1f THE JOURNAL OF THE HISTORICAL
Iret .T ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA
Editor: Charlton W. Tebeau
NUMBER XXI 1961
Robert E. Lee and the Civil War 3
By Bruce Catton
Fort Dallas and the Naval Depot on Key
Biscayne, 1836-1926 13
By Nathan D. Shappee
Anti-Florida Propaganda and Counter Measures
During the 1920's 41
By Frank B. Sessa
The Indian Scare of 1849 53
By James W. Covington
Dr. Strobel Reports on Southeast Florida, 1836 65
Edited by E. A. Hammond
The Treasurer's Report 77
List of Members 79
List of Officers 85
COPYRIGHT 1961 BY THE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION OP SOUTHERN FLORIDA
77 is published annually by the Historical Association of Southern Florida
and the University of Miami. Communications should be addressed to
the Corresponding Secretary of the Society, 1340 duPont Building, Miami 32, Florida.
Neither the Association nor the University assumes responsibility for statements of fact
or opinion made by contributors.
This Page Blank in Original
Robert E. Lee and the Civil War*
By BRUCE CATTON
We are now beginning to observe the centennial anniversary of the
American Civil War. This anniversary has a peculiarly poignant meaning
in the South, if for no better reason than the fact that most of the fighting
took place on Southern soil, but it is just as significant in the North. The
Civil War, after all, was the most costly war our country ever engaged in;
it took more than 600,000 lives more lives, indeed, than were lost in all
our other wars put together and its cost is shared by the two sections of
the country, a remembrance and a responsibility that can never be forgotten.
The victory and the defeat, the blame and the suffering, are things shared by
all of us. We approach this centennial with humility and with an undying
reverence for the valor and the dedication of the men and women on both
sides of the Mason and Dixon line who met the challenge of the 1860's.
I suppose the first question that occurs to any thoughtful American who
looks back on that tragic chapter in our history is simply this: Why do we
celebrate this affair? Why keep alive its memories, which are so grim?
What do we gain by recalling those four years in which brother fought
against brother, in which neither side gained all that it had hoped to gain
and in which so many young lives and so many ancient dreams went down
into the darkness together?
Let us begin by getting straight on one thing. We have nothing to cele-
brate. This is not a college football game or a heavyweight prize-fight that
we are talking about; we are not worried about Who Won, or about what
the final score was. Instead of celebrating something, we are performing a
rite of commemoration. The heroism that leads men to die for an ideal -
the quiet bravery that leads women to send sons and husbands off to
An address delivered at a program meeting of the Historical
Association of Southern Florida, February 8, 1961.
fight for no material gain whatever these qualities know neither victory
nor defeat, and in looking back across a century at the Civil War era we
are not thinking in terms of victory or defeat. We are simply doing our
part to commemorate the most significant and moving single episode in
American history the time in which, at almost incalculable cost, a great
nation at last came to birth.
So do not be bothered by this question of celebration. It is not a cele-
bration we are talking about. It is a commemoration a tribute which this
generation is bound to pay to a great generation that lived one hundred years
ago: a generation that lived hard and suffered much, enduring an incompre-
hensible agony in order that our own generation might enjoy the happy life
and the broad horizons which are the birthright of every living American.
Before we get into the detail about precisely what it is that we are com-
memorating, we might give a little thought to the particular part which the
state of Florida played. And just here I think one of the most fascinating
parts of the whole business deals with a might-have-been with a singular
episode which came within a hair's breadth of making Florida, rather than
South Carolina, the state in which the bitter antagonism of the late pre-war
years finally brought about the beginning of a four-years' war.
The Civil War almost began in Florida to be precise, at Fort Pickens,
a masonry work which in 1861 was mounted at the western end of Santa
Rosa island, at the entrance to the harbor of Pensacola. Fort Pickens rather
than Fort Sumter could have been the place where the whole business came
to a showdown. It would have been so if Secretary of State William H.
Seward, instead of President Lincoln, could have had his way. In the spring
of 1861 the Northern government in Washington and the Southern govern-
ment in Montgomery, Alabama, were following collision courses; one govern-
ment was prepared to fight rather than to admit that the Federal Union could
be dissolved, and the other government was prepared to fight rather than to
admit that the states of the Southern Confederacy were not free and indepen-
dent. By the month of April, both governments were committed. There
would be a war unless one government or the other backed down, and neither
one was going to yield one inch. The only question, by that time, was where
the clash would take place. As things worked out the clash occurred at Fort
Sumter. It very nearly occurred at Fort Pickens instead.
The Federal government had a garrison in Fort Sumter, which lay inside
the entrance to Charleston harbor. South Carolina had seceded from the old
BRUCE CATTON 5
Union and had joined the Confederacy, and as long as the United States flag
flew over that fort, Southern independence was not quite a visible, accom-
plished and accepted fact. And so Fort Sumter became the great symbol of
the conflict between the two governments.
But Florida had also seceded from the old Union, and the Federal gov-
ernment had a garrison in Fort Pickens. This was just as much a denial of
Confederate independence as Fort Sumter was; as long as the United States
flag flew over Fort Pickens, the Confederacy's claim to independence was
imperfect. Florida was just as much out of the Union as South Carolina;
Fort Pickens was just as visible a denial of Southern independence as Fort
Sumter. I think we can profitably spend a few minutes examining the Fort
The problem at Fort Sumter (as far as President Lincoln was concerned)
was that the Fort lay inside the harbor. South Carolina guns commanded
the entrance. To put supplies or reinforcements into Fort Sumter, Lincoln
would have to pass the South Carolina batteries, which would assuredly open
fire the moment the attempt to pass was made. But Fort Pickens was a little
different. To begin with, a Federal warship, with troops and supplies aboard,
lay at anchor near the fort, able to land men and food and ammunition at a
moment's notice. In addition, Fort Pickens was at the entrance to the harbor.
Florida and the other Southern states had mounted guns to bear on Fort
Pickens, but these guns did not command the harbor entrance. It was quite
possible for the Federal government to reinforce Fort Pickens to its heart's
content; neither Florida nor the Southern Confederacy itself could prevent
it. Fort Sumter, in other words, was isolated, and Fort Pickens was not.
When Abraham Lincoln became president he announced his intention
to "hold, occupy and possess" all Federal forts which had not already been
taken over by the Confederacy. There were only two forts of any real sig-
nificance Fort Sumter and Fort Pickens. The showdown could take place
in either one. The big difference was that Fort Pickens was accessible and
Fort Sumter was not. Should both forts be held, or just one? If just one,
A majority of Lincoln's cabinet, in the week after his inauguration, felt
that Fort Sumter should be given up. The situation there was critical. Major
Robert Anderson, who commanded the little garrison in Fort Sumter, re-
ported that he would have to surrender within a few weeks unless he could
get more supplies. His bacon and hardtack were just about gone, and unless
he got more his men would be starved out. To give him more, the govern-
ment would have to run the gauntlet of the guns at the mouth of Charleston
So it was argued and by no one more strongly than by Secretary
Seward that Fort Sumter should be evacuated. If the Northern government
wanted to demonstrate to the world that it was not giving way to the demands
of the Confederacy (said Seward) let it reinforce Fort Pickens, which it
could do without difficulty. Let the showdown take place in Florida rather
than in South Carolina. And so, early in the month of April, orders were
sent down to the Federal warship which lay at the mouth of Pensacola har-
bor to land the troops and the barrels of food which it had aboard.
This was an important step. If the Federal government showed to all
the world that it was going to hold this Florida fort even at the cost of war,
it could then abandon Fort Sumter without appearing to confess that the
Confederacy was in fact a separate nation which could demand and obtain
the surrender of a United States fort. It could take its stand, in other words,
in a place where it had a chance to win Fort Pickens rather than at
Fort Sumter, where it was bound to lose. For a brief time, a few weeks after
Lincoln took office, it seemed that Fort Pickens would be the spot where
the big test would come.
But, as so often happens with military people in a time of crisis, things
got fouled up. The orders that came down to the warship in Pensacola har-
bor came late, and when they came they were addressed to the captain of
the warship but were signed by the commanding general of the Army,
Winfield Scott. The naval captain who read them quite naturally decided
that he would obey no orders from Generals; he would heed only orders
from the Secretary of the Navy, the one cabinet officer who legally had
authority over him. He refused to land men and supplies; and although it
was a week or so before Washington knew it, the move that would have
obviated the necessity to make a stand at Fort Sumter was not made.
I will not bother you with the technical details, which are somewhat
involved. It is enough to say that for Seward's plan to work, the public,
visible reinforcement of Fort Pickens would have had to take place before
it was necessary to evacuate or re-provision Fort Sumter, and because of a
rather complicated mix-up this did not happen. In the end, the Lincoln
administration concluded that it would have to make its stand at Fort Sumter,
and Fort Pickens took a secondary place. Reinforcements were sent to Fort
Sumter, the South Carolina gunners commanded by General Beauregard
bombarded and forced the surrender of the Fort, and the war was begun. But
it could very easily have begun a week later, a month later: who knows?
- at Fort Pickens. Only an accident kept Florida rather than South Carolina
from being the state where the shooting started.
As a matter of entirely unimportant fact, it is just possible that the first
shots were actually fired in Florida. On January 8, 1861, when the Federal
garrison at Pensacola, commanded by Lieutenant Adam Slemmer, still
occupied old Fort Barrancas, on the mainland, a sentry on duty one night
saw, or thought he saw, a group of men approaching the fort with evil intent.
He fired his musket, and some of his fellow soldiers also fired whether at
Florida militiamen, at misguided amateurs, or simply at shadows it is hard
to know at this distance and if an attempt to seize the fort was in fact
being made that night, it evaporated and nothing more was heard of it. But
infantry weapons were fired, three or four months before the firing on Fort
Sumter, on Florida soil, in the dead of night. If Florida now wishes to make
something of this claim that the war's first shots were fired in this state, I am
sure this is an affair to be settled with the good people of South Carolina.
In any case, regardless of the specific time and place, the war did at
last begin. The bombardment and subsequent surrender of Fort Sumter
touched off the American Civil War the greatest time of testing the Ameri-
can people were ever called upon to endure. And now, a century later, we are
beginning to commemorate the events of that terrible conflict.
Why are we doing this? What is there about that war that cost us so
much which compels us to go back to it a century later? Do we not risk
stirring up old bitternesses and animosities which a hundred years of peace
have at last laid to rest?
I do not think we risk any such thing. The Civil War indeed was a
tragic experience and that is precisely why it is worth studying and com-
memorating. We learn from it what we always learn from the study of a
great and moving tragedy. Somehow the truth about what we are and what
we mean is bound up in the story of those four haunted years. The precise
formulation of this truth may elude us but the truth itself is there, unmis-
takably expressed in the immense story of meanness and heroism, of wisdom
and folly, the story of a great nation struggling to enact its most significant
Tragedy, to be sure, is not quite in key with what we consider the
American spirit. Our story is the success story. It has been from the begin-
ning. We live by it. We conquered a continent, we defied the kings and the
powers of Europe, we won our independence, we made democracy work
when nobody believed that it would work, we became the richest and happiest
people in all the world and deeply embedded in our unspoken faith is
the belief that the future is very largely in our keeping. All of that is not
a tragic story; it is just the reverse. It has moments of trial, moments of
doubt, moments of great sacrifice, to be sure, but the happy ending is built
into it. That is what we are conditioned to. Things are always going to come
out right in the end.
But here, in the middle of it, there is a different note the story whose
happy ending somehow dropped out, the story in which things did not auto-
matically come out all right for everybody when the final paragraph was
reached. This is a tragedy, a story of heartbreak and loss, of suffering and
death, about which a century of study has led us to no firm conclusions.
This is no blithe success story we are engaged with; this is the Hamlet or
King Lear of the American past, the abiding reminder that victory and defeat
are no more than opposite sides of the same coin, the unforgettable expe-
rience which teaches something basic about life which we might not know
otherwise. And it is this tragedy which will not let us rest.
Think of this tragedy, for the moment, in terms of a symbol in terms
of Robert E. Lee, the great soldier from Virginia.
Lee was a self-contained gentleman, a quiet aristocrat, who lived his life
by a serene code and who listened always to the voice of duty. One day he
found himself compelled to make a choice. It was a hard choice to make; at
the moment of making it Lee commented that he did not believe in slavery,
doubted the right of secession, and was not altogether certain that if the right
did exist this was the moment to exercise it. Yet he was fated, somehow, to
make the choice which he did make to abide by the deep inner loyalty
which he felt to his own state, even though the nation he served so long was
calling him; and although we may now, if we wish, say that he was mistaken,
we can have nothing but everlasting respect for the motives that ruled him
and for the spirit in which he made his decision. And so Lee did what he had
to do, occupied the center of a great stage for four years, saw everything he
had fought for defeated and lost, and then lived out a few final years in the
quiet college town of Lexington, Virginia.
Lee was a tragic figure in the most profound sense of the word. Not
even Shakespeare ever called on himself to cope with a more tragic story
than Lee's. Yet we do not, in any excess of condescension "feel sorry" for
Lee. He lived his life to the full, used his great gifts to the limit in a cause
to which he had devoted his soul, and if he did not find final success and
happiness he did attain greatness. His story is tragic in the classical sense
because he was called on to contend with an overmastering fate to be an
instrument used by a force greater than himself, with the very qualities that
made him great leading him at last to an achievement he had not contem-
Yet the real tragedy of the Civil War goes deeper than the story of the
principal actors. It has to do with the people themselves the great mass
of Americans, of North and of South alike, who had to play their parts in
the incomprehensible drama of bloodshed and suffering for four weary
years, meeting a challenge that nobody had warned them about, paying with
the last full measure of devotion for a national experience whose real signi-
ficance we are still trying to determine.
Let us think of them for a moment. In the United States in 1861 there
were approximately 31 million people men and women and children,
Northerners and Southerners, black and white together. Of these more than
600,000 lost their lives. I know of no way to get an accurate total for the
number that was wounded, but it was immense. The heartache and misery
that descended on the people who knew and loved those who died or were
maimed are simply beyond human computation, but it is hardly going too
far to say that there was not a home in America which did not become inti-
mate with grief and anguish during those four years.
It all began so gaily. I will not bother to recite the old story of the
music and the flags and the cheers with which the war itself was greeted.
We are all familiar with it, we known how the young recruits marched
brightly away, so very sure that they were bound out on a great romantic
adventure an adventure which led them to cruel reality, to pain and
hardship and death, rubbing off all the romance, leaving the flags stained
and tattered, bringing the lilting marching tunes down to sad songs like
"Lorena" and "Tenting Tonight." The young men who went off to fight in
our Civil War were ground down by the pitiless abrasive of conflict as
cruelly as any soldiers who ever fought. They paid for that episode, and
they paid for . exactly what? Can any of us say, with certainty? We
only know that as we follow their path we are following the great tragic
hour in American history.
For it was with these people as it was with those who led them: they
had to contend with fate itself, sacrificing themselves utterly so that something
wholly beyond their comprehension might take place; people who believed
in the happy ending taking their part in a human narrative which carried
them through grief and pain to the farthest limit of disillusionment.
When we reflect on all of this we are bound to wonder why do we
look back on that experience with such fixed attention? What is there here
that we feel this need to commemorate, to examine with such care, to enshrine
in books and poems and dramas? Is it not, after all, something better
The trouble is that we cannot forget it. It is built into us. It is a national
memory that can never be ignored; and the point to make, once more, is that
we remember it and return to it and live with it precisely because it is such
a deep tragic story.
For there is a very strange thing about great tragedy. It does not leave
one depressed, disheartened and discouraged. Its final note is not one of
denial or despair. No man arises from Hamlet feeling that the final answer
to the drama he has just witnessed is one of frustration and futility. On the
contrary, it is exactly through the great tragedies that we get our most signi-
ficant and uplifting experiences. For although tragedy does show man con-
tending in vain against fate, fighting a battle in which he must lose, it also
shows us that he has something magnificent and unconquerable in him; and
it is that magnificence of the human spirit that conviction that it is the
unconquerable something which finally matters which at last stays with
us. There is something in man that triumphs even in the hour of disaster,
something which even fate itself cannot defeat.
We cannot sharply define the knowledge that comes to us from re-living
this great tragedy of ours, but we do know that it is priceless. It teaches us
something we would not otherwise know about the terms on which human
life is lived and on which, at times, it must be surrendered. It gets us
away from easy, thoughtless optimism, to be sure, but it gives us something
deeper; the realization that these Hamlets and Lears, these high privates in
blue and gray, won something for all of us even while they were losing
everything for themselves. To know that there are values beyond values in
this world is the beginning of maturity.
Perhaps it is wrong to say that the Civil War divided this country. The
war came because the country was already divided; and actually, in a strange
and mystical way, the Civil War now unites us unites us by the sharing
of a great and unique experience. It has given to all of us, North and South
together, a moving and incomprehensible memory. It remains always upon
our conscience, just below the surface. It touches everything we do; it helps
to condition every emotional attitude we take. It has led us, as a people,
a great distance along the road to that maturity of wisdom which is above
all other things necessary for a great democracy.
At the very end of the war, in his second inaugural address, Abraham
Lincoln summed up the war's mysterious, haunting quality better than any-
one else has ever done. Remember his words:
". .. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude nor the dura-
tion that it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the
conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself might cease. Each
looked for an easier triumph and a result less fundamental and astounding.
Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God. And each invokes His
aid against the other. The prayers of both could not be answered. The
prayer of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own
That, I think, is what we reach for, when we continue to examine this
greatest of all experiences in our national history. The Almighty has His own
purposes; are we, when we continue to examine the Civil War, doing every-
thing much less than search for some clue to His purposes? I think that is
what we are really after, and it is worth all of the effort we can give it.
In the events of the war we see the spirit of man contending against the
infinite the spirit of man, buoyed up by the belief that there is more to
this life of ours than anything that can easily be weighed or measured, the
spirit that believes that man best saves his life by losing it for something
larger than himself, the spirit that in the final agony must confess: The
Almighty has His own purposes . and we, as His children, are bound
to serve them at whatever cost.
We did gain something in that war; something more, even, than the
demonstration that men of both sides who died on those storm-swept fields
were men of uncommon valor and fidelity. We gained homely things; a new
understanding of human unity and brotherhood, a new realization that when
men make war it is war itself, and not the visible foe under the other flag,
which is the real enemy. And we gained with all of this a broader base for our
citizenship and our country: a base on which we can yet build a nation
worthy of the dreams of all the generations of Americans.
As we enter the four years of commemoration of that war, I hope you
will always see the whole struggle in human terms. Always before us, as
we look into the past, there are the great ranks of the nameless men who
marched out of mystery and into mystery, out of life and into death, a cen-
tury ago. They are worth looking at; and as we look I suggest that we listen
closely. For those men who lived so long ago, and who struggled so greatly
against something greater than themselves, were part of an undying proces-
sion, men who marched bravely on the undiscovered road to tomorrow. And
as they marched, they marched to the sound of trumpets.
i I \
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Fort Dallas and the Naval Depot
on Key Biscayne, 1836-1926
By NATHAN D. SHAPPEE
EARLY WRITINGS ON FORT DALLAS
When Dr. Walter S. Graham began publication of the Miami Metropolis
in April, 1896, he planned to publish occasionally articles on local history.
The first of these appeared in the issue of November 20, 1896 and was a
sketch of Fort Dallas.
Earlier in the year Dr. Graham had written to the War Department
requesting data on the local monument of the Seminole War. He was
informed that another person had already asked for data on Fort Dallas.
This person proved to be Mrs. Julia D. Tuttle who owned Fort Dallas and
desired information about her property. Dr. Graham then approached Mrs.
Tuttle for permission to receive the War Department's account and to publish
it in the Metropolis.
The published article consisted of the department's article in full and
as it was written. To this Graham added data which he had collected as
additional local highlights on the topic. In his earlier capacity as a land
buyer and title searcher for Henry M. Flagler and his East Coast Railroad,
he had collected interesting and personal memoirs on Fort Dallas.
The first article, however, had been compiled from records in the
Adjutant General's Office and, because of this, related almost exclusively
only the Army's role in this protracted conflict. The compiler did not consult
the records of other services of the government which, as it has turned out,
had large amounts of data on Fort Dallas and the events of the Seminole
War in the Miami area.[
Actually it was the Navy which appeared first on Biscayne Bay in 1836
to establish patrols of the coast and to set up a post or fort. Lieutenant
Levin M. Powell was ordered to prevent any commerce between the Indians
and traders from Cuba or the West Indies. This first post was established
on Key Biscayne and was called Fort Dallas after Commodore Alexander J.
Dallas, commander of the West Indian Squadron.2
In this activity of the Navy in South Florida the Marines also saw much
active service. With all proper credit to the Army for its work on the lower
east coast and at Fort Dallas, it is an established fact that the United States
Marines were at Fort Dallas, Key Biscayne, and on New River for ten years
before they crashed into the Halls of Montezuma.3
BACKGROUND AND EARLY INCIDENTS OF THE SEMINOLE WAR
Some incidents relating to the start of the Seminole Wars are pertinent
to an understanding of this amazing and exasperating conflict in which the
Army and the Navy suffered defeats at the hands and superior tactics of the
Indians. In the early engagements the Seminoles swept the field. At the
time of the start of hostilities in December, 1835, the Army had just com-
pleted arrangements to start the removal of the Indians and had set January,
1836, as the time to remove the Indians from Tampa to their new lands
west of the Mississippi. However, the Indian removal authorities had the
consent of only about one-third of the chiefs who had signed earlier the
removal treaties: Fort Moultrie, Payne's Landing and Fort Gibson. The rest
of the chiefs remained aloof or had changed sides for fear of their lives.
Some of the pro-removal figures had been killed and others had been kid.
napped to prevent their assisting in the removal.
With the assembly for emigration scheduled for January, 1836, the
West Florida Seminoles by three cleverly staged ambushes, smashed and
destroyed the government's plans to remove. By separated and independent
actions on December 28, 1835, one group of Seminoles massacred Major
Dade and nearly a hundred men of his command on the Withlacoochee River
and another party raided Fort King where they killed and scalped five men.
