Flamingo
Park on Miami Beach with the cooperation of the Miami Beach Recreation
Department. The Dade County Commissioners sponsored a series of eight
Sunday afternoon concerts in Matheson Hammock Park in the spring. The
City of Miami furnished chairs and its portable stage. Over five hundred
people attended each concert; special bus routes provided transportation
for those people who needed it. In August, the orchestra, under the direc-
tion of Mr. George Wolf, began playing in Bayfront Park again.

The public was not aware of any changes in local concerts or teaching
activities, but on July 1, 1939 Congress passed an appropriation bill which
changed the structure of W.P.A. and its arts projects. The Federal Music








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Project's name was changed to the Florida Music Project and the sponsor
was the State Planning Board from July 1939 to July 1940. The University
of Florida sponsored it from July 1940 until July 1942; the State Defense
Council sponsored light concert and dance band units to aid the war effort
by playing for various bases, hospitals, and service clubs.
Newspaper coverage of the Federal Music Project was extensive.
W.P.A. publicity men from the Federal Writers Project wrote complete
press releases. In addition, music page reporters reviewed concerts and
publicized activities. Newspaper editorials supported and encouraged the
Federal Music Project as well as all the arts projects. Editorials praised
the fact that art and culture were improved in Miami not only for the
benefit of Miamians, but for the improved image this gave the city. Of
the Miami Federal Symphony the Herald wrote: "For nearly a year this
orchestra has been furnishing Miami with weekly free concerts .... Efforts
are made thereby to inculcate the love and appreciation of the finest in
music, an essential in the spreading of culture and education." In writing
about opera the Miami News said:
The impression around Miami has been that culture is a micro-
scopic quantity in this Sodom of the slot machine. The reception
accorded 'Aida' considered along with the successful symphony
and concert season is indication that this impression will have
to be revised.
In trying to evaluate this Federal Music Project thirty-five years later;
one must remember Project goals to employ, to retrain, and to rehabilitate
unemployed musicians. There was always a basic antithesis between a
professional program and a relief program. The demands of high artistic
achievement could not always be accommodated. People who recall these
music programs all say that musicians were helped. Local band leader
Caesar La Monaca said that musicians could not have done unskilled labor
without damaging their hands. He was able to have a Boys Drum Corps
of three hundred sixty boys because W.P.A. provided fourteen teachers
to help with the training of this group. Reporter Henry Cavendish re-
membered many musicians who were able to eat and to maintain their
dignity through the Federal Music Project. As well as maintaining skills
and morale and providing a livelihood, the Project brought pleasure to
hundreds of people who attended concerts and took lessons.












Miami's Bootleg Boom
by Patricia Buchanan*

The United States House of Representatives was entangled in one of
its periodic debates over appropriations of funds to enforce national
prohibition when Congressman Fiorello LaGuardia from notoriously wet
New York announced to his colleagues, "There are more prohibition law-
breakers in Florida than in my state." When challenged to prove it the
peppery LaGuardia answered, "Oh, I have been down to Miami." Flor-
ida's Representative R. A. Green immediately requested five minutes to
answer the New Yorker's charge. In defending his state Representative
Green told the House, "Florida is as dry as the Sahara Desert." The Flor-
idian's rebuttal was extremely short. An Associated Press dispatch from
Washington explained:
When Representative Green likened his state to the Sahara, he
found his words drowned out by laughter and returned to his seat.
In the prohibition decade of the 1920's Florida was a bootlegger's
paradise. With its long coastline and liquor supply bases nearby in the
Bahamas and Caribbean, Florida won the dubious honor of being one of
the leakiest spots on the country's legally dry border.
Miami's response to the national experiment in instant salvation was
well established in the first few months of 1920. Less than thirty days
after the country went dry, the New York Times reported:
Miami is agog with tales of smuggling in every club, hotel, res-
taurant and cafe.. and as they talk they drink.... Civil and
state authorities are not against the smuggling and they agree
with the people that the nation should be wet.
Although the stage was set in 1920, it took a couple of years for
Miami's bootleg bonanza to get underway. When it did it was sparked by
an influx of money in the hands of free spending tourists responding to a
spectacular land boom and a high pressure publicity campaign directed
by promoters who lauded the climate and were not shy about suggesting
that Miami had all but repealed the Eighteenth Amendment. Scores of
clubs and casinos scattered throughout the Miami area provided enter-

*Patricia (Mrs. James C.) Buchanan is trained in journalism and history.
This paper is based upon a thesis she wrote for the Master of Arts Degree
in History at the University of Miami in 1968.







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tainment for thirsty natives and tourists while at the same time produced
a steady market for local rumrunners. Most of the hotels served drinks
quite openly. An English visitor found wines and spirits were even served
at official city functions, and recalled "at least two proper old-fashioned
saloons" located not more than 200 yards from Miami's police station.
At the time of his visit he concluded, "Prohibition in Florida has quite
definitely collapsed."
In 1920 Miami had hoped to meet the challenge of national prohibi-
tion with the same cheerful determination it had earlier coped with local
and state dry laws-it would simply ignore the whole thing. But it wasn't
quite that easy. When the Magic City blossomed into an Eden for tourists
and land speculators, it also sprouted a bootleg boom that no one could
ignore. The liquor smuggling operation began on a modest scale-a
rumrunning game played in the spirit of good natured competition between
smugglers and enforcers. But in the latter part of the decade the game
was played with bullets. Men died and citizen's emotions ran high as some
of the violence spilled into the streets. Local newspapers reported stories
of hijacking and murder, corruption in public office and plots to smuggle
aliens as well as liquor. Occasionally there was even the whisper of traf-
fic in narcotics.
This was not what Miamians anticipated in 1920 when they declared
their intention to disregard national prohibition. Like thousands of other
proper, peace-loving, and thirsty Americans, Miamians had pronounced
bootlegging a "respectable crime." But midway in the prohibition decade
the rumrunning game got rough. When the bullets began to fly in earnest
some of the local "liquor traders" abandoned the highly profitable but
risky business believing that deadly gunfights had no place in the proper
activities of respectable smugglers. Bootlegging had changed from a
friendly competitive sport to a fierce conflict between hunters and hunted.
To Miamians and local bootleggers alike it appeared that somebody had
changed the rules in the rumrunning game.

THE IMPOSSIBLE DREAM
Miami accepted the "noble experiment" with high good humor in
1920. Prohibition was here but enforcement wasn't. The eighteenth Amend-
ment was not expected to produce any problems that would disturb enter-
prising Miamians who were busy building their city and their future.
Bootlegging was as much a natural tourist attraction as palm trees and
sparkling Atlantic beaches. The Miami Herald was quick to point out that
tourists should be handled with care as far as the Volstead Act was con-







PATRICIA BUCHANAN


cerned. "Officers Carry Out Enforcement of Prohi Amendment in High-
handed and Autocratic Manner" read a page one headline in the June
22, 1920 issue. The story explained that officials had searched the car of
a teetotaler on his way to Miami for a dental convention, and the Herald
warned, "This might affect tourist travel next winter." In addition the
paper pointed out that the traveler "had also invested heavily in Miami
real estate on previous visits."

Miami's first significant prohibition case came in the early spring of
1921 when New York millionaire, Harry S. Black, a part owner of the
Flatiron Building, was arrested at the swank Royal Palm Hotel. He was
charged with having anywhere from 20 to 53 cases of liquor aboard his
private railroad car, the "Bayside," on a siding at Coconut Grove. The
Miami Herald reported that ninety bottles were produced as Exhibit A at
the trial; four members of the six-man jury tested the evidence; Mr. Black
was acquitted in five minutes.
During 1920 and 1921 Miamians were amused by newspaper reports
of local grapefruit shipped to Detroit which "did not comply with Mr.
Volstead's well know law," and they read about federal agents who pulled
the corks on 240 bottles and 25 gallons of moonshine which they "poured
into the sewer through a manhole behind the post office... under the
horrified eyes of a hundred men and women." There were newspaper
headlines of "Big Booze Haul in Coconut Grove"; a story of the "largest
and most complete still ever seized in Dade" some five miles west of Per-
rine, and the sad tale of two Miamians who were captured by prohibition
agents with 37 cases "just as their little gas launch, V6837, was chugging
merrily into a sequestered cove near Cape Florida."
Some enforcement efforts were clearly accidental. Railroad employees
reported "wet spots" surrounding a trunk in the baggage room at the
local Florida East Coast depot, and baggage smashers discovered two cases
of "leaky tools" that turned out to be Haig and Haig Scotch whiskey. Minor
auto collisions on Miami's streets also occasionally netted material for
the prohibition agencies. The sheriffs department acquired about twelve
sacks of bootleg liquor from a fisherman who had hauled them out of the
water near Key Biscayne after harassed rumrunners had apparently pitched
the load overboard. When the fisherman threw a party with his loot the
rumrunners appeared and demanded their merchandise back. The disgusted
fisherman turned it over to the sheriff saying he'd "rather give it to Andrew
Volstead."
Local newspapers dutifully reported attempts of officials to dry up
soggy Miami. In the fall of 1920 they recorded the first major skirmish







TEQUESTA


between local Wet and Dry forces. Like major cities all over the country
Miami had discovered collusion between law enforcement officials and the
bootleg fraternity. The Miami Mayor announced, "We are determined to
get rid of bootleg policemen." The force behind the cleanup in the police
department was the Dade County Ministerial Association which was de-
termined to break up an alleged "ring of officials who make it possible for
liquor and kindred crimes to flourish unchecked." The Association care-
fully pointed out that there had been only two convictions out of fifty-two
liquor cases filed since the beginning of national prohibition. It was also
noted that the brother of the prosecuting attorney for Dade County had
been arrested in Savannah in connection with a $40,000 boatload of
liquor illegally "imported" from the Bahamas. The upshot of this Wet-
Dry battle was the removal of six policemen from the force on charges
ranging from graft to collusion with bootleggers. Two were dropped for
drunkenness. The Miami Metropolis explained, one case was the "plain
variety" but the other was "somewhat spectacular" as the ex-policeman
had "roused the neighborhood of Waddell Street and Avenue C by firing
his revolver every time a chicken crowed."
When local efforts to enforce the Eighteenth Amendment proved
more amusing than effective, Washington decided to take a hand in the
matter. Miamians got word of the federal government's plan for their city
when a "liquor and drug smuggling drive on the Florida coast" was an-
nounced in Washington February 4, 1922 by Colonel L. G. Nutt of the
Internal Revenue office. A special smuggling squad with Miami as its
headquarters was to operate along the entire Florida coast. Colonel Nutt
was placed in charge of the federal forces gathering in Miami and on
March 20 they struck. The forty agents were divided into eight squads
and by 4 p.m. on the first day they raided twenty-two places including
everything from Jack's Chili Parlor at the entrance to Elser Pier, to the
Hillcrest Inn off Dixie Highway and an old fish dock near the south Miami
bridge. The news which was probably most startling to Miamians was the
Metropolis' banner headline on March 20 which read, "Bankers Involved
in Booze Trade" with the sub-head, "Col. Nutt's Forces Unearth Sensa-
tional Evidence." Prohibition agents who had been working undercover
prior to the drive charged that bootleggers gave local bankers as references,
made arrangements with the bankers to hold the purchase price in trust
until the liquor deal was completed and signed contracts to that effect.
The next day the vice president of the Miami National Bank was arrested
on a charge of conspiracy for allegedly having signed an agreement to
hold four $1,000 bills and one $50 bill until a liquor cargo was delivered.
In the Miami Herald Colonel Nutt stated he was amazed at the ease







PATRICIA BUCHANAN


with which his agents obtained evidence. In his report to Washington he
gave this example of the typical proposition by a Miami bootlegger:

We will contract for all the liquor you want, Scotch, Irish, cham-
pagne. We will go and fetch it in 24 hours and deliver it to the
railroad station if you wish it shipped, will attend to place it in
cars and will buy the necessary grapefruit or tomatoes to cover
it up. That is all that is necessary; just pile it into refrigerator
cars, with a camouflage of fruit or vegetables, and with the cars
sealed the shipment will go wherever you wish.
Colonel Nutt's report stated that Miami runners obtained liquor in
Bimini, Gun Cay and Nassau for about $18 a case. They sold it for twice
that amount in Miami and as high $100 a case in northern cities. Accord-
ing to Colonel Nutt, they also made a nice profit on the fruits and
vegetables.
In the first two days of the campaign it appeared that Colonel Nutt's
flying squads were making real progress, but on March 22 the Metropolis
carried this startling banner headline, "Prohibition Raids Prove Failure."
Colonel Nutt admitted that when he raided the liquor establishments the
proprietors and employees had frankly told him they had been tipped off.
He also complained that he was getting no help from the Anti-Saloon
League or the Ministerial Association of Miami, and they complained be-
cause he had gotten only the small operators and had not touched the "big
fellows in the liquor game." Only twenty arrests were made and eventual
convictions amounted to less than half a dozen. The Miami National Bank's
vice president was cleared by a United States Commissioner who declared,
"He was but a stockholder and not a principal in the plot." Several months
after Florida's first prohibition drive had ended the New York Times sum-
med up the results. Colonel Nutt and his prohibition squad left Florida
"before it was laughed out of the state," said the Times, "but not before
the snickers were audible."
Lest Miami's lackadaisical attitude toward the prohibition law seem too
much a blot on the city's record, it can be pointed out that the national
Congress in Washington was setting a perfect example of inaction by almost
completely ignoring the problem of enforcement during the first four
years of prohibition. And it was doing so with the approval of most of
the nation's important prohibition leaders. The Dry forces feared that if
an investigation showed casual and superficial enforcement was widespread
the Wets would be armed with a new weapon. Reflecting this policy an
assistant prohibition commissioner from Washington announced at the
height of the bootleg boom, "The situation in Miami has greatly improved."







TEQUESTA


Touring the area he claimed, "I didn't see any evidence of drinking" or
"a single man under the influence of liquor while I was in Florida." If the
Congress in Washington and the nation's Dry leaders were satisfied with
enforcement efforts, so was Miami. And so were the bootleggers. One
optimistic rumrunner predicted in 1922 that bootlegging liquor from the
Bahamas would "outstrip the real estate game as the state's leading
enterprise."

Equally pleased with the situation were the liquor suppliers in the
Bahamas. With the arrival of American prohibition more than twenty
giant liquor concerns sprang up in Nassau almost overnight. Prominent in
the ranks of liquor magnates were the names of well-known Bay Street
merchants: Christie, Collins, Kelly, Sands and Symonette.

In 1920 the governor of the Bahamas had advised the startled island
legislature, "The Colony's financial situation has been transformed." An
expected deficit of $154,000 had become a surplus of $555,000. The
New York Times commented, "Prohibition is the greatest opportunity for
the Bahamas since piracy went out of style."

What interested Miamians most in the Bahamas was the little boom-
erang-shaped island of Bimini some scant fifty miles off the Florida coast.
With Nassau as a source of supply, big warehouse boats tied up in Bimini's
quiet harbor to supply enterprising Miami rumrunners scuttling back and
forth to the Florida coast.

At one time there were nine liquor licenses authorized by the Bahamian
government for this little island with its slightly more than 300 population.
Competition kept prices reasonable and regular customers got a special
discount. Bimini was described as a "supermarket" of wet goods where
the runner went in and, with complete confidence in the quality of the
merchandise, ordered his liquor "sight unseen." He would then have the
cargo loaded aboard his boat at no charge by the liquor firm, buy gasoline
for the return trip to Miami, and get a free lunch.

The cargo was packed six bottles to a burlap bag with straw and paper
for padding. The package, called a "ham," was designed to insure safe
transportation for the precious cargo on what was likely to be a rough boat
trip. Although only extremely bad weather kept the runners in port, the
"hams" were often tossed over the side if prohibition agents hove into
sight. With a little luck they were retrieved later by the runner if they
hadn't floated away or been appropriated by some eager local citizen.
Miami youngsters in light skiffs scoured Biscayne Bay. One local lad
combined a minor bootleg operation with his paper route, but the en-







PATRICIA BUCHANAN


terprise collapsed when the "authorities"- his older brother-discovered
his cache under the house and "confiscated" the lot.
The Miami-Bimini liquor smuggling operation was carried on with just
about every type vessel that could be kept afloat. There were old fishing
boats with engines that coughed their way to the island and back, as well
as millionaires' private yachts flying famous club pennants. There was
even a flat bottomed sixteen footer with a converted automobile engine
which regularly made the trip on a calm sea and a lot of luck.

On dark moonless nights fast little thirty and forty footers especially
designed for the bootleg trade made the run. Some of the finest of these
rum boats were produced by Louis Nuta, Sr. A slight miscalculation on
the part of the federal government in World War I had proved a boon
for this Miami boat designer, builder and marine engineer. Thousands of
Liberty engines had been manufactured for World War I aircraft which
were never produced; after the war the engines were available in large
quantities for almost nothing. These were the engines that could power a
rum boat from Bimini to Miami in two hours and outrun anything the
Coast Guard had in the water. In Nuta's shop on the Miami River there
was a long row of Liberty engines.

The boat preferred by his customers in "the trade" was a thirty-four
footer with two Liberties which could make a top speed of twenty-five
miles an hour fully loaded. The unfortunate boatman who found it neces-
sary to outrun the Coast Guard or prohibition agents could, however, toss
his cargo over the side and the little boat would slip away at forty-five to
fifty miles an hour

A thirty foot boat was usually the minimum size for a profitable oper-
ation according to Nuta, but he remembers some as large as sixty feet.
The Miamian who owned an old fishing boat and converted it for speed
with Liberty engines probably made the most money in the long run. He
hadn't invested much and stood to loose less if his vessel was captured
and confiscated. A really fine rumrunning boat, built from the keel up in
Nuta's shop, cost as much as $12,000 to $14,000. But prohibition officials
often cooperated, Nuta recalls. "They'd let a local runner make enough
trips to the islands to pay for his boat and then confiscated it."

The Coast Guard was also relatively cooperative, at least at first. When
the Coast Guard captured a rumrunner and confiscated his vessel, the
boat was often put up for auction and Nuta could buy it back for a
fraction of what he'd spent to build it. Very shortly it would be out of
his shop and back in the rumrunning business again. This curious circular







TEQUESTA


traffic came to a halt when Coast Guardsmen began hauling the con-
fiscated boats to their Fort Lauderdale base and burning them on shore.
The Coast Guard made another move even more distressing to the
rumrunners. Tired of being left in the wake of the fast rum boats, the
Coast Guard began to use the confiscated vessels in their own fleet. Rum-
runners then found themselves being chased by their own speedy little
boats. After one experience like that, the rumrunners were back in Nuta's
shop with the plea, "Louie, you got to make us faster boats!" And so more
Liberty engines came out of stock.
Nuta still shudders a little to think of some of the would-be rumrunners
who tried to get him to put four-hundred horsepower Liberty engines in
boats that would be hard pressed to hold together powered by a three
horsepower Sea Gull. But for the most part the men engaged in liquor
smuggling were experienced seamen who knew the tricky Florida-Bahama
waters and the myriad hiding places along the Miami shoreline. If a sixth
sense told a rumrunner the Coast Guard was nearby he would stash his
cargo in an mangrove swamp and suddenly become just another innocent
fisherman.
These were the early years of the prohibition era. Rumrunners and
enforcers played hide and seek in the mangrove swamps and on the high
seas. The Eighteenth Amendment produced high profits for the adven-
turous, amusing stories for the local press, and it hadn't unduly inconven-
ienced any thirsty resident or tourist. But the undercurrent of violence
in the rumrunning game was soon to explode to the surface.

RUM WAR WITH REAL BULLETS
The "King of the Florida Smugglers" was dead, mortally wounded by
a Coast Guardsman's bullet in a chase up Biscayne Bay which ended in
front of the Flamingo Hotel on Miami Beach right under the noses of
scores of gaping spectators. The "King" was Duncan W. "Red" Shannon.
His death on February 25, 1926 was evidence that what had begun as a
friendly game of rumrunning in the early 1920's was fast becoming a dead-
ly business of bullets. During the last half of the prohibition decade wild
accusations and threats of violence were flung at Coast Guardsmen and
prohibition agents, while at the same time some members of those agencies
evidenced a decided tendency to shoot first and question later, or not at all.

