• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Cover
 Front Matter
 Preface
 Introduction
 Title Page
 Main
 Indexes














Group Title: Bicentennial Floridiana facsimile series
Title: A relation, or journal, of a late expedition, &c.
CITATION THUMBNAILS PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00100325/00001
 Material Information
Title: A relation, or journal, of a late expedition, &c. a facsimile reproduction of the 1744 edition
Series Title: Bicentennial Floridiana facsimile series
Physical Description: xliv, 36, 7 p. : ; 21 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Kimber, Edward, 1719-1769
Publisher: University Presses of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Gainesville
Publication Date: 1976
Copyright Date: 1976
 Subjects
Subject: Saint Augustine Expedition, Fla., 1743 -- Personal narratives   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
autobiography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references and index.
Statement of Responsibility: by Edward Kimber ; with an introd. and index by John Jay Tepaske.
General Note: "A University of Florida book."
General Note: Photoreprint of the 1744 ed., printed for T. Astley, London, under title: A relation or journal of a late expedition to the gates of St. Augustine on Florida.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00100325
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 02177727
lccn - 75045209
isbn - 0813004128
alephbibnum - 000226812
oclc - 2177727

Table of Contents
    Cover
        Page i
        Page ii
    Front Matter
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Preface
        Page v
        Page vi
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
    Introduction
        Page xi
        Page xii
        Page xiii
        Page xiv
        Page xv
        Page xvi
        Page xvii
        Page xviii
        Page xix
        Page xx
        Page xxi
        Page xxii
        Page xxiii
        Page xxiv
        Page xxv
        Page xxvi
        Page xxvii
        Page xxviii
        Page xxix
        Page xxx
        Page xxxi
        Page xxxii
        Page xxxiii
        Page xxxiv
        Page xxxv
        Page xxxvi
        Page xxxvii
        Page xxxviii
        Page xxxix
        Page xl
        Page xli
        Page xlii
        Page xliii
        Page xliv
    Title Page
        Page 1
        Page 2
    Main
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
    Indexes
        Index 1
        Index 2
        Index 3
        Index 4
        Index 5
        Index 6
        Index 7
        Index 8
Full Text

























BICENTENNIAL FLORIDIANA
FACSIMIILE SERIES.


A UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA BOOK.
THE UNIVERSITY PRESSES OF FLORIDA.
G~AINESVILLE 1976.


A


RELATION N,
O R

JOURNAL,
Of a late

EXPEDITION, @Pc.





A FACS IM:ILE REPRODU ACTION
OF THE 1744 EDITION
WITH AN
INTRODUCTION AND INDEX
BY JOHN JAY TEPASKE.








THE BICENTENNIAL FLORIDIANA
FACSIMILE SERIES
published under the sponsorship of th~e
BICE NTE NNIAL COMMISS ION OF FLORIDA
SAMUEL PROCTOR, General Editor.



A FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION
OF THE 1744 EDITION
WITH PREFATORY MATERIAL, INTRODUCTION,
AND INDEx ADDED.




NEW MATERIAL COPYRIGHT @ 1976
BY THE BOARD OF REGENTS
OF THE STATE OF FLORIDA.
All rights reserved.













Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Kimber, Edward, 1719-1769.
A relation, or journal, of a late expedition, &c.

(Bicentennial Floridiana facsimile series)
"A University of Florida book."
Photoreprint of the 1744 ed., printed for T. Astley,
London, under title: A relation or journal of a late
expedition to the gates of St. Augustine on Florida.
Includes index.
1. St. Augustine Expedition, 1743--Personal
narratives. 2. Oglethorpe, James Edward, 1696-1785.
I. Title. II~. Series.
F314.K46 1976 975.9'01 'O924 75 -45209
ISBNI~ 0-8130-0412-8

















BICE NTENNIAL CO1MMIS SION
OF FLORIDA.

Governor Reubin O'D. Askew,
Honorary Chairman
Lieutenant Governor J. H. Williamns, Chairman
Harold W. Stayman, Jr., Vice Cha~irman
William R. Adams, Executive Di~recto~r

Dick J. Batchelor, Orlando
Johnnie Ruth Clarke, St. Petersburg
A. H. "Gus" Craig, St. Augustine
James J. Gardener, Fort Lauderdale
Jim Glisson, Tavares
Mattox Hair, Jacksonville
Thomas L. Hazouri, Jacksonville
Ney C. Landrum, Tallahassee
Mrs. Raymond Mason, Jacksonville
Carl C. Mertins, Jr., Pensacola
Charles E. Perry, Miami
W. E. Potter, Orlando
F. Blair Reeves, Gainesville
Richard R. Renick, Coral Gables
Jane W. Robinson, Cocoa
Mrs. Robert L. Shevin, Tallahassee
Don Shoemaker, Miami





[ iv ]
Mary L. Singleton, Jacksonville
Bruce A. Smathers, Tallahassee
Alan Trask, Fort Meade
Edward J. Trombetta, Tallahassee
Ralph D. Turlington, Tallahassee
William S. Turnbull, Orlando
Robert Williams, Tallahassee
Lori Wilson, Merritt Island

















GENERAL EDITOR'S PREFACE.


in 1739 pitted Britain against Spain,
and one of the prizes was Spanish
Florida. The war received its whimsi-
cal name from an English smuggler,
Robert Jenkins, who was captured years earlier
ofjf the Florida coast and whose ears were cut off
by his Spanish captors. When he displayed these
remarkably preserved pieces of his anatomy to
the members of Parliament, they were outraged
at this shameless Spanish atrocity. It so inflamed
British public opinion that war seemed the only
way to revenge the effrontery, restore the national
pride, and at the same time expand Britain's em-
pire in North America.
The war gave General James Edward Ogle-
thorpe, British governor of Georgia, the oppor-
tunity that he had been seeking. When Spaniards
raided Amelia Island and killed two Georgians,
the general gathered his forces and marched
into Florida, ravishing the countryside that he
passed through. During the winter of 1740, he
collected 900 British troops and nearly 1,000 In-





[: vi ]
dians for an attack on the Spanish garrison in St.
Augustine. Oglethorpe had no difficulty taking
Fort St. George on the St. Johns River, and Forts
Diego and Mosa quickly capitulated. St. Augus-
tine was another matter. The Spanish were secure
behind the thick coqiuina walls of the Castillo de
San Marcos, and the British did not receive the
support that they had expected from Carolina.
In a letter written June 16, 1740 to Lieutenant
Governor Bull of South Carolina, Oglethorpe
noted: "We cannot besiege the Town by Land
and Water with so small a force." With the ap-
proach of the hurricane season, the British, in
July, 1740, withdrew their forces to Savannah.
Once more, St. Augustine had stood firm against
an adversary.
It was now Spain's turn to draw blood. Pri-
vateers plied up and down the coast, thirty Eng-
lish prizes were taken to St. Augustine, and plan-
tations in Carolina and Georgia were plundered.
In the summer of 1742, the Spanish took the
offensive under the command of Governor Man-
uel de Montiano. The plan was to move by land
and sea against Georgia and to avenge the assault
against St. Augustine by "sacking burning all
the towns, posts, plantations, and settlements of
the enemy." Oglethorpe, in the meantime, was
strengthening his line of fortifications stretching
southward from Frederica. He repaired old bat-
teries, erected new ones, and improved the intri-
cate system of interlocking communications. He
was as prepared as possible when a large Spanish
flotilla appeared off St. Simon Island on July 4,
1742. There were 2,000 in the invasion force, the
largest ever to appear in that area. Oglethorpe
had fewer than 700 men to defend Frederica.
Undaunted, he displayed capable military leader-





[ vii ]
ship, and in the battle which became known as
Bloody Marsh, he completely routed the Spanish.
Fearing the worst, Montiano hastily re-embarked
and returned to St. Augustine. The Spanish had
lost a golden opportunity to thwart the enemy.
The next year the Spanish made a hostile over-
land demonstration toward the St. Johns River,
but Oglethorpe rushed southward with part of
his regiment, with reinforcements from Virginia,
and with a contingent of Indian allies. The Span-
iards were driven back behind the walls of St.
Augustine. Oglethorpe used many wiles, but he
was unable to lure his opponents into the open,
and once again frustrated, he returned to Fred-
erica. Thus ended the dream of the British that
they could acquire Florida by military conquest.
In July, 1743 Oglethorpe returned to England,
saying farewell to the colony he had founded.
Two short decades later, in 1763, England would
acquire Florida through the political arrange-
ments included in the Treaty of Paris. What
seemed impossible on the battlefield was accom-
plished around the diplomatic table. After years
of turmoil and bitter skirmishing, the Union Jack
was unfurled over Florida, now a part of Eng-
land's North American empire.
The bloody conflicts of the eighteenth century
involved Europe's great powers-Britain, Spain,
France, Prussia, and the Austro-Hungarian em-
pire. The overseas colonies of these countries,
like British Georgia and Spanish Florida, were
but insignificant pawns in an international chess
game. The decisions which affected the lives and
futures of the settlers on the American frontier
were made thousands of miles away. The conflict
which pitted Florida and Georgia against each
other in the 1740s has not been extensively stud-