There the most important person killed was General Wiley Thompson, the
Seminole agent and the officer in charge of the emigration. Also killed were
Lieutenant Constantine Smith; the fort's sutler, Erastus Rogers, and two of
his employes. In this explosive rejection by the Seminoles of the plans to
remove them from Florida, perhaps Indian revenge was revealed in the fact
that General Thompson received fourteen bullets and the fort's sutler
Three days later on December 28, the Indians ambushed General Clinch
and his force on the Withlacoochee. Clinch was directing the construction
NATHAN D. SHAPPEE
of a bridge over the river when the attack took place. His soldiers had
stacked their arms in an exposed pine barren some distance from the work
at the river's edge.a
Governor R. K. Call was the next victim of the Indians' boldness and
daring. On September 9, 1836 he marched from Fort Drane to attack the
Seminoles in their stronghold on the Withlacoochee. After he had arrived
there, his officers reported that there were only a few days' rations for the
action which would take at least a week. Governor Call then, without engag-
ing the enemy, marched his troops back to Fort Drane, leaving the Seminoles
secure and, no doubt, smiling.;
The last of this exasperating series of reversals in West Florida occurred
to Colonel Harney whose small force was massacred on the Caloosahatchee
on July 23, 1839. He had gone to the river for a council with some Indians
who did not keep their time for the meeting. After making camp, Harney
went to Sanibel Island for a day's sport of hunting wild hogs. He returned
to his camp at ten in the night. He was so exhausted that he did not inspect
his camp and threw himself down on his cot after having removed only his
boots. At daybreak he was awakened by the gunfire of the Seminoles attack-
ing the camp. His men were beyond saving, so he fled in his bare feet to the
river bank where he escaped in a canoe which was hidden there. He daubed
his face with mud, Indian fashion, to avoid detection.s
This embarrassing set of reversals frayed the nerves and the tempers
of the authorities in Washington. Commanders came and went while terri-
torial governors and other civil authorities were installed and then removed
in the desperate attempts of the late Jackson administration to stabilize con-
ditions in Florida and to gain victories over the elusive Seminoles. Officers
in charge of the removal program estimated that the Indians numbered
around 4,000 persons. When the war started General Clinch commanded
fourteen companies aggregating about 700 soldiers. Nearby states contrib-
uted volunteers for the war until there were about 8,000 troops in Florida
but still no victories. After the resignation of General Clinch, General Scott
was placed in charge of the Army but he presently became involved in a
jurisdictional dispute with General Gaines and Scott was recalled, being
replaced by General Thomas S. Jesup. It was Jesup who defeated the East
Florida Seminoles and started the removal. Among the lesser military fig-
ures who were removed from command by reverses were Generals Call and
Clinch and Colonel Harney. Governors Eaton and Call were political cas-
ualties of the reverses of the war in Florida.
With the Army being unable to contain the shifty Indians, the govern-
ment and the neighboring states used the draft to build up the forces needed.
The presence of out-of-state militia in Florida irritated the territorial officials
who kept the congressional delegate to Congress from Florida complaining
from one official to another.
On February 15, 1837, the Florida delegate, Joseph M. White, reported
on an interview he had had with President Jackson, who was due to leave
office presently. The object of White's visit was to protest against any fur-
ther draft for troops for central Florida. In the exchanges of a discussion
which rapidly got out of control, Jackson denounced the Floridians as
"damned cowards" and declared that "he could take fifty women and whip
every Indian that ever crossed the Suwannee" and that the people of Florida
. had done less to put down the war, or to defend themselves
than any other people in the United States. He said they ought to
have crushed it at once, if they had been men of spirit and character.
He said if five Indians had approached into the white settlements of
Tennessee and Kentucky not one would have ever got out alive. He
said the men had better run off or let the Indians shoot them, that
the women might get husbands of courage, and breed up men who
would defend the country. He maintains that there never was 600
When he had finished his harangue, which, of course, was not
very agreeable to me, I said to him, your Army and all your gen-
erals, have been in the field, why have they not conquered these
600 Indians? and why are the people thus reproached for not doing
what all your regular troops, and Tennesseans, have failed to
accomplish? . .
Among other things, I told him that if he would mount his
horse, after the 4th of March, I thought he could soon put an end to
the war, but that it was not every son of Achilles, who could wear
the armor or wield the sword of his father.
BEGINNING OF THE SEMINOLE WAR IN SOUTHEAST FLORIDA
While these dismal and embarrassing engagements were taking place
between Tampa and Fort King, the Seminoles in the Okeechobee and Big
Swamp area ravaged the southeastern coast and drove out the settlers. Here,
too, the attack was sudden and unexpected. On January 6, 1836, the Indians
raided New River and massacred the family of William Cooley who was
absent from home when the attack took place and thus escaped with his life.1o
NATHAN D. SHAPPEE
Cooley and the other settlers fled to Miami where they warned the residents
there of the impending attack. This frightened band of people then fled to
Key Biscayne where they were joined by John Dubose, keeper of Cape
Florida Lighthouse, and his family. All of these settlers then went to Indian
Key and stayed there. The Indians did destroy the buildings at Miami but
not lighthouse structures in this initial raid.u
The lighthouse keeper, John Dubose, appears as a shepherd among this
small band of people. He led them to Indian Key and then sought more
security by staying in Key West for over two months before he returned to
his lighthouse. He refused to return to his post on the grounds that he would
be in mortal danger. His superintendent, William A. Whitehead, in Key
West tried different means to get him to return and he carried on a steady
correspondence about Dubose with his superior, Stephen Pleasanton, Fifth
Auditor of the Treasury.12
While Dubose remained adamant against his return to Cape Florida,
William Cooley, who had gone to Key West from Indian Key, offered to go
to Cape Florida and maintain the light, provided that he was given an armed
guard for protection. Whitehead, then, on the spot promised Cooley Dubose's
salary of $50 per month and $100 additional to employ six armed guards.
Cooley and his guards then departed for Cape Florida and resumed the keep-
ing of the light. However Pleasanton in Washington took a narrow view of
these additional expenses without previous permission. He did allow Cooley
the keeper's salary of 350 but cut the $100 per month for the hire and main-
tenance of six guards back to $80 and pencilled instructions on the letter to
Whitehead to take the money out of the allotment for repairs. When White-
head explained this to Cooley, he told Whitehead that he could not maintain
the guards at that figure and he returned to New River.1'
With the prospect of more money for his services, Dubose then agreed
to return to the Cape if he could have the $80 for the armed guard. White-
head agreed and Dubose returned to his lighthouse on March 16, He stayed
at the Cape until July 18, when he removed his family again to Key West.
However before Whitehead agreed to give him the $80, Dubose had addressed
a memorial to the Secretary of the Treasury for an armed guard.1 This
letter was referred back to Pleasanton and then to Whitehead for explana-
tion why the extra money had not been paid. Pleasanton then ordered the
guard for Dubose and the payment of the money. Presently Whitehead
reported that Dubose had reduced the guard to three, one of whom was his
own son whom he used as a pilot for the boat he was allowed.li
In June Commodore Dallas received petitions from the residents of Key
West and Indian Key, requesting the assignment of a naval patrol vessel to
protect the residents of the Keys. John Dubose was one of the signers from
Key West.l~ When Whitehead reported the petitions to Pleasanton, he saw
Dubose's hand in the matter, telling Whitehead that
.. The memorial is evidently drawn up by Mr. Dubose himself,
and being dated Key West, it is probable that all the signatures
were obtained there of people who could have known nothing of the
situation of Cape Florida, but from public report. It is probably
the offspring of Mr. Dubose's fears, and may have no recent fact to
rest on; for there is nothing but rumor stated in the foundation of
the memorial. . .
Dubose's fears, while they may have been, without foundation, as
Pleasanton implies, were borne out on July 23, 1836, when the Seminoles
raided Key Biscayne and burned the lighthouse. The destruction of Cape
Florida Lighthouse and the attack on the two guards left there is one of the
more dramatic incidents of the whole Seminole War. On the day of the
attack, Irwin Thompson and Aaron Carter, a Negro, barely had time to reach
the tower before the Indians rushed them. The two men barricaded the door
into the tower and went up to the top of the building. The Indians then tried
to build a ladder tall enough to reach the platform but failed. Then they
built a fire against the door which did burn through and then consumed the
wooden stairs. Once the door was gone, the draft of the blaze roared upward
and its heat forced the men out on to the stone platform surrounding the light.
Here the men lay with the intense heat of the fire threatening to burn them
crisp and the Indians shooting at them any time a part of their bodies showed.
In his agony and frenzy, Thompson hurled he remains of a keg of gunpowder
down into the furnace of the tower. This explosion did kill most of the fire
in the tower but it also cracked the walls of the building. Carter was shot
through the head when he tried to peer down from the platform. Thompson
was shot through both ankles when he tried to get his feet to a cooler posi-
tion. The Indians maintained the seige until the next day when Thompson
was rescued by the crew of the transport vessel, Motto, which had been sent
to New River to salvage thirty tons of lead from a sunken vessel. Thompson
was taken to Key West where he recovered from his ordeal. Later he
published a pamphlet about his thrilling experience.18
NATHAN D. SHAPPEE
THE NAVY ESTABLISHES FORT DALLAS
The foregoing account explains some of the complications of the Sem-
inole War, both in the west and in the east and sets the stage for the estab-
lishment of Fort Dallas and the role it played in the Seminole War.
Fort Dallas was a distinctive post, if not a distinguished one. Its
establishment was started as the result of an order of the Secretary of the
Navy, Mahlon Dickerson, to Commodore Alexander J. Dallas, Commander
of the West Indian Squadron, to cooperate with the Army in the prosecution
of the Seminole War. Actually the Navy took orders from the Army.1L This
cooperation lasted from the outbreak of the war until 1858 when the Army
closed its posts in Florida.
Fort Dallas was established in 1836 after the destruction of the light-
house. It had three different locations, the first on Key Biscayne as a Navy
depot; one on the south bank of the Miami River at its mouth, and the last
and most pretentious on the north bank of the Miami. Two buildings of
Fort Dallas in this last location survived until fairly recent times, when
high prices of downtown real estate forced the destruction of the larger
building, which was the home of Mrs. Julia D. Tuttle, and the removal of
the other to its present location in Lummus Park where it serves as the
meeting quarters of the Everglades Chapter of the D.A.R.
The post was never protected by a wall or palisades. Until the last
phase of the war, it consisted of tent barracks and one small framed wooden
structure. The military men resented a land fort being named after a naval
officer. In this earliest occupation of the post, the Army, when ordered to
close the Fort and to remove supplies to Key Biscayne and turn them over to
the Navy, used the names of Fort Russell or Fort Bankhead for their storage
depot. The first of these commemorated an officer who had been ambushed
by the Seminoles in 1838 and the other was named after an early commander
of the post. Supplying Fort Dallas was difficult due to the very shallow
draft in the Bay at the mouth of the river and the presence of a sandbar where
it emptied into the Bay. Supplies had to be freighted to the fort in lifeboats
or lighters, For this reason, periods of naval occupancy were always cen-
tered at the naval depot and supply base on the ocean side of northern Key
Fort Dallas was one of three posts maintained at the mouths of rivers
in south Florida. At the mouth of New River was Fort Lauderdale. Near
the junction of the Loxahatchee and Jupiter Inlet was Fort Jupiter which
served as headquarters for General Jesup who commanded the forces in
Florida in the period between the recall of General Scott and his appoint-
ment as Adjutant General.
When Powell was ordered to establish a land post near the mouth of
the Miami River, he is reported to have built blockhouses which the Indians
were supposed to have burned. This fact comes from a statement in Rich-
ard Fitzpatrick's claim for damages to his plantation which the Army
occupied in the last phase of the war. Since he also owned the land on the
south bank of the Miami, his land was the location of both sites of the fort
at the mouth of the Miami. The naval records do not reveal that Powell, in
establishing the post in 1838, built any structures for Fort Dallas but the
Fitzpatrick claim is so close to events of the time that there actually could
have been a blockhouse. The fact that Powell was ordered to establish a
post on land did not necessitate building of permanent structures and the
lack of archival corroboration argues against it Powell was ordered to
patrol the southern coast and to prevent the Seminoles from being supplied
arms and ammunition by sailors from Cuba and the West Indies. He did
patrol the coast and undertook land forays when ordered to do so by General
Jesup. The naval and army depots on Key Biscayne have proof for their
establishment but the blockhouse has not yet been proven.
Assisting Powell on his cruising was Lieutenant Thomas T. Sloan in
charge of a detachment of the Marines, commonly a force of twenty men.
Their work with Powell's force in these earliest days in Fort Dallas adds a
new locale for their early activities.
Three naval officers conducted the major part of the naval services
around the lower east coast In order these were Lieutenant Powell, Captain
Isaac Mayo and Lieutenant John T. McLaughlin. Each of these made a
different contribution by the Navy in support of the military. Naval records
reveal many names of the vessels which came to Biscayne Bay during the
naval operations from 1836 to 1842. In the first occupation of 1836,
the transport, Motto, brought sailors and supplies.20 In 1839 and 1840, the
schooner, Medium, and the steamers, Cincinnati and James Adams, anchored
here. Captain Mayo commanded the steamer, Poinsett, until he convinced
his superiors that the vessel was unseaworthy.21 Lieutenant McLaughlin's
vessel was the Flirt.
Lieutenant Powell in 1838, while scouting the coast, engaged a party of
Seminoles in what is called the battle of Jupiter River. On a scouting mission,
NATHAN D. SHAPPEE
Powell's force of 96 men captured an Indian woman and instructed her to
take them to the camp. She led them inland to the Indians who were con-
cealed in the borders of a swamp. The Seminoles attacked the force and
drove it back to the boats. Five men were killed in this action. Powell imme-
diately reported the engagement to Commodore Dallas.2a Three weeks later
he forwarded a supplementary report to Secretary Dickerson in which he
analyzed the reasons for his defeat at the hands of the enemy:
It is now too late to refer to the original composition of the
expedition which was not in accordance with joint instructions of
the Secretary of War yours, and my own. The seamen were all
landsmen and three-fifths of the regulars were volunteers. I could
have taught them to make watches as easily as to learn the one to
handle an oar and the other a musket. Nor do I say this in reproach
to either, but to those that service like this required men who had
nothing to learn of the business before them. . .
Giving way to his bitter thoughts on the matter, Powell added a postscript
on one of the outer folds of his letter:
of the 96 sent
1 was a petty officer
8 were seamen of which 1 deserted
16 were 0 Seamen
64 Landsmen 1 deserted
amongst the above there
were the lame blind -
deaf and idiotic to be found
making the most important
component of the expedition
fatal to its success.
L. M. Powell.2
General Jesup in a letter of March 5 to Commander Dallas insisted that
. Lt. Powell has not failed, he has cooperated with me most
efficiently and is now at the point where he can enter the ever-
glades. He will penetrate them as soon as I shall have placed a
force on New River sufficient to protect his movements which will
be in a few days. His affair in this vicinity was most gallant though
he was compelled to retreat to his boats with some loss.2s
In this same letter, Jesup thanked Dallas for attaching the Marines in
his squadron to the general's forces. As the war dragged on, the cooperation
of the naval forces with the Army increased. Their combined operations
finally forced the Indians either into smaller areas or to flee these combined
operations. In one such maneuver, Captain Burke from Fort Dallas joined
forces with Lieutenant McLaughlin who had entered the southern Glades
from the seacoast.2
The second of the naval figures who was ordered to assist General Jesup
was Captain Isaac Mayo. His command was created by Secretary of the
Navy, J. K. Paulding, on April 5, 1839. He was given command of the
U.S.S. Poinsett, the schooner Wave and a number of barges. Two of the
latter were gun barges. One was stationed at the Key Biscayne naval depot
and the other at Indian Key after the massacre of the settlers there in 1840.
Captain Mayo was at Key Biscayne in July, 1839 when Colonel Harney
arrived there from the west coast after the massacre of his detachment on the
Caloosahatchee. On July 29, Captain Mayo entertained Chief Mad Tiger on
board his ship when an Army boat came along side. Mad Tiger and his
party, recognizing the craft as an Army boat, hurriedly went over the side.
Mayo then ordered pursuit:
S. I made after them in my Gig, a very fast boat, ordering Lieut
Skerrett to follow with the cutter; After three hours pull I picked
up the Canoes. Lieut. Davis one, and Lt Sloane of the Marines
another. I pushed on after the Chief who I found on the other side
of the Bay, and after a long chace I caught him; he used every
exertion to make his escape, managing his sail and paddles with
a great deal of skill. After getting him in my boat, he made an
attempt to regain his Canoe which I had in tow, but was easily sub-
dued, in all there were nine men and six squaws. I have taken them
to Col Harney as hostages.21
Later in the year, Mayo, in a letter to the Secretary of the Navy, gave a
full description of the difficulties of the ailing Poinsett which he was going
to take to Savannah "for funds, and breakout, and (to) cleanse the Poinsett."
The captain also deprecated the earlier and generally held belief that the
Indians were being supplied guns and ammunition by the Spanish and
. The illicit traffic supposed to be carried on with the Indians
where she could act, does not exist, the whole coast from Key Bis-
cayne South is lined with wreckers who are jealous of foreigners,
and are ready to prevent their ingress, and this useful class of men
are too much interested in the extirpation of the Indians to refuse
any assistance they can render for this purpose.28
When Captain Mayo left for the north, Lieutenant John T. McLaughlin
assumed charge of the patrolling of the southern coast. On his way from
NATHAN D. SHAPPEE
Key West he stopped at Tea Table Key to add Mayo's barges to his flotilla.
His duties were the same as his two predecessors: transport the Army and
land sailors and marines for joint actions with the military. McLaughlin, in
December, 1839, secured the department's approval for the capture of Indian
women and children as a means of forcing the: men to surrender. Secretary
Paulding outlined the procedures for the suggested plan:
. You will therefore furnish yourself with a sufficient num-
ber of large flat bottomed boats to carry all the men that can be
spared at any time from the vessels under your command and in
addition to these procure a life sufficiency of long plantation
Canoes, as it is believed they are called. Thus with your barges you
may approach as near as possible to the point of operation with the
flat bottom boats, proceed as far as the depth of water will permit
and with the light swift Canoes penetrate wherever there is water.
By this means, the Department cannot but hope, you will be
able to penetrate the Everglades further than has yet been done by
white men, surprise and capture the Indian women and children,
and thus end the war, which has cost so many millions. . .
It was McLaughlin who reported to Paulding the capture of Indian Key
and the massacre of its settlers on August 8, 1840. The citizens of this
island had petitioned Commodore Dallas in 1836 for a naval vessel to pro-
tect them. At that time a vessel had been sent to patrol the coast between
Key West and Indian Key. Arms and ammunition had also been sent. But
constant patrol of the coast had not been maintained and the Indians broke
through in one of the unprotected moments.
McLaughlin's patrol and transport services were vigilant and steady.
Colonel W. J. Worth, writing to him from headquarters in Tampa in Feb-
ruary, 1842 told him the results of his activity:
. By your occupation of Fort Dallas, etc., I am able to sim-
plify operations south and greatly reduce expenses. I have directed
the withdrawal of the garrison at Fort Lauderdale. If the position
will be of any service or convenience to you the place will be left
McLaughlin, writing to Secretary Upshur in January, 1842, pointed
out the basic importance of Fort Dallas in the activities of the war:
Although the point referred to, Fort Dallas, which has been
under the occupancy of the land forces since the early stages of the
war, cannot be approached within eight miles by the vessels of this
squadron, yet its contiguity to the Everglades fits admirably for an
auxiliary depot for our operations in Canoes into the Glades, and
elsewhere on the east coast of the peninsula.
I shall hasten therefore to take possession with a detachment of
marines, so soon as arrangements can be effected for the transfer of
At the end of 1839, McLaughlin's force consisted of the schooners,
Flirt, Wave and Otsego. In August, 1841, the schooner, Phoenix, and three
revenue cutters, the Madison, Jefferson and Van Buren were added. This
fleet of seven vessels was the largest naval force ever stationed in Miami.
This capable officer was imaginative in devising means to penetrate the
Everglades by barges and plantation canoes. As a naval officer he is prom-
inent for not resenting assignments with the military even though they entailed
tasks far beneath the ordinary range of duties. His tasks were frequently
menial and the capture of Indian women and children must have grated on
A final observation of the naval and military activities in the area and
the volume of it is the fact that Postmaster General Amos Kendall estab-
lished a postoffice at Key Biscayne in 1839. Information on its operation
and length of existence is not available at this writing.32
ARMY OCCUPATION AND ACTIVITIES AT FORT DALLAS
The first two occupations of Fort Dallas were by the Navy, Powell
having been sent there in 1836 and again in 1838. Operations for these short
periods were those of deposit, repairs and rests after duty. Powell prepared
the post for the Army in 1838 and Mayo opened it again for the military in
1839. After General Jesup defeated the Seminoles on the Loxahatchee on
January 24, 1838, Fort Dallas was occupied in order to assist in rounding
up the Indians and preparing them for emigration. These operations usually
had Jesup in the north and forces at Forts Lauderdale and Dallas going
north to join him. Hoping to prevent the Seminoles from scattering, Jesup
ordered Powell to proceed with subsistence and forage to Key Biscayne
where he would be joined by a company of artillery. The general ordered
Powell to establish a post and depot on the river "if he could do so without
exposing his small force to attacks by the superior forces of the Indians."3
Fort Dallas was planned to be used for a barrier to the Seminole advance
into south Florida and also as an avenue of entrance by the Army into the
Army authorities at that time were not sure that white soldiers could
stand the rigors of the tropical climate sufficiently well to perform effective
NATHAN D. SHAPPEE
duties. Secretary of War, Lewis Cass, directed field commanders that the
soldiers should be confined to light exercises and limited patrol during the
summer months.-4 Jesup, in a letter to Captain L. B. Webster at Fort Dallas
in February, 1838, briefed the officer on the necessities of life and existence
in south Florida:
. Your post, however, will be kept up during the summer,
and I desire you to make your men as comfortable as possible. If
you learn that there are too many mosquitoes, you must send to the
Quartermaster at St. Augustine for mosquito bars unless you can
purchase them from the wreckers.
You should obtain garden seeds and plant an extensive garden
for your men. You may be able perhaps to obtain them from the
settlements on some of the Keys, if not, send to St. Augustine for
them.. . .S
However this concern for the comfort of the soldiers did not extend to
Powell and his command. The Navy was frequently used while the Army
was inactive. Some of their tasks took them into unknown places. In Feb-
ruary, 1838, Jesup ordered Powell on an exploration, asking him if he could
"enter the Glades at Miami and come out through New River?" Actually
such a passage did exist and was used after the war by hunters and settlers.
In this letter the general told his trusted officer that the "supplies at Key
Biscayne are more than sufficient for every purpose."-" Later Jesup ordered
Colonel Bankhead to Key Biscayne to enter the Glades and force the Indians
to the coast. These events started the work of the Army from Fort Dallas."
The first military occupation of the post lasted only from February
into April of 1838. An order from Jesup on March 29, 1838 directed
Colonel Bankbead with two companies of the Fourth Artillery to "cause a
post to be established on the Key it will be garrisoned by Captain Web-
ster's company. Subsistence for the garrison and subsistence and forage
(for) Lieut Harney's command for sixty days." The succeeding paragraph of
the order stated "The post at Fort Dallas will be abandoned and the stores
removed to Key Biscayne or disposed of as provided for in Par 2 of this
In the occupation of Fort Dallas in 1839, Jesup's order stated that:
Captain Webster will proceed with his company to Key Bis-
cayne with the supplies ordered to that place. He will, if he can do
so without too much hazard, caused the country to be reconnoitered
and a proper sight [sic] for a post to be selected.--
Incidental to this short occupation in the spring of 1839 was the only
Seminole attack ever made on armed forces at Fort Dallas. On February 28,
1839, Captain S. L. Russell, who had established a bivouac a few miles up
the river and which was called Fort Miami, was killed by the Indians as his
force prepared to return to Fort Dallas.o4
The first long occupation of Fort Dallas began in October, 1839 and
lasted until January, 1842, The preliminaries to occupation this time were
the same as on the other occasions: the naval forces moved the supplies from
Key Biscayne over to the post and then the military arrived with house
already set up for them. Due to the shallow draft in the Bay and the river,
this was the only way the army could re-occupy. This time Captain Mayo
performed the services:
Off the Miami Oct 12 1839
Landed Lieut Smith in charge of 22 Seamen and 8 marines to estab-
lish a fort at the mouth of the Miami.
