Title: Abeng
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00100338/00012
 Material Information
Title: Abeng
Physical Description: 1 v. : illus. ; 46 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Abeng Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Kingston Jamaica
Publication Date: April 26, 1969
Copyright Date: 1969
Frequency: weekly
Subject: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Jamaica   ( lcsh )
Social conditions -- Periodicals -- Jamaica   ( lcsh )
Race question -- Periodicals -- Jamaica   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Jamaica
Summary: The weekly Abeng newspaper (February 1 - September 27, 1969) was published in response to the Black Power and protest movement that emerged after the ban on Dr. Walter Rodney, the Guyanese and University of the West Indies historian, who was prohibited from landing in Kingston on October 15th, 1968 after attending a Black Writers conference in Montreal, Canada. Rodney was known in Jamaica for his lectures and talks on African history and the liberation movements in Africa. These talks were given not only on the campus but in communities of the urban and rural poor. The ban triggered protests by UWI students and the urban poor in Kingston and led to public debate about the state of Jamaican social, economic and political life. The Abeng newspaper‘s Managing Editor was Robert Hill (UWI graduate student) and other editors included George Beckford (UWI lecturer), Rupert Lewis (UWI graduate student) and Trevor Munroe (Rhodes Scholar at Oxford University). The Abeng group was a political centre for the Black Power movement, socialists, the independent trade union movement, Rastafarians, supporters of the opposition People’s National Party and people disaffected with the two main political parties. Abeng therefore became a focal point of critique and activism against the ruling Jamaica Labour Party and a harbinger of the radicalism in Jamaica in the 1970s.
Dates or Sequential Designation: v. 1- (no. 1- ); Feb. 1, 1969-v. 1, no. 35 (Oct. 3, 1969).
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00100338
Volume ID: VID00012
Source Institution: Florida International University: Digital Library of the Caribbean
Holding Location: Florida International University: Digital Library of the Caribbean
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 05001780
oclc - 5001780

Full Text



Vol. 1 No. 13 April 26,1969
I "



Last week's report about
the Duckenfield strike gave us
yet another. example, if one
was needed, of the bankrupt-
cy of those who own the sugar
plantations and of those who
claim to represent the interests
of the sugar workers.
The report does nothing
more than repeat the case of
employers. It abuses the black
people working in the industry
for going on strike to protest
against the viciousness and
hostility of the sugar indus-
try's stooges, called "security
officers". These stooges par-
ade around the estates with
their loaded shotguns trying
to frighten men into working.
Three hundred years ago these
same people used whips.
But something else is also
clearer than ever. The work-
ing people are no longer pre-
pared to wait for action by
the trade unions to correct
the abuses daily put upon
them by the employers. They
rightly refuse to work when-
ever their brothers are shot
down in the struggle for life.
And when that happens, the
local officers of the trade
unions must either call an
official strike or lose the supp-
ort of the people. When a
brother is gunned down and
the employers refuse as usual
to get rid of the security
stooge, no trade union officer
has to "incite" people to stop
Nobody should expect
Commissions of Enquiry to
understand that. From the
beginning of slavery, they have
written what is in the Ducken-
field Report. Black people
who refuse to kiss the feet of
the security vigilantes are ref-
erred to as being "minded to
disobey instructions or addict-
ed to petty thieving" And
vigilantes who shoot down
defenceless people are"coura-
geous, fearless and competent"'
but only a little "over-zealous"
The sugar workers, like
banana workers and bauxite
workers, must continue to
1) that the security vigilantes
be dismissed;
2) that they have the right to
organise their own working
relations without security st-




The frightened and des-
perate minority groups have now
decided to come out from behind
Shearer's crumbling authority.
Either he institutes a state of public
emergency to protect them or they
will force him out.
On any reading of Ashen-
heim's speech last week-end, this
is the only conclusion that can be
drawn. He told the Government
that "the general public of all clas-
is thoroughly fed with the state
of violent siege in which it now
lives, that Government is daily los-
ing support because it gives no evi-
dence of any definite and effective
action ..... "
The excuse as usual, is the
"current wave of crime." ABENG
still sticks to its position that all
these solutions and measurers being
proposed have nothing to do with
crime. As we pointed out some
weeks ago (Vol. 1 No. 7) in connec-
tion with the police-military raids,
"it is the start of a reign of terror
against Black Sufferers who no
longer can be fooled by political
games and promises."
Ashenheim is not just the
mouthpiece for merchant-minority
interests. He is also an outstanding
lawyer. So he knows quite well
that states of emergency were never
conceived to deal with crime. That
is certain. Jamaica has no more
crime or violence than most other
countries. The trouble is that this
country for a long time has been
tottering on the brink of social
break-up and the "crime wave"
merely exposes this stark truth in
ways now physically discomforting