[ viii ]
ied or chronicled by either American or Euro-
pean historians. One of the few accounts is by
Edward Kimber who arrived in Georgia, January
7, 1743, and spent the next fifteen months in the
service of General Oglethorpe. He was a member
of the force which made the assault on St. Augus-
tine, and his eyewitness account was published
under the title, A Relation, or Journal, of a Late
Expedition to the Gates of St. Augustine, on
Florida. As Professor John TePaske of Duke Uni-
versity points out in his introduction to the fac-
simile edition of Kimber's report, the "Relation
speaks for itself and needs few comments." It is
the story of the raid written by a participant,
and it supplies detailed information which is no-
where else available. Besides the Relation, Pro-
fessor TePaske has also included in his introduc-
tion the letter written by Governor Montiano to
the Spanish minister of marine and the Indies,
Josk del Campillo. In it Montiano gave his ver-
sion of the British attack and the Spanish defense.
John Jay TePaske is a graduate of Michigan
State University and of Duke University. A re-
cipient of a Ford Foundation Fellowship at the
University of California, Berkeley, in 1962--1963,
he has served as visiting professor at the Univer-
sity of Washington and the University of Texas.
A member of the history faculty at Duke Univer-
sity, he is the author of The Governorship of
Spanish Florida and the editor of Three American
Empires, The Character of Phillip II: The Prob-
lem of Moral Judgments in History, and Excplo-
sive Forces in Latin America. The paper that he
presented at the First Annual Florida Bicenten-
nial Symposium at the University of Florida in
1972 is included in the volume, Eighteenth-Cen-
tury Florida and Its Borderlands (Gainesville,





[ ix ]
1975). Professor TePaske's articles have appeared
in scholarly and professional journals in the United
States and Mexico.
Edward Kimber's Relation is one of the twenty-
five facsimile volumes of rare, out-of-print Florida
history in the Bicentennial Floridiana Facsimile
Series. It is being published by the Florida Bicen-
tennial Commission as one of its major Bicenten-
nial projects. The titles in the series were selected
to represent the full spectrum of Florida's rich
and exciting 450-year history. Scholars like Pro-
fessor TePaske, with a special interest in and
knowledge of Florida history, were invited to
edit each volume, write an introduction, and com-
pile an index. The goal of the Florida Bicenten-
nial Commission in publishing the facsimile series
is to make a lasting contribution to the scholar-
ship of Florida and American history.
SAMUEL PROCTOR
General Editor of the
BICENTENNIAL FLORIDIANA
FACSIMILE SERIES
University of Florida


















INTR OD AUCTION .


centuries the center of a bitter contest
for empire in North America. From
Ponce de Leon's discovery of Florida
in 1513 to its acquisition by the United
States in 1821, England, France, Spain, and ulti-
mately the United States contended with one
another for control over the area. To 1670 the
Spaniards prevailed. After several failures to es-
tablish a foothold in Florida early in the sixteenth
century, the Spanish rose to a French challenge.
In 1565 they established a permanent settlement
at St. Augustine, destroyed the three-year-old
Huguenot outpost at Fort Caroline on the St.
Johns River, and annihilated the remnants of the
French force at Matanzas Inlet south of St. Au-
gustine at the same timely Two and one-half
years later Dominique de Gourgues got revenge
for the events of 1565 when he terrorized the
new Spanish settlement, but that was his only
accomplishment. He could not prevent the ex-
pansion of the Spanish colonial effort in the
Southeast. Relying on a vanguard of Franciscan





[ xii ]
missionaries and a few soldiers, the Spaniards
extended their control over most of present-day
Alabama, Florida, and Georgia. By the middle of
the seventeenth century, the Franciscans boasted
26,000 converts among the Indians of the area.2
In 1670 the founding of Carolina by the Eng-
lish opened a new chapter in the struggle for
empire. With lavish gifts of rum, guns, and other
merchandise, the English began eroding the mis-
sionaries' influence over the Indians and destroy-
ing the chain of Franciscan outposts which had
served as the bulwarks of Spanish control. By
1700, in fact, the Carolinians and their Indians
had effectively reduced Spanish control over the
natives to a few small villages around St. Augus-
tine and Apalache. During Queen Anne's War
the English scourged Florida. In 1702 they almost
destroyed St. Augustine, and in 1704 they swept
through Apalache to the west near the Gulf
Coast, forcing the evacuation and destruction of
Fort San Luis. Border raids by Carolinians,
Spaniards, and their Indian allies grew more fre-
quent and more bitter. Even after Queen Anne's
War ended in 1713, the frontier was continuously
restive as England continued her relentless ex-
pansion south from Charleston.3
Still another threat to the Spanish in Florida
came in 1732 with James Oglethorpe's settlement
of Georgia. Adept at gaining Indian allies, Ogle-
thorpe inspired Indian raids on Spanish Florida.
In 1740 during the War of Jenkins' Ear the Geor-
gia governor mounted a massive siege of St. Au-
gustine, but as in the attack of 1702, the English
failed to shake the Spanish from their position
on the Bahama Channel. Indecision, bungling,
and lack of coordination by the English, a daring
middle-of-the-night raid by the Spanish on Ogle-





[ xiii ]
thorpe's positions north of the town, and timely
relief from Cuba forced the English to give up
their assault.4
Oglethorpe's siege led to Spanish reprisals. In
1742, the governor of Florida, Manuel de Mon-
tiano, launched an all-out offensive against Fort
Frederica on St. Simon Island. In the end he was
no more successful than Oglethorpe at St. Augus-
tine two years earlier. Unable to take advantage
of superior numbers of men, ships, and arms,
Montiano proved indecisive and diffident, par-
ticularly after an English victory at Bloody Marsh
south of Frederica in July, 1742. Like Oglethorpe,
he had to retreat and make excuses for his failure
to his angry superiors in Havana and Madrid.
Almost immediately, in September, 1742, Ogle-
thorpe counterattacked, but a storm broke up the
English fleet anchored off the bar of St. Augus-
tine, and the Georgians retired." But they re-
turned again in March, 1743, in the raid described
by Edward Kimber in A Relation, or Journal, of
a Late Excpedition to the Gates of Saint Augus-
tine, on Florida.


Edward Kimber, 1 719-1 769.

Edward Kimber, says one biographer gratui-
tously, did nothing more in life than eke out "a
scanty subsistence by compiling for booksellers,
and died, worn out with such drudgery, in
1769."6 Kimber might well have retained this rep-
utation for posterity; but his great-great-grand-
son Sidney A. Kimber, a curious Georgia bib-
liophile Leonard L. Mackall, and a Harvard
litterateur Frank Gees Black have rescued him
from this pitiful epitaph.' That he was something





[: xiv ]
of a drudge cannot be denied: he was an expert
corrector, editor, genealogist, compiler, and in-
dexer. He was also, however, a soldier, journalist,
novelist, and poet of considerable talent and
imagination.
Edward Kimber was greatly infuenced by his
father Isaac, a man of modest reputation in Lon-
don literary circles. Born in Berkshire in Decem-
ber, 1692, Isaac received an excellent education,
first studying language under a John Ward at
Gresham College and then taking work in philos-
ophy and divinity to qualify for the Baptist min-
istry.s That his grandfather on his mother's side
was a Baptist divine may well have led him into
this calling.g Isaac was a failure in the ministry,
lasting only six years. His first parish was in Lon-
don, Paul's Alley, Barbican, and there he earned
a reputation as a dull preacher-he read his ser-
mons. In June, 1724, after two years in London,
Isaac became assistant pastor in a Baptist church
in Nantwich, Cheshire. Three years later he re-
turned to London to take a post as assistant
minister of two small parishes. When the two
united the following year, he voluntarily or un-
willingly gave up the active ministry, but what-
ever the reason, he simply was not suited for
preaching and parish work.'o
Isaac Kimber's first secular venture was the
editing of a new periodical, The Monthly Chron-
icle, to compete with the widely read Gentle-
man's Magazine. He was a good choice as editor
and well fitted for the task because in order to
supplement his meager parson's salary, he had
for several years corrected for various London
printers and editors. The Monthly Chronicle
lasted more than four years ( January, 1728, to
May, 1732), and after it suspended publication,





[ xv ]
Isaac became editor of the more prestigious Lon-
don Magazine, a post he held until his death in
1755.11 Besides editing, he was involved in a
number of other cultural endeavors. He wrote
history and biography, supervised compilation of
a Latin dictionary, and for a time took over a
school formerly run by his old professor, John
W~ard.12 ISaac had at least two sons-Edward and
Richard-who were both close to their father.
They may have been so close because of the need
to care for Isaac's wife and their mother, who
went insane and remained a trial to the family
for over twenty years.l3
Of Edward Kimber's youth and education little
is known. Born in 1719, he grew up among his
father's dissatisfied Baptist parishioners and the
literati who wrote for The Monthly Chronicle
and The London Magazine. Except for primary
school, Edward was educated by his father, a
learned and exacting tutor. As part of his educa-
tion, Edward assisted in editing and writing for
The London Magazine, contributing short poems,
essays, obituaries, and the like. That Isaac and
his son Edward wrote so much themselves may
have been caused by the more prestigious Gen-
fleman's Magazine's having a corner on the serv-
ices of the better known writers. Also The London
Magazine may not have had the money to pay
its authors.'"
At twenty-three Edward Kimber left England
for America. Why he made the journey is not
clear, but probably he had enlisted in Ogle-
thorpe's service. At the same time he may have
been seeking wider experiences on which to draw
later for his novels and essays. Whatever the rea-
son, he left Gravesend for New York in the fall
of 1742, arriving some six weeks later, on Novem-





[ xvi ]
ber 1. Resting for two weeks in New York, he
sailed on the sloop Newbould for Maryland and
Virginia. At Yorktown two days before Christmas
he boarded another vessel, the Bradley Lucas,
which arrived in Georgia January 7, 1743. Here
Kimber spent the next fifteen months in the serv-
ice of Governor Oglethorpe. *
Jottings in his diary, articles published later
in The London Magazine, and the Relation pro-
vide at least some clues to his activities in Amer-
ica. Almost immediately after his arrival in Geor-
gia, he joined Oglethorpe's band of soldiers and.
Indians for the assault on St. Augustine, which
he details in the Relation. Upon his return to
Frederica, he evidently remained in military serv-
ice (there are no entries in his diary from Janu-
ary, 1743, to March 23, 1744) and traveled about
the colony. He went to Savannah and also visited
an orphanage run by George Whitfield, the re-
vivalist preacher of the Great Awakening. Pre-
disposed to think of Whitfield as bigoted and
uncharitable, Kimber changed his mind when he
observed conditions at the orphanage where he
found the forty young people of both sexes neatly
dressed and well fed. Whitfield, Kimber ob-
served, inculcated "Sobriety, Industry, and Fru-
gality" among those in his charge.16
Edward left Georgia in late March, 1744.
Moving northward, he visited Beaufort and Port
Royal Island and reached Charleston on April
10. Ten days later he embarked for England on
The Twoo Sisters, which arrived at the Orkney
Islands on June 9, and Leith, near Edinburgh,
June 15. A week later Kimber sailed for Graves-
end, finally reaching London and home in July,
1744."7