Captain Martin Burke with Company I of the third Artillery and a part
of Company I of the Second Infantry re-established Fort Dallas on October
22, 1839, having been rowed across the Bay by the sailors. On his first post
returns he felt it necessary to explain why his post carried a commodore's
It is proper to remark that Captain Mayo, U.S.N., had a party
of men previous to our arrival, but the name, having previously
existed in orders, was adopted by Captain Burke.4*
This first extended occupation conditioned the soldiers to army post
life and duties in south Florida. Fort Dallas had no permanent structures
yet and was merely a tented camp. The post registers kept a faithful record
of things which the War Department demanded and noted the receipt of all
orders. In this third occupation of the post, 144 different orders from four
issuing offices found their way to Miami.
A common practice during this period was to assign two companies,
one of infantry and the other artillery, to duty at the fort. Each company
carried about fifty men. Sometimes a third company appeared and on two or
three occasions Fort Dallas housed four companies. The post commanders
were usually captains and once in a while a brevet major or a first lieu-
tenant. The officers commonly tried to get a sixty day leave each summer
even if the leave sent them to another fort in Virginia or to West Point.
Fort Dallas also received raw recruits into the service. Considering that the
NATHAN D. SHAPPEE
aggregates averaged one hundred men at the post, exclusive of officers, a
record of only seven deaths in this occupation of twenty-seven months attests
to the salubrity of the climate and the survival of the men to camp cookery.
Some of the dead men were buried in the Indian Mound which was located
between Fort Dallas and the Royal Palm Hotel in later Miami. The mound
was leveled off in the building of the hotel. Dr. Graham, in local comment
to the article from the Adjutant General's Office, related that one such
grave, with a painted headboard, was in the mound when he first visited
Miami in 1893. The most unique set of notations on the returns of this period
reported that Captain Martin Burke was arrested and relieved of command
on November 23, 1840 and confined "in arrest." In December he was
reported "Capt again." Apparently the trouble was cleared because the
return for February, 1841, notes that "Burke Assumed Command and Post
Feb. 17, 1841."41
The returns of four different months in 1841 list the amounts of sub-
sistence, forage and ammunition at the fort and the supply depots on Key
Biscayne. In the month of December, 1841, the post had four companies on
the returns, the largest number of men ever stationed there. Supplies had
been accumulated for this large complement. The lists in rations make it
difficult to convert into units or measures but the amounts are impressive.
Then, as now, the Quartermaster's Department piled supplies into the depots
far beyond the actual needs of the fort. The inventory for June listed 16,000
rations of candles, 17,201 rations of vinegar and 10,616 of coffee. Also in
stock were two barrels of cauliflower and two of sauerkraut. The whiskey
was down to 1,880 rations.
The end of September reported 340 gallons, almost seven barrels, of
whiskey. Rations of candles had been increased to 29,700; soap amounted to
11,200; vinegar up to 26,000 measures. The amount of sauerkraut had been
increased to six barrels and eight kegs of pickled onions had been received.
During October the inventories were reduced. During the month, 121
men and six officers had consumed sixty-five gallons of whiskey, bringing
that precious solace down to five and a half barrels. Candles were down to
20,000 rations and vinegar stood at 20,000 measures. The clerk who made
the stores inventory for November 30, merely recorded 13,000 rations of
subsistence, 400 rations of forage and 30,000 "B & ball cartridges."'-
When Fort Dallas was closed down in January, 1841, the three com-
panies stationed there were sent to the "western side of the peninsula," to
Tampa Bay and to Fort Lauderdale. Lieutenant T. W. Sherman turned the
post over to the Navy.
In October, 1849, Fort Dallas was occupied again; this time by a single
company except for the first month. The occupation lasted fifteen months but
the post registers indicate a very quite time of it.
The last occupation of Fort Dallas began on January 3, 1855 and lasted
until May, 1858, when the Army abandoned its Seminole War forts in Flor-
ida. The post was moved to the north bank of the Miami River and occupied
the unfinished stone buildings of Richard Fitzpatrick's plantation. This pre-
tentious undertaking dated to the 1840's but Fitzpatrick had fled to Key West
during the war and had gone to California during the gold rush days. The
Army leased the buildings and grounds from Fernando I. Moreno of Key
West, a former U. S. marshal and agent for Fitzpatrick. Yearly rental was
$250. Fitzpatrick and his nephew, William F. English also owned the land
at the mouth of New River on which Fort Lauderdale had been established.46
The War Department authorized a considerable amount of new construc-
tion at Fort Dallas in addition to making the stone buildings habitable. Sur-
veys and estimates of the cost to put the post in usable condition were made
by officers in Miami and forwarded to Washington and the improvements
were ordered. The larger of the stone buildings had been constructed for a
mansion house, two stories high but having no roof. Closeby was a long
one-story structure, 95 x 17, with no roof, which had been erected for slave
quarters. The mansion house was floored and roofed and divided into rooms
for the officers. The slaves barracks received a second story of wood and
were also roofed. This building was used by the soldiers for barracks.
When the fort was reopened in January, Lieutenant L. O. Morris, acting
assistant quartermaster, examined all the aspects and problems of making
Fort Dallas a permanent establishment. On January 11, 1855, he reported
to Captain B. H. Hill, commander, on the problems of securing lumber
locally. The trees which could be used for timbers were two miles distant.
Trees nearer than this distance were "crooked, due to the storms that prevail,
on this coast" and could not be used for building purposes. Local lumbering
operations were impracticable "because of the great weight of this pine tim-
ber, the logs cannot be rafted down the river from which they are a distance
from a quarter to a half mile." Morris reported that there was not enough
palmetto in the neighborhood "to cover even a small portion of the roofs of
the buildings required." Palmetto for thatching the hospital was brought in
NATHAN D. SHAPPEE
boats from four miles up the river. The men carried the fronds a mile
through the hammock to the boats. Having already experienced these diffi-
culties, Morris recommended to Captain Hill that shingles for the roofs and
structural timbers be purchased in the north.4"
On July 1, 1855, Morris submitted to General Jesup in Washington, a
list of new buildings that were needed, estimating that these would cost
$3,500. This construction would provide two frame buildings, each to con-
tain two rooms, for officers' quarters. The rooms were to be fifteen feet
square, separated by an eight foot hall and having an eight foot piazza in
front and back. Morris said these would cost $1,500. He also requested
permission to erect frame buildings and a kitchen, each 15 x 20 feet. These
would cost $1,200. In addition he wanted a guard and prison room, a
clothing storehouse and lathing and plastering of the officers' quarters.48
About a year later, Lieutenant W. M. Graham, the acting assistant
quartermaster at the post then, reported on the progress of Morris' work.
Additions, alterations and repairs had provided one set of officers' quarters
with outbuildings; the lathing and plastering of all quarters, the hospital
mess room; and the construction of three log buildings for a subsistence
storehouse, a guard house and a magazine. He requested an additional outlay
of $756.10 for additional construction and for "extra duty men." He wanted
one more set of officers' quarters with outbuildings, a roof on one set of
barracks, two log houses, 30 x 30, for a carpenter shop and a blacksmith
shop and a "Stable (palmettoed shed) 75 x 31 for public Animals, to con-
tain 24 stalls." 4
With the officers better housed than they had ever been at Fort Dallas,
Lieutenant R. H. Tillinghast in November, 1856, requested permission to
purchase a cooking stove for the officers' mess, explaining that
. the mess consists of six persons, and used the quarters and
kitchen of the common army officers. The kitchen had no fire
place, and there are no brick at the Post. Under the circumstances
I consider the purchase of a stove, economy."0
Presently Captain Hill requested General Jesup to assign a schooner to
Fort Dallas. He wanted a vessel of twenty to thirty tons and "drawing when
loaded not over three feet." The ship could serve as a lighter and for com-
munication with Key West or Fort Lauderdale. At that time the mail con-
tractors were required to make only one trip a month along the coast. Hill
said that the last supplies sent from New York had to be freighted in from the
distance of a mile and a half out in the Bay."5
The necessity for the stable was due to the construction of a military
road from Fort Lauderdale to Miami. This was completed in February,
1857. This was the last major work done at the post.- Inventories were
made of the harness and blacksmith's supplies but the great bulk of these
things were reported unusable and ordered destroyed.
Notations on the very last post returns contain unintended and inadver-
tant humor. These report:
There are no blank post returns at hand for another Month.
. Fort Dallas to be abandoned.53
In the mind of the commander's clerk perhaps the chain of events did
not appear illogical.
The officers attached to Fort Dallas were career men of the regular
army. Cursory examination of the later careers of these men show that six-
teen of them served in the Mexican War where one of them died. Of the
remaining fifteen of the Fort Dallas officers, four of them ended their careers
as major generals, ten as brigadier generals, and one as a lieutenant colonel.
In the Civil War, three returned to the South to serve in the Confederate
Army while all the others served in the Union forces.
Some of these became very well known even if for different recognition.
Brigadier General John Henry Winder was Commissary General of all Fed-
eral prisoners east of the Mississippi before he was placed in charge of
Andersonville Prison in 1864. He died there in February, 1865. Common
report declared that he, and not Wirz, would have been hanged for his
administration there if he had lived.
Most fondly remembered of the Fort Dallas officers is Brigadier General
Abner Doubleday, the organizer of baseball. He was in charge of the battery
at Fort Sumter which fired the first salvo against the Confederates in Charles-
ton. After the war, he built the first cable-car system in San Francisco.
Major General Truman Seymour also was a captain of Artillery at Fort
Sumter. The Civil War posts held by these officers were about evenly divided
between field commands and supply services.
THE FITZPATRICK CLAIM
Before the Army occupied the stone buildings on the Fitzpatrick plan-
tation, its owner had already had two claims before Congress for damages
NATHAN D. SHAPPEE
committed by the Indians; occupation by the armed services of the United
States and for removal of timber from his lands.
This claim, which has a remarkable legislative history in Congress,
started in 1841 with a claim for $60,320 and ended in 1886 with an award
of $12,000. During this long period Fitzpatrick had died, his nephew and
purchaser of his lands, had died and the money finally went to J. M. English,
a nephew of William, who lived in Brownsville, Texas.
Richard Fitzpatrick came from South Carolina to Key West before
1830. He began to buy the lands on Biscayne Bay at New River shortly after-
wards. These were "donation grant," given by the government to early settlers
shortly after the American possession of Florida. On December 1, 1830, he
purchased the James F. Hagan, or Egan, grant on "the Sweet Water or Miami
River" for $400. One hundred acres of this land had been deeded to him by
the Spanish in 1808. In June, 1831, he purchased the section of Rebecca
Hagan for $640. Mary Lewis sold her donation to Fitzpatrick for $500 in
1832. His last purchase of land in Miami was in April, 1835, when he bought
the Jonathan and Ann Lewis section for $300. Thus for $1,840, Fitzpatrick
bought more than four square miles of land at the mouth of the Miami and
along Biscayne Bay. For another $500 he obtained a fifth section, that of
Frankee Lewis, at the mouth of New River.54
He began to improve his lands soon after he had secured them. At the
time of the Seminole raid on New River in January, 1836, he had an overseer
and a gang of slaves clearing the Fort Dallas site. There is no evidence that
Fitzpatrick himself stayed with his men or underwent the rigors of land
clearing. When the war broke out Fitzpatrick volunteered his services to
Governor Call and became an aide-de-camp to General Clinch.
When the first phase of the war was over, Fitzpatrick returned to South
Carolina and borrowed $21,391 from his wealthy sister, Mrs. Harriet English
of Richland County. He pledged himself to repay this amount on or before
January 1, 1844. For this money he assigned his lands in South Florida, a
grant on the Suwannee in Alachua County and eleven slaves with their
increase. This mortgage was finally satisfied in 1888, long after his death.-"
In May, 1843, a little more than a year after he had borrowed from
his sister, Fitzpatrick deeded his lands in Dade County to his nephew and son
of Harriet, William F. English for $16,000. English appears to have been
more interested in founding a town at the mouth of the Miami than in creat-
ing a large plantation, although he did put up the stone walls of the mansion
house and slave quarters at Fort Dallas. He laid out the Town of Miami
and sold lots in it in 1844 and 1845. In April, 1845, he deeded Lot No. 98
to Harris Antonio for $1 on the condition that he erect on it a "good frame
building." On this same day he sold Lot No. 97, located on Porpoise Street,
to Antonio for $25. Lots numbered 93 to 96 were sold to A. Antonio for
$160 to be paid for in four equal installments with interest.-"
The sale of lots in the Town of Miami at such prices and the number sold
did not yield too much return for him. When news of the gold rush reached
Florida, both uncle and nephew went to Philadelphia to start for California.
They purchased the Commodore Stockton and left for the west. Before leav-
ing Miami they arranged with Fernando I. Moreno of Key West to act as
agent and custodian of their lands. The Fort Dallas plantation was vacant
from 1849 until 1855 when the Army occupied it through a lease for $250
When Fitzpatrick and English took off for California, then Harriet
English, through papers prepared in South Carolina and recorded in Monroe
County, regained legal possession of the local lands that had been pledged
on her mortgage. Fitzpatrick died in Texas and English in California.8s Mrs.
English kept her Miami lands and the tract at New River until 1869. In
November of that year she sold the two Hagan grants to Dr. Jeptha V. Harris
of Key West for $1,480.=- In 1874, possibly as a result of repossession or
failure of a note in the sale, she deeded this same grant to George M. Thew of
Augusta, Georgia.-o She disposed of the remainder of her Miami lands and
the section at New River to Mary Brickell on February 25, 1874, for $3,500.01
When the railroad boom in Miami started in 1895, Robbins and Graham,
land attorneys for the Florida East Coast Railway, paid the heirs of Harriet
English $3,000 to extinguish all claims to lands in Miami. At the same time
the attorneys secured a quit claim for Julia Tuttle's Fort Dallas property
As can be seen from the above recital of facts, the men relatives of
Harriet English were not very astute business managers. Fitzpatrick had gone
through his assets by 1841, when he filed his claim against the government
for damages. The reverses in this suit and the long delays in it forced him
into the mortgage with his sister. Still short of money, he sold his lands
which he had already pledged on his mortgage to his nephew for $16,000.
When he failed to strike gold in the west, he was through.
NATHAN D. SHAPPEE 33
His claim against the government for $60,320 is interesting because it
shows what he had accomplished at Fort Dallas by the time of this inventory
of April 1, 1840:
CLAIM OF RICHARD FITZPATRICK
One hundred thirty acres of sugar-cane worth $100 per acre_$10,000
Thirty acres of corn and pumpkins -------------------- 1,200
Five acres of sweet potatoes worth -------------------- 500
Four thousand plantain and banana trees--------------- 4,000
Twelve acres of Bermuda arrow-root ------------------ 500
Lime grove destroyed _..----- ------------ 2,000
Nursery of tropical fruit trees destroyed----_-------- 2,500
Six hundred bushels of flint corn--------------------- 1,500
One hundred head of hogs -------------------------- 1,000
Poultry, viz: ducks, fowls, turkeys and guinea fowls ------ 200
One large flat boat, 60 feet long, cost------------------ 1,300
One clinker-built boat --------------------- 120
One cedar boat ----------------------------------- 60
One schooner ------------------------------- 1,500
One framed house--------- -------------------- 2,300
Two corn-cribs -- _---------------- ------- 200
One kitchen -------------------------------- --- 50
One poultry-house --------------------- ---------- 50
One hewed log house ---------------------------- 100
Twelve negro houses -------------------------- 1,600
One framed house, south side of Miami River ----------- 300
One framed house, smaller -----------------------_ 100
Two framed houses and out-buildings, purchased from Lewis. 2,500
Plantation tools, blacksmith's tools, carts, plows, axes, hoes,
grubbing hoes, cooking utensils, etc....-------------- 500
Furniture, bed clothing, books &c. ---------------- 2,000
Three years occupation on my plantation by the United
States troops at Fort Dallas, Miami River ------ 18,000
Forty thousand shingles -------------------------- 240
Three hundred cords of wood cut from my land, to first of
April, 1840, for the use of the United States steamers
employed on the coast of Florida at $6 per cord --.- 1,800
Two hundred cords of wood cut from my land, at New
River, for the United States steamboats at $6 per cord_ 1,200
House and improvements, including fruit trees, wharf, etc.,
purchased of William Cooley on Little River ------_ 2,500
The amount of this claim remained the same through the four different
presentations of the case to Congress. The claim appears very large for about
four years' work in the southern wilderness which Miami was at that time,
Since the damages were for property which had been burned or carried off
by the Seminoles, the Committees of Claims in the houses of Congress had no
way of settling on the value of the property. As a result, testimony and affi-
davits usually turn on what the land was worth in rents and what price
should be paid for the wood cut for the use of the naval vessels. One claim,
presented but rejected by one house of Congress, would have allowed $10,000.
On the other hand, some witnesses felt that the use of the land as rented
property was worth at least $6,000 per year. In the bill which cleared both
houses in 1887, the government paid $12,000 to the grandnephew of Fitz-
While he lived, Fitzpatrick always claimed in correspondence on the
claim that the war had been his ruin, stating in one letter that:
The Florida war has ruined me and made me poor, and I am
not one of those fortunate beings who are supposed by members
of Congress to have fattened upon the Indian War from Florida.-"
After his first claim had been rejected, Fitzpatrick, by another action,
sought to have his services in the Seminole and Mexican Wars recognized by
the government in order to obtain land warrants and also to qualify for a
pension. During the Seminole war he had served for nine months and was dis-
charged as a colonel. In the Mexican War he had served in a regiment of
mounted Texas volunteers. On January 5, 1855 the House of Representatives
reported favorably on a bill for the "relief of Richard Fitzpatrick," which
ordered him to be paid whatever was due him for his services.s6
THE LAST DAYS OF FORT DALLAS
The military buildings at Fort Dallas remained intact until 1874 when a
hurricane razed all of the wooden structures. Dr. J. B. Holder, who pub-
lished a four-installment article, "Along the Florida Reef," in Harper's New
Monthly Magazine in 1871, gave the following description of the post:
The old garrison of Fort Dallas is in full view as we approach.
The neat cottage barracks with broad verandahs, arranged pleas-
ingly around a fine sloping parade tall cocoas, lime trees and
rich groupings of poincianas and elders loaded with their brilliant
blossoms altogether form a cheerful scene of much beauty. ."
After the Army left Fort Dallas, the place became a piece of real
estate the most valuable in south Florida. The property had four major
NATHAN D. SHAPPEE
owners between 1871 and 1893 when Mrs. Tuttle came to Miami and set up
house at Fort Dallas. Disposal of the Fort Dallas tract to different pur-
chasers gave Mrs. Tuttle the complicated task of buying the pieces to secure
the original 744 acres of the Hagan grant.
When Dr. Harris came to Miami, the place was occupied by W. H. Hunt,
custodian for Mrs. English. When he sold the land, the property was turned
over to J. N. Whitner who acted as agent for Thew and then the Biscayne
Bay Company. Whitner was succeeded by Dr. W. W. Hicks and he, in turn,
by J. C. Lovelace. About 1876, J. W. Ewan became the superintendent of the
estate. He rented out part of the mansion house to the county commissioners
for county offices. Merchants rented space in the slave barracks.
Mrs. Tuttle repaired the mansion house into a fine home. She tiled the
main floor with Spanish tile she had salvaged from a ship wrecked off the
coast. She organized the Fort Dallas Land Company to dispose of her prop-
erty. All the land was sold by this firm except the thirteen acres around
The old fort survived down into the boom days of the '20's even though
downtown sites were sold and resold for fantastic prices. North of Fort
Dallas was the Miami Women's Club which had a fine property on Flagler
Street which they sold for $350,000. In 1923, the women leased the Fort
Dallas properties for $5,000 for eighteen months. They spent another $2,500
on repairs and renovations to the buildings. The women used the Tuttle
homestead for their quarters and a library they operated. The barracks were
turned into a tearoom and quarters for the Everglades Chapter of the D.A.R.
When the lease expired in 1925, the property was sold to Dr. R. C. Hoge
for a hotel site. When the Women's club vacated the Tuttle house, the edifice
There remained then only the old barracks and these were to be torn
down to clear the land. The Miami Women's Club then joined forces with
the members of the Everglades Chapter in a campaign to save the barracks.
They were given the building if they could have it off the lot in two weeks.
The city of Miami offered them a free site in Lummus Park for their reas-
sembled building. The women raised $7,000 to have the barracks torn down,
transported to the new site and reconstructed. Each stone was numbered to
aid in the reconstruction. The removal of the barracks and the re-assembly
took from April to May, 1925. When completed the quarters were occupied
by the Seminole Chapter as it had been in the old location. Other rooms
were used as a museum. o
THE END OF THE NAVAL DEPOT ON KEY BISCAYNE
The government became a land owner on Key Biscayne in June, 1827
when it purchased three acres across the southern end of the island for a
lighthouse. The land cost $300. This site was used for the location of both
lighthouses that were built on the key. By an executive order in August,
1847, the ocean side of Key Biscayne was reserved for military and light-
house purposes. These lands had been surveyed in 1845 when Florida entered
In 1849 the Board of Engineers of the War Department, with Lieutenant
Colonel Robert E. Lee as "Recorder to Board," toured the entire coast of
Florida to select sites which could be used for the defense of the coast and
which also had value in fighting the Indians. This group recommended the
reservation of "Cay Biscayne" and "Soldier Cay" for such purposes. With
the ocean side already being reserved, the Engineers' report merely con-
tinued the government possession.'2 In 1884 the government relinquished
its reservation of the land for military purposes and turned the land over
to the jurisdiction of the Secretary of the Interior. The following year the
State of Florida, which had always owned the bayside of the key, gave
patents to purchasers of plots which crossed the island. Controversy arose
over the grants which were known as "Tampa Patents," but they cleared the
courts. President Cleveland, in 1897, reserved the lighthouse lands on the
key for military purposes. In 1916, President Wilson declared the lands were
useless for military purposes.73
With the government relinquishing its reservation of the lands, other
parts of the key were eagerly bought up. Prominent local owners of lands
on Key Biscayne were the Matheson Family and James Deering. Through
some sort of oversight or poor inventory, it was found that the government
still owned seven acres odd on the northeastern coast of Key Biscayne. Since
President Wilson's order of 1916 had declared the lands useless for military
purposes, the Department of the Interior then prepared to sell this remaining
parcel of valuable land (this was Miami in 1926 before the break of the
boom). After all the protracted search had been made the government in
January, 1926, advertised the sale of the parcel by public sale. The govern-
ment divided the land into parallel strips of about an acre each. A value of
$1,000 per lot was placed prior to the sale.7'
The sale of the last of the Key Biscayne depot took place in the City
Hall Court Room on March 19, 1926. Hugh M. Matheson bought all the
NATHAN D. SHAPPEE 37
parcels for a total price of $55,055 to add them to his other holdings around
this final plot.