At the time of his death, "Red" Shannon was under federal indictment
for both whiskey running and alien smuggling. He had escaped capture by
Coast Guardsmen on at least two previous occasions and his fast thirty
foot motorboat, "Goose," was well known to them. On the day of his last







PATRICIA BUCHANAN


battle with the Coast Guard, Shannon and a crew of two left Gun Cay
in the "Goose" with 170 cases of liquor headed for Miami. The Coast
Guard's thirty-five foot patrol boat K-1445, a converted rumboat, was
cruising near the county causeway south of Star Island when, just at dusk,
crewmen sighted the approaching rumrunner. The "Goose" fled north
heading for the yacht basin at the Flamingo Hotel which faced the bay
at Fifteenth Street. The rumrunners refused to heave to and Coast Guards-
men opened fire as the vessels neared the docks. Hotel guests attending a
tea dance rushed to witness the capture. An unconscious and critically
wounded Shannon was placed on a mattress on the hotel lawn and then
taken to Allison Hospital on Miami Beach where he died the following
morning. The Commander of the Coast Guard vessel, Ensign Philip E.
Shaw, is said to have recognized Shannon as a former shipmate who once
sailed with him on a fishing schooner out of Boston. The two men captured
with Shannon were Fred Walther of Miami and Addison Nickerson of
Little River.
The big question from the local press was, "When were the shots fired?"
The Miami Herald found witnesses who stated, "The Coast Guard fired
after the men had raised their hands." The Miami News, no longer the
spokesman for prohibition under S. Bobo Dean, was now owned by former
Governor James M. Cox of Ohio. It said:
... it is known that Shannon, Nickerson and Walther ... had
their hands above their heads in token surrender when guardsmen
fired on them.

A few days after the shooting, Justice of the Peace H. W. Penney is-
sued warrants charging Ensign Shaw and his four crewmen with man-
slaughter. The Coast Guard reacted strongly to the way things were going.
When a constable appeared at the base to serve the warrants, a Coast
Guardsman shot at him. This incident was closed with an apology from
the Coast Guardsman involved, but Ensign Shaw and his crew were shortly
indicted by a Dade County Grand Jury which raised the charges from
manslaughter to second degree murder.
While this case went through a long two year legal process, Coast
Guardsmen became involved in other incidents which produced even more
explosive reactions from the local press and public. Less than six months
after Shannon's death, Miamians picked up their Sunday papers to read
about a gun battle involving Coast Guard patrol boat CG-297 and a rum-
runner on the Miami River near the Granada Grill and Apartments at
150 Southeast Fourth Street. "Diners Flee Shots in Rum Chase" read the
banner headline in the Miami News; "Rain of Bullets Strikes Terror







TEQUESTA


Among Women," the subhead reported. The paper described the scene:
Guests ... ran terror stricken from their rooms and dinner tables
as volley after volley of shots, fired from Coast Guard patrol boat
297, showered about them.
The lives of fifty persons were endangered, said the News, as Coast
Guardsmen "pumped hot lead after the 'rummy' as fast as they could
pull their triggers."

Guests at the Granada Grill, who had ringside seats, described the
affair to a Herald reporter. When shots rang out at about 7:30 Saturday
evening they had rushed to the riverbank immediately outside the res-
taurant where they "looked down almost on top of the pilot of the rum
boat." With the Coast Guard in hot pursuit, the rumrunner was "lying
flat in his boat and stuck his head up only to steer." When he did, a
Coast Guard rifleman went into action. A number of people were in the
line of fire, the Herald reported.

Witnesses saw the rumrunner's boat dart under the Miami Avenue
bridge which was too low for the big Coast Guard vessel. There was a
"short delay" before the bridge was opened for the patrol boat, and in
the meantime Coast Guardsmen commandeered a private vessel to continue
the chase upriver. By this time a large crowd had gathered on the river-
bank. When Coast Guardsmen lost the rumrunner and headed back
downriver, "their vessel was object of cat-calls, boos and hisses," accord-
ing to the Herald. "The crowd hooted the guardsmen and cheered the
vanished smuggler," said the News.
The News also reminded its readers that this was not the first time
the Coast Guard had endangered the lives and property of Miamians and
their guests. Referring back to the Shannon affair, which it now termed an
"ambush by Coast Guardsmen," the paper recalled that on this occasion
Coast Guard bullets "tore through the rigging of yachts" and had "nar-
rowly missed crowds that surged down to the Flamingo docks."
The manager of the Granada Apartments, T. M. Weiss, reported his
guests "were incensed by the Coast Guard's action" and he planned to
send complaints to the Coast Guard at Fort Lauderdale or Washington.
By Monday other witnesses were voicing their complaints to a Dade
County Grand Jury, and on Tuesday Coast Guard officials ordered the
commanding officer at the Fort Lauderdale base to make a complete in-
vestigation. Heated protests against this "indiscriminate firing" were made
to Washington officials by Senator Duncan U. Fletcher and Representative
W. J. Sears.







PATRICIA BUCHANAN


One week after the incident the Dade County Grand Jury filed a
report saying:
We denounce as a reckless, needless and uncivilized practice
the methods used by Coast Guardsmen in Biscayne Bay and the
Miami River.

Grand Jurors recommended their report go to the Treasury Department
in Washington requesting officials to discipline Coast Guardsmen in-
volved because their action "tends to create a prejudice in the minds of
the public." They also wanted Washington to tell the Coast Guard to
shoot only in self defense on Biscayne Bay and the Miami River. Accord-
ing to the Grand Jury, "Coast Guardsmen have become a serious menace."

Following an investigation, Coast Guard officials in Washington issued
a formal report completely exonerating the officers and men of patrol
boat CG-297. The report said Coast Guardsmen were merely doing their
duty and that furthermore the shots fired totaled exactly five. Coast Guard
officers in Washington were also a little piqued at the disparaging com-
ments made regarding their men's marksmanship. "No shots went wild
or struck other than the place they were intended," the report stated.
Senator Fletcher "expressed surprise" at the report, according to the
Herald, and he planned to "pursue the case further." The verdict from
Washington "has met with pronounced disapproval by many citizens in
Miami," the News reported.

The next time the Coast Guard got involved in a major shooting on
the river, Miami's Mayor E. G. Sewell charged the menace from such
activity was becoming "worse than a disease." This time witnesses re-
ported machine gun fire from a Coast Guard vessel chasing a rumrunner
upriver. More than 200 shots were fired, witnesses said, some of them
tracer bullets which streaked through the dark morning sky. The rum
boat was found abandoned near the Southeast Second Avenue bridge
with 240 sacks of liquor aboard and one bullet hole. Some bullets hit
a houseboat docked at the riverbank and others struck buildings on shore.
One bullet pierced the six inch wall of the Gautier Funeral Home, some
one and one-half blocks from the river, and was found lying on the chapel
floor. (This story has improved considerably with age. By 1960 a news-
paper feature story reminiscing about the 1920's reported the bullet had
been found in the chest of a corpse.)

As a result of the machinegunning on the Miami river, Senator Fletcher
asked for an official investigation; city commissioners sent a protest to
Tallahassee and Washington, and the Coast Guard, which had already








TEQUESTA


lost the rumrunner, also lost its patrol boat's commander who was "re-
quested to tender his resignation."

The "Red" Shannon affair returned to the headlines in February of
1928 when Ensign Philip Shaw and his four crewmen were tried for second
degree murder in the death of this "King" of the rumrunners. An as-
sistant attorney general from Washington, defending the Coast Guardsmen,
obtained a special venire which excluded Dade, Broward and Monroe
residents from the jury "because of Anti-Coast Guard prejudice in those
counties." The case occupied the attention of Miamians for more than a
week. The Miami judge who was to have heard the case "found it neces-
sary" to leave the city to attend to other matters in Tampa so a vacationing
San Francisco judge was assigned to the case. The prosecuting attorney,
County Solicitor Robert Taylor, posed this question to prospective jurors,
"Are you willing to give a citizen protection from over zealous officers
as well as lawbreakers?" This was too much for the judge who ruled
the question out.

The prosecution attempted to build a case showing the Coast Guards-
men had fired after Shannon's hands were raised. One of the star witnesses
was Miami Beach developer Carl G. Fisher who owned the Flamingo
Hotel and was standing alongside his private dock when the shooting oc-
curred. Fisher skillfully maneuvered around the questioning reminding
the court he was slightly near-sighted and didn't recall whether the men
raised their hands before or after the shooting. The trial dragged on, the
News complained, while competing attorneys "shoved small boat models
over the courtroom floor." The prosecution claimed the Coast Guard had
no right to fire on a man engaged in a mere misdemeanor, but the judge
reminded the jury that "such is not the law." After four hours deliberation
the jury returned a verdict of not guilty.

Although Coast Guardsmen had won their round in court their en-
forcement efforts had hardly captured the enthusiastic support of local
residents, nor had the service put any appreciable dent in the liquor
traffic. Majority opinion placed the service on the wrong side of the Wet/
Dry battle. Not even the murderous activity of the "Gulf Stream Pirate"
could solidify the press and public opinion behind the enforcement efforts
of the Coast Guard.

THE GULF STREAM PIRATE
"It's my personal hanging and I want to invite my friends to it," said
Horace Alderman, a Miami based rumrunner who was to die August 27,
1929 on a specially constructed gallows at Coast Guard Section Base 6







PATRICIA BUCHANAN


at Fort Lauderdale. The murderous activities of this man, who became
known as the "Gulf Stream Pirate," provided Miami with one of the most
sensational cases of the entire prohibition decade. Although the man him-
self was far from typical of the local Florida rumrunners, his story is a
fitting climax for a decade that began with good natured disregard of the
law and ended in death and violence. It may also throw a little more light
on the curiously ambivalent attitude of the local press and public toward
prohibition lawbreakers.

The "Gulf Stream Pirate" told the story of his lawbreaking career in
a document titled "Life Story of James Horace Alderman" which he
wrote in prison while awaiting the decisions on numerous appeals of his
case. His activities ran the gamut from poaching fish to liquor and alien
smuggling, and ended with the slaying of two Coast Guardsmen and a
federal agent. In his "Life Story" Alderman set out the details of his
religious conversion while in prison, a factor which his attorney, R. A.
Hendricks, used to win public support in petitioning higher authorities to
commute the death sentence.

The incident that led Alderman to the gallows took place on August
7, 1927. According to his own account, he and a new crewman, Robert
W. Weech, also a Miamian, left for Bimini about nine o'clock on the night
of August 6. After some difficulty with a faulty engine they arrived at the
island about daylight to be met by a boat piloted by Bimini's major liquor
supplier, Bruce Stanley Bethel, who warned them a seventy-five foot
Coast Guard vessel was in the harbor. Alderman anchored his boat out-
side the harbor leaving Weech aboard and used Bethel's boat to pick
up his liquor supply. According to Alderman it was Bethel who warned
him that Weech was not to be trusted, and it was Weech who insisted on
making the trip back to Miami in the daylight rather than waiting for the
safety of night. About noon or 1 p.m. on August 7, Alderman and Weech
headed back to Miami with their liquor cargo.

At approximately the same time Coast Guard boat, CG-249, com-
manded by Boatswain Sidney C. Sanderlin left the Fort Lauderdale base
headed for Bimini. In addition to the seven-man crew there was one pas-
senger, Secret Service Agent Robert K. Webster. The Coast Guard vessel
was taking Webster to the island where he was to investigate reports that
counterfeit United States currency was being used in the liquor smuggling
business. Some seventeen miles out of Bimini and thirty-four miles east
of Fort Lauderdale Coast Guardsmen sighted Alderman's vessel, C 13997,
and ordered it to stop. Several shots were fired across the bow before the
rumrunner hove to. Alderman and Weech were then taken aboard the







TEQUESTA


Coast Guard vessel as was their cargo of twenty-one and one-half cases
of liquor packed in the customary "hams."
What happened next depends on who's telling the story. According to
Alderman, he fired in self defense, picking up a gun from among several
on the chart table in the pilot house of the Coast Guard boat. The first
man he killed was Victor A. Lamby, motor machinist's mate first class,
then Boatswain Sanderlin and finally Secret Service Agent Webster. An-
other Coast Guardsman, acting ship's cook Jodie L. Hollingsworth, was
shot in the eye.
The Coast Guard's story was that Boatswain Sanderlin was the first to
die, shot in the back by Alderman with a gun he had managed to keep
hidden. Lamby, who witnessed the murder, started aft to arm himself
and Alderman immediately shot him in the back. Alderman then ordered
the Coast Guardsmen to reload the liquor on the rum boat. With the
cargo, the five remaining Coast Guardsmen, and Agent Webster all aboard
the rum boat, Alderman ordered Weech to set fire to the Coast Guard
vessel and thus destroy all evidence of the affair. He also supposedly
planned to have his captives walk the plank. Weech flooded gas into
the bilges of CG-249 but the vessel failed to ignite. On the rum boat Alder-
man was distracted by the faulty engine that had been troubling him all
the way to Bimini, and the remaining Coast Guardsmen and Agent Webster
rushed him. In the scuffle Webster was killed and Hollingsworth wounded.
The Secret Service also has its version of the story, and in this one
Agent Webster is the hero. In a "split second move Webster lunged at
Alderman knocking him off balance" and gave the Coast Guardsmen
their chance to overpower the rumrunner. According to this version "had
it not been for the heroic action of agent Webster, all hands aboard...
would have perished."
When the rumrunners were finally overpowered, the Coast Guardsmen
discovered their boat's radio was still operative. Another vessel, CG-2246,
was summoned from Fort Lauderdale to assist the remaining Coast Guards-
men and take the now badly beaten and unconscious rumrunners to Fort
Lauderdale. Alderman and Weech were put in the Broward county jail
and four days later transferred to the prison at Jacksonville. The order
for the transfer came from a judge of the United States District Court who
explained that the action was taken "in view of the alleged threats to storm
the Broward county jail."
Just who was planning to storm the jail is debatable. A Broward
county police officer hinted at a lynching for Alderman and was quoted
in the Miami News as saying, "The good people of Fort Lauderdale aim







PATRICIA BUCHANAN


to try him themselves." A later report from Jacksonville indicated the trans-
fer was made to prevent "any possible liberation by friends of the pair who
were reported to have planned a break from the Broward county jail."
At any rate at 9:30 p.m. on August 11 a "Black Maria with its siren
screaming" tore through downtown Fort Lauderdale at fifty-miles an hour
taking Weech and Alderman to a waiting Coast Guard vessel. Guarding
the pair were twenty-five armed Coast Guardsmen, one United States
Marshal, and three policemen "with revolvers in hand," according to the
News. The prisoners were placed in irons and shackled to the deck of
CG-248. With a Coast Guard plane circling overhead the boat carrying
the two rumrunners headed for Jacksonville escorted by a second vessel,
CG-247. At some point during the trip a large vessel suspiciously circled
the government boats. Coast Guardsmen manned their three-inch guns
but the mysterious ship went on its way without interfering.
At the time of the transfer federal officers were quoted as saying that
fifty armed men from Miami were in Fort Lauderdale. It was inferred
these men might attempt to free Alderman or perhaps silence him as
there were vague hints that he was part of some vast rumrunning ring.
Whatever the plot regarding the two rumrunners, if in fact there was a
plot, the Fort Lauderdale base commander, Beckwith Jordan, summed up
the Coast Guard's view when he said, "Thank God Alderman and Weech
are safely away from here."
A Coast Guard Board of Investigation was convened at Section Base
6 to investigate the murders. The service made public the report of one of
its investigators who pointed to the "deplorable state of affairs on the
southeast coast of Florida" where it appeared that "decent elements in the
communities have been overawed by the criminals." The Commandant of
the Coast Guard maintained that the criminals infesting the waters sur-
rounding Florida "have become increasingly desperate and will not hesitate
at murder."
In September a Federal Grand Jury, called into special session at
Jacksonville, indicted Alderman for first degree murder. According to
the prosecutor the case "beats any dime novel in color and brazen de-
fiance of the law." The trial, originally scheduled for November, was post-
poned until January 1928. In a Federal Court in Miami a twelve-man
jury began hearing evidence against Alderman on January 19. The princi-
pal witnesses against him were the surviving Coast Guardsmen including
Jodie Hollingsworth who had lost his right eye as a result of his encounter
with the rumrunner. Alderman claimed he shot in self defense. On the
witness stand he testified Coast Guardsmen had threatened him saying:







TEQUESTA


Now we have got you and we are going to do to you like we
did Red Shannon. He was shot in the back of the head with his
hands in the air.
After four hours deliberation the jury returned and the foreman, Fred E.
King, announced the verdict, "guilty as charged" without recommendation
for mercy. At 10:35 a.m. on January 27 Judge Henry D. Clayton sen-
tenced Alderman to death by hanging. "It was the first time such a sen-
tence had been passed on a rumrunner for murder of government agents
on the high seas," reported the Miami News. The rum boat's crewman,
Robert Weech, who had cooperated with authorities, pleaded guilty to a
lesser charge and was sentenced to a year and a day at the federal peni-
tentiary in Atlanta.
Alderman was taken back to the Jacksonville prison to begin a long
period of waiting while his case was appealed. Before the United States
Circuit Court of Appeals at New Orleans the government argued that
Alderman was "a pirate and not entitled to mercy." On March 27, 1929
the Court refused his appeal and Alderman's attorney announced, "The
only place left to go is the United States Supreme Court."
After ten months in the Jacksonville prison, Alderman was transferred
to the new Dade county jail in Miami. Although there had been no unusual
public sympathy for Alderman at the time of his trial, his well publicized
conversion to Christianity while in the Jacksonville jail had won him some
new friends and supporters in Miami. A woman pastor from a Miami
church was in Washington to ask for a pardon or commutation for Alder-
man at just about the time the Supreme Court got his appeal. The high
court refused to review Alderman's conviction and sentence, and his at-
torney announced on June 20, 1929 that he planned to appeal to the De-
partment of Justice for commutation of sentence to life imprisonment. He
based the petition principally on the fact that "Alderman had become a
convert to Christianity and is a changed man," according to the Herald.
The local press reported that Alderman had converted five others at the
Jacksonville jail and held prayer meetings at both Jacksonville and the
Dade county jail.
Eleven of the twelve jurors who convicted Alderman were persuaded
to sign petitions in his behalf. Even the judge who handed down the death
sentence joined in the appeal with a letter to the Department of Justice
recommending commutation. The Miami Herald quoted part of the letter
from Judge Henry D. Clayton:
Alderman was raised in the primitive age of a new community
with no opportunity for right training and education.







PATRICIA BUCHANAN


Both local newspapers agreed "hundreds of Miamians and residents of
south Florida have signed petitions in his behalf."

The final appeals were made directly to the White House. One re-
port indicated three separate appeals were made to President Herbert
Hoover. On August 3, 1929 a headline in the Miami Herald read "Hoover
To Let Alderman Die On Scaffold," and the Miami News reported Alder-
man's comment, "Hoover let me down but God is with me still."

The execution was originally scheduled to take place at the Broward
county jail at Fort Lauderdale. On August 12, five days before the schedul-
ed execution, United States District Judge Halsted L. Ritter indicated the
hanging would be at the Fort Lauderdale Coast Guard base to comply
with a law requiring the locale be the nearest federal reservation. The
judge evidenced concern over the public sympathy for a convicted murderer
and wondered publicly, "Why is it necessary to send flowers and puddings
to him?"
On August 14 Alderman's attorney admitted he had "exhausted all
steps" which could lead to commutation. His client, he said, was writing
a book of his life. In this document Alderman wrote of his thoughts on
the morning of August 15, two days before his execution, when he woke
in the bright sunlight to recall a dream of salvation:

And as I was looking into the very brightest part of my dream
the guard that is placed to guard over me these last three days
handed me a paper and oh, it give the full details of the scaffold
and just how it was built and where it was located, saying, James
Horace Alderman will go to his death Saturday in the forenoon,
August 17, 1929.