[ xvii ]
In America, Kimber wrote down his impres-
sions, which were later published in The 'London
Magazine in 1745 and 1746.'8 Based on his voy-
age from New York to Georgia and his return by
way of Charleston, the articles appeared under
various pseudonyms-A~mericus Cimber, Cynicus,
and Historicus-and provided valuable commen-
tary on conditions at that time in the southern
colonies. He described coastal Georgia: '"The
Marshes and Savannas extended along their Bor-
ders, dispos'd with so seeming a Regularity, as
to make the whole prospect look like one con-
tinu'd Canal, the Effect of the most studious
Contrivance: Whilst at a distant View you take
in a large Tract of hoary Woods, interspers'd
with verdant Spots that bear the Semblance of
the most refreshing Meadows: rustick Grottos,
rugged Caverns, mossy Caves, and cooling Cells,
seem to border their Sides. Here the lofty Oak,
with all his kindred Tribe, clad in robes of an-
tique Moss, seems, by its venerable Appearance,
to be the real Monarch of the Woods; the Cedar,
sweet as the Cedar of Lebanon; the towering
evergreen Pine, the fragrant Hickary, the mourn-
ful Cypress, and here and there the triumphant
Laurel, are seen in full Lustre, and preside over
an Infinity of lesser Products, that seem to vener-
ate, beneath, their more advanced and distin-
guish'd Neighbors. The savory Sassafras Shrub
perfumes the Air, the Prickly-Pear Shrub offers
his tempting Fruit to the Hand, but wisely tells
you, by the Points that guard it, not to indulge
to Excess; the delicious Mulberry, the swelling
Peach, the Olive, the Pomegranate, the Walnut,
all combine to furnish out the Paradisaical Ban-
quet."l9





[ xviii ]
He was floridly eloquent in his descriptions of
wildlife-deer, mockingbirds, larks, mullet, cat-
fish, oysters, and the "dreadful Alligator." He was
also acutely aware of the pesty insects. Mos-
quitoes had the bite of a rattlesnake and were
to be suffered along with the sandflies, ticks, and
cockroaches. Savannah impressed him as a health-
ful place. Here, unlike Charleston, rain water
dried up quickly and left "no noxious Steams" to
cause agues (10-13, 18).
He also described conditions in other southern
colonies. In Maryland he observed that English
factors had so severely abused tobacco farmers
that they were shifting from tobacco to grain
and livestock production for export to the West
Indies (35). In Maryland, Virginia, and the Car-
olinas he was astonished at the number of "Colo-
nels, Majors, and Captains" he encountered; mili-
tia officers were so numerous that the colonies
seemed a "Retreat for Heroes." But his astonish-
ment turned to disgust when he saw these men
at muster. They were unsightly, unkempt in their
diverse uniforms, and undisciplined. In fact, he
claimed that their appearance would nauseate
him forever after at the sight of a sword or mili-
tary sash (36). On slavery Kimber was adamant.
"Thou worst and greatest of Evils," he wrote, "I
view thee in the Semblance of a W7retch trod
upon by ermin'd anQ turban'd Tyrants, and with
poignant, heartbreaking Sighs, dragging after
thee a toilsome Lengtuh of Chain, or bearing
African burdens" (40).
Kimber was very impressed by Virgin~ia, the
most opulent of the colonies he visited. For his
palate he found excellent wines, brandies, and
rum, even bottled English port. Trade was brisk
in Virginia, and her people consumed prodigious





[ xix ]
quantities of beef, pork, and grain. He was im-
pressed too with the magnificence of the houses
in Yorktown, and thought they were the equal
of the best at Saint James. But he could not say
the same for the coaches drawn by horses o
varying colors. In one case he was appalled to
see black, white, and chestnut horses in the same
harness. Roads in Virginia were among the best
he had ever seen, "infinitely superior to most
in England" (59-60). Yorktown impressed him
more than Williamsburg, "a most wretch'd con-
triv'd Affair for the Capital of a Country, being
near Three Miles from the Sea in a bad Situation.
There is nothing considerable in it, but the Col-
lege, the Governor's House, and one or two more,
which are no bad Piles." He termed William and
Mary College a "Resort of all the Children, whose
Parents can afford it" (60, 47). The students had
excellent, cultured teachers, but the college was
not equal to those in Massachusetts. Youth in the
South, stated Kimber, were "pamper'd much
more in Softness and Ease than their Neighbours
more Northward" (48). Students did not study
as hard nor were they as polite. He blamed
this on parents who allowed their children "to
consort with young Negroes, which insensibly
causes them to imbibe their Manners and broken
Speech" (48). Taverns were numerous "and much
frequented" to taint the morals of the young.
"Schemes of Gain, or Parties of Gaming and
Pleasure, muddy too much their Souls and ban-
ish from amongst them the glorious Propensity
to doing good" (60).
His return to England did not end Kimber's
military career, and he continued periodic service
at least until the end of 1748. In September,
1745, for example, he served for two weeks aboard





[ xx ]
the Success, a warship of forty guns, relieving a
Captain George Dunbar. His command consisted
of four sergeants, three corporals, one drum, fifty-
nine privates, thirty-three women, and twelve
children. In all, he notes, between March 10,
1743, and December 4, 1748, he received almost
one hundred pounds for various periods of mili-
tary or naval service.20 Kimber also married after
his return from Georgia, probably in late 1744
or early 1745. His wife, Susanna Lunn Kimber,
bore him at least one son, George Thorpe Kim-
ber, but otherwise little is known of his personal
life.21
Besides occasional periods of military service,
Kimber continued to write, compile, and edit. He
also obtained a modest reputation for eight nov-
els, published between 1750 and 1765.22 They all
followed the same pattern. Each was written in
the first person as fictionalized autobiography,
purportedly based on the author's papers or
diary. All the novels were anonymous. All of
Kimber's heroes were patterned more or less on
Henry Fielding's Tom Jones, with outlandishly
coincidental encounters, narrow escapes, hilari-
ous amorous adventures, mistaken identities, and
bawdy characters. Some drew heavily from Kim-
ber's American experiences, particularly The Life
and Adventures of Joe Thompson and The His-
tory of the Life and Adventures of Mr. Anderson.
That they were eminently readable for English-
men of the mid-eighteenth century is clear from
the number of editions published. Joe Thompson
went through six English printings; Mr. Ander-
son, six; James Ramble, two; David Ranger,
three; Neville Frowde, three; The Happy Or-
phans, three; Maria, four; and William Gold-
smith, three. Kimber's books were also read in





[ xxi ]
Europe. Joe Thompson was published in Paris,
Frankfurt, and Leipzig; and Williamn Goldsmith
appeared in French translation.23
In his time Kimber was considered little better
than a third-rate novelist. He wrote far too rap-
idly and insisted upon following the pattern of
his first novel, Joe Thompson. He thrived on the
melodramatic; and morality, justice, and good-
ness always triumphed for his heroes after severe
challenges from immorality, injustice, and evil.
One modern observer, however, finds some re-
deeming qualities in Kimber's books. For the so-
cial historian, he states, Kimber's descriptions
of colonial America, life in a Fleet Street prison,
and English tradesmen are excellent. Perhaps
too, says this critic, if Kimber had taken more
time to learn the art of the novel and had not
been diverted by his compiling and editing, he
might have improved his technique and at least
approached second-rate status. Above all, how-
ever, Kimber's novels redeem him from his repu-
tation as a drudge. He obviously had a lively
imagination, keen sense of humor, an eye for the
ridiculous, and a romantic sensibility.24
What were the other activities that kept him
from being a good novelist? He wrote for The
London Maga~zine--poetry, essays, travel ac-
counts, obituaries, and similar items-and he
assisted in the editing. For these jobs he earned
one pound a week. He also compiled indices for
the periodical in 1752, 1753, and 1754, pocketing
three pounds each for these endeavors. Then, in
1755, when his father died, Edward became edi-
tor, serving in this capacity until his death in
1769.25 Kimber engaged in a host of other activi-
ties, some of little consequence. He prepared
lists of fairs with dates for England and Wales,





[ xxii ]
compiled almanacs, wrote a handbook for gar-
deners, rendered advice to fishermen in an an-
gler's magazine, drew up a guide for women
letter writers, edited parliamentary debates for
publication, and worked on lists of the English
peerage.26 Whether he made a meager living at
such tasks or was well paid is not clear, but he
was not poor. Kimber obviously had the disci-
pline and the knack for his Grub Street endeavors
-compiling indexes, garnering genealogical in-
formation, correcting the copy of others, and
making concordances. Thus his reputation as a
drudge. Yet viewing his whole career, one sees
another side to Edward Kimber, a man with a
multiplicity of interests, who was energetic, crea-
tive, and vital. That he died in 1769 worn out
with the drudgery of compiling and correcting
may have been partially true, but Kimber's other
achievements belie this epitaph.


The Raid on St. Augustine.