Thus, ninety years after Lieutenant Powell established Fort Dallas, all
remains of the fort and the naval depot had been destroyed except the slave
quarters of the Fitzpatrick estate which had been relocated in a new and
i National Archives, Early Wars Branch, Adjutant General's Office, "Notes on Fort
Dallas," Record Group 94, Document File No. 44540.
a National Archives, Naval Records, Captains' Letters, 1836-1842; Officers' Letters,
"Copy of a Letter of a Highly Respected Gentleman of Florida," Charleston, January
20, 1836. American State Papers: Military Affairs. Volume VI, p. 20; Letter of Wil-
liam A. Whitehead to Commodore Alexander J. Dallas, dated Key West, January 11,
1836. Territorial Papers of the United States: Territory of Florida. Volume XXV,
p. 222; M. M. Cohen, Notices of Florida and the Campaigns. (Charleston, 1836),
pp. 82-86; [Woodburne Potter], The War in Florida: Being an Exposition of Its
Causes and an Accurate History of the Campaigns of Generals Clinch, Gaines and
Scott by a Late Staff Officer (Baltimore, 1836), pp. 104-9.
s Letter of Lieut. Joseph W. Harris to Gen. George Gibson, dated Fort King, Florida,
December 30, 1835. American State Papers: Ibid. pp. 561-2.
"Report of the Major General of the Army," Washington, November, 1836 from the
"Report of the Secretary of War," December 3, 1836. American State Papers: Ibid.,
p. 817; Letter of James Gadsden to President Jackson, dated Tallahassee, 14 Janry,
1836. Territorial Papers of the United States. Volume XXV, pp. 224-6.
7 Letter of Governor R. K. Call to the Secretary of War, dated Fort Drane 19th Octr,
1836. Territorial Papers of the United States. Volume XXV, pp. 357-9.
a Letter of Lt. Col. W. Harney to Maj. Gen. Alexander Macomb, dated Biscayne Bay,
August 7, 1839, reporting the massacre of ten men of his detachment at his camp on
the Caloosahatchee, July 23, 1839.
o Letter of Joseph M. White to J. Knowles, Esq., dated February 15, 1837. Territorial
Papers of the United States. Volume XXV, pp. 378-9.
io Letter of William A. Whitehead to Stephen Pleasanton, Dated Key West, January 12,
1836. Lighthouse Letters. Volume 11; [Dan. J. Dowling], Sketch of the Seminole
War, and Sketches during a Campaign. (Charleston), 1836, pp. 5(03.
a Lighthouse Letters, Volume 11.
ai Material from several letters between Whitehead and Pleasanton. Ibid.
is Letter of W. A. Whitehead to Pleasanton, dated Key West, February 15, 1836. Ibid.
14 Letter of Pleasanton to Whitehead, dated May 27, 1836. Ibid.
a1 Petitions of the Residents of Key West and Indian Key, dated June 15 and 16, 1836,
requesting the protection of those settlements by naval cutters. Captains' Letters.
a1 Letter of Stephen Pleasanton to W. A. Whitehead, dated May 27, 1836. Lighthouse
Letters. Volume 11.
as Letter of A. Gordon, for William A. Whitehead, to Pleasanton, dated Key West,
August 1, 1836; Whitehead to Pleasanton, Dated Perth Amboy, N. J., August 14,
1836. Lighthouse Letters. Volume 11; Irwin Thompson, "The Story of the Killing,"
Miami Metropolis, October 1, 1897.
Lo Letter of Lewis Cass to Governor R. K. Call, dated War Department, May 16, 1836.
American State Papers: Ibid. p. 439; Letter of Mahlon Dickerson to Lewis Cass,
dated Washington, May 18, 1836. Ibid., p. 440.
o Letter of Mahlon Dickerson to A. J. Dallas, dated Washington, January 30, 1836;
Letter of Commander M. P. Mix to A. J. Dallas, dated U. S. Ship Concord, Pensa-
cola Bay, August 5, 1836; Naval Records, Information relating to the Services of the
Navy and Marine Corps. pp. 73, 74.
z2 Letter of A. J. Dallas to John Boyle, Acting Secretary of the Navy, dated U. States
Frigate Constitution, Pensacola Bay, 19th August, 1836; letter of Captain Isaac Mayo
to the Secretary of the Navy, dated U. S. Steamer, Poinsett, St. Augustine, Nov. 18,
1839. Territorial Papers of the United States. Volume XXV, 650-2.
2a Letter of L. M. Powell to A. J. Dallas, dated Camp Pierce, Indian River, January 17,
1838. Naval Records, Officers' Letters, January, 1838.
s2 Letter of L. M. Powell to Mahlon Dickerson, dated Indian River Inlet, Feb. 6th.,
1838. Ibid., January-February, 1838.
za Letter of Maj. Gen. Thomas S. Jesup to A. J. Dallas, dated Camp Jupiter, March 5,
1838. Naval Records, Information relating to the Services of the Navy and Marine
Corps, p. 92.
2s Ibid., p. 105.
2e Letter of Secretary of the Navy, J. K. Paulding, to Isaac Mayo, dated Navy Department,
April 5, 1839. Ibid., p. 105.
a1 Letter of Isaac Mayo to the Secretary of the Navy, dated U. S. Steamer Poinsett, Key
Biscayne, July 30, 1839. Ibid., p. 114.
as Letter of Isaac Mayo to the Secretary of the Navy, dated U. S. Steamer Poinsett, St.
Augustine, Nov. 18th, 1839. Territorial Papers of the United States. Volume XXV,
so Letter of J. K. Paulding to Lieut. J. T. McLaughlin, dated Navy Department, Dec. 2,
1839. Naval Records, Information relating to the Services of the Navy and Marine
Corps., pp. 25-6.
so Letter of CoL W. J. Worth to Capt. J. T. McLaughlin, dated Tampa, Feb. 4th, 1842.
National Archives, Early Wars Branch, Record Group 94, Document File 44540.
3i Letter of J. T. McLaughlin to A. P. Upshur, dated Flirt at Indian Key, Janry 16, 1842.
Naval Records, Information relating to the Services of the Navy and Marine Corps.,
as Amos Kendall, Postmaster General, to Secretary of War, J. R. Poinsett, dated Post
Office Dept., Nov. 15th 1839. Territorial Papers of the United States. Volume XXV,
33 Letter of T. S. Jesup to L. M. Powell, dated at Camp on Jupiter River, Jany 27, 1838.
Record Group 94, Document File 44540.
34 Letter of Lewis Cass to Governor R. K. Call, dated June 20, 1836. Territorial Papers
of The United States. Volume XXV, p. 314.
as Letter of T. S. Jesup to Capt. L. B. Webster, dated Camp near Fort Jupiter, February
25, 1838. Record Group 94, Document File 44540.
as Letter of T. S. Jesup to L M. Powell, dated Camp near Fort Jupiter, Feb. 25, 1838.
as Letter of T. S. Jesup to Brig. Gen. R. Jones, Adjutant General, dated Camp near Fort
Jupiter, March 11, 1838. Ibid.
as Special Order No. 37, Fort Jupiter, Fla. March 29, 1838. Florida War Headquarters,
Army of the South. Early Wars Branch, Adjutant General's Office, Orders and
Special Orders. Volume 10, 1837-1838.
NATHAN D. SHAPPEE
ao Orders No. 57, Fort Pierce, Florida, Jany 15, 1839. Florida War Headquarters, Army
of the South. Ibid., p. 210.
40 "Notes on Fort Dallas," Record Group 94, Document File 44540.
41 Letter of I. Mayo to the Secretary of the Navy, dated S.S. Poinsett. Off the Miami. Oct.
12, 1837. Naval Records, Information relating to the Service of the Navy and Marine
Corps., p. 148.
42 "Notes on Fort Dallas." Ibid.
4a Miami Metropolis. November 20, 1896.
44 Fort Dallas, Post Returns, November, 1840-February, 1841.
45 Fort Dallas, Post Returns, Commissioned Officers. June, September, October, Novem-
46 Miami Metropolis. November 20, 1896.
4- Letter of Lieut. Lewis O. Morris to Capt. B. H. Hill, dated Fort Dallas, Jany 11, 1855.
Record Group 94. Document File 44540.
4s Letter of L. O. Morris to T. S. Jesup, Quartermaster General, dated Fort Dallas, July
1st, 1855. Ibid.
*4 Letter of Lieut. W. M. Graham to Gen. T. S. Jesup, dated Fort Dallas, June 30th, 1856.
so Letter of Lieut. P. M. Tillinghast to T. S. Jesup, dated Fort Dallas, Nov. 18th, 1856.
s5 Letter of B. H. Hill to T. S. Jesup, dated Fort Dallas, 17 Jany 1855. Ibid
s5 Letter of L. O. Morris to T. S. Jesup, dated Fort Dallas, October 1, 1855; Letter of
Lieut. L. L. Langston to T. S. Jesup, dated Fort Dallas, September 11, 1856. Ibid.
sa Fort Dallas, Post Returns, Commissioned Officers, May, 1858.
54 Dade County, Deed Record, Book E, pp. 511-12; Book B, pp. 216-17; Book D, pp.
5s Ibid., Book A, pp. 269-71.
se Ibid., Book D, pp. 237-8.
as Ibid., Book A, passim; Miami Metropolis, November 20, 1896.
as Miami Metropolis, Ibid.
as Dade County, Deed Record. Book A, pp. 99-102.
6o Ibid., Book A, pp. 175-7.
i Ibid., Book A, pp. 267-8; Book O, pp. 242-4.
s2 Mrs. Julia D. Tuttle did not buy from the English Estate. She bought the Hagan, or
Egan, donation in three parcels to reassemble the complete section. This purchase
took from 1887 to 1893 to complete and cost Mrs. Tuttle $4,100. Deed Record. Book
C, p. 136; Book E, p. 253; Book H, p.. 193 Book O, pp. 242-4.
sa 49th Congress, First Session. House Bill No. 2244: "An Act for the Relief of J. M.
English, Administrator for the Estate of Richard Fitzpatrick, deceased." May 24,
s* United States Statutes at Large. Volume 24, p. 931.
es Letter of Col. William Y. English and R. Fitzpatrick to Hon. D. Levy, dated New
Orleans, December 28, 1842.
s6 33rd Congress, Second Session, House Bill No. 616, Report No. 7, "A Bill for the
Relief of Richard Fitzpatrick," January 5, 1855.
e7 Dr. J. B. Holder, "Along the Florida Reef," Harper's New Monthly Magazine, Volume
42 (March, 1871), p. 515.
68 Miami Daily News, February 22, 1948.
eo Miami Herald, August 6, 1950.
7o Estelle L. Crow (Mrs. Lon Worth Crow, Sr.), History of the Miami Women's Club,
p. 21; Miami Doily News, March-May, 1925.
71 Department of the Interior, General Land Office, Letter of William Spry, Commissioner,
to the Secretary of the Interior, dated June 14, 1924, Abandoned Military Reserva-
tions, Box File on Key Biscayne; Letter of D. K. Parrott to D. M. Clement, dated
July 3,1924. Ibid.
72 War Department, General Joseph C. Totter, Chief Engineer, letter of transmission of
a "Report of the Board of Engineers," dated U. S. Schooner Phoenix, off Savannah,
12th March, 1849, signed R. E. Lee, Recorder to Board.
-a Letter of William Spry to the Secretary of the Interior, dated June 14, 1924. Aban-
doned Military Reservations. Box File on Key Biscayne.
7s Department of the Interior, General Land Office, Circular No. 1046, January 8, 1926,
telegram of C. A. Obenchain to William Spry, dated Miami, March 19, 1926; Miami
Daily News. March 20, 1926.
and Counter Measures during the 1920's
By FRANK B. SESSA
The extraordinary growth of Florida over the past ten years, particularly
of the Southeast section known nationally as the Gold Coast, has tended to
obscure an equally wondrous development some three decades earlier. Land
booms are an accepted part of the American scene, yet none has ever cap-
tured the imagination of the American people to the same extent as did the
Florida boom of the 1920's. We may call it that in retrospect; to many of
those who were on the scene it was anything but a boom. The natural
optimism of the native and the quickly acquired enthusiasm of the recent
arrivals would admit of no such interpretation. Florida land values, like
the stocks on the New York Board, were on a "permanent, high plane."
Floridians, therefore, were extremely sensitive to any criticism which might
conceivably hurt their bonanza.
Interstate rivalry and friendly bickering between residents of states are
no novelty in our country. There were quips about submerged Florida real
estate and "land by the gallon" long before the famous boom of the 1920's.
It was during the boom, however, that the character of anti-Florida propa-
ganda changed markedly. Good natured jibes about reaching one's home by
row boat changed to serious charges of fraud in real estate ventures. The
suggestion that it was hot in Florida in summer gave way before pointed
discussions of the enervating or debilitating character of the climate. Charges,
too, were made that water must be boiled before being used; that good meat
was unobtainable in Florida; that dangerous reptiles were prevalent in
areas adjacent to thickly populated centers, and the like. Anti-Florida propa-
ganda reached a high point in the late summer and early fall of 1925 and
had a dampening effect upon the rising curve of Florida real estate.
Difficult indeed to estimate is the ultimate damage done to the Florida
boom by such anti-Florida propaganda. That Floridians were early stung
by it, is evident in the increasing references in Miami to "sour grape" edi-
torials in the newspapers of various other sections of the country. The Miami
Herald, on May 1, 1925, commented on an editorial appearing in the Daytona
(Florida) News on wildcat land schemes, entitled "Caveat Emptor." For
wild sections of the state, the warning was timely, said the Herald editor,
but "this does not apply, of course, to anything in the immediate vicinity
of Miami." In August, the Herald reported that Savannah had become
alarmed over the exodus to Florida. Twenty thousand people had left the
city for Florida points; the post office had received more than 6,000 requests
for change of address. Under the circumstances, should Georgia papers con-
tinue to boost Florida? The source of the paper's information, F. Basil
Abrams, state news editor of the Savannah Evening Press, had come to Miami
to visit his parents; he concluded that the boom would bring prosperity to
the South and that Savannah would get the overflow business.
The Miami Herald also observed that the way northern states were
becoming frightened over the rush to Florida indicated that from their point
of view the movement must be serious; the very alarm of the North presented
the best evidence of the permanence of the migration to Florida. It might
also be noted, continued the Herald, that Florida had no desire to depopulate
Reaction to the Florida boom steadily became more strenuous and a
more serious threat to Florida prosperity. Ohio passed "blue sky" laws that
forbade certain firms to sell Florida real estate in Ohio. The purpose of the
move, reported the Cleveland Plain Dealer, was to protect the investor who
had no means of investigating the reliability of such real estate ventures.
State Commerce Director Cyrus Locher and Norman E. Beck, Chief of the
Securities Division, had journeyed to Florida to investigate the properties
offered; their joint conclusion was that, for the safety of the small investor,
the companies asking permission to sell their securities in Ohio should not
have their request granted. Said Locher, "Real estate operators do not talk
'revenue' but resale. There is a boom. No one knows how long it will last
or what values will be when it is over." Later Locher had more to say: "When
the boom had subsided, there would be headaches all over America. Realty
projects that had applied for licenses to operate in Ohio simply did not come
up to requirements. Florida was no place for the realtor who believed "in
high ethical practices of business," for in Florida all rules for measuring
values were disregarded. The rise in Florida would continue, he said, just
so long as northern money was sent there. The end would be that of every
boom "few prosper and many hold the bag at the end."
Walter J. Greenbaum, Chicago investment banker, also voiced his opposi-
tion to the Florida movement. At the St. Petersburg meeting of the Investment
FRANK B. SESSA
Bankers Association of America, he proposed to launch the fight against
wildcat land speculation in Florida. He would demand that the association
legislative committee draft legislation against unsound land speculation that
could be inserted in a national "blue sky" law. Greenbaum, when he made
this statement, was in New York surveying speculative Florida investments.
"Land Schemes in Florida," he said, "were being floated all over the country
and involved a total of 20,000,000 lots, which would require a population of
60,000,000 people in Florida to support." Other states would do well to
follow Ohio's lead, for gambling in real estate was no better than any other
form of gambling and should be regulated by law. "This Southern land
boom is a fertile field for pirates of promotion."
So many investors in Massachusetts savings institutions withdrew their
funds for land speculation that the Massachusetts Savings Bank League began
cautioning depositors. It noted, beginning about August, withdrawals had
increased steadily and alarmingly. It meant that a new class of investors
had been tapped, for "savings bank depositors are mostly people who cannot
afford speculation." Yet, according to Dana S. Sylvester, Manager of the
Massachusetts Savings Bank Association, about 100,000 of the 3,000,000
savings bank accounts in Massachusetts had been drawn upon for Florida
investment. His estimate of withdrawals equaled $20,000,000.
J. H. Tregoe, Executive Manager of the National Association of Credit
Men, also undertook to sound a warning. Although he felt that what was
substantial in Florida would endure, he feared a great element of gambling
had entered the picture and would inevitably lead to deflation with "a result-
ing anguish to many investors." Florida possessed good, latent possibilities
with her chief sources of income from manufacturers, agriculture, and tour-
ists. Recently a great many human vultures had entered the state and lots
would "be sold beyond the three-mile limit." "Unless care is exercised," he
continued, "there will be a number of disastrous failures in Florida and a
neglect of sound procedure in selecting credit risks will be the one thing
that will account for it."
With regard to the flow of northern capital to Florida the New York
Times observed that withdrawals from northern, middle-western, and western
banks had been enormous. It would not be human nature were bankers to
watch "earning assets" dwindle and refrain from protest, but, the paper con-
tinued, "it may be said for the bankers thus affected that their protests have
been upon a broader ground than that of self-interest."
In a somewhat different vein but to the same purpose was the following
statement published in the Minnesota Department of Conservation, Immigra-
tion Bulletin in October:
TERRIBLE CRASH IS SURE TO COME
Oscar H. Smith, Commissioner of Immigration, Predicts Florida
Boom Will Burst With a Bang
Minnesota people who are tempted by stories of fabulous
fortunes being made in Florida real estate had better think twice
and investigate closely before offering themselves as possible vic-
tims of the most monumental real estate boom that has ever been
artificially produced in the United States, if not on the face of the
globe, (says Oscar H. Smith, Commissioner of Immigration.) When
this boom bursts, which it will just as sure as the sun shines, it will
result in a crash the likes of which has never before been ex-
perienced in this country. . .
The flood of literature boosting Florida as a land of sunshine
and flowers, where the horn of plenty is overflowing and where "the
poor man can be prosperous" has been supplemented by wild
stories of fortunes made over night that are magnified each time
they are repeated. This has attracted a horde of victims, all bent
on "getting theirs while the getting is good." Laboring men by the
thousands are flocking to Florida seeking the attractive wages that
are being offered but forgetting to take into account the increased
cost of living. Likewise came an immense horde of flivver hoboes,
many of them lacking even the price of a gallon of gasoline, and
these are furnishing one of the big problems of the big boom. . .
Prices of all commodities have gone sky-high. Any old kind
of a shack built up on stilts to thwart the snakes and sand fleas
brings a rental of $100 per month. Minnesota butter sells at $1.00
per pound and "strictly fresh northern eggs" bring $1.00 per dozen.
It is indeed the rich man's paradise, but the man of ordinary means
is entirely out of his element in this mad scramble for paper profits
that never materialize.
Florida people themselves realize that the boom has gotten
beyond their control and that conditions do not warrant the tre-
mendous inflation of real estate values that has taken place. The
more conservative of them are counseling moderation in an effort
to stabilize conditions, but the boom has already reached such tre-
mendous proportions that a terrific crash is inevitable and when it
does come it will carry down with it hundreds of thousands of
innocent victims, while the shrewd and crafty real estate gamblers
will probably have gotten out from under by that time.
FRANK B. SESSA
Go to Florida if you can afford it. But keep the old farm in
Minnesota so as to have something to fall back on.
Miamians reacted violently to such northern propaganda. They com-
bined facts, figures, and rhetoric to combat the new version of the carpet-
bagger. Apologists alternately denied a boom existed and that the boom
approached collapse. They circulated widely new and more attractive pub-
licity to counteract northern "slander and libel."
To deny the existence of a boom was no new experience for Miamians.
In February, 1925, before the unsuspected speculative frenzy had made its
appearance, the Miami Herald quoted J. B. Hecht, President of the Mortgage
Security Corporation of America, who had spent ten days in the area and
had made a "thorough" study of loan conditions. Although he had come
prejudiced against Miami, Hecht returned to Norfolk "thoroughly satisfied
that Florida's rapid expansion is not of a boom character, but . based
upon sound fundamentals." The editor of the Herald later observed that
Miami's was not a boom in the western sense. This one made improvements
and that meant money invested. In August, a visitor, Osgood E. Fifield,
superintendent of the home office of the Massachusetts Mutual Life Insurance
Company, found the growth of Miami and Florida to be more sound than at
any time in the past two years. But speculation was rife, he cautioned, and
the people of Miami must see to it that promises for outside areas were kept,
otherwise the ruin of Miami business must follow. In August, too, Alvin F.
Whitney, Pennsylvania's Deputy Secretary of Banking, saw nothing but
expansion. He found it impossible to estimate the Miami or Florida of five
years hence. Since Florida had everything possessed by every other state and
more, its possibilities had no limits. So with Felix Isman, writing for the
Saturday Evening Post. It was not an ordinary boom; it was unlike an oil
or gold discovery; Florida had none of the privations of the Klondike or
"Pike's Peak or Bust." Florida, which had lagged behind in national de-
velopment, was coming into its own. One, Francis McCullagh, who on his
own admission went to Miami not to invest but because of "the human
interest of the scene," found just the opposite. He found a gold rush without
the gold, an oil bonanza without the oil. The booms in California, the Klon-
dike, Oklahoma, Texas, and Arizona had tangible values behind them, but
in Florida "the land is being sold and resold at ever-increasing prices, with
which values have long since ceased to keep pace."
The attitude of most Miamians was aptly expressed by an editorial in
the Miami Herald, which pointed out that in answer to the question "how
long will the boom last?" the Miamian modestly replied that he did not
"know how long the present activity in real estate prices will continue to
soar." The editor liked particularly the answer of Charles E. Forbes: just so
long as people continue to read "ads" and are influenced by them to act
Florida will prosper. In the editor's own estimation prosperity would con-
tinue so long as Florida had the climate and resources and people had money
Elmer H. Youngman, editor of Bankers' Magazine, argued that no one
who really knew anything about Florida from actual observation ever asked
when the bubble would burst, for the very sufficient reason that no bubble
existed. "Make no mistake: some of the ablest men in America are pouring
millions into Florida not for speculative objects, but for the development
of enterprises like those upon which the solid and lasting prosperity of every
American community has been built."
