Bicentennial commission of...
 General editor's preface
 Title Page
 Table of Contents


An account of the first discovery, and natural history of Florida
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00100329/00001
 Material Information
Title: An account of the first discovery, and natural history of Florida
Series Title: Bicentennial Floridiana facsimile series
Physical Description: xxix, 102, 15 p., 1 fold. leaves of plates : maps ; 29 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Roberts, William, fl. 1763
Publisher: University Presses of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Copyright Date: 1976
Edition: A facsim. reproduction of the 1763 ed., with an introd. and index -- by Robert L. Gold.
Subjects / Keywords: Discovery and exploration -- Florida   ( lcsh )
History -- Florida -- Spanish colony, 1565-1763   ( lcsh )
Description and travel -- Early works to 1800 -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Genre: Early works to 1800   ( lcsh )
bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: United States of America -- Florida
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
General Note: "A University of Florida book."
Statement of Responsibility: by William Roberts.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University Press of Florida
Holding Location: University Press of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 02020562
lccn - 76001971
isbn - 0813003733
alephbibnum - 000149005
oclc - 2020562
System ID: UF00100329:00001

Table of Contents
    Bicentennial commission of Florida
        Page iii
        Page iv
    General editor's preface
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Full Text



Governor Reubin O'D. Askew, Honorary Chairman
Lieutenant Governor J. H. Williams, Chairman
Harold W. Stayman, Jr., Vice Chairman
William R. Adams, Executive Director

Dick J. Batchelor, Orlando
Johnnie Ruth Clarke, St. Petersburg
A. H. "Gus" Craig, St. Augustine
James J. Gardener, Fort Lauderdale
Jim Glisson, Tavares
Mattox Hair, Jacksonville
Thomas L. Hazouri, Jacksonville
Ney C. Landrum, Tallahassee
Mrs. Raymond Mason, Jacksonville
Carl C. Mertins, Jr., Pensacola
Charles E. Perry, Miami
W. E. Potter, Orlando
F. Blair Reeves, Gainesville
Richard R. Renick, Coral Gables
Jane W. Robinson, Cocoa
Mllrs. Robert L. Shevin, Tallahassee
Don Shoemaker, Miami
Mary L. Singleton, Jacksonville
Bruce A. Smathers, Tallahassee
Alan Trask, Fort Meade
Edward J. Trombetta, Tallahassee
Ralph D. Turlington, Tallahassee
William S. Turnbull, Orlando
Robert Williams, Tallahassee
Lori Wilson, Merritt Island



WHEN William Roberts' An Account of the First Discovery, and
Natural History of Florida was published in 1763, it was the
most reliable source of information then available on the province so
recently acquired by Britain. The Treaty of Paris, which ended the
French and Indian War, as it is called in American history texts, saw
large parcels of real estate being traded back and forth between the
world's great powers. To retrieve Cuba, particularly Havana, that
lustrous pearl of the Caribbean, Spain relinquished her sovereignty
over La Florida, ending her 250-year hegemony over the territory.
There were many in Britain who questioned the wisdom of accept-
ing Florida in lieu of richer West Indian islands. Even William Pitt
felt that St. Augustine was unequal to Havana. An article in a con-
temporary journal described Florida as having little more than "pine
barrels or sandy deserts [sic]." Yet those responsible for formulating
English policy saw the value of expelling the Spanish from Florida
and gaining the French possessions east of the Mississippi. These
territories were organized as the British royal colonies of East and
West Florida.
It was an empty land that Britain took over in 1763, and one about
which little was known. A publicity program was quickly launched
to attract settlers. Advertisements appeared in London papers and
magazines, and James Grant, newly appointed governor of East
Florida, promoted the ease of securing land grants. The available
maps and descriptions were inaccurate and inadequate. In 1762,
Thomas Jefferys, the king's geographer, published a book containing
some data about Florida, and a few of his maps of the area. However,
it was the appearance of William Roberts' book which provided rela-
tively accurate information about Florida. Professor Robert L. Gold,
editor of this facsimile, describes it as "the first sound and dependable
source of facts readily found in Great Britain . it was the only



instructive account available to potential settlers and land specula-
tors." The six Jefferys' maps which were included in the volume are
Roberts, like other propagandists, presented "a favorable portrait
of Florida." The climate was "pure and wholesome," the soil "rich
and fruitful," and the native Indians, he ascertained, were larger in
stature, stronger of constitution, and lived longer than Mexicans.
Almost anything Spanish that Roberts found in Florida, he criticized.
His antagonisms, which were not unusual at all for an Englishman,
even led him to the conclusion that Sebastian Cabot, a fellow-country-
man, had discovered America, and not Columbus. There are cer-
tainly errors in Roberts' A account, and in part this is explained by the
fact that he never visited the area. He was a professional writer, a
publicist who strongly supported Britain and her colonial policy. If
settlers moved into Florida and developed its economy as a result of
his book, it would, he realized, be good for his country, and what
more could a patriot expect?
An Account of the First Discovery, and Natural History of Florida
is one of the facsimiles in the Bicentennial Floridiana Facsimile Series
that is being published by the Bicentennial Commission of Florida.
Under a legislative mandate, the Commission was established in 1970
to plan Florida's role and involvement in the celebration of the na-
tion's two-hundredth birthday. Dedicated to the need for calling at-
tention to Florida's rich and exciting history which reaches back
nearly' five centuries, the Commission's Committee on Publications
and Research decided that the Floridiana Facsimile and Reprint
Series, which had reprinted many rare volumes on Florida history at
the time of the Florida Quadricentennial, should be renewed. Twenty-
five out-of-print volumes were selected, and scholars, such as Pro-
fessor Gold, were invited to write an interpretive essay as an intro-
duction to each facsimile and to compile an index. The publication
of these volumes will constitute a major contribution to the knowledge
and understanding of Florida history.
Robert L. Gold, professor of history at Southern Illinois Univer-
sity, is a native of New York, and holds his degrees from Columbia
University, Bowling Green State University, and the University of
Iowa. As a specialist in both Latin American and Florida history, and


with a knowledge of eighteenth-century Spanish paleology, he has
published extensively in professional and scholarly periodicals in the
United States and abroad. His book, Borderland Empires in Transi-
tion: The Triple-Nation Transfer of Florida is a significant contribu-
tion to the history of eighteenth-century American colonialism. Pro-
fessor Gold has taught at the University of South Florida and has
served on the staff of the University of the Americas in Mexico City.
General Editor of the
University of Florida.


T HE Seven Years' War ended two centuries of Spanish power in
Florida. Following Spain's long struggle with the forces of Eng-
land and France for control of the New World, the treaties of 1763
terminated all Castillian claims of hegemony in America and opened
its strategic center to the possibility of British seizure and occupation.
Before the Treaty of Paris, Spain's authority in Meso-America, espe-
cially in the Gulf of Mexico, was limited by the existence of French
Louisiana east of the Mississippi River and the English settlements
north of St. Augustine. Afterwards, the Spaniards unhappily acknowl-
edged the loss of the borderlands of La Florida as well as the total
loss of the peninsula discovered by Ponce de Ledn. At the peace con-
ferences of 1762 and 1763, the Spanish negotiators simply yielded
Florida to Great Britain in order to retrieve Cuba, which had been
quickly captured during the last stages of the Seven Years' War. Fol-
lowing the promulgation of the Treaty of Paris, Spain's rule in
Florida was reduced to the task of implementing the imperial transfer
of the old colony from Spanish to British sovereignty. For France, the
treaty finally shattered its empire in the New World, with the session
of Canada and all of North America east of the Mississippi River.
The surrender of Florida, however, left Spain in the precarious posi-
tion of possessing Meso-American colonies without control of the
Bahama Channel, the Gulf of Mexico, the Mississippi River, or the
vast Caribbean Sea.x
Despite the military defeats of the Family Compact (France and
Spain) and its critical loss of territory in 1763, the Paris treaty was
not generally popular with the English public. John Wilkes, the well-
known political agitator, angrily protested, "It is the damn'est peace
for the opposition that ever was made."2 Another antagonistic critic
complained that the pact was very characteristic of England "whose
wars, as a rule, are marked at the outset by unreadiness, and at the
conclusion by an inadequate treaty."" While the courts and citizenry
of France and Spain lamented the evacuation of Canada, Louisiana,


Florida, and other valuable colonial areas, many Englishmen criti-
cized the territorial consequences of the treaty. Some political spokes-
men believed that Great Britain should have obtained the W~est Indian
Islands with their wealth of sugar and spices as a result of the war.
Those critics argued that Canada could only offer hides and furs as
English imports, while the French islands, especially Guadeloupe,
would enrich England with such exports as sugar cane, coffee, and
rum.4 Earlier, during the treaty discussions, Secretary of State Wil-
liam Pitt sarcastically wondered, "Some are for keeping Canada;
some Guadeloupe; who will tell me what I shall be hanged for not
keeping?"5 Certainly, there were supporters who praised the Treaty
of Paris and the ultimate possession of Canada and the Florida penin-
sula. Lord Shelburne, president of the Board of Trade in 1763,
proudly explained, "The total exclusion of the French from Canada
and the Spaniards from Florida gives Great Britain the universal em-
pire of that extended coast."' His assessment seemed quite accurate.
The Treaty of Paris provided future security for British America,
established England as the exclusive imperial power east of the Mis-
sissippi River, and granted the British government the position and
opportunity to wrest the western world from Spanish rule.
The acquisition of Florida elicited other arguments among the
English populace. Prior to the Treaty of Paris, during the parliamen-
tary debates on the preliminaries of peace (1762), William Pitt
readily admitted that the old Spanish presidio was unequal to Havana,
which would be returned to Spain according to international agree-
ment.7 Such an admission by an articulate advocate of the treaty
seemingly exacerbated the controversy over the cession of Florida in
exchange for Cuba and the possibility of Caribbean control. John
Wilkes, who soon became a principal antagonist of the Treaty of
Paris, condemned England's new colony with the caustic suggestion
that Florida could provide peat "to give comfortable fires to our cold,
frozen ~West Indian islands."s Another critic assessed Florida to be
"as barren as Bagshot Heath."' The Gentleman's Magazine, although
a major source of publicity and support for the settlement of Florida,
initially described the southeastern seaboard of North America as
"little more than pine barrens or sandy deserts."to Later, in 1767, the
celebrated map-maker, John Mitchell, denounced all of the spoils of



the Seven Years' War with special reference to the "pestiferous sea
coasts," swamps, and "sunken lagunes" of East Florida."l
Many proponents of the Treaty of Paris assumed that the acquisi-
tion of Florida completed Great Britain's command of the continent
from the St. Lawrence southward to the Bahama Channel and the
Gulf of Mexico. General Jeffrey Amherst, commander-in-chief of the
British Army in America, approved of the colonial cession for mili-.
tary and strategic reasons; he recognized the significant position of St.
Augustine in proximity to the Spanish colonies and the French com-
merce in the Caribbean Sea.12 Others advocated the treaty since they
expected the new provinces to supply profits from land speculation,
agricultural production, and timber sales. Florida, in the words of
one such supporter, was "the most precious jewel in His Majesty's
American dominions."13 The peninsula actually appeared to be an
unknown and mysterious place to most Englishmen until several de-
scriptive surveys emerged in England in the early and middle sixties."4
Great Britain obtained an unpopulated territory from the Treaty of
Paris. Because of the king's promises of property and opportunities
elsewhere in the empire the Spanish people simply abandoned St.
Augustine, Apalache, and Pensacola. During the first year of the
English occupation, the Spaniards evacuated all of their colonial
population and portable possessions from Florida and shipped them
to Cuba and New Spain. From April 1763 to February 1764, the
Spanish and proselytized-Indian peoples emigrated en masse to Cam-
peche, Havana, Vera Cruz, and other nearby sites and settlements.
The entire process of evacuation and emigration was effected with
speed, order, and success. Spain left little of value behind for Great
Britain except immovable property and real estate. Following the
Spanish exodus of 1763-1764, England's ownership of Florida in-
cluded the unfriendly Indians, the residential, municipal, and military
buildings, and the uncultivated and unpopulated land of the penin-
sula. *
The absence of people in the new acquisition prompted the British
government to begin a publicity program to lure settlers from Eng-
land, Europe, and America. Florida settlement for American colonists
was especially encouraged in an endeavor to draw the frontier away
from the Indians lands of the Alleghenies and toward the unoccupied



territories of the southern peninsula. The King's Proclamation of Oc-
tober 7, 1763, divided England's new domains into two provinces
(East Florida and West Florida) and provided special property op-
portunities for ex-soldiers and other settlers. Proprietorship grants
and purchases were offered with easy terms to attract frontiersmen
from the north and future colonists from Europe. The Proclamation
served to promote the settlement and eventual economic development
of the ceded areas. With the formation of East and West Florida,
colonial officials were able to organize internal order in the new
colonies, introduce English institutions, and pacify the Indians with
a policy of peaceful coexistence. The official settlement of Florida
subsequently followed the implementation of the Proclamation of
The recently acquired peninsula would be opened immediately for
occupation in order to offer speculators and frontiersmen another
area to colonize away from Indian country, but closer to government
control. If Canada and Florida could absorb midwestern colonists,
the British policy-makers of the 1760s believed that Great Britain
would manage to hold most of its American subjects within "reach"
of royal authority. Ultimately, the colonial office hoped to supervise
westward movement and colonization. The isolated settlers of the
Midwest would probably engage in commerce and manufacturing in
contradiction to the crown's economic regulations, but the king's of-
ficials were more concerned with the possibility of war with the In-
dians if the English settlements remained extant in their territory.
Imperial management of western migration, colonization, and Indian
affairs was subsequently arranged by the future application of the
Proclamation of October 7, 1763."7 Thereafter, Florida became the
colonial "refuge" for British America.
Florida publicity and propaganda appeared in a variety of books,
papers, and periodicals. In addition to the Proclamation of 1763,
other official programs promoting settlement of the new provinces
soon emerged from England and America. Mentioning the many re-
sources, the warm and salubrious climate, and fertile soil of the
Floridas, the new governors and London ministers enticed investors,
speculators, and settlers with land grants and other opportunities. The
British government initially advertised in the London Gazette advis-



ing its readers of the availability of property in the Florida provinces.
Awards of land would be allowed for the cultivation of grapes, silk,
cotton, cochineal, indigo, and other products, and interested persons
were instructed to submit their petitions to the secretary of the Board
of Trade. The same advertisement was repeated in the November
issue of Scots Magazine and reviewed in the Gentleman's Magazine
for the same month in 1763.'" In response to a royal order, James
Grant, East Florida's first governor, subsequently prepared a proc-
lamation which stated the terms of land grants, explained the method
of application, and praised the productivity and life-style of the col-
ony. His propaganda promoted Florida as a place of health, longevity,
and unusual fertility. According to his account, the strength of the
soil permitted a perennial specie of indigo with four yields per year,
the cultivation of two crops of corn annually, and citrus fruits such
as lemons, limes, and oranges; mahogany and other important build-
ing materials were also mentioned by the governor as abundant prod-
ucts of the province.lg Other similar publicity appeared later in pe-
riodicals and proclamations.
Unofficial or unsolicited private propaganda also arrived in print
in the 1760s. In the Gentleman's Magazine of January 1767, "An
Exhortation to Gentlemen of small Fortunes to settle in East Florida"
emerged as a two-page piece to invite colonists to the new province.
Addressed to "the middling gentry. ..and the younger sons of good
families," the article urged them to leave England and settle in East
Florida :

Since the great increase of expence in England, in every article of
life, persons of liberal minds but narrow fortunes, feel innumerable
distresses. The impossibility of persevering rank without a fortune, and
the mortification of finding our accustomed respect in life daily dimin-
ish, and our circumstances more and more confined, is sa situation
thoroughly miserable, so that a lover of mankind cannot know a higher
satisfaction, than in pointing out redress to those who are worthy of
it. As I am very well convinced, that a gentleman with only a thou-
sand pounds, whether with or without family, in England, is in these
times an unhappy being, and that the self same man, if he would
follow the example of his superiors, and secure a tract of land in the
colony I have mentioned, may be happy, independent, and in a few



years rich; I should not be satisfied if I did not, by the channel of a
public paper, make this known to those who. may be benefitted by it.
There is neither mystery nor speculation in the case. It all turns upon
a solid matter of fact; that is, the difference betwixt living in expensive
Enzgland without any landed property, and the living in cheap America
upon an estate of your own. The advantage of having, by gift from the
crown, fifteen hundred acres of fertile ground, by the side of a navi-
gable river, in a good country and fine climate, (which is confessedly
the fact in East Florida) is so great, that a person's situation becomes
thereby totally altered.20

According to the anonymous author of the polemic, an Englishman
who settled in the province would be able to cultivate cotton, indigo,
and rice for commercial sale and raise an abundance of "the necessi-
ties of life" for himself and his family. If the colonist initially pos-
sessed 1,000 pounds sterling, his Florida plantation would include a
house, the proper farm implements, sufficient livestock (horses, cows,
sheep, hogs, and poultry), five white servants, ten Negro slaves, plus
"three hundred pounds in his pocket."21
In its description of the new domains, the Gentleman's Magazine
listed numerous other attractions which were extant and easily avail-
able to English settlers. Governor Grant's memorable proclamation
probably served as a source for many of the positive statements.
Good health, long life, and "remarkably temperate" winters were
emphasized among the other appealing aspects of existence in East
Florida. The portrait of the province that emerged in such propa-
ganda gave it the appearance of an agricultural El Dorado!

The soil on the coast is, in general, sandy, but productive, with proper
cultivation; the lands are rich and fertile in the interior parts of the
province; and on the sides of the rivers, which are numerous, fruits
and grain may be raised with little labour; the late inhabitants had
often two crops of Indian corn in one year; and the breeder here will
be under no necessity of laying up fodder for the winter, for there is
at all times sufficient quantity of pasture to maintain his cattle. The
indigo plant remains unhurt for several years, and may be cut four
times in a season. Wild indigo is found here in great abundance,
which, with proper cultivation, is esteemed in the Frentch islands, to
be the best .. it is not to be doubted, but that all the fruits and pro-



ductions of the West Indies may be raised here. .. Oranges, limes,
lemons, and other fruits grow spontaneously over the country. .. .
This province abounds with mahogany, and all kinds of timber, fit
for transportation or ship building; and the conveyance of the com-
modities or productions hereof will be attended with little expence,
as there is water carriage every where.22

Denys Rolle was probably the enthusiastic polemicist who wrote'
the article for the Gentleman's Magazine and published other propa-
ganda exalting East Florida and urging its settlement. In one of his
other publicity efforts he exclaimed, "Every thing in nature seems to
correspond towards the cultivation of the productions of the whole
world, in some part or other of this happy province. . ."23 Rolle, a
previous member of Parliament, established a plantation along the
St. Johns River (near today's city of Palatka) which endured fitfully
with financial fluctuations until the last years of the British period,
when it failed completely. His settlement, Rollestown, existed by the
recruitment and employment of slaves, indentured servants, and im-
poverished people from the London slums who served the colonists
enticed to East Florida by the "promises" of so many publications.24
Other advocates also stressed the numerous advantages of settling in
the new province.
Despite so much publicity and propaganda, the final settlement
and population of Florida never reached the proportions anticipated
by the English promoters of the new colony. Many individuals and
families emigrated to the ceded lands, but few of the grandiose
propagating schemes ever succeeded. Most of the plans to settle the
province were never implemented, and those plantation-communities,
like Rollestown, which did emerge into existence suffered too many
problems to maintain a constant or increasing population. One such
settlement, New Smyrna, collapsed in 1777 after several years of op-
eration, and the Minorcan colonists evacuated the site and fled to St.
Augustine. Early attempts to colonize East Florida were frustrated,
particularly in the capital of the province, by land speculators like
Jesse Fish and John Gordon who held great tracts of property in their
possession.25 Only Manchac and Natchez really prospered in the
British period. The American Revolution actually produced the most
significant population statistics for Florida when the Loyalists aban-



doned Charleston, Savannah, and other northern communities to be-
come refugees in St. Augustine and in some of the English settle-
ments near the mouth of the St. Johns River. Several years later, the
restoration of the Floridas to Spanish rule in 1783 ultimately ended
all English efforts to populate the provinces. Thereafter, the Tory
refugees and most of the frontier settlers deserted the country.26
While individual promoters and the government of George III
were preoccupied with plans to populate the empty colony, English-
men generally seemed ignorant of Florida and indifferent to its im-
portance in America. Few Europeans in the middle of the eighteenth
century understood world geography or could visualize the size and
structure of North and South America, located almost 1,000 leagues
from their continent. For many people, Florida, so small and so far
away, perhaps seemed too insignificant to consider. The majority of
Europeans probably concerned themselves with employment, food,
and survival, and spent little time thinking of foreign lands across
the seas. Yet, some English statesmen and citizens sought knowledge
of the new provinces. For those readers, the November and Decem-
ber editions (1763) of the Gentleman's Magazine provided several
old maps and some limited information about Florida. Two other
contemporary publications, An Account of the Spanish Settlements
in America ( 1762) and T he Ame rican Gazetteer, contained addi-
tional descriptions of St. Augustine and the former Spanish colony,
but both of the works were really inadequate for anyone seeking sub-
stantial historical and geographic knowledge.27 Only one volume
offered a satisfactory assessment of the old settlement, and it was
published in 1762 by the king's geographer, Thomas Jefferys, as A
Description of the Spanish Islands and Settlements on the Coast of the
West Indies. This survey devoted 5 of its 110 pages to the peninsula,
Pensacola, and St. Augustine, but the brief geographic statement was
supplemented by the addition of several detailed maps.28
Soon after the signing of the Treaty of Paris in February 1763, an
informative study of Florida appeared in print written by William
Roberts. His work included geographical descriptions, the history of
European discovery and exploration, and also several of Thomas
Jeffreys' excellent maps of St. Augustine, Pensacola, and the entire
peninsular colony. The publication was appropriately entitled An