Kimber's Relation speaks for itself and needs few
comments. Published in 1744 under a pseudonym
( G. L. Campbell, v. E. K.), it appeared in the
form of a letter written to the Reverend Mr.
Isaac K--r in London. In many respects it re-
sembles Kimber's later novels, especially in its
anonymity and narration in the first person. In
its style the Relation is very much like the "Ob-
servations" on America which appeared later in
The London Magazine, both flowery and effusive.
In the main, however, Kimber narrates the course
of events from February 26 to March 31, 1743,
as a participant in the Florida expedition. Only
at the end when he eulogizes Oglethorpe's cour-





[ xxiii ]
age and greatness does he deviate from straight-
forward narration of this small episode in the
inter-colonial struggle in the Southeast.27 Still,
despite the fact the Relation speaks for itself, it
can be understood far better against the back-
drop of events unfolding in Georgia and Florida
during the War of Jenkins' Ear.
When Oglethorpe fist came to Georgia in
1732, he was discreet in his relations with his
Spanish neighbors. While wooing Indian allies
with rum, guns, and presents, he was cautious at
first not to incite them against the Spanish. He
knew that Indian raids on Spain's settlements in
Florida would only inspire retaliatory attacks on
his own infant colony, and he tried to restrain the
Carolinians from antagonizing the Indians against
the Spaniards, lest he have to bear the brunt of
an assault by the vengeful Floridians.28 By 1738,
however, he felt secure enough to become more
aggressive, and less constrained about inhibiting
his Indian allies. During the summer of that year,
Lower Creeks raided Spanish settlements around
St. Augustine and moved up the St. Johns River
to the twin forts of Pupo and Picolata west of St.
Augustine. Here the Creeks ravaged the stock-
ades and killed two soldiers.29 UC111Zes under
Oglethorpe's urging followed soon after, blocking
the trail between St. Augustine and Apalache and
investing Spanish Indian villages west of the pre-
sidio of Fort San Marcos.3o A counterattack by
Spanish Indians on Amelia Island in November,
1739, resulted in the killing and mangling of two
unfortunate English woodcutters but accom-
plished little else.31
With the outbreak of the War of Jenkins' Ear
in the Southeast, these border skirmishes gave
way to more extensive fighting. In January, 1740,





[ xxiv ]
Oglethorpe sent a force of two hundred Creek,
Chickasaw, and Uchize warriors and a few High-
land Rangers up the St. Johns, again to Pupo
and Picolata. Here the Highlanders and Indians
killed twelve infantrymen before they sent the
Spanish garrisons of the two blockhouses scurry-
ing back to St. Augustine.32 With this as his pre-
lude, the Georgia governor launched a major
invasion in the late spring of 1740. With over
sixteen hundred men, seven warships, and forty
small dugouts, he aimed to oust the Spanish from
Florida once and for all. The story of that attack
has been well told elsewhere,"3 but in the end
Oglethorpe failed. Although his siege of St. Au-
gustine lasted less than a month ( June 13 to July
4, 1740), his inability to coordinate his troops
and naval forces, the impregnability of Fort San
Marcos, a surprise Spanish attack on English
positions north of St. Augustine, and relief ships
from Cuba all combined to frustrate the Geor-
gian's attempt to take Florida. Edward Kimber
put the blame elsewhere: Oglethorpe, he wrote,
"was betray'd and neglect'd by the mean Caro-
lina Regiment, and many of the Men of War.""4
In the summer of 1742 the Spaniards took
their turn at all-out offensive. Under Governor
Manuel de Montiano, they brought together a
force of nineteen hundred men, five large men-
of-war, and forty-nine small boats, all intended
for an assault on Fort Frederica, focal point of
English power in Georgia. As had Oglethorpe in
Florida two years earlier, Montiano failed. His
invasion attempt in June and July, 1742 was frus-
trated by his own timidity, bad weather, lack of
familiarity with the terrain, a decisive English
victory at Bloody Marsh south of Frederica, and
lack of supplies. In the end Montiano's only ac-
complishments were the burning of two English





[ xxy ]
blockhouses on Cumberland Island and some
fields on St. Simon and Jekyll islands. In Spain
Jos6 del Campillo, Minister of Marine and the
Indies, was furious and railed against Montiano's
"poor leadership, lack of diligence, and ineff-
ciency."35
Thus, in 1740 and 1742 the English and Span-
ish had each launched a major offensive. Both
had failed, and with Montiano's defeat at Bloody
Marsh, the complexion of the war in the South-
east changed. Hostilities turned into small raids
and counterraids by tiny bands of whites and
Indians on each side, and marked an end to
costly large expeditions. The failures of 1740 and
1742 and subsequent events have led one ob-
server to state that the struggle in the Southeast
in the wars of the 1740s consisted of "a great
deal of grandiloquent marching back and forth,
much mismanagement, bad luck, and disappoint-
ment on the part of both sides, so much as to
make it appear at times like a comic opera.""6
That it seemed farcical for contemporaries is
clear from the comments of one disillusioned
Boston rhymester:
From Georgia to Augustine the General goes;
From Augustine to Georgia come our foes;
Hardy from Charleston to St. Simon hies,
Again from there to Charleston back he flies.
Forth from St. Simons then the Spaniards
creep ;
'Say Children, Is not this your Bo Peep'?"'

The Raid from English Sources.

For Oglethorpe the raid on St. Augustine in
1743, which Edward Kimber described in the Re-
lation, was an attempt to retaliate for the Spanish





[ xxvi ]
assault on Frederica in July, 1742, but more im-
mediately, to avenge the Yamasee raid on the
trading post, Mount Venture, on the Altamaha
in November, 1742. In the latter attack Yamasees
had burned the main house at Mount Venture
and had taken five prisoners-four rangers and an
Indian servant. Compassionately they had left
the commandant's wife and her young baby be-
hind. But on the way south, on some provocation,
the Yamasees suddenly killed two of the prison-
ers, turned back to the trading post, and mur-
dered the mother and her infant daughter. On
the return trek to St. Augustine, however, the
Indian servant escaped and notified Oglethorpe
of what had happened. The Indian reported-
and rumors were rampant in both St. Augustine
and Frederica-that the Spaniards were girding
for another major offensive against Georgia. Ogle-
thorpe responded by sending Captain John Wil-
liams and Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Heron
north to Carolina, Virginia, and Maryland to seek
recruits. Williams ultimately returned with 30
cavalrymen, Heron with 211 infantrymen, Ed-
ward Kimber among them."8
Besides these new recruits Oglethorpe received
aid from the Lower Creeks and their chief, Chi-
gilly. Previously these Indians had been reluctant
to join the English in attacks on Spanish settle-
ments; now they were eager for revenge on the
Yamasees for their destruction of the trading post
at Mount Venture, which, had been so useful to
them."" By the end of February Oglethorpe had
assembled a detachment of 200 of his own regu-
lars, the 211 soldiers recruited by Heron, the 30
cavalrymen, some Scotch Highlanders, a few
sailors, and 80 (70?) Lower Creek warriors. To
transport this force, he procured the guard





[ xxvii ]
schooner, Walker, and two private schooners,
The Sea Flower and Elizabeth. Although not a
large enough force to oust the Spaniards from St.
Augustine, Oglethorpe believed it capable of
blocking at last the incursions of the Spaniards
and their Indian allies on Georgia.4o
The expedition departed Frederica on Sunday,
February 27, to the thunder of a twenty-one-gun
salute. Those not embarking on the larger ocean-
going vessels made their way south in the small
scout boats and piraguas, following the inland
waterway south toward the St. Johns. On March
3 and 4 Oglethorpe ordered his men to disembark
on Amelia and Cumberland islands for a respite,
while he continued with an advance party. On
the south bank of the St. Johns he established a
base camp and sent word back to his men at Fort
Prince William to join him. At the same time
he obtained additional naval support from the
yawl Success, commanded by a Catptain William
Thomson, who reported also that he had en-
countered two large warships out of Jamaica, the
Kent and the York, with seventy and sixty guns
respectively. They were in the area hoping to
seize the galleon and small ship bound from Ha-
vana to St. Augustine with supplies and money
for the Florida garrison.41
By March 9 all of Oglethorpe's troops had
gathered at his camp on the St. Johns to prepare
for the assault on St. Augustine. Meanwhile, the
eighty Creek warriors moved toward the presidio
to reconnoiter the area, where they hoped to cap-
ture a live prisoner to provide Oglethorpe with
information on the strength of the Spanish garri-
son. Advancing to the western bank of the Diego
River near Fort San Marcos, the warrior band
ambushed a Spanish longboat filled with a troop





[: xxviii ]
of twenty men and two officers who were escort-
mng a band of forced laborers digging sod to
shore up the hornworks of the fort. In the am-
bush the Indians killed one soldier and five of
the forced laborers; one officer, eleven soldiers,
and six laborers were wounded. The two soldiers
taken prisoner were mutilated and then scalped
in retaliation for the one Indian killed by a Span-
ish musket. Although the skirmish had occurred
close enough for Montiano to hear the musket
fire, he could not retaliate; he lacked the pira-
guas needed to cross the Diego River. The next
day, however, he dispatched a search party, but
the cavalry force found nothing. The Indians had
retired north after the ambush.42
The Indians reached Oglethorpe's encampment
on the St. Johns on March 11 and presented the
governor with five scalps, a severed hand, and a
number of severed arms. They claimed that they
had killed over forty Spaniards. In return for
these macabre gifts, Oglethorpe proffered wine
and food, and then invited them to join him in
his projected attack on St. Augustine. All but
four refused and left the English camp for their
villages to the north.4
Undeterred by the defection of the seventy-
five Lower Creeks, Oglethorpe went ahead with
his plans. His strategy called for his forces to
march close to St. Augustine, to send a few sol-
diers and Indians under the guns of the presidio
as bait to lure Montiano's cavalry footsoldiers out
of the sanctuary of Fort San Marcos, and finally
to ambush and defeat them, much as he had done
at Bloody Marsh in 1742. He knew that one rea-
son for his failure in 1740 was the Spaniards'
refusal to come out and fight. Now he hoped to
entice them into open country where he and his