Still in an explanatory and mildly apologetic vein the Herald observed
that the truth was that practically everyone had made some money: "It would
be almost impossible to avoid it." Speculation had really played a small
part; speculation is everywhere. "No one," said the editor, "asks when the
boom in New York is going to break simply because several thousand people
are engaged in nothing else than speculation."
There was nothing mild, however, about the meeting held at the Waldorf
Astoria Hotel in New York to correct misconceptions. Florida's governor,
John W. Martin, had made the journey to participate. A score of other
prominent Floridians and representatives of the country's most powerful
newspapers and magazines had joined him. The meeting's sponsors had cor-
dially invited representatives of Boston, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Washington,
and Philadelphia newspapers, and of Crowell publications, the Literary
Digest and World's Work, to the "Truth about Florida" meeting. The spon-
sors simply requested fair treatment. At the conference, U. S. Senator T.
Coleman DuPont suggested that there were many people in Florida who were
"overstating things." Since the state had "laws for that sort of thing" he
would "bag about four of them and give them the limit. That would dis-
courage the rest." George Sebring, founder of Sebring, Florida, blamed
"curbstone" real estate dealers. Another speaker, however, felt misrepresen-
tations would "die of their own failure." The meeting, according to the New
York Times, opened the counter-offensive against anti-Florida propaganda.
Its supporters were men who held heavy investments in the state, important
men among whom were Barron Collier, T. Coleman DuPont, H. H. Raymond,
FRANK B. SESSA
President of Clyde Steamship Lines, August Heckscher, President of the
August Heckscher Foundation, and S. Davies Warfield, President of the
Seaboard Air Line Railway.
During the meetings several speakers referred to advertisements in
various newspapers as propaganda against Florida. One cited an advertise-
ment, paid for by Ohio bankers, designed to stop emigration to Florida.
Others noted advertisements that referred to Florida as the "paradise of
'get-rich-quick' gentry." The consensus deemed the campaign unjustifiable;
newspapers and magazine publishers were invited to discuss methods of
curbing fraudulent misrepresentation of Florida lands and securities.
Floridians, said the "Topics of the Times" (a New York Times editorial
feature), must be getting uneasy, for the fact that
S. a delegation of some thirty Florida business men of prom-
inence should have come up here last week to say they disliked some
of the advertising which their State is getting shows a realization on
their part of the dangers that lie in a "boom," or rather in the after
effects of one when it has gone the lengths which have character-
ized some of the recent speculation in Florida real estate.
Of course, they are careful to say that for a good deal of the
rise in land value on the two coasts of their State there was a solid
basis, but they evidently were worried over what would happen
when a great number of "investors" who bought only to sell again
at once found that purchasers at the expected great profits were
missing. Whether or not that painful situation already is making
its appearance, present advices do not reveal, and neither do the
The editorial writer went on to point out that the "missioners" who
issued timely words of warning did not endear themselves to all their fellow
citizens, but to the wiser ones, yes. The Miami Herald would certainly admit
to no decline. It pointed out that "contrary to the general rumor now cur-
rent in some circles around Miami and through the North that Real Estate
activity in the Miami district had slumped . the activity in sales during
the past week shown (sic) an increasing volume over many past weeks."
Revenue stamps sold in the last week totaled $96,674, equal to a dollar
volume of business of $96,674,000. The total for the entire month of August
(the best month to date) was only $141,000 in revenue stamps sold or
$141,000,000 in dollar business volume.
The character of replies to Florida criticism changed from rather soft
answers to injured dignity. Walter W. Rose, President of the Florida Asso-
ciation of Real Estate Boards, told association members that the organized
propaganda against Florida must be combatted, for it attacked unfairly the
state's vast resources like agriculture, phosphates, and fruit. The new asso.
ciation secretary, Paul 0. Meredith, also complained of unjust criticism.
The bubble would burst, said he, "when the sun decides not to shine any more,
when the Gulf Stream ceases to flow, when the railroads lengthen their
schedule and when they stop making Fords. Then Florida will slow up."
Antagonistic propaganda, according to an editorial on the Herald finan-
cial page, also took the form of advice to those going to Florida to live or
invest. It contended that the area enjoyed a "maelstrom of wild speculation"
destined to end in disaster. The attitude of the propagandists would seem to
indicate that a dollar withdrawn from northern banks and invested in Florida
could be counted as a lost dollar. Patently, a foolish argument! To begin
with, much of the money invested in Florida enterprises never came into the
state at all. In many cases the transfer was from one northern bank to an-
other, for land that a Bostonian sold to a Chicagoan, for instance. Money
coming into Florida and deposited in Florida banks was in turn deposited by
them with banks in New York, Chicago and Boston; and they in turn loaned
money to firms and manufacturers in their own areas. Since Florida did
little manufacturing of steel and such products, it must buy in the North.
After all, the Florida East Coast Railway freight embargo (August, Septem-
ber, 1925) was not on out-going freight but on incoming goods.
To the Duke A. de Richelieu, the Ohio attack on the Florida boom really
constituted an attack upon mobile capital and, therefore, endeavored to strike
at the very foundations of modern business organization. Florida might well,
he felt, someday be inclined to follow the same precepts by forbidding her
citizens to invest either in northern coal fields or oil deposits. The Duke
found the "nefarious" practices of the Northerners a betrayal of American
origins; British mercantilism, preventing British capital from finding an
outlet in the American colonies, he noted, had led to the War of Independ-
ence. The Duke had an interest in a Fort Lauderdale project.
J. A. Riach, Director of Publicity of Miami Shores and Venetian Isles,
thought the North short-sighted; it shared Miami prosperity. He was really
too busy, however, to pay much attention to antagonistic northern attitudes.
The Miami Chamber of Commerce cited statistics to show that, in 1924, 169
local firms had purchased $43,822,350 worth of goods from firms north of
the Mason-Dixon Line. By implication, Northerners should take an active
interest in the prosperity of Greater Miami.
FRANK B. SESSA
Miami did set about putting its house in order. The Miami Realty Board
became sensitive to the charge that crooks and others "of a dishonest class,
some of whom engaged in the real estate business," infested Miami. Fur-
ther efforts, it felt, should be made to rid the city of real estate business
of such a character, which incidentally, could be found in any city!
As a part of their house-cleaning, Miamians turned to a Better Business
Bureau. Edward L. Greene, General Manager of the National Better Business
Bureau, spoke at an afternoon meeting of the Miami Ad Club and the
Exchange Club. He advocated the adoption of some plan by which unfair
business methods might be eliminated, probably a Better Business Bureau,
but one not a part of the Chamber of Commerce. The idea seemed attractive.
Greene had already addressed more than 1,000 Miami businessmen and other
citizens at a meeting held in the Central High School auditorium. A drive
for finances soon got underway with various civic and business clubs organ-
izing teams. The necessary money was raised and the bureau organized.
To prevent a reappearance of the notorious "binder boys" of the pre-
vious summer, the Realty Board set up strict procedures for realtors to
follow. Binders must not run less than 5 per cent, preferably 10 per cent,
on all transactions and the date of closing must follow within ten to fifteen
days after abstract delivery. Abstracts must be kept up to date. Only one
form of a deposit receipt could be filled out and must be placed in escrow.
The deposit receipt form must include, too, a clause to the effect that the
property be delivered only to the purchaser named therein and not to any
assignee. To discourage speculative binders the realtor must investigate the
sincerity and responsibility of the purchaser.
George E. Merrick, at Coral Gables, tried a somewhat different approach
to the problem of Florida criticism. He made of his answer an emphasis
upon the progress made by his community to point up the fact that in sound
development there could be no criticism. He had already realized "the vision
of the builder of a city unique in beauty, in architectural symmetry, in
tropical landscaping, blending together in a symphony of color never before
attained in city planning. . ." He announced, in December, that there
would be a six and one-half mile Riviera on the bay south of Miami; it
would climax all of his projects. The area, to be known as the Biscayne Bay
Section, would have its own business district, apartment section, and amuse-
ment center. The key to the business district would be Cocoplum Plaza.
Buildings devoted to business purposes must have a minimum cost of $750
a front foot for the first story, a $600 minimum for the second story, and a
$500 minimum for all additional floors. To complete the super-development
Merrick planned a chain of islands, the "South Sea Isles of Coral Gables,"
along the bayfront. In all, Merrick calculated the cost for residential build-
ing would be in the neighborhood of a quarter of a billion dollars. To add
colorful support to Merrick's dream gondolas purchased from a factory in
Italy by John McEntee Bowman of the Biltmore Hotel arrived before the
properties opened for sale. They were to ply the calm waters of the Coral
Gables canal that ran through the Riviera Section and skirted the Biscayne
On Sunday, December 13, the Miami Herald published a special section
on the new Coral Gables project. A forty-acre business district centering on
the 400-foot wide Cocoplum Plaza had been set aside for higher types of
business, and some New York firms already were said to be negotiating for
sites. A new "millionaires row," along a 100-foot boulevard, Ridge Road,
could have no dwelling costing less than $50,000. Along the water's edge
would run a magnificent "Beira Mar" Boulevard, a six-mile, 200-foot wide
The pikce de resistance was a new Bowman-Biltmore project, a casino
and yacht club costing between three and five million dollars. The yacht
club would have an international membership, headed by Sir Thomas Lipton.
A new Biltmore Hotel of 1,000 rooms and larger than the one opening in
January, 1926, in the Riviera Section, completed the picture.
Coral Gables now had, observed the New York Times, on January 16,
1926, 2,132 structures whose sale value totaled $147,000,000. Merrick's
outlay in four years ran to $55,000,000, and he anticipated an annual pro-
gram of civic improvements costing from $8,000,000 to $10,000,000 for the
next seven years or eight years.
Willard A. Bartlett, writing in Barron's, usually quite favorable toward
Florida, summed up the situation in Florida at the close of the year in an
article, "Opportunities and Dangers in Florida." Many fortunes had been
realized from the sale of Florida real estate over the years, a legitimate out-
come of rapid development. The majority of stories of great profits, however,
were grossly exaggerated. Real estate was not being sold on the basis of
actual worth or productiveness. Sales talk centered on "profits, profits, and
more profits." The state, he found, had gone on a real estate spree and was
enjoying it. Nevertheless, when lands sell for hundreds of dollars an acre,
when worth a fraction of that, and when city lots sell at more per front foot
FRANK B. SESSA
than on State Street in Chicago, or on Fifth Avenue, New York, those who
invested in such properties were "riding for a fall." He also cautioned
investors to beware of Florida municipal bonds which came good, bad, and
indifferent. Most of them were public improvement bonds. Their sponsors
simply got their friends out to vote. No one thought of "pay day."
The country was developed only a short distance back from the coast.
In many cases the "beyond" consisted of wilds "even an experienced hunter
could not penetrate." Much of the land was good for nothing except for
real estate swindlers to sell to real estate "suckers." Bartlett estimated that
20,000,000 lots had been laid out, enough (with three people to a home)
to house one-half of the population of the United States. He felt it safe to
say that 90 per cent of all subdivision "stuff" would prove, a total loss to the
investors and not worth paying taxes on.
Florida was, Bartlett said in a burst of chauvinistic writing, an outstand-
ing example of the bad effect of a state or community getting started wrong.
If the land had been discovered by the English, instead of the Spaniards, or
St. Augustine had been founded by the Pilgrim Fathers instead of gold-seek-
ing Spaniards, Florida would not be nine-tenths a wild state with only 100
out of each 1,000 acres cultivated. Florida was still a frontier country in
need of development. It was primarily an agricultural state and would
remain so. Its development would be long and tedious, neither "speculative"
Toward the end of the season of 1925-26, Florida newspapers and other
publications were beginning to indicate a slackening in defamatory propa-
ganda. The people of the rest of the country, so they intimated, were realiz-
ing that they had been unjust toward Florida. They were beginning to assess
Florida at its true value. But the papers overlooked the fact that the Florida
real estate season of 1925-26 had been indifferent; that real estate sales were
down. Those who had been so critical of Florida during its boom months
might well consider that they had accomplished their mission. Just as the
enthusiasm engendered by the remarkable development of the Miami area
was a tremendous psychological factor in Florida's boom, so a wave of
criticism might well have an adverse effect upon the continuation of that
boom. One fact concerning anti-Florida propaganda stands out. Many
stories which had their inception in boom-time are still parroted in various
sections of the country.
This Page Blank in Original
The Indian Scare of 1849
By JAMES W. COVINGTON
At the conclusion of the Second Seminole War (1835-1842) the Semi-
noles were temporarily assigned to a two and one half million acre hunting
and planting reserve situated west and south of Lake Istokpoga and west of
a line running from the mouth of the Kissimmee River through the Ever-
glades to Shark River and thence along the coast to the Peace River. Most
of the Indians knew the reservation area very well and were content to stay
within its bounds but others roamed outside the unmarked boundary lines at
their pleasure. The long war had greatly taxed the strength of the Indians
and they were most anxious to remain on peaceful terms with their neighbors.
However, they did not trust the white men and had little or no contact with
In July, 1849, there occurred two acts of violence and the subsequent
punishment shortly thereafter demonstrated to all the determination of the
Seminoles to keep the peace. The episode started in the following manner:
one young Seminole who possibly had been branded an outlaw by the coun-
cil and court held during the Green Corn Dance in late June-early July,
decided to save himself from Indian justice by making war on the white man.
He recruited four other young men, including two sons of Chitto-Tustenuggee
signer of a 1839 Macomb temporary peace agreement, and the five of them
encamped near the Kissimmee River.1 The five Seminoles made their plans for
a series of strikes against the exposed settlements lying just north of the
The first attack took place in July, 1849, at a tiny Indian River settle-
ment situated four miles north of Fort Pierce. Four members of the pre-
viously mentioned outlaws visited the place and despite the obvious violation
of a state law, received a cordial reception and a good meal. After they had
left the several houses comprising the settlement, the four walked near two
white men working in a field and began firing at them.3 Both men were hit
and the Seminoles were able to overtake James Barker and kill him with
their knives but Inspector of Customs William Russell was able to make his
escape and warn the other settlers. They quickly jumped into their small
boats and, with the Indians firing from the banks, rowed rapidly to a vessel
anchored in the Indian River. When the men returned to their homes on the
following day they discovered that one house had been burned to the ground
and two others were sacked and vandalized. Soon word was carried from
one backwoods group to another and the people living along the Indian
River and adjacent section fled by boat to St. Augustine for protection.3
This savage and unprovoked assault alarmed the Seminoles as well as
the frontier folk and they took immediate action to curb the trouble makers.
Assinwah, leader of one band, was dispatched to apprehend the five but just
missed catching them for they were rapidly moving towards the Peace River
and another raid.
The second strike was at the Kennedy and Darling trading post on the
banks of Payne's Creek near Charlotte Harbor. Four members of the band
involved in the Indian River raid appeared at the place on July 17th and
requested the use of a boat so that they might carry their large pack of skins
across the stream and exchange it at the store for needed products. The
unwary proprietor agreed to the appeal and the Indians crossed the creek
but suddenly, while the whites were eating their evening meal, the Indians
fired at the group about the table killing Captain George S. Payne and
Dempsey Whidden and wounding clerk William McCullough. The clerk, his
wife and child were able to escape but the store was looted and burned by
There were some unusual facts concerning the destruction at the trading
post. A barrel of whiskey was untouched but a small bridge and the trading
post's outbuildings were burned. The site of the store situated just north of
the present day Wauchula became known to some Seminoles as Chokkonikla
(burnt house). At Whidden's camp some five miles distant some money was
taken but the buildings were not burned.
The news of the two attacks caused the settlers on both coasts of Florida
to believe that a full scale Indian war had begun, and they left their homes,
cultivated crops and livestock, fleeing to public and private fortified sites
at Tampa, Ocala, St. Augustine, Garey's Ferry and Palatka. The panic
affected the people living as far north as Ocala, and it was said that only
one foolhardy person remained south of New Smyrna on the Atlantic coast.
At this time the two active military forts in Florida were Fort Brooke
and Fort Marion and commanders of these two posts dispatched patrols to
the scene of the attacks but no Indians could be discovered. The soldiers
JAMES W. COVINGTON
operating from Fort Brooke were handicapped by a lack of proper mounts
and were forced to make use of the draft horses. The detachment at Fort
Marion had an equally grave problem in transportation a heavy surf boat
capable of carrying many men was available but it had neither a mast or sails.
Many of the leading citizens in the state recognized the ineffectiveness of
such a puny force in the event of a major Indian war and wrote frantic letters
to Washington demanding the quick movement of regular troops to the zone
of possible trouble.
Several persons began to spread stories which had no accurate founda-
tion whatsoever. Express Rider James White informed the people living
along his route from Tampa to Palatka that a band of one hundred Indians
had forced a patrol at Peace River to retrace its steps." The story spread
along the East coast was that because he would not supply them with rifles
some thirty or forty Indians had attacked the house of Major Russell at
Indian River. In Benton County there were reports of a man forced to jump
into the Withlacoochee River to save his life, a burned outbuilding and four
dead cows but an investigation disclosed no evidence of the Indians causing
Secretary of War George W. Crawford acted quickly and efficiently
when he learned about the two attacks. Five companies of troops at posts
near Florida were hurried into the state and the Seventh Infantry was dis-
patched from Jefferson Barracks, Missouri to the Gulf Coast: the total
Federal force making a grand total of eighteen companies or approximately
fourteen hundred men.' Since the assembled small army outnumbered the
known numbers of Seminole strength, five to one, and a most capable army
officer Major-General David E. Twiggs was placed in charge of operations,
Crawford had played his role as administrator very well. He had assembled
a force large enough to meet any emergency.
The same type of frantic letters had been dispatched to Governor Wil-
liam Moseley at Tallahassee and he took equally prompt action. Senator
David Yulee and Judge Isaac H. Bronson, Federal Judge for the Northern
District of Florida, in separate letters urged the governor to call out at least
five hundred militia men. Accordingly Governor Moseley immediately
called into service two companies of mounted volunteers (175 men): one to
guard the frontier line between New Smyrna and Fort Gatlin (Orlando) and
the other one, the area between present day Plant City and Sarasota Bay.
Both companies were advised that their operations were to be of a defensive
nature and the Indians were to be attacked only when they were found outside
the reserve area.8 The commanders were also directed to report to their
respective regular army posts (Marion for one and Brooke for the other)
and offer their services to the Federal Government and, if not accepted, they
should do their best to protect the frontier in any manner they saw fit.
By early August the following units had been mustered into state service:
Captain Fisher's company of mounted men July 30.
Captain Johnson's company of infantry August 4.
Captain Bill's company of mounted men August 2.
Captain Ledwith's company of mounted men August 7.
Captain Knight's company of mounted men August 7.
Captain Ellis's company of mounted men August 8.
Captain Clark's company not mustered in but drew forage and food for
twenty-six men and horses.0
During this tense situation Governor Moseley took measures to strengthen
both his military and financial positions by dispatching General Leslie A.
Thompson and Colonel Benjamin Whitner to Washington in an attempt to
secure prompt Federal action in the movement of regular troops to Florida
and removal of the Seminoles from Florida. En route to the nation's capital
the two men stopped at Charleston, South Carolina, and based on Moseley's
personal credit, negotiated a loan of twenty thousand dollars to finance the
state's military efforts.1o
Within a short time some persons realized that there could not be an
Indian war for there were only five hostiles. Such a view was communicated
to Secretary of War George W. Crawford as early as July 26th by Federal
observers but it took some time for the state leaders to realize the true situa-
tion.- As late as August 22 a Second Lieutenant of the Florida Mounted
Volunteers wrote the following words: "We are all well and in fine spirits
and full ripe for an Indian fight and from all I can learn there can be little
or no doubt but what we can and will be accommodated with a fight.""
It was fortunate for all white persons concerned that the outbreak of
1849 was a false alarm. Certainly the state of Florida was not in shape
JAMES W. COVINGTON
militarily or financially to fight a large scale Indian war. The state troops
had three hundred antique muskets as their weapons and the Federal com-
mander hastily supplemented this untrustworthy supply with one hundred
and ten rifles. The several hundred Federal troops available during July and
early August were hampered by bad luck and greed on the part of certain
civilians. A ship carrying some of the regulars and horses and mules needed
for transportation blew up killing seventeen men and one hundred and
twenty animals. When the military attempted to buy replacement wagons
and horses from the Florida dealers they found price to be excessive and
refused to purchase the necessary transportation.-1 Consequently the soldiers
were confined to operations in the neighborhoods of Fort Brooke and Fort
Marion. As noted previously the Seventh Regiment was dispatched to Florida
from Missouri, but an outbreak of yellow fever prevented a rapid passage.
Captain John Casey, the Indian agent, started the series of negotiations
which would lead to a temporary peace along the frontier. He did his best
to contact the Indians by leaving presents at places where they might find
them. Finally the Indians left a peace sign "a white flag made of feathers
encircled with a string of white beads" fastened to the door of John Ber-
mundez, a fisherman at Sarasota.1 Within a short time a messenger waving
a white flag carried word from Bowlegs to Casey saying that he was extremely
sorry about the murders and presenting an accurate account of the affair.
A most important meeting took place at Charlotte Harbor in September,
1849. General David E. Twiggs accompanied by four officers and a company
of artillery arrived at the bay by steamer and anchored near one of Ken-
nedy's abandoned trading posts situated on the eastern shore near the
mouth.15 On September 18, Billy Bowlegs came aboard the Colonel Clay and
announced his avowed intention of surrendering the five murderers within
thirty days.1l The following day Kapitsootsee representing the Sam Jones
band arrived and gave his support to the same pledge. The willingness of
the two Indian leaders to place themselves within the grasp of the whites was
due to excellent pre-council diplomacy by Captain Casey.
A correspondent of the New Orleans Delta has described Bowlegs at the
first meeting in the following words:
His beard (head) was enveloped in a red shawl, surmounted with
white feathers, encircled with a silver band, the crescents of the same
material suspended from his neck, to which was appended a large
silver medal, with brackets a likeness of President Van Buren on its
face; his throat was thickly covered with strands of large blue
beads, and he also wore bracelets of silver over the sleeves of his
decorated hunting shirt.1
The second meeting at which the murderers were to be surrendered was
arranged for the same place during the next month. As the Seminoles had
no jails or bail bond, the five were held under what might be termed "light
arrest". While they were en route to the settlements for another raiding
spree, the five had been apprehended by Chitto Hadjo at a camp on the
Kissimmee River. It was right and proper for Chitto Hadjo to approach the
group for he was known as the sense-keeper or counselor and lawyer for
Billy Bowleg's band.