to the mi""rity groups,
The Emergency Powers Law
and the Emergency (Public Security)
Law, specifically defines the situa-
tions which can give rise to such a
state. First is the imminence of a
state of war or the occurrence of
some calamity such as hurricane,
famine, etc. Second is some action
or immediate threat of such a nature
or on so extensive a scale as is
likely to endanger or to deprive the
community of essential supplies or
States of emergency are usua-
lly instituted by Proclamation made
by the Governor General on advice
of the Cabinet. It can also be dec-
lared by Parliament, but then the
Law lays down that "democratic
institutions" must be threatened.
During such an emergency,
the Minister has unfettered power
to detain people without trial; to
deport and exclude persons from
Jamaica; to take possession or con-
trol of any property or undertaking;
to enter and search premises; to
amend, suspend or modify any law;
and to acquire property other than
The Minister is also empower-
ed to take whatever measures appear
necessary or expedient for meeting
the emergency. If the emergency
is made through Proclamation by
the Governor General, then it can
last for a month in the first instance
and is renewable by Parliament for
a further 12 months. If it is Parlia-
ment that institutes the emergency,
the Law places no time limit on
how long it may last!
Are these the powers which
the society needs to deal with crime?

Of course not! But these are the
powers which the rulers of this
society want to maintain themselves
in control.

ABENG has known this for
a long while, and again warns the
people to prepare themselves- These
men have gone mad and will not
be stopped until the peoole con-
front them.
What makes the whole thing
even more grave is Shearer's posi-
tion. Not only is he totally isolated
from the population but within the
Jamaica Labour Party the challenge
to his leadership is deepening.
Naturally none of his fellow syco-
phants want to resume their seats
on the Opposition benches in 1972.
He is a serious liability.
Ashenheim's mocking sugges-
tion could be all that Shearer needs.
By calling a state of emergency,
he could find a way of staving off
the pressure within the JLP for his
removal and at the same time hope
to regain the confidence of his sup-
eriors. This is how he saved him-
self last October!
It is time Jamaica understood
the danger that men like Ash-
enheim and Shearer pose to what
little freedom we still have left.
Most of our people after three cen-
turies still live in a state of economic
emergency. Today a political emer-
gency is being prepared for them.
When polities and economics meet
in this fashion, only one thing can
happen. Either the people take
charge or official barbarism will
take charge of them,


On Sunday, April 13, 1969, I travelled
u r r l to New York on Air Jamaicca My ticket
BL C which had been mailed to me by Cornel
UIniversity was clearly marked FIRST
CLASS, Air Jamaica Flight 011, as my
S T A N_ sponsors had indicated in their covering
B r letter. I got on board and proceeded to
lB A C K my seat in the first class cabin. The plane
took off and everything was in order until
ONwe got to Montego Bay.
Something seemed to have gone wrong
A I ti in the booking and there seemed to be
A R too many people with claims for first class seats than
were available on the Montego Bay/New York leg.
JAM AICA My Jamaican sisters -the so-called stewardesses
took one look at me and decided that if anybody iw
to suffer inconvenience for the airline's bl inAi



incompetence, it should be me It so happened that
I was the only black person sitting n' the first class
"Of course, I refused to move I simply snowed
my ticket to the ground stewardess who had come
on board and who was quite abusive in her approach
to me insisting that "you have to move" I said Ihad
no intention of moving and she continued her harass-
ment I do not know how they solved their problem
but I remained in my seat until I reached my destina-
tion. No apology was made to me for the embarrass-
ment which they caused me
"It is not surprising that that is the way our
"national airline" treats black people Look at the
first Air Jamaica advertisement for stewardesse"

ti4044^ __Price 6d.





That is the most revolutionary
event in the entire history of this
country. It provides us with a salu-
tary lesson for the task confronting
us today. For although the Jamaica
Banana Producers' Association has
grown from this modest beginning
to a modern company with some
6 million of capital in the business
it still accounts for a minor share
(25%) of the banana trade and
growers are still at the mercy of
Elders and Fvffesfthe United Fruit


~7# AN>

The origins and development of
the banana industry bear witness
to the determination of the Jamai-
can people to break through the
colonial legacy which still deprives
us of a dignified existence and a
way of life independent of foreign
Modern Jamaican society has its
roots in the slave sugar plantation
society and economy of the nine-
teenth century. Ever since Emanci-
pation in 1838, the chief concern
of the ex-slaves and their descend-
ants has been to secure an
independent existence. In order to
break away from the inhumanities
of the plantation, they had first
to acquire land of their own and
begin to engage in productive ac-
tivity which had no direct links
with the plantation. The planter
class, on the other hand, made every
effort to frustrate the development
of an independent peasantry in or-
der to secure for themselves a re-
liable source of cheap wage labour.
This antagonism laid the found-
ation for social unrest. Thus, for
example The Morant Bay "rebellion"
of 1865 was the direct result of
a dispute about the rights of pea-
sats to lands adjoining an estate.
On that occasion the peasantry paid
a high price in loss of life in the
brutal suppression of their demands.
It is in this context that the
banana trade originated through the
joint initiative of peasants and cer-
tain merchants acting as agents for
American schooner captains. The
planters were so hostile to this deve-
lopment that the) never even con-
sidered producing bananaas therselv
More than ten years after the ade
began, only one estate was listed
as a "banana plantation." Not un-
til the 1890's was there any signi-
ficant plantation participation. And
by then bananas represented about
25 per cent of the island's export
trade. Thus it was our forefathers
who by laying the foundations of
the banana industry took the first
step towards diversifying our sugar
Initiaing the-trade s one thing.
But maintaining if to our advantage
was another- hI subsequent hecay
of the grade has been marked by
another struggle to secure snod
prices as foreign buyers secured a
strangelhold or the trade. 1 ie first