Account of the First Discovery, and Natural History of Florida.29
Roberts' book became the first sound and dependable source of facts
readily found in Great Britain, and for several years, at least until
1766, it was the only instructive account available to potential set-
tlers and land speculators. Extensive sales required several editions
to be published.30 During the decade of the 1760s it remained a sig-
nificant study, although later assessments of Florida contained con-
siderably more information and material.
The work of William Roberts appeared as a slender volume, so
characteristic of eighteenth-century English manuscripts. Although
succinct, it contained 102 pages and six superb maps made by
Thomas Jefferys. One-fourth of the book (the first 25 pages) was
devoted to a geographic description of the people, places, resources,
and products of Florida, while the other three-fourths featured the
stories of the discovery and explorations of the peninsula and the
history of the Spanish colony. The subject of Hernando de Soto's ex-
pedition apparently fascinated the author, since he used 48 pages of
his small publication to relate that adventure. A short letter written
by an English sea captain, who had sailed to the Florida coast in
1754, concluded the account.
Despite the definitive title, Roberts' book did not provide his read-
ers with a "Natural History" of the new province. It placed La Florida
in a geographic perspective, located and described its prominent
characteristics (coasts, gulfs, harbors, bays, islands, and rivers) and
superficially mentioned some of the topographical sites and features,
but very little natural history actually appeared in the volume."1 The
eighteenth-century Englishman essentially wrote a general descrip-
tion of Florida. Such a work would be obviously welcome in Great
Britain, where almost no knowledge of the territory ceded by Spain
existed in any quantity or quality. As a description, dependent upon
the supplementary maps of Thomas Jefferys, the author drew a rela-
tively accurate and certainly adequate picture of Florida for those of
his countrymen who wished to satisfy their curiosity. In the early
1760s that information was both sufficient and serviceable.
Roberts fixed the location of Florida along the lines reluctantly
accepted by the Spaniards after the establishment of Charles Towne
in 1670. At that time, an Anglo-Spanish treaty limited the old settle-



ment to the land south of the Altamaha River, although Spain's pre-
tensions to Tierra Florida included all of the territory north of the
peninsula to Canada and the Gulf of St. Lawrence.32 According to
An Account of the First Discovery, and Natural History of Florida
the frontiers followed the Spanish claims of the seventeenth century.
"They [the Spaniards] .. make the River Altarnaha the boundary
between it and Georgia, by which they take in the whole country of
the Lower Creek Indians. On the North-west, they separate it from
Louisiana by the Rio Perdido. To the East it hath Georgia, the At-
lantic Ocean, the channel of Baharna, or Gulf of Florida: To the
South, the Gulf of Mexico."3
In the same year that Roberts' publication reached the English
public, George III issued the Proclamation of October 7, 1763, which
partitioned the old Spanish province and significantly changed its
boundaries. East Florida and West Florida were formed to govern
the former southeastern possessions of France and Spain.34 East
Florida thereafter included all of the Spanish lands bordered by the
Atlantic Ocean, the Gulf of Mexico, and the Apalachicola River. Its
northern boundary became a drawn line extending eastward from the
confluence of the Apalachicola, Chattahoochee, and Flint rivers to
the ocean entry of the St. Marys River. Such a boundary increased
the size of Georgia by the acquisition of the disputed lands located
between the Altamaha and St. Marys rivers and resolved a century-
old controversy between that colony and Carolina over the ownership
of the territory north of St. Augustine. The geographic frontiers of
West Florida were established by the Apalachicola River, the Gulf
of Mexico, the Lakes Pontchartrain and Maurepas, the Mississippi
River, and the thirty-first degree north latitude. The Proclamation
enlarged West Florida by employing the Mississippi River as the
western border instead of the Perdido River.35 Roberts' description
of Florida therefore differed from the dimensions of the new English
provinces that existed following the Proclamation of 1763, but his
book appeared in print too soon to include the boundary changes
planned by the British government.
Like other propagandists Roberts presented a favorable portrait
of Florida. He found the climate to be warm, wholesome, and con-
ducive to long life:



A country so extensive in latitude must be supposed to vary somewhat
in point of air and climate, but it may, upon the whole, be called very
warm, though the great heats in the Southern parts are much allayed
by the cool breezes from the sea .. notwithstanding the climate of
Florida is, as we have said, very warm, it is not for that reason less
pure and wholesome; the best testimony of which that can be given is
the size, firmness, strength of constitution, and longevity of the Flor-
ida Indians: in all these particulars they far exceed the Mexicans."G

The soil, which he described as "remarkably rich and fruitful," fre-
quently produced two or three crops of Indian corn, and with careful
cultivation would yield every "sort of grain" as well as cotton, hemp,
and indigo. Roberts reported that British Florida possessed a variety
of timber, but particularly cedar, chestnut, cypress, laurel, palms,
and pine trees. He mentioned sassafras as the most common tree
found in the colony. Limes, plums, and grapes were also listed,
along "with many other fruits of delicious flavour" as indigenous to
the area. Additional information referred to the abundance of do-
mestic animal foods-beef, mutton, pork, and veal-as well as many
other wild varieties. Even ambergris and cochineal and "seals" were
plentifully available in the peninsula. The province, in Roberts' esti-
mation, seemed to be a productive paradise."7
The author really perceived only a few natural flaws in Florida,
although he examined and described the entire colony in geographic
detail. He noted that the "sea-coast is very flat, sandy, and full of
shoals," and coastal waterways were often difficult to navigate be-
cause of trade winds, shallow winding channels, and sea currents. He
made almost no mention of the treacherous sand bars of St. Augustine
which menaced Spanish shipping for more than two centuries.
Roberts generally praised Florida for its fine bays, harbors, inlets,
and rivers endowed with wide and deep waters; he seemed especially
impressed by the spacious approaches and sea passages to the new
province. The writer was particularly pleased with the bay at Pensa-
cola which he called "one of the best in all of the Gulf of Mexico"
because of its excellent anchorage and capacity of "containing a
great number of ships.""s
Almost anything Spanish he found in Florida, however, apparently
had serious fault and earned his scornful criticism. The inhabitants



of Pensacola he regarded as malefactorss transported hither from
Mexico," their town he described as "composed of small huts or
cabins, built without any order," and the stockaded fort he stated
was of "very little use."" He also accused the Spaniards of committing
terrible crimes and cruelties against the Florida Indians:

In point of religion, they are bigoted idolaters, worshiping the sun
and moon, and bearing an extreme aversion to all Christians; which
indeed is not to be wondered at, since the horrid cruelties exercised
by the Spaniards upon the natives of the adjacent island of Cuba, and
other places, even to extirpation, could not fail to excite the utmost
abhorrence and dread of them in those Savages, instead of recom-
mending to them the purity of Christianity.
The Spaniards, according to their usual custom, charge these people
with many vices, in order to cast as fair a colour as they can over
their inhumane behaviour to the Indians, both of this and other re-
gions, whom they first butchered, and then represented as savage
barbarians, in order to palliate the crime, and in some degree apolo-
gize for such proceedings, as they know must appear shocking in the
eyes of the more civilized nations of Europe."

Such anti-Spanish antagonism was characteristic of writers subscrib-
ing to the "black legend" which blamed the Spaniards for an incom-
parably cruel and exploitive conquest of the New World. His Hispan-
ophobia even led him to the conclusion that Sebastian Cabot, not
Columbus, discovered America." As an Englishman, in the after-
math of the Seven Years' War, Roberts' conformity to "black legend"
history could be easily understood.
The major portion of the Englishman's work was devoted to des-
criptions of the Spanish expeditions to Florida. More than half of
the book, fifty-five pages, pertained to the experiences of such explor-
ers as Ponce de Le6n, Lucas VAsquez de Ayll6n, Pinfilo de Narviez,
Cabeza de Vaca, Hernando de Soto, and Tristin de Luna y Arellano.
Roberts apparently used Garcilaso de la Vega's La Florida del Inca
(1723) as a source for his history of Hernando de Soto. Other
adelantados were ignored: Father Luis Cincer de Barbastro, Angel
de VillafaTie, and, in particular, Pedro Men6ndez de Avil6s, the
founder of Spain's first successful colony in Florida. Most of the



author's chronicles of Spanish adventures in the peninsula appeared
in erroneous or incomplete form characterized by misspellings, factual
omissions, and curious misunderstandings. Roberts did not record
the death of Ponce de Le6n, the establishment of St. Augustine (San
Agustin de la Florida) in 1565, or the circumstances of the Seven
Years' War which brought the Spanish colony into British possession.
He credited Columbus only with the discovery of Guanahani (San
Salvador). The author also accused the Spaniards of sundry acts of
cruelty, cannibalism, and opportunism, and charged them with slay-
ery and "inhuman and horrid" treatment of the Indians.42 Such at-
tacks upon Spain and the Spanish conquistadores, of course, seemed
quite appropriate in an eighteenth-century account written by an
English author.
Roberts employed approximately a fifth of his book to accounts of
English and French expeditions to Florida. He recounted the colonial
failure of Jean Ribault, Ren6 de Laudonnibre, and the French Fort
Caroline with only a passing reference to the Protestant colony, al-
though he spent several paragraphs on the story of the Spanish mas-
sacre of the Huguenots. Again, Spain was blamed for inhuman acts
of barbarism. The assaults of Dominique de Gourgues, Francis
Drake, and Robert Searles (alias John Davis) upon Florida received
detailed comment by Roberts, but he neglected to describe the sig-
nificant explorations and settlements of La Salle and Walter Raleigh
in North American areas claimed by Spain. The author concluded
his account with the eighteenth-century efforts of England to seize
the Spanish peninsula and the French attempts to capture Pensacola
and control the lower Mississippi Valley. Roberts related the history
of the Anglo-Spanish struggle for Florida with surprisingly little in-
formation. The attacks of Governor James Moore of Carolina
(1702-1704) and Governor James Oglethorpe of Georgia (1740-
1743) received only limited attention, although the author observed
that the English invasions "evidently makes appear of what conse-
quence to our trade the possession of this country was thought to be
at that time."43
An eight-page letter appended to the end of the text supported
Roberts' laudatory review of Spanish Florida. It was written by Cap-
tain Thomas Robinson who claimed that he visited the colony in



1754, while residing in a seaport on the Gulf of Mexico. He praised
the province for its fertile soil, variety of crops, climate, port facili-
ties, and strategic position in proximity to the Mississippi River and
Mexico. The captain included a compliment in his letter for almost
every part of Florida. Pensacola was well situated "in the very heart
of the richest part of the country," while San Marcos de Apalache's
port possessed the best potential for trade in the province; "it is looked
upon to carry on more commerce than all the other settlements in
Florida put together.""4 Mobile, which would later be located in West
Florida, had a "most noble and spacious harbour" with a safe anchor-
age and the capacity "of containing the whole British navy." He de-
scribed St. Augustine as a city with well-built and regular houses and
"a strong irregular fortification, well mounted with cannon, and
capable of making a long defence."" His only criticism of the colony
concerned the soil in the environs of the capital which impressed him
as "neither rich nor pleasant" except upon the banks of the St. Johns
River. Such a positive report, although sounding suspiciously like the
king's propaganda, provided Roberts with a perfect conclusion to his
account .
The Englishman wrote his expository volume without ever visiting
East or West Florida, even though his name appeared afterwards in
a partnership for the acquisition of 12,000 acres of land in the new
provinces." Roberts enjoyed a reputation as a professional author
who apparently had written several other works before An Account
of the First Discovery, and Natural History of Florida." His book on
the new British colony emerged in 1763 as a compilation of all the
known facts and information available in England after the Seven
Years' War. In the preface, he explained that his publication at-
tempted simply to give a description to domains "hitherto but little
known or considered; and, indeed, have only been very lately made
of consequence to us, by being become our own."48 Roberts ap-
proached his subject as a supporter of the British empire and the
American colonial system, which he approved as a source of com-
merce and "conveniences" for his country. He was an English patriot,
an imperialist, and an admitted polemicist for the international ob-
jectives of Great Britain. The author openly stated his position.



It might be looked upon as impertinent, perhaps, to dwell upon so
trite a subject, as the mutual benefit accruing both to the mother-
country, and our American colonies, from the multifarious commerce
carried on between them, a topic so well known, and so often treated
of: But it may not be amiss to consider the particular benefits and con-
veniences which may accrue from this new increase of territory, and
what purposes it will serve, which cannot be effected by our more
northern colonies, which now form one continued train along the
whole eastern-side of North-America, without interruption, as far as
the Cape of Florida. .. And, was the whole chain of British provinces,
from Newfoundland to the Cape of Florida, tolerably peopled, Britain
would, at all times, with the assistance of its navy, be able to check
and control the power of the French and Spantiards in the American
world, and speedily to restore tranquillity to its own subjects in every
part of the globe. . ."

In order to improve England's international position in North Amer-
ica, Roberts wanted Florida to be populated as soon as possible. He
therefore became a willing spokesman for the new province: "It is
certainly much to the interest of Britain, that Florida should be well
overspread with inhabitants, as soon as possible, from a consideration
of what good consequences will follow from this circumstance."""
A number of the author's attitudes were inevitably revealed within
the content of his account. In addition to his admission of being a
publicist for British Florida, Roberts appeared to be an idealist, at
least one who suggested intermarriage with Indians as a method of ;
integration. For the Christian ethics of "mutual love and charity,"
the Englishman wanted to civilize the "barbarous nations" by blend-
ing them with Europeans.

Nature and experience both point out a method to make the Savage
inhabitants of our new acquisitions, by swift degrees, our firm friends,
and that is by the cement of intermarriage with their women. Was
such an expedient to take place, inforced by proper rewards and boun-
ties, to every European or American subject of Britain, who should
marry an Indian woman, there would soon, from the certain tendency
of this circumstance, result the happy consequences of uniting the
Indians into one people with ourselves, and pave the way for the re-



ception of our pure religion among them, by the gentle method of
familiarity, and frequent intercourse."1

Roberts even commended the Spaniards, whom he usually criticized
for cruelty and inhumanity, for their well-known practice of mis-
cegenation with the Indian peoples of Mexico and Peru. He seemed
to be very aware of mestization in America. Although his anti-
Spanish attitude would not permit him to praise them by name, he
identified the Spaniards by saying "as we commonly observe foreign
inhabitants of other parts of America to propagate from the natives,
whose countries they have conquered and planted."52 Roberts won-
dered why Great Britain, "whose colonies have sojourned so long
among the Indians without mixing with them,""3 was the only Euro-
pean nation never to promote a policy of intermarriage and integra-
tion. He advocated such a plan in Florida for reasons relating to his
concepts of civilization, Christianity, and power politics. The primary
purpose for his proposal was his conviction that the new colonies
needed large populations in order to improve England's international
position in the Caribbean, specifically, and in the American conti-
nents in general."4
The publisher of the book appeared to be better known than the
author. Thomas Jefferys, cartographer and "geographer to the king"
as he called himself, prepared a number of works for publication in
Great Britain and made hundreds of maps still extant and bearing
his signature. He ultimately became the leading map-maker in Eng-
land and was considered to be the most accomplished English car-
tographer in the eighteenth century."5 In addition to his work with
Roberts, he published nine other volumes in his lifetime; most of
them included maps and tended to be geographic in content. His more
important publications included The Natural and Civil History of
the French Dominions in North and South America (1760) A De-
scription of the Maritime Ports of France (1761) ~Voyages from Asia

ments on the Coast of the West Intdies (1761), and The North Amer-
ican Pilot (1775). Almost all of his books contained the engraved
charts, maps, and plans of the English cartographer, and several of



his studies were simply collections of his well-known work. Jefferys
made his maps and conducted his business in St. Martin's Lane, Char-
ing Cross. Following a period of employment with the Gentleman's
Magazine, he was appointed "Geographer" in 1746 to H.R.H. Fred-
erick, Prince of Wales, and remained in the same capacity when his
patron became King George III in 1760.5" Such a position, although
it provided no special privileges or salary, obviously allowed him.
access to government agencies, the Commissioners of Trade and
Plantations, and other similar sources of opportunity. He undoubtedly
used his government connections and associations and title as the
king's geographer also to profit from private commercial enterprises.
Thomas Jefferys lived in London with his wife, Elizabeth, and their
children until his death in 1771. Of the couple's seven children two
sons and two daughters survived him. His last and, perhaps, the most
comprehensive volume, The North American Pilot, was published
posthumously as a folio four years later in 1775."'
Roberts included six of the cartographer's drawings in the publi-
cation describing Florida. Along with a diagram of the new province
as frontispiece, there were maps and plans of Pensacola, St. Augus-
tine, and the west coast of the peninsula (in proximity to Tampa)
within the account. Some of the engravings appeared earlier in the
1761 edition of Jefferys' Description of the Spanish Islands and Settle-
ments, and many of the maps were later employed, although altered
and refined, in other Floridiana such as William Stork's Account of
East-Florida (1766)."" The maps in Roberts' book provided the best
portrait of Florida available in Great Britain and perhaps in the
world. Jefferys explained that his engravings were prepared from a
collection of French and Spanish charts, as well as other sources, to
produce drawings "determined to a much nearer degree of accuracy
than any yet extant.""" British Florida became better understood and
known because of the maps made by the king's geographer.
Following the Treaty of Paris, William Roberts and Thomas
Jefferys published the first descriptive survey of Florida to appear in
England. It offered readers a historical geography full of facts and
information, although later works by William Stork, William Gerard
De Brahm, John and William Bartram, and Bernard Romans would
serve the English public with more substantial and scientific knowl-



edge."o In addition to its instructive value, Roberts' volume became
the first published attempt to publicize Florida as an appealing place
for settlement and opportunity. As an avowed propagandist, the
author wrote his book hoping to encourage the population of the new
province by emigration and integration. His personal philosophy ap-
parently included a blending of beliefs in imperialism, colonialism,
and Christianity, but English chauvinism prompted him to propose
miscegenation as a means for his country's future advancement in
America. Roberts' interest in international politics and related His-
panophobia seemed obvious throughout his study. Particularly in the
preface, his prejudices and attitudes appeared with sufficient clarity
to reveal the man and the intellectual climate of his environment, A
view of eighteenth-century England therefore emerged in the volume
along with a descriptive portrait of the new province. Roberts wrote
a book which was entertaining and provided an informative evalua-
tion of English Florida.
Southern Illinois University.


1. For a thorough study of the Treaty of Paris, see Esmat Zenab Rashed, The
Peace of Paris, 1763 (Liverpool: The University Press, 1951), passim; the
transfer of Florida from Spanish to English control is contained in Robert L.
Gold, Borderland Empires in Transition: The Triple-Nation Transfer of Florida
(Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1969), pp. 13-29, 66-99.
2. Clarence W. Alvord, The Mississippi ~Valley in British Politics (Cleve-
land: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1917), 1:73; George Nobbe, The North Briton: A
Study in Political Propaganda (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939),
p. 119.
3. George L. Beer, British Colonial Policy, 1754-1765 (New York: Peter
Smith, 1933), p. 143.
4. Ibid.; Alvord, Mississippi Valley in British Politics, pp. 49-74; Horace
Walpole, Memoirs of the Reign of King George the Third (London: Lawrence
and Bullen, 1894), 1:16; William E. H. Lecky, A History of England in the
Eighteenth Century (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1891), 2:538-40; Lewis
Namier, England in the Age of the American Revolution (New York: St. Mar-
tin's Press, 1961), pp. 273-82; Gold, Borderland Empires in Transition, pp.
15-17, 19-23.