Charlotte Harbor, at the site of the old trading post, was again selected
as the scene for the second meeting between the two groups. When he
arrived on October 18, General Twiggs found Bowlegs and Sam Jones had
been waiting for him for at least nine days. Three murderers were surren-
dered to Twiggs; another had attempted to escape and was killed his
hand was available and the fifth member of the band escaped but was being
pursued. By demonstrating to all their cooperation in this affair, the Sem-
inoles proved their determination to remain peacefuI.18
When the chief executive of Florida realized that he was not threatened
by hostile Indians he ordered the demobilization of the hastily summoned
state militia on October 1, but the Federal Government tried some old tactics
in an attempt to solve an old problem.19 The approach of the Seminole
problem as planned by Federal authorities after the July incidents involved
the movement of a greatly increased number of regular troops to Florida
and the sending of a delegation of Western Seminoles to negotiate a peaceful
removal. In line with the latter project a group of eleven Western Seminoles,
including Halleck Tustenuggee, two Negro interpreters and Agent Marcellus
Duval, travelled to Florida via New Orleans in the Fall of 1849.20 They had
difficulty contacting the Eastern Seminoles but finally a parley took place
between Twiggs, Bowlegs and other representatives of the Mikasuki and
Tallahassee (Cow Creek) bands on January 21, 1850. At the conference
Billy told about his love for Florida but also expressed the determination of
himself and his people to leave Florida. Twiggs offered the sums of five
hundred dollars to each warrior and one hundred dollars to each woman
and child who travelled westward. The offer also included such fringe bene-
fits as: subsistence for a year, travel expenses, payment for livestock left
in Florida, a physician's services, free blankets and dresses and additional
payments for the leader.21
JAMES W. COVINGTON
At first, it seemed that all the Seminoles were ready to leave Florida.
Seventy-four Indians including Napiktsootsee and eighteen Mikasuki war-
riors, twenty-two women, fourteen boys and nineteen girls sailed from Fort
Hamer, Manatee River, for New Orleans on February 28th and the informa-
tion was learned that more Indians were coming. Casey paid out fifteen
thousand dollars to the Indians as a reward for migrating and also presented
to them the sum of nine hundred and fifty-three dollars for livestock left in
Florida which made a grand total of $15,953 or $212.50 per Indian.22
At the same time the above mentioned negotiations were being con-
ducted the War Department poured men and equipment into Florida at a
rapid rate. A chain of crude roads bound together by military stockades
had been forged from Tampa Bay to Indian River. Twiggs listed the estab-
lished posts and proposed ones in a November, 1849, letter to Washington:
a post near mouth of Manatee; Fort Hamer on the Manatee; Fort Crawford
fifteen miles from Hamer; Fort Myakka; Fort Chokkonickla on Peace River;
Fort Gardiner on the Kissimmee; a post on Lake Tohopekaliga; Fort Gatlin;
Fort Pierce on Indian River; Fort Dallas, Key Biscayne and two or three
posts to be located between Indian River and Kissimmee.2 Movement of
the troops into this section and the construction of forts and roads did not
cause any friction between red men and white in fact when a road was
being constructed to link the Indian River with the Gulf coast, the Indians
assisted the soldiers in fording the rivers at safe spots and finding their way
through the unmapped wilderness.24
The crudely constructed eighty foot square outpost known as Fort
Meade became the temporary home of several outstanding military leaders.
Thomas J. (Stonewall) Jackson served at Fort Meade from the Fall of 1850
until May, 1851, when he resigned in order to accept a post as professor of
military science at Virginia Military Institute. Others who served at the
post included George G. Meade and A. P. Hill.
David Twiggs applied great pressure upon the Seminole leader for a
general meeting to plan removal of the tribe and finally was able to arrange
one at Fort Chokkonikla. At this meeting held on January 21, 1850, Billy
Bowlegs and four lesser leaders agreed to leave Florida. Twiggs, in order
to speed the event, promised a bounty of three hundred dollars per warrior,
one hundred dollars per woman and child and food for a year in Indian
Territory to all who agreed to the plan. The general hopefully placed a
deadline of four months for removal. Billy Bowlegs with his tongue in cheek
replied that he was most willing to go but he was a little unhappy for his
naval cord had been cut in Florida, his blood spilled here and the peninsula
was like part of his body.
Although some Seminoles had applied for and been granted westward
passage, the vast majority of the Eastern Seminoles, including Billy Bowlegs
and his band, would not make such a move. One suggested deadline had been
passed and it appeared likely that the expressed desire to remove no longer
existed to any great extent among the Seminoles. Finally John Casey was
sent to Fort Myers to determine the exact situation and mood of the Sem-
inoles. En route he received a gift from Bowlegs: a string of white wampum
with a short piece of red wampum attached a warning not to go into
Seminole land.25 However, on the 11th and 12th of April, Bowlegs and
Casey were able to discuss a possible change in the temporary reservation's
boundaries and, from the conversation, Casey was forced to conclude there
was "no hope of getting them to go west in a body".28 Twiggs dispatched
Casey's letter to Washington and suggested in a separate note the military
forces remain at Charlotte Harbor, Fort Hamer, Chokkonikla, Fort Meade,
and Indian River and that Fort Brooke be dismantled. He concluded by
saying, "If government wants to remove Indians by force, I can inform
Department that I am ready to commence".2- Twiggs was ready but the
Federal authorities wanted to try the soft approach a while longer.
One incident which took place in March possibly alarmed the Indians
and caused them to withdraw from the negotiations was the shipment to
Oklahoma of two young men. Holahteelmathlouchee (Cow Creek) and
Ishaiah-taikee (a Mikasuki) came into a town to trade and were carried
along to Fort Hamer with the emigrating party. By the time the two men
reached the Manatee River and were paid by Casey, they seemed to like the
prospect of a journey and did not protest. Their friends, however, in the
Everglades recognized the event as a "kidnapping" by persons who could
not keep their word. Showing his distrust, Bowlegs moved from one town
to another one more remote.28
Slowly the news began to circulate throughout Florida that General
Twiggs had not been too successful in his negotiations with the Seminoles.
The delegates to a political convention held on June 10th at Tampa voted
for the removal of the Indians: "Removal desired because it is the only way
they may preserve from certain destruction and our frontiers relieved from
perpetual terrors of Indian warfare."29 These Florida frontier folks de-
manded that the next assembly take Indian removal action.
JAMES W. COVINGTON
An editorial in the August 10, 1850, St. Augustine paper hit hard at the
Indian removal record for the past year. "Last fall, 1500 troops were sent
here against Indians to coax 130 assassins to give up 5 of number and use
two months to deliberate. Nine months time was wasted. Millions of dollars
(were used) to bribe 70-80 old men, women and children and three mur-
derers out of Florida. The murderers are set free in the West.
"We can expect nothing from a Federal government committed to peace-
ful removal and only to our State legislature. Florida Indians should be
outlawed and reward of $1,000 for man dead or alive and $500 for live
woman and child. Thus people could still hunt them . soldiers not
worth $7 per month. We need thousands of still hunters."'o
The white people were not of one mind in their approach towards solu-
tion of the Indian problem. Those living along the frontier, realizing that
the Federal government was not yet interested in direct military action, sought
to have the state of Florida use the militia against the Indians. This, how-
ever, just could not be done for Florida did not have enough money to
finance a relentless search through the Everglades and Big Cypress Swamp.
A minority view of the Seminole problem was expressed by "Old Settler" in
a letter printed in the Florida News: "Why don't we let Indians stay. They
have not hurt growth of State. A few stock minders along the frontier are
the only ones who would benefit. . Volunteers get purses filled. Sam
Jones is ninety years old and too old to travel. Let's settle rich sugar, cotton
and tobacco lands . war would lead us into great debt."a1
When it appeared that there was no danger of attack, the frontier people
drifted back to their homes from the crowded, pest hole atmosphere of the
stockades. Surprisingly enough the abandoned homes had been unmolested
and the orange trees and fields of pineapples looked most promising. Live-
stock including cattle and swine were seen in excellent condition and wild hogs
weighing as much as three or four hundred pounds were hunted in the woods,
slaughtered and taken to the smoke house.32
In August, 1850, another incident took place which posed a threat to
frontier peace. A young boy named Daniel Hubbard of Marion County was
captured by three roaming Indians and brutally murdered. It took some time
for the details of the incident to become known to the authorities but blame
was finally placed upon several Indians and Casey requested Bowlegs to
surrender the guilty ones. Indian justice could not act immediately for the
ones involved in the murder were outside the reserve, but finally they returned
and were delivered to the military authorities at Fort Brooke for trial. The
three included: Pohosee, age fifty, Istahchukeho, age eighteen and Kitso
Hadjo, age nineteen, claimed they were not guilty and had been delivered
to white justice because Sam Jones did not like them. Since the three were
members of Chipco's band, the statement was probably true. Before a trial
could be held, the bodies of the men were discovered hanging by their necks
in the county jail death by suicide.33
In the previous pages relating the account of the 1849 Indian "scare", it
has been seen that the Seminoles were most anxious to keep the peace and
remain in Florida. They cooperated fully with the apprehension of mur-
derers and were prompt in their delivery to white justice. The regulars were
not anxious to tangle again with the Indians and did their best to negotiate
a peaceful removal of the entire tribe. The Indian scare of 1849 ended with-
out much bloodshed but increased white pressure six years later would result
in a long and costly Indian war.
1 Captain John Casey to Assistant Adj. General, September 6, 1849, Senate Ex. Doc. 1,
31 Cong. First sess., 121. Hereafter cited as S.E.D. 1. Casey says attack took place
on July 12.
2 Quote from Washington Republic of July 26, 1849 in Pensacola Gazette, August 4, 1849.
a Casey to Assist. Adj. General, September 6, 1849, S.E.D. 1.
4 Disposition of William and Nancy McCulloch before Judge Simon Turman, Hillsbor-
ough County Court Records, Tampa, Florida.
Captain Charles Smith to AAG, July 31, 1849, S.E.D. 1, 40.
a T. K. Walbridge to Morris, August 9, 1849, ibid., 50-51.
SCrawford to Gale et al, August 14, 1849, ibid., 5.
SMoseley to Captain William Fisher, July 30, 1849, ibid., 52-53.
Governor Brown to President Taylor, November 29, 1849, ibid., 67.
to Governor William Moseley to Congress of the United States, September 29, 1849,
Senate Journal, 1850-, 19-20.
n Letter printed in Jacksonville Florida Republican, August 9, 1849.
12 Letter of E.I.H., Camp Moseley (near Enterprise) in ibid., August 30, 1849.
12 Twiggs to Asst. Adj.-GenL, September 1, 1849, S.E.D.1, 119.
14 Casey to Asst. Adj.-Gen'l., August 20, 1849, ibid, 116-117.
Is This region is known to some persons in the Punta Gorda area as Burnt Store. Since
Kennedy had several stores and at least two of them were burnt, sometimes the
location of a Burnt Store is difficult to identify. Maps of the section, however,
properly place the site of the meeting between Twiggs and Bowlegs at a place on
the eastern shore of Charlotte Harbor near its mouth. See map of Charlotte Harbor
and Peace River mouth as found in Memoirs of Reconnaissance with maps during
the Florida campaign commencing on April 13, 1854 and continued to December,
1855. Compiled by Major Francis N. Page, Records of the Army, National Archives.
is Twiggs to Crawford, September 23, 1849, Senate Executive Doc. 49, 31 Congress,
First sess., 62. Hereafter cited as S.E.D. 49.
17 Quoted in New York Journal of Commerce, October 8, 1849.
JAMES W. COVINGTON
is Twiggs to Jones, October 19, 1849, S.E.D. 1, 133-134. It would appear from available
evidence that the three possible murderers were not tried in court but shipped to
Oklahoma. Billy Bowlegs was the acknowledged leader of the Seminole Mikasuki
group which lived on the southern, eastern and western sides of Lake Okeechobee.
Chipco and his band of Creek speaking (Tallahassee) Seminoles were located to
the north of Lake Okeechobee. They maintained friendly relations with Billy Bowlegs
and his bands but were not under the control of the Mikasukis. Thus, it was easier
for Bowlegs and Sam Jones to surrender to the white authorities, Indians not directly
associated with them.
19 Wakulla Times, October 10, 1849. The volunteers were discharged on October 1.
Captain Fisher in a letter dated September 24, 1849, claimed that some refugees were
still living in temporary forts and were destitute.
o0 Duvall to Commissioner Brown, November 5, 1849, S.E.D. 49, 143-145.
21 The sum of one hundred thousand dollars was set aside for Seminole removal. Sec. of
War, Crawford to Sec. of Interior Ewing, December 24, 1849, S.E.D. 49, 49.
22 Casey to Crawford, March 1, 1850, ibid., 84.
23 Fort Meade was established in December, 1849.
24 Florida Republican, February 7, 1850.
25 Casey to Twiggs, April 15, 1850, Seminole Emigration T 222. Office of Indian Affairs,
27 Twiggs to Crawford, April 15, 1850, ibid.
2s Casey to Twiggs, April 9, 1850, S.E.D. 49, 94.
20 Ancient City, June 10, 1850.
o Ibid., August 10, 1850.
a2 Florida News, August 27, 1853.
32 Ibid., February 7, 1850.
3s Statement of Justice of Peace Simon Turman, August 23, 1852, Senate Executive Docu-
ment 71, 33 Cong., First sess., 27. A somewhat less reliable account of this affair
is found in J. A. Hendley, History of Pasco County, Florida (Dade City, no date), 4.
This Page Blank in Original
Dr. Strobel Reports on Southeast Florida, 1836
Edited by E. A. HAMMOND
The official transfer of the Territory of Florida by Spain to the United
States in 1821 was the signal for a notable increase of interest among many
American citizens in the little-known land. Some looked upon it as a place
of economic opportunity, others as a land of adventure. The most casual
examination of the newspapers of the Atlantic seaboard towns for the years
of the 1820's and 1830's reveals an ever increasing number of dispatches
from Florida correspondents. At the same time many travelers and settlers
ventured to discover for themselves the wonders and possibilities of this
remote area. Neither the southern tip of the peninsula nor the keys them-
selves escaped the curious notice of the migrants from the states to the
north. And yet it remained for the Second Seminole War (1835-42), and in
particular for certain atrocities committed by the outraged Seminoles against
the encroaching whites, to whet the interest to a sharp emotional pitch, and
to set the newspapers and their readers off in an almost frantic search for
information on the comparatively unknown territory of Florida.
The reaction of Charleston, South Carolina, for many years linked com-
mercially to St. Augustine and the Florida ports of the Gulf of Mexico, was
perhaps typical. News of the massacre of Maj or Francis Dade and his detach-
ment of troops on December 28, 1835 had stunned the citizens of the city.
Immediately thereafter, as the military authorities were busily mustering
the regular units as well as new recruits for a Florida campaign, the Charles-
ton newspapers were printing every available scrap of information which
might in some measure clear up the mystery and dispel their ignorance of
Florida. What of these savage Seminoles? And what of the terrain which
they occupied? What might the South Carolina Volunteers expect to encoun-
ter when they arrived?
It was to provide answers to such questions, and without doubt at the
urging of the Charleston Courier, that Dr. Benjamin B. Strobell set about
in January, 1836 to record some of his recollections of South Florida -
recollections gleaned from nearly four years of residence at Key West, and
occasional visits to the mainland of South Florida. By mid-January, how-
ever, South Carolina had issued a call for volunteers to stamp out the Indian
menace and avenge the murder of Major Dade. Dr. Strobel, a genuine
adventurer, an amateur naturalist, and above all an expert on Florida, quickly
took his place as regimental surgeon in the volunteer regiment of Colonel
A. H. Brisbane. With his unit he left Charleston on February 11, 1836 for
three months of campaigning, which took him from St. Augustine diagonally
across the peninsula to Tampa Bay, and back to Picolata on the St. John's.
His descriptions of Florida were thus terminated after three installments
(printed in the Courier of February 3rd, 4th, and 5th), with an editorial note
of regret, and a promise that the series would be resumed as early as possible.
The rigors of the campaign and the demands of his medical office made it
impossible for Strobel to fulfill the promise, however.
The three items, reproduced below, are of particular interest to students
of the Everglades and the Miami area. Dr. Strobel was by no means the first
white man to make a boat trip up the Miami River into the Everglades. Indeed
he seems to have been inspired to make the journey by an account given him
by a wrecker captain who had previously made the same trip during the high
water season, "and had sailed, in a fast boat, for three days in a Northerly
direction, with a fair wind, without being able to discover any bounds in
that direction." He also knew of another party, "starting at New River, and
sailing West for two days, without reaching its [the Everglades'] Westerly
bounds." Strobel gives no indication that he knew of the account of the
Everglades published by Charles Vignoles in 1823.2 Although John Lee
Williams visited the lower East Coast in 1828, his account of the area did
not appear in print until 1837.8 The account of Buckingham Smith, a more
comprehensive report, made its appearance in 1848. So it would appear that
Strobel's description of his boat trip from the light house on Key Biscayne,
across the bay to a point not far from the present mainland terminus of the
Rickenbacker Causeway, thence up the coast to the mouth of the Miami River,
and via the Miami River into the Everglades and return, is one of the earliest
in existence. His exploration was carried out in late September, 1829; his
description was prepared some six and a half years later probably from
notes or sketches produced at the time of his sojourn in Key West, 1829-33.
SKETCHES OF THE PENINSULA OF FLORIDA
By DR. STROBEL
I resided at Key West for nearly four years, and, from time to time,
E. A. HAMMOND
visited nearly all the Keys, and the mainland as far as New River. Subse-
quently I was engaged by a company of gentlemen in New York, to visit and
explore that portion of the Peninsula lying in the neighborhood of Tampa
Bay and Charlotte Harbor.4 It concerns not, however, the public, what
motives impelled me to engage on this expedition, whether induced thereto
as an agent for speculators, or as a votary of science, so long as the account
which I render is just and true.
It is not my present intention to enter into a minute detail of the natural
history of Florida; my object is rather to give a brief outline of the general
appearance and character of the country, which may be intelligible to the
The diversity of opinion expressed in reference to the surface of the
country, the depth of the rivers, and the character of the soil, may be
explained without referring it to any sinister motive. During the rainy sea-
sons, the water from the adjoining high lands rushes down into the lower
land of which the peninsula consists. In finding its level the water collects in
these low spots, and, not having easy access to the sea, rises to considerable
heights and overflows the adjacent country for miles, leaving only the higher
points of land visible. During the dry seasons, on the contrary, when the
everglades, lakes and inland ponds, having had sufficient time to pour their
contents into the ocean the surface of the soil is made visible the banks
of the rivers are observed for many feet above the surface of the water, and
the whole aspect of the country is changed. It is far, very far, from my
intentions to question the veracity, or impugn the motives of others. I was
myself deceived in regard to the character of this country, and may claim the
credit of having induced the company by which I was engaged, to abandon
the speculation, as I was satisfied on personal inspection, that the land which
had been selected for them, did not answer their expectations.
My first visit to the Peninsula was in the month of September, 1829. I
was then acting as Assistant Surgeon in the United States Army, and was
sent by Major GLASSELL, commandant of the garrison at Key West, on board
a vessel chartered for the purpose, to procure sand suitable for making
mortar there being none at Key West fit for that purpose. My orders were
to touch at all the Keys, where that article was likely to be obtained, and to
select the most convenient position.
We visited nearly every Key between Key West and Cape Florida, and
were not able to discover a particle of sand or silex short of Key Biscayne,
which lies about S.S.W. of Cape Florida.5 The character of the Keys may
be stated in a few words. Some of them consist entirely of Mangrove
swamps; others of sand banks, with a few Mangroves; whilst others are
based on coral reefs, or limestone, probably formed from the decomposition
of shell, and covered with a thin layer of superficial alluvial soil, from six
to eighteen inches deep. The growth upon these latter is almost exclusively
that of the tropics. At Key Biscayne, the soil partook more of the character
of the adjacent mainland, from which it is separated by a narrow channel,
called Bear Cut.e It is covered with fine white sand, probably washed upon
it from the neighboring shore. About the middle of the Island I saw a swamp
containing the saw Palmetto. The Northern and Eastern part of it is covered
with Mangrove, whilst on the Southern side, a fine white hard sand beach
extends from the light house, situated on its S. Western point, to Bear Cut,
a distance of nearly eight miles. The beaches of the Keys generally consist
of finely pulverized shell, differing in this respect from that of Key Biscayne.
Having concluded that this would be a suitable place for procuring the sand
which we wanted, the depth of the water back of the light, and the boldness
of the shore, being such as to enable our vessel to land alongside, I ordered
her to take in a cargo, and whilst the hands were employed loading her, I
determined to make a visit to the main land. This I was enabled to accom-
plish, through the politeness of Mr. DUBOSE," the keeper of the light house,
who furnished me with a boat and hands, and recommended me to the kind
attentions of an old lady who lived at the Cape.
We started about 12 o'clock, in a sail boat, and ran along the North
side of Key Biscayne, with a fine breeze. On approaching the Cape, we found
that the water began to shoal gradually. The point of land to which we
steered our course was steep and perpendicular, consisting of a wall of lime-
stone rock, twelve or fifteen feet above the level of the water, which resembled
an ancient fortress, with two portholes descending nearly to the level of the
water. At one of these we landed, and ascending a rude flight of steps, I found
myself at the door of a neat palmetto hut which was seated on the brow of
the hill. It was quite a romantic situation. The cottage was shaded on its west-
ern aspect by several large West Indian fruit trees, whilst on its eastern side
we found a grove of luxuriant limes, which were bowing to the earth under
the weight of their golden fruit. This was the residence of the old lady- to
whom I had been recommended, and who was bordering on 80 years of age.
I entered the house and made my devoirs. She received me graciously and
placed before me some Palmetto and Icaca plums, and after refreshing,
E. A. HAMMOND
politely conducted me herself over her grounds, and showed me a field of
potatoes and corn which she cultivated. She generally employed several
Indians for this purpose, who for their labor received a portion of the prod-
ucts. I visited also the lands of some settlers who lived about two miles north
of the Cape. The soil in this vicinity appeared to be tolerably good in parti-
cular spots. I saw some few live oaks and some pine barrens. On the margin
of the river Miami, there is some live oak hammock, but I am inclined to
think that the soil would very soon be exhausted by cultivation, as it consists
almost entirely of vegetable matter, partially decayed, and of no great depth,
as will be illustrated by the following anecdote:-A gentleman at Cape
Florida informed me that he had cut down trees, with the intention of clear-
ing a field to plant. In order to get rid of the trees which had been felled, in
an expeditious manner, he set fire to them, and on the following morning
was greatly surprised to find that he had not only destroyed the trees, but
had also burnt off the whole of the soil, and left nothing but the bare rocks.
It being now late, I was under the necessity of returning to the light house.
We had a delighful sail, and welcomed back by the piping of myriads of
mosquitoes, of which we shall take occasion to say more hereafter.