ten years of the twentieth century
saw the growth and expansion of
of the United Fruit Company -
an international corporation invol-
ved in production, shipping,
and marketing of bananas.
By 1912, that company owned
860,000 acres of banana producing
lands in Jamaica, Panama, Costa
Rica, Columbia, Honduras and the
Dominican Republic.

In Jamaica, United Fnt Company subsidiary). hat is more, the lesson
gained an almost monopoly position applies to other things as well. It
- swallowing up Elders & Fyffes provides clues for coming to terms
which had initiated the Englih with foreign domination of all ma-
trade and knocking out all the older or aspects of our national economic
amaican trading companies. life -bauxite, sugar, tourism, bank-
But subsequent events show that ing, insurance, and so on.
the peasants had a rotionay zea hepoltcal
wch provided em wh the ir The political leaders have not
wi pow edthseeme ito learnt the lesson of this great ex-
to do what seemed impossible perience. The official development
THE IMPOSSIBLE philosophy continues to be one
The strgge of the peasantsdur- which relies almost exclusively on
ing the fast tuee decades of ihe foreign initiative. Only a minor
twentieth century culminated in the share of the banana trade is still
launching, on April 1st, 1929. of accorded to the Jamaican Assoca-
the Jamaica Banana Producer As tion. The Association is hardly pon-
sociation a grower owned co- suted when Government and the
operative set up to purchase, ship Banana Board have re-negotiated
and market our bananas abroad in recent contracts with Elders and
and market our bananas abroad in Fyffes. Mr. Gyles, in response to
competition with the giant United recent grower demands for their
Fruit Company. control of the administration of
Subsequent to the formation of the industry, stated that Govern-
the parent body in 1925, a number ment has no intention of handing
of biana groes iganzed meetings the industry over to growers to
all over the Island and 'signed "mash it up."
up 6,145 members of the Banana (Next week: The robem' Tq4ay)
Cooperative. On April 1st, 1929
the Jamaica Banana Producers' As -
sociation was born with a capital
of 4173.120 divided into 41,664
shares of Id each."
"With this small capital and a
great deal of optimism this Jamai-
can Co-operative set out to compete
with the largest fruit company in
the world."



Textiles, Ready-To-Wear, Knitwear and Footwear.

Tel: 27278 Prop. S. 0, GUNTLEY



March. 1921

I have come to you in Jamaica to give new thoughts to
the 800,000 black people in this island. When I contem-
plated coming to Jamaica I knew that Jamaica had no
thought, it was for me to give Jamaica thought Montego
Bay being only a part of Jamaica I knew you had no
thoughts save that given to you 83 years as sychophants
looking up to the white man as superior and master. I
am not here with any sympathy for the old spirit of
Jamaica, I am here to give you if I can a new spirit of
manhood. Not the spirit to bow and cringe, to apologize,
but the spirit to strike forward for the rights of the
Negro people of the world.
"Jamaican Negroes are too apologetic. A man who wants
things, does not apologize-he demands things! (Hear! Hear!)
"As a people you have been buffeted and tossed about for too
long! The time has come when your voice must be heard throughout
the length and bredth of this land-and throughout the world. You
must not expect speech of compromise, of apologies; that is not in
me; I am not made that way. I represent a manhood movement-a
movement with backbone and only men of backbone we appreciate.
I am here to represent the sentiment of four hundred million Negroes.
one of the strongest groups of people in the world.
"1, like the majority of you, was born in this country 33 years
ago, circumvented by the conditions of the country-the environment
of this country, an environment that sits on black men-that he must
be merely a hewer of wood and carrier of water-a servant looking
up to the white man as superior and master-who was born to
believe himself inferior to other races-born not to have hope for
himself. Under this environment I was born myself-you all know of
this. But I did not confine myself to this environment which keeps
a black man at the foot of the ladder. I was entitled to climb as any
other man, be they white, yellow or black.
"I have to disabuse the mind of some of you who came here
as black-white and brown-white, men who are everything else
except what they are. We have in Jamaica a peculiar race combinat-
ion which calls for some explanation. I want to give that explanation
and those who may be satisfied can rerlain and those not desirous
of being what they are can take the privilege of doing whatsoever
they care. I came here to speak to Negroes. I AM NOT HERE TO
STOOD that this peculiar race question is going to destroy Jamaica-
destroy the economic and industrial well-being of this country bee-
ause this peculiar race question of yours is driving abroad more
Jamaicans than you have in Jamaica. And when any country drives
its native population abroad that country is doomed. I am here to
give you my wide experience and to settle this ignorant race issue
of yours. In this country the white man can raise no issue; he is at
a discount Whatever harm is done you are to blame; it is engineered
by yourself. Conditions racially depend on yourselves because some
of you Negroes refuse to admit what you are, you want to be every-
thing except what God created you to be.
"' want you to understand that you are not living in a world
exclusively your own, you are living in a world made up of great
groups of humanity, and these divide themselves into races and each
race has name. In Jamaica every man represents a race to himself-
the most peculiar country for the race question I have emr met
"The Universal Negro Improvement Association is a world-wide
movement of Negroes, black and coloured, who have enough self-
respect to call themselves by a race name.
"What is the movement for? For the industrial, commercial,
social, educational and political betterment of the race-not only in
one country but everywhere. Why do we call it UNIA? Because after
careful study and analysis we have discovered that Negroes nowhere
represent anything of power and Negroes everywhere are badly
treated simply because they represent no pwert of other own. Hence
if all are universally backward let us organize and go forward. Hence
I come before you representing the Universal movement of Negroes.
We are going home to destiny. And what is destiny? Destiny is the
point to be reached by every individual race and nation. And the
destination of the black people shall lead them on to great African