5. Walpole, Memoirs of the Reign of King George, 1: 16.
6. Rashed, Peace of Paris, p. 204; Alvord, Mississippi Valley in British Poli-
tics, 1:73; Lecky, England in the Eighteenth Century, 3: 293-95; A Geographi-
cal and Historical Description of the Principal Objects of the Present War in the
West Indies, viz. Cartagenta, Puerto Bello, La VCera Cruz, The Havana, and St.
Augustine, Shewing Their Situation, Strength, Trade, etc. (London: Printed for
T. Gardner, 1741), pp. 191-92.
7. Charles L. Mowat, East Florida as a British Province, 1763-1784 (Berke-
ley: University of California Press, 1943; facsimile edition, Gainesville: Uni-
versity of Florida Press, 1964), p. 6.
8. Scots Magazine, Edinburgh, 25 (November 1763): 627; 29 (January
1767) : 50; Mowat, East Florida as a British Province, pp. 6-7.
9. Walpole, Memoirs of the Reign of King George, 1: 174.
10. Gentleman's Magazine, London 33 (August 1763): 380; Charles L. Mo-
wat, "The First Campaign of Publicity for Florida," Mississippi Valley Histori-
cal Rieview 30 (December 1943) : 364.
11. Present State of Great Britain and North America, with regard to Agri-
culture, Population, Trade, and Manufactures impartially considered (London:
Printed for John Mitchell, 1767), pp. 152-54, 190-213; Mowat, East Florida
as a British Province, p. 5 1.
12. Mowat, East Florida as a British Province, pp. 6-7.
13. Alfred J. Hanna, "The Beginnings of Florida," American Heritage 4
(December 1952): 64; Gold, Borderland Empires in Transition, pp. 15-17.
14. William Roberts, An Account of the First Discovery, and Natural History
of Florida. With a Particular Detail of the several Expeditions and Descents made
on that Coast (London: Printed for T. Jefferys, 1763); William Stork, An Ac-
count of East-Florida, with a journal kept by John Bartram of Philadelphia,
Botanist to His Majesty for the Floridas; upon A journey from St. Augustine up
the River St. John's (London: Printed for W. Nicoll, 1769); Mowat, "First
Campaign of Publicity for Florida," pp. 359-76.
15. Gold, Borderland Empires in Transition, pp. 66-117.
16. Ibid., pp. 118-25; Mowat, East Florida as a British Province, pp. 5(172;
Charles L. Mowat, "Land Policy in British East Florida," Agricultural History
14 (April 1940): 75-77.
17. Ibid.; Alvord, Mississippi Valley in British Politics, 1: 175-76, 188-89;
Thomas Perkins Abernethy, Western Lands and the American Revolution (New
York: Russell and Russell, 1959), pp. 20-21; Jack M. Sosin, Whitehall and
the Wilderness: The Middle West in British Colonial Policy, 1760-1775
(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1961), pp. 51-64; Oliver M. Dicker-
son, American Colonial Government, 1696-1765 (New York: Russell and
Russell, 1962), pp. 348-49; Clarence W. Alvord, "The Genesis of the Procla-
mation of 1763," Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society 36 (1908) : 51-52.
18. Gentleman's Magazine, London, 33 (November 1763): 552-54; Scots
Magazine, Edinburgh, 25 (November 1763): 627; Mowat, "First Campaign of
Publicity for Florida," pp. 363-64.

xxviii V


19. A Proclamation by James Grant, Governor of East Florida. East Florida,
October 31, 1764. Great Britain, Public Record Office: Colonial Office 5/540;
Stork, An Account of East Florida, pp. 8 2-90.
20. Gentleman's Magazine, London, 37 (January 1767): 21-22; Scots
Magazine, Edinburgh, 29 (January 1767): 50; Mowat, "First Campaign of
Publicity for Florida," pp. 363-64, 368.
21. Mowat, "First Campaign of Publicity for Florida," pp. 363-64, 368.
22. Ibid.
23. Mowat, East Florida as a British Province, p. 51.
24. Ibid., pp. 50-51, 60-61, 71-72; Mowat, "First Campaign of Publicity
for Florida," pp. 366-68, 375-76.
25. Robert L. Gold, "That Infamous Floridian, Jesse Fish," Florida Histori-
cal Q~uarterly 52 (July 1973): 1-17.
26. Ibid; Mowat, East Florida as a British Province, pp. 50-51, 60-61,
71-72; Wilbur H. Siebert, Loyalists in East Florida, 1774-1785 (DeLand,
Fla.: Florida State Historical Society, 1929), vols. 1, 2, passim; Kenneth H.
Beeson, "Indigo Production in the Eighteenth Century," Hispanic American
Historical Review 44 (May 1964) : 214-18; Kenneth H. Beeson, "Janas in
British East Florida," Florida Historical Quarterly 44 (August 1965: 121-32.
27. Gentleman's Magazine, London, 33 (November 1763): 552; 33 (De-
cember 1763): 577; Alvord, Mississippi Valley in British Politics, pp. 80-81;
Mowat, "First Campaign of Publicity for Florida," pp. 364-65, 370-73.
28. Thomas Jefferys, A Description of the Spanish Islands and Settlements
on the Coast of the West Indies (London: Printed for T. Jefferys, 1762), pp.
29. Roberts, An Account of the First Discovery, and Natural History of
Florida, passim.
30. Daniel C. Brinton, Notes on the Florida Peninsula (Philadelphia: King
and Baird, 1859), p. 54.
31. Roberts, Account of the First Discovery, and Natural History of Florida,
pp. 1-25.
32. Ibid., pp. 1-2; Gold, Borderland Empires in Transition, pp. 3-4; Manuel
Gim~nez Fern~ndez, Las bulas alejandurinas de 1493 referentes d' las Indias
(Sevilla: Escuela de Estudias Hispano-Americanos, 1944), pp. 184-85.
33. Roberts, Account of the First Discovery, and Natural History of Florida,
pp. 1-2.
34. Great Britain, By the King: A Proclamation, October 7, 1763 (Printed
by Mark Baskett, 1763).
35. Ibid; Gold, Borderland Empires in Transition, pp. 118-19, 125-30.
36. Roberts, Ant Account of the First Discovery, and Natural History of
Florida, pp. 2-3.
37. Ibid., pp. 3-4, 19.
38. Ibid., pp. 9, 8-25.



39. Ibid., pp. 9, 11.
40. Ibid., p. 5.
41. Ibid., p. 2.
42. Ibid., pp. v, 5, 25-79.
43. Ibid., pp. 79-93.
44. Ibid., pp. 95-102.
45. Ibid., pp. 95, 98.
46. Memorial of William Roberts, West Florida, January 3, 1777, Great
Britain, Public Record Office: Colonial Office 5/580; Brinton, Notes on the
Florida Peninsula, p. 54.
47. Brinton, Notes on the Florida Peninsula, p. 54; Mowat, "First Campaign
of Publicity for Florida," p. 365.
48. Roberts, An Account of the First Discovery, and Natural History of
Florida, p. iv.
49. Ibid., pp. iv-v, viii.
50. Ibid., pp. vi-vii.
51. Ibid.
52. Ibid., p. vi.
53. Ibid.
54. Ibid., pp. v-vii.
55. Thomas Jefferys, The Natural and Civil History of the French Dominions
in North and South America (London: Printed for Thomas Jefferys, 1760),
edited with an introduction by C. Edward Skeen (Memphis: Memphis State
University Press, 1973), p. iii.
56. Ibid; Dictionary of National Biography, s.v., "Jefferys, Thomas."
57. DNB.
58. Additional editions of William Stork's An Account of East-Florida ap-
peared in 1766 and 1769; Mowat, "First Campaign of Publicity for Florida,"
pp. 365-70.
59. Roberts, Account of the First Discovery, and Natural History of Florida,
pp. mi.
60. Stork, Ant Account of East-Florida, passim; John Bartram, Diary of a
Journey through the Carolinas, Georgia, and Florida from July 1, 1765 to
April 10, 1766, annotated by Francis Harper, in Transactions of the American
Philosophical Society, new series, 33, pt. 1 (Philadelphia: The American Philo-
sophical Society, 1942): passim; Louis De Vorsey (ed.), De Brahm's Report
of the General Survey in the Southern District of North America (Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press, 1971), passim; Bernard Romans, A Concise
Natural History of East and West Florida (New York: Printed for B. Romans,
1775) passim; William Bartram, Travels through North and South Carolina,
Georgia, East and West Florida (London: Printed for J. Johnson, 1794), passim.

73 /71 eg9 Jby7 n,3 sCLr~f a n p ,, man,. j' 163. ir?.S


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Particular Detail of' the f'everal EX PEDITIONS and
DESCE NTS made on that Coaft.
Collected from the belt Authorities
Illustrated by a general Map, and f~ome particular Plans, together
with a geographical Defeription of that Country,
By T. JE FFER Y S, Geographer to His MAJESTY.



R Y,





~Printed for T. JE FFER Y S at Charing-Crors.





THE Geography of Florida being but imperfe~tly known to the
generality of this nation, and, as it is now mn ottr poffeimon,
a more perfkQ knowkldge thereof would be of the grea~teft f~iervice: to
fuch shipping as may be fent to that part; the Publifher pref~umes
to offer' to the public the following account of it. He has been en-
couraged thereto by many of his friends, who have been pleaf~ied
to favour him with several helps for that purpose. For this reason,
he -imagmnes that the reader will find this geographical defctiptibn of
that extensive fea-coaft, determined to a much neared degree of~f ces-
racy than any yet extant, as he has collected ~and :digefle~d it, *with
great care land labour, -from a confideral~e numberr of original Spa-
nwb and French charts, found on: board' federal different veffels (~h~ich
were made prizes) bjelonging to thofe nations, and -which were coiri-
municated to him by the gentlemen: ikir~hoie poffeflron they were.
He was affo aflfiled by. several bidtith~i~i remarks made byi gen-
tlemen who navigated in that pick bf the world. He has beek
more particularly induced to -pubiQlth it Mow, finhce whatfoever can
affiftt the navigation of that coat mu#~ ~be of the greateRt utility wel
This juncture, when the settling of ;tha-t cpuntrytis~ under the confi-
deration of the government, and many veffels 'ftting out for that
part. If he has in any part succeeded, hi thl efee hifl
happy, and his labour web- employed ; but, if otherwvife, he hopes,
this performance mnay incite fome other perfon, who may have bet-
-ter helps and greater abilities, to r66tify the errors, and render fac23
a defritb~le piece of ferv~ice, more perfe61t, to his, country. H
moreover flatters himfelf that this' work, though it may, in fame
particulars, be defedlive, yet will be of the greatest de, till mcdre
accurate Furveys canl be made; and, in the mean tirie, in ~fore meat
fore, amjit tha~e- gentlemen, who may be employed by the govern-
ment for that purpose. Upon the whole, he humbly fobmits this
work to the public, hoping they will accept it with rheir olual can-
dour, and pardon the deficiencies 3 as it was undertaken for their
fe-rvice, by



FLORI DA being an acqulfition likely to become of much fu-
ture ufe and consideration to us, as Britons, it was thought
proper fubjea of prefect animadverflon. The reader is defir'ed pre-
vioufly to take notice, that we confine the name of Florida to the
tradt of country lately ceded to us by the Spaniards, this appella-
tion formerly including a much greater portion of coat and con-
tinent, and many regions which are now called by other various
titles:t But we hall limit our observations as nearly as may be com-
patible to the above dillinaion; and, if we are fometimes carried
farther, it muff be attributed to the necef~ity that a icene of ad'ion
extended into the neigh'oouring provinces of Georgia, C3arolina, Lou-
i/ina, Sc. parts of the ancient Florida, hath laid us under of doing
f~o. The reafon we chure to avoid touching upon there~ laft men-
tioned traAs but as little as pofr~ble, is, that they are sufficiently
known already; or, at leaft, enough to raife~ every improvement
and advantage that refoludian and induffry can invent: Whereas
the parts we are now about to endeavour at giving a description of,
have been hitherto but little known or considered; and, indeed,
have only been very lately made of consequence to us, by being
become our own. It might be looked upon as impertinent, per-
haps, to dwell upon to trite a fabje8, as the mutual benefit accru-
ing both to the mother-country, and our American colonies, from
the nmultifarious commerce carried on between them, a topic fo well
known, and to often treated of: But it may not be amifs to con-
fider the particular benefits and conveniences which may accrue
from this new increase of territory, and what purposes it will ferve,
which cannot be effeded by our more northern colonies, which now

I iv ~



form one continued train along the whole eaftern-fide of Norith.
America, without interruption, as far as the Cape of Florida.

Or this prodigious extent of land we (hall 12nd but a mall part
tolerably peopled, excepting the countries bordering; upon the fea ;
and, indeed, it muit be acknowledged, that the Eng/f~ have always
negleAed the moft obvious method of putting them in a different
condition. They have, indeed, employed themselves in driving
away the ancient inhabitanits, and f~eizing upon their native foil, but
have never taken any other method of increating the number of ci-
vilized inhabitants, unlef~s it be that of encouraging multitudes of
Brit@j, and fome few other European people, to fettle in there
colonies; which, however, tends to impoverish our own country of
its inhabitants, and can, at beft, but flowly furnish a faitable in-
creafe of' people, and thefe too, for ages, expofed to the depreda-
tions and incursions of the favalge, and, in faAt, injured former

FOR, in ipite of all that the inconfiderate or vicious may pretend,
wherever a tolerably juff apprehenfion of the Divinity hath prevail-
ed, the more noble and generous have been the exertions of the
human foul; finer, and more exalted imprefiions, have been called
forth into action, in proportion as the m~ind hath been imbued with
true and vigorous notions of a divine agent 3 and, on the contrary,
whether we view the unenlightened Savage, who roams over the
defects of Ameri ~a, the native of inbred cruelty and malice, or look
upon the European kingdoms, mofily darkened with a more polith.-
ed perverflon and f~uperflition, we hall find that this departure from
truth, and their depravity of opinion in matters of religion, debates
and enflaves mankind, bringing them under fabjedi~on to the worit
of the pamons, fuch as Cpread havock and defolation throughout the

NATURE and experience both point out a method to make the
Savage inhabitants of our new acquisitions, by Cwift degrees, our firm
friends, and that is by the cement of intermarriage with their women.

v~i 'T ax A UTH~O R)s P REF AC 1 E.
WTas fuch an expedient to take place, infpEcred 'oy proper rewards and
bounties, to every Europteant. or Arierican -fabjef of Bri-tarin, who
t~hould marry an Indian woman, there would foon, from the cer,-
tain tendency of this circumstance, iefult the happy consequences of
uniting the Indians into one people with ourfelves, and pave a way
for the reception of our pure religion among them, by the gentle
m~ethod of familiarity, and ~frequent intercou~rfe. We need not
take -much -pains to prove the certainty of this argument, fin tye of marriage is the ban~d of rations, which, continually ren-ew-
ing connexion among people regulated by the fame laws and cuffoms,
;makes all, moare or leQs, Io .fome manner, kindred to each. Other?,
:and ~perpe-tuates and fpreads th-is relation -through every separate
diiate s which, were mnen, on the contrary, only t~ownstch with their
o~wn neareit of kin, would be Split and divided into as many fepa-
rate communities as families, an~d fo, moft probably, th'e mutual
love and charity, fazblifing, in fome degree, iin the breait of every
individual of the fame country for each other, would be almost en-
tirely 10ft, or confined to much narrower limits than at prefent.
What confufiion and m~ifery might be introduced into the world by
Such an alteration as this, may be gueffed at from the horrible wars
;anid devaffations that happen every day between different nations,
which -would be healed before breaking out into a~ts of violence,
was there foch a relatiodfbip traceable among them.

THrts method of civilizing bkarbarous nations, and bleeding them
into the common mnafs, hath hbeen fallen upon, either from reason
oar natural inflina, by had~ot every great polity, especially the more
refined ones, at all perIiods 3 and perhaps the Briti@ nation is alone
to be excepted from this general rule, whrofe colonies have sojourned
to long among the Indiazns without mixing with them. This may
fe~em the more extraordinary., as we commonly obifeve foreign
inh~abitants of other parts of Ame~rica to propagate fr-om the natives,
whole countries they have conquered and planted.

A.No it is certainly much to the interest of B3r~iain, that ~Floridai
should be well overfpread with inhabitants, as foon as pofible, from
.a consideration of what good consequences will follow from this

1 H. EAJTTTH O R, s 10R RE, F A C` E. viil
ciYtoupillanet~:, ,: W~iwed~rlt w eiR }r r thd alab xbd: map widi at ten--
tion,~ Bfilnd that FJdtida:; is note def~it~te of fine harbours;. that~
the pehinfula is intrfrEe~ied wth arms of .thne feaP, that form, as it
were, to many canals, dividing the land into a great number of
iaands, between which a way comnmunicates through the peninfu$la,
from the, Gul~f goFlorridd toh the Atraits of Baharne, capable of being
narigatd bi -large' veeffek This paffage will~ greatly faciki~tas.ate or
navilgatiosn up the. afdtelaid: go~lG either for the fafety of trade; or to
~annoyT an endmy in rthofe pars, either FrEn~tch or Spaniard, at th~e
fame time tha~t it mary 64 kaept fhtst against all foreign intration,
through :the fame ob~nere, by a proper force conveniently flationed
is ite HoQw delirable Smf:ales thorni~ng, of time and way rmuf be,
the xqiader may~ be .cooviittei. .by ronfidering~ what. a fitrng c~urreiit
fEts to the northward, through the traits above-mPentioned .which
orders the circuit about this cape very tedious, as well as dange-
rous, in many circumstances ; and that, by making a faitable d~e of
this cOn~Dnetrie;, ire~i ink..hi wr-time, turn. all there difadvantages
upon our earemy.

W4~ are f~enfible that the poffefr~on of tl9 Idavana would be always
able to obftrua the return of the rich Spani/bh fleets home to Europe,i
with treaf~ure from Peru and Me7xico, which, without doubt, was\
one c~oncurrin~g reafon for the late conquest of Cu~ a: But, as it has;
been again given up by the-late treaty, it remains top.-e confidered,
whether the co~aft of Florida may not be made, in a great meduire,
as Idiffref~sfulto them, on f~uch occ~afins', as that of Cuba4 WiC7ith
regard to the. meer ditedilon of the land, it should feem not to be
lef's faited- to this purpofe, btecadie thee SpaniJh hips are obliged to
fetch a compals as clofe under it as they can, in order to get a wind
large enough to carry them ifbfielently eastward? to fall. down upon
Cuba, where there is a general jundtion made of their. federal fleets
bound to Eulrbe, after which they fail together through the firaits
of Babama. On the eastern fide of. FloridAc which,. with the range
of the Bahanw-phads,~nr L forms thefe fitraitsi we, as yet, knoiw~v of
no harbours of any value,. nor at all faited to receive hips of force;
and,. therefore, it feems by no means calculated for the dfe of inter-
cep~ting the Spanifh treaf~ures; but, on the. Weffern fhore of this
7 penin~ula


peninsula, lies the fine harbour of SpiritudelSanto, capable of hold-
ing, it is faid, all the navies of Europe, and, to the north-weft: of
this, on the continent, the harbour of Penfacola is fituated very fafe
and capacious alfo; both there, when properly occupied and forti-
fled, will prove annoyances to vexatious to the Spanis) settlements
about the Mtyppi, that it will be impoffible for them to transport
the treaf~ures and produas of their American dominions into Eucrope,
in any tolerable quantity. And, was the whole chain of Britrgh
provinces, from Ne~wfoundland to the Cape of Florida, tolerably
peopled, Britain would, at all times, with the afiraance of its navy,
be able to check and control the power of the French and Spanibrds
in the American world, and f~peedily to reftore tranquillity to its own
f~ubjefts in every part of the globe a for, if the finews be cut, the
limb of courf~e muit fail.

@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@909@@@@@@eot~~~t~~-~ J~3~~~p~~3~E~t~@~a eaq~~
DIRECTIONS for placing the PLATE S.
Map of Florida, to front the Title. Page.
Plan of Penlacola, -
View of Penlacola, --Ix
St. Jofeph's Bay, 2
Bahis del Efpiritu Santo, 7
Town and Harbour of St. Auguftine, 24


Page 4. Tine 29. for Porta, read Punta.
Page 22. line 18. dele In this river Soto la~nded in 53,9*

T HE~~


Eff~iritu Santo, 9)
Largo 6 de Doce Leg~as
Les Martyres,
Palem ,
La Perida,
Las Tetas,
T[Eivanos '


gie r



2 x


BAuIA, or BArs.
El' Canuelo,
Car los,
Efpirieu ~Santo,
'El Palmar,
La Roque,
S~t. Andre ~,
St. Jofeph,
St. Jof eph,
Santa Rofia,
Boca Grandle,
'Boca Ratones,
Cabo Efcondidto,
Cabo Canaveral,
CA Yo S.
A ncl ote,





I s L AN os.
St. Anaffatia,
Santa Roa,
Laguna del.Ef'piritu Santo,
Portland Race,
PUa *rA, or PoI Nr S.I
Jan che,
Mene ffes,


a 8



18 R I-os, or RIV rE R 9.
22 Amazura 6 IVazuro,
I2 Anades,
23 Apalache,
26 Ays,
2s Labuitas,

so Califlob~ole,
so C~arolinian



SCco~unt of the firft Ditcoveiy,
pnd Natural Hiffory, page I
Boundaries, 1
Firft discovered by the E-ngliti, 2
Climate, foil, and produce, 3
Animals> 4
Natives, 4
Religion and Governmentrl, 5
Cuffoms, manners, and councils, 6
Economy, and burials, 7
Pri~effs, their fu~netions, 8
Barra de Matanzas, 24


Jega B Goga,
Santa Cruz,
St. Juan,
St. M~arco,
St. Martins,
St. Sebaitian,
St. Auguffin,
St. John's,
St. Jofep;,
St. Juan,
St. Mark de Apalache,
St. Matheo,

Ayavala, page 14
Cahuitas, I3
Capola, I4
Chataouchi, 13
Cullomas, r3
Cuffetas '3
Echetos, I3
Euchi, 13
Hogolegis, 13
Jafikegiss '3
Jurla Noca, 15
Machalla, 15
Nauva Alla, 15
Ocon, 14
El Penon, 23
Pueblo del CafiTque Sebaltian, 22
Pueblo Raton, 18
St. Matheo, 15
St. Pedro, I 5
Savanas, '3
Utoca 15

Yapalage, 14


John Ponce d6 Leon, 25
Luke Vafquez of Aylon, 27
Pamphilo Narvaez, 28
Ferdinand de Soto* 33
Rene Landoniere,8
Dominique de Gourgues, 83
Sir Francis Dratke, 85
Captain Davis, 88t
Colonel Moor's fecodd 89
Captain Henry Jennings, 89
M. de Chateaugue's, 90
General Oglethorp, 92

page r3

as 2
2 5



- -- ---- ~---~' ~- - - -r -- ~ --- -'~- -_--F -----C-) I~







TH E country called by~ the Spaniards FLRonmA, and which
they have ceded, by the late treaty, ~to Great Britain, ex-
tends by their accounts,: according t the moit accurate
obf'ervations, from about 25 deg. 6 min. to 39 deg. 38
min. North latitude, and its moRt Eaitern coat lies in about 81 deg.
30 min. Weit longitude from London : its whole length being
nearly I000 Englifh miles, but the breadth very variable. They
extend it on the North to the Apalachian mountains, where it is
very narrow, and make the River Altamaha the boundary between
it and Georgi'a, by which they ~take in the. whole country of the
Lower Creek Indians.: On the North-week, they separate it from
Louga~na' by the Rio Perdido. To the Eat ~it hath Georgia, the
Atlantic Ocean,. and the channel of; Bah~ama, or Gul~f of Filorida :
To the South, the Guyf of Mexico. Though the Spaniards gave
B the

the name of Florida to a much greater extent of country than that
which we confine it to, calling all the coaft lying North of thie
gulf of Mexica by that appellation; yet the Entglij were th~e fkit
difcoverers of thi4 continent s for Henry VII. King of England,
having determined to find out the North-weft paffage to Cathay
and India, took into his frvice. Seb5afian Cobote, a very able mari-
ner, and fitted out two caravals for him in 1496; the account of
which we hall give in Cabote's own words.

(( BU r after certain days, I found that the land run towards the-
(( North, which was to me a great difpleaf~ure. Nevertheless,
"( failing along by the coaft, to fee if I could find any gulf that
"( turned, I found the land fill continent to the 56th degree under
** our pole: and feeing that there the, coat turned toward the
'4! Eaft, defpairing to find the paffege, I turned back` again, and
'* failed down by the coaff of that land toward the equino~tial,
"( (ever with an intent to find; the [aid paff~age to India) and came
** to that part of this firm lanh which its now called Florida, where.
'' my vi~tuals failing, I departed from thence, and returned into
(( England."

El GHTEEN years after this discovery of the continent by Fe~baf-
tian Cabote, ychn Ponce of Leon being discharged from his governs
exent of B~oriouena, now cattedr Antot Mco, in which 14 had aft
quired great riches, fitted out two carravals, in order to diifcover the
it~ands of` Boiuca, in, which, the Atditans afruned, wls a fjaing,
the virtue of whole waters was to reftore youth: Having wandered
in vain for fix months, he came by accident to the Biminisi. and.
discovered the land of Florida, its IS x on Eajeie-da~y ; which: the
Spaniiards call the FlourifsingS day of PafShar a~d` front thence gave.
it the name of Florida.~

A coNwrY avo exctenfive in latitudte ktu& be flappofed to veary
fomewhat in point of air and climate, bult it may, upon the 'whole,
he called very warm, though the great heats in the Southern parts
are much *allayed by the cool breezes from the fea s and: thch as
are more inland, towards the Nor th, feet a little of the roughners



of' the Nor th-well wind, which, more or lefs, with its chilling
breath, prevails over the whole continent of Nobrthern Americas
and is observed to bring with it, and [pread, the incismency of
froft and: fnow many degrees more to the Southward in thofe rei
gions, than the Nort~h-eaff wind doth in ours; which, though the
coldeRt we feel, yet is of thorter duration, as the wtefterly winds
generally prevail here. Severe cold is comatonly known in the
Winter months on the American continent, fo low as 34 or 35
degrees of North latitude, which is rather more Southern than the
Straits of Gibraltar in Eur'o~p, and vraft shoals of ice are feen float-
ing, and the fea fr~equbently frozen to a fmall difiance fromn the
there, in the Istitude oif 44o or 45" NOrth, which are the fame pa~
tallels under which the Southein parts of France lie. This differ-
ence in temperature may, perhaps, in a great ineature, be account-
ed~ for br confidering the stnazing extent ofunctlltivated land, co-
vered with forefts, and intiermixed with vaft lakes and marches of
flagnated frelh water, over which the North-wlell wind blowing,
meets with no ac~cidental cabl~e to moilify its rtigour; whereas the
-fmaller continent of Europe is broken, and interfperfed with many
large feas and gulfs of falt water, which having a communication
with the warmer parts o~f the main ocean, do, by the motion and
fermentation of their; aline particles, greatly mellow and tFften the
circumambient air impregnated therew~ith. Buit, to return : not-
withflandling the climate of Plorida is, as' we have faid, very
warm, it is not for that reason lefs pure and wholesome the beft
teftimony of which that can be given is the fize, firmnef~s, frength
of conflitution, and longevity of the Floridan Inrdians: in~all there,
particulars they far exceed the MeL~xicans.
TIFE foil Of Florida is remarkably rich and fruitful, frequently
producing two or three crops of Indian corn in the year, and might,
with proper cultivation, be made to bear every fort of grain, Sc.
It abounds with .all kinds of timber, particularly pines, cedar,
palms, laurel, cyprefs, and chernut trees but, above all, faffefras is
found in the greateft~plenty ; excellent limes, and plums alfo grow
here in great abundance, with many' other fruits of a deeliciatis flit-
vour a vines likewise of various forts are the natural produl of the
B 2 country,

country, and the land is thought to be as proper for the cutiva-
tion of the grape, as thofe of Europe are found in general to be,
Cotton alfo grows wild here in great abundance s hemp and flax
are likewise very common. The many rivers with which ~Florida is
watered render it fertile, The fea-coaft is very flat, fandy, and full,
of thoals: On this level fhore there are prodigious numbers of oyif-
ters adhering to the mangrove-trees, with.which the Southern c~oaft
is covered.

As wrn food is plenty here, and very good in its kind, particu-
larly beef, mutton, and veal. The country alfo feeds great num-
bers of wine, the fleth of which is very good, there being no want
of acorns, chefauts, and fach nourishment as isrproper for theife
creatures. Their cattle have a kind of long black hair upon them,
fo fine -that, with a little mixture, it is thought by fome capable
of being manufactured into hats, clothing, &tc. Horfe~s are alfor
bred here very good both for the paddle and draught, and to cheap,
that one of them may be purchased for any trifle that is~ brought.
from Europe.

THE wild animals found in this country are the panther, bear,
catamountain, flag, goat, hare, rabbet, beaver, otter, fox, racoon,
and fquirrel. The rivers abound with snakes, and ~alligators. Birds.
are here in great plenty, fachi as -partridges, jays, pigeons, turtles
doves, thrushes, crows, hawks, herons, cranes, geefe, ducks, and
an infinite number of others, fome of wNhich have ~their plumage
mof1 elegantly, variegat-ed,

AMLONG itS more precious productions cochineal may be reckoned,~
of whichwthere: is both the wild and the cultivated, but the latter is
by far the more valuable. The. Indigo plant alfo growth plenti-
fully in many of the Southern parts of this province. Ambergris
too is frequently to be met with on the coat, from Porta de 'yancheb
the moft Southern cape of Florida, as far as to Mexico.

TH E native lIndians of Plorida are: of an olive complexion,
their bodies are robuff, and finely proportioned r both fexes go na-



ked, excepting that they fallen a piece of deer-fkrin about their
middle. They flain their ikin with the juice of plants. Their
h~air is black and long, and they have a method of twisting and
twirling it about their heads, fo as to make it look very graceful
and becoming., The weapons which they make ufe of are bows
and arrows, and thoe they manage with great dexterity; -the
firings of their bows are made of the finews offiags, and they arm
the ends of their arrows with the teeth of~ fifhes,. or with flones
tharpened. The women are very handsome and well-fhaped, and
withal fo alive, that they will iwim across broad rivers withl their
children on their backs, or climb, with furprifing twliftneefs, to
the tops of the highest treesL

IN point of religion, they are bigotted idolatorc, worshiping the
fun and moon, and bearing an extreme averflon to all Chriftians-;
which indeed is not to be wondered at, fince the horrid cruelties
exercised by the. Spaniards upon the natives of the adjacent ifland
of Cuba, and other places, even to extirpation, could not fail to ex-
cite the utmof1 abhorrence and dread of them in tho~fe Savages, in-
flead of recommending to them the purity of Chriftianitye

T-HE Spaniards, recording to their uf~ual cuffom, charge there
*people with many vices, in order to' caft as flic a colour as they can
over their inhumane behaviour to the Indians, both of this and
other regions, whom they firf1 butchered, and then represented as
favage barbarians, in order to palliate the crime, and in f~ome degree
apologize for f~uch proceedings, as they knew muff appear shocking
in the eyes of the more civilized nations of Europe. In the pre-
fent cafe, it muff nevertheleis be allowed, that, from the accounts
of all who have had any dealings with them, they are noted for a
bold, faubtile, and deceitful people,

THE government of the Floridans is in the hands of many petty
kings, or chiefs, who are called Cafigues:- T~hey- are generally
at variance, and carrying oa war againf1 each other. But war
is not waged among them in an open manner s on the contrary,
they generally make ufe of furprize, or lficatagem,' exercising great.



cruelty upon foch as they take prifoners, flaying the males, and
fealping them. They neverthrelers pare the weaker fex and the
children, whom they carry off with them, and carefully educate,
When they have obtained a'vidory, they, at their return home,
call together all their friends, and feaft three days and nights,
Pending the time in finging and dancing. In their warlike expe-
ditions, they carry with them corn, honey, and maize, fometimres.ith
dried in the f~un. But when thefe f~il, they will feed upon even
the fouleft things.

THE chief marches atl their head se they are ranged for battle,
carrying a club in one hand, and a bow and- arrows in the other,
his quiver hanging at his back s the reft follow tumultuoufly with
the fame arms. They mrake their attacks with horrible bellowings
and clamours, nlot un-like the war-hoop of the AzSda~s of she Sixe

THEY attempt nothing rabthy, previonfly holding a public con-
fu~ltation; they aliemble day by day at the hutt of their chief, who
is honoured with a higher ~feat than the reit. TIhere they enter
in order, according to seniority, and, with their hands thrown above
their heads, they each finRg their Hs, he, ya, while the seitjointly
accord with Ha, ha z after which they all take their feats. -If the
matter of debate be of great moment, then their priests, conjurers,
or physicians, (for they have a fet among them that ferve in this
threefold capacity) and all that are eminent on account of- their
age, are called in, and* their opinions are particularly aflked.' Then
the caffique carries round a kind of liquor, like- our tea, made by
the infnflon of the leaves o~f a certain tree in water, .which is
much valued, not only by them but by the Spaniards alfo, for its
diuretic quality. The chief dr~inketh firlt, after which they pour
out for the reft according to rank.

THE Y have a fort of council, confiiting of twelve or fourteen
choiten members, fuch as have remarkably distinguished themselves
by their bravery in war, whom they call Beloved, and who have
r confiderable

confid'erable influence, upon that account, -over their refpedtive

THE In economy, with regard to the management and difiribu-
tion of their corn, which is accounted the common flock of thd
public, deserves notice. The crop, which is calculated to ferve-
only for half of the year, is collected into granaries appointed for.
the purpoiie, and afterwards regrdertly delivered out to every family
in proportion to its number;. not that the Toil is incapable of afford
ing much beyond what they have ocediron for, but they chufe to
fow no more than will ferve them for that term, retiring for the
remainder of the year into the deep receffes of the forefts, where
they build butts of palm leaves, and live upon roots, filh, and
wild fowl. They are alfo very fond of the fleth of alligators, the
young of which are delicious, but have a firong mufky fmell.
Their meat is dreffed in the fmnoak, upon a broiler made of flicks,i
and their: common drink is w~Mater.

THE COmtWOD ndB prillem people among them are fatisfied
with one wife, but the chiefs and petty kings are indulgd with
more, though the children only of one of them faucceed to the:
father's dignity, which they feem to make hereditary. The burial:
af a decedied king is celebrated among them with great folemnity *-
They place upon his tomb the bowl out of which he was accuffiomed
to drink, and flick innumerable arrows in the earth around him,,
bewailing his death for three days with fafting and loud lamenta-
tion: the generality of them alfo' cut off their hair, as a fingslan
tefilmony of their farrow. Then their chieftains fet fire to, and
confine to aihes all the arms and houthold furniture, together with-
the hut that belonged to the deceased;~ after which fome old wo-
men are deputed,. who every day, during the pace of half the
year, in the morning, noon, and evening, bewail him with dread-
ful howling, a custom that hath been pra~tifed formerly among
fbme of the more civilized nations, particularly the 'ftews and Ror
mans, who frequently hired women to mourn and weep at the fuwe
nerals of their friends and relations, The Floridans agree alfo with,
the Jews in the, custom of. their commerce with women, &cc



THEY have their priefis refiding among them, whom they call
rauiinas 3 and much regard is paid to them, for they na, as was
before observed, in three capacities, as priefis, conjurers, and phy-
ficians. They are cloathed in long robes, made of the Ikins of
beats, carry always a grave deportment, fpeak little, live abflemi-
oufly, and take every fuitable precaution to preferve the influence
they have gained over the minds of their countrymen. As priests,
they pray, and facrifice to the fun and moon, which feem to be
the deities they worship. As magicians, they pretend to foretell
the faccefs of all expeditions, &c. And, as physicians, they bleed,
bathe, vomit, and iweat the fick, till they either kill or cure them;
in either cafe expeaing a reward.

A geographical Account of the Rivters, B2ays, and I~fands, on thec
CoafJ of Flor ida.

'WE hall begin from, .he North-wellern boundary to take notice
of whatever we can find remarkable ini this country, to travel
down Southward to the Ca~pe of Florida, and up again by the Eaft-
emn thore, till we come to that part of the coat which conf;-es
upon Georgia ; after this we hall proceed to give a detail of he
federal expeditions, made by European nations at various times, in
queft of difcoveries through this trad of land.

THE Weltern limits of Flori'da are deferibed by D'Anuille, in
a South line from the Ap~alachian mountains, to the head of Rio
R zo PERDIno (io named becadre a Spampl thip was caf1 away in
it, and all the men loft) is the moft Weffern boundary on the coat of
Florida, towards Loug~ana. This river running a courfe of 70 miles
nearly South-weft, and fometimies almost due South, forms a lagune
at the mouth, and enters the gulf- of Mexico about four leagues
S. W. and by W. from Pen/acola.


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PENSACOLA is situated in 3o degrees 25 minutes N'orth latitude.
On the Well-fide of the entr-ance, within the harbour-, formerly
flood the town, confilingr of about forty palmetto bouies, defended
by a Tmall flockaded for t of about r 2 or rL4 guns, but. of very little
ufe, the inhabitants confifting wh~olly of malefadtors tranfpyorted
hither fromr Me~xico.

THIS place was fidft discovered by Pamphile de Narvaes, who
landed there in his unfuccelsful expedition to Florida, fome time
after Diege de Maldonado, one of Ferdinzand de Soto's captains, touch-
ed her-e, and named it Port d' Anchuf. In 558, Don 'T'ifian de
Luna call ed it the bay of Santa Maria in 2 6 93, Don Andre de Pes
added to this name that of de Galva, which was the name of the
viceroy of Mexico at that time. The Spaniards never call it other-
wife than the bay Santa Maria de Galva ; for the name of Pen/a-
cola (which was that of the Indian tribe inhabiting round this bay,
but who were destroyed) was given by the Spaniards to the whole
province, which they make very extenfive.

In r696, Don Andre d' Arr-iola took poffeffion of it, and built a
quaree fort with baftions, which he named Fort St. Charles, with a
church and fome houses.

THE Road of Penfacola is one of the beft in all the Gulf of
M~exico, in which veffels can lie in safety againf1 every kind of wind.
The bottom, which is fandy, mixed in many places with oafe, is
excellent for anchorage: the fea is never agitated her~e, because the
land furrounds it on every fide; it is capable of containing a great
number of hips, as may be judged from its extent, and by the
foundings which the figures in the plan exhibit in feet, a method
more exaA than if meaf~ured by fathoms.

THE tides are irregular here as well as upon all the reft of this
coaft. All that hath been remarked is, that in the pace of twenty-
four hours, the tide ebbs out of the harbour from eighteen to
nineteen hours, and is from five to fix hours flowing back again;
and the greatest difference that hath been found between high and
C low

low water is about three feet, on certain days lefs; at other times
without increase or diminution, although the currents are changing
daily, but with no regularity. The winds in all probability being
in fome measure the caufe of this variety.

THE depth of watet over the bar, at the entrance of the~ road,
in the middle of the channel, is never lefs than twenty-one feet. A
thie that is going in, before the comes upon this bar muft bring
the fort of Pen/lacola to bear between N. sind 4N. N. E. and hold
on this courfe until the finds the fort on the ille of anta Rofa bear
E. and $ E. N. E. from her. She mnuff then haul up a little tor
wards the main land on the Weft, keeping at niach the fame
dillance between that and the island, in order to avoid the point,
,from which a little back firetches out pretty far towards the Weft
Nor th W~Teft.

IF the reef that is to the Wreft of the bar breaks, which is al-
ways the cafe in a gale of wind, the breakers may Arve inficad of a
buoy to veffels; but you muff range, on entering upon the bai-, at the
difiance of a good mufkret that from them, and afterwards fleer
according to the directions we have juff laid down.

THE COuCretS which make out of the road are sometimes very
brifk; you muff therefore make an allowance for them, left they
should run the veffrel upon the reef.

IF the courfe above directed be carefully observed, you will no
where meet with lef~s than nineteen feet and an half water over the
bar, and on the middle thereof you will find twenty feet:: fo that
any veffel not drawing more than nineteen feet can enter into the
road when the fea does not run high; but it is neceffary either to
warp or tow mn all thofe which draw twenty feet. It is plain from
hence that men of war of fixty guns may enter, and if they were
built fom~ewhat flat-bottomed, as the Dutch build them, they might
pafs every where, though of feventy guns, and all above that fize
are un~neceffary in this country.


~- ~~;S~C~E~Z~-~--~-~=



1.T/crot*. P.ne~~LG awe. ~Gl~rk, enwwwrows.: 4.n~i*e rzzdP/oLL Hoe cAww~. F Anyo.,



T~ns road hath one inconvenience, which' is, thiat many rivers
emptying themselves into it, great currents are caused t~here~by; and
both canoes and (hallops exposed to run a-ground in going to and
fro in the road for the service of the th~ips; but as the ground is
only fand they are never flaved. There is, on the other hand, a
very confirderable advantage in this road ariting from the fame
caule, which is, that the worm, not loving the freth waters, doth
not breed here, fo that vefrels are never bored by them in this

W7HEN the Frnch ravaged this coat in 1719, they dfltroyed
the old town and fort, which was then situated on the ifland
of Penfacola, fince which the Spam~ards have erected the new
town on the ifland of Santa Rofa, as being more detached and fe-
cure from the Indians. The landing place is within the bay, ux
very shallow water, the town being fituate on a fandy thore, which
is as white as fnow, and can be approached only by very finall
vefrels. The bay abounds withl great plenty of mullets, and other
fine filh. The town is defended 'by a iimall fort. fiLrounlded 'by
flockados, the principal houfe is the governor's~; the reft of -the
town is composed of ifmall hutts or cab'bins, built without~ any oi-
der, as may be f~een by the view, which was drawn by a p'etfon
who refided here in 1743, and w~as in the fier~vice of the Havazna
company, and f~ent in a fchooner laden with a cargo for this` place.
As foon as he arrived at Penfacola, he embarked on boari4 an open
wherry for Nzew Orleans; and failed between t'he mainland and the
ille of Dau~phine, the illes h Corit, aux Vaigeaux, and aux lbhats, thro'
the Pafe- a Gucion into the lake Pontech~artrain, and landed within
four miles of Ne~w Orleans, where, after buying up a great quan-
tity of pitch and tar for the Havana company's d~e, he made great
advantage of 6000 dollars iri private trade, and returned to Penfaco-
la ; the schooner having taken in "her cargo, with two matls for
the company's are, each eighty-four feet long, pursued their voyage-
to the Havana.

THE ifland of Santa Rofa is a very fandy foil, being thirty-three
miles long, extending from Penfacola almost due eaft to thel bay
C 2 of

of Sanlta Ro/a, and is separated from the mainland by a channel,
half a league over, which is only navigable for fmnall boats.

THE Bay of Santa Rofa is twelve leagues wdkt~ of Penfacola. An
ifland at the mouth forms two entrances. We have no particular
defeription of this harbour, though it appears by the Spaniih draughts
to be an extenfive one.

THE5 Bay of St. 'yofeph is fituate in latitude 29 deg. 46 min.
about thirty leagues almost S. E. from Penfa~cola. This bay is
formed by a long narrow ridge which~ extends from the main-
land in thape of a C for the pace of twenty miles, the southern
point of which is called by the Spanziards Cabo Efcondidio, and
by the Fr-ench Cap Cachi. This bay is about thirteen miles long,
and eight wide, and there is very good anchorage in four, five, or
fix fathomn water.

THERE are tWO TivuletS which empty themfelves into this bay,
one of falt water and the other of fr~elh; this laft is a branch of
the ApalachSicola river. In the year '7'7 the Frenzch eredled fort
Creuecetur, about a mile to the northward of the fre~h water river,
but they abandoned it the next year, on the representations made
by the governor of Penfacola, that this bay belonged to his Catho-
lick Majefly. This fort is faid by fome to be lined with itone,
by others, only made of earth, well defended by pallifadoes; but,
however, all agree in its being tolerably firong, well iApplied with
cannon, and a sufficient garrif'on. The hodres are very neat and
commodious, and there is a hi'ndfome church; but the fireets to
fandy as to render it very inconvenient pafirng and repaffing.
THE Bay of St. Andre~ws lies f~even miles to the N. W. of- the
Bay of` St. 'yofep, of which we have no particular defeription.
APALACHICOL A or Cahulitas river rifes in the Apalachian moun-
tains, and receives on the weft fide, about eighty miles from its
source, the Chata~cuci,--and fifty miles lower down the Euchi'
creek, on the forks of which is a village of the fame name 3-

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ninety miles from which this river receives the Chatabo[pa, between
which and the Ghatacuchi, on the well fide of the river Apalachi-
cola, are situated the Chatacuchi, Cahuitas, Euchi, We}os, Cullomas,
Attafes, Ja/kegis, Gufetas, and Ohmulgo; and more to the South,
on the eaf1 fide of the river, are the Hogolegis, Savanas, and Echetos.
All there tribes united are the Indians called the Lower Creeks;
and, though the Spaniards ufed to reckon thefe people under their
dominion, they have long been the allies and under the protection
of Great Britain. This river is joined by a great firearm, called
by the Englig Flint Rbver, which runs from the confines of Geor-
gia, and after a course of I50 miles, enters this river about forty
miles fouth of the Chataho/pa, and I20 miles from the fea, at the
forks of which rivers is fituated the fort of Apalachicola. Within
five leagues of the fea this river divides into two branches, the
wef1ern of which is named Califobole river, and the finally freth
water river which runs into the bay of St. yofeph is a branch of this

THE river Apalachicola enters the gulf of Mexico in 29 deg.
43 min. north latitude, and five leagues N, E. from Cabo Efcondi-
do. There is fome difficulty in finding this opening, by reason of
the many islands and lakes before and about its and though it is a
noble river, whole mouth formeth a spacious harbour, from whence
a trade is carried on by fmall veffels to the Havana, yet it hath
not more than the iepth of two and a half or three fathoms of
water at moff over the bar; but when that is once paffed, it growth
very deep and large. The tide is faid to flow higher up this river
than into any other on the coaft, fome fay not lefs than fifty miles;
though this is not fo much to be wondered at, when we consider,
that the country all round it is one perfect level, and that it feels
the force of a double current, one from the weft and another from
the fouth in the gulf of Mexico. On both fides of this river, near
the fea coat, live several tribes, called by the name of Apalache
Indians. On the ineft fide of the mouth cif this river the Spaniards
created a fort in 1729. On the eaf1 fide the 7. of Dogs extends
along the coat for fifteen miles. About 2,2 miles fromthe, mouth
of this river the R. de Vines enters the gulf of Mexico, and feven

mitEs farther the R. de las Anades fills into the gulf. Ten miles from
hence is Punta de Menefes, the western point of the Apalache river.

AP ALA CHE Of Offlagefld TVUtf CHIC TS the bay of Apalache about
forty eniles to the eaftward of Apalachicola river, and rifes above I go
miles from the fea, in the confines of Georgia. It is not known
to receive any river of note in all its course, till near the bay, one
considerable river unites with it. This is a very fine river, and
its entrance forms a large bay, which has fome (hallows and rocks,
firetching out from the land; but in the middle there is five fa-
thom water. The course into the mouth of this river is N. and
within is a good harbour. This place lies N. 4 Wef1erly from the
'T'ortugas, and in the paffage is found all the way navigable found-
ings. A trade is carried on between this place and the Havana by
fmall craft. On the firfl of there rivers are the Tapalage, Capola,
Afpalaga and St fuan, and on the other Ocon and Ayavala. On
the weft of the river is situated the town of St. Mark de Apalache,
from whence the bay alfo derives its name. This, by fome geogra-
phers, is very improperly called Santa Maria d' Apalachia; it is an
old settlement, and lands exactly in the fame place that Garcilafo
de la Vega fixes the Port d' Aute'. It was formerly very confi-
derable, but the Enghfh from Carolina having taken, and, in a
great meafore, destroyed it in the year 1704, it never fince has
recovered its pristine ftate, tho' the Spaniards often endeavoured to
re-eflablifh it. The fort is built on a little eminence, surrounded by
marches, situated on the forks of the two rivers; and at about
two leagues distance from the fort, there is on this river a village
of Apalachian Indians, called Santo fuan, as affo fome others in the
neighborhood. The governor of Santo Marco is under the com-
mand of the governor of St. Augu/line, receiving his inftru6tions
m any extraordinary affair either civil or military. The country
is beautiful, being well Applied with wood and water; and we are
alfo informed the country becomes more fertile the higher you
advance into it.

THERE is a road over land from the mouth qf this river to
St. Auguffin, which is as follows.


Ocow is fifteen miles from St. Marks, and ten miles beyond is
Ayavalla fort s twenty-four miles further is Machalla, and eleven
miles from that is St. Matheo; both there are situated on granchef
of the Rio Vaff'a, which is about eighty miles in length, and en-
ters the gulf of Mexico fifteen miles St E. from St. Marks. Twenty-
five miles from St. Matheo is San Pedro, on the fouth fide of the
river San Pedro, which is too miles long, and enters the gulf of
Mexico seventy miles from St. Marks; eleven miles from San Pea>o
is Utoca, and in twelve miles more we come to Numoalla, situated
on the eaft fide of the Carolinian river, the course of which has
not yet been afcertained, but there is very good reason to fuppofe
that it runs a footh course into the Rio Amafura. Eight miles
from Nuvoalla is Alochua, and in eight miles more we come to
furla Noca. All thefe places were formerly the ancient settlements
of the Atimucas Indians, who were driven from them by the Eng-
lip from Carolina in tyo6, and have fixed their settlement on an
island to- the Eaff of the Rio de St. Juan, about fixty-five miles
S. W. of St. Auguiline, and call their chief settlement Pueb/o de Ati-
mucas. Twenty-fix miles from furla Noca we come to a Spam'th
settlement on.the banks of the Rio de St. Juan. Though the river
is here only two miles broad, yet it is eight miles over that and
two islands to Fort Picolata, which is the laf1 flage, and is thirty
miles diftant from Fort St. Augutline. This road is I 8 8 miles from
St. Marks.

'The wefern coa/7 of the peninsula of Florida

Eams in about 30 deg. N. and terminates at the cape. R is
more than 3co miles in length, and from 140 to I80 in breadth.
Being chiefly a low and flat land, it abounds with a great num-
ber of rivers that form a multitude of islands, and withal feve-
ral large bays and lakes, which have not been deferibed nor laid
down with any accuracy in any of the draughts extant.



EIGHT miles from the entrance of Apalachia river the R. Vitches
enters t@ gulf, twelve miles -to the fouth of which is the Rio Va-
/ anYnine leagues from thence is the Rio Pedro, almost S. E.
from Apalache river.

EIGHT leagues to the footh of Rio Pedro lies the Cayos de st.
Martin s- and between Rio Pedro and the Rio Amafurer are the two
fmall rivers of St. Martin and 'Tocobogas. Between there rivers reside
the tribe of Tocobogas.

FRost the Farellon de Pogol extends a ledge of rocks four leagues
South Weft 3 this ledge makes the north fide of the entrance into
the Rio Ama/ura.

Rio Amafura & Mafuro. The entrance of this river, which is
in latitude 28 deg. 25 min. is ten miles wide, and it is not lefs
than three miles over for above thirty miles up the river. There
are in this river, which'in general is very wide, federal paffages
between the iflands to the Atlantic ocean and gulf of Florida.
One leads out through the Rio de Mufquito, in latitude 28 deg:
i;o min. another through the Rio St. Lucia, called by fome Rio de
Cruz, in latitude 27 deg. 33 min.; but the principal one is that
which is fuppofed to communicate in a direct channel with the
Rio de St. 'yuan, that enters the Atlantic ocean it\ 30 deg. 20 min.
about 30 miles north of St. Augujine. If there rivers should
prove navigable for fmall veffels, it will be of great utility to the
Brit@ trade, by making the navigation to Pen/acola for fome
months shorter than the course which other wife muff be taken
round by the weft end of Cuba.

Cayo.del Anclote serves as the southern land mark for the en-
trance into the Rio Amafura. This islandd extends twenty-three
miles from North to South along the coaft, at the end of which
is the Bahia de San 'yojef, a place but very little known.

Bahia del Eff iritu Santo. This is a very large and noble bay;
extending above twenty leagues in length, and fix in breadth where



broadest, having from five to feven fathom water, except at the
eastern outlet that goes into the Laguna del Effiritu Santo, virhere
it is not more than two fathom: there are two large islands at the
"entrance, which form two channels into it. The northern channel,
which is about fifteen leagues fouth of Rio Amafura, has from
ten to twelve fathom water, and the southern channel has three,
five and feven fathom water. There is about leven leagues from
the north channel a large bay about fix miles over, and which ex-
tends twenty miles to the N. W.1 this is called Tampa Babia, and
is conjeaured to have communication with Babia de St. 'Yofef
There is another opening on the north thore, about twenty miles
from 'Tampa Bahia, which has a communication with the other
rivers. About nine leagues from the southern channel is a paffage
almost S. W. into Bahia de Carlos. This bay, which lies from
weft to eaft in about 27 deg. 30 mins north latitude, is capable of
receiving the largest fleet that ever was colleded in this part of the
world, and may, in cafe of any future rupture, be of great im-
portance to the crown of Great Britain; for the galleons in their
paffage from Vera Cruz to the Havana are obliged, by reafbn of
the N. E. trade winds, to firetch away to the northward, and as
foon as they have made La Sunda, they keep as near the coat of
Florida as poffible, and generally fall in with fome men of war
that cruise to the northward of the fortugas on purpose to meet
and convoy them to the Havana.

Bahia de Carlos is about four leagues S. W. of the foothern
entrance into the Babia del Effiritu Santo. This bay extends
about fourteen leagues almoll S. E. from its entrance, and is about
five leagues over in the broadeft part: it is very shallow, having
at moff but three fathoms water. There are several openings about
the bay between the islands, the chief of which communicates with
the Laguna del E/piritu Santo.

THE RE are five large islands to the fouth of Bahia de Carlos,
which is inhabited by the Muffa Indians. Twenty-three leagues
fouth of the entrance into the Babia de Carlos lies the Punta de
A/ies, in latitude 25 deg. So mine being the moft S. W. point of
D all

all Floride. Twenty-four leagues from this point almo(t 8. E.
lies the Punto de fanche, which is the met fouthern point of
Florida, in latitude 25 deg. 25 min. On this point there is a lake
of freth water, and very good anchorage round the Gayos, near the

Laguna del Efpirity Santo is fituated between the iflands, ex-
tending from north to fouth about 27 leagues, and is near eight
leagues wide; it has several communications with the bays on the
weft fide of the peninsula, as well as with the Gulf of Florida.
The principal and beft known entrance is about three leagues al-
moft weft from the Punto de Florida, which lies in 26 deg.
20 min. N. latitude. This entrance is two leagues nearly N. W,
and at the end of it, in the lake, are two hosis and fix itands,
called the Cayos del Eff iritu Santo : this large lake is as yet but
little known.

La Sonda is a very large benk, that extends on the weft fide of
the peninsula into the gulf of Mexico, beginning in latitude 24 deg.
23 mm. at the difiance of thirty leagues from the peninsula, firetch.
ing to the northward along the coat, and having in fome places I00
fathom water, decreasing very regularly as it approaches the thore.
On the fouth part of this bank are about nine or ten islands on a
bank, which is dry at low water, called the 'Tortugas: they are in
latitude 24 deg. So min. North, surrounded on the S. E. end by
rocks. Round there islands there is very good anchorage from
three to twenty fathom water.

THE Odf0 EdfgUCS CODGil Of One large and about ten [mall
islands, surrounded on the N. W. fide by a great number of rocks
that extend to the N. W. above ten leagues. On the eaft fide
is a channel about four miles over of five fathom water: this is
called Boca Grande or the Great Mouth.

On the La Sonda, north of the 'Tortugas, there is a very good
fishery, where is plenty of meros and pardons, which are as large,
or rather larger, and more delicious than the Newfoundland cod;



and it alfo abounds with great plenty of feals, the fat of which
the Spaniards pay the bottom of their thips with at the Havana.
The Indians of Ratones and the fouth parts of Florida cure great
quantities of this fifh, which, with the hats and mats they make
of grafs and barks of trees in great perfeaion, they exchange in
traffic with the Spaniards, who come here from the Havana with
European goods for the ufe of the natives.
THE vaf1current of water which fets in with a conflant and firong
ftrearn to the weft upon all the southern parts of the main land in
the Mexican gulf, as far as the fired of La Vera Cruz, returns
back towards the Eaft, between the island of Cuba and the foothern
coat of North America; and finding no vent till it comet to Cape
Florida, it is there forced about again from South to North, and to
runs through this channel between Florida and the Bahama iflands
into the Atlantic ocean.

THE caufe of this continual diverfron towards the North may
be the opposition that this efHux meets with in its tendency eaft;
ward back from the trade winds, which always blow between, and
a little way without both the tropics, and the westward direction
of the Atlantic ocean in thofe parts; not to mention the firong
barricade of the Bahama islands, which are ranged, as it were on
purpose, to direa and alter the course of this outletting current.
The navigation upon the extreme parts of Florida is remarkably
dangerous, not only because it is within the course of the trade-
winds, but because the whole thore upon which the current for
the moft part fets is particularly low, flat, broken ground s and full
nine leagues into the fea the water is in many places quite fhal-
low, excepting fome winding deep channels in federal parts of it,
which are the causes of frequent shipwrecks; for whenever a thip
falls into one of thefe channels, the very rarely, if ever, gets clear
of it; because, being deceived by the deep soundings, and having un-
warily entered to far within the banks, that there is no returning by
the fame way, the vefTel muft inevitably be loff. From the confi-
deration of there dangers, mariners are obliged to make an allowimce
of about five points in the compass for the current, keeping as
D 2 near

near as potible to the Bahama fide; and from fome error in this
allowance it is that thips are infenfibly driven too clofe upon the
coat of Florida.

THE Cayos de los Martyres are a large chain of islands and
rocks, extending in a circular form about 60 leagues from the Boca
Grande, in 24 deg. 40 min. North latitude, at the difiance ofthir-
teen leagues from Punta 'fanche to Punta Florida.

A PERFECT knowledge of there islands and rocks would be of
great consequence in navigating the gulf of Florida with safety. The
bell account we have been able to procure of them is as follows .

Cayos de Chequimula are about ten in number, lying in the lati-
tude of .24 deg. 40 min. and extend above eight leagues eaft from
Beca Grande.

Cayo de Huefo is 12 miles in length from Weft to Eaft, and
eight miles to the fouth thereof runs a ledge of rocks: there is a
channel between them having five fathom water. To the eaft-
ward of this island lies the Cayo Pinero and the Bahia Honda, clofe
to which there is five fathom water.

THE Cayos de Vacas are a cluffer of fmall islands and banks
which, with the Vivora and Matacumk, extend quite to the Cayo
Largo, the principal of au the Martyres.

Cayo Largo o' de Doce Leguas. This is the largely: of all the Mar-
tyres, beginning in the latitude 2( deg. and extending from the
fouth point about I3 leagues almost N. E. On the well fide of it lic
federal fmall Cayos, and along the eaft coaft there ranges a bank
which is dry at low water, on which fland Cap de 'Tivanos, fur-
rounded with rocks I alfo the Cayo Palem and Cayo Efcricano. To
the eail of this bank there is another, which is al[o dry at low wa-
ter, and between them there is a channel near two miles wide, ha-
ving from three to four fathorn water all the way through. Each of
thefe banks rauge in the diremon of the coalk of faid Cayo, and



are about ten leagues long; and without them, to the eaftward,
runs a ledge of rocks called the Martyres, at about three leagues
diflance from the Cayo Largo.

Las Tetas, fo named from two hills on it, lies in the latitude of
2 5 deg. 45 min. The channeL between this and Cayo Largo is three
leagues over. Almoff a league north of this lies Playnelos in latitude
25 deg. 55 min. being three leagues long; and to the north hereof
are several fmall Cayos, the largest of which is four miles long,
called klucaras, lying in latitude 26 deg. 3 to the northward where-
of are three fmall Cayos in four fathom water. The next is Cayo
de la Perida, fituate in latitude 26 deg. I0 min. being feven miles in
length. On both fides of this island there are banks running out
a league from fhore, and on the eaft fide is four fathom water.

Cayo de B{cayno, otherwise called by fome Portland Race, is
fituate in latitude 26 deg. I 5 min. ranging in a N. E. and S. W. di-
reStion. It is feven miles long, and has four fathom water clofe
in fhore. To the North hereof lies the [mall island of

Cayo Ratones, about four miles in length, on which there is an
Indian town, called Pueblo Raton, which is the only settlement
of Indians that we have any account of on the Martyres.

In the year r733, a fleet of fourteen galleons, on their return
through the Gulf of Florida for Old Spain, ran fool of the Mar-
tyres rocks, occasioned by the ignorance of the Admiral Don Rode-
rigo de forces. For one of the captains disobeying the admiral's
fignals, thereby avoided the danger, and faved his thip s but the
other thirteen were entirely loft, with great part of their treafore :
and, for many years after,. there wrecks were much frequented
by the Spanip and Indian divers, who were often very fuccefsful
in recovering great quantities of dollars.


'The Eaf Coaf of /the Peninfula of Florida.

BOCA DE RATONEs lies in 16 deg. 4o rein. North latitude, and
y leagues to the Northward of Pueblo de Raton. There are
numbers of islands in this channel. Five leagues to the North-
ward hereof lies Rio Seco, in latitude 27 dege at the mouth where-
of is ten fathomewater; and three leagues to the Northward lies

Rio 'yego 6 Goga, which leads into a laguna full of fmall islands,
and has federal cominanications with the great Laguna del Effi-
ritu Santo. About feven miles to the Northward of this open-
ing, there is a remarkable high land, called Ropa 'Tendida. About
five leagues from the mouth of this river is

Rio 'fobe, in latitude 27 deg. 24 min. this alfo has a commu-
nication with the abovementioned lake. About ten miles to the
Northward hereof opens the

Rio Santa Lucia, called in fame maps Rio Santa Cruz, lying in
htitude 27 deg* 33 min. This river has a communication with
the Babia del Effiritu Santo, arid with the Rio Amazura, which
empties itself into the Gulf' of Mexico. In this river Soto landed in
the year I539-
Rio de Ays, three leagues North of Rio Santa Cruz, and in lati-
tude 27 deg. 45 min. has five fathom water at its entrance, which
leads into a fine harbour, within which, at about nine leagues to
the Weftward, is situated Pueblo del Cafque Sebaffian.

THE 'Tortolas are a ledge of rocks, beginning in latitude 27 deg.
36 min. in length about fix leagues, which, running parallel to
the coat, reaches to the entrance of a bay called

El Palmar, fituate in latitude 28 deg. 13 min. This bay is ten
miles in length, lying almost North and South, and in breadth



about two miles, having at its'entrance ten fathom water. From
hence the coaft stretches to the N. E. forming, at about feven
leagues dillance from the 'I'ortolas, the head-land, or cape,

Cabo del Gmaveral, in latitude 28 deg. 27 min. which is the
Eattermoft point of all Florida, and is surrounded with rocks, ly-
ing at about two miles off from the thore s clofe to there rocks is
ten fathom water. To the Eaftward of this cape there are three
banks, which extend themselves fix leagues into the Atlantic ocean,
and have channels between them. To the Northward of it alfo
lies EI'Buey, which is a dangerous bank of rocks, having from ten
tp twenty fathom water clofe round it; and to the Northward hereof
lies another fmall bank. The cosit now firetches to the Northweft,
and on it is a little bay, called

La Reque, lying at about nine leagues difiance from Cabe del
Canateral3 and, about four leagues to the Northward of this
Rio de Mofguitos. The mouth of this river lies in latitude 28
deg. 48 min. There is a dire t communication through this river
by the Rio Amazura into the Gulf of Mexico.
THE MO gd/Os are a tribe of Indians, inhabiting both fides of this
river. The coaft now runs rtearly North and South, and on it are

Barraderas, a fmall bay, lying in latitude a8 degrees 56 mi-
butes, as alfo Ayamonte, another fmall bay, in latitude 29 degrees
4 mmutes.
1Penon is an Indian fettlement on an island thirteen.leagues
to the North of Rio de Mofquitos, fituate at the entrance of the
Rio Matanzas, through which there is a communication to St.


Barra de Matanzas has eight feet water on it, but afterwards,
within the river, from ten to I5 fathom. On the North fide of
the entrance of this river is high land, called 'Torre de Remo.

Santandnaffa island is nine leagues long, reaching from the
Barra de Matanzas to the entrance of the harbour of St. Augglin,
which it helps to form.

St. Augujin lies in 29 04,. So min. North latitude: the city
runs along the thore, at the foot of a pleasant hill, adorned with
trees; its form is oblong, divided by four regular fireets crofEng
each other at right angles. Down by the fea-fide, about three
fourths of a mile South of the town, flandeth the church, and a
monastery of St. Augglin.' The beft built part of the town is on the
North fide, leading to the cattle, which is called St. John's Fort.
It is a square building of foft flone, fortified with whole baftions,
having a rampart twenty feet high, with a parapet nine feet thick,
and it is cazemated. The town is alfo fortified with nations, and
inclofed with a ditch : The whole well furnished with cannon.
The harbour is formed by the North-end of Santa Ana}afa island,
and a long point of land, divided from the continent by the river
St. Mark, which falls into the fea a little above the caffle. At the
entrance of this hsirbour are the North and South breakers, forming
two channels, whofe bars have from eight to nine fathers water
over them at low water. On the North and South, without the
walls of the city, are'two Indian towns.

THE little fort is situated at the entrance of a river into the Rio
Matanzas, about four miles South of St. Augujin, and at the end
of a marth. Fort Mufa is four miles North of St. Augu/lin.

Rio St. Seba/lian. "his river runs out of a lake, and enters the
Rio Matanzas a little to the South of St. Augujin.

Rio St. Marco has communication with Rio St. yuan. It enters
the fea at the harbour of St. Auguflin. This river, with that of
St. Sebafian, forms an island, on which St. Augglin is fituate.

El Canuelo is a fm all bay, about three leagues Nor th of st.
Au g uf in.

Figia is a little settlement about two miles-from El Canuelo.
Forr Diego is fituated on the North bank of the Rio St. Marco,
about twenty miles from St. Auguffin, in the road from that place
to St. 'Yuan.

St. yuan, by fome called St. Matheo, is the mod* nor thern Spanifb
settlement on the Eaft coat of Florida. It is fituate on the South-
fide of the Rio St. Juan, about nine miles from Fort George. Rio de
St. Juan is a large river, near feven miles broad at the mouth; by
this river there is a communication, all through the peninsula, with
the Rio Amazura, 11abia del Efperitu Santo, and Laguna del Efi-
ritu Santo; and very probably, by fmall craft, might be navigable
quite through into the Gulf of Mexico.

An Account of the several Expeditions made to Florida, by
the Enghfh, French, and Spaniards, from the frf
Di{covery of this Country to the prefent'ZTetzes.

Expedition of 'yohn Ponce de Lean.

ON the 3d of March, in the ye wr 15 I 2, John Ponce de Leon,
a gentleman of Spain, failed with three fhips from the port of
St. German, in the ifland of Puerto Rico. He fleered his course to
the North-weft, and, on the eighth day after, made the island
Viego, in 2I deg. 30 ::un. No latitude, and anchored on the
next day under one of the Caicos islands; thence failing by the little
ifle of Maguana, on the 27th he arrived at Guanani, (the firfl land
discovered by Columbus) and, continuing the fame course, he again
inade land on the 3d of April, in the latitude of 30 deg. 8 min.
E North,



North, which, taking to be an island, he named it, as before men-
tioned, Florida. He went ashore with fome of his people, both
to inforin himself concerning the inhabitants, and to take poffellion
of the countfyWith the ceremonies ured upon Act occhfsons. This
being done, he again fet fail, on the 8th day of the month, toward
the Soisth, ind, coating 410bg the thore, flill caR anchor, as he
perceived any of the Savages, or their hutts, appear; the next
day, having advanced a little way into the fea, he found fo firong
a current against him, that though the wind was favourable, and the
vbffeis 'tarried all their fails to it, they were not only utiable to pro-
ceed, but with diffitutty held their anchors. Here the Spaniards,
being invited by the natives, ventured on thore; the Savages, when
they were landed, begah with hauling up the boat, and carrying
off the ohrs, Sc. To this thd Spaniards made no opposition at firit,
being loth to irritate thern 4 but why the latter becafne to wantonly
furious as almoff to kill onb of the soldiers, both fides fell to blows,
till night parted them. In this chcounter, two Spaniards were
wounded. Going to water at a neighboring river, they were for-
tunate enough to make a prisoner of one of the Savages, him they
afterwards made are of both for a guide and interpreter. Upon
the bank of this river they placed a crofs with an infeription, front
which occurketice it is filicalled the Rio de At Gram. Hwing paffs
id by the Cape of Florida. on the 8th of May, they c6ntinised Reir
course -to the South alldown thq coaft-till, in latitude a94eg.
they fell ih with a range of islands and rocks, to which4htf Spanidrds
gave the name of Martyrs, from a resemblance the cliffs bore, in
their fancy, to swan Exed upon &akes. A name of bad presage,
as maziy thips have fince experienced to their deflection. Ponce,
after this flighetrial of the ikhabitants, arid not in the leaft fufpe6tin
Florida to be a part of the continent, fleered sway to the No
eat, through the Luaryos iflands, sad to to that of St. Joble &
Puetto Rico, whence he -lad firft et outs




Expedition of Luke Va/quez of Aylon.
N the year 1520, Luke Vafyuez of Aylon, a licentiate, being in
wsot of hands to work is the mines, entered into a resolution,
with fome affociates, to try if they could fleal offa number of
Savages from the neighboring islands, to be employed in this
bufiners. For this purpose, they equipped two thips, and failed out
of the harbour of Plata, fituated on the North-fide of Hiffaniold,
and fleered, either by chance or design, which it was is uncer-
tain, a North-weffern course, until they came to the moft difiant of
the Lucayos islands; and thence, to what was then part ofFhrida,
in 3 1North latitude, now called St, Helena. At the fight of their
thips. making towards the thore with expanded fails, the amazed
natives ran in crowds to view them, conceiving that they muff he
fome monfirotts fifbes driven upon the coalk s but, as foon a
they law men with beards and covered with clothing, land out
of there floating manflons, they fled in a panic. The Spaniards,
having flopped two of them, carried them off into their *(hips a
where, after having entertained they with meat and drink, they
fent them back again clothed in the Spani/h habit. The king of
the country,. admiring the drefs, [ent fifty of his people to the
thips, with a present of various fruits and provifions; and, not
contented with doing this, he made a party of his fabjeas attend
the Spaniards in the many excurfions into the neighboring pro-
vinces, with which, at their requeft, he gratified their inclinations,
where they were prgented yvi gold, plates of silver, pearls, Sc.
And i*eceived 1;> thq moft hof'pitable manner. The Spanzards, having
made their own observations, as they paffed, upon the cuffoms and
manners of the inhabitant the foil, and climate, invited a large
hurhber of the natives (after digy ha4 wateted their thlys, and were
prepared for departure) to aixjhtertaininent on board their veffels z
where, having flied their guefts well with liquor, they took that
icked opportunity to weigh anchor, and fail awg with theft
unhappy deluded peoplee towards H:ffaniola. Many of the poor
Es wretchA


wretches pined to death with vexation, and from an obftin:1te refufal
offood; the greater part of what remained perished in one of the
vefTels that foundered at fea; and fome of them, in vain appealing
to the violated rights of hospitality, were hurried into a cruel and
hopeless slavery. Va/guez, inflead of the punishment due:tq fo
inhuman and horrid a proceeding, expefted,.and obtained of ,the
king, the reward appointed for luch as difoovered new lands, to-
gether with the ufual immunities they were entitled to. Which,
when he had received, in the year 1524 he fent more thips to Florida,
and was to elated with the accounts he had from them, of the fer-
tility of the foil, and the great plenty of gold, silver, and pearls
to be found there that he haftened thither jaimfelf', the next year,
with three fhips: but, having loft one of them, when near the
Cape of St. Helen; and 200 of his people, whom he had landed,
being, entirely deflroyed by the natives, more through their own
negligence,' and fupine security, than the bravery of tlieinhabi.-
tants I disappointed of his whites, and broken hearted, he returned
back again to Hyaniola.

Expedition of Pamphilo Narver.

P AMPH ILO NARVA, not discouraged by the bad Accell of:
Vafgues, m the year I526, procured a patent from Charles
the Fifth, Epaperor and King of Spain, cophitutipg him gover-
nor' of all the lands that Eould be difoovered from the river of
Pahns to the ektreene boundaries of .Floridd. in f lie month of March
I628,' he fet Tail, with 400 foot and twenty horfe, on- board -of
his vefTels out of the harbour of Xagua on the South-fide of
tim island of Cuba. After fome difficulties, he doubled the Cape
of St. Anto the Wefigrn oint o Cuba, and flood along the
Nor th-fide Qf it, as TWr"EaRward as jhe harbour lif Havana i.
here, meeting with a breezd fioni"the outh, he:0btairited a-
profperous paffage tver to Florida, and arrived there on the idth
of ,April He clift anchor in a bay, from whence he could fee
the cottages of'the Savages upon the continent. The day following
2 he

'o FL RI A

He tanded puttWFthi4 forces, bu0foubd that the natives'had defeated
theiBhydes i in whkE, bagening to lind fome inflament-of gold,
filled with hopes, hk immediately disembarked the red of his troops,'
and took pothmon of the country for the Kibg of Spain, with
die Whil ceFeinanies. The'Savages; -fbon after, drew neat;:Fi2t
tvitat 'they cheh +61iiaided a fedret, fbr waht of an interpreter,
farther than thht thby feemdd, by their menackg air, to order the
SpaNiardr'to leave their houbtry. The governor, proceeding a little
way forward fothd abdther bay of great extent, reaching far
withid ith6 coidling t: -up ,whibh, having advanced a few leagues,
he'fell Un@ifi fdhif8th es, thri offered Eth m ize. Whilli he
Wak atnghiybd infaldhi intieffighce from there people, he fochd
fedf>vvboden"cafes, ivhereHifiedreaffes, ebvered with the fkins of
wildcanimals, and painted after the manner of the Savages, were
hidden. Upon them there vkre laid pieces of linen and woollen
obth, together with fortyfptigfof gbidgivilich, the natives infified,
the) had fF6m Apalache a egidri far Williht fkoin othein'; and very
rich in that- metal.

TiiE governoi-, 11111 Failed lato higher expectations by this Infor-
thation, ordered his forces to march by land, and the thips to fol-
14kir, keepisg41baffha ,Eabeca de VM the tiedurer,61n fain
egofing tier. Oh the firlydf Miy, having diffributed tokvery
foldier two piidnds of -bifquet, and half" A pound bf pork, he fet
f'orwird with a light-body of 36 >"fbety of which werb horfe;
sind performed a jdinney 6f fifteen days, through a desolate cdmitiyd
isoid 'di itiliabitadt@ knd a flithte offdociz Vik they came to a river;
whieh they crbilbd ardy by twinirding, Whd-partly.u ri rafts zhade
set ofvbut ct th569 thEy touldo fidd. Ther Saviges flood ori'the
oppofite bank ariicookhifted the Spaniards to their huts, where
they i-efrefhed their with maize. After reffing here for a thort
fpacep IVirm Hifplitcheti fbw of his people'to'eiplbre the fea-
ceaftpivhts"flAind; "is fWPab Itheydifcoverdd, thitlit Was Edit of
thtiid e xiM Avitholip having travelled fifteen ddy ourney
farther, pithout feelsg even thd fbodieps bf an inhabitant, at lafP
ch theifeventeenth of fune,'he rnet one of the~petty kings, clobthel
ith a flag's hide, elegantly painted, preceded by a multitude of

Savages, fome of themblowiggAprog Edw.to yvbqm he explained
by figns, that his rout was toApalache, a The .[qdign .gave them
to underfland that he was an enemy to the .dfalachians; and, after
the mutual exchange of a few1 prefente,,and paffing another
river, he eatertained they ip his townsawith 4ngize 404 vanifous
Hence, through inqR harryfling ang almoQ:iampgEble wayalon; the
25th of the fame month, lyarva and 14s partyprivyd at 4palache a
and,.falling upon the natives, whos qeitherespe6ted nor were at all
prepared to receive fach a vifit, the town was taken at the fieft at-
tack. Great quantities of maize, fkiqq qfbeafts, garments wove
of thread (for the got icivilized of ghe floridata makerg decent
fort of coarfe cloth, out 4 the inwg sk offome' uses which
a und in that country, as well as ygppy 9) together with,0ther
commodities belonging to the inhabitpas, 99' into their hap4s,
The town codified of forty 1pw cottages, cover@ with fraw ess
cellently guarded againft accit;leptsof wings, which, at limeqare
very frequent in thefe plaogs,. Aug defghdeddikewifer on evgry dide
by ridges of lofty mountains, and a deep oozy gpoumi
Act, the land they had hitherto pafkd over was flat and fandy,
aboppding with walnut, laurel, ge4arg dir, pine,; a 4 w pake
treep, .moiltened with many lek4s of cKqances endwith,-the
traphs pl oldpeep, urabeptefs wilg}eate appear, wadering
about the woods : the country if ogg what epid, but abouading with
beautiful pallures. Ira the course of4wentyffice d;ays, during which
they tarried here, they were alarmed twipe by fixddea inowlions of
thy natives, who retreated agaig damshe par the This induced
them to divide themfeives into the [e weak pargipp, .iwarder to
fcoup and egainine the adjacent quatry but, they found noth)ng
spore thag ippervious <1efects, and foque miferable satwes, deikitute
of every .thing. The caffigue, or chief,. Whom they kept in obateb
declared that his towanad dihift was by (4 the teft in this
country, mod tlpaq ghebageons bef ood remingc lef4tiquboth, gi
so rail and weaker ot;inhabitants, Motevanding v7lvi4. offertion
of phe cagique, they. came, after a jopeney of pino days teards
abe South, to another of their ,towns called Aute, whetp tishabig


'tO o L fI A


tests were in confederacy ivith Apalache, and abounded*in corn sind
other necefferies; as bking nearer to the fea.

free Spaniards being appri.xed by experiences both of the pretty
of theft regions, and of the treatment they were to expect front
the Savages, who, lurking about their camp, found means to flay
their horses, under cover of the night wearied out with difap-
pointment, resolved to disett their march to the fea-ecall; towards
which. they traveled for eight days, with the utmaft hazard and
fatigue, being often attacked by the natives from behind the bufhek
When -they came tor Aute, a bloody engagment enfued, where
the Spaniard(1011 fome people. Never thelers they took the place,
atid found there a vsit quantity of maize, peak, gourds, and vanous
fruits0 Calisa de Faca, being dent by Naretz to furvey the fea-
there,: returned three days after with an account that the face of
the had was rude and difmal, the bays firetcliing far within the
country, add the fea remote. Afflifting news for the soldiers al-
ready too a reach ditheartened. The number of their heroes was
by thik time to much reduced, that they had no longer fuffacient
to cartyr the fick 3 therefore, Jeaving Aate they moved towards the
fes, which was the only refouice they had left. Boats were no#
seceffary; and therefore, though in want of all materials, they
contrived; by fame means or other, to build five by the twentieth
of September. They twifted ropes out of horfehair; they made
effels to hokl water by fewing hides together; for fails they cut
up their thirts; and; after the fame manner, got every thing they
wanted ready; In the anean while, they were not left undifforbed
by the Savagek who deftroyed ten of their men.
Acconomo to their calculation, in coming from the bay of Santa
Crut:, where they firft Jaaded, to this place, they had performed
a journey of 280 leagues. Embarking' on the twenty-fecond of
September, they fet fail s and, after having wandered about, without
knowing wheye they were, in the receffes of the bays for feven
Boys, they cAme to an island divided by a narrow ftrait front
the continent 3 which they eroff'ed, and, fleering along thore, dii.
rented their course for the river of Pakns. Meanwhile, they were



terribly dificeffed for want of watep faw but few Savages, andfup-
ported their miserable beings by fishing, t At length, having wea-
thered a promontory that lay in their way, not without great peril,
and after losing Tothe of their company by drinking too falrgely of
falt water, they again made for the continent.; where, at firit, they
were very kindly received by the natives,- and refrefhed with drink
and fith ( but, beidg itttacked by them in the night, they marrowly
etcaped from total defiruetion. The Indian chiefelopiogyand the
governor wounded,: they fled, in confufian abd great precipitation,
to their' boats.- After three days fail from hence, preffed again by
the wait of freth water, they put to thore. The Johabitants drew
near, and, after a mutual exchange .of hostages, thdy godated .the
Spaniards leave to water.:. Nevertheldsafoan afict, they, both
fiercely redemanded their own people, :aid dettided ,the Spardends
capelve This nation was of a .greater fiature than whatakey had
hitherto feen, with long loofe hair: their kings were richly cleatihed
with martens fkins. The flation here. being but bad forve/Tels,
thinking to avoid extreme danger, they hore aillittle out to fear
but their boats wereifoon separated by drefs of.,weather,:And each:
th*oveto reach what lay next before them. One of them; in which
the treasurer Cabeca de Zaca was embarked, (to whom we Qwe this
narration) ran aground, and he, with his companions,, landed
upon sin iflabd, as it after wards was found to be. The inhabitants,
about an hundred in.number, at firft attacked them in a hollile
manner; but, being won by presents, they brought them plenty
offith, etc. .The Spaniards, having now wrecked their boat upon
this island, their arms, deaths, and every thing elle, to com-
plete their misfortunes, being fivallowed up by the ea, were
Applied with provisions by the natives in their cottages, uritil
they themselves began to be in want. The tharpnefs of hunger
conquered humanity, and the famithing Spaniards fed upon each
others fleth, until, out of eighty people, only fifteen remained.
But of there, Cakca de Vaca being one, after long wanderings and
various accidents, too long to -infert here, arrived at laftio, the
province of Mexico, where the other boats peri(hed-s uror ,what
fate attended the governor is not known. Such waE the thjrd
Spanz}b ex ped ition into Florida.


Expedition of Ferdinayd de Soto.

AF TER there unfortunate events, Florida was neglected till
the year I 539, when the memorable expedition of Ferdinand
de Soto took place. This gentleman had served with great reputa-
tion under Francis Pizarro, in the conqueR of Peru, which had
recommended him to much to the Emperor Charles V. that he
conferred on hial the government of Guba, with, the rank of
General of Florida, and the title of Marquis of the lands which
he should conquer therein. Having received his commillion from
the court of Spain, he failed to the Havannah, where he made
a thort Alay, in order to put the affairs of the island under proper
regulations, during his ablence s and then, embarking his forces, fet
fail on the twelfth of May, in the year I 539, with nine veffels, having
on board 350 horfe, and 900 foot, together with a great number of
mariners, and all things necefTary Tor fuch an expedition. As the
fedon was very fine, and the wind quite fair, they made the coaft
of Florida, to the Northward of the Gulf of Mexico, on the 25th of
the faid month, and came to an anchor in the bay of Spiritu Sando.
The whole army was foon disembarked, and, by the help of the
tides, the thips were, eight days after, brought up to clofe to the
land, as to moor juft under the Indian habitations. The arthy, as
they landed, intrenched themselves upon the fea-beach, near the
town. After a flight excurflon, to take a view of the adjacent coun-
try, the general, Soto, approached an Indian town, which he found
quite defeated by the natives, who, as foon as they perceived the thips
upon their coalk, had every where given the alarm by fires. At break
of day, Colonel Lewis de Mofcojo drew up the army in three lines,
with a squadronn of horfe to each body. In this order they march-
ed, making a circuit round the bay, till they came to a village of'
the Savages, confifting of about feven or eight houses, near the
thore, built of wood, and covered with palm-leaves. On one fide
was a little lodge, which served for a temple to their idol, placed
F over



over the entrance, in the thape of a bird, made of wood, and
gilded over. Some pearls weie alfo found here, but of little
value, having been bored by fire, in order to firing them for
chains and bracelets, to adorn their necks and arms; ornaments in
high elicem among thefe people. This town served the troops
for quarters, and the general ordered the ground about it to be
cleared, for a pretty good fpace, both for the fake of having room
to exercise his cavalry, and that the Indians might not approach
without being discovered, if they chofe to attack him in the night.
Double guards were placed at all the avenues and dangerous places,
which were relieved every hour, and the cavalry, ready for adion
if neceffary, rode about and visited them. Here they were unfor-
tunate enough to lofe two Indians they had taken prisoners, to ferve
for guides and interpreters, who escaped in the night by the care-
leflhefs of thofe that were fet to watch them. This lofs was the
harder to repair, because the number of marches and woodlands
prevented the horfe from purfaing them.
Wu 21,sr the Spaniards remained here, Soto detached several
parties to dilcover the country. One of them, in marching by a
morals, about half a league from the camp, fell in with fome In-
dians, and took four of them; whereupon the reft turned ihort upon
the Spaniards, and, though far inferior in number, drove them
back to their camp. There people are to dexterous, to fierce, and
to agile, that it is impoflible to gain any advantage over them on
foot. They fly front thofe who attack them, but, the moment the
enemy retires, they [pring upon him. The difiance of a bow-fhot
is the fartheft they ever give way; and, when they make their
attacks, they are always in conf ant motion, running from fide to
fide, to prevent the enemy from taking aim. They dikharge their
arrows with incredible celerity, and to exadly, as very seldom to
mits. Their bows are firoog, and their arrows made of reeds,
heavy, and to keen, that they will pierce a buckler. The extre-
mities of fome they arm with a fith-bone as fharp as an awl, of
others with a flone as hard as a diamond. One of the parties
above mentioned discovered, on a plain two leagues from the camp,
sea or twelve Indians, among whom was an European, naked and



all fun-burnt, having his arms painted with ,divers colours, in the
manner of the Indians, from whom he could not, in the leaR, -be
dillinguifhed. The Savages difperfed, as foon as the horfe attacked
them, and threw themselves into a wood, excepting two, who,
being wounded, were taken: At the fame time, one of the horfe-
men run with his launce at the European, who cried out, Gentle-
men, I am a Chrillian, do not kil me, nor thefe poor people, who have
given me hfe. Hereupon the Indians were called out of the wood,
with afTurances of having nothing to fear: They were at length
prevailed upon to leave it, and all mounting behind the horsemen,
this detachment returned again to the camp, where they were re-
ceived with the universal joy and careffes of the general and the
whole army.

HERE I muft beg leave to digress a little, in order to inform the
reader, what adventure brought the Chrillian above mentioned into
the hands of the Indians.

Tuls man, whofe name was 'ychn Ortiz, was a native of Seville,
and born of a noble family. He had served in theexpedition under
Narvez, about twelve years before, and had the good for tune to
efcape back again to Cuba. Hence he returned to Florida, in a
brigantine, ,by the desire of the Lady of Narvez, in queft of her
husband. At his arrival upon this coaft, meeting with fome Indians,
who pretended to have a letter for him from Narvez, he and an-
other were rath enough to land, at their invitation, in opposition to
the advice of the people onboard. The Indians unmpdiately fizr-
rounded and carried off Ortiz to their chief, called Ucita, none on board
daring tq land, to give him any afEllance. The Indian sentenced
him to be burnt alive, which had fluely been his fate, but that a
fedden emotion of pity touched the heart of Ucita's daughter, who
prevailed upon her father to give him his life. Ortiz was then fet
to guard the temple above mentioned from the wolves, which often
came to carry off the bodies that were laid there. It happened, that
there animals seized the body of the fon of an Indian of confide-
rable rank: Ortiz pursued them, and had the good fortune to kill
F 2 one



one of the wolves, and recover the carcafe. This action endeared
him to Ucita, who began to treat him more kindly. Three years
paffed thus, when an Indian chief, called Mocof, attacked Ucita,
burnt his village, and forced him to fly to another place he had by
the fea-(hore. There wild people have a caffom of sacrificing the
lives of firangers that fall into their hands to evil fpirits, whom they
fuppofe to be pleaded with fhch vidlims. This fate Ucita defined
Ortiz to; but the fame girl, who had faved him from the fire,
counselled him to fly to Mocofo, who, the faid, would treat him
well, and wanted to fee him.* As he was unacquainted with the
way, the put him into the road, and returned unperceived herself.
Ortiz travelled till he came to a rivulet on the frontier of the domi-
nions of Macefo, where he found t wo Indians fi thing. As thefe
people were at war with thofe he came from, he was apprehen-
five they would treat him as an enemy, and the more fo, because
he was unable to explain his design, and what brought him thither
to them, neither understanding the language of the other; to pre-
vent this, he ran to the place where their arms lay, and inflantly
seized them. The Indians, alarmed, flew immediately to the
town, whence their cries presently brought numbers of Indians,
who furrounded Ortiz, and were upon the point of killing him,
in vain crying out that He roas the Chriflian of Ucita; when, pro-
videntially, an Indian joined them who happened to undediand
his language, and appeared his companions by explaining the words
of Ortiz to them. Upon this four of the Savages were few off
with the news to .&focofo, who received Ortiz very cordially, and
promised, if any Chriftians should arrive in that country, he would
gwe him leave to retire with them. Among there Indians, Ortiz
refided for the course of twelve years, and had long defpaired of
ever seeing another European, when Mocofo informed him that the
Chriftians had made a decent at the town ofUcita. Ortiz, at
firf1, showed a difficulty ofbelieving hitn; but the CaGique feriou-
ly infifted upon the truth of this intelligence, and permitted him to
go to join them; adding, that, if he did not, he muff blame him-
felf alone, when the Chriftians were gone, fince the promise
made to him had been performed. Ortiz thanked the Indian in
the gratefulleft terms, who, at his departure, fent several of his
2 people



people to efcort him; and there were they, whom the above.
mentioned party, from Soto's army, met.

AT his arrival in the camp, the General presented him with
clothes, arms, and a good horfe; asking him, at the fame time,
whether he had no knowledge of any part of this country that
abounded with gold or silver mines. Orti2; answered, that he had
penetrated only a little way farther than the habitation of Macefo,
but that, at thirty leagues dillance from his town, dwelt Paracoxt,
the moft puiffant prince of thefe regions, to whom all the other
chiefs were tributary, and that he could give hial fatisfadory light
concerning what was enquired after; moreover, that his country
was very fertile, and abounded with all the proviflons of life. This
intelligence was highly pleafing to Soto, who looked upon it as cer-
tain, that, in traverting to great an extent of land, he muff, of
course, find fome part of it very rich.

A FEw days after, Mocofo paid the Spaniards a vifit, when, in
a handfame speech, he welcomed the general, and offered him his
services. Soto received him with faitable returns of civility, and
made him fome fmall presents; after which he took his leave,
and went back to his habitation highly satisfied.

Soro immediately dispatched Balthazar de Gallegas, at the head
of about thirty men, into the province of Paracoxi, to gain infor-
mation of what P/orida farther afforded. At their arrival here,
they found the coffique had retired out of the town, but fent thirty
Indians, to enquire what they fought in his country, and wherein
he could be of service to them ? Gallegos thanked him for his
civility, and teffified his inclination to confirm a sincere and laying
friendship with him; for the fake of doing which, he desired him
to return to his habitation. The Indian answered by meffengers,
that he was indifpofed, which prevented him from coming. Gal-
legos demanded, if they knew any province that produced gold or
filver ? They answered, he would find one to the Weft, called
Cale, which was at war with a neighboring diffria, where the
Spring bloomed throughout the year, and gold was to plenty, that



the people marched against thofe of Cale with helmets made of
this metal on their heads. But the Spanith officer fulpecting they
only made pretences, for the fake of gaining time, till they could
betake themTelves to fome place of security ; and fearing, if he fuf-
fered the Inaian meffengers to depart, they would not return again,
put them in irons, .and fent to acquaint Soto of his proceedings;
upon which the general, leaving a proper number of men to guard
the port, marched with all the reft, joined Gallegos, and, without
delay, fet onward to Cale. He found, hr his way, fome Imallvil-
lages, and took an Indian for his guide, who conducted them to
the banks of a very rapid river. Having paffed this with fome
difEculty, Soto, who had headed the advanced guard, fent to ha-
fien the main body; because the journey was long, and he was
apprehenfive that provision might fail them. At length, be ar-
rived at Cale, but found the town defeated. Here he halted for
the reft of the army, now extremely fatigued with hunger and bad,
ways; for tBe ground was poor, marthy in many places, or covered
with thick woods. All their provisions were consumed, fo that
they were obliged to feed upon beet leaves, thiftles, and maize,
which they devoured flalk and all; fo outrageous was hunger grown.
But the horfemen Soto had fent back to them, brought the com-
forting news, that there was plenty of maize at Cale; all that was
ripe of it the general ordered to be cut down, and a flore
was laid up, fafBcient for three months. One of the Indians
who were taken informed Soto, that, feven leagues beyond this
town, there was a province very large and fertile in maize, which
was called Palache. Whereupon, he fet off immediately from Cale,
with a body of horfe and foot, leaving Colonel Lewis de Mofcofo
to command the reft, with express orders not todecamp, unless
he should receive a command to do fo under his hand.

DON Ferdinand de Soto left Cale on the eleventh day of Auguji
154.0, and lay firf1 at Hara, next at Potano, then at Utimama, and,
on the fourth day, at a place called, by the Spaniards, Malapaz.
Hence he came to a place called Cholupaba 3 and, after two days jour-
ney throughadefart country, he arrived atCaliquen. Here it was inti-
mated toSoto, as he was inquiring concerning the province of Palache,



that Narvez had not penetrated into the country beyond whererthey
now were, being unable to find either path or habitations : That
it was more eligible to abandon Florida, and return, than run the
rifk -of perithing by the Savages, or hunger, in thofe desolate
regions. But the general paid no regard to fudi remonfirances :
On the reverse, he ordered all to hold themselves ready to march,
and fent orders for Mofcofo to join him with the utmof1 expedition.
This was immediately done, though the troops suffered much, in
pathg through a country entirely laid waf1e by the general, in his
paffage through it.
Soro marched from Caliquen, with the whole army, on the
20th of September, taking the cafEque away with him. In five
days he arrived at Napetaca, during which the Indians several times
applied to him, praying that their chief might be fet at liberty.
To whom he answered, that he did not intend to detain him by
force longer, than till he should arrive in the dominions of Uza-
chil, a chief who was related to the cafEque of Caliquen. Mean-
while, John Ortiz learned from an Indian, that they had resolved
to affemble and attack the army, in order to fet their chief at liberty
by force. The general, being apprized of this, ordered all the in-
fantry and cavalry to arm, and to remain fo prepared in their quar-
ters, not to give the Indians any fofpicion, who, to the number of
400, in arms, were polled in a wood a little way from the camp.
Thus flationed, they fent two men to demand their cafEque of the
governor; who, taking hina by the hand, and talking to him, the
better to satisfy the Indians, advanced near the place where they
had pof1ed themselves; but, obferving them to be preparing for
battle, he commanded an alarm to be founded; at which all
the Spaniards rushed out with foch fury, that the Indians, furpri-
zed and thrown into confusion, thought only of flight. Forty of
them were killed on the [pot by the fpear, and the reft threw
themselves into two neighboring lakes, where the Spaniards fired
upon them, as they were [wimming, though to little effe61,
Soto, not having people enough for both, surrounded only one of
the lakes, out of which the Indians endeavored to efcape by fwim-
ming softly to the banks in the night, covering their heads with



water-lilies; but the horfe, perceiving the water to be put in mo-
tron, pathed up to the belly in the lake, and drove them back
again. A great part of the night having thus paffed, without any
repose on either fide, Ortiz called out to them to submit to the
governor, fince there was no poffibility of efcaping: Which they,
at laf}, agreed to do, compelled by the severe cold they felt in the
water. They all surrendered except about twelve, who resolutely
determined rather to die in the lake; but the Indians of Paracoxi
threw themselves in, dragged them out by the hair, and they were
immediately chained together. All the reft were divided amongf1
the Spaniards, to ferve as flames. The misery of this slavery was
to intolerable to thofe Savages, that they resolved to free themselves
from it, and, for that end, one of them, who a6ted as interpre-
ter, undertook to firangle the general, whilfl he was talking with
him, by throwing both hands at once suddenly upon his necka
but, in the infant of attempting it, Soto truck the Indian upon
the face 10 furioufly, as, in a moment, to cover it over with
blood. All the Indians were routed at this signal, and a ter-
rible battle enfued; each Savage ufing, for a weapon, the club
with which they bruised the maize, or the [word or launches of their
matters, that happened to lie near them, and managed them
with as much dexterity as the Spaniards themselves could do; till,
at laf1, after having given wonderful proof of valour and intrepi-
dity, they were overpowered by numbers, and the whole body,
confifting of about two hundred, taken; several of whom were
faftened to takes, and (hot to death by the arrows of the Paracoxi

Faora Napetaca they marched, on the twenty-third of September,
nd foon arrived at Uzachil, which had been abandoned by its in-
habitants, upon the rumour of the laughter made at the fore-
mentioned place. Great quantities of maize, pulle, and cucum-
bers, were found in the town. The firft was as fine as millet,
and the la(t better than thofe of Spain. The parties, alfo, that
were detached to fcour the country, picked up about t oo Indians,
who were divided among the foldiery, to be ufed for carrying of
baggage, peeling of maize, and other fervile ofHees, in which the



chain they were fastened with, by the neck, did not much hinder
them. As for the women and children, they were fuffered to go
unchained, whenever they had come fixty, or a hundred miles,
from their refpedive homes. Thefe were very serviceable, and
learned Spanifh in a little time.

THE general now quitted Uzachil, to go to Palache, and, on the
second day, arrived at Axille, where the inhabitants did not wait
to receive him, but retired to a neighboring wood. He left this
place the next day, being the firf1 of Oflober; and, having thrown a
bridge over a river that lay across his road, was preparing to pafs
it with his troops, when the Indians presented themselves on the
other fide, to dispute the paffage; upon which, Soto commanded
the crofs-bow men to advance, who forced them to retire. The
whole army then paffed over, and arrived, that evening, at Vitachuco,
a town, in the province of Palache, which the Indians had fet fire
to, and the flames were not yet extinguished, when they entered
it. This province is well peopled, and fruitful in maize: houses
and villages appeared on every fide, till they came to Anhayca de
Palache, the residence of the cafHque, who commanded the whole
province. The Spam'/h forces were quartered round the town, at
a fmall difiance from which were other villages, whence they drew
great quantities of maize, cucumbers, beans, and dried plumbs,
better than thofe of Spain. The trees which bear there plumbs
grow fpontaneoufly all over the country.
So*ro, who knew that the fea was not more than ten leagues
difiant, fent out a party of horfe and foot, who, pafEng by Ocheta,
fix leagues from their quarters, came to the fea-fide : They conjec-
tured, from the bones of horses and other velliges, that Narvez
had, there, confiruded thofe barks in which he was thip-wreck-
ed. As foon as the governor was informed of this, he fent Dan-
bufco, at the head of thirty horsemen, with orders for the party
left at Bahia del E/piritu Santo, to fet out direly for Palache.
Danbufco marched with all the secrecy pofEble, that he might not
alarm the Indians, who were now returned to their towns, which
the Spaniards had paffed through; and thus, in no more than fix
G da y s,



days, he arrived at the port. Here he embarked with all the foot,
and rowed along the coaR, till he came to Palache, which was not
till the tweixty-fifth of December. The horfe returned with the
party that were fent for by the general.
So*ro, having determined to discover the country on the Weffern
coat, ordered Maldonado, with a ftnall body of infantry, to march
by the (hore, and to make himself acquainted with the harbours,
if any, thereon. While thefe*things were doing, many fmall fkir-
mithes happened between the Spaniards and Indians, with various
fuccefs, until the time. that Maldonado returned, who brought with
him a native of a province called Ochufe, fixty leagues firom Pala-
che. He had found there a harbour of good depth and well- thel-
tcred, which was very plealing to the governor, as he had hopes of
discovering, on this coaft, fome country rich in gold. The better
to accomplish this end, he dispatched Maldonade for warlike imple-
ments, to the Havana, with orders to meet him at the port of
Ochufe, whither he intended to go by land; having determined to
undertake nothing of consequence, before he should have vilited
that place.

Jus*r after Maldonado was gone, it happened that a young Indian
was brought before the governor, who had been taken at Nape-
taca : He affered him, that it was not from the country above-
mentioned, but from his own, called Yupaha, far difiant, on the
Eaftern coaft, that he muff feek for gold; deferibing the manner
likewise to minutely ir> which gold was extraded from the ore,
melted, and refined, that all thofe in the army, who had been
converlant with the wor king of mines, declared to Sote, that it was
impoffible for him to fpeak fo juffly concerning this bufinefs, unle&
he had feen it done himself : And thus this relation of this Indian
paffed for indubitable truth. Therefore, with minds filled with
the ideal riches of Tupaha, the Spaniards left Palache on the third
of March.

THE gCDCUS Ordered every man to take' proviffon with him for
fixty leagues ol desert, which they were obliged to carry themselves,



as the Indian prisoners had, for the moft part, perithed through
the winter's fatigue. After four days march, they came to a river,
over which the army paffed, by the affifkance of a large canoe,
that enabled them to faten a great rope across, and, by there means,
to Rem the rapidity of the tream, holding that as they went,
This bufinefs coR them the labour of a day and a half; at laR,
on the eleventh of March, they arrived at Capachiqui. The Indians
were every where in arms, falling at times upon the Spaniards
that firaggled, or were detached to get wood, Sc. and, when pursued
by Soto's horfe, they threw themselves into the marches where
they were unaffailable. The general left this place, and arrived at
fadH on the twenty-firft day of the month. The houses here ap-
peared very diffdrent from any hitherto feen by the Spaniards in
Florida .* They were covered with reeds ranged like tyles, very
neatly. The walls were made of poles, interesting each other fa
artfully, as to feem built of ftone and mortar. They light large
fires in their houses during the night, which make them fo swarm,
though the climate is rather cold, that they want no covering. .
The granaries wherein they lay up their corn are railed upon four
poffs, with a floor made of reeds. There people, in their dreft
and building, are more civilized than the reft of the Floridans.
The deer-fkins, which they make ufe of for clothing, are dyed of
an excellent fearlet, and they weave a fine kind of linen out of the
moft tender inside bark of a certain tree.

THEY marched from Toalli on the twenty-third of March, and
approached the town of Achef4, the inhabitants of which retired on
their approach; but, their caffique being fent for by them, appear-
ed, and addreffed himself to the general in a handsome speech,
defining to know what he looked for in their country, and
wherein he could be of service. Soto thanked hiur for his civility,
told him, that he was the fon of ,the fun, and that he had left the
place of his abode, to feek the greateR lord, and the richeft pro-
vance, which was in that country. The cafHque gave hiin guides,
and an interpreter, to lead the army to a diffrift called Orga r
This civil behaviour fo pleaded the general, that he fet all the
prifonersixe had taken in his dominions at Rherty. L Julkbefore his
G 2 departure,


44 9

departure, Soto fet up a wooden crofs in.the town, and only told
the Indians, that this fign was ereded in memory of 'fefus Chrifl,
who had suffered to fave us : That he was both God and man, and
had created the heaven and earth s and that, therefore, they muff
fook up to that token with profound relpea: Which they proms.
fed to d0.

On the twenty-fourth of April, the troops arrived.at Altaraca,
and, on the tenth, at Ocuti. The caffique of this place fent zooo
Indians to the governor, with several presents, and, among the
reft, many dogs, the fleth of which, for want of other meat, was
as much efleemed in the army as mutton. The Indians are not
reduced to thch firaits; for, with their bows and arrows, and by
the help of many engines and inventions, of which the Spaniards
had no knowledge, they kill and take plenty of all forts of game.
But, even if they had, ricither time nor circumilance permitted the
soldiers to pursue it.

THE gOVCfDOr left Ocuti on the twelfth of April, after the caffique
had given him 4oo Indians for service. The army marched then
to Gofagui, and thence to Patofa The chief of which lift dif-
tria, hearing of 8oto's approach, came to fee him, and desired his
friendship in allet [peech, which was answered in the ntoft oblis
gang manner.
THE FRCC Of the country, from Ocuti to Patofa, for the fpace of
fifty miles, is very beautiful the fo8 rich, and finely watered with
many rivers, and the people of a [weet and amiable temper s but,
from the Bahia del Effiritu Santo to the former place, it is low;
fandy, marthy, or covered with high bushes; whence the fierce
and warlike inhabitants ruth out, or where they retire to, and are
fecured againft all affaults of horfe or foot.

So*ro:being upon the point of leaving Patofa, the Indians of
that country infifted, contrary to the affection of the young Tufa-
As above-mentioned, that they had no knowledge of any region
tolthe Eaftward; but that, to the Nor.h-weft, there was a very
fe rt il e,



fertile, and well-peopled province, named Coca. Nevertheless, the
caffique left it at Soto's direction, to take his people, whom he
gave him for guides, either way he should chufe. After having
interchanged marks of reciprocal affection with this good caffique,
the general began his march, which continued four days, through
a road that grew flill narrower, and at laft disappeared, the Yupa-
han Indian leading the way. The fatigue of this journey was much
increased, by having fome large and rapid rivers to crofs. There
difficulties to heightened the general's vexation, that he threatened
to caft the young Indian to the dogs, for his treachery in thus deceiv-
ing him; the army having been on the march fbc nine days, and
proviflons growing very thort, both for men and horses. The Indian
confeffed he knew not where he was; and this confetion would
have coft him his life, but that he was the only one of the Flori-
dans who could make himself underflood by John Ortiz. The
general himself, attended by a few soldiers, made an excurfian
in fearch of a road, but returned at night, quite disconcerted, not
having been able to discover the leaft track of a way, or trace of
a human habitation.

THE next day, a council was held, to determine whether they
should return or proceed. They were deterred from returning,
when they cc ofidered that the country behind them was quite
exhauffed of provifion, their own almoft consumed, and both men
and horses to enfeebled, that it was doubtful whether they would
be able to reach any place of refreshment. Moreover, the Indiant
moft probably, taking advantage of their disorder, might fall upon
them. The general, therefore, resolved to lend out several par-
ties, in different direaions, to feek for fome inhabited fpot s but
they returned, almoff tired to death, without iny Accers. The
next day, Soto appointed four commanders for this work, whole
courage and sagacity he was well affured of. Their names were
Gallegos, who marched up along the fide of a neighboring river to-
wards its source; Danbu/co, who followed the course of the fame ri-
ver, downward s Remo, and Labbilo, who advanced different ways mto
the country. In the mean time, the soldiers were allowed only half a
yound of fiefh each day, and owed even this to Seto's having brought


46 ~

several I'wine with hint into Florida, whicly produced a great earn-
ber of pigs. As to the Indians of Patofa, they were difmlifed
when provisions began to fall fhort, though thefe poor people
ihowede an extreme desire of serving the Chriftians, and much
regret at having them in this difkrefa.
DAwaysco returned foon after, with an recount that he had
discovered a town, about twelve leagues off; news that revived
the dying [pirits of the whole army, which decamped on the twen-
ty-fixth ofApril, in quef% of this place, where the general, with
the beft mounted, arrived the next day, leaving the teft to follow
as Edi as they could. They found in this tbwri, called by the
Indians Aymay, a granary full of maize, arid took four of the inha-
bitants, one of whorn, being compelled by threats of inflant
death in cafe of denial, confeffed that another town lay at no very
great difiance, called Catifachiqui. Thither the general haftened,
and feized three Indians on the road, who told him that a lady held
the sovereignty of this country. Upon which the general fent to
offer her his friendship, and the, in return, feat her fiffer to bid
laim welcome s and, foon after, appeared herself in a canoe, which
had an awning in the poop, supported by a lance, under which
the female caffique fat upon two cushions, accompanied with a
number of Indian women, her attendants, and many other canoes.
Thus equipped, the came to the bank where Soto waited to receive
.her, and addreffed him ma handsome speech. After which
the made him many prefeats; among the reft, a pearl necklace,
the beads of which were of a great fize s and, diving his ftay in
her town, fent him every day a quantity of fowlE

Tur s country is very pleasant, fertile, and watered ivith many
rivers, and no more than two days journey from the fea, as the
natives declared. There is not much thicket, but plerity of nue
and mulberry trees. The people are tawney, well made, had more
polished thant any they had hitherto feen in Florida. They all wbre
cloths and drawers in their manner. The young Indian fo often
mentioned told the governor that they had new begun to enter into
the rich country he [poke ofs and, as he underflood the language,

T O F O I .


Soto fuff'ered himself to be to persuaded, and, at his request, per-
mitted him to be baptized, by the name of Pedro, loof2ng him from
the chain which he had dragged all the way hither. All the
troops were of opinion that this was the proper situation for thern
to fettle, it being fo advantageous a port for all the thips from
New Spain, Peru, St. Martha, and the main, to carry on their
traffic in, as it lay in their road to Old Spain; that the land was
good, and commerce might be there eflablifhed with great profit.
But the general, who had nothing lefs in his head than the treasure
of Atabilipa, and hoped to find a like mals of gold, could not be
prevailed upon, by the prefBog entreaties of all his people, to fix
here. He replied, that the country was not capable of Applying
them with provision, at present, for one month s and, were it
otherwise, he was indifpenfably obliged to march to Ochufe, where
he had appointed Maldonado to wait for him : That, at work, they
might any time return to this country, which they would then
find fown for another crop by the Indians. In fine, he had been
informed, that there was, at the diffence of twelve days journey
from Catfachiqui, a province called Chiaha, whither he resolved to
inarch: And, being (although he was willing to attend to every
other opinion firit) a man utterly inflexible and peremptory, when
he had once fixed his own, no one, notwithffanding he was guilty
of great error of judgment in quitting this diffridt, would venture
to oppose him.
Go the third of May, the Spaniards left Catifachigni, at which
time a coldness aroft on the part of the female caflique, who had
even a defign to shake off with her Indians, without leaving the
army any for guides, or to carry the baggage, owing to the mifbe-
haviour of fome of the Spaniards to her people. For the lake of
preventing this evil, the governor put the cafBque under an arrest,
and treated her in a manner unworthy of the kindnefs the had
teffified before, to him, and his forces, obliging her to travel on
foot with her attendants. Nevertheless, to ingratiate herself into
his favour, the ordered her Indians to carry the baggage, and her
commands were every where obeyed with wonderful alacrity. For
feven days, they marched through a wretched country to Chalague,
I the



the chief of which diffria fent two deer-fkins to Soto, by way of
present, at his arrival. This province afforded to little, that the
army left it in a few days, though both men and horses were ex-
yemely fatigued.
THE difiance between Ocutt and Catifachiqui is reckoned to be
about 130 miles, eighty of which are desert; and from the latter
to Xtialla, hbout 250 miles of mountainous country. During our
march thither, the female caffique eloped, and concealed herself
fo well in a wood near the road, that the Spaniards could never
f2nd her. This was 'a matter of great vexation to the general,
because he had a design to carry her to guaxule, where the terri-
tories of the calliques, that did her homage, end. She had alfo taken
with her a calket made of reeds, containing pearls of great value.
They learned, afterwards, that the was at Xualla, with an Indian
man that ran off with her, and who cohabited with her as a huf-
band; and that both had resolved not to return to the Spaniards
again, but to go back to Catefachiqui.
In five days time, the army arrived at guaxulla s which province,
like the reft of this country, is but ill provided with maize : The
general was, therefore, obliged to fend an Indian to the caffique of
Chiaba, defining him to collet a quantity of maize in his country
for the are of the army, which designed to refresh there for a
few days. Two days after, in the way to Cunafaqua, Soto found
twenty Indians, each laden with a panier of mulberries; which they
presented to him. Through the whole extent between this diffria
and Catefachiqui, great quantities of mulberry, nut, and plumb
trees, grow, and bear, without culture, as fine fruit as thofe which
are reared with care in our gardens.

AFTER five days march from this place, through a desert, fifteen
Indians met the governor, near Chiaha, with a large quantity of
maize from the caffique a who acquainted him that there was much
more at his service, together with himself, his people, and country.
The general, in return, affured him of his gratitude and affeaion.
The Spaniards found here lard, which the natives faid was bears-
fa t,



fat, and likewise fome honey, the Brit they had feen inflorida y
having, before, never observed any bees there.

THE tOWH Was situated upon the bank of a riv'ei-, which, dividing
itself into two branches, formed a little island, somewhat more than
a mile long, and two bow-fhots across. The land, on each fide,
was fown with rice. The army incampell round 'the town, under
trees, at a difiance from each other, and without order. This irregu-
larity was suffered by the general, in con.fideration of the fatigue which
both the men and horses had undergone, for fome time paft, without
having had leilbre to refreth themselves. And, indeed, it .was well for
the Spaniards that othefe Indiads were a pacific people, they being,
at present, in a very bad condition for defending themselves: But,
as every thing fpoke peace, the soldiers let their horses graze, during
the night, in the meadows near the camp, where, the paflurage
being admirably good, foon made them grow very )lump.

THE genCTS allOWed the arg thirty days, to repofk themfelves
here; at the end of which, he-was rafhly prevaged upon to desire,
of the caflique, thirty Indians, to carry the baggage. The caffigue
replied, th.at he would propose the thing to the principal Indians;
but,.before he could return an advrer, the inhabizards, and all thejr
fanillies, fled. Thegeneral would have parked them, ,had not
the caffique preheated himself before him, and, in a pathetick man-
aler, accused his people for their difobedience; offering his own
service, to affift him as.a guide, in seeking them,"ahd bringing
them back to their duty. The general, upon this, fet out, at thy
head of fixty men, horfe and Toot, and was conducted to lin ifland,
formed by the river torwhich thofe people had retired, hi.avoid the
attack of the cavalry. An Indian was fent to tell them, they might
return, without danger, to their habitations, fine nothing was
demanded of them, but fame feyv of their number tp carry the
baggage. The Indiank.agreed to this condition, aba returikd

War LE there things were tranfa&ing, the calEque of Aco/le came
to offer his Tervice to Soto, who inquired of him, whether he knew
H of



of any rich or fertile country ? He answered, that, more to the
North, there lay the province of Chi{ca, where copper was found,
and another 'metal purer and livelier, which, though more
beautiful than the former, was yet not much ofed, because it was
softer. Charmed with this relation, Soto determined to make for
Chif'ca: But, being-informed that mountains interpofed, craggy,
and impenetrable to cavalry; he *thought of avoiding the direct
road, and to pafe fome way about, if poffible, through a peopled
country, where both men and horses might find better fkbfiffence,
and he more perfea intelligence. To accomplifh this the easier, he
dispatched two Spaniards to Chitca, with an interpreter, and fome
Indians acquainted with the country, who were to meet him at an.
appointed place.
Some now took leave of the caffique of Chiaba; and, having*
made hire fome presents, with which he was greatly pleaded, march-
ed for Acofe, where he arrived on the twelfth of 'Yuly; and, ha-
vmg pitched his camp at a fmall difiance from- the town, entered
it himf4f with eight guards. The caffique received him with
much civility; but, as they were converting, a few Spangh soldiers
entered the town, in queft of maize; and, not finding any to their
liking, they'began to ranfack for it in the -houtes; which to pro-
voked the Adians, that they fell upon the soldiers with clubs, and
beat them severely. Soto few his danger; the natives were kn-
ragedand his perfbalatheir hands- On this occaSon, therefore, he
deigned to diffemble, though very difagreeable to his nature; and,
hatching up a flick, .ran, immediately, and affilled the Indians to
beat the Spaniards a dispatching, at the fame infant, a man to the
camp, with orders for the horfe to advance, well armed. Then,
taking the hand of the caflique very affeaionately, he drew him,
infenfibly, while converting, into a path in fight of the army; du-
ring which, the horfe, advancing in file, surrounded, nd carried
both him and his Indians into the camp s where the general con-
fined them, and declared they (hould not regain their liberty, un-
til they had furnished the army with guides, and thofe Spaniards,
who were feat to Chtfa, should have returned in safety.




THREE days after, they returned, with news that the way,
wherein the Indians coddu ted them, as the bell, was to miferably
rugged, and the country to barren, that no army could poffibly
inarch through it s and, therefore, feeling it would be to no pur-
pofe to proceed, they had resolved to turn back again. Upon
this intelligence, the army quitted Acofe, and marched to 'T'ali, and
the caffique having furnished them with guides, was fet at liberty.
They arrived at the laf1 mentioned place on the ninth of fuly s
the caffigue of which received them kindly, and allowed them
fome Indians to carry the baggage. For fix days, they marched
ever the lands of the caffique of Cofa, at which place they arrived
ca the fixteenth of fuly. This chief, litting upon a litter, car-
ried on the shoulders of his mott considerable fubjeas, came out of
the town to meet the general. Its robe was made ofmartins fkins:
He wore upon his head a kind of diadem, made of feathers; and,
as he advanced, several Indians fang round him, playing, at the
fame time, upon instruments. He addreffed hinifelf very civilly to
he general, who thanked him; and they entered the town together
with great joy. The caffique complimented the general and army
with the de of the houses of the town, and the granaries, sn
which were plenty of maize, beans, Sc. The country was
o well peopled, that the towns seemed to be planted amidit the
corn-fields. The many rivulets, that water the land, contribute
greatly to its beauty, making fine pallurage 3 and their banks are
loathed with vines, that climb up to'the tops of the trees, among
which plenty are found that bear the Spam'{h plumbs, as well as
thofe peculiar to the country.

HITHERTO Joto had been acceffomed to fet a guard upon the
Indian- princes, and Hill to carry one with him, qptil he entered
the territories of another; making ule of the natives that chofe to
follow their chiefs, for the service of the army, and difmilling:them
all when he came to a different province: But the Indians of Cofa
were not fo tradable. Unable to bear the thought of seeing their
chief in confinement, they all fled to the woods; and it was not
without fome conflias, and much feverity, that Sote humbled them
LI 2 fo



fb far as,,at the intercemon of their own cafEque, to fabmit to the
doing of the Spani/h drudgery.
Soro left Cofa on the twentieth of Augu/1, act marched, firfl to
fallimuchafe, and thence to Itava, where he was obliged to wait
a few days, for the decrease of water in a river, which had over-
flowed its banks. He th&n continued his march to Ellliballi, where,
from the hofLile appearance of the natives, he imagined they had
bad designs. This was sufficient to keep him upon his guard during
the time he flaid in their town, which was situated on a rivulet,
and pallifadoed about. On the other fide of the firearm, dwelt
the chEque, who, being feat for by Soto, came, without refiftance,
and granted him federal male and female Indians for Arvice.
THE Spaniards marched hence toToaf, proceeding at the rate of
about five or fix leagdes a-day, when in a peopled country, but with
all expedition poffible, when traverting a defect. From Toaf, in five
days, they came to Talhfe, a large town, with a well-cultivated coun,
try about it In tiffs place Soto difiniffed the caf5que ofCofa, and
thdk what Indians hb wanted at fallife. After repofing here twenty
days, he fet out, with the army, for Tafcaluca, where he encamp.
ed in a wood, near the residence of the caffique, and feat Lewis de
Moffofo to give him notice of his arrival; who found the cafEque
id a balcony before his hoofe upon cushions, placed on a carpet,
and surrounded by Indians, at a little difiance from him : The moft
conficTerable of wlapm flood neareft to him, and one of them held
an umbrella, made of deer-fkin, over his head, to defend him from
the 1120, about the .fize of a target, and to beautifully coloured,
that, at a difiance, it looked like taffety. This cafHque had render-
ed himself .very terrible to his neighbours, and his dothinions ex-
tended very wide, and over well-peopled countries. He was of a
great feature, firongly built, and finely proportioned. As foon as
Mofcofo had made his address to him, all the horfemen, who at-
tended, made several paffadoes to and fro, pathing sometimes al-
moff to where thb cafEqize was fitting. He observed them with a
fixed gravity Meanwhilb, the general arrived; and, feeling the
caffique made no motion to meet him, went up, and took him by



the hand, and both then fat down together upon the bench,.on the
balcony, where the cafUque addreffed Soto in a let speech, and of-
fered his services. The general thanked him, and gave him to un-
derffand, that he should be under a neceflity to take him with him.

AFTER two days march from this place, the army came to
Piachi, a town ITtuated upon a large river, over which they paffed
by the help of rafts, made of reeds. Soon after, a Spaniard, pur-
faing an Indian woman, who had eloped into a wood, was killed,
or taken by the Indians: Upon which, th.e general threatened the
ca'fBque with perpetual 10fs of liberty,:if the Spaniard was not pro-
duced. He, alarmed at this, fent to Marille, a large Indian town
in their road, under pretence of ordering them to prepare necer-
faries for the army; but, in reality, the purport of this mefrage was,
to order the caffique of that place, -who was his vaffal, to affemble
all the Indians, in order to fall unexpectedly up'on the Spaniard.
Foro, with the advanced guard, arrived at Macille on the eighteenth
of ORober, where he met a soldier, that he had fint to observe the
motions of the Indians, who informed him, that Ame bad design
seemed to be on foot, because he had feen a great riumber of the
natives enter the town in arms, and that they labored very hard
to firengthen the pallifade made about it. Sbto, however, could not
be persuaded to incamp, but resolved to enter the town s where he
was received, by the cafEque, with thi found of inficuments. Eight
of his guards, and a few horsemen, attended him on foot. As foon
as he had heated himself on a balcony, the cafEque of Tajcahica en-
deavoured to persuade him to proceed go farther; but,. perceiving
he~was not likely to focceed therein, nor to withdraw hikofelf from
confinement, he retired to a houfe where many of the natives were
affembled, and would not return, though thogeneral fent for him
several times; but, at length, fiercely answered, that he would not
quit the place where he was, nor proceed aoy farther : That he
advile'd Soto to go, while he might, in peace, andnbt prefame to
think of carrying him forcibly out of his domiiaions.

THE general perceived, by the haughty behaviour of the Indian
chief, that he had forces at hand,. and, therefore, resolved to fee



what civility would do, and whether he could footh him into com-
pliance: But the Indian turned from him, with a proud and con-
temptuous air, nor would, afterwards, either fee, or fpeak to him,
not hearken to say proposition from him. In this trait, Soto cal-
led to an Indian of feme consequence, that happened to pals by,
and desired him to acquaint the cafBque, that he was quite at li-
berty to depart, provided he would grant him a guide, and fome
Indians for service : But, this man refusing to take the meffage,
a Spangh oncer, flanding by, seized him by the cloak, upon which
a flruggle enfued, when the enraged Spaniard laid him dead upon
the fpot. This action routed the Indians, and out they all rushed
from their houses, fending great flights of arrows at the general
and his people.

So*ro was fenilble how vain it would be to refit, and, therefore,
determined to fly for it; in doing which, himself and the reft were
wounded, and five out of the number flain. The Indians drove
fatioufly on, beating down with their arrows all that flood in their
way, and took their countrymen that carried the baggage, and
conveyed it into the town; releasing the Indian prisoners, they arm-
ed them with bows, to fight against the Spaniards, all whole equi-
pages, together with many valuable pearls, and all the arms which
the soldiers had left with the baggage, fell into their hands.

Soro, in the moment he faw himself out of danger, wheeled
round, and charged, at the head of fome cavalry; and, having
Sain three of them at path of pike, drove the reft behind the
pallifade. It happened that a monk, a secular ecclefiaffick, and
a fervent of Soto, were left in the town, and they barricaded the
door of the houle they were in, to make the beft defence in their
power. The Indians, seeing the door to well defended, were
mounting to the roof, in order to uncover it, arid to deflroy the
Spaniards within with arrows, when the whole army arrived be-
fore Marille. Here they held a consultation, to determine whe-
ther they should florm the town, or only befiege it, as the attack
would prove very dingerous : But, the former method being refol-
ved upon, Soto ordered all the bell varied to dismount, and, ha-



ving formed them into four battalions, marched directly to the
gates of the town. The Indians, revolving to die rather than turn
their backs, with much intreaty, prevailed upon the callique to re-
tire, and take with him all that was found molt valuable among the
baggage of the Spaniards. The governor being apprized that In-
dians were feen flying out of the town, surrounded it on all fides,
in order to fet it every where on fire, and oblige the inhabitants to
fight in the open field. The signal was then given to engage, and
a horrible carnage enfued at the entrance of the gates; for,
the Indians behaved fo bravely, that they repulsed the Spaniards
several times. However, the monk and clerk, above-mentioned,
were rescued, though at the expense of the lives of two brave
soldiers, who ran fire to their alliance. The fight lasted to
long, that the Spaniards, being quite faint with toil and thirR,
retired to drink at a pool, clofe to the pallifades, where they
swallowed almoR as much blood as water. They then returned,
and made to furious a charge upon the Indians, as put them in fuch
disorder, that the general, with his horfe, broke into the town,
nod the soldiers fet fire to the houses. The miserable inhabitants,
every where befet, both within and without, urged by despair, fought
hand and hand with the Spaniards, but with great difadvantage;
the latter mowing them down to furiously with their broad words,
that multitudes threw themselves into the flames, and were con-
fumed to athes. 2,500 Indians perished, on this occasion, by fire
and [word. Of the Spaniards were lot eighteen, together with
1 the baggage, cloths, pearls, and valuable ornaments of the
army, all which were entirely destroyed in the fire, being forgotten
in their ardour to accomplish this enterprise, though the faccefs of
it could hardly recompenfe fuch lofs.

Urort this account, Soto, though he had learned that Maldonado
was at Ochufe, feven days journey diitant, forbid Ortiz to publiLh
the news in the army; having determined, fince he had loff the
moff valuable of his acquisitions, to give no intelligence concerning
himself, until he should have led his people into fome rich country,
that would pay them for their disappointments.


ON the eighteenth of November, therefore, after flaying a month
in this fertile country for the fake of the wounded, the governor
broke up his camp, and marched, through a defect region, into the
provmee ofPafal/aya sm paffing through which, they were flop-
ped by a river, lined with Indians on the opposite thore : How-
ever, by the help of a boat, which they made in four days time,
Soto fent over thirty men, armed, who, notwithflanding the threats
of the Ltdians, landed; which fo terrified the Savages, that they
inflantly retired to the cover of the reedy madhes. The whole
army then croffed it, and found towns, on the other fide, flored
with maize, beans, Sc. From hence, marching five days through
a desert, another river occurred, where the Indians, once more,
flood ready to dispute the paffage : But Soto, chufing to avoid an
engagement, feat an Indian to demand peace of their cafEque. In-
flead of granting which, they flew his meffenger, and retired, let-
ting up loud cries. The paffage being thus free, the army came
to Chicoca on the eighteenth of December, where the governor was
obliged to winter, the cold growing too severe for the army to
Turs was a Eme fertile country. One of the Indians they took
here perfuaded the general, to fend for the cafEque in a friendly
manner; who came, accordingly, and offered his services and fub-
jeas to Soto, bringing with him two other Indian chiefs, who pre-
fented the general with a great number of mantles and fkins. He
of Chicaca came frequently to vifit Soto, who lent him a horfe for
that purpose.

Tuis Indian complained much to him of one of his vaffals, and
begged afHilance to punith his revolt; which was accordingly
granted, to the number of thirty horfe, and eighty foot. Thefe
being joined by two hundred Indians, Soto accompanied the cafBque
to Saguechuma, the residence of the rebel chief. They found the
town deserted, which the Indians of Clicaca immediately fet fire
to. At their return from this expedition, the general feafted the
cafEque, and his principal attendants, with a regale of twine's flefh;
which the Indians, who had never tafted any pork before, thought



to favoury, that they afed frequently, after wards, to kill, and iteal
the pigs, by night, from the houses where they were kept, at a
fmall difiance without the camp; till, at laf1, the general was obli-
ged to put two of them to death that were taken, in order to deter
the reft. On the other hand, fome violence having been offered
to the Indians, by a few Spani/h horfe, near the fpot where the
caffique refided, Soto, as foon as he heard it, ordered the soldiers
to be seized, and condemned two of them to death: Which fen-
tence would moft certainly have been executed, (the general being
inflexible, and the Indians arriving, at the fame time, with re-
monfirances against them to Soto, upon this account, from the
cafEque) had not the address of Ortiz, at the infligation and
solicitation of fome noble Spaniards, dexteroufly changed the
purport of the Indians mefTage, by making it, according to
his interpretation to Soto, in the conclusion, desire their par-
don as a favour. On the other fide, Ortiz afibred the Indians,
that the offenders were in custody, and that the general would pu-
ni(h them in a moft exemplary manner. By there means, they

THE governor having determined to leave Chicaca in March,
demanded Indians, for service, of the caffique, which the latter
promised to propose to his people : But Soto perceiving, af ter he
had repeated his demands, that he only fought to elude him, and
was meditating something fatal, ordered Ma/cofo to keep a good
guard all that night; which was yet, unhappily, neglected. The
general's fufpicion was but too well-grounded. The Indians fell
upon the Spaniards, in the night, from several quarters, with their
horrible war-hoop, and rushed into the camp, even with their
own centinels, fo that the town was half on fire by the time the
noife of the enemy was heard, owing to the cowardly behaviour
of the advanced guard, who suffered the Indians to enter it
without refillance, where they waited for the Spaniards, as they
leaped out of the houses, unarmed, blinded with the fmoke, and
pierced them with their arrows. The disorder and confusion was
fach, that a general panic seized the whole army, and prevented them
from making head against the enemy. But it pleaded providence not
I to

to (bffer the Indians to perceive this advantage; on the reverse, they
imagined the horses, which had broken loofe from their halters, and
were running through the fireets, to be squadrons forming to charge
thear. Things being in this situation, Soto was the only man who
could get on horseback; and pushing, with one attendant, towards
the enemy, flew, with his launce, the firfl he met with 3 but as,
in this disorder, his horfe had not been well addled, the force of
his own blow threw him to the ground. The danger of the go-
vernor drew many, immediately, to his affifiance, even of thofe
who were flying; and, the night continuing, deceived the imagi-
nation-of the Indians, who flill miflook the trampling they heard
f$r troops ready to attack them. This blackened their fbry,
and they retired from the town, which was new entirely consumed,
and in it all that remained to the Spaniards, from the burning of

Tw E LVE Spaniards perishedd on this occasion, and fome others
were much hurt by the flames : Fifty horses, and four hundred
pigs, were burnt. Great part of the army had loff their clothing,
as well as their arms, in the fires and suffered exceedingly from the
severity of the -weather, till a certain folder invented a covering for
himself, made of dry grafs woven together; which, though, at firit,
it served for matter of laughter, proved to ufeful, that they all were,,
at laft, glad to wear the fame fort of cldathing. In this condition,
had the Indians repeated their attack immediately, they muff have
entirely.deffroyed them. The general thought proper to move his
camp to where the caffsque refided, and found, in that place, very
fine afh-trees,- of which the army made launches, as good as thofe
ofBi[cay; and, -by the force of induffry and contrivance, the caval-
ty, in eight days time, was again made ready for action.
On the fifteenth of March I531, before day-break, the Indians<
returned to the attack. Providentially, the Spaniards were now
in a condition to receive them. As the alarm was given in proper
time, the governor and the cavalry were on their horses in an in-
flant, and charged the Indians to furioufly, that they fled with pre-
cipitation, leaving forty of their number dead gon the plain. Some
I prsfonere