The Miami News reported public indignation that Alderman was "to
be delivered into the hands of 150 Coast Guardsmen, most of whom hate
him." According to this news story one of the topics of public discussion
was:
. whether the rope used to hang him breaks under the convict's
weight or is large and cumbersome slowly strangling him to
death.
As Alderman was taken from Miami to the Broward county jail on
August 15, the Miami Herald reported, "Alderman was smiling and wear-
ing a red rose pinned to his tie as he told jail officials farewell." He left a
Bible as "legacy to his family," and according to the Herald reporter
. it is to remind them of the husband, father, grandfather as







TEQUESTA


they last knew him, a Christian who had placed his future in
the hands of his maker .
Both local newspapers were indignant at the order of Judge Ritter
barring newspapers from the execution and "forbidding anyone connect-
ed with the hanging to make public any information concerning it." Al-
derman was denied his request that a "few friends witness his death" and
that newspapers be represented "to publish a true story of the execution."
The Miami News reported that those who had seen the place of execution:
. .describe it as a ghastly place for a hanging even without the
pall of secrecy that will deny the convicted the presence of his
friends.
The police reporter for the Miami Herald was determined to circum-
vent this pall of secrecy. With the cooperation of a Miami undertaker,
reporter Henry Reno planned to take over as the driver of the hearse and
"roll right in and out of the hanging." A problem came up when someone
remembered that every government man in the county knew Henry Reno
on sight. Amusement editor Edgar Hay was recruited for the job. Although
the plan went off as scheduled, publisher Frank Shutts, fearing a contempt
of court charge, ordered the story withheld.
The Miami News produced an artist's drawing of the hanging with
Alderman, two deputies and a minister climbing the steps to the scaffold.
Under the sketch of the frame scaffold was the neat notation, "hangman
under platform in rear".
The execution took place on August 17 inside a steel seaplane hanger
where Coast Guardsmen had erected the scaffold. The interior of the
hanger had been described in a story prior to the execution in these eerie
terms:
High vaulted walls make the slightest whisper or handclap echo
and re-echo. Lights throw shadows thirty or forty feet on the
sides.
The time of the execution was 6 a.m. With either some assistance from
a witness or perhaps merely the aid of a vivid imagination, the News re-
ported, "Alderman helped to place the black hood over his head." The
trap was sprung at 6:04 a.m., the News story continued, and at 6:19 a.m.
Alderman was pronounced dead; his "choking struggles could be heard
for two minutes within the gray light of early dawn."
The body of the "Gulf Stream Pirate" lay in state at the King Funeral
Home at Miami where friends and the merely curious gathered to discuss







PATRICIA BUCHANAN 31

the merits of the case. "The chapel became an impromptu debating hall,"
the News reported. "The sentiment of some favored Alderman," the story
continued, "others had not forgotten the three government men whose
life he paid for with his own."
Some never came to a decision on the curious questions involved in
the case of the "Gulf Stream Pirate." Did Alderman embrace religion as
a true convert, or at the suggestion of a particularly astute attorney? If
truly a repentant Christian, did this somehow entitle the Pirate to a
special kind of leniency from the law? In his "Life Story" Alderman wrote,
"I have left a record of two different men." A murdering rumrunner and
a Christian convert. But which man went to the gallows? Miamians were
unable to decide.






This Page Blank in Original
Source Document











150 Years Of Defense Activity At

Key West, 1820-1970

by Clayton D. Roth, Jr.*

A small coral island approximately four miles long (east and west)
and two miles wide (north and south), Key West, the last large island
in the chain of the Florida Keys, is presently the residence of a United
States Naval Base and Air Station. They perform a vital role in the defense
of the southeastern section of the United States and in the life of the city
of Key West, southernmost city in the United States. The recorded history
of this strategic island dates back to the time of Columbus and is rich with
tales of piracy, Indian warfare and the daring deeds of Spanish adventurers.
Juan Ponce de Leon acquired the distinction of being the first of these
Spanish adventurers to sight this island during his expedition to Florida in
1513. He named the uninhabited island "Cayo Hueso" (pronounced Ky-O
Wes-O), meaning bone or grave rock.' Later, many other Spanish ex-
plorers-some equally as famous as Ponce de Leon; most, however, not so
renowned-utilized Key West's safe harbor while on voyages to the Keys,
mainland Florida, or more disparate areas of Imperial Spain.
A fertile but deserted island in 1820, Key West possessed a rather in-
famous history as a pirate haven during the late sixteenth through eigh-
teenth centuries. Its commodious and deep harbor combined with its stra-
tegic location in relation to the Spanish Main provided a valuable base for
the buccaneers. They were so far removed from the center of Florida's
Spanish authority in St. Augustine and Pensacola that it devolved upon
the lax Spanish government in Cuba to keep a watchful eye on their pred-
atory activities among Spain's ill defended commercial routes, especially
those near the Florida Keys. This political division of authority had existed
for so long that when the British acquired Florida in 1763, the Spanish
made an effort to claim that the Florida Keys belonged to Cuba rather than
to the mainland but Spain never contested the issue.2

*This paper is based upon a Master of Arts thesis in history written in 1970 at the Uni-
versity of Miami.
IPonce de Leon found a great number of human bones on the island. Since there were no
inhabitants on the island at the time of his visit the exact origin of the bones are in
doubt. See: Jefferson B. Browne, Key West: Old and New (St. Augustine: The Record
Co., 1912), pp. 8-9.
2Charles W. Arnade, "The Florida Keys: English or Spanish in 17637", Tequesa, XV,
1955, pp. 41-53.







TEQUESTA


During the late eighteenth century use of Key West harbor by the
pirates or occasionally by the Spanish declined and came to an end by
1800. The pirates, challenged by the formidable might of the powerful
British and the fledgling muscle of the ambitious Americans, found safer
coves in other "Cayoes" and territories of the decaying Spanish empire.
The Spanish, by possessing Havana harbor, had no need for Key West's
duplicate but smaller harbor only ninety miles away. The Americans, on
the other hand, guided by their expansionist policy, began to include this
unique island in their contingent military plans. No other port between
New Orleans and Charleston seemed to have so much to offer.
The United States took possession of Key West on March 25, 1822
after Congressional ratification in 1821 of the 1819 Treaty with Spain.'
In little more than one year, Commodore David Porter of the West Indies
Squadron established the first Key West Naval Station.
The occupation and surveying of Key West by the American Naval
forces signified that the island would not only be an integral part of the
United States but also that it would perform a prominent function in the
American military posture. As Gibraltar is to the Mediterranean Sea,
Key West would be to the Caribbean Sea.4
The new base, utilized by both the Navy and Marine Corps, com-
manded and gave ready access to a large portion of the Caribbean Sea.
By providing a safe as well as strategic harbor, it enabled Commodore
Porter's squadron to effectively combat the pirates infesting this area. Thus,
the Key West Naval Station acquired early national attention by being
the focal point of that struggle.
On December 20, 1822, President James Monroe sent an urgent mes-
sage to Congress asking that a special type force be created which would
be capable of pursuing the pirates into shallow water, thereby enabling
American forces to attack the buccaneers in their hitherto safe domain.
Congress appropriated $160,000 for the creation of an effective West
Indies Squadron and made the destruction of Caribbean piracy one of the
young nation's foremost priorities. Commodore David Porter, (1795-1843)
experienced with Tripoli pirates during the Barbary Wars and a distinguish-
ed veteran of the War 1812, resigned from the Navy Board to take com-
mand of the anti-pirate squadron.'

3Hubert Bruce Fuller: The Purchase of Floridas Its History and Diplomacy, (Cleveland:
The Burrows Brothers Co., 1906), pp. 298-323.
4Niles Register, July 19, 1823.
5Porter's career during this period is extensively covered in Richard Wheeler: In Pirate
Waters, (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1969), Chapters 7-11.







CLAYTON D. ROTH, JR.


He utilized deep-draft vessels for heavy combat on the open seas and
augmented these ships with eight small schooners that could pursue the
swift pirate vessels much further inshore. Porter also added the first steam
vessel ever to fight for the United States Navy, a second-hand ferry called
Sea Gull. It towed the "mosquito patrol" consisting of five rowing barges
for close action. The barges Mosquito, Gnat, Midge, Gallinipper, and
Sandfly soon proved to be appropriately named incessant pests to the
pirates.
The two thousand buccaneers on the loose in West Indies water pil-
laged cargoes valued in the millions of dollars and murdered hundreds of
innocent traders and seamen. The energetic American commercial interest
could not continue to tolerate this depredation if it wished to maintain
its vigorous growth. Businessmen and underwriters gave exuberant support
to the squadron's forceful measures. Although the British offered assistance
in this endeavor, America expressed the desire to fight the deadly contest
with the pirates alone and exert its own youthful arms against this most
treacherous foe.
The pirates, who had easily avoided capture by Spain's and England's
deep-water vessels, became rapidly terrorized as Commodore Porter's as-
sortment of twenty-two craft and 1,100 men began to prod them out of
their once safe Cuban and Florida Keys hideouts. In shallow water or on
becalmed days the Americans ran the pirates ashore, burned their ships
and shacks, ransacked their caves, recovered much booty and sometimes
allowed a few pirates to live long enough to be later tried and hanged. Now,
for the first time in these waters, the pirates were being effectively and
mercilessly hunted, captured and killed. Their former methods were ruth-
lessly and pitilessly applied to them. In hand-to-hand combat with American
sailors and marines, the buccaners proved to be no match. Some terrified
pirates, threatened with being fatally treated to the wrong end of a musket,
rope or cutlass, panicked and attempted to escape their fate by throwing
themselves overboard, hoping to swim to a safer area, only to drown in the
swirling waves or be consumed by the awaiting sharks.
In a series of stirring and overwhelming victories, Porter's squadron of
gallants succeeded in routing out nearly all the nefarious buccaneers at
their last and most important stronghold on the Isle of Pines off the Cuban
coast. Commerce once more could traverse the Caribbean unmolested
except for an occasional reckoning with nature's capricious wrath. The
city of Key West now commenced its development into a prosperous Amer-
ican possession with a nationally prominent naval base in its harbor.
I. In the midst of the victorious year, 1823, yellow fever first introduced







TEQUESTA


its troublesome and frightful spectre. The marines stationed on the island,
in hurriedly constructed sheds, were not adequately protected from either
the insects or the elements. By late July the fever struck with severity. This
proved to be an ominous portent. At first, the fever grievously affected only
the marines but quickly spread to the sailors and officers of Commodore
Porter's fleet docked in the ill-fated harbor.6 The Key West Naval Station
reported forty-eight deaths before the yellow fever epidemic abated in
October. The West Indies Squadron returned to the Key West Naval
Station in January, 1824, hoping that the lethal malady would prove to be
an isolated miasma cured through swamp drainage and land filling. By the
end of May, however, Commodore Porter ruefully informed his Washing-
ton superiors that the dreaded fever, in spite of divers precautions, had
reappeared and he had no other recourse but to return his men to the
healthier northern waters by the middle of June. The previous year's ex-
periences repeated themselves to a lesser extent this time, due to Porter's
propitious withdrawal, with prolonged suffering for some crew members
and the loss of twelve able seamen.7 This terrifying menance continued to
harass the inhabitants of Key West for the next seventy-five years until
the discovery of its elusive cause and subsequent eradication.
Because of the virulence of its first occurence and recurrence, yellow
fever accomplished what the pirates failed to do. The existence of the Key
West Naval Station ended in 1826 when Lt. William Farragut disposed of
the buildings and dispersed the personnel. Pensacola became the site of
a new naval station and the center of activity for the West Indies Squadron.
A coaling and supply station remained on the island for a time. During
the Indian Wars of the 1830's and 1840's in Florida, Pensacola sent sev-
eral expeditions to Key West for short tours of duty, but the Department
of the Navy did not re-establish a naval station on the island until 1856.
While the Navy feared to remain in Key West, the Army showed less
hesitation in establishing an outpost on the island. After lengthy negotiation,
the Federal government acquired land from the island's proprietors. In
February, 1831, Major James M. Glassel arrived on the island in command
of a garrison consisting of two companies of infantry, and encamped on
the newly purchased acreage. The War Department began its occupation
of the island by building only temporary structures to house men and sup-
plies. Army officials in Washington, D.C., decided to conserve scarce
funds by abandoning the impermanent outpost in 1834. But due to the
Indian uprisings in Florida in late 1835, General Winfield Scott deployed,

SE. Ashby Hammond, "Notes on the Medical History of Key West, 1822-32," Florida
Historical Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 2, pp. 94-95.
7U.S., American State Papers: Naval Affairs, Vol. 2, No. 270, 19th Cong., 1st seas., p. 232.







CLAYTON D. ROTH, JR.


on January 29, 1836, a detachment of troops to reoccupy Key West and
also sent "150 stand of arms, together with the necessary ammunition"
to re-establish the military post." Semi-permanent quarters were again
constructed for the accommodation of the troops. Formulation of plans for
the erection of permanent fortifications in Key West augured well for the
future of its military establishment. To strengthen the Florida coasts, the
War Department decided in February, 1845, to commence the construction
of a permanent fortification on the southwestern portion of the island.'
In comparison to the other sections of the United States the Gulf and
South Atlantic states seemed the most open to aggression during the second
quarter of the nineteenth century. The weakness of the military defenses
of this neglected area could no longer be endured. Spain and England had
taken steps to strengthen themselves on their side of the Gulf. The time had
now come for the United States to secure its own possessions. In view of
any possible danger from these powers, the fortification and occupation of
Key West as a military and naval station was deemed most important to
the nation's security and would become particularly so in time of war.10
Captain George Dutton of the United States Army Corps of Engineers
began directing the construction of the Key West fort in June, 1845. He
employed many German and Irish immigrant artisans and mechanics re-
cruited in New York City. Key West slaves, hired out to the United States
government by their owners, supplied much of the heavy and difficult
unskilled labor.
The army built the fort in the form of a trapezoid designed to mount
314 guns and house 1,500 men. Despite many difficulties such as the
destructive force of hurricanes, recurrence of yellow fever and at times the
insufficiency of available funds, the fortification slowly assumed its fore-
ordained shape.
The Department of War, on October 8, 1850, named the Key West
fort in honor of the hero of the Mexican War and the then President of the
United States, Zachary Taylor. At an estimated expenditure of $1,500,000,
Fort Zachary Taylor (together with its even more expensive sister fortress
on Garden Key) would enable the United States to defend its southern
coast with a minimal long term expense. Fort Taylor secured the Key
West harbor for visiting navy and merchant vessels traveling among the
Gulf and Atlantic ports.

SU.S., Territorial Papers of the United States: Florida Territory, Vol. XXV, p. 231.
PAmes W. Williams, "Stronghold of the Straits: Fort Zachary Taylor," Tequesta, XIV,
1954, p. 4.
o1U.S., Congress, House, Report on Fortification of Key West and the Dry Tortugas, 28th
Cong, 1st sess., Vol. III, April 2, 1844, House Doc. No. 407, pp. 1, 2, 15-19.







TEQUESTA


In 1856, the Department of the Navy re-established a United States
Naval Depot or storehouse in Key West. The construction of buildings
began in that year. By April, 1857, when the walls were ready to receive
the roof, work on the storehouse was suspended because Congress failed
to provide any funds. It remained in this uncompleted state for several
years until after the Civil War had begun, when it was finally finished.
Annual appropriations by Congress for Fort Taylor varied from
$75,000 to $150,000. The original estimate had long been exceeded but
Fort Taylor seemed far from ever being ready for activation. Not until
Christmas Day, 1857, did Captain Edward G. Hunt (the fort's engineer)
finish the fortification's magazines and store the ammunition. At the start of
Civil War neither Fort Taylor nor the Naval Depot had completed their
building programs. Congressional fiscal austerity, caused chiefly by south-
ern filibustering against expenditures being allocated to martial endeavors
during President James Buchanan's administration, brought about the un-
preparedness of these installations. The failure to appropriate sufficient
funds for these works occasioned material shortages to occur. The con-
tinued visitation of the yellow fever menace resulted in numerous sus-
pensions of work, especially during the perilous season from mid- to late-
summer. Hence, when war finally did break out between the northern and
southern states, Key West was ill-equipped to perform its assigned role.
The turmoil that affected the nation at this time soon engulfed Key
West in its divisiveness, since its citizens also were divided in their sym-
pathies. These last hectic ante-bellum years spurred Captain Hunt to fever-
ish activity in order to ready Fort Taylor. Soon, however, it would be ap-
parent to all that this fort which the government so hastily constructed had
become obsolete as a defense against the new ordnance developed shortly
before and during the Civil War.
The prompt action of Captain John M. Brannan enabled the Union
forces to retain possession of Fort Taylor against the island's Confederates.
Brannan, as senior ranking officer on the island and commanding a detach-
ment of forty-four men of the First Artillery stationed at the Key West
Barracks, quietly and secretly move his squads across the island and into
the hitherto unoccupied fortification. When the disunited city awoke on
the morning of January 15, 1861, and discovered Brannan's coup, resident
excitement ran high. The southern sympathizers were turbulent and threat-
ened to storm the fortress but they never made a concerted, determined
attempt to expel the Federal garrison." So Key West's Fort Taylor be-

llVaughn Camp, Jr., "Captain Brannan's Dilemma: Key West in 1861," Tequesta, XX,
1960, pp. 31-45.







CLA YTON D. ROTH, JR.


came one of three southern forts to continue under the authority of north-
ern forces for the duration of the Civil War.'2 As a consequence, the
Key West Naval Base was the only one of its kind in the South not seized
by the Confederacy. At Pensacola Federal forces held Fort Pickens and
neutralized Confederate taking of the city and the naval base.
After President Abraham Lincoln's proclamation of a blockade of
southern ports on April 19 and 27, Key West Naval Base became desig-
nated as headquarters of the Gulf Blockading Squadron under lag-officer
William Mervine. In September this squadron was split into East and West
sections. The East Gulf Blockading Squadron retained Key West as its
headquarters throughout the War between the States.
The navy relied heavily on the facilities at Key West during this epic
conflict. No other port in the United States contained as many different
types of vessels. Not only were warships utilizing the large Key West harbor
to help the blockade of southern ports but Commanders Farragut and
David Dixon Porter organized their separate squadrons into a fleet of bomb
vessels and armed steamers preparatory to taking possession of New
Orleans and its defenses on the Mississippi River, a most important
maneuver for the Union cause.
Merchant vessels seeking a safe harbor to rendezvous on their way to
northern ports also stopped in Key West. In addition, 299 captured block-
ade runners coming from London, Havana, Charleston, New Orleans and
other ports and carrying thousands of tons of supplies for the beleaguered
South were brought to Key West docks, certainly a significant factor in
deciding the Civil War's victorious outcome for Lincoln's government.
These captured vessels and contraband cargoes were condemned by the
Federal District Court and then sold by Judge William Marvin to the high-
est bidders. Judge Marvin distributed half of the proceeds of these forfeit-
ure auction sales to the crews who seized the blockade runners and retain-
ed the residue for the U.S. government. Commander Mervine soon com-
plained that the selling of prizes by the Key West District Court had "be-
come a great evil." Confederate intermediaries, he pointed out, always
stood ready to buy all the light-draft, swift sailing ships offered for sale.
These agents then sailed the recently purchased vessels to Nassau or
Havana, registered legal title to British subjects and employed them again
in the evasion of the blockade."3 In several instances this resulted in
Union forces capturing the same ship two or three times.

12The other two southern located forts were Garden Key's Fort Jefferson and Pensacola's
Fort Pickens.
13U.S., The Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the
Rebellion, (Washington: The Government Printing Office, 1894-1897), Series I, Vol. 17,
p. 52. Hereafter cited O.R.N.







TEQUESTA


The Key West Naval Depot became activated, after thirty-five years
of disuse, on June 3, 1861, and 500 men were stationed at the base. The
army and navy commanders began quarreling on June 8, which ruined the
prior hearty and cordial cooperation in their relations at the start of the
Civil War. Major William French at Fort Taylor and Commander Mervine
at the Naval Station exchanged heated letters. The relations within the
military establishment on Key West remained strained until Commander
Mervine was transferred in August.'4

Although the possibility of naval attacks upon Key West by the Con-
federacy diminished, intervention by European powers into the American
Civil War on the side of the southern states seemed to be increasing. The
Chief of Engineers, General Richard Delafield, directed that every effort
be exerted to ready Fort Taylor for action. The difficult diplomatic situation
prompted acting Rear-Admiral Theodorus Bailey, commanding the East
Gulf Blockade Squadron in 1862, to warn Secretary of the Navy, Gideon
Welles, that "should our relations with England or France, or both,
result in hostilities at any time, it would not be unreasonable to suppose
that an early and powerful effort would be made to seize upon this place
(Key West)." Admiral Bailey averred that "the military importance of
holding this gateway to the Gulf of Mexico can hardly be overestimated,
and ... the occupation of but few places in the country would occasion
such serious inconvenience, more especially with the present rebellion on
our hands."15 Fortunately, the threat from Europe did not materialize, for
the military on Key West were ill prepared to furnish a stout resistance
against a forceful and tenacious foe. Yellow fever epidemics, destructive
hurricanes, labor and material shortages, and just plain boredom under-
mined the vitality of the Union forces stationed on the island of Key West.

Warfare necessitated innovation in defensive safeguards. To supplement
Fort Taylor, Captain Hunt received from the War Department plans and
directions for erecting two Martello Towers on opposite ends of the island.
These towers were not authentic "Martello Tower" types since they were
to be square rather than circular in structure. Both towers were to be built
simultaneously and as quickly as possible because they were considered to
be equally vital to the complete defense of Key West. Plans for two ad-
ditional towers were formulated but the idea never reached fulfillment.
The continuing development of ordnance with heavier firepower made
the Martello towers obsolete. Work on them halted shortly after the war
ended and the original two towers were never completed.

14Ibid., Vol. 16, pp. 541-544.
IsO.R.N., Series I, Vol. 17, p. 530.







CLAYTON D. ROTH, JR.