Pubhc Mteeting on iSth Jul, 193s, at the \\ ad Theatre, Kingston.
few ~ ~ meo aga thi -nikwsO satl otegaai ihnAsdri



Recently I was sharing experien-
ces with a brother in one of the
parish towns and we were forced
into recognizing that the American
Peace Corps are caring out subver-
sive w,(k in thO iunnty.
These volunteer workers operate
in schools. churches, in bars and on
the stret-comers, finding out from
the people whal they feel about the
country's political future and even
its surval. I've listened to one prod
a group of youths into discussion
after baiting them with "what you
people need is a Castro-type Revolu-

Some of these youths, even the
conscious ones, didn't realize that
this white voluntary worker was not
the least interested in revolution, he
was only concerned with giving
information to his superiors abroad
as to what political attitudes were
gaining hold in the country. Amer-
ica's interest in the Caribbean is
what this Peace Corps man was
Another one I knowhas a camera
carrying nearly forty lenses and he
takes pictures of certain people in
the area who have radical views,
from all different angles.

Other fellows have found their
rooms searched. Some of us are
much the wiser for this experience.
However, I fear that these political
spies are making inroads in other
They must not be allowed to
make any headway like this in our
country. When we link this suber-
sive activity with the trip of Canad-
ian soldiers who came to study our
mountain-terrain, then we realize
that these Peace Corps workers are
political spies of a very dangerous
sort operating in a sort of double-
agent fashion.




Shonly before the elections of
196-the crucial elections which
were to decide which of our polio
tical parties should lead us into
independence a truc with a loud
speaker drove past me on Marescaux
Road. Coarse voices )owled that
Russian ships were in Kingston
Harbour to take over the island.
1 could not take it seriously. But
it is apparent that many people did.
Shat surprises me is that the auth-
onties did not move to check this
obvious public nuisance. What sur
prses me even more is that our
schools with all their paeans of
praise to Rodney. Nelson and the
British navy. had linked these men
so little to reality that our people
could not even realize that Britannia
still dominated Kingston Harbour
When had they ever had an excuse
to think otherwise
But they did not think They
reacted. And thus a threat that
didn't exist was used to wipe out
calm assessment of the political
situation This incident shows how
necessary it is for us to understand
ourselves so that the 'ginnalh of our
island won't hold so much sway.
Look carefully at Jamaican socie-
ty (that of the other West Indies
too) and you will see that our fears
surmount and often blot out our
reason. Why is that? Isn't one source
the educational system which poss-
esses an atmosphere which is basic-
ally one of fear? Ask any group of
small children to play school and
they will start whipping one another
They might not even think it necess-
ary to have books in the game.
But this does not explain why
there is so little reasoning in the
community. To discover that we

must look at the systern Our edu-
cational structure, especially that
sector that has to do with the masses.
has been a series of dictations from
above. The Education Department
(now the Ministry of Education)
dictated to the trading colleges
wlich dictated to the students, who
became teachers, who dictated to
their pupils
It is possible that within this
matni some thought could arise for
it is b.ed on a formal structure
And European educational systems
have at times evolved ways and
means of provoking thought within
their rigidly structured systems. One
such means is to accompany each
order with a careful description of
the reasons for it. Anothr is for
each level to consult with the other
before the mandates are issued. The
encouragement of debating inter-
change of thought. criticism and
travel are very helpful too.
It is not that we have not made
some efforts to reduce this author-
itarianism. It is that our efforts are
puny because our educators are the
products of the rigid system. They
possess authoritarian outlooks them-
selves and in some cases are outright
dictators. A few are hampered by a
psychological need to attack life-
long opponents or put down those
who went to different schools from
theirs. These men can't give reasons
that can help thought because their
reasoning is not basis for action.
But if we blame our administrators
and our formal structures, we should
also look at the informal structures
that arose within our colonially
erected system.
These have blocked the flow of
thought rather than enhanced it.