[ xxix ]
forces would have the advantage. Leaving their
camp on the St. Johns on March 14, the English
forces marched south along the Atlantic beach,
spending their first night on the dunes along the
coast. The next morning they moved inland,
heading southwest along an old trail to deserted
Fort San Diego. By the following day they
reached a site called the Grove, about five miles
northwest of St. Augustine, where they stopped
briefly to rest and quench their thirst. Pressing
on, they advanced to within three miles of the
presidio, but at this juncture Oglethorpe sud-
denly was forced to change his plans. One of his
men had deserted to the Spaniards, eliminating
the element of surprise and causing Oglethorpe
to order a forced march northward where he
could refashion his plans without endangering his
men.""
On the hard march north Oglethorpe had an-
other inspiration. He believed that once the de-
serter poured out information on the strength
and position of the English troops, Montiano
would come out in force to attack. Thus, on
March 17 he ordered his sleepless, insect-ridden
men to prepare another ambush for the expected
Spanish assault. But the Spaniards never mate-
rialized. Montiano preferred to stay within the
friendly confines of Fort San Marcos. Frustrated
and outraged, Oglethorpe tried to force the Span-
iards into the ambush. With six rangers he rode
to the very walls of San Marcos, but this only
caused several terrified sentries to rush inside the
presidio. Montiano was evidently willing to let
Oglethorpe's force roam the area unmolested and
unchallenged."5
With no one to fight, yet not strong enough to
besiege San Marcos, Oglethorpe was in a quan-





[ xxx ]
dary. His way out was a decision to remain in
the area three more days, hoping that Montiano
would ultimately make a move. Returning to his
main force, he ordered his men to remain at their
positions ready to meet a Spanish attack. Again,
the desertion of one of his men forced a change
in his plans, and on March 18 he called for an
immediate retreat lest his forces be caught in a
trap, and then they broke camp and headed back
to the St. Johns."8
Oglethorpe was probably wise to retire, since
the deserter provided Montiano with precise in-
formation on both the size and strength of the
English expedition. He also exposed Oglethorpe's
plan to take a live prisoner from whom he could
extract information on Spanish forces in St. Au-
gustine and destroy Montiano's cavalry in am-
bush. More than that, the deserter said that one
hundred Caveta Indians would arrive in April to
reinforce the main body of Oglethorpe's troops.
Montiano also learned of the naval strength of
the British expedition--the galiot at the bar of the
St. Johns with fourteen guns of nine, six, and
four-pounds caliber; the two piraguas with four
cannon; several others with two and three; the
six launches; and the two large men-of-war lying
in wait for the subsidy and supply ships from
Cuba.4"
Although the retreat back to the St. Johns on
March 18 marked the end of major land opera-
tions, it did not mean the termination of lesser
ventures. On March 19, for example, Highlanders
under Lieutenant Charles MacKay took a scout
boat, the Darien, up the St. Johns to Fort Pupo to
see if the blockhouse had been rebuilt and rein-
forced. At the same time twenty newly arrived
Creeks went out in search of Spanish scalps near





1 xxxi ]
St. Augustine, but when they approached the
town, they closed with a band of Spanish Yama-
sees and were badly beaten. On March 25 still
another band of fifty Cherokees, Upper Creeks,
and Lower Creeks trekked south to get revenge
on the Yamasee, but this time neither the Spanish
Indians nor the Spaniards would come out to
fight."8
Despite his frustrations on land, Oglethorpe
was still eager to use his naval superiority. On
March 21, for example, three vessels, including
the British man-of-war Rye under Captain Charles
Hardy, the galley Charlestown under a Captain
Lightfoot, and the frigate Success under Captain
William Thomson, anchored near Oglethorpe's
command post on the St. Johns. In the conference
which ensued the governor proposed that they
singe the Spaniards' beards once more by invad-
ing Santa Anastasia Island. The Spaniards pas-
tured their cattle on the island, and Oglethorpe
saw the opportunity to cut off the meat supply
for the town and presidio. The three ships could
be used to cover the landing of his troops and
take them off after they had slaughtered the
cattle. Hardy refused to participate, but Thomp-
son proved more cooperative and agreed to es-
cort and cover the boats containing the eighty-
man English and Indian invasion force. On March
28 they made their first attempt to land on the
island, but the surf was too high, and they had
to give up. Two subsequent attempts on March
29 and 30 failed for the same reason, forcing
Oglethorpe once more to forsake his plans. Thus,
with the forces still remaining in the area, he
departed for home with little to show for his
efforts."9





[ xxxii ]
The Raid from Spanish Sources.

With some embellishment from Spanish sources,
the foregoing constitutes a somewhat fuller ver-
sion of what Edward Kimber saw as a participant
in the English raid on St. Augustine in 1743. But
the episode has another side as well, that of the
timid Manuel de Montiano in Fort San Marcos,
fending off Oglethorpe's thrust into Florida. For
Montiano the attack of the Spanish Yamasees on
Mount Venture late in November, 1742 was cru-
cial. In his version of the raid he reported that
Indians friendly to the Spaniards had assaulted
the blockhouse on the Altamaha (he said the
English name was Tamaja). Inside they found
five English cavalrymen, one Indian, a woman,
and her infant daughter. Three of the soldiers
died during the initial fighting, leaving as pris-
oners two horsemen, the Indian, the wife of the
commandant, and her child. After imbibing a
vast quantity of wine, the Indians then burned
the blockhouse and threw all the goods that they
could not carry with them into the Altamaha
River. With two English soldiers and the Indian
as prisoners, they left Mount Venture for St. Au-
gustine. The Indian, it appeared, was happy to
be captured by the Spaniards and to leave Eng-
lish tutelage, but this was only a cover. After
four days he escaped into the woods. The Yama-
see had no idea where he had gone."o
When the Indians arrived at St. Augustine
early in December, Montiano immediately inter-
rogated the two cavalrymen. They reported that
1,000 troops were in Charleston awaiting the ar-
rival of Admiral Edward Vernon, who would
take them south to join James Oglethorpe for
another siege of St. Augustine in the spring of





[: xxxiii ]
1743. Vernon would command the naval forces,
Oglethorpe the land army. Where the 1,000 men
in Charleston had come from was not clear to the
English prisoners."1 That the English intended a
major offensive in 1743 was also confirmed by
the commandant of Spanish Pensacola52 and an
Irish artilleryman serving in the Havana garrison
who obtained his information from a British
sailor from Providence.53 ( This is a good example
of how rumors spread in mid-eighteenth-century
Florida.) In fact these rumors had proved so
compelling that the governor of Cuba, Francisco
de Gilemes y Horcasitas, sent three hundred
troops to Florida under Lieutenant Colonel Juan
Pich6n and a large quantity of wheat, meat, vege-
tables, and other supplies."4 Montiano reacted by
fortifying the Matanzas Inlet with a permanent
stone installation erected on the soft mud of the
island commanding the entrance to the bar. At
the presidio he worked feverishly to strengthen
the earthworks around the inland approaches to
Fort San Marcos.55 In fact the party of soldiers
and forced laborers surprised in the Creek am-
bush at the Diego River were digging sod for the
hornworks of the fort.
This, then, was the situation in St. Augustine
at the time Oglethorpe launched his attack in
March, 1743. It is clear that both Montiano and
the governor of Cuba expected a major siege,
much like that of 1740. They did not know that
Oglethorpe planned something less, and this may
explain Montiano's reluctance to engage the In-
dians and English forces roaming so freely in the
woods north of St. Augustine. Fortunately we
also have a Spanish version of the events de-
scribed by Edward Kimber. Montiano gave his
side of the episode in a letter to the Spanish Min-





[ xxxiv ]
ister of Marine and the Indies, Jos6 del Cam-
pillo: "
Sir:
In a letter of March 12 Your Excellency in-
cludes a written testimony of Don Domingo de
la Cruz in which he shows his surprise at learning
that the English in Carolina are preparing an
expedition that he believes is aimed at this pre-
sidio. He also informs Your Excellency about the
illegal contacts which resulted during the ex-
change of prisoners, despite a promise of Parlia-
ment to the contrary. He argues that when the
same thing occurred here we zealously observed
the agreement made between the two crowns,
and this particular fact ought to obligate them
to subscribe more closely to the agreement."'
Now, I will say to Y our Excellency how surprised
I was on March 11th to see a frigate and two
galiots passing in front of this presidio. T hen, on
the 21st a troop of eighty Indians friendly to the
English surprised a detachment of twenty men,
one sub-lieutenant, and a ser geant, who were
protecting the forced laborers employed in dig-
ging up sod for the hornworks being erected for
the greater security of this presidio. T he Indians
killed one soldier and five forced laborers; seri-
ously wounded the opicer, sergeant, eleven sol-
diers, and six forced laborers; and captured two
soldiers, whom, according to the testimony of a
deserter, they also murdered in a barbaric fash-
ion. Unfortunately, despite their proximity to the
fort, I could not come to the aid of this party,
not only because of the suddenness of their as-
sault but also because our piraguas were on the
other side of the river and there was no way to
ferry our troops across. The next day cavalrymen





[ xxxy ]
went out to reconnoiter the area. They found a
trail and indications that a lar ge number of men
had been there waiting in ambush, posted at the
only spot where a land detachment could have
come to the aid of our men if the Indians had
not retired as soon as they made their attack.
But God saved us from this trap whose effects
would have been so fatal and impossible to pre-
vent at that moment.
T he next day on the 22nd a frigate was seen
to the north, and subsequently another two, ply-
ing the waters near the coast on the 24th, 26th,
27th, and 28th.
On the 28th the deserter already cited entered
this presidio. He said that Oglethorpe had three
hundred men from his regiment in the vicinity,
that he had come with the object of taking a live
prisoner and destroying our cavalry. He knew
that our horsemen sally out whenever there is
some abnormal activity in the area and that they
often reconnoiter as far north as the S t. Johns
River. To this end he brought thirty cavalrymen
and twenty-one Scotch Highlanders in addition
to the Indians. Moreover, the deserter believed
he [Oglethorpe] had another scheme as well: he
was waiting for one hundred Caveta Indians and
Colonel Cook who would arrive in April as rein-
forcements for his troop in order to lay siege to
this presidio.
When the deserter arrived at the St. Johns,
there was one galiot with fourteen guns of nine-,
six-, and four-pound caliber; one lar ge piragua
with four guns; another with one four pounder;
some smaller vessels; and six long boats. The
captain of a frigate which crossed the bar, ad-
vised Oglethorpe that one vessel of sixty guns
and another of fifty, which they had not been