The ordnance mounted in unfinished Fort Taylor and in the halfbuilt
towers was never called into action. The Confederate States could never
launch a naval offensive strong enough to capture Key West, its fort and
towers or the invaluable harbor. As a blockading and coaling station and
as a base to protect the seagoing trade of the area, the military quartered
on Key West played an important role in the War for Southern Indepen-
dence.
Relations between the citizens of Key West and the military deteriorated
completely when orders were received in February, 1863, to evict anyone
who had kinsmen fighting for the rebel cause. The proscribed townsmen
were to forsake the property they possessed in Key West and be placed
behind Confederate lines, even though they themselves might be strongly
pro-Union in sentiment. Fortunately, these orders were rescinded, but it
would be a long time after this incident before friendly intercourse between
the civilians and military again resumed.

Yellow fever struck in 1862 and 1864. Medical science was helpless in
providing a cure and every precautionary measure failed. Only if a fever
victim survived the dreaded black vomit phase of the disease could the
patient expect to recover. Many overcame the fever's debilitating effects.
Many others succumbed. Military personnel seemed most susceptible since
the majority of those affected were unacclimated northerners stationed on
the Key West army and naval bases.

Upon the cessation of Civil War hostilities, the fifteen ships maintained
in Key West harbor by the United States Navy dispersed to other bases.
For the next thirty years little occurred in naval construction activity at
the Key West Naval Station. The Army withdrew all its troops from Fort
Taylor in 1870 and it became merely a storehouse under the care of watch-
men and custodians. The harbor served only as a coal depot and supply
station for passing ships.

In 1875, Key West saw a brief flurry of military activity. President
Ulysses S. Grant prepared for possible intervention in the revolution then
raging in Cuba. The revolutionists against Spanish authority sought the
assistance of the United States and President Grant was eager to provide it.
He assembled a fleet in Key West harbor and began having marine units
readied for combat operations. European diplomats, however, actively dis-
couraged President Grant in this undertaking. He acquiesed to their vehe-
ment objections by dispersing the ships and troops.

The Department of the Navy sent Lieutenant Robert E. Peary, a re-
cent Annapolis graduate (who would later be the first explorer to discover








TEQUESTA


the North Pole), to Key West in 1881. Lieutenant Peary's first order was
to inspect the naval pier being built in the Key West harbor. Because of
difficulties with the contractor, Peary took over and completed the pier
himself, thus saving the government $24,000. During his stay Lieutenant
Peary contracted yellow fever. Fortunately, he recovered quickly with no
impairment to his health or abilities.
The construction of the naval pier is typical of the activity undertaken
by the military in Key West during this quarter century. Small repairs
were made to the government docks, barracks and fort but no major
construction. In 1883, the Navy began to dredge a channel that would be
fifteen feet deep at low water. This would help save large vessels time in
plying between Key West and the Gulf ports. Except for this single en-
deavor, the Key West area was far down the list of governmental military
priorities.
Everything connected with the permanent defenses at Key West was
dependent upon annual appropriations for maintenance and repair. With-
out this constant funding they rapidly went to decay. After the Civil War
the same conditions prevailed in most of the permanent defenses of the
United States. It was not until 1889 that the Departments of War and
Navy realized that the United States was becoming increasingly helpless
against "the attack of any third-rate power possessing modern iron-clad
vessels armed with heavy rifled cannon."16

By the year 1892, both departments had reassesed the value of Key
West in their military planning. After years of neglect, they had come to
realize that: "Changes in methods and means of warfare have only in-
creased its strategic value. It is and will remain the most important coaling
station which the United States can possess within its borders."'7 Since
Key West contained a secure harbor for vessels of any draft, the naval
authorities regarded its possession as vitally important not only as a coaling
station but as a repair base as well. Key West harbor was considered to
be of extreme value as a fulcrum in all naval operations involving the
West Indies.

The Department of the Navy bought additional land in 1895 so as to
enlarge the Key West Naval Station's capacity in the event of a conflict
with Spain. Construction of more coal sheds continued as a further pre-
cautionary measure. The worsening relations between the United States

16U.S., War Department, Report of the Secretary of War, Chief of Engineers, House Ex.
Doc., 1889, 51st Cong., 1st sess., pp. 4-5.
17U.S. Department of the Army, Key West Barracks, Florida, Office of the Chief of Mili-
tary History, p. 2.








CLAYTON D. ROTH, IR.


and Spain had awakened the army and navy authorities to the necessity
to reactivate their bases in Key West. Battery "H", of the Third Artillery
commanded by Major James R. Merrick, arrived in 1896 to garrison the
reconstituted army post. Key West was expected to bear a prominent part
in the defense of the United States' position in the Gulf of Mexico.
The task of making Fort Taylor serviceable proved to be so formidable
that it was not finally ready for combat until 1899. Key West's population
could not provide all the laborers required for the immense job so recruit-
ment of workers began in other Gulf cities. However, only the contractors
and merchants of Key West benefitted much from the army engineers' con-
struction and repair activities. The army enlarged the city's only active
post, Key West Barracks, and prepared the post's hospital for an expected
large number of war casualties. The army did not, however, perform a
major role in the military utilization of Key West during the Spanish Amer-
ican War."s But the naval station became the most important in the nation.
The battleship U.S.S. Maine left Key West for Havana harbor on
January 25, 1898, to stand by to remove United States citizens if revolu-
tionary hostilities threatened them. The United States White Squadron
arrived in Key West the next day. For the next few weeks it was within
sight of the island so that the eyes of the gunners on land as well as those
on the ships could be sharpened. Then a torpedo boat, the Ericsson, came
full speed alongside the flagship and maneuvers abruptly ended. It informed
the squadron that the Maine had blown up in Havana harbor. The war-
heads went on the torpedoes. On Sunday, February 27, the White Squadron
went out of existence as the seamen slapped on black paint and then war-
time grey. On April 22, the fleet steamed for the troubled island of Cuba.9
In Key West, the impact of the Maine disaster was poignantly personal.
The ship had for sometime been in and out of Key West harbor. Officers
and men had had an active part in the island's social life. While the nation
flamed with discussion fed by the highly combustible journalism of the
times, Key West buried many of the Maine's dead, some in a mass grave
and others in lots with a simple "Unknown" on their small markers.
Since the vessel had taken on 280 tons of coal at the naval station
but a sort time before leaving for Havana, Commandant James M. Forsyth
at Key West Naval Station received orders to explore a possible cause
of the mysterious explosion of the Maine. Commander Forsyth was to in-

1 William J. Schellings, "Key West and the Spanish American Wai," Tequesta, XX, 1960,
*p. 23.
19Albert Manucy, "A Handbook of Fort Jefferson History," (Unpublished manuscript,
deposited in Everglades National Park-Library, May, 1942), p. 54.








TEQUESTA


vestigate the plausible theory that explosives might have been planted by
a saboteur in the coal pile at the Key West Naval Station from which the
Maine had received her last load of fuel. His log book calmly noted: "Com-
mence to examine anthracite coal pile. Carefully removing it with shovel
under close personal inspection." Five volunteer inspectors watched the
tedious turnover. Three days later, the log simply stated: "Finished over-
hauling anthracite coal pile, found no sign of anything suspicious."20
The actual cause of the explosion was never discovered and the United
States Naval Institute briefly concluded its report: "The U.S.S. Maine
was destroyed by a mysterious explosion in the harbor of Havana, Cuba,
February 15, 1898. This hastened the declaration of war with Spain. Of
the crew of 354, only sixteen escaped injury or death."21
On April 23, the first shot of the Spanish American War was fired in
full view of watchers along Key West's shore. The U.S.S. Nashville fired a
shot across the bow of the Spanish steamer Buena Ventura. Her captain,
ignorant of the newly declared war, raised the Spanish flag and was prompt-
ly taken captive and his ship, the war's first prize, was brought to Key
West.2 A few days later, the Key West Naval Station was lighted by elec-
tricity for the first time.
Commodore George C. Remey, with Lt. John H. Shipley as flag-
lieutenant, arrived in Key West on May 7, aboard the monitor Miantono-
mah. Even though the war had begun three weeks earlier, no preparations
of facilities had been made for a senior land based naval officer at
Key West.
Commodore Watson arrived in Key West at the same time Commodore
Remey did. Although junior in rank to Remey, Watson had been ap-
pointed to command the blockade forces. Confusion reigned, temporarily,
at the naval station with the presence of two senior commanders afloat in
the harbor. Inevitably, confusing instructions were issued. The captain of
the Merrimac, Commander James M. Miller, received such conflicting
orders. Not knowing whether he should remain in port or leave, Com-
modore Remey heard Commander Miller's exasperated declaration: "I am
between the devil and the deep sea!" "Which am I?" asked Commodore
Remey with a quiet smile.23 He straightened the matter out and issued

o20Oiver Griswold, The Florida Keys and the Coral Reef, (Miami: The Graywood Press,
1965), p. 54.
2Ilbid.
22"Navy Has Roots in Key West," Key West Citizen, November 9, 1969.
i2Commander Reginald R. Belknap, "The Naval Base at Key West in 1898," United States
Naval Institute, Proceedings, B. C. Allen (ed.), (Annapolis: United States Naval In-
stitute), Vol. 41, No. 5, Sept.-Oct., 1915, Whole No. 159, pp, 1454-1455.







CLAYTON D. ROTH, JR.


instructions that only his office would control the movements of navy ves-
sels within the harbor.
The Key West Naval Station's organization consisted of the Com-
modore and two staff officers; the commandant of the Naval Station, a
lieutenant and a boatswain at the base; one pay officer with one pay clerk
and three tugs. The sloppy security situation that prevailed at Key West
at this time is measured by the protection given to the top secret cipher
code. The one copy of the code belonged to the commandant of the naval
station, James Forsyth, and he kept it in his house under his bed. The
house stood open day and night and, as the commandant had no family,
access was quite easy for a stranger. Since there was no orderly or other
guard on the premises it would have been very simple for an intruder
to injure or shoot the commandant and escape with the code.
The establishment of the base office occurred just as all forces began
moving toward Key West after the bombardment of San Juan. The de-
mands placed upon the office inundated its small staff. A large requirement
for coal had to be anticipated and provided. Provisions, water and other
supplies had to be furnished. Prize vessels were being brought in daily.
Blockading vessels were in and out continually. A night patrol offshore
had to be maintained. Some Spanish prisoners incarcerated in Fort Taylor
needed to be cared for. Several times it was necessary to procure on sud-
den notice a convoy for minor expeditions intent upon landing supplies
and men for Cuban forces. All the while a steady stream of information
flowed in and out. The eager and insistent press correspondents, whose
plaint "Cu-be, or not Cu-be, that is the Key Westion,"24 were everywhere
about and had to be placated. In addition, local disturbances in Key West
sometimes went beyond the ability of the local police to cope with neces-
sitating the use of marine patrol squads. Bureaucratic short cuts were de-
finitely needed, hence, throughout the existence of the base administration,
all its business was transacted with a minimum of actual paper work.
Security in Key West harbor was somewhat erratic. Since there were
no harbor regulations day or night, little control could be maintained
over anchorage. Vessels not belonging to or serving the navy came and
went at will at any hour. Base Commander Remey not only did not have
effective control over any but naval vessels, but naval movements were
hampered by local civil authorities. State quarantine laws were enforced
which required all incoming vessels, regardless of ownership, to wait and
pay a fee to the state quarantine officer. This, and other local irregularities,
and the probability of having to enforce strict sanitary measures in the

24Browne, op. cit., p. 146.







TEQUESTA


event of yellow fever breaking out, caused Remey to urge in the strongest
terms that Key West be placed under martial law. Secretary of the Navy,
John D. Long, replied that he and the Secretary of War, Russel A. Alger,
ardently agreed and urged affirmative action upon the request. President
William McKinley, however, would not authorize the application of mar-
tial law stating that it might be construed as an unfavorable reflection on
Key West and the Florida authorities.
Troops from the Marine Corps had last been in Key West in 1826.
In 1898, they established a second marine base. On April 22, just two
days after Congress made war inevitable by declaring Cuba to be a free
and independent nation, Colonel Robert W. Huntington's marine battalion
boarded the U.S.S. Panther and started on their journey to Key West.
At the Key West marine camp they made their final preparations for the
invasion of Cuba. Some 623 enlisted men, twenty-three officers and one
navy surgeon formed the new battalion. Forty-six of these marines remained
on Key West as provost marshals under Captain Harry White until Sep-
tember 8 when the strength of the camp was reduced to one man, First
Sergeant Clarence E. Vadow. The sergeant looked after the property that
had been left behind.
Key West served a very significant function as a naval base during the
war with Spain; more in fact, than it appeared ready to render. The lack
of fresh water presented the most immediate and continuing problem.
There also arose several other reasons for dissatisfaction with the island:
1) it lacked ready and easy communication with the mainland, and 2)
the constant danger from yellow fever epidemics and other tropical disea-
ses. Despite these drawbacks Key West was acknowledged to be of greater
strategic value than all the seven naval yards and stations at New Orleans,
Pensacola, Charleston, Port Royal, Guantanamo, San Juan and Culebra
combined. However, the war ended before Key West could be upgraded
into a first class base. At the end of the war, the Key West Naval Station
returned to a state of peacetime quiet and remained inactive for almost
twenty years.
Throughout the early history of Key West medical science proved un-
able to cope with the dreaded and resurgent yellow fever disease but
conquered it immediately after the Spanish American War. The break-
through came when it was discovered that yellow fever and malaria were
carried by the anopheles mosquito. It then became possible to control and
finally eradicate this scourge. Perhaps because of the strict quarantine
maintained by the Florida State Health Department, the dread yellow jack
struck none of the overcrowded military installations in 1898. It was ty-
phoid fever that killed twice as many soldiers and sailors as did combat.







CLAYTON D. ROTH, JR.


The fever and fear of it had retarded Key West's development to the end
of the century.
After the termination of the Spanish American War the War Depart-
ment closed down its installations in Key West except for Fort Taylor,
which was allowed to decay and become largely a storage area, no longer
a vital stronghold for defense.
Except for the commissioning of the Key West Naval Radio Station
in 1907, the navy did not build any improvements to the aging base until
1914. With the beginning of World War I considerable construction activi-
ty once more commenced on the Key West Naval Station. It became head-
quarters for the Seventh Naval District during the First World War, charged
with the task of supplying and maintaining forces afloat and assigned the
mission of keeping German submarines from operating in the Gulf, es-
pecially preventing them from utilizing Mexican oil supplies.
The preeminence of Key West's location as the country's southernmost
naval base, with its rapid access to the open sea lanes for surface ships
and submarines, its ideal weather conditions for flying, all proved invaluable
in making the naval station an around-the-clock, around-the-year training
and experimental area for the navy. The implements for modern three
dimensional warfare started to make their debut; traditional surface forces
were augmented by seaplanes, submarines and blimps.
The commissioning of the Key West Naval Air Station occurred on
December 18, 1917. Located on the northern edge of the City of Key
West, its primary use was for anti-submarine patrol operations and as an
elementary flight training station. Aircraft utilizing its facilities included
small twin cockpit training seaplanes and observation dirigibles. Twenty-
five to thirty aircraft operated from the base at one time. Lieutenant Stanley
V. Parker of the Coast Guard, the first commanding officer of the Air
Station, became the first aviator to make a flight from the base. This event
occurred on December 22, 1917, in a Curtiss N-9 seaplane. After being
deactivated at the conclusion of World War One, the Naval Air Station
slowly sank into comparative inaction. The releasing of its personnel, the
destruction or dismantling and removal to other locations of most of its
buildings signified that from 1920 to 1940 only sporadic employment of
the remaining facilities could be made.
The activities at the Key West Naval Station after the First World
War also gradually diminished. On June 30, 1932, the naval base was
closed to a bare maintenance status and the headquarters of the Seventh
Naval District moved to Charleston. The only occupant of the defunct
base was the Navy Radio Station with personnel of seventeen men. Dur-







TEQUESTA


ing the station's idle years, W. P. A. workers carried out the maintenance
duties.
The threat of war in Europe during 1938-39 forced military attention
again upon this outpost overlooking the unprotected Caribbean. Early in
1939, several visitors inspected Key West as a prelude to reopening its
dormant naval station. Among these notable visitors between February 14-
18 were President Franklin D. Roosevelt, Admiral Leahy, then Chief of
Staff, and Admiral Cook, Chief of the Bureau of Aeronautics. By March,
units of the Patrol Wing began flying into the old air base with increasing
frequency, mooring their planes overnight beside the still standing but badly
decomposed 1918 ramps and refueling facilities at the Key West Naval
Station.
With the outbreak of World War Two, President Roosevelt declared a
state of national emergency on September 8, 1939. Three days later,
the Key West Naval Station closed its facilities to visitors and all private
yachts, including the smaller pleasure boats, docked in the submarine basin
were ordered to vacate the area immediately. Commander Granville B.
Hoey arrived in Key West on November 1 to reopen the station, in Jan-
uary, 1942, the Seventh Naval District reestablished its headquarters in
Key West. Construction of a temporary air base on the original World
War One site, expected to take from four to six months, began at this time.
During the war years the naval station spent $31,384,538 on new con-
struction alone. In addition, the navy acquired 3,200 acres for anticipated
expansion. Between December 7, 1941, and V-J Day, 1945, 14,000 ships
logged into Key West or adjacent anchorage. Merchant vessels forming
convoys accounted for 43% of this huge total. The naval station had
the primary function of supporting other naval activities in the Key West
area and repairing and overhauling numerous escort vessels that convoyed
merchant shipping in the Caribbean area.
Reestablishment of the Key West Naval Air Station occurred on De-
cember 15, 1940, by order of the Secretary of the Navy, Frank Knox. It
served both as an operating and training base for fleet aircraft squadrons.
The station eventually developed to care for over 4,000 personnel and
three squadrons amounting to nearly fifty planes.
Throughout the war years living conditions for the navy's sea and air
personnel proved to be harsh with few offsetting comforts. Water, sewage,
housing, civilian medical facilities and the limited opportunities for recrea-
tion afforded by the city of Key West presented many difficulties. The
navy finally solved its chronic water shortage by constructing a pipeline to
the deep water wells of Homestead, Florida, and then pumping the water







CLAYTON D. ROTH, JR.


to Key West. For the first time Key Westers no longer needed to de-
pend upon the erratic rainfall and distilling plants for fresh water. The navy
did have trouble, however, importing fresh meats and vegetables which
could only be bought at a premium in Miami, 170 miles away. The nearest
naval hospital was located 700 miles away in Pensacola. Mosquitoes
plagued the islanders in the summer months. Fortunately, no malaria
epidemics occurred and only an occasional case of dengue fever was re-
ported in the town.2" Working and living conditions gradually improved as
increasing funds were allocated for expansion and construction of per-
manent facilities.
German submarine activity paralleled the vast program of construction
and territorial expansion on the part of the Key West Naval Base and Air
Station. This Nazi menace to Gulf and Caribbean shipping lasted through-
out 1942, until the summer of 1943. In early 1942, daring German sub-
marines slipped in close enough to Florida to sink allied shipping within
sight of land. The peak of this implacable adversary's activity was reached
in May when underseas raiders torpedoed forty-nine ships off the Florida
coast. It is believed that only two submarines per month came over from
Germany, but that as high as nine were operating in the Caribbean area
later. To combat this threat, Patrol Wing Twelve was commissioned in
September, 1942. The patrol established its headquarters in Key West. By
March, 1943, the air station supported one squadron of eighteen planes
and two smaller squadrons having twelve planes each. All three squadrons
furnished air coverage over the adjacent waters. These planes effectively
combatted the German threat and by December, 1943, the Nazi Submarines
had sunk their last merchant ship in the Caribbean area.
The last month of 1943 also saw the establishment of Fleet Air Wing
Five as a training unit in Boca Chica to provide anti-submarine warfare
and other types of training for land and sea based aircraft. Anti-submarine
training has remained a primary function at Boca Chica field ever since.
Another event of this period involved combined land, sea and air
maneuvers conducted by the navy and army throughout Florida in No-
vember and December, 1943. This coordinated testing finished up in Key
West. Boca Chica's planes employed sacks of flour to simulate bombs.
Only a few ill consequences occurred. One small craft, for example, had
its fresh paint job smeared by a wayward flour bag.
On February 8, 1945, Naval Auxiliary Air Station Boca Chica was des-
ignated a full fledged naval air station. But this was short lived be-

25"Golden Anniversary," Naval Air Station, Key West, (An unpublished manuscript from
the Public Affairs Office, Key West Naval Air Station), p. 6.