Our training colleges have long main-
tained a system whereby the first-
year man never is allowed to express
his own point of view, sometimes
not even to open his mouth. The
second year student's role was to
vent his spite for his sufferings in
the previous vear when he would
have been better occupied in critic-
isng the leadership of the senior
students or the actions in the world
he is to teach children about. The
senior students followed tradition.
It is doubtful whether the recent
reduction in the time spent in coll-
ege has transformed the relationship
between students All that is happen-
ing is that the black masses are
getting teachers who are less well
prepared, To create more thinking,
administrators and principals must
give very high priority to the free
exchange of ideas. They would find
it useful too, to give less weight to
"personality' and more to the ability
to stimulate the thinking and inter-
est of our youth.
For we should judge our prac-
tices by their effectiveness What
have we learnt from the 'Russian
ship' rumour and other lies that
play upon our fears. We have learnt
that the political hooligan can exert
even more authority than the teach-
ers. And he has done this without
any formal training. His method is
simple, though effective. It is to
invent THREATS. And our people
whohave been taught only to accept
what they hear react with fear. But
the duty of any body of teachers
to an independent community is to
teach how to distinguish truth from
We should always learn from
history. NOEL WHITE

Many people in this country pay
rent all their lives. Because of the
very high cost of acquiring homes
and political victimization they nev-
er own one. This is so because most
of the Housing Schemes are control-
led by a few men who profiteer on
each project Houses built under
Government Housing Schemes offer
no better chance as they are provid-
ed for registered party supporters.
Realizing this, 7 persons meeting
at 57 Waltham Park Rd, in 195S

started the Waltham Land Purchase
and Housing Co-operative. Their
first subscription was 5/- each, which
amounted to 35/-. The Co-operative
grew and its assets now value near
However, in 1964 the Coop fell
into bad timunes and a Government
investigation called for its liquida-
tion. The members of the Waltham
Co-op renewed their efforts and
built up a sound investment. But
their appeal against liquidation was

rejected in spite of the expert advice
of an auditor who gave evidence
that their organization was a sound
enterprise for small investors.
has been set up by the Council on
Afro-Jamaican Affairs to succeed
the Waltham Co-op and will nego-
tiate with the liquidators on behalf
of its shareholders.


Ras Alpha-Son

Fearful Jamaian wake up! No more ae thou fosmen.
Arise, sing the song of freedom and let it echo to lads
5 afar off. Cast fear aside for Right is our gaide and Ike a
compass it directs us into Omr right path. It lights up the
Universe in flames. What the white man is doing see us,
keep us apart, holds us under bondage longer, being serants
under exie.
We the black people of Jamaica are the vanguard of this
vast amount of black people taken as slaves from Africa, and
the most militant We, the runaway slave., we have m away
from slave drivers, ar infrequently caught and made prnon-
en by white boes. And blacks always are the servants. We
ae the first to realize independence with ou blood. Ear
upon the plantations and in the cane fields and in the
grinding of sugar canes, it was our flesh and blood that
greased and kept those mills running.
Fear not. Freedom, Justice, Peace, one in three, three i one, Human
Liberty for every man, regardless of colour, class or creed.
The Humpty-Dumpties are perplexed for the ship of state has a
leak, with a cargo of unemployed men,women and their children. This
ship, "Jamaica Hardship", is sinking fast and there are no survivors
among the unemployed. This is the ship of state piloted by Captain
Clarke and on his voyage around Poverty Island he gives a little more
bread and butter. This voyage lasted ten years. Then came Captain
Washington with new ideas of avoiding Poverty and the storms upon
that Island. Dropping anchor at Referendum Bay he said the storms are
too violent I cannot risk the ship ahead. Full stop.
We are upon Dry Dock with no workmen to repair our bottoms.
And this caused a living cargo of human beings to be dumped over-
board, some went voluntarily. This is the way we travelled from Africa
in ships' holds, packed like sardines, squeezing each other until now,
like a barrel filled with crabs, we struggle against each other to find
back our way to Africa.
Gavey, a Black Admiral of the Black Star Lie who attempted
to pilot Africa's millions from all the lads afar off. was glauene death
and two funerals, one at sea and one on land. They bied lbtths. Things
that we wanted to know were barred from us aa black people. Unde
slavery we were not td be educated, were not to uphold our origima
culture, customs and traditions. And it is because Garvey educated the
the black man that he was hurried from the scene.
Jamaica gone to the rags. This sermon was preached on KingSt.
downtown Kingston by Rev. Manley of the "Two Party System" Church
and State. "Jamaica gone to rags" from a police loud speaker, "cost of
living on way to Mars." His pulpit was a J.O.S bus, topic, "Jamaica in
Slavery". The Leader say, "go home and wait for the Resurrection I a
retiring so I will see you on Judgement Morning..."
Humpty Dumpty had a great fall. Not all the King's men could
raise him up again. This fall of the Two Party System i inevitably
near. 'Cause in a Police State the police is the sole authority. Prime
Minister Shearer declare, no beatitudes-shoot and ask question after.
move and keep on moving. And o Jamaica has moved on to Freedom
Brothers and sisters lend me yor atetion I came to halur
she anns of my forefathers Paul Bog~ e. Wiaen Gordom. Mtiec
Garvey, fo a better ife on earth, to saoet some of the problems that
onfront us today, hee in Jamaica and in the woridd Peoeiafamieic
unite, Unity Guards, a new movement of people ttdy lto elt to
defend thle righi ande i val beis. to priest and lhtaiB pt oty.
illteracy, huger and wa is. Unity agds the majogty o(p e. The
poor-unite into a inercil-soi and emti ary oy e God.
OnQ AimOne Detiny-Freedona forarllead.