[Charleston Courier, Feb. 3, 1836]
I promised some account of the mosquitoes in my last. No one can form
any conception of their number, or their annoyance to man and beast, who
has not visited the Florida Keys in the summer months. I have known the
deer to forsake the woods, and lie along the shore to avoid them. It was not
uncommon at Key West, to see a drove of cattle lying to windward on the
beach at night. But of all the places in the world for mosquitoes, Key Bis-
cayne is entitled to the preference, saying nothing of the sand flies. Their
everlasting hum never ceases. Morning, noon and night the ear is assailed with
their baleful noise. Mr. DUBOSE, the keeper of the light, had provided him-
self with a flapper, for which he found employment night and day.
On my return to the light house, I accepted the polite invitation of Mr.
DUBOSE to sup with him. The table was placed in the piazza. We were
surrounded with smoke pans, and enveloped in smoke, but still found it
necessary to keep our hands and feet in active motion to avoid the assaults
of the enemy. After supper I went on board of our sloop our beds were
brought on deck, and our mosquito nets spread, and we ensconced beneath
them. But, alas, it was fruitless labor. The enemy stormed and assailed us in
every direction. One of the sailors swore that they had divided into two
gangs, and that one hoisted the net, whilst the other got under and fed, and I
verily do believe there were enough of them to have done it. After tossing
and tumbling, slapping, scratching and grumbling, for about three hours,
I gave up all prospect of sleeping, and proposed to the Captain that we
should get up and take a walk on the beach, which lay to the windward.
Here if we could not sleep, we might at least escape our tormenters. He
assented we crossed the Island, and walked some four or five miles on
the beach by moonlight. The breeze from the water was delightful and
refreshing, and we enjoyed it until near daylight, when we returned on board,
to make another effort to sleep, but we positively could not close our eyes,
until we covered ourselves over head and ears, with cloaks and blankets. Of
the two evils we were compelled to choose the least, and took the steam in
preference to the mosquitoes.
After such a night, it may well be imagined how glad I was for the
dawning of day and the hour of rising. Providing myself with a stock of
provisions to last for several days, I started in the boat, and in little more
than an hour, sprang ashore at Cape Florida. Here I found Indian JOHN,
who spoke some English, and usually acted as interpreter. For fifty cents
a day, his food and a little whiskey, he agreed to be my guide into the ever-
glades. He launched his canoe, hoisted his sail, and stationed himself at the
stern, with his paddle, as steersman. The boat being very small, I seated
myself in the bow, with my gun, and off we went.
We crept along the shore until we reached the mouth of the Miami River,
which we entered. This river empties itself at or near Cape Florida, and
arises from the everglades. Its course was about North-East," its depth from
6 to 10 feet, the bottom hard and sandy. The banks were elevated from 6 to 8
feet above the then level. It must be recollected, however, that the water was
low. After proceeding some two or three miles, the river forked, one branch
going to the right, in a course about E.N.E.,1" whilst the left branch proceeded
more Northerly. JOHN asked me what course to take, for the everglades or
the Falls of Miami. On my indicating the Falls, he took the branch which led
to the right. After paddling some two or three miles, we discovered the Falls,
which was a small sheet of water, flowing quietly over a rock, some five or
six feet above the level upon which we then floated. On either side of the
river, I saw some small live oak hammocks. The trees were neither very
large nor majestic. The higher points of land, which were sandy, contained
a growth of pines and of saw palmetto.
E. A. HAMMOND
My guide having informed me that the water was too low to enable us
to proceed by this route beyond the Falls, we returned back to the Fork,
and took the branch which led in a more Northerly- direction. Proceeding
in this direction about five or six miles, perhaps a little more, we opened
By the everglades is meant an immense tract of country, lying in the
middle of the Southern portion of the Peninsula. At certain seasons the
whole of this region is laid under water, excepting, of course, the higher
points of land, which then constitute so many islands. The extent of this
lake, for so it may be called under such circumstances, is unknown. A cap-
tain of a wrecker told me that he entered it once at high water, and sailed, in
a fast boat, for three days in a Northerly direction, with a fair wind, without
being able to discover any bounds in that direction. I have also heard of
another party, starting from New River, and sailing West for two days, with-
out reaching its Westerly bounds. The Indians traverse these everglades in
all points, with their canoes. The depth of the water varies at different places
and in different seasons. We coasted along the Eastern shore and found
from two to three feet (of) water. I have been told that in some places it is as
deep as ten or twelve feet. In the shoal parts, the bottom appears to be
covered with long, rank grass, which in some places was so thick as to
impede the way of our canoe. This is called by the people broom grass. I
could of course form no estimate of the width of the everglade from my
own personal observation. As I coasted along the Eastern shore, the view
to the West of us was obstructed by a number of small Keys and Islands;
some of them, at the distance I saw them, appeared to be covered with man-
groves, others nothing more than grass knowls, while the shore appeared
to be in other places fringed with cypress. The Indian JOHN told me that
higher up in the everglades, some of the Islands contained pine.
The everglades are bounded on the Eastern side by a ridge of high sandy
land high in comparison with themselves. The growth upon this land
consisting of pines, saw palmetto, and in some few places, particularly along
the borders of the rivers flowing into the sea, of narrow strips of live oak
hammock, and occasionally a few hickories and cabbage palmettoes are met
The Western boundary consists in part of a similar neck of land, inter-
rupted at intervals with mangrove islands. To the South it extends nearly
to Cape Florida, whilst its Northern boundary is unknown. In this last
direction, it is supposed to terminate in lagoons and cypress swamps. The
extent, both as to length and to breadth, must vary in proportion to the
quantity of water. The descent from the shores to the middle of the everglades,
being very gradual, in some places not more than two or three inches to the
mile, so that a rise of six or eight inches will inundate the country for miles.
[Charleston Courier, 4 February, 1836]
When about half way between New River and the Miami, our water
suddenly shoaled, and we were under the necessity of getting out and drag-
ging our canoe over. This place is called by the people the Dividers, the
water South of it running toward the Miami, whilst that on the North empties
itself at New River. It appeared to be nothing more than a sand bank, run-
ning from East to West.
As we approached New River, the land upon our right consisted of the
same pine sandy barren as I have already described. The Indian arrow root
called coontie is found here in great quantities. We landed, and collected
several roots, which were very large, weighing several pounds. This is the
Indians' principal bread stuff. It is met with in most of the pine barrens in
this section of Florida, but it grows in such profusion in this neighborhood,
that they come from considerable distance to procure it. Mr. COOLY (whose
wife and children were so inhumanly murdered by the Indians a short
time since) was engaged in the manufacture of this article, and had brought
it to great perfection. The following is the manner of preparing it.13 A
sufficient number of roots being collected, they are peeled, washed, and
grated, in the same manner as potatoes, and thrown into large tubs of water.
After remaining in soak for a certain length of time, the water is stirred and
strained; by this process it is freed of the feculent matter. The coarse portion
thus separated, may be given to hogs, while the finer portion, which passes
through the sieve, is allowed to settle. The farina, which is almost insoluble
in cold water, subsides at the bottom. The water is drawn off, and the yellow
portions which remain on the top are removed. The white arrow root, which,
from its specific gravity, is found at the bottom, is collected, and repeatedly
treated with fresh water, until it becomes perfectly pure, and white, of a
granular, glistening, crystalline appearance. I am inclined to think, that when
thus prepared, it is very nearly, if not quite equal to the Bermuda arrow root,
not only as a starch, but also as an article of diet.
E. A. HAMMOND
And here I may as well mention the circumstances attending the murder
of Mr. COOLY's family, as they are calculated to illustrate the treachery of
the Indian character.14 He had resided among them for many years, spoke
their language well, and treated them with uniform kindness and hospitality.
Indeed, such was his friendship for them, that he named his sons after
two of their chiefs. Standing in this relation, and confiding in their profes.
sions of friendship, which had led him into a fatal security, he left his home
for a few days, and returned to find it desolate. His wife and children had
been murdered, and the smouldering ruins of his house lay before him. It
is a remarkable fact that the villains who did the deed, had not the hardihood
to scalp the poor wife and her three innocent children. Was it the recollec-
tion of former friendship that induced them thus to spare? Or were they
conscious that their own savage colleagues would have blushed for the
chivalry of those warriors, who could find no work more befitting their toma-
hawks and scalping knives, than the cruel butchery of women and children?
The unfortunate schoolmaster15 shared a different fate to him they owed
no obligations of friendship: he was a man, and as such, capable of resistance
- his scalp was therefore torn from him, and borne off as a testimony of
their cruel and savage triumph.
It should be borne in mind, that in their devastation of his other prop-
erty, Mr. COOLY's manufactory was spared. This, no doubt, will be service-
able to them hereafter, in preparing their food. I have no pretensions to
being a military man, but it appears to me that it would be well to place a
sufficient body of troops, between Cape Sable and New River, to get [cut]
off the supplies of the Indians from that quarter, and to prevent them from
escaping into the everglades, from whence they may readily pass to the
Florida Keys. If they once cut down into the everglades, they will scatter
like a covey of partridges, and each one will have to be hunted up separately,
which will be an interminable task.
Towards night we came up with a camp of Indian hunters, who were
lying around their fire. We went ashore, with the determination of joining
them. On our approach, a dog sprang out, and uttered a noise between a yeall
and a bark, which echoed and re-echoed throughout the woods. In an instant
the Indians were on their feet; but a whoop from JOHN soon brought them
down upon their haunches. We went up, and seated ourselves around their
They at first seemed to take no notice of me. As they sat on the opposite
side of the fire, their dusky faces partly obscured by the current of smoke.
Occasionally they eyed me sulkily, and by stealth. A few words, chiefly
monosyllables, passed between them and JOHN, but they did not enter into
any lengthy conversation. A silence of some minutes having elapsed, which
induced me to believe that I was not a welcome guest, I concluded that some-
thing must be done to conciliate. I therefore told JOHN to inform them, that
I had something to eat, and some fire water, and that we must be good friends.
This information acted upon them like a charm. They began to snuff the air
like a parcel of hungry dogs, became more sociable and conciliatory, brought
out some fresh venison, which they placed over the coals to broil, having
first run a stick through it. To keep my word, I produced my cold ham, and
biscuit, and gave each (they were in number three), about a gill of Gin. The
instantaneous effect of which astonished and alarmed me. It was almost
miraculous, from being silent and demure, they became talkative and for-
ward. They insisted upon having more whiskey, and endeavored to possess
themselves of the bottle by force, and I was obliged to conceal it. They were
now unable to repress their flow of spirits, and began to sing, and dance,
and make most horrid faces, thrusting their tongues out of their mouths, and
rolling their eyes in every direction. As they reeled and yelled and danced
around the fire, throwing themselves into the most ludicrous attitudes they
resembled a parcel of infernal spirits, or the furies. This sport they contin-
ued until perfectly exhausted when one by one, they sank upon the ground,
and fell into a sleep. I placed my buffalo skin on the opposite side of the
fire, covered my head with a cloak, and slept soundly until morning. The
Indians were up betimes they rose from their lairs, shook themselves,
kindled the fire and ate a scanty meal. Upon the subsidence of the effect of
the liquor, all their former reserve seemed to have returned. Having collected
some Coontie, they placed it along with their venison in their canoe, paddled
rapidly up the everglades and were soon out of sight. It being now time for
me to think of returning, JOHN and myself took the opposite direction, and
paddled back for Cape Florida, and as we had nothing to delay us, arrived
at the Cape about three o'clock in the afternoon, where according to agree-
ment I found Mr. DUBOSE's boat in waiting for me. So that I was enabled
to reach the light house about six o'clock in the evening.
[Charleston Courier, 5 February 1836]
x Dr. Strobel, a biographical sketch of whom I am currently preparing, was born in
Charleston, South Carolina, in 1803. A graduate of the Medical College of South
Carolina, class of 1826, he arrived at Key West in September, 1829, and became
Assistant Surgeon to the army post on the island. Subsequently he became a general
medical practitioner for the civilian population of Key West. In the spring of 1831
E. A. HAMMOND 75
he established a newspaper, the Key West Gazette, which he continued to publish
and edit till September, 1832 when he discontinued the effort. Taking his family
back to Charleston, Strobel proceeded to New York for the purpose of offering his
services as explorer and consultant to the Florida Peninsula Land Company, which
had taken an option on a portion of the Alegon grant, and whose agents had arrived
in Key West to begin their explorations in the summer of 1832 prior to Strobel's
departure. (C. L. Bachman and J. B. Haskell, John Bachman, Charleston, 1888. See
letter from the Reverend Dr. John Bachman to J. J. Audubon, p. 125.) Hurrying
back from New York, Strobel arrived in Key West again in January and joined the
group exploring the coast from Cape Sable to Tampa Bay. (See John Lee Williams,
The Territory of Florida, New York, 1837, pp. 289-299.) Strobel made two addi-
tional journeys to Florida: in early 1836 as regimental surgeon for Colonel A. H.
Brisbane's South Carolina Volunteer Regiment, and in 1839 for the purpose of
observing the characteristics of the yellow fever epidemic in St. Augustine. (He
was at that time in the process of preparing a treatise on yellow fever in an effort
to prove its transmissibility. B. B. Strobel, An Essay on the Subject of Yellow Fever
Intended to Prove its Transmissibility, Charleston, 1840.)
2 Charles Vignoles, Observations upon the Floridas, New York, 1823. This author makes
no mention of the Miami River.
a Williams, op. cit.
4 See note 1 supra.
s Strobel betrays either a faulty knowledge of geography or an uncertain sense of direc-
tion, or both. He apparently never understood that the southern tip of Key Biscayne
was generally designated as Cape Florida, but seems instead to have attached that
name to the mainland coast in the area just south of the Miami River. This possibly
derived from the fact that many maps of the early nineteenth century showed the
entire area south of the Miami River for several miles as "Cape Florida Settlement."
Also Strohel assigns to the longer dimension of Key Biscayne an east-west direction.
John Lee Williams, op. cit., p. 34, located the Cape Florida lighthouse at the west
end of Key Biscayne.
s Bear Cut, or Bears Cut, today separates Key Biscayne from Virginia Key.
7 The lighthouse keeper was without doubt J. W. Dubose who in 1824 witnessed a deed
for the transfer of one hundred and seventy-five acres of land on Key Biscayne from
Rafael Andreu [Andrews] and Francisco Andreu to Mary Ann Davis. Deed recorded
8/10/1824. Spanish Land Grants in Florida, III, 3. See also M. M. Cohen, Notices
of Florida and the Campaigns, Charleston, 1836, p. 80.
sI have tentatively identified this woman as Susan Hagen, who in 1824 sought to have
her grant of land confirmed. "Susan Hagen 11/9/1824, 640 acres on the south side
of the Miami River, near Cape Florida, a donation grant. 'She was, and has been
in actual habitation and cultivation' of the land 'between 14 and 15 years.'" Span-
ish Land Grants in Florida, III, 207-8.
Here again Strobel's directions are in error. The course of the lower portion of the
river was generally north and west.
to The course of the north fork was northwesterly.
"L The course of the south fork was westerly.
r2 The New River still flows through the center of Ft. Lauderdale.
is For a modern account of this process see Emile De Boyrie Moya, Marguerita K.
Krestensen and John M. Goggin, "Zamiia Starch in Santo Domingo," The Florida
Anthropologist, Vol. X, No. 3-4, pp. 17-40.
14 This massacre occurred on January 6, 1836, only four weeks before Strobel's sketches
appeared in the Charleston Courier. He had doubtless learned of it through the
Charleston newspapers. Since he had personal recollections of the Cooly plantation,
and since the massacre had aroused such interest and indignation in Charleston,
Strobel chose to repeat a story of which many of his readers were certainly already
cognizant. See the account of the massacre in Cohen, op. cit., p. 79.
15 Cohen, loc. cit., identifies the schoolmaster as a Mr. Flinton.
BRUCE CATTON, Pulitzer prize winning Civil War historian, is senior
editor of American Heritage.
JAMES W. COVINGTON, widely active Florida historian, is a member of
the faculty of Tampa University.
E. ASHBY HAMMOND, specialist in medieval English medical history,
is a Professor of History at the University of Florida.
FRANK B. SESSA, Director of Libraries for the City of Miami, is First
Vice-President of the Florida Historical Society.
NATHAN D. SHAPPEE, Professor of History at the University of Miami,
has been a contributor to the Florida Historical Quarterly as well as Tequesta.
STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS
FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDED AUGUST 31, 1961
HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA
ASSETS ON HAND, SEPTEMBER 1, 1960:
Cash in First National Bank of Miami:
Checking Account ------------------------------------------ 863.94
Savings Account ----------------------------------------------- 29,277.16
Savings Certificates --------------------- ----- ----------- 3,000.00
Contribution to Building Fund Receivable ---..---------.. -------......1,000.00
Securities (At Market Value-August 31, 1960) :
18 shares-Standard Oil of New Jersey --------------- ------ -- 733.50
10 shares-Continental Casualty Company----------------------- 734.00
17 shares-Hooker Chemical Company---------- ------------ -- 518.50
3 shares-Eastman Kodak Company ------------------------ 374.62
Tequestas on hand ------------------ -------------------- 742.00
Non-Association publications on hand------------------------------ 596.66
Fixed Assets ---------------------------------------------- 1,228.29
Architectural Plans, Museum Building ----------------------------- 750.00
TOTAL ASSETS ----- ------------------------------------- 39,818.67
Dues Collected -------------------------- $5,725.71
Contributions to Museum Building Fund Received_. 7,025.00
Interest on Bank Deposits -----..-------------- 588.04
Divided on Securities ------------------------- 85.85
Sale of Books ----------------------------- 623.35
Sale of Prior Tequestas ---------------------- 18.00
Other Income ----------------------------- 616.43
Marker Fund ----------------------------- 600.00
Sales Tax Collected---------------------------- 10.50
Revaluation of Securities ------------------- 1,127.26
TOTAL INCOME -------------------------------- $16,420.14
Marker Program ----------------------------$ 23.90
Tequestas on hand, Sept. 1, 1960-------- $ 742.00
Tequestas Publication Cost -------------- 891.43
Total Tequestas Available For Sale.---- 1,633.43
Less-Tequestas on hand, Aug. 31, 1961--- 867.00 766.43
Program Meetings ----------------------750.52
Secretarial Expense --------------------- 330.00
President's Newsletter ---------
Library---- ------------- ----
Publications on hand, Sept. 1, 1960 -----. $596.66
Purchase of Books for Sale ------------ 394.91
Total Publications for Sale--------------- 991.57
Less-Publications on hand Aug. 31, 1961_ 591.04 400.53
Office Supplies and Printing ------ 225.82
Sales Tax Paid------------------------- 9.41
Executive Secretary Expense 58.60
Building Expense --------------------- 2,588.85
Other Expense -------------------- 325.96
TOTAL EXPENSE ----------- ------------- $ 6,423,96
EXCESS OF RECEIPTS OVER EXPENSES---------------- 9,996.18
NET WORTH-AUGUST 31, 1961 ..------------- -------------- $49,814.85
ASSETS ON HAND, AUGUST 31, 1961:
Cash in First National Bank of Miami:
Checking Account ----------------------------------- ------- $ 2,861.00
Savings Account .---------------------------------------------- 15,740.01
Securities (At Market Value-August 31, 1961):
18 shares-Standard Oil of New Jersey------------------------------ 796.50
12 shares-Continental Casualty Company --------------------------- 1,266.00
26 shares-Hooker Chemical Company ----------------------------- 1,111.50
3 shares-Eastman Kodak Company ------------------------------ 313.88
Tequestas on Hand ------------------------------------------------ 867.00
Non-Association Publications on Hand-------------------------------- 591.04
Fixed Assets-Equity in Museum Building..------------------------- 24,211.71
-Furniture, Fixtures, and Audio-Visual----------------- 2,056.21
TOTAL ASSETS -------.---------.-------------------------- $49,814.85
J. FLOYD MONK, Treasurer
November 6, 1961
LIST OF MEMBERS
EXPLANATORY NOTE: The Association provides several classes of membership.
"Sustaining" members who pay five dollars a year make up the basic member-
ship. For those who wish to contribute more for the promotion of the Associa-
tion's work the other classes of membership provide the opportunity, and the
publication of their names in the proper category of membership is a means of
recognition. "Patrons" pay ten dollars a year, "Donors" pay twenty-five dollars
a year, "Contributors" pay fifty dollars a year, "Sponsors" pay one hundred
dollars a year, and "Benefactors" pay two hundred and fifty or more dollars
This printed roster is made up of the names of those persons and institutions
that have paid dues in 1960, or in 1961 before September 30 when this material
must go to the press. Those joining after this date in 1961 will have their names
included in the 1962 roster. The symbol ** indicates founding member and
symbol indicates charter member.
Adams, Adam G., Coral Gables
Albertson Public Library, Orlando
Aldridge, Miss Daisy, Miami
Allen, Joe, Key West
Allison, Mrs. John D., Miami
American Museum of Natural History
Anderson, Robert H., Miami
Anthony, Roscoe T., Palm Beach
Archer, Ben, Homestead
Arnold, Glenn H., Atlanta, Ga.
Arnold, Mrs. Roger Williams, Miami
Atkins, C. Clyde, Miami
Avery, George N., Big Pine Key
Ayars, Erling E., Miami
Barker, Mrs. Edwin J., Miami
Bartow Public Library
Baskin, M. A., Coral Gables
Bassett, Rex, Jr., Ft. Lauderdale
Bathe, Greville, St. Augustine
Baum, Dr. Earl L., Naples
Baxter, John M., Miami
Beal, K. Malcolm, Miami*
Beardsley, Jim E., Clewiston
Beck, Mrs. Alfred J., Ft. Lauderdale*
Beckham, W. H., Jr., Coral Gables
Beyer, R. C., Miami
Bills, Mrs. John T., Miami
Bingham, Mrs. Millicent T., Washington,
Bishop, Edwin G., Miami*
Blaine, Rev. B. Michael, Melbourne
Blanton, Judge W. F., Miami
Blassingame, Wyatt, Anna Maria
Blouvelt, Mrs. Arthur M., Coral Gables
Board of County Commissioners, Bartow
Bowman, Rt. Rev. Marion, St. Leo
Boyd, Dr. Mark F., Tallahassee*
Bozeman, Major R. E., St. Petersburg
Brady, Mrs. H. R., Key Biscayne
Brannen, H. S., Miami Springs
Brantner, Mrs. Wilma, Marathon
Brigham, Miss Florence S., Miami
Brignolo, Joseph B., Miami
Brody, Maurice S., Miami
Brook, John, Jr., Coral Gables
Brookfield, Charles M., Miami*
Brooks, J. R., Homestead
Brooks, Marvin J., Miami
Brown, T. O., Frostproof
Brown University Library
Bruce, Mrs. Betty, Key West
Bruninga, W. Henry, Miami
Bullen, Ripley P., Gainesville
Burghard, August, Ft. Lauderdale
Burns, Edward B., Hialeah
Burrell, William, Jr., Miami
Burton, Mrs. Robert A., Miami*
Bush, Mrs. Franklin C., Coral Gables*
Bush, R. S., Miami
Busse, Raymond J., Miami
Byrd, Mrs. J. Wade, Miami
Caldwell, Thomas P., Coral Gables**
Caldwell, Mrs. Thomas P., Coral Gables*
Campbell, Park H., South Miami*
Campbell, Mrs. Park H., South Miami*
Capel, Fred B., Coral Gables
Capron, Louis, West Palm Beach
Carnine, Miss Helen M., Coral Gables
Carson, Mrs. Ruby Leach, Miami**
Cartee, Mrs. Horace L., Coral Gables
Carter, Kenneth W., Grosse Point Woods,
Catlow, Mrs. William R., Jr., Westfield,
Central Florida Museum, Orlando
Chance, Michael, Naples
Cheetham, Joseph M., Miami
Clarke, Jerry C., Miami
Close, Kenneth, Coral Gables
Coconut Grove Library
Comerford, Miss Nora A., Coral Gables
Cook, John B., Miami
Cooper, Mrs. Myers Y., Coral Gables
Coral Gables High School
Coral Gables Public Library*
Corley, Miss Pauline, Miami**
Coslow, George R., Miami
Covington, Dr. James W., Tampa
Cowden, George E., Naples
Criswell, Col. Grover C., Pass-A-Grille
Cummings, Rev. George W., Venice
Cushman, The School, Miami*
Dalrymple, Ernest C., Hollywood
Darrow, Miss Dorothy, Coral Gables
Davis, Bernard, Miami
Davis, Hal D., Coral Gables
De Boe, Mrs. Mizpah Otto, Coral Gables
Deedmeyer, George J., Miami*
Deedmeyer, Mrs. George J., Miami
de Lamorton, Fred, Tampa
De Nies, Charles F., Hudson, Mich.
Dilullo, Mrs. Luedith, Downey, California
Dismukes, Dr. Wm. Paul, Coral Gables*
Dodd, Miss Dorothy, Tallahassee*
Dorn, Harold W., South Miami
Dorn, Mrs. Mabel W., South Miami
Dorothy, Mrs. Caroline, Coral Gables*
DuBois, Mrs. J. R., Jupiter
Dunaway, Mrs. Carl Ellis, Miami*
Duncan, Marvin L., Miami
Elder, Dr. S. F., Miami*
Eckel, Mrs. Frederick L., Ft. Lauderdale
Emerson, Dr. William ., Rome, N. Y.
Everglades Natural History Association,
Fairchild, Mrs. David, Miami*
Fenn, Abbott T., Salisbury, Vt.
Fite, Robert H., Miami
Fitzgerald, Dr. Joseph H., Miami
Fitzpatrick, Monsignor John J., Hollywood
Florida Southern College, Lakeland
Florida State Library, Tallahassee
Fortner, Ed., Ocala
Freeland, Mrs. William L., Miami**
Freeling, J. S., Miami
Freeling, Mrs. J. S., Miami
Freeman, Mrs. Ethel C., Morristown, N. J.
Freeman, Harley L., Ormond Beach
Frey, Mrs. Edith J., Miami*
Frutkoff, Theodore, Coral Gables
Fullerton, R. C., Coral Gables
Fuzzard, Miss Jessie M., Miami*
Gannaway, Mrs. K. C., Miami
Gautier, Thomas N., Miami
Gibson, Mrs. Walter C., Miami*
Glenn, Roscoe E., Miami
Godfrey, Clyde, Miami
Goodwill, William F., Coral Gables
Greenfield, Arnold M., Miami
Griffen, F. S., Miami
Griggs, Mrs. Nelson W., Miami Shores
Griswold, Oliver, Miami
Hall, A. Y., Punta Gorda
Hall, Willis E., Coral Gables
Hallstead, P. Frederick, Marathon
Halstead, W. L., Miami
Hampton, Mrs. John, Sparks, Md,*
Hancock, Mrs. J. T., Okeechobee
Handler, Frances Clark, Miami
Harding, Col. Read B., Arcadia
Harllee, J. William, Miami
Harlow, Mrs. Frank E., Coral Gables
Harlow, Rev. Frank E., Coral Gables
Harrington, Frederick H., Hialeah
Hart, Mrs. Reginald, Coral Gables
Hartnett, Fred B., Coral Gables*
Harvard College Library
Havee, Mrs. Kathryn, Miami
Havee, Justin P., Miami*
Heinlein, Mrs. Mary C., Homestead
Hellier, Walter R., Ft. Pierce
Hendry, Judge Norman, Miami
Herin, Thomas D., Miami
Herin, Judge William A., Miami*
Hess, Mrs. E. L., Miami
Hill, Mrs. A. Judson, Miami
Hills, Lee, Miami
Hillsborough County Historical Commis-
Hodsden, Mrs. Harry, Miami
Holcomb, Lyle D., Miami
Holcomb, Lyle D., Jr., Miami
Holland, Hon. Spessard L., Washington,
Holmdale, Mrs. A. G., Miami
Houghton, Mrs. A. S., Miami
Hubbell, Willard, Miami
Hughes, Mrs. Fleda V., Miami
Humphreys, Mrs. D. M., Ft. Lauderdale
Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif.
Isom, Rudolph, Miami
Jacksonville Free Public Library
James, Ernest W., Miami
Johns, Dr. Robert, Coral Gables
Johnson, Robert V., Miami
Jones, Mrs. L. A., Miami*
Jones, Mrs. Mary A., Miami
Kelley, Mrs. Floy W., West Palm Beach
Kendall, Harold E., Goulds
Kent, Mrs. Frederick A., Miami
Kent, Selden G., Miami
Kenyon, Alfred, Ft. Lauderdale
Key West Art & Historical Society
King, Dr. C. Harold, Miami
King, Mrs. Otis S., Miami
Kirk, C., Ft. Lauderdale
Kitchens, Dr. F. E., Coral Gables
Klingler, Mrs. Harry S., Coral Gables
Knight, Telfair, Coral Gables
Knowles, Mrs. J. H., Miami
Kohl, Mrs. Lavenia B., Palm Beach
Lake Worth Public Library
Laxson, Dan D., Hialeah
Lemon City Public Library & Improvement
Leon County Public Library, Tallahassee
Lewis, Miss Carlotta, Coral Gables
Leyden, Mrs. Charles S., Coral Gables
Limmiatis, Ernest, Miami
Lindsley, A. R., Miami Beach
Littlefield, Miss Helena, South Miami
Longshore, Frank, Miami
Lucinian, Dr. Joseph H., Miami Beach
Lummus, Tom J., Miami
Lyell, Mrs. Robert 0., Miami
Lyeil, Dr. Robert O., Miami
Lynch, S. John, Sarasota*
MacDonald, Miss Barbara, Miami
MacDonald, Miss Betty, Miami
MacDonald, Duncan, Miami*
Manley, Miss Marion I., Miami
Manly, Albert B., Homestead
Manly, Charles W., Miami
Manning, Mrs. Win. S., Jacksonville
Marchman, Watt P., Fremont, Ohio*
Marks, Henry S., Hollywood
Martin, Mrs. Kirby A., New York, N. Y.
Martin, Melbourne L., Coral Gables
Mason, Mrs. Joe J., Miami
Mason, Dr. Walter Scott, Jr., South Miami*
May, Philip S., Jacksonville
McDonald, Mrs. John Martyn, Miami Beach
McGoff, Daniel J., Miami Beach
McGregor, Angus H., Miami
McKay, Col. D. B., Tampa
McKim, Mrs. L. H., Montreal, Canada
McLin, C. H., Coral Gables
McNeill, Robert E., Jr., New York, N. Y.
Merrick, Mrs. Eunice P., Coral Gables*
Merritt, Dr. Webster, Jacksonville
Miami Edison Senior Library
Miami Public Library*
Miami Senior High School Library
Miami Springs Memorial Public Library
Miller, Raymond M., Miami*
Mission of Nombre de Dios, St. Augustine
Mitchell, C. J., Stonington, Conn.
Mitchell, Harry James, Key West
Molt, Fawdrey, Key Biscayne
Monk, James Floyd, Miami
Moore, Dr. Castles W., Ft. Lauderdale
Moulds, Andrew J., Coral Gables
Moulds, Mrs. Andrew J., Coral Gables
Muir, William W., Miami
Muller, Dr. Leonard R., Miami*
Munroe, Wirth M., Miami*
Murtha, Miss Mary, Miami
Nelson, Mrs. Winifred H., Miami
Newberry Library, Chicago, Ill.
Newman, Mrs. Anna Pearl, Vero Beach
Norris, Hardgrove, Miami
North Miami High School Library
Northington, Dr. Page, Miami
Pace, Mrs. Johnson H., Miami*
Pace, Rev. Johnson Hagood, Jr.,
Padgett, Inman, Coral Gables
Palm Beach County Historical Society
Pancoast, Lester C., San Diago, Calif.
Pardo, Mrs. Ramiro V., Miami
Parker, Alfred B., Miami
Parker, Theodore R., Grand Bahama Island
Patrick, Dr. Rembert W., Gainesville
Patterson, George L., Jr., Miami
Pearse, Mrs. Dixon, Miami
Peirce, Gertrude C., Miami
Pemberton, Mrs. P. G., Miami
Pendergast, Mrs. Eleanor L., Miami*
Pendleton, Robert S., Miami
Peters, Mrs. Thelma, Miami*
Philbrick, W. L., Miami
Pierce, Miss Ruby Edna, Palm Beach
PIatt, T. Beach, Miami
Plowden, Gene, Miami
Poling, Frances W., Miami
Prahl, William, Miami
Prevatt, Preston G., Miami
Price, Gaylord L., Miami
Prince, J. W., Naples
Quigley, Ellen N., Miami Beach
Railey, F. G., Miami*
Rasmussen, Dr. Edwin L., Fort Myers**
Reed, Miss Elizabeth Ann, Delray Beach
Reese, Mrs. J. H., North Miami
Reynolds, Mrs. H. Jarvis, Coral Gables
Richmond, Charles M., Pound Ridge, N. Y.
Rivett, Lois C., Miami
Riviera Beach Library
Roberts, Miss Georgine J., Orlando
Robertson, Mrs. L. B., Miami
Rollins College Library, Winter Park
Ross, Mrs. Richard F., Boca Raton
Santanello, M. C., Kendall
Sapp, Alfred E., Miami
Saunders, Dr. Lewis M., Miami
Sawyer, Clifton A., Warwick, R. I.
Schmidt, Stephen, Stuart
Schultz, Mrs. Joseph L., South Miami
Sells, Arthur M., Miami
State University of Iowa Library, Iowa City
Sessa, Dr. Frank B., Miami
Sevelius, E. A., Miami
Shappee, Dr. Nathan D., Miami
Shaw, G. N., Miami
Shaw, Henry 0., Miami
Shaw, Miss Luelle, Miami*
Shepard, L. C., Coral Gables
Simmons, Glen, Homestead
Sisters of St. Joseph, St. Augustine
Slaughter, Dr. Frank G., Jacksonville
Smith, Gilbert B., Coral Gables
Snodgrass, Miss Dena, Jacksonville
Soubiran, Dorothy, Miami
Southern Illinois University Libraries,
Sparks, Mrs. Charles, Fortville, Ind.
Speer, H. L., Starke
Spence, Sam, Miami
Spinks, Mrs. Elizabeth J., Miami*
State Historical Society of Wisconsin,
Steel, Wm. C., Miami
Steinecker, Herbert E., Miami
Sterling, Ray T., Miami
Stem, David S., Miami
Stetson University Library, DeLand
Stevens, Mrs. T. T., Miami
Stranahan, Mrs. Frank, Fort Lauderdale*
Stripling Insurance Agency, Hialeah
Strong, Clarence E., Miami*
Talley, Howard J., Miami
Tampa Public Library
Taylor, Henry H., Jr., Miami
Teachers' Professional Library, Miami
Tebeau, Chariton W., Coral Gables*
Tebeau, Mrs. Violet H., Coral Gables
Ten Eick, Mrs. M. Nunez, Tampa*
Tennessee State Library and Archives
Tharp, Charles Doren, Miami*
Thomas, Arden H., Miami
Thrift, Dr. Charles T., Jr., Lakeland
Tietze, Mrs. Robert A., Coral Gables
Tietze, Robert A., Coral Gables
Tonkin, Mrs. Mary E., Coral Gables
Toombs, Mrs. Bettie L., Miami
Tritton, Mrs. James, Opa Locka
Turner, Vernon W., Homestead
Tussey, Mrs. Ethel Wayt, Miami
UIlman, John, Jr., Fort Lauderdale
Adams, Wilton L., Coral Gables
Ansley, J. A., Ft. Myers
Baber, Adin, Kansas, Ill.*
Bailey, Mrs. Ernest H., Coral Gables
Baker, Charles H., Jr., Miami*
Barge, Dr. Hubert A., Miami
Barton, Alfred I., Surfside
Bellous, C. M., Sr., Opa-Locka
Bickel, Karl A., Sarasota*
Bischoff, William D., Miami
Black, Dr. Linnie K., Miami
University of Florida, Gainesville
University of Miami, Coral Gables
University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia
University of South Florida, Tampa
University of Tampa Library
University of Tennessee, Knoxville
Valentine, Mrs. J. Manson, Miami
Van Buren, Mrs. Sarah T., Key West
Vance, Mrs. Herbert O., Coral Gables*
Wacher, Jack, Miami
Walsh, Mrs. Charles H., Winter Haven
Walters, Mrs. Walter M., Coral Gables
Warner, Miss Elmina, Miami
Warner, Mrs. William C., Miami
Warner, William C., Miami
Washington, James G., Miami
Waters, Fred M., Jr., Coral Gables
Watson, P. L., Miami Beach
Wellman, Wayne E., Miami
Wenner, Henry S., Jr., Miami
Wentworth, T. T., Jr., Pensacola
West India Reference Library, Kingston,
Wheeler, B. B., Lake Placid
White, Mrs. Louise V., Key West
White, Richard M., Miami
Whyte, A. N., Coral Gables
Wight, William S., Coral Gabless
Williams, Dr. H. Franklin, Coral Gables*
Wilson, Albert B., Miami
Wilson, Gaines R., Miami**
Wilson, Mrs. Gaines R., Miami
Wilson, Peyton L., Miami*
Wilson, Miss Virginia, Miami
Withers, James G., Coral Gables
Withers, Wayne E., Coral Gables
Wittichen, Mrs. Murray F., Coral Gables
Wolf, Fred, Sr., Hallandale
Wolfe, Miss Rosalie L., Miami
Wolfe, Thomas L., Miami
Wolfe, Mrs. William A., Ft. Lauderdale
Woore, A. Meredith, Miami*
Wright, Mrs. Victor A., Miami Shores
Wylie, W. Gill, Jr., Palm Beach
Yonge, Julien C., Pensacola
Blackburn, Elmer E., Miami
Blakey, B. H., Miami
Bradfield, E. S., Miami Beach**
Brickell, Mrs. Charles, Oxford, Md.**
Brody, Mrs. Margaret E., Key Biscayne
Brown, Mrs. William J., Miami
Brown, William J., Miami
Brunstetter, Roscoe, Coral Gables
Buhler, Mrs. J. E., Miami
Cameron, D. Pierre G., Miami
Chase, Randall II, Sanford
Clark, Mrs. Flourney B., Coral Gables*
Clark, Judge George T., Miami
Coachman, Mrs. Minette K., Miami
Coachman, Richard A., Miami
Cole, R. B., Miami
Combs, Mrs. Walter H., Sr., Miami*
Combs, Walter H., Jr., Miami*
Cooper, George H., Princeton
Corliss, C. J., Washington, D. C.
Cotton, E. L., South Miami
Cowell, Dr. Edward H., Coral Gables
Craighead, Dr. F. C., Homestead
Crane, Mrs. Francis V., Marathon
Crane, Francis V., Marathon
Crow, Mrs. Lon Worth, Miami*
Dalenberg, George R., Miami
Dee, William V., Miami*
Dixon, James A., Miami
Dykes, Robert J., Miami
Fascell, Dante B., Coral Gables
Feibelman, Herbert U., Miami
Ferendino, Andrew J., Miami
Field, Dr. Henry, Miami
Fitzgerald-Bush, Capt. F. S., Opa-Locka
Florence, Robert S., Miami
Flynn, Stephen J., Coral Gables
Freeman, Edison S., Miami
Frohock, Mrs. Jack, North Miami
Fuller, Walter P., Clearwater
Fussell, Carroll W., Bushnell
Gardner, Jack R., Miami
Gardner, Mrs. R. C., Miami*
Gibson, Henry C., Jenkintown, Pa.
Gifford, Mrs. John C., Miami*
Goldweber, S., Perrine
Graham, Ernest R., Hialeah
Graham, William A., Miami Springs
Griffin, L. J., Miami
Hancock, E. M., Miami Beach
Hanks, Bryan, Ft. Worth, Tex.*
Harris, Miss Julia Fillmore, Stuart*
Haycock, Ira C., Coral Gables
Heffernan, Judge D. J., Coral Gables
Herren, Norman A., Everglades
Holland, Judge John W., Coral Gables
Hooker, Roland M., Miami Beach
Hopkins, Dr. Oliver B., Miami
Houser, Roosevelt C., Miami
Howard, Lee, Miami Beach
Hudson, Senator F. M., Miami**
Jamaica Inn, Key Biscayne
Johnston, Thos. McE., Miami
Kanner, Samuel J., Miami
Kerr, James B., Ft. Lauderdale*
Kislak, Jay I., Miami
Kistler, The C. W. Company, Miami
Knight, John S., Miami
Kofoed, Jack, Miami
Krome, Mrs. Wm. J., Homestead*
Lindgren, Mrs. M. E., Miami
Litchfield, Henry E., Hialeah
Lummus, J. N., Jr., Miami
Malone, E. B., Hialeah
Martyn, Charles P., Jupiter
Mayes, Mrs. C. R., Jr., Pompano Beach
McCarthy, Don L., Nassau, Bahamas
McKibben, Dr. William W., Coral Gables
McNair, Angus K., Coral Gables
McSwain, Dr. Gordon H., Arcadia
Mead, D. Richard, Miami
Meisel, Max, Miami Beach
Memorial Library of The Palm Beaches
Merritt, Robert M., Miami
Mershon, M. L., Miami
Miami Beach Public Library
Modesette, Col. Welton M., Coral Gables
Moseley, Albert B., Daytona Beach
Moylan, E. B., Jr., Miami
Mudd, Dr. Richard D., Saginaw, Mich.
Newman, M. B., Miami
Oglesby, R. M., Bartow
Pancoast, Russell T., Miami
Pedersen, George C., Perrine
Pepper, Claude, Coral Gables
Pitt, Gerard, Miami*
Preston, J. E. Ted, Miami
Raap, Dr. Gerard, Miami
Rader, Earle M., Miami
Read, Emerson B., Coral Gables
Roberts, R. B., Jr., Miami
Rosner, George W., Coral Gables*
St. Augustine Historical Society
Saye, Roland A., Jr., Miami Beach
Schuberth, Andrew F., Jr., Miami
Scott, Paul R., Miami
Shank, H. W., Coral Gables
Smith, Charles H., Miami
Smith, McGregor, Miami
Snyder, Dr. Clifford C., Coral Gables
Sokola, Anton, Miami
Spaulding, Mrs. E. E., Miami
Stiles, Wade, South Miami**
Straight, Dr. William M., Miami
Taylor, Paul C., Bal Harbour
Thomas, Wayne, Plant City
Thompson, John G., Coral Gables
Town, Miss Eleanor F., Coral Gables
Towne, Robert R., Delray Beach
Underwood, Edwin H., Jr., Key Biscayne
Vanderpool, Fred W., Miami*
Van Orsdel, C. D., Coral Gables
Wakefield, Thomas H., Key Biscayne
Watson, W. Cecil, Coral Gables
Weaver, Mrs. Frances B., Ft. Lauderdale
West, William M., Miami
Whitten, George E., Miami
Will, Lawrence E., Belle Glade
Zimmerman, Percy, Miami
Ashe, Mrs. Bowman F., Coral Gables
Baggs, William C., Miami
Beverley, John R., Coral Gables
Buker, Charles E., Sr., Coral Gables
Burdine, William M., Miami
Christiansen, Edward S., Coral Gables
Clinch, Duncan L., Miami
Coral Gables Federal Savings and Loan
Dickey, Dr. Robert F., Miami
Dohrman, Howard I., Miami
Emerson, Hugh P., Miami
Fee, David M., Fort Pierce
Florida Juice, Inc., Miami
Fuchs Baking Co., South Miami
Gardner, Dick B., Miami
Gearhart, Ernest G., Jr., Miami
Gegenschatz, E. R., Miami
Giffin, John S., Miami
Grosvenor, Gilbert, Miami
Highleyman, Daly, Miami
Holmer, Carl, Jr., Miami
Hughes, Mrs. Helene, Miami
Jaudon, Mrs. James F., Miami*
Leffler, Miss Cornelia, Miami**
Lloyd, J. Harlan, Miami
Mallory, Philip R., Miami Beach
McKey, Robert M., Miami
Mills, Charles A., Miami Beach
Orr, John B., Jr., Miami Beach
Palm Beach Art League
Ross, Donald, Benton Harbor, Mich.
Shipe, Paul E., Miami
Thord-Gray, General I., Coral Gables
Tom DuPree & Sons, Inc., Miami Beach
Wallace, George R., Miami Beach
Wilson, D. Earl, Miami* *
Wolfson, Col. Mitchell, Miami
Ahlenius, Stig, Miami
Gonzales, Mrs. Ricardo C., Palm Beach
Astor, John, Miami Beach
Baron De Hirsch Meyer Foundation,
Florida Power & Light Co., Miami
Geiger, Mrs. August, Miami Beach*
Keyes, Kenneth S., Miami*
Gondas Corporation, Miami
Link, Edwin A., Binghamton, N. Y.
Orr, Joseph J., Jr., Miami
Pan American World Airways, Miami
Peninsular Aramture Works, Miami
Crane, Mrs. Raymond E., Miami Beach
University of Miami, Coral Gables
HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA, INC.
FOUNDED 1940-INCORPORATED 1941
Wayne E. Withers
Charlton W. Tebeau
Editor of Tequesta
Roland A. Saye, Jr.
Justin P. Havee
Miss Virginia Wilson
J. Floyd Monk
Mrs. Andrew J. Moulds
Karl A. Bickel
West Palm Beach
Dr. James W. Covington
David M. Fee
Mrs. Ruby Leach Carson
Edward S. Christiansen
George H. Cooper
George J. Deedmeyer
H. Lewis Dorn
Robert J. Dykes
Hugh P. Emerson
Stephen J. Flynn
Mrs. William L. Freeland
Mrs. James T. Hancock
Norman A. Herren
Dr. Charles T. Thrift, Jr.
Mrs. Louise V. White
Ernest G. Gearhart, Jr.
Kenneth S. Keyes
Wirth M. Munroe
John B. Orr, Jr.
Dr. Jay F. W. Pearson
Gaylord L. Price
Mrs. Frank Stranahan
Mrs. Herbert 0. Vance
Gaines R. Wilson