TE QU E S T A


cause one month later the Boca Chica and Key West Naval Air Stations
were merged once more under the present designation of United States
Naval Air Station, Key West.
At the conclusion of World War Two, the Key West Naval Station did
not undergo retrenchment as did many other installations. It continued
to be maintained as a training and experimental site since the excellent
climate permitted year around use of the facility.
During the Second World War, sand bags and modern ordnance im-
proved Fort Taylor's usefulness as an active coast artillery installation.
Two years after this violent and destructive conflict terminated, the army
left Key West entirely and transferred its surplus property, including Fort
Taylor with its land, to the navy's jurisdiction. Today, Fort Taylor is used
by the navy as a storage area for scrap metal which has undoubtedly
helped to preserve this relic of a bygone age.
The United States Naval Station became established under flag rank
on April 1, 1948. During the following years the Naval Operating Base
settled into the quiet tranquility of her important task of anti-submarine
warfare training. For the next fourteen years the navy carried on its usual
"peacetime" activities, until October 22, 1962, when, for the first time
in one hundred years, the United States was presented with a threat to
its mainland. The Cuban crisis erupted.
Reconnaisance planes had revealed Russian construction of offensive
missiles in Cuba only ninety miles from Key West. Several weeks before
President John F. Kennedy's announcement of a "quarantine" blockade,
military activities in Key West started building up. Military units, personnel
and equipment were repositioned by classified movements. Almost con-
tinuously flights arrived from or departed for Cuban surveillance. An
immediate and substantial increase in military personnel quickly filled
all available space in the naval base's quarters. Each of the military serv-
ices found representation in the expanded service population of Key
West. Some departments doubled and others almost trebled their work
load. Adjacent waters swarmed with ships and army units moved into the
area, notably the Sixth Missile Battalion. Security measures during this
crisis were as tight as at any time in Key West history. Not one ship nor
submarine remained moored in the harbor, a sight never seen before.
The sounds of the reconnaissance patrol squadrons zooming overhead
could be heard day and night, but few of the citizens of Key West evacuat-
ed the city.
President Kennedy lifted the quarantine on November 20. Six days
later, he with the Joint Chiefs of Staff and many top ranking officers of







CLAYTON D. ROTH, JR.


the Army, Navy, Marine Corps and Air Force held a highly classified meet-
ing on the Key West Naval Station to review military installations and
forces stationed on the island during the Cuban crisis. They represented
the largest group of Flag and General officers ever to visit a naval base
at one time in the history of the United States.26
After the Cuban missile crisis had settled down to a matter of watchful
waiting, the majority of temporary military personnel were redeployed.
The Key West Naval Station and Air Base resumed normal routine. Nor-
mal, at present, consists of an average of 3,000 officers and men on con-
stant alert to maintain our preparedness should another threat to the con-
tinental United States develop suddenly.
Key West is among those particular places in history which served
as a staging area or embarkation point for great events occurring elsewhere.
Dramatic actions, such as the crusade against Caribbean piracy, the Civil
War blockade, the war against Spain, the World War Two anti-submarine
activity and the 1962 Cuban "quarantine", catapulted Key West into the
forefront of national attention. This Gibraltar of the Caribbean continues
today to maintain a vigil over our southeastern coast and its strength helps
to deter potential adversaries from embroiling the United States in another
destructive conflict.






















26"Your Navy in Key West," (1969 Unofficial Guide published by Boone Publications,
Inc.), p. 6.






This Page Blank in Original
Source Document












Samuel Hodgman, Haines City, Florida Pioneer
by BRUCE W. BALL*

"Ella is unable to do any work. She is so weak for want of proper
food.... For the past few weeks none of us have eaten anything but bis-
cuits and coffee. . We used the last of the coffee this morning and do
not have a cent nor the prospects of earning one." "I hope times will be
better when the quarantine (Yellow Fever) is off."
These words were written by Samuel C. Hodgman of Climax, Kala-
mazoo County, Michigan who, with his family, settled at Haines City,
Florida in 1885.
The recent discovery of his correspondence to his mother from Haines
City, ranging over a period of nine years from 1885 through 1984, gives
us a tragic, yet fascinating narrative account of his privations, hardships
and suffering in attempting to provide for his family on this new frontier.

Hodgman was a wounded Civil War veteran with a small government
pension. He was a civil engineer and surveyor, and also the inventor of a
metal measuring tape used by civil engineers and surveyors. A man of
some education, his handwriting was well formed, and the spelling and
grammatical construction of his letters is excellent. The long cold Michigan
winters and lack of surveying business brought him south in 1885. He and
his brother Charlie bought adjacent tracts of land in or near the town
of Haines City. "Charlie" apparently never came south, nor did he accept
Samuel's offer "to break ground and start a grove, provided money was
sent to cover cost of trees and fertilizer."

Despite Hodgman's energy and determination to make a success of
his new life, as shown in the early letters, he was plagued by constant fail-
ure and bad luck. He was unable to obtain regular surveying work;
develop his land, or even to establish a kitchen garden. Lack of cash and
fertilizer, inability to cope with the hot climate, and problems of maraud-
ing hogs and wild animals were a constant problem, and these, plus failing
health, made his life and that of his family a daily struggle just to survive.
Throughout all of his reverses and poverty-stricken existence, he continued

*Mr. Ball is a Miami philatelist who acquired the Hodgman letters for their covers. When
he made contacts in Haines City for further information about Hodgman, he discovered
a local organization much interested in the letters for their historical value, and turned
them over to be added to the Haines City historical collection.







TEQUESTA


to be optimistic about the new country and his chances of eventual success
and good fortune.
The first letter, written in 1885 and datelined Eustis, Fla., tells of his
trip to Florida, accompanied by his wife Ella, daughter Minnie and son
Rob. His nephew, Will, joined him at a later date. His wife eventually died
of a gangrenous infection; his nephew Will of catarrah (tuberculosis).
Hodgman and his daughter also suffered from catarrah, and all suffered
terribly from malnutrition and the most primitive living conditions.
All of the seventy-two letters in the correspondence are datelined
Haines City, except for three which were written from Eustis and Naples.
Excerpts from his letters follow in chronological order:
June 14, 1885, . "the mosquitos no worse than in timbered country in
Michigan, but lots of fleas. A seven foot alligator was killed in the
lake here today. I am in hopes of securing a position on a new rail-
road running through here .... The road will be 60 to 80 miles long
from Sanford to Ocala. (Author's note: The South Florida Railroad
was built through Haines City, but did not stop until a Dr. Hitt,
another pioneer of Haines City, had the bright idea of naming the
town (formerly known as Clay Cut) Haines City in honor of
General H. S. Haines, Civil Engineer for the Railroad). "I have not
travelled around much since I have been here, as I did not think it
best to go out in the hot sun until I get a little more used to it. .."
July 21, 1885, "I wish you were all down here to enjoy this country and
see the chance there is for making money where a person has a
little to start with. ... I visited an orange grove today only six years
old from the bud that is heavily loaded with fruit. There are only
ten acres in the place and half of it in oranges, yet I suppose $1000
an acre would not buy it. On the same place are grapes, pineapples,
lemons, guavas, limes, tea plants, etc. People here make more off
five acres than off an 80 acre farm in the north."
August 8, 1886, "At times don't know where the next meal is coming from.
I have had no work at surveying since spring to amount to a days
work in all. The failure of the orange crop, and setback of vegetables
left the people without any resources except land sales, and they
have been kept back by the scare last spring.... With all the hard
times, I would rather be where I am situated as I am than I was
at Traverse City." (Michigan).
August 15,.1886, "Settlers are coming in ... and my chance will come by
and by. Our melons and sweet potatoes are doing very well despite







BRUCE W. BALL


the hot weather. It is 96 today, but we usually have a fine breeze in
the evening. I have had no luck with the raspberry bushes Charley
sent, nor the seeds from Uncle Ed. Most plants which flourish in the
north are not suited for this hot climate."
August 22, 1886, "At times don't know where the next meal is coming
from, but I have managed to live so long and expect I will have all
I can handle soon. Money is terribly hard to get."
September 19, 1887, "There is no use talking, we are having hard times
here. We do not have enough to eat at times, and what we do have is
just the one thing-bread and musty pork. Nobody peddles meat
here because most of the settlers are poor. As for clothing, we are
fast learning to do without. I do not have a whole pair of pants to my
legs. I have only a pair of plow shoes and no hat but a straw which
is pretty well weather beaten and is falling apart from decay."
"Ella is worse off in some respects. She has just washed her last
calico dress for the last time, and has worn her only pair of shoes
some two months since they wore clear through the bottoms to the
skin of her feet. Minnie has none at all. I have received but one
dollar for work or anything else since last May or June."
January 22, 1888, "The hogs ruined all my early beans and peas. Rob
killed a seven foot rattlesnake and sold the skin for $1.00. A few
days later one was killed near Lake Hamilton with nine rattles weigh-
ing twelve pounds. ... I can't plant any more garden for want of fer-
tilizer. There are two 5 acre lake front lots in town that I could get
for $100 each if I had the money now. They are splendid vegetable
land. Vegetables are being shipped from here now and bring good
prices."
January 27, 1888, "Have a job of surveying, and will take my pay in
teeth. I'll let Ella have the pay as all her store teeth are gone but
one."
February 19, 1888, "I used part of the money to buy a hat, and the rest
has had to go to keep starvation away. Rob has not been able to
work for the past two weeks, and neither have I."
March 11, 1888, "Meanwhile Ella and I are both in effect barefoot. Our
feet are on the bare ground part of the way. . A good many
vegetables were shipped from here last week, 27 crates in one day.
Can buy 15 acres of dry land for $180."
March 12, 1888, Naples, Florida, postmarked Orlando, Fla. "Our mails
are quite irregular and will be until the steamer which is expected to







TEQUESTA


run between here and Punta Gorda is ready for work. Most of the
engineers will be through in a few days, but two parties of which
mine is one will stay for awhile. The lots are not staked out yet and
it is not certain whether they will be. I suppose that we will have to
run a railroad survey line soon whose "ends" for the present will be
at Haines City and Marco Pass, a few miles south of here. I expect
it will be pretty bad going in some places, especially the mangrove
swamps. Rob and I don't get much time for fishing although fish
are very plentiful and good. I think the time is not far distant when
this will be one of the most important pleasure resorts in Florida.
The country is poor, but it is a good site for a town and is the
farthest point south which is fit for human beings to congregate in.
Wish I could send you some shells which are in abundance here."
(Author's note: This letter was written by Hodgman while on a tour
of duty in south Florida as a member of a survey team which was
opening up the Collier County area.)

March 18, 1888, "100 acres of rice will be planted in June, and when that
comes off, the land will be planted to cane. New groves are all
the time being set out. Meantime, it is mighty tough. Bread and
water three times a day aren't very satisfying."

March 25, 1888, "Rob will send in a few days to Orlando for some shoes
for Ella. She has only one now that she can keep on her foot. Ship-
ment of vegetables continues-40 crates some days."

May 27, 1888, "I had one days surveying which put bread in our mouths."
July 1, 1888, "Have posts set out to fence in garden, but no money for
wire . and when I have to wait for the pay for my work it is
pretty poor pickings in our house. Uncle Sam is terribly slow in pay-
ing his debts. Haven't seen a magazine in more than a year. . I
have not been doing very much the past week as it has been too
warm to work in the middle of the day. The hottest time with us is
from 7 to 10 A.M. The mercury gets up to 98 with little breeze.
I am at the mercy of the hogs. They come in every night and root
up what they can find in the garden."
July 8, 1888, "The hogs, having destroyed all my garden, we are terribly
hard pushed to get something to eat."
August 5, 1888, "Rob made about $4 last week picking up 'cow chips'.
That kept the table supplied for a time with some of the essentials."
October 21, 1888, Disinfected, (punched) letter. (Editor's note: During







BRUCE W. BALL


the yellow fever epidemic of 1888 all mail had to be punched with
nails set in a paddle, or run through a set of cogs which made regular
identations in a straight line across the letter and envelope. Such
letters were then placed on wire racks in a railroad boxcar which
was closed, and sulphur fumes from iron pots wafted for six hours
through the letters and newspapers, which supposedly purified or
killed the "fomites" or germs which were believed contained in the
letters.) "Yours of the 14th received. Ella ... is not able to do any
work. She is so weak for want of proper food. . For the past
few weeks none of us have eaten anything but biscuits and coffee. ..
We used the last of the coffee this morning and do not have a cent
nor the prospects of earning one. . I am getting so weak that I
can't do half a days work. . The hogs ruined all the sweet potatoes
about town, but they are gone now. I hope times will be better here
by and by when the quarantine (yellow fever) is off."
October 28, 1888, "Sunday has come again and we are still alive if we
don't kick very much. We have managed to get along somehow even
if our stomachs have been pinched. I will try and finish clearing and
grubbing a garden patch on Charley's lots just as soon as I can get
something to eat besides bread and water."
Hodgman's land was apparently not of the best. He wrote frequently
of the need for fertilizer if his gardening was to be productive. His land
and that of his brother was apparently overgrown with palmettoes which
he laboriously dug out by hand. On October 25, 1888, he wrote: "Monday
and Wednesday dug in the hammock. I can dig a strip six feet wide and
60 feet long in a day by working pretty busily." On October 21 he had
described the nature of the palmetto which made it so difficult to uproot.
"There are a good many palmettoes to be dug out. Just imagine a log 6 to
8 inches in diameter and from 4 to 15 feet long partly on and partly under
the ground and tied down by a double row of wires two or three inches
apart for the whole length and it will give you some idea of a good healthy
palmetto root. It is really a tree with the roots at the side instead of the
end." Only those who have wrestled with a palmetto root can really ap-
preciate the description.
November 25, 1888, "Rob is now clerking for $3.00 a week and board
himself. We have been living on oatmeal the last week. Rolled oats,
25t a package makes us three meals. Went fishing last Tuesday.
Polled my boat about a mile and a half through the marsh and
caught eight fish which I sold. Ella has been confined to bed for
several days. Her sores are bad . and limbs pain her so that she
cannot keep up."






TEQUESTA


November 28, 1888, Disinfected, "We have just cut two bunches of bana-
nas so we are beginning to enjoy some of our fruits. Next year we
will probably have plenty of bananas and some figs, pineapples and
guavas. The bears drove the hogs off the island, so we have them
back again every few nights. Two families arrived from Louisville
to build on and improve some land five miles south of here. This
may start a boom here, as the Louisville Club now owns some 1200
acres of land in this area. Rob is studying to fit himself for teach-
ing. He will try to attend a Normal School for about ten weeks if
he can raise the needful ... as soon as I can get something besides
bread and water, I will be able to do some work."

December 2, 1888, "The yellow fever seems to be about played out, and
travel will soon commence. The orange crop is immense, and will
keep most of the men busy to handle it."

December 16, 1888, ". . Received package of old clothes . A great
many people are coming into South Florida, and things are beginning
to stir up a little . no use to plant vegetables until I can fence
out neighbor's chickens and buy fertilizer. We have to use the stric-
test economy. If we have pork, we can't have lard, and can't buy
potatoes at all. The longer I stay here the less I feel like going
north again to live. Those that have lived here and gone north
temporarily are glad to get back again."

February 10, 1889, "Went surveying last Monday. $10 worth of teeth. We
are to have quite an addition to our town. Mr. L. A. Marshall of
Chicago, a stone contractor, bought four acres of high ground and
will clear and build a residence to cost 5-8 thousand."

March 3, 1889, "Have no work yet, and Rob has none. We expect a
new stock of goods here next week. New blood and capital are
being transfused here which will help us some when it gets to work.
Caught some fish and sold 10 worth . Beans bring 6 to $6.50
a crate."

April 4, 1889, "I have had only 30t in money for about two months
which I earned by filing and setting a saw.. . I gather cow chips for
fertilizer.... Got a pair of shoes from M.W. & Co. of Chicago, cost
$2.25 (shoes $1.65 and express .600). Expect sugar plant costing
$750,000 will be put in about five miles north. 3500 acres of saw
grass will be drained and planted to cane. I expect that in a few
years this will be one of the best sugar regions in the world. The mill
at St. Cloud is now producing 15,000 pounds a day."







BRUCE W. BALL


April 14, 1889, "Received back pay from government. Also increase and
new pension. Paid some bills, but not all. We were very destitute.
Our crockery nearly all used up-only one towel in the house. Ella
had not a single calico dress or night gown. Rob has work at
$1 a day."
April 28, 1889, "Minnie has been quite sick with roseola. My money has
run out again."
May 10, 1889, "Chickens have ruined the garden. Had a days work sur-
veying. Walked to Auburndale for necessities-eleven miles away
S. tomatoes bring $5 a crate."
May 19, 1889, ". . Am drafting a drainage law for the state, and if done
in time will be sent for action by the Legislature."
May 26, 1889, "Rob mounting snake skin 8 feet long and 41/ inches in
diameter-13 rattles. I am working on a map of Haines City and
vicinity."
June 30, 1889, "I have my map about finished-as soon as I can get the
money I shall have a plate made and publish it."
July 14, 1889, "Two days of surveying, $20.00. I hope the railroad means
business and wants me for chief engineer."
July 28, 1889, "There have been quite a number of land sales in the
vicinity. Haven't had a thing to do to earn any money since I last
wrote."
August 3, 1889, "We are having a hard time for victuals now as I am hav-
ing no work."
August 25, 1889, "no work, grub limited."
September 15, 1889, ". . as our one room is somewhat overcrowded, I
shall build on a couple more rooms as soon as I can."
September 29, 1889, "Ella is suffering all the time. I think despondency
on account of our poverty is helping it along a good deal. I notice
that when we run out of coffee, sugar, meat and flour all at once
and have to do without several days at a time she seems worse.
Went fishing yesterday and caught 7 pounder and some small ones
which made us two meals. My map as yet don't amount to anything
financially. I'll be lucky to get back the cash I paid for it to say
nothing of the surveying and making the original map."
June 15, 1890, "I have been putting the siding on my house. We have a
store here now and hope to get another soon."







TEQUESTA


August 17, 1890, "Can't do anything on my home until I raise funds for
windows, at least. Am not able to do any work on land, and I think
I will soon have to give up surveying. Ella is still confined to her
bed unable to sit up at all. Minnie is troubled in the same way,
but not enough to keep her in bed. I still try what I can do without
machinery in getting out a crude phosphate enough to make a
practical test of its value as fertilizer. We are to have another store
opened in a few days. ... I think I wrote you that I had been ap-
pointed school supervisor for this district. I am now in correspond-
ence with prospective teachers, and we will probably have a school
in operation before long. We are to have five months school. The
county allows us $41.25 per month, and we have to pay a teacher
$50.00 the balance is raised by subscription."
August 31, 1890, "Rob is cutting wood for the railroad. He cannot average
$1.00 a day and board himself."
September 7, 1890, "Ella is somewhat better. I made $3 and the first
thing I did was buy a bottle of 'Dr. Pierce's Favorite Prescription'
which she is taking. Also got cloth for windows to shut the rain
out until I can do better."
September 14, 1890, "School begins tomorrow, but Minnie can't go yet
until her mother can fix her up."
November 1, 1890, (Details of Ella's death with description of symptoms.)
"The doctor pronounces it 'phagadenous ulceration' or milignant
postule. The sores on her body continued to worsen and especially
the one on her hand which was large as a silver dollar. Gangrene set
in and she died at 3 PM . I have given up all hope of work
at surveying only an occasional job, and cannot endure hard-
ships of railroad work even if I could get it. I cannot leave home to
hunt up work."
April 19, 1891, "1 have to go tomorrow about ten miles from here to
inspect three pieces of land, and will have to make a rough survey
to locate them. Will take one man with horse and wagon. I dread
the job."
May 3, 1891, "Rob plans to take up bird skinning. He sold the skin of
one Ivory Billed Woodpecker a rare bird as large as a crow, for
$6.00 to a taxidermist in Chicago. Things have a more hopeful
look here than they have for the past two or three years. Truckers
have done fairly well this year and groves are beginning to bear
There are now more than 50 or more orange groves in a five
mile area."