Now, understand me well, Marcus Garvey has entered
the fight for the emancipation of a race; Marcus Garvey
has entered the fight for the redemption of a country.
From the graves of millions of my forebears at this hour
I hear the cry, and I am going to answer it even though
hell is cut loose before Marcus Garvey. From the silent
graves of millions who went down to make me what I
am, I shall make for their memory, this fight that shall
leave a glaring page in the history of man.
I did not bring myself here; they brought me from my
silent repose in Africa 300 years ago, and this is only
the first Marcus Garvey. They have thought that they
could for 300 years brutalize a race. They have thought
that they could for 300 years steep the soul of a race in
blood and darkness and let it go at that They make a terrible mis-
take. Marcus Garvey shall revenge the blood of his sires. So don't be
afraid of Marcus Garvey. When Marcus Garvey goes to jail the world
of Negroes will know. They have come at the wrong time.
"I repeat that if they think they can stamp out the souls of
400,000,000 black men, they make a tremendous and terrible mis-
take. We are no longer dogs; we are no longer peons; we are no longer
serfs we are men. Tell us about fear; we were not born with fear.
Intimidation does not drive fear into the soul of Marcus Garvey.
There is no fear, but the fear of God. Man cannot drive fear into the
heart of man, because man is but the equal of man. The world is
crazy and foolish if they think that they can destroy the principles,
the ideals of the Universal Negro Improvement Association.


Side by side with the develop-
ment of tourism on the North Coast
of this parish, peasant farmers espe-
cially in the Dry Harbour Mountain
ar have been losing land to Bauxite
Companies. As a result most of the
arable lands have been taken away
from themandarenowbeingmined.
These companies in many instan-
ces offered resettlement lands in
exchange for lands acquired from
farmers and in addition carried a
lease programme by which lands
were made available to peasant far-
mers by various types of lease. The
major weaknesses in the system lay
in these major factors-
a) The companies had the stronger
my in the prices for which lands
were sold.
b) The companies had final say in
parcels of land which were given as
c) Farmers in most instances sold
developed lands and received un-
developed lands.
d) Resettlement lands were given
suallyin areasin whichit was quite
expensive and difficult for farmers
to travel to.
e) It sometime took periods of
several years, over 13 years in some
amesfor resettlements to be allocat-
ed to farmers who sold lands.
t) UsOlly the companies purchased
the able areas and left the peasant

farmer hanging on to marginal and
non-arable lands.
The situation has now become
increasingly difficult and will beco-
me desperate in time if some import-
ant move is not made to relieve the
situation facing these farmers.
This problem has been covered
up over the years through leases
granted by these companies. The
companies now require the lands for
mining and a number of leases have
to be terminated from year to year,
with the result that lands become
scarcer each year.
Where will those rendered land-
lessby this process end up and what
will become of the sons and daugh-
ters of such farmers? What must the
young man do when he can find ho
Someone will counter by saying
that several of the farmers who
received resettlement lands from
these companies sold them out and
have no one to blame for their
dilemma. I admit that some of these
were careless, but the majority have
been forced to do so, because they
found it impossible to develop these
holdings due to lack of finance,
distance from their homes and the
nonarable state of some of the
parcels of land received.