[ xxxvi ]
informed of before starting out, were in coastal
waters close by, lying in wait for the ship which
ought to bring the subsidy for the presidio.
The 29th and 30th the two frigates and the
galiot stayed close in, and at dusk three other
ships appeared, but their courses could not be
determined.
With these vessels in the vicinity and trusting
the deserter because he gave such a true, con-
sistently clear picture of the strength of their
forces, I did not take any action to counter Ogle-
thorpe's audacious activities except on the 29th
to send out a party of Indians, accompanied by
two Spaniards, to reconnoiter their encampment
and bring back news of what they saw. Upon
their return to this presidio after five days, they
informed me that Oglethorpe had penetrated into
this area with the same number of men the de-
serter had given me. Accordingly, they inferred
from the trail they left that they had retreated
but only to the S t. Johns where it was impossible
to seize a sentry because their camp lay in the
open with a great many men in the vicinity. Out-
side the mouth of the bar lay two frigates and a
galiot, and inside the bar, the galiot and other
piraguas and launches to which the deserter had
already referred.
Upon their [the Spanish Indians] return here
at ten in the evening of the 2nd, three leagues
from this presidio, they encountered a group of
enemy Indians headed toward the S t. Johns.
Once our Indians became aware of their pres-
ence, they lay in wait in ambush and successfully
fired on them with light muskets. Our men really
did not know how much damage they did. Al-
though three enemy Indians lay dead and though
the remainder of their force scurried into the





[ xxxvii ]
woods, our party did not want to stop to ferret
them out because they did not want to risk the
loss of any more men. Still, they believed the
enemy Indians were very badly battered since
they did not return our fire.
As a result of all that has been discussed so far,
I can finally inform Y our Excellency what I have
been able to discover about the ships which have
just been seen near this place. There are three
frigates, four galiots, and two flatboats, which
have sailed of in digerent directions. Later on
the 8th one frigate, four galiots, and two flatboats
approached this bar and that of Matanzas. Be-
lieving they were going to attack that fort, I dis-
patched four galiots to stop them from entering
the mouth of the river. Because the English rec-
ognized the dificulty of their venture, or for some
other reason that cannot be explained, they re-
tired on the 10th without having made an assault.
A lar ge number of Indians remained in this
vicinity. I conjectured from what the deserter
said that they were waiting for General Ogle-
thorpe and were there to join his regular troops.
Although their activities were not sufficient cause
for concern, I still could not ignore Oglethorpe's
overall design, especially if he were awaiting
additional aid that would enable him to carry
through his original plan. Thus, I maintained the
necessary vigilance, communicating everything
that occurred to the governor in Havana so that
with this knowled ge he could take those actions
which appeared conducive for better serving! the
king and assuring the security of this presidiio.
I have requested the governor of Havana to
provide the galley and other ships as support for
the galiots which defend the entrance of this bar
in case the enemy comes to lay siege to this pre-





[ xxxviii ]
sidio. The Lieutenant General [ governor of Cuba]
sent this galley with a 106-man crew. It entered
the harbor on the 4th of this month. Happily
there were no enemy vessels nearby to see it
until it had dropped anchor in the bay. For now
that is what I wish to bring to Y our Excellency's
attention so that Y our Excellency can inform the
King.
I desire that God guard the esteemed person
of Y our Excellency for many years.
St. Augustine, Florida, April 13, 1743
Y our most obedient servant,
Don ~Manuel ~Montiano
[rubric]

Montiano's superiors were outraged at his cow-
ardice and indecisive action. After consultation
with Philip V, Campillo bitterly rebuked the
Florida governor. He accused Montiano of not
doing his best to maintain the security of the
presidio and of neglecting his responsibilities by
not taking reprisals on the English and their
Indian allies when they appeared near the fort.
In Campillo's view, Oglethorpe had taught Mon-
tiano and his men a good lesson, and the next
time the king hoped the Florida garrison would
be better prepared to face an attack."8 Montiano
was in no better standing with the governor of
Cuba, Juan Francisco de Gilemes y Horcasitas.
Gilemes had sent reinforcements-300 men under
Lieutenant Colonel Juan Pich6n-and other kinds
of aid, but to no good purpose. He saw little hope
that the incompetent Montiano could accomplish
anything against Oglethorpe, who had already
shown up Montiano's ineptitude at Bloody Marsh.
As a result Gilemes was recalling Pichbn and his
men. In one last word he stated angrily: "Your





1 xxxix ]
Excellency should understand how disagreeable
these events are for me because of the way in
which steps were taken to overturn what I in-
tended and conceived and put forward for the
best interests of the king.""9 In short, Montiano
had not fulfilled his responsibilities. But he was
not recalled. In fact he stayed on in Florida six
more years, strengthening the defenses of the pre-
sidio and improving relationships with the Indi-
ans. When he left St. Augustine in 1749, he was
actually rewarded with the governorship of Pan-
ama and the presidency of the audiencia"o there,
evidence that his superiors had short memories.ex

Although only an episode in the larger contest
for empire in the Southeast, the Oglethorpe raid
in March, 1743 marked the end of an era. First,
after 1743 no more serious attempts were made
either from Georgia or from Carolina to dislodge
the Spaniards from their positions in St. Augus-
tine, Apalache, and Pensacola. In fact one Eng-
lish officer stated forlornly, the Spaniards "make
the greatest Jest, Burlesque, and ridicule of all
our Expeditions from Cartagena to Augustine."
Second, the lessening of tension between Florida
and the English colonies after 1743 reflected a
shift in the balance of power in the Southeast.
The English had learned-by hard expenience-
that they could not uproot the Spaniards in Flor-
ida, yet they could contain them within the con-
fines of the Florida peninsula. Now a more serious
threat came from the French in Mobile and
Natchez and from their coureurs des bois working
among the Indians in the interior. Third, the In-
dians themselves began changing their stance in
the face of the three-cornered imperial struggle
in the Southeast. From Queen Anne's War to the





[ xl ]
Oglethorpe raid in 1743, the English had domi-
nated the Indians, won them over as allies, and
used them effectively against the Spaniards. Oc-
casionally there were defections, like the Yam-
asee in 1715, but overall the Carolinians and
Georgians were masterful in gaining the friend-
ship of the natives. After 1743, however, the Indi-
ans began to see the advantages of playing off
the English against the Spaniards or French, to
accept offers for their friendship or neutrality
from the highest bidder. And the Indians often
changed their minds. This helped the governor
in St. Augustine, and the number of Indian raids
declined sharply. In the end Montiano and his
successors were able to strengthen their hold on
Spanish Florida. In fact, by 1763 when a diplo-
mats' treaty turned the colony over to the Eng-
lish, Florida was in a stronger defensive position
than ever before.62 The Spaniards had prevailed
in the face of many adversities.
JOHN JAY TEPASKE
Duke University

Notes.

1. The standard general account of the discovery and col-
onization of Florida to 1574 is still Woodbury Lowery, The
Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United
States, 1513-1574, 2 vols. (New York, 1901, 1905). On the
French in Florida one should consult Charles E. Bennett,
Laudonnidre and Fort Caroline: Documents and History
( Gainesville, Fla., 1964). David L. Dowd reviews the his-
toriography of the French in Florida in the introduction to
Jean Ribaut, The Whole ir True Discovery of Terra Florida
(Gainesville, Fla., 1964), a facsimile edition of the London
publication of 1563. Another useful reprint (of the 1587 edi-
tion) is Rene Laudonniere, A Notable History Containing
Four Voyages Made by Certain French Captains into Florida,
ed. M. Basanier, trans. R. Hakluyt ( Larchmont, N.Y., 1964).






1 xli ]
See also Rene Laudonniibre, Three Voyages, trans. Charles E.
Bennett ( Gainesville, Fla., 1975). For Pedro Men~ndez de
Avilds and the founding of Florida see Gonzalo Soils de
Mer~Ls, Pedro Mendndez de Avilds: Adelantado, Governor,
and Captain-General of Florida, trans. Jeannette Thurber
Connor ( De Land, Fla., 1923); in the introduction to a fac-
simile edition of Mendndez ( Gainesville, Fla., 1964) Lyle N.
McAlister reviews the historiography of the Spanish in Florida;
Michael V. Gannon, The Cross in the Sand ( Gainesville,
Fla., 1965); Bartolomb Barrientos, Pedro Mendndez de Avilds,
Founder of Florida, trans. Anthony Kerrigan ( Gainesville,
Fla., 1965).
2. The best study on mission expansion is John Tate Lan-
ning, The Spanish Missions of Georgia ( Chapel Hill, N.C.,
1935). See also the dissertation of Robert Allen Matter, "The
Spanish Missions of Florida: The Friars versus the Governor
in the Golden Age," University of Washington, Seattle, 1972;
Matter, "Economic Basis of the Seventeenth-Century Florida
Missions," and "Missions in the Defense of Florida," Florida
Historical Quarterly 52 ( July, 1973): 18-38, 54 ( July, 1975):
18-38.
3. The source for this period is Verner W. Crane, The
Southern Frontier, 1670--1732 ( Ann Arbor, Mich., 1929).
4. On the siege of 1740 see Collections of the Georgia His-
torical Society, vol. 7, pt. 1 ( Savannah, 1909); The Saint
Augustine Expedition of 1740: A Report to the South Caro-
lina General Assembly, Reprinted from the Colonial Records
of South Carolina with an Introduction by John Tate Lanning
( Columbia, S.C., 1954); Larry E. Ivers, British Drums on the
Southern Frontier: The Military Colonization of Georgia,
1733-1749 ( Chapel Hill, N.C., 1974), pp. 90-132; John Jay
TePaske, The Governorship of Spanish Florida ( Durham,
N.C., 1964), pp. 139-46.
5. For the Spanish invasion of Georgia see Ivers, British
Drums, pp. 151-73; TePaske, Governorship of Spanish Flor-
ida, pp. 146-52; Collections of the Georgia Historical Society,
vol. 7, pt. 3 ( Savannah, 1913).
6. Dictionary of National Biography ( DN B) s.v., Kimber,
Edward."
7. Sidney A. Kimber, "The 'Relation of a Late Expedition
to St. Augustine,' with Biographical and Bibliographical Notes
on Isaac and Edward Kimber," in The Papers of the Biblio-
graphical Society of America ( Chicago, 1934), 28:81-96;
Kimber's introduction to A Relation, or Journal, of a Late
Expedition to the Gates of St. Augustine, on Florida ( Boston,
1935), pp. iii-viii, a reprint of the 1744 edition. Leonard L.
Mackall, "The Wymberley Jones De Renne Georgia Library
by Its Librarian," Georgia Historical Society 2 ( June, 1918):
63-86. Frank Gees Black, "Edward Kimber: Anonymous Nov-






1: xlii ]
elist of the Mid-Eighteenth Century," Harvard Studies and
Notes in Philology and Literature 17 ( 1935) : 27-42.
8. Alexander Chalmers, ed., The General Biographical Dic-
tionary: Containing an Historical and Critical Account of the
Lives and Writings of the Most Eminent Persons in Every
Nation; particularly the British and Irisht; from the Earliest
Accounts to the Present Time ( London, 1815), 19:348-49.
9. S. K~imiber, "Biographical Notes," p. 94.
10. Chalmers, Biographical Dictionary, p. 349; DNB, s.v.
"Kimber, Isaac."
11. Chalmers, Biographical Dictionary, p. 349.
12. Ibid., pp. 348-49; DNB; S. Kimber, "Biographical
Notes," pp. 94-96.
13. DNB.
14. S. Kimber, "Biographical Notes," p. 82; Black, "Anony-
mous Novelist," p. 80.
15. S. Kimber, "Biographical Notes," pp. 82-83. This ar-
ticle contains a copy of Edward Kimber's notations on his
itinerary in America.
16. Edward Kimber, "Itinerant Observations in America,
Reprinted from the London Magazine, 1745-46," in Collec-
tions of the Georgia Historical Society (Savannah, 1878),
4:15-18.
17. S. Kimber, "Biographical Notes," 5p. 83.
18. When originally published, the Observations" were
out of order and did not follow Edward Kimber's original
itinerary in America. Kimber points this out in a note in the
"Observations," pp. 63-64.
19. E. Kimber, "Observations," p. 10; succeeding refer-
ences (page numbers) to this source appear within paren-
theses in the text.
20. S. Kimber, "Biographical Notes," p. 83.
21. Ibid., p. 88.
22. Listed are the titles and dates of publication of Kim-
ber's novels. The Life and Adventures of Joe Thompson: A
Narrative Founded on Fact; Written by Himself, 2 vols.
( London, 1750) The History of the Life and Adventures of
Mr. Anderson; Containing His Strange Variety of Fortune in
Europe and America; Compiled from His Own Papers ( Lon-
don, 1754) The Life and Adventures of James Ramble, Esq.;
Interspersed with the Various Fortunes of Certain Noble
Personages Deeply Concerned in the Northern Commotions
in the Year 1715; From His Own Manuscript, 2 vols. ( Lon-
don, 1754) The Juvenile Adventures of David Ranger, Esq.;
From an Original Manuscript Found in the Collection of a
Late Noble Lord, 2 vols. ( London, 1756) The Life and Ex-
traordinary Adventures of Capt. Neville Frowde of Cork;
Written by Himself ( London, 1758 ). The Happy Orphans:
An Authentic History of Persons in High Life, 2 vols. ( Lon-
don, 1759) Maria: The Genuine Memoirs of an Admired






[ xliii ]
Lady of Rank and Fortune and Some of Her Friends ( Lon-
don, 1764) The Generous Briton, or the Authentic Memoirs
of William Goldsmith, Esq., 2 vols. ( London, 1765). See also
Black, "Anonymous Novelist," for a full discussion of the
novels-their literary merit and place in English life in the
mid-eighteenth century.
23. Black, "Anonymous Novelist," pp. 28-29.
24. Ibid., pp. 36-42.
25. S. Kimber, "Biographical Notes," pp. 88-90.
26. DNB; S. Kimber, "Biogfraphical Notes," pp. 88-94,
which lists most of what Edward$ Kimber wrote and edited
and in some cases gives the sums of money he received for
his work.
27. E. Kimber, Relation, pp. 34-35.
28. James Oglethorpe to the Duke of Newcastle, Frederica,
April, 1737, London, Public Record Of~ee, Colonial Oftice
Records, 5:654, pt. 1 (hereafter cited as CO).
29. Testimonio sobre haber arribado a este presidio tres
Ingleses fugitives de las colonies, vecinos de esta naci6n: afio
de 1738, August 23, 1738, Seville, Spain, Archivo General de
Indias (hereafter AGI), Santo Domingo, Legajo 2541.
30. Carta del gobernador de la Florida al rey, March 10,
1740, ibid.
31. James Oglethorpe to the Duke of Newcastle, Frederica,
November 15, 1739, CO 5:654, pt. 1.
32. James Oglethorpe to the Duke of Newcastle, Frederica,
January 22, 1739/40, CO 5:654, pt. 1; see also Ivers, British
Drums, pp. 92-104.
33. See Ivers, British Drums, pp. 105-32; TePaske, Gov-
ernorship of Spanish~ Florida, pp. 139-46.
34. E. Kimber, Relation, p. 34.
35. TePaske, Governorship of Spanish~ Florida, pp. 146-52;
Ivers, Britisht Drums, pp. 151-61.
36. E. Merton Coulter, A Short History of Georgia ( Chapel
Hill, N.C., 1933), p. 48.
37. Quoted by Coulter, ibid.
38. Ivers, British Drums, pp. 174-75.
39. Ibid., p. 176.
40. E. Kimber, Relation, pp. 6-7; Ivers, British Drums, p.
176.
41. E. Kimber, Relation, p. 10.
42. Ivers, British Drums, p. 177; Carta del gobernador de
la Florida a Don JosC del Campillo, St. Augustine, April 13,
1743, AGI, 87-3-12, no. 60, in the Stetson Collection, P. K.
Yonge Library of Florida History, University of Florida,
Gainesville (hereafter cited as Stetson Collection).
43. Ivers, British Drums, pp. 177-78.
44. Ibid., pp. 179-81; AGI, 87-3-12, no. 60, Stetson Col-
lection.
45. Ivers, British Drums, p. 181.






[ xliv ]
46. Ibid.
47. AGI, 87-3-12, no. 60, Stetson Collection.
48. Ivers, British Drums, pp. 181-83.
49. Ibid.
50. Carta del gobernador de la Florida a Don Josk del
Campillo, St. Augustine, December 7, 1742, AGI, 87-3-12,
no. 55, Stetson Collection.
51. Testimonio del Cacique Pedro Chislala, St. Augustine,
December 4, 1743, ibid.
52. Carta del gobernador de Cuba a Don Jos6 del Cam-
pillo, Havana, April 4, 1743, AGI, 87-3-12, no. 57, Stetson
Collection.
53. Ibid.
54. Carta de los oficiales reales de la Florida al rey, St.
Augustine, July 19, 1743, AGI, 58-1-34, no. 76, Stetson Col-
lection; see also AGI, 87-3-12, no. 57, Stetson Collection.
55. Carta del gobernador de la Florida al rey, St. Aug~us-
tine, March 20, 1743, AGI, 87-3-12, no. 51, Stetson Collec-
tion; see also Carta del Pedro Ruiz de Olano al rey, March
20, 1743, AGI, 87-3-12, no. 115, Stetson Collection.
56. AGI, 87-3-12, no. 60, Stetson Collection. The dis-
crepancies in dates between Montiano's account and Kimber's
narrative may be explained by the difference in calendars.
The English used the Julian calendar, the Spanish, the Gre-
gorian. Translation by J. J. T.
57. Here Domingo de la Cruz refers to an agreement be-
tween the Spanish and English that during any exchange of
prisoners there be absolutely no contact between the sailors
or officers effecting the exchange. This was intended as a
means of preventing Protestant heresy from penetrating
Florida.
58. Carta de Don Jos6 del Campillo a Don Manuel de
Montiano, gobernador de la Florida, San Ildefonso, October
11, 1743, AGI, 87-3-12, no. 60, Stetson Collection.
59. Carta del gobernador de Cuba a Don Jose del Cam-
pillo, Havana, June 4, 1743, AGI, 87-3-12, no. 48, Stetson
Collection .
60. An audiencia was a court of appeals and advisory body
for the governor in Panama.
61. Despacho del rey al gobernador de la Florida, Novem-
ber 15, 1748, AGI, Santo Domingo, Legajo 2541.
62. For Spanish defense and Indian policy in Florida after
1743, see TePaske, G~overnorship of Spanish Florida, pp. 154-
57, 214-26.





A


RELATIO N,
O R,

JOURNAL L,
Of a late

EXPEDITION to the Gates
of S t. Au g u/ine, on? Florida :

Conducted by

The Hon. General JAMES OGLETHORPE,
with a Detachment of his Regiment, Sc.:
from Georgia.


In a LETTER to the Reverend
Mr. ISAAc KT------a in Londionz.

By a Gentleman, Voluntier in the farid Expedition.

LONDV13ON:
Printed for T. AST LE Y, at the Refe, in St. Padse
Church43d.M c c~x uv.




__


A


RELATION N,
O R

JOURNAL,
Of a late

EXPEDITION, Pfe.

Camp, at FEiderica, 'Yuly z9, r743-
Deatr and Honoulred Sir,


TO make amends for the many Imperti-
Way, fince I have been absent from
Great Britain ; I hall honour my f~elf,
by relating to you a late ]Expedition
we have made on Florida, under our great and
good General; an Expedition, you will find, as
great in its Formation, as important in its Defign s
and as salutary in its Effeas, to this Frontier Co-
lony, and the whole North America, as it was bold
and hazardous in its Execution. And, tho' the
rankling Malice of a few vagabond Carolinians
hath, in public Papers, dar'd to infullt their Pre-
ferver and Saviour, on the Account of that In-
curflon a yet the dif~cerning Eyes my Lines will
be submitted to, will brufh off the Filth of Pre-
judice and Defamation, and either make them
afham'd of their Ignorance, or dread the Effeats
of their impotent Efforts, to taint the Reputation
of the Man, who has to lately fav'd them from
A 2 Fire





1 4
Tire and Swnord, and flood between thern and
all the Miferies of a powerful Invafion.
You will perceive, in the Courfe of my Letter,
the various and uncommon H-ardfhips, our Way
of making War in America f'ubje ts us to; Hard-
thips equal to thof~e, that the Soldiers of Cato
endur'd amongst the parch'd Sands of Libya ; or
thofe of Charles XII. among the dreary, frozen
Forests of Ruia ; Hardfhips unknown, nor
thought of, in your modifhn Campaigns in Flanz-
ders; and capable, on the bare Reflexion, to fhock
the Soul of a H---p----k Hero. What are our
Tents; but the firft fpyreading Beach, or rifing
Sand-hill, or perhaps, now and then, the f~upe-
rior Comfort of a lofty Tree, or a Palmetto
Shade a whillt the hardeft Marches, beneath the
Fire of the Mid-day Sun, are facceeded with un-
wholefome, noxious Dews, attended with Vermin
of all Sorts, that poison Reft ? Our Drink, not
even the tranflucent Wave a but thle firfit muddy
Marth-Water we can find, or perhaps Water little
fresher than that from the Sea. Our Provifions,
carried on our Backs a unattended with Baggage-
Waggons, or Sum~pter Horfes ; our Officers with-
out any Equipages, but their Swords and their
Partifans, and a General himf~elf, partakinga the
f~iame F~atigue as the meanest Soldier : Yet under
all this, a Chearfulnefs f~eldom difcover'd in Sol-
diers, and a Flow of Spirits, uninfpir'd by any
Thing, but a natural Vivacity and Courage, and
a temperate and hardy Way of living; an Ardour
for Battle, that is inexpreflible, and discovers it
felf in the Eyes of the meaneft Centinel. This
is a ihort TTrait of General Oglethborpe's ~un-
daunted Regiment s of whom it may be laid, with
Addefon,
Thle W~ar's wh~ole Afrt, ach private Soldier knows s
And with a General's Thir/i of ConqueJi glows.
I General





[s1
General Oglethorpe, after the brave Defeat of the
formidable I~nvafion of Georgia, by the Spaniards, in
fulrly 742, received repeated Advices of their Pre-
parations for another and more powerful Attempt
on that Colony ; for which they were provided with
Tranfports, at the Havannah, and Augufpine, and were
beating up for Voluntiers all over Mexcico and Peru.
The Governor of the Hrauannah was to command in
the Expedition, and his Excellency had private In-
formation, that they would be at leaft ten thou-
fand firong. He at the fame Time had Informa-
tion, that their late Loffes had much weakecn'd
the Garifon ofrlugu/tine, who were daily expedt-
mng Recruits and Provilions from Old Spainz, the
latter of which they were alf~o in Diitrels for;
notwithstanding which, they had form'd a Camp
at Diego. To divert the sanguine Hopes of the
Spaniards to make a ConqueRt of this Province a
to thew them that he was till alive, and as un-
daunted at the Head of his Handful of Men, as
they could be with their Thoufands; to confine
them and pen them up within the Walls of their
Castle, by harrallng them with continual Alarms,
and thereby inducing them to believe he had had
powerful Afif~tances from Home; and to deter
them from attempting again to vifit a Spot, which
had been fo ~fatal to them, was his Excellency's lauds
able Defign, in undertaking the Incurflon of
March 17403; when, with an unheard-of Boldnefs,
he penetrated fifty Miles into the Enemy's Coun-
try, encamp'd under the very Walls of the Caffle
of Auguffiine, beat up their Out-Centites, and in
fulfted a Gadfion of two or three thousand Men,
without their daring to fhew themselves out of
their Cover; and all this performed with only two
hundred regular Troops, and about three hundred
Provincial Forces, by Sea and Land. So terrible
is the Name of Oglethorpe, and to truly baneful
his






his Regiment to the Spantiards in America! 'Tis
plain, from the Belief this Expedition gave them,
that we were re-inforc'd, and in high Spirits and
good Condition to receive them, they put off their
intended Invafion for another Year; in which
Time, we may have the Happinefs of his Excel-
lency's returning with fuch Supports, as will not
only defend us from their moft powerful At-
tempts, but retort upon them the Mitchiefs they
have done to this Colony.

On Saturday, Feb. 26, I742 -3, The Detachment
of the Regiment, intended for the Expedition
on Florida, appeared under Arms at Frederica;
when their Airms and Accoutrements were examin-
ed, and every one received his Comnplement of
Cartages, and was ordered to provide himself
with a Haver-Sack and Water-Bottle, for the
March. Afterwards they march'd out of the
Town, and each Platoon fir'd at a Mark, be-
fore his Excellency, for the Prize of a Hat
and Matchet, to the Man who made the beft Shot
at an hundred -Yards Diftance, in the Foffe round
the ]Fortifications. He afterwards gave Beer to the
Soldiers, and ordered the Whole to be ready to
proceed by nine the next Morning.
A Command of Men, two Days before, was
embark'd on board the Ship Succcefs, Capt. Thom~fon,
who this Day went over the B~ar, to cruize off
Aulgup~ine.
If in the Sea-faring Part of this Journal, Sir,
you perceive a Difference of Stile, urual to that
Profeffion; you will find the Diverfity not: un-
entertaining, when Things of that Kind can't well
be delivered in another, or better Dialed.
Sunday, Feb. 27. The whole Detachment, Ran-
gers, Sc. embjark'd on board the Guard Schooner
Walker, Capt. Dav~is, and the two hiir'd Schooners,
Sea-






17 3
Sea-Floweer and Elizabeth, at ten in the Morning,
under the following Officers; uiz. Capt. Wi'lliam
Horton; Lieut. Paul Demere, Lieut. 'famzes Wall ;
Enfign Samuel Mac Kay, Enfign Sol. Chamberlaine,
Enfign Peter Mercier, Enfign Wh~ite Oucterbridge,
Enfign 7ohn Staewart: And with them, Adjutant
Wtilliam Robinfon, Quarter-Malter 'Thomnas Rofendale,
Mr. Patrick Hourttein, Commiffary. At two,
We~igh'd, and fell down below the Point-Guard,
faluting the Town with twenty-one Guns; Wind
S. W~.
Monday, Feb. 28. At f~even, A. M. Weigh'd
again, with little Wind at N. At eight, P. M.
came to an Anchor, beyond ~'ekyl-Creek *.
cluefday, March 1. At fix, A. M. Weigh'd again,
and at Noon truck on a Bank near the Dividers a
(where, as, in ihort, all over the Country, are
many Banks of excellent Oyiters;) b~ut foon got
off; and the Wind blowing hard at W. N. W.
we could not clear the Banks; but the Schooners
in Company got to Fort-William, from whence
Capt. Horton fent us a Pilot.
WeTdnefday, Marvch 2. At one, A.M. We weigh'd
with a frefh Gale at N. WT. but, foon after, truck
on a Mud-Bank, where we lay till eight, and then
hove off, with the Tide of Flood, and got under
Sail, with the Wind at N. N. E. (The Reafon of
our

7dyl-I/anrd, from whence this Crecek derives its Name, is
oppofite to the South End of St. Simon's, and makes with it the
Entrance from Sea into St. Simonl's Sound. The Creek is a
Strait, between that and St. AndrYEW's Sound; fo called, from a
Settlement of that Name, formerly on the flndi of Cumbrtland,
which it wath'd. It is the Property of Capt. Horton, whofe
Hodfe and Cattle thereon, were defiroy'd by the late Invailon.
The Defeription of one of there Iflands infers that of all the
reft, and in thort, of the whole Colony: So that I hall not en-
large here, but defer any Thing on that Headt, till I fend you
an Account at large of St. Simon's Iflnd A few Rangers are
at present settled on 7t~l. It is about nine MLiles long, and
three Miles a~nd as half" broad~.






18 3
bur To frequently running a-ground, was the ex-
treme Length of our Veffel, which was too long
to tack in there Inland-Straits, where the Channel
is very narrow ; tho' the Sounds, as they are
called, are almoft large enough to bear the Appel-
lation of Seas.) At Noon, the General, Lieut.
Goldfaith, and Enf ign Wanfele, with a Detachment
from the Virginian Recruits 4 and Capt. Carr, with,
Part of his Marine Company *, appeared in Sight,
and pafs'd us; and fome Time after, Lieut. Maxc-
weell, his Excellency's Aid-de-Camp, Lieut. Chbarles
MCac Kay, with Part of the Highland Provincial
Company, and feventy-five of the Indian Warriors,
in the mall Perriaguas and Scout-toats. At two,
P. Mlr. we came to an Anchor off Fort-WYilliam on
Cumberland-I~knd t, and join'd the reft of th;
Fleet: Little Wiind N.N~. E. and f~mall Rain.
I'hurfday,
*This Provincial Company is quarter'd at their Captain's
fine Plantation, called the Hermnitarge, on the Main, about twenty
Miles from Forederica, which is defended,fince it was defiroy'd by
the Spanianrds, by four Quadrangular Wooden-