BRUCE W. BALL


June 7, 1891, "Local people have begun shipping grapes . will have
about 2000 pounds . pretty good for the second year after
cutting. Walked to Bartow and got excused from jury duty. Fee
$7.20."
August 16, 1891, "The place is filling up, and all of the houses are
occupied. There has not been a case of malarial sickness since I
I have been here that originated here. Minnie is learning nicely.
She brings home 'perfect' cards every Friday night."
August 30, 1891, "Haines City is now filled up not a vacant house in
town. Forty bushels of limes shipped this summer at $1 a bushel."
October 25, 1891, "Have survey job in view at Winter Haven. The rail-
road runs from Bartow Junction to Punta Gorda and to Lakeland
. Peaches have been in bloom for two or three weeks and I have a
seedling muscadine grape full of blossom buds."
December 20, 1891, "I am getting interested in a railroad now, and am in
correspondence with the prime movers . last night I received a
letter asking the cost of a preliminary survey. If the road is suc-
cessful it will help Haines City a great deal even if I don't get a job."
February 14, 1892, "Have been sick. Had one half days w6rk, $3, the
only money I have earned for a month."
March 27, 1892, "Minnie is well now and does nearly all the cooking.
She makes splendid biscuit .... Caught 9 bass from 1 to 7 pounds.
Received appointment as Notary Public for the State at large which
will perhaps give me a quarter once in awhile."
April 10, 1892, "Will has situation in the office. $30 a month."
August 14, 1892, "My persimmon has climbed up to eight feet four inches
and still growing ... It is a breezy comfortable day. We don't have
any hail storms or tornadoes down here and only just a little frost.
No sun strokes nor hydrophobia. I have made arrangements to cor-
respond for a Bartow newspaper, the 'Courier Informant'. There is
interest in mango culture here. Mr. W. B. Campbell, two miles south
of here will realize nearly $50 this year from three bearing trees.
One man in Winter Haven has just shipped 90 crates to New York."
March 2, 1893, Letter from Will datelined Titusville, Fla. and addressed
to his father at Climax, Michigan. "I am not very well. My lungs
are weak, and I am hardly able to crawl around. I do not have any
work to do. Everything is handled by the deck hands. I seldom have
more than three or four packages. I get my board for looking after






TEQUESTA


the baggage, and $40 for express. I think about six months more of
Florida will use me up completely."
July 9, 1793, "It is very lonesome here. So many have gone away, and
more going."
September 3, 1893, "There is something of a scare about yellow fever,
but only one case is actually known. But it is enough to set hun-
dreds of people wild. We have not the least fear of it here.
September 10, 1893, "Will is in the hospital probably won't get well.
No money for 'Amick' cure."
December 31, 1893, "We are well as usual except Minnie's catarrah. If
I am not able to get medicine for her before long I am afraid she
will go as Will did. Haven't earned a dollar in two months or more."

January 4, 1894, "I was busy yesterday filing saws and trucking. Earned
$1.50, the first money I have had for several weeks. The news-
papers talk about our railroad again, this time an electric road. I
have not much hope of getting work on it, but it will open up the
country and make a market for land now lying idle."

January 28, 1894, "Rob left today for the road again. He begins on the
'Hotel Limited', an extra fast train from Sanford to Tampa, as
flagman at $40 a month. If I don't get work soon I shall sell my
instruments and drop the surveying business."

August 12, 1894, "The mercury got up to 98 yesterday, one of the hottest
days I can remember. I worked as much as the heat would let me
last week . Minnie is some better but difficult . She needs
to be with a good woman for a year or so. I would gladly live alone
if she could only have that advantage. I am feeling better than I
was a week ago, still I am losing flesh all the time. My legs are
weak. When I sit or lie down a short time it is hard work to get
up again."

Here the correspondence ends. Perhaps his mother to whom almost all
of the letters were addressed had died. Hodgman lived until May 1, 1900.
Apparently his health and his economic well being improved in later years.
Certainly he lived an active life. It is possible that he had exaggerated the
hardships of the earlier years.

Besides the letters to his mother and the map of Haines City in 1889-
and how many communities can boast such a map at that stage of their
development-he is credited with building St. Mark's Episcopal church







BRUCE W. BALL


in the early 1890s. Bishop William Crane Gray who assisted in the build-
ing of churches all over the frontier in southern Florida raised the money
for the materials and Hodgman did most of the work of building it. The
bishop visited once while the building was under construction. In recog-
nition of Hodgman's efforts to provide Episcopal church services the bishop
ordained him a deacon.
Hodgman conducted Episcopal services and assisted visiting clergymen
who occasionally came that way. On August 18, 1889 he wrote his mother:
"We expect a clergyman here from Thonotosassa on the second Sunday &
the Bishop has promised us a visit in the winter." On September 15, he
wrote: "I did not have much of a congregation today on account of the
rain but read the service all the same. We are going to try hard to get funds
to buy an organ if possible to make our service more attractive." On Au-
gust 12, 1894 he was still reading the service, and mentions working on
the church. "Had service today. It was so warm there were only half a
dozen present. ... I keep it going." And on December 31, 1893, he had
written: "Putting up church, material all furnished."
For all of his ill health and poverty and complaints he never considered
leaving Haines City. In fact, he repeatedly disclaims any interest in living
anywhere else. He also certainly left a more tangible legacy than most of
his fellows on this or any other similar frontier.











The Matecumbe Methodist Church
by JEAN U. GUERRY*

Only the imagination can tell us of the religious services held by the
first Christian settlers on upper Matecumbe Key.
If anything was ever written about them, those records lie at the bot-
tom of the sea, washed by ten thousand tides, and lost forever to the
eye of man. Furthermore, the memories of all who might tell us the tales
of those beginnings have been wiped clean by that false conqueror, Death.
But, knowledge of their Bahamian origin and of the traditions passed
down would indicate that long before they had a church building or even
an organized "society" these rugged colonists met for informal worship,
prayer and hymn singing in private homes. And perhaps, even as the first
homes were being built, they occasionally paused to worship under a
shady mahogany tree. In any case, there is really no point in time when the
Church was "started" in the upper keys; it was brought here, already
alive and healthy, and only grew and developed in the hearts and lives of
these noble pioneers.
There is no question but that the first services held by these settlers
were Methodist in nature. This we know because the people had come
from the Bahamas where the Methodist church was the stronghold of
faith. Testimony is given to this by G. G. Smith in his HISTORY OF
METHODISM IN GEORGIA AND FLORIDA. Telling of the appoint-
ment of the first pastor to Key West, January 17, 1844, he adds the com-
ment: "Quite a colony of Wesleyans from the Bahamas had settled there
[Key West]. . The type of Methodism on the island is said to be more
thoroughly Wesleyan than perhaps in any other charge of the Southern
Church." The rolls of Methodist Churches in the Bahamas still today
contain all the Conch names associated with the Keys area.
It seems the first "fact" we can lay our hands on is the one found in
many sources that tells of two ministers, Sonelian and Giddens, who travel-
ed up and down the keys from Key West by schooner, holding services
wherever they could find enough people to call a congregation. These
men began their itinerant ministry in 1881 and continued it until the
Florida Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, began ap-

*Reverend Guerry was the pastor of Matecumbe Methodist when he prepared this article.
He has since been transferred to Lakeview Methodist in Miami.







JEAN U. GUERRY


pointing regular ministers to serve the Upper Keys. The first such ap-
pointment was made in 1887 when the Conference sent the Rev. J. M.
Sweat to be the pastor of the newly organized Key Largo Circuit.
Mr. Sweat's circuit was considerably smaller than that of Sonelian and
Giddens, containing only four "organized societies," two of them with
churches-Newport, which had been built in 1885, and Barnett's Chapel
(Tavernier) which had been erected a year later. Sweat's schedule was to
preach at Basin Hills on the first Sunday in the month and to remain
there the following week working among the people. On the second Sun-
day he moved, by boat, to Newport, following in the same routine there.
The third Sunday found him at Tavernier and the fourth at Matecumbe
(known then as Matecumbia).
From 1888 until 1916 the Key Largo Circuit was changed almost
annually to meet the particular needs current at the time the conference
met. Various members and combinations of churches were organized which
included appointments all the way from Coconut Grove to Pigeon Key and
occasionally as far south as Key West itself!

It was during this period of shifting that the first Church was built on
Upper Matecumbe Key-the child of a deathbed promise. In 1894 Pres-
ton Pinder led in the construction of a little frame church building on the
ocean at the site of the present Golden Acres Trailer Park. He fulfilled
the desire of his grandfather, Richard Pinder, who had made this dream
known several years earlier as he lay dying.

The congregation that worshipped each Sunday in the little church came
not only from Upper, but also from Lower Matecumbe, Windley (then
called Umbrella) and Plantation Keys. Many people traveled several
miles, usually by rowboat or sailboat, to answer the call of the bell that
rang from the tower out across the water each week. Services were held
EVERY Sunday, for when the regular pastor was serving the rest of his
circuit, services were conducted at Matecumbe by laymen, most often
Preston Pinder or Johnny Russell. These two men, being concerned about
the spiritual life of the rest of the Conchs frequently traveled to other
keys to conduct worship or Sunday School classes. This, in a sense, made
Matecumbe the hub of all religious activities in the region.

Sometime toward the close of the first decade of the twentieth century,
it was decided to move the little church to a more central location. This
was a monumental task! Two large rafts were found and lashed together.
During flood tide they were brought up on the beach as far as possible.
Then, while the tides were changing, the building was rolled down to the







TEQUESTA


water's edge and placed on the raft. When the tide came up again the
raft set sail with its precious cargo, and the House of God was moved to
its new location, an act reminiscent of the bearing of the Ark of the Co-
venant by the Hebrews to a new spot in a land flowing with milk and honey.
The new setting for the church had been carefully chosen. It came to
rest in a grove of buttonwood and palm trees on property that is now
owned by the Cheeca Lodge. Not long after, it was decided to establish
a church cemetery. As was the custom in those days, a spot right next to
the church was chosen, and now this place became more sacred and re-
vered because it contained all that was left of the mortal bodies of loved
ones.
About this time, the Flagler Railroad became a reality and the circuit
riders of the keys furled their sails, shipped their oars and began making
their rounds on the "iron horse" rather than horseback as most of their
other frontier counterparts did. "Uncle Johnny" Watkins, a Key West
Conch, a devout and holy man, and probably the most beloved of all
preachers to serve the area, was now the pastor of Matecumbe. His con-
cern for the spiritual growth and needs of the people prompted the Flor-
ida Conference on several occasions to make special gifts to the keys
churches and to be more charged in their concern for these Chirstian
brethren of the islands. Circuits were divided as often as possible and more
preachers sent to the keys.
Yet there was still a problem in obtaining ministers for special oc-
casions that occurred when it was not the regular pastor's time to be in
the area. Thus it was when Florence Finder and Alonzo Cothron decided
to be married, they had to "import" a preacher from Key West. But this
they did, and on June 9, 1926, the Rev. L. Munro came from Key West
to perform the first wedding held in the Matecumbe Methodist Church.
With more people now discovering the charm of America's "South
Sea Islands" the population was being expanded by more than just the
birth-rate. In 1933, thirty seven persons were received into the church
on Profession of Faith, and fourteen were received by transfer, boosting
the total membership to ninety-two. A regular pattern of growth was es-
tablished in the little congregation for a few years until the records of
1936 reflect the terrible tragedy that befell what had now become the
town of Islamorada.
The membership stood at 112 when the Florida Annual Conference
met in June of 1935 and sent the Rev. R. E. Carlson to be the new pastor
of the Matecumbe Circuit. But the JOURNAL of 1936 gives a member-
ship of forty nine, an awesome reminder of the infamous '35 hurricane







JEAN U. GUERRY


that claimed the lives of the new pastor and his wife along with hundreds
of others.
This same hurricane destroyed the lovely little frame church that had
been so carefully built and maintained by the people. The only trace of it
was found months later when a group of fishermen discovered the church
bell high and dry on Rabbit Key, some eleven miles from where it began
its gruesome journey. The bell was hung in a buttonwood tree where it
stayed for some time, but eventually someone removed it and the fate
and location of that long-loved instrument is still unknown.
The brave remnant of the '35 horror struggled back to its feet and as
they rebuilt their homes, their community and their lives they rebuilt their
church, choosing now a site on higher ground close to what had been
the railroad and is now the roadbed for U.S.1 highway.
A small concrete block sanctuary was constructed with the parsonage
next to it. The church began to experience the growth that hit the entire
area after the "hurricane scare" wore off. In 1946 Matecumbe Church was
set up to share its pastor with only one other church-Marathon. Two
years later, under the careful guidance of Donald ("Deac") Weist, the
church was strong enough to move out on its own, and the Conference of
1948 sent the Rev. W. E. Nelson to be the first full-time pastor of the
Matecumbe Methodist Church.
America's "fabulous fifties" was felt as keenly in the Florida keys
as it was anywhere in the country. The new church building was less than
twenty years old when the congregation realized it was totally inadequate
to meet the challenge of the new day that had dawned in Islamorada.
Even the addition of a Sunday School annex was insufficient to meet the
press of growth, so, in the tradition of their forefathers of 1894 and 1937,
the people got together and launched a campaign for a new building. The
result was the beautiful sanctuary that now stands on U.S. 1.
The little building that served so nobly during the days of rapid
growth under the ministry of the Rev. E. S. Kerrick was now no longer
needed by the Methodists. Since a small group of people had organized
a Baptist Chapel in Islamorada, it was given to them and goes on still
today serving as the sanctuary for the First Baptist Church of Islamorada.
With a new sanctuary and a new Sunday school building, the need
now became apparent for a new parsonage. Construction began on a
beautiful four bedroom house, and though Hurricane Donna in 1960
hurled her savage fury at the half-completed structure, the work went on
and the minister and family moved into the new pastoral home in 1961.








68 TEQUESTA

The Providence of God stepped in again in 1964 when more room
was desperately needed; a small building that sat next to the church an-
nex became available for purchase. With this acquisition the church be-
came the possessor of an entire block of land except for one small corner
containing the "Hurricane Monument."
The church today offers many ministries and programs both for mem-
bers and visitors. In recent years they have offered professional dramatic
and choral groups a place to perform for the entire community. A sum-
mer youth program and youth center with its own full-time director has
begun to be operated. Its Crusader Choir, composed of children and youth
from the second through the ninth grades, has presented programs and
concerts not only of sacred music but of secular music as well, becoming
a program source for civic clubs and motels.
This choir prepared and presented a program on the history of the
church last year in connection with an anniversary celebration commemo-
rating the building of the first church, seventy-five years ago.












First Impressions
The Earliest Description of Florida
to Circulate in Russia (1710)

by Max I. Okenfuss*

Russians first learned about Florida in a rather curious fashion. In
the first quarter of the eighteenth century, Russia possessed an energetic
and ambitious tsar in Peter the Great. Continuing the policies of his fore-
bears in the previous century, Peter looked to the West for the skills,
schools and institutions which would make Russia a major European
power, but he did so with such persistence and thoroughness that most
contemporaries saw a sharp distinction between his reign and those of
his precursors.
Becoming a European power meant fighting European wars. In ad-
dition to an old enemy, Ottoman Turkey, which dominated the Black Sea
and the southern reaches of Russian rivers, Peter suddenly found himself
at war with Sweden across the Baltic in the north. Fighting both these
powers required a navy, one which could guard coastlines, protect trade,
transport armies, and if possible, carry the battle to the enemy's home-
land. With the enthusiasm and energy for which he was famous, Peter
created a navy.
Within a very few years, Serbs from Venice, Hollanders, and English-
men had arrived to teach mathematics and naval skills in Russia. Master
shipbuilders and artisans were recruited throughout Europe, and foreign-
born officers were commissioned in the nascent Russian navy. Russian
youths were sent to learn the naval arts in European shipyards, and Rus-
sian seamen were placed in naval apprenticeship upon the vessels of sev-
eral European nations. Within a decade Russia acquired not only a navy,
but also the urge to participate in the age of exploration. Russian expe-
ditions soon were charting the Artic coastline, exploring the Kamchatka
peninsula and eastern Siberia, eventually colonizing Alaska and the
California coast, and they nearly established a trading company in Hawaii
in the nineteenth century.
Peter's new schools required textbooks in Russian, and the tsar order-

*Dr. Okenfuss is a member of the History Department at Washington University, St. Louis,
Missouri.







TEQUESTA


ed the translation of a wide range of European works, including manuals
of navigation and sea-faring, and of land-surveying, geometry textbooks,
and handbooks of artillery, fortifications, ship-building and the like. Among
them was a Geography, or A Short Description of the Globe,' which first
appeared in March 1710, and was later reprinted three times in 1715
and 1716.
This was not the first Western geographical work to be translated into
Russian. The Russian translator of 1710 told his readers of an earlier
edition of the massive Atlas or Cosmography of J. and W. Blaeu, famous
Dutch cartographers of the seventeenth century. He noted that his was a
shorter work, and designed for a wider, more general audience. This
earlier work was never published in Russia, although it apparently circu-
lated rather widely in manuscript copies. The Short Description of 1710
can be regarded as the first printed geography to appear in Russia.
Although portions of the book were added by the anonymous Russian
author-translator, the basic text was taken from another Dutch compen-
dium by Johannes (Jean) van Keulen, published in French as Le Grand
Nouvel Atlas de la Mer (Amsterdam, 1682), and in Dutch as De groote
Niewe vermeerdende Zee-Atlas (Amsterdam, 1697). Van Keulen was the
basic source for the short section on Florida in the Russian geography
(pp. 96-97), a translation of which is printed below. It may be considered
the first impression of this portion of the Americas to circulate among
Russian students and the Russian reading public. Some of its judgments
were common to other European geographers of the day, as indicated
by the footnotes.
Concerning the country of Florida
Florida is a fertile land with a pleasant climate2
and it abounds with luscious if strange fruits.3
It also has many wild beasts of every sort, bears, wolves, leopards, bob-
cats and jaguars. In its waters are snakes and crocodiles and other such
crawling reptiles, with which the inhabitants of the land have an incessant
struggle,4 and they beat them [to death] and eat them.


tGeografia ili kratkoe zemnago kruga opisanie (Moscow, 1710).
2"This country lying Parallel to Castile in Spain, is said to be of the same temper both
for Aire and Soyl [soil], but that it is abundantly more fruitful"; Peter Heylyn, Cosmo-
graphie in four Bookes . (2nd ed. London, 1660) p. 1031. "Florida est plaisanti, &
mediocrement fertile"; Van Keulen, Le Grand Nouvel Atlas, f. 4v.
3"Well stored with several sorts of Fruit, as Mulberries, Cherries, Chestnuts, Grapes and
Plums of both excellent taste and colour"; Heylyn, loc. cit.
4"Divers serpens, & coleuvres, & crocodiles se tiennent dans ses fleuves, avec qui les habitans-
combattent sans cesse"; Van Keulen, loc. cit.








MAX J. OKENFUSS


The people of this land are coarse folk, who go about on foot, and to
whom all the blessings of civil custom are alien, since they have constant
wars among themselves.5 And whenever a stranger is captured alive, they
feed him, and when he is filled, and fattened, at one of their festivals,
they consume the one they have murdered. And although they confess
the resurrection of man's soul, they bow down to idols,6 and in their be-
havior toward new-comers, they are very stern, and are not reliable.





































5"So stomackfull, that they do naturally love War and Revenge, insomuch that they are
continually in War with one, or other"; Heylen, loc. cit. "Leurs moeurs sont mal hon-
nestes, . & de s'approprier de larcin"; Van Keulen, loc. cit.
6"They have also a grosse believe of the soules immortality, but are otherwise Idolater";
Peter Heylen, Mikrokosmos. A Little Description of the Great World (8th ed. Oxford,
1639), p. 785.







TEQUESTA


Contents of e"1*e^ I-XXX

VOLUME ONE, NUMBER ONE, 1941
"Pre-Flagler Influences on the Lower Florida East Coast."
by George E. Merrick
"The Caloosa Village Tequesta: A Miami of the Sixteenth Century."
by Robert E. McNicoll
"Bradish W. Johnson, Master Wrecker, 1846-1914." by Vincent Gilpin
"General Problems of Florida Archaeology." by Doris Stone
"Pre-Columbian Man in Southern Florida." by Karl Squires
"The Episcopal Church in South Florida, 1764-1892."
by Edgar LeGare Pennington
"To Miami, 1890 Style." by Mrs. John R. Gilpin
"The History of Air Transportation in Florida." by Thomas P. Caldwell
"An Annotated Check List of Florida Maps." by John Matthews Baxter
Notes and Queries.
VOLUME ONE, NUMBER TWO, AUGUST 1942
"George Edgar Merrick." by Helen C. Freeland
"Some Plant Reminiscences of Southern Florida." by David Fairchild
"Henry Perrine, Pioneer Horticulturist of Florida." by T. Ralph Robinson
"Ceremonial Practices of the Modern Seminoles." by Robert F. Greenlee
"Food Plants of the DeSoto Expedition." by Adin Baber
"The Administrative System in the Floridas, 1791-1821."
by Duvon Clough Corbitt
"Florida in History and Literature." by Watt Marchman
Constitution of the Historical Association of Southern Florida.
Communication from Spessard Holland.
VOLUME ONE, NUMBER THREE, 1943
"Beginnings in Dade County." by F. M. Hudson
"The Florida Indians in the Seventeenth Century." by Charles M. Andrews
"Pioneer Women of Dade County." by Mary Barr Monroe
"The Administrative System in the Floridas, 1783-1821, II."
by Duvon Clough Corbitt
NUMBER FOUR, 1944
"Frank Bryant Stoneman." by Marjory Stoneman Douglas

*The manner of numbering the successive issues has been changed several times. In each
case the designation used at the time is reproduced.
Numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, V, VII, X, XI, and XIII out of print. The Association plans to have
reprints available within a year.







TEQUESTA


"Archaeological Investigations on the Upper Florida Keys."
by John M. Goggin
"Five Plants Essential to Indians and Early Settlers of Florida."
by John C. Gifford
"Recent Economic Trends in South Florida." by Reinhold P. Wolff
"The Freducci Map of 1514-1515." by David O. True
1945 (NO OTHER DESIGNATION)
"Flagler Before Florida." by Sidney Walter Martin
"Blockade Running in the Bahamas During the Civil War."
by Thelma Peters
"A Canoe Expedition into the Everglades in 1842."
by George Henry Preble (reprint)
"Three Florida Episodes." by John James Audubon (reprint)
1946 (NO OTHER DESIGNATION)
"Pirate Lore and Treasure Trove." by David O. True
"Medical Events in the History of Key West." by Albert W. Diddle
"Some Reflections on the Florida of Long Ago." by John C. Gifford.
"The Adjudication of Shipwrecking in Florida in 1831."
by Albert W. Diddle
"Population Growth in Miami and Dade County, Florida."
by James J. Carney
"Select Bibliography for History of South Florida."
by the Publications Committee
NUMBER SEVEN, 1947
"The Ingraham Everglades Exploring Expedition, 1892."
Edited by Watt P. Marchman
"Diary of a West Coast Sailing Expedition, 1885." by Mrs. John R. Gilpin
"Perrine and Florida Tree Cotton." by T. Ralph Robinson
"The Perrines at Indian Key, Florida, 1838-1840."
by Hester Perrine Walker
NUMBER EIGHT, 1948
"Jacob Housman of Indian Key." by Dorothy Dodd
'Thomas Elmer Will, Twentieth Century Pioneer." by J. E. Dovell
"The Lower East Coast, 1870-1890." by W. T. Cash
"Miami: A Study in Urban Geography." by Millicent Todd Bingham
"Discovery of the Bahama Channel." by Robert S. Chamberlain
NUMBER NINE, 1949
"Cape Florida Light." by Charles M. Brookfield
"A Dash Through the Everglades." by Alonzo Church







TEQUESTA


"Recollections of Early Miami." by J. K. Dorn
"Early Pioneers of South Florida." by Henry J. Wagner
"William Selby Harney: Indian Fighter." by Oliver Griswold
NUMBER TEN, 1950
"Colonel Thompson's Tour of Tropical Florida." by George R. Bentley
"The Indians and History of the Matecumbe Region." by John M. Goggin
"Army Surgeon Reports on Lower East Coast, 1938."
by James F. Sunderman
"John Clayton Gifford: An Appreciation." by Henry Troetschel, Jr.
"Across South Central Florida in 1882."
Reprint from New Orleans Times Democrat
NUMBER XI, 1951
"Miami on the Eve of the Boom: 1923." by Frank B. Sessa
"The Pennsuco Sugar Experiment." by William A. Graham
"Random Recollections of Tropical Florida." by Dr. Henry Perrine
(reprint)
"Across South Central Florida in 1882."
Reprint from New Orleans Times Democrat
NUMBER XII, 1952
"Newspapers of America's Last Frontier." by Jeanne Bellamy
"We Chose the Sub-Tropics." by F. Page Wilson
"Starch-Making; A Pioneer Florida Industry." by Mrs. Henry J. Burkhardt
"South Florida's First Industry." by Earnest G. Gearhart, Jr.
An Early Map of Key West
"William Adee Whitehead's Description of Key West."
edited by Rembert W. Patrick
The Association's Historical Marker Program
NUMBER XIII, 1953
"Building the Overseas Railway to Key West." by Carlton J. Corliss
"John Loomis Blodgett (1809-1853)." by R. Bruce Ledin
"Chakaika and the "Spanish Indians"." by Wiliam C. Sturtevant
The Association's Historical Marker Program
NUMBER XIV, 1954
"Stronghold of the Straits: Fort Zachary Taylor." by Ames W. Williams
"Miami; From Frontier to Metropolis; An Appraisal." by F. Page Wilson
"The South Florida Baptist Association."
by George C. Osborn and Jack P. Dalton
"A Petition from Some Latin American Fishermen, 1838."
Edited by James W. Covington







TEQUESTA


"Volunteers Report on the Destruction of Lighthouses."
Edited by Dorothy Dodd

NUMBER XV, 1955
"Forty Years of Miami Beach." by Ruby Leach Carson
"Vizcaya." by Adam G. Adams
"The Florida Keys: English or Spanish in 1763." by Charles W. Arnade
"On Blockade Duty in Florida Waters." edited by William J. Schellings
NUMBER XVI, 1956
"Miami: 1896-1900." by Ruby Leach Carson
"Miami in 1926." by Frank B. Sessa
"Mango Growing Around Early Miami." by Harold W. Dorn
"A Seminole Personal Document." by William C. Sturtevant
NUMBER XVII, 1957
"Homesteading in Florida During the 1890's." by Mary Douthit Conrad
"Some Pre-Boom Developers of Miami." by Adam G. Adams
"Key Vaca, Part I." by Florence Storrs Brigham
"Soldiers in Miami, 1898." by William J. Schellings
NUMBER XVIII, 1958
"Wreck on the Reef." by Joseph M. Cheetham
"Exploring the Ten Thousand Islands in 1838."
Edited by James W. Covington
"Earliest Land Grants in the Miami Area." by Henry S. Marks
"Key Vaca, Part II, Modem Phase." by Florecne S. Brigham
The Association's Historical Marker Program.
NUMBER XIX, 1959
"Flagler's Undertakings in Miami in 1897." by Nathan D. Shappee
"The Wreck of Houseboat No. 4, October 1906." By William H. Saunders
"Dedication of Tamiami Trail Marker." By James Lorenzo Walker
"Digging the Cape Sable Canal." by Lawrence E. Will

NUMBER XX, 1960
"Jupiter Lighthouse." by Bessie Wilson DuBois
"Key West and the Spanish American War." by William J. Schellings
"Captain Brannan's Dilemma: Key West 1861." by Vaughan Camp, Jr.
"Two Opinions of Key West in 1834." edited by Charlton W. Tebeau
"A Forgotten Spanish Land Grant in South Florida." by Henry S. Marks
"Notes on the Passage Across the Everglades."
From The News, St. Augustine, January 8, 1841.
The Association's Historical Marker Program.







TEQUESTA


NUMBER XXI, 1961
"Robert E. Lee and the Civil War." by Bruce Catton
"'Fort Dallas and the Naval Depot on Key Biscayne, 1836-1926."
by Nathan D. Shappee
"Anti-Florida Propaganda and Counter Measures During the 1920's."
by Frank B. Sessa
"The Indian Scare of 1849." by James W. Covington
"Doctor Strobel Reports on Southeast Florida, 1836."
edited by E. A. Hammond.

NUMBER XXII, 1962
"The Cruise of the Bonton." by Charles William Pierce
"Ornithology of "The Cruise of Bonton"." by William B. Robinson, Jr.

NUMBER XXIII, 1963
"Lieutenant Hartsuff and the Banana Plants." by Ray B. Seley, Jr.
"The Wreck of the Victor." by Mrs. Bessie Wilson DuBois
"Cycles of Conquest in Florida." by Charles W. Arnade
"North and South Through the Glades in 1883."
edited by Mary K. Wintringham

NUMBER XXIV, 1964
"Miami Beach Reaches the Half Century Mark." by Ruby Leach Carson
"St. Andrew's Episcopal Church, Built and Forgotten."
by Laura Conrad Patton
"The Florida Excursion of President Chester A. Arthur."
by Joe M. Richardson
"The Florida Seminoles in 1847." by James W. Covington
"North to South Through the Everglades in 1883." Part II
Edited by Mary K. Wintringham

NUMBER XXV, 1965
"William Adee Whitehead's Reminiscences of Key West."
Edited by Thelma Peters
"First in Palm Beach." by Louis Capron
"A Short History of Liguus Collecting with a List of Collectors."
by Ralph H. Humes
"Three Early Spanish Tampa Bay Maps." by Charles W. Arnade
"Two Spanish Expeditions to Southwest Florida, 1783-1793."
By Jack D. L. Holmes
NUMBER XXVI, 1966
"The Tampa Bay Hotel." by James W. Covington








TEQUESTA


"The Spanish Camp Site and the 1715 Plate Fleet Wreck."
by Marion Clayton Link
"King of the Crackers." by Lawrence E. Will
"Jose del Rio Cosa." by Jack D. L. Holmes
"Kissimmee Steamboating." by Edward A. Mueller

NUMBER XXVII, 1967
"Florida's Clipper Ship." by Edward A. Mueller
"Reminiscences of the Lake Okeechobee Area, 1912-1922."
by Dorothy Darrow
"John Newhouse, Upper Everglades Pioneer and Historian."
By J. E. Dovell
"Who Was Juan Ponce de Leon?" by Charles W. Arnade

NUMBER XXVIII, 1968
"The Orange Grove House of Refuge No. 3." by Gilbert L. Voss
"Jupiter Inlet." by Bessie Wilson DuBois
"The Rockets Come to Florida." by James W. Covington
"Workers on Relief, 1934-1938, in Key West." by Durward Long
"A Lost "Psyche": Kirk Munroe's Log of a 1,600 Mile Canoe Cruise in
Florida Waters, 1881-1882." edited by Irving A. Leonard
"Juan Baptista Franco and Tampa Bay, 1756." by Jack D. L. Holmes
and John D. Ware
"The Juan Baptista Franco Document of Tampa Bay, 1756."
by Charles W. Arnade

NUMBER XXIX, 1969
"Sponge Fishing on Florida's East Coast." by Davis Shubow
"The Iron Horse on the Florida Keys." by Carlton J. Corliss
"Pioneering on EIliott Key, 1934-1935." by Charlotte Niedhauk
"Who was the Frenchman on Frenchman's Creek?" by Walter P. Fuller
"A Scottish View of West Florida in 1769." by Charles A. Gauld
"Richard Keith Calls 1836 Campaign." by George C. Bittle
"Sketches of the Florida Keys, 1829-1833." by E. A. Hammond.

NUMBER XXX, 1970
"The Federal Music Project in Miami, 1935-1939" by Marilyn S. Stolee
"Miami's Bootleg Boom" by Patricia Buchanan
"150 Years of Defense Activity in Key West, 1829-1970" by Clayton D.
Roth, Jr.
"Samuel Hodgman, Haines City, Florida, Pioneer" by Bruce W. Ball
"The Matecumbe Methodist Church" by Rev. J. U. Guerry, Pastor
"Contents of Tequesta, Volumes I--XXX, 1941-1970








78 TEQUESTA

HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA, INC.
MIAMI, FLORIDA 33157

STATEMENT OF CASH RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS
FOR PERIOD FROM SEPTEMBER 1, 1969 THROUGH AUGUST 31, 1970
RECEIPTS 1969 1970
Admission Museum ..................... $ 87.70 $ 182.40
Contributions ................................. 318.78 1,427.75
Contributions Tequesta ..................... 1,350.00 775.00
Collections Special Benefit .................. 1,382.00
Dividends Earned on Stocks ................ 406.59 516.78
Dues Annual ........................... 10,040.00 8,574.00
Interest Earned .............................. 181.18 81.28
M miscellaneous ................................ 33.80 5.00
Sale of Books Tequesta ..................... 647.70 677.83
Sale of Books Commodore's Story ............ 360.09 253.95
Sale of Books Other ........................ 656.71 408.17
Sale of Novelties .............................. 78.30 240.65
TOTAL RECEIPTS .................. .$14,160.85 $14,524.81

DISBURSEMENTS
Books Purchased for Resale .................... $ 669.23 $ 1,637.84
Building Repair & Maintenance ................ 2,095.70 1,441.21
Dues & Subscriptions ................ ......... 19.00 58.00
Insurance General ......................... 501.00 516.00
Miscellaneous ................... ........... 217.05 691.85
Printing of Tequesta ......................... 1,871.04
Office Expenses & Supplies .................... 405.71 10.30
Novelties, Purchased for Resale ................. 40.00 74.40
Printing, Mailing & Postage ................... 2,604.18 667.01
Salaries ..................................... 6,230.00 8,100.00
Taxes Payroll and Sales Tax ................. 316.54 462.98
Utilities Light, Sewer & Telephone ............ 560.06 663.26
Stocks Purchased ........................ 97.35 35.53
Mortgage Principal ............................ 1,000.00 1,000.00
TOTAL DISBURSEMENTS ............... $14,755.82 $17,229.45
NET LOSS ..............................$ (594.97) $(2,704.64)








TEQUESTA 79

HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA, INC.
MIAMI, FLORIDA 33157

COMPARATIVE STATEMENT OF ASSOCIATION EQUITY
AS OF AUGUST 31, 1970
August 31, August 31,
1969 1970 Difference
CASH ON HAND
First National Bank of Miami (Checking).. $ 91.15 $ 305.23 $ 214.08)
First National Bank of Miami (Savings) .. 4,643.13 1,724.41 (2,918.72)
Petty Cash Museum ............... 50.00 -0 --0-
TOTAL CASH ON HAND ........ $ 4,784.28 $ 2,709.64 $2,704.64

SECURITIES (AT MARKET VALUE)
Continental Oil .....................$ 984.00 $ 735,00 $ (249.00)
Eastman Kodak Co. .................. 1,800.00 1,530.00 (270.00)
Occidental Petroleum Pfd. ......... 1,785.00 873.37 (911.63)
Standard Oil of New Jersey ........... 5,467.00 6,192.25 725.25
C. N. A. Financial Pfd. ............. 291.00 243.00 (48.00)
C. N. A. Financial Common ......... 370.00 274.50 (95.50)
TOTAL SECURITIES ............ $10,697.00 $ 9,848.12 $ (848.88)

OTHER ASSETS
Inventory on Hand -
Tequesta (Estimated Value) .......... $ 150.00 $ 350.00 $ 200.00
-Other Publications ................. 2,500.00 2,750.00 250.00
Utility Deposits .................... 52.00 52.00 -0-
TOTAL OTHER ASSETS ........$ 2,702.00 $ 3,152.00 $ 450.00

FIXED ASSETS AT COST (MUSEUM PROPERTY)
Land ............................... $15,000.00 $15,000.00
Building ............................ 34,705.44 34,705.44
Furnishings and Equipment ............ 3,033.79 3,033.79
TOTAL ......................$52,739.23 $52,739.23
Less Balance due on Mortgage ..... (10,000.00) (9,000.00) $ 1,000.00
TOTAL FIXED ASSETS ........ $42,739.23 $43,739.23 $ 1,000.00
TOTAL ASSETS ............... $60,922.51 $58,191.65 $(2,103.52)

LIABILITIES
Accounts Payable
Mortgage Principal ................. .$(1,000.00) $(1,000.00) $
Payroll Taxes ...................... (302.40) (296.10) 6.30
TOTAL LIABILITIES ............ $(1,302.40) $(1,296.10) $ 6.30
TOTAL EQUITY ................ $59,620.11 $57,522.89 $(2,097.22)








TEQUESTA


LIST OF MEMBERS
Explanatory Note: The Association provides several classes of member-
ship. "Sustaining" members who pay ten dollars a year make up the basic
membership. For those who wish to contribute more for the promotion of
the work of the Association other classes of membership provide the op-
portunity, and the publication of their names in the appropriate category
of membership is a means of recognition. "Patrons" pay fifteen dollars a
year, "Donors" twenty-five, "Contributors" fifty, "Sponsors" one hundred,
and "Benefactors" two hundred and fifty or more.
This printed roster is made up of the names of those persons and insti-
tutions that have paid dues since September 1, 1969. Those joining after
September 30, 1970 will have their names in the 1971 roster. The symbol
** indicates founding member and the symbol indicates charter member.

Sustaining


Abbott, John F., Miami Shores
Adams, Adam G., Coral Gables
Adams, Eugene C., Miami
Adams, Franklin B., Miami
Adams, Marvin D., Coral Gables
Adams, Mrs. Marvin D., Coral Gables
Adams, Mrs. Richard D., Miami
Admire, Jack G., Coral Gables
Admire, Mrs. Jack G., Coral Gables
Allen, Mrs. Eugenia, Miami
Allen, Stewart D., Coral Gables
Altmayer, M. S., Jr., Miami
American Museum of Natural History
Antique Auto Club, Miami
Arbogast, Keith L., Miami
Arnold, Mrs. Roger Williams, Miami
Ashe, Miss Barbara Rose, Coral Gables
Ashe, Mrs. Bowman Foster, Coral Gables
Axelson, Ivar, Miami
Bain, Mildred L., Miami
Baker, Mrs. John A., Miami
Baker, Mrs. Rita L., Miami
Balfe, Mrs. E. Hutchins, Miami
Bankston, Jarrell M., Miami
Barnes, Francis H., Miami
Bartow (Fla.) Public Library
Bates, Franklin W., Miami
Baxter, John M., Miami Beach*
Baya, George J., Esq., Miami
Beare, Richard, Miami
Beare, Mrs. Richard, Miami
Bills, Mrs. John T., Miami
Black, Leon David, Jr., Coral Gables
Black, Mrs. Margaret F., Coral Gables
Blauvelt, Mrs. Arthur M., Coral Gables
Bleier, Mrs. T. J., Miami
Bloomberg, Robert L, Miami
Blount, Mrs. David N., Miami
Borton, F. W., Miami
Bowden, Beryl, Clewiston
Boyd, Mrs. William E., Jr., Miami
Bozenan, R. E., Washington, D.C.
Brigham, Florence Storrs, Miami
Brookfield, Charles M., Miami*


Brooks, J. R., Upper Key Largo
Broward, Mrs. Chas. S., Jr., Coral Gabh-
Brown, Daniel M., Jr., Miami
Brown University, Providence, R.I.
Bullen, Ripley P., Gainesville
Bumstead, Evvalyn, Miami
Bumstead, John R., Miami
Burghard, August, Ft. Lauderdale
Burns, Edward B., Las Cruces, N.M.
Cables, June E., Homestead
Caldwell, Mrs. Thomas P., Coral Gables**
Capron, Louis, West Palm Beach
Carlton, Mrs. Patricia P., Ft. Lauderdale
Carson, Mrs. Ruby Leach, Miami**
Cartee, Mrs. Horace L., Coral Gables
Castillo, Robert, Miami
Catlow, Mrs. William R., Jr., Miami*
Chowning, John S., Coral Gables
Clark, George T., Miami
Clark, Mrs. Marie, Coral Gables
Coconut Grove Library, Miami
Cole, Mrs. Kelley, Miami
Conklin, Dallas M., Long Beach, Calif.
Connolly, William D., Jr., Miami
Cook, Miss Mary C., Bucksport, Me.
Coral Gables Public Library*
Corliss, Carlton J., Tallahassee
Corson, Mrs. Ruth, Miami
Coslow, George R., Miami
Covington, James W., Tampa
Creel, Joe, Miami
Criswell, Col. Grover C., Citra
Culpepper, Mrs. Kay M., Miami
Curry, Miss Lamar Louise, Coral Gables
Cushman, The School, Miami*
Davis, Hal D., Coral Gables
Deeds, Mrs. Elizabeth Gautier, Miami
Detroit (Mich) Library
Dorothy, Mrs. Caroline, Coral Gables*
Douglas, Marjory Stoneman, Miami**
Dressier, Philip, Ft. Lauderdale
Dubnick, Charlotte S., N. Miami Beach
Duncan, Marvin L., Miami








TEQUESTA


Dunn, Hampton, Tampa
Dusman, Gilbert H., Coral Gables
Dusman, Mrs. Dorothy R., Coral Gables
Edelen, Ellen A., Miami
Erickson, Hilmer, E., Miami Shores
Everglades Nat. His. Ass'n., Homestead
Feifa, Dr. William B., Miami
Fisher, E. M., Coral Gables
Fite, Robert H., FPL, Miami
Fitzgerald, Dr. Joseph H., Miami
Fleeman, David B., Miami
Flora, Elizabeth Jane, Jacksonville
Florida Historical Society, Tampa
Florida State University, Tampa
Ft: LEuderdale Historical Society
Fortier, Ed, Ocala
Foss, George B., Jr., Esq., Miami
Franklin, Mrs. Sandra, Miami
Freeland, Mrs. William L., Miami**
Freeman, Mrs. Ethel C., Morristown, N.J.
Fullerton, R. C., Coral Gables
Fuzzard, Miss Jessie M., Miami*
Gardner, H. A., Miami
Gardner, Levi Conway, Miami
Gardfalo, Charles, Atlanta
Gauld, Charles A., Miami
Goza, William M., Clearwater
Grey, Hugh M., Venice
Grey, Mrs. Hugh M., Venice
Gross, Zade B., Largo
Halstead, W. L., Miami
Hampton, Mrs. John Baltimore, Md.*
Hancock, Mrs. J. T., Jacksonville
Harding, Col. Read B., Ret., Arcadia
Harrington, Frederick IH, Hialeah
Harvey, C. B., Key West
Harwood, Mrs. Manton E., Miami
Haydon Burns Library, Jacksonville
Hendry, Judge Norman, Miami
Herin, Thomas D., Miami
Herin, Judge William A., Miami*
Hesslein, Frank, Miami
Hialeah, City Library
Hiers, J. B., Jr., Miami
Hills, Lee, Miami
Hillsborough County Historical
Commission, Tampa
Hodsden, Mrs. Harry E., Miami
Holcomb, Lyle D., Jr., Miami
Hoyt, Robert L., Miami
Hubbell, Willard, Miami
Hudson, James A., Miami
Hudson, Mrs. James A., Miami
Huggins, Mrs. Lulu C., Miami
Hume, David, Miami
Huntington, Henry E., Library,
San Marino, Calif.
Hutchinson, Mrs. Robert J., Coral Gables
Institute of Jamaica, Kingston
Jacobs, Miss Ruth, Miami Beach
James, Mary Crofts, Miami


Jennings, Mrs. Alvin R., Miami
Johnson, Mrs. Herbert H., Miami
Jones, Mrs. Beverly B., Coral Gables
Jones, Joe M., Miami
Jones, Mark B., Venice
Jude, Mrs. James R., Coral Gables
Keep, Oscar J., Coral Gables
Kincaid, Ben J., Jr., Coral Gables
Kirk, Cooper, Ft. Lauderdale
Kitchell, Bruce P., Jr., Miami
Knight, Telfair, Coral Gables
Knott, Judge James R., W. Palm Beach
Knotts, Tom, Yankeetown
Knowles, Mrs. Nellie Parker,
Coral Gables

LaCroix, Mrs. Aerial C., Miami
Lake Worth (Fla.) Public Library
Land, Mrs. Marjorie, Miami
Larrabee, Charles, Miami
Laxson, Dan D., Hialeah
Leffler, Miss Cornelia, Miami**
Leonardy, Dr. Herberta Ann, Miami*
t.ewis, Mrs. Gerald, Miami
Limmiatis, Ernest, Coral Gables
Lindsley, Mrs. A. R., Miami Beach
Lippert, Mrs. Anne A., Miami
Litowitz, Mrs. Robert, Miami Beach
Locke, R. R., Miami
Lunnon, Mrs. James, Pago Pago, Samoa

MacArthur, Scot, Miami Shores
Malone, Randolph A., Coarl Gables
Mangels, Dr. Celia C., Miami Shores
Manley, Miss Marion I., Miami
Manning, Mrs. William, Jacksonville
Marathon (Fla.) Public Library
Marchman, Watt P., Fremont, Ohio*
Marks, Henry S., Huntsville, Ala.
Mason, Mrs. Walter Scott, Jr., Miami*
Matheny, John W., Miami
Matheson, Finlay L., Miami
Matheson, R. Hardy, Coral Gables
Maxwell, Mrs. Arlene, Miami
McDonald, Mrs. John Martyn,
Boca Raton
McElyea, Norris, Jr., Miami
McKay, John G., Jr., Coral Gables
McNaughton, M. D., Miami
Mead, Mrs. D. R., Jr., Miami
Metcalf, Mrs. George W., Coral Gables
Miami-Dade Junior College
Miami Public Library*
Miami Senior High School Library
Mickler, Mrs. Thomas, Chuluota
Millard, Max, Miami
Miller, Irving E., Miami Beach
Miller, William Jay, Miami
Minear, Mrs. L. V., Jupiter
Monk, J. Floyd, Miami
Morningside Elementary PTA, Miami
Moulds, Mrs. Andrew J., Coral Gables
Moylan, E. B., Jr., Miami
Mueller, Edward A., Washington, D.C.








TEQUESTA


Muir, William Whalley, Miami
Muller, David Fairchild, Miami
Muller, Dr. Leonard R., Miami*
Munroe, Mrs. Wirth M., Miami*
Munson, William B., Miami
Murphy, John S., Coral Gables
Murray, Mary Ruth, Coral Gables
Mustard, Alice Isabel, Miami
Mustard, Margaret Jean, Miami
Newberry Library, Chicago
North Miami High School Library
O'Kane, Robert, Miami
Old Island Restoration Foundation,
Key West
Orlando (Fla.) Public Library
Pancoast, Mrs. Alice A., Miami
Pancoast, Katherine French, Miami
Pancoast, Lester C., Miami
Pancoast, Mrs. Lester C., Miami
Pardo, Mrs. Ramiro V., Miami
Parker, Alfred B., Miami
Patton, Mrs. Dan O., Miami
Pearce, Mrs. Frank H., Coral Gables
Peirce, Gertrude C., Miami
Pendleton, Robert S., Ft. Lauderdale
Peters, Mrs. Thelma, Miami*
Phoenix, Mrs. Julius W., Jr., Miami
Pierce, Harvey F., Coral Gables
Platt, T. Beach, Miami
Plockelman, Cynthia, H., FCD.,
West Palm Beach
Potter, Robert E., Hialeah
Proby, Mrs. Lucien C., Jr., Miami
Rader, Paul C., Miami
Rasmussen, Dr. Edward L., Ft. Myers**
Read, Mrs. Albert Cushing, Miami
Reed, Miss Elizabeth Ann, Delray Beach
Reiger, John F., Coral Gables
Renick, Ralph, Miami
Revirosa, Mrs. Rene, Miami
Richards, Mrs. Bartlett, Jupiter
Rogers, Mrs. Walter S. C., Coral Gables
Rogers, Robert C., Coral Gables
Rollins College Library, Winter Park
Rosborough, Dr. Melanie R,
Coral Gables
Ross, Mrs. Harry E., Miami
Ross, Miss Mary I., Coral Gables
Ross, Mrs. Richard F., Boca Raton
Rubin, Mrs. Joseph, Miami
Sands, Harry B., Nassau, Bahamas
Santanello, M. C., Miami
Schaadt, Mrs. Cleo L., Hialeah
Schatman, Mrs. Marilyn, Coral Gables
Schooley, Harry, Ft. Myers
Schuh, Robert P., Miami
Schunicht, William A., Miami
Seley, Ray B., Jr., Miami
Sellati, Kenneth N. G., Miami
Serkin, Manuel, Coral Gables
Shiver, Otis W., Miami
Shubow, David, Coral Gables


Sincavage, Joseph, Homestead
Smathers, Frank, Jr., Miami
Smith, McGregor, Jr., Miami
Smith, Mrs. Win. Burford, Miami
Sneider, Mrs. Stanley, Miami
Snodgrass, Miss Dena, Jacksonville
Snyder, Mrs. Frederick R., Sr., Miami
Southern Illinois University, Carbondale
Stamey, Earnest M., Hialeah
Stanford University Libraries
State Historical Society of Wisconsin,
Madison
Stedman, Carling H., Miami
Stetson University, DeLand
Stewart, Dr. Franz H., Miami
Stewart, Dr. Harris B., Jr., Coral Gables
Storch, William V., West Palm Beach
Straight, Dr. William M., Miami
Stripling Insurance Agency, Hialeah
Sutcliffe, William H., Coral Gables
Sweeney, Mrs. Edward C., Miami
Tampa Public Library
Tarboux, Miss Prances, Miami Shores
Tardif, Robert Girard, Miami
Taylor, Mrs. F. A. S., Miami
Teachers' Professional Library, Miami
Teasley, T. H., Coral Gables
Tebeau, Charlton W., Coral Gables
Tebeau, Mrs. Violet H., Coral Gables
Ten Eick, Mrs. M. Nunez, Tampa*
Tennessee State Library, Nashville
Thain, Walker Howe, Miami
Tharp, Charles Doren, Miami*
Thomas, Wayne, Tampa
Thrift, Charles T., Jr., Lakeland
Tio, Aurelio, Santurce, P.R.
Tussey, Mrs. Ethel Wayt, Miami
Tuttle, Rev. Henry W., Miami
Twing, George S., Coral Gables
Twing, Paul F., Miami
University of Miami Library,
Coral Gables
University of South Florida, Tampa
University of Tampa Library, Tampa
University of Tennessee Library,
Knoxville
Van Beuren, Michael, Marathon
Van Roy, Gretchen E., Coral Gables
Virgin, Dr. HerbertW., Jr., Miami
Voss, Gilbert L., Miami
Waldhour, E. Ardelle, Coral Gables
Walker, Evan B., Miami
Wallace, Lew, Jr., Miami
Ware, Capt. John D., Tampa
Ware, Mrs. Willard M., Miami Beach
Waters, Fred M., Jr., Coral Gables
Watters, Mrs. Preston H., Miami
Weinkle, Melvin B., Coral Gables
Weintraub, Albert, Miami
Wellman, Wayne E., Miami
West Palm Beach Public Library
Whigham, Mrs. Florence R., Miami








TEQUESTA


Whitmer, Dr. Kenneth S., Miami
Will, Lawrence E., Belle Glade
Williams, Dr. H. Franklin,
Coral Gables*
Williams, John B., Miami
Williams, Mrs. Joseph F., Hollywood
Wilson, Gaines R., Miami**
Wilson, Mrs. Gaines R., Miami**


Pal
Adams, Wilton L., Miami
Angus, Mrs. Evelyn K., Miami
Ann, Sister Elizabeth, Miami
Archer, Ben, Homestead
Atmus, Rudolph E., Islamorada
Ayais, Erling E., Coral Gables
Baber, Adin, Kansas, 11.*
Baker, Charles H., Jr., Miami*
Beal, K. Malcolm, Miami*
Beardsley, Jim E., Clewiston
Beckham, W. H., Jr., Coral Gables
Bielawa, R. A., Miami
Blackburn, Elmer E., Miami
Blumberg, David, Coral Gables
Brown, William J., Miami
Brunstetter, Roscoe, Coral Gables
Burk, Mrs. Morris, Coral Gables
Burkett, Mrs. Charles W., Jr.,
Miami Beach
Burton, Robert A., Miami*
Cameron, D. Pierre, Miami
Campbell, Park H., Miami*
Carroll, Mrs. J. Laurence, Miami
Chaille, Mrs. Joseph H., New York, N.Y.
Chase, C. W., Jr., Miami Beach
Chase, Randall, II, Sanford
Clarke, Mrs. Frank D., Coral Gables
Cole, R. B., Miami
Combs, Walter H., Jr., Miami*
Crane, Mrs. Francis V., Marathon
Cravens, Miss Jacqueline, Coral Gables
Crow, Lon Worth, Jr., Coral Gables
Cummings, Sadie Belk, Miami Beach
Deedmeyer, Mrs. Joseph I.,
Coral Gables
Deen, James L., Miami
Deen, Mrs. James L., Miami
Dismukes, William P., Coral Gables*
DuBois, Mrs. Bessie W., Jupiter
Elliott, Donald L., Miami
Erickson, Douglas, Miami
Ewell, Mrs. A. Travers, Miami
Pascell, Dante B., Miami
Ferendino, Andrew J., Coral Gables
Field, Dr. Henry, Miami
Florida Southern College, Lakeland
Florida State Library, Tallahassee
Franklin, Mitchell, Lancaster, N.B.,
Canada


Wilson, Peyton L., Miami*
Wirkus, Mrs. Leonard, Miami
Withers, James C., Coral Gables
Withers, Wayne E., Coral Gables
Woods, Frank M., Miami
Woolin, Martin, Perrine
Woore, Mrs. A. Meredith, Hialeah*
Wrigley, Mrs. Fran, Miami


trons
Freeman, Harley L., Ormond Beach
Frohock, Mrs. Jack, No. Miami
Fuchs, Richard W., Florida City
Fuller, Walter P., Clearwater
Gaby, Donald C., Miami
Gardner, Mrs. R. C., Miami*
Gibson, Henry C., Jenkintown, Pa.
Gifford, Mrs. John C., Miami*
Goldstein, Charles, Miami
Goldweber, S., Perrine
Hancock, Mrs. Eugene A., Miami
Hanks, Bryan, Fort Worth, Texas*
Harrison, John C., Miami
Harvard College Library
Haycock, Ira C., Miami
Head-Beckham Insurance Agency, Miami
Hellier, Walter R., Ft. Pierce
Highleyman, Mrs. Katherine D., Miami
Holland, Hon. Spessard L,
Washington, D.C.*
Houser, Roosevelt C., Miami
Hutchings, Miss Frances L., Miami
Johnson, Mrs. Katherine I., Coral Gables
Johnston, Thomas McE., Miami
Kendall, Harold E., Goulds
Kent, Mrs. Frederick A., Miami
Key West Art and Historical Society
King, Dr. C. Harold, Miami
Kistler, The C. W. Company, Miami
Krome, Mrs. William J., Homestead*
Landon, M. E., Miami
Leon County Public Library, Tallahassee
Lewin, Robert, Miami
Lindgren, Mrs. M. E., Miami
Lipp, Morris N., Miami Beach
Longshore, Frank, Miami
MacNeill, Malcolm G., Miami
Martin, Mrs. Kirby A., New York, N.Y.
McCarthy, Don L., Nassau, Bahamas
McKey, Mrs. Robert M., Coral Gables
McNeill, Robert E., Jr., New York, N.Y.
Mead, Mrs. D. Richard, Miami Beach
Merrick, Mrs. Eunice P., Coral Gables*
Miami Beach Public Library
Mines, Dr. R. F., Miami
Mitman, Earl T., Miami
Mudd, Dr. Richard D., Saginaw, Mich.








TEQUESTA


Nettleton, Danforth H., Miami Lakes
Nitzsche, R. Ernest, Miami
Nordt, Mrs. John C., Miami

Otto, Mrs. Thomas O., Miami Beach

Padgett, Inman, Coral Gables
Pancoast, Russell T., Miami
Pardue, Leonard, Miami
Pearce, Mrs. A. Dixon, Miami
Pendergast, Mrs. Eleanor L., Miami*
Pepper, Hon. Claude, Miami Beach
Peters, Gordon H., Miami Shores
Philbrick, W. L., Coral Gables
Phoenix, Mrs. Julius W., Jr., Miami
Pierce, J. E., Miami
Preston, J. E. Ted, Miami
Queensberry, William F., Coral Gables
Raap, D. Gerard, Miami
Rader, Earle M., Miami
Rast, Mrs. Jesse Lawton, Miami*
Richmond, Charles M., Miami
Ross, Mrs. Stanley E., Coral Gables
Russell, T. Trip, Miami
Ryan, Mrs. J. H., Miami Beach

St. Augustine Historical Society
Shank, H. W., Coral Gables
Shaw, Henry O., Miami
Shaw, Miss Martha Luelle, Coral Gables*
Shaw, W. F., Miami
Shepherd, Mrs. William M.,
Flat Rock, N.C.
Simmonite, Col. Henry G., Coral Gables
Slack, Theodore C., Miami
Smith, Charles H., Miami

Do
Blue, Mrs. R. L., Miami Shores
Brannen, H. S., Miami Springs
Buker, Charles E., Sr., Miami
Burdine, William M., Miami
Cain, Hon. Harry P., Miami
Danielson, Mrs. R. E., Boston, Mass.
DeNies, Charles F., Hudson, Mich.
Dickey, Dr. Robert F., Miami
Dohrman, Howard L, Miami
DuPuis, John G., Miami
Emerson, Hugh P., Miami
Gautier, Redmond Bunn, Miami
Hardie, George B., Jr., Miami
Hardin, Dr. Henry C., Jr., Coral Gables
Highleyman, Daly, Miami
Hildreth, Robert R., Coral Gables
Hill, Edwin H., Miami
Howe, Mrs. Elden L., Coral Gables
Huston, Mrs. Tom, Miami


Smith, McGregor, Miami
Sottile, Mrs. James, Jr., Coral Gables
Spicer, Dr. Robert T., Miami
Spinks, Mrs. Elizabeth J., Miami*
Stanford, Dr. Henry King, Coral Gables
Steel, William C., Miami
Stiles, Wade, Miami**
Stillman, Chauncey, New York, N.Y.
Swenson, Edward F., Jr., Miami
Thatcher, John, Miami
Thomas, Arden H., Miami
Thompson, Edward H., Miami
Tibbetts, Alden M., Miami
Town, Miss Eleanor F., Coral Gables
Underwood, Edwin H., Jr., Miami
University of Florida, Gainesville
University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia
Vance, Mrs. Herbert O., Coral Gables*
Vanderpool, Mrs. Fred W., Miami Beach*
Van Orsdel, C. D., Coral Gables
Wakefield, Thomas H., Miami
Weintraub, Mrs. Sidney, Miami
White, Richard M., Miami
Whitten, George E., Miami Beach
Wilkins, Woodrow Wilson, Miami
Willcox, W. L., Miami
Wimbish, Paul C., Miami Beach
Wolfe, Miss Rosalie L., Miami
Wolfe, Thomas L., Miami
Wooten, Mrs. Eudora Lyell, Miami
Wooten, James S., Miami
Wright, Dr. Ione S., Miami Shores
Wynne, Mrs. Dorothy, Miami Beach
Young, Montgomery, Miami

nor
Kislak, Jay I., Miami
Knight, John S., Miami
Lloyd, J. Harlan, Miami
Loening, Grover, Key Biscayne
Lummus, J. N., Jr., Miami
Magnuson Properties, Inc., Miami
Mallory, P. R. Foundation,
New York, N.Y.
McCabe, Mrs. Robert H., Coral Gables
McCrimmon, C. T., Miami
Nabutovsky, Barbara, Miami
Parks, Mrs. Arva M., Miami
Plumer, Richard B., Miami
Rosso, Daniel M., Miami
Shipe, Paul E., Coral Gables
Smith, Wilson, Miami
Taylor, Henry H., Jr., Miami








TEQUESTA


Timoner, Joan, Miami
Wallace, George R., Miami Beach
Weintraub, Joseph, Miami
Wessel, George H. V., Hialeah


Weinkle, Julian I., Coral Gables
White, Mrs. Louise V., Key West
Wilson, D. Earl, Miami**
Wipprecht, Mrs. Marion I., Coral Gables
Wolfson, Col. Mitchell, Miami


Contributors
Clark, Mrs. Mae Knight, Coral Gables Redford, Mrs. Polly, Miami
Hill, William H., Miami Simon, Edwin O., Miami
Irvine, Mrs. James, Miami Southern Bell Tel. and Tel. Co., Miami
Irvine, Mrs. James, Miami
Keyes Foundation, Miami The Tribune, Nassau, Bahamas
Pappas, T. J., Miami Withers, John E., Transfer and Storage,
Peoples American National Bank, Miami
N. Miami Withers Van Lines of Miami, Inc.


Grafton, Edward G., Coral Gables
Grafton, Martha P., Coral Gables
Graham, D. Robert, Miami Lakes
Graham, Mrs. Ernest R., Miami Lakes
Hudson, F. M., Miami**
Link, Edwin A., Binghamton, N.Y.


sonsors
Matheson, Mrs. Finlay L., So. Miami
Matthews, Mrs. Flagler, Rye, N.Y.
Mead, D. Richard, Miami
Peacock Foundation, Inc., Miami
Ross, Donald, Benton Harbor, Mich.


Benefactor
The Miami Herald







TEQUESTA


HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA, INC.
FOUNDED 1940-INCORPORATED 1941

W. Fred Shaw Mrs. Charles S. Broward, Jr.
President Recording Secretary
Mrs. Richard A. Beare Jack G. Admire
Vice-President Treasurer
Mrs. Edward G. Grafton Miss Jacqueline Cravens
Executive Vice-President Librarian
Leonard G. Pardue Charlton W. Tebeau
Corresponding Secretary Editor
David T. Alexander
Museum Director


Adam G. Adams
Mrs. Jack G. Admire
Jarrell M. Bankston
James Deen
Mrs. James Deen
Marjory Stoneman Douglas
Dr. Charles A. Gauld
George B. Hardie, Jr.
John C. Harrison
Dan D. Laxson


DIRECTORS
Mrs. Finlay L. Matheson
Dr. William B. Munson
Mrs. Lucien C. Proby, Jr.
Mrs. James F. Redford
Kenneth N. Sellati
Henry O. Shaw
Edward H. Thompson
Dr. Gilbert L. Voss
Albert L. Weintraub
Mrs. James S. Wooten




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