The political leaders of Jamaica
however are so eager to grasp the
taxes paid by these companies that
they have failed to see the social
and financial erosion which this has
caused to hundreds of families.
Politicians have exhorted the peo-
ple to sell lands without studying
and working out satisfactory impro-
vements for the poor farmers. They
are far more interested in talking
with the managers of these com-
panies than with seeing to the finan-
cial stability of the farmers who
they claim to represent.
Sstrongly advise the Prime Min-
ister to take a serious look into this
situation and though I cannot give
the fmal answer, I am sure that
volunteer police and military strate-
gy is not the answer. This country
is rotten. It needs a lot of pruning.
What you see on the surface iS the
fruit produced by years of neglect
of the lower classes in this society.
However, unless the sources from
which these fruits are produced are
themselves pruned and eradicated,
the harvest will be more than the
reapers can take off.


4 Collins Gren Annue,
Kingston 5. Jamaica, W.I.

Please enter me for a subscription to ABENG NATIONAL WEEKLY
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Vol. I No. 13 April 26, 1969


Over the past few years, and especially in
recent months, the public of this country have
been continuously bombarded with the words
"subversion" and "subversives". Officials of
Government (on both sides) use these words in
speeches and the press in articles and reports.
Not once have these people seen it fit to tell the
public what these words mean. Yet we are told
that they relate to matters of "grave national
importance". It is characteristic of the existing
political order that matters of national import-
ance are never discussed with the people. And
the educational activity like simply stating
the meaning of words is left out of political
The dictionary meaning of the verb "subvert"
is overturnn, upset, effect destruction or over-
throw of". In international political affairs, the
word "subversion" is usd to describe the acti-
vities f people who r'operarle ithll alien inter-
estl against the interests of their own country.
Let us apply these two concepts of subversion
ro the Jamaican situation.
We have inherited a colonial society and
economy. We were "owned" and controlled by
Britain before "independence" Long ago, the
Europeans captured this country from the Ind-
ians and brought utr forefathers here to work
on tie land for the Europeans. They owned the
main assets of the land. But it really belongs
to us for our forefathers paid a high price in
blood, sweat and tears crossing the Middle
Passage in slave ships, toiling on the slave plan-
tations, and scratching the hillsides after Eman-


thaminrps mU filluialie *uM tld Nai t l wiithild on miOW st Ed. )
epirt iurls

In the struggle over these long years, we
managed to achieve internal self-government
and then constitutional independence. Instead
of continuing the struggle of our forefathers,
our political leaders first the PNP then the JLP)
worked instead for alien interests. It is they
who, since the early fifties, have permitted the
sell-out of our best assets to foreigners. Through
them, foreigners now own 200,000 acres of
bauxite land and the best beaches in the country.
The result for us has been further suffering and
poverty as the farmers and other sufferers have
been pushed further back in the stony hillsides.
These political parties have "cooperated with
alien interests against the interests of their own
country" Thev are, therefore, guilty of one
kind of subversion.
There are another set of people in this
country who, from their pronouncements, would
like to see a change in the existing ciilnial
situation. They want to "oiverhrow suffering",
to "destroy" the colonial heritage, to "upsel"
and "overturn" foreign domination of our lives
so as to create a dignified existence for the
people of this country. In short, their ambition
is to destroy what has proven had for us and
replace it with whatever will best serve the
interests of all Jamaicans,
ABENG identifies itself with this set of
people. And if the purpose outlined here is
subversive, we want to be as subversive as can he.
Against this background, we ask tihe people
of this country to seriously consider who are
the subversives?

,vit PC. r



Kindly allow me space in your valuable
paper to make comments on the erroneous
statements made by your Port Antonio corr-
espondent in the article "Doctors in Prison"
which came out in your paper Saturday
12th April.
Your correspondent is wrong in saying
that one wears their own clothing as long
as three or four months. One changes to
prison garb on the first day of entering. The
only people who wear their own clothes are
appellants, debtors and civil prisoners. The
prisoners at the remand section of the G.P.
also wear their own clothes.
He also went on to say that a warder
walks around with a stethoscope. This is quite
erroneous. The doctor is the only person
who uses a stethoscope in his examination
of a prisoner, and whenever the case is an
acute one tlln prison is re-rreid to a spec-
ialist io a Public flospital. Alilough I am a
niemihr iol lthe prison stal II an not prepared
to cover ihe uinifavourable conditions Ihat
exist I in the prison, anrd at tie sice litI I
will nol agree with anl individual wilh feels
thali le b would paint a situation red when it
does not mcril it.
lk wellit in tuither to say that toi avid
lahIour a bribe of 10/- can he given L t the
classing otlitern IFhis is also incorrect

I walt Abicrng to know that I do not
work, nor atteill school at this piesoni dis-
pensation otf time, hut I alrl capable enough
at Ihis rnolenlt ItI do whatsoever I can to
help he A n g t hlow much harder I atn sulr
Abeiltg is lIt lIilly equipped with all the help
sli needs so please tind soietllinng for ine to
doi II it's inkiy i;r isle Il. have a sat, please
mie, sed rearid let me know what tile sirt'lull r
irna li t Many are tllCe that light against
lie Righl, but through the iinspiralion. at
thought ard ianestatin ein of d' murk
I do pens Ino Abevno' ol eislt Where I art
concerned there's no tliture lor Ile here, not
aloitgr it people who isays that prison is better
thlan si],h l towards ltie he bnefi and aid ol
tie criUnlly I guarantlee ltha Abeng gets full
aid and supplorlalice Iiorn our I'aithlul and
hIut Black Brolther and Sistes, cause Ableng
i a sound oi Irulipetr that "w sli il uite Ii
rulng the all, ul iriperfahl .i[d ( nlo a I-

I will Aben great success wlthli IheIC
dj )s tIl cuntcl and Ihait whatsoever Inov it
dak o SON be neOF THE LIVINGr s ty GO

As a citizen of the community I would
like to inform you and everybody about
the condition of the water supply in Alex-
andria. In the community in general there is
a chronic water deficiency and animals
(including sufferers) thirst, while the once
beautiful green vegetation turns brown.
The Hospital runs on a minimurh supply
of water, which is reservoired in tanks which
are abundantly inhabited by frogs and tad-
The Government could at least in the
interest of health of the people, give them
clean, healthy water to consume while they
are incapacitated, The citizens of the area
would also appreciate street lights, or does
somebody have to be fatally mauled before
it is even considered?

I he leaders if Givcrnlient in Jamaica
are either unaware of tIlir purpose r they
have sIhaielesIsly disregarded Irhe purpose itI
tlir extistence which is as simple as looking
after the affairs of tIe masses in a progressive
rirannicr and protecting ihe wealth of tile
country from foreign and local exploitation.
Instead they have joined hand in glove with
their foreign imperialist countries such as the
UISA, C'anada and Britain in exploitation of
the people's wealth to strengthen their finan-
cial securities.
All that just goes to show what a mess
we are really in. I rom ever since the minor-
ity rile lias com)i into existence it is through
brutishl and savage acts that they have been
able ri keep thie suffering classes under their
tcutlieso, Iherelore it is by furce that we will
say they lave exercised their hold upon the
Black people one and all it is time we
unite and stop being a while man's nigger.
In unity lies our liberation.

all Brothers and Sisters
of the Suul World
Place: BOWENS PLACE (Guys Hill)
Date: 9th MAY, 1969
time: :00 OP'M. until anon
Admission: 3/-
Refreshments on Sale

A rc .- en

by Omo bQun
The breakaway Republic of Biafra has now been reduced toan area
of about one hundred miles by forty miles. The First. Second and Third
Divisions of the Nigerian Army surround this area on three sides. The
Second Division, in the west, is not very effective; many months ago it
captured Onitsha, the important market town on the River Niger, which
was Biafra's frontier, but has not been able to advance much further. How-
ever, the First and Third Divisions are pressing in from the north and south
and may be able to join up and cut what is left of Biafra in two. Already
the First Division is near enough to Umuahia, the Biafran capital, to shell
it, and it seems that (olonel Ojukwu has moved his government to another
place. If the Biafran airstrip at Uli is captured no more arms and ammuni-
tion can be flown in.
At thle moment the lack of food is muck less serious than it was
some months ago. The Red ('ross and other international relief organisa-
tions are bringing in enough fish and other protein foods to halt the very
serious malnutrition among children. But if the war goes on much longer
yams and other staple foods will become scarce, and then not only child-
ren but adults will begin to die.
On the other hand, it is likely that one way or another the war will
end before this. If Uli is captured the Biafrans will not be able to hold out
long without guns and ammunition. In any case, it is reported that the
supply of weapons from France is now much less than it was; General
Declaulle seems to be having second thoughts about his support for Biafra
the Nigerians, on their side. are now reported to be using tanks, which
they must have obtained from the Russians, since the British are supplying
mostly ammunition.
Whether it is British shells or Russian tanks, what all this means is
that black people are killing one another with weapons supplied by white
men. It has been like that for centuries, Black men were given white men's
guns to hunt for slaves which the white men could bring to the West Indies
to work on their plantations. After the white men had colonised Africa
itself, they used black men in their armies and police forces to shoot other
black men who wished to be free. Now that Biafra is trying to be free the
white men are giving guns to those who wish to conquer her.
Why do the white imperialists do this? Is it because they love the
Nigerians and think their cause is just? Certainly not. Nor do the French
love the Biafrans. What all of these big powers want is money and influence.
The British do not want to lose the money they have invested in oil
and other things. The Franch wish to gain control of Biafra's oil. The
Russians want to gain influence in Nigeria, which they have not had before,
because the Americans and British kept them out. Whoever wins in the war
between Biafra and Nigeria, it is black people who will die and white people
who will benefit. That is what has happened for centuries. When will black
people wake up and realise this?

Published by Abeng Publishing ( Id, 4 Collis Green Ave., Kingston 5 Robert A. Hill, Secretary, residing at II Calcroft Ave., Kingston 8. Printed by Brice Printing Ltd., 6 East St., Kingston. April 26 1969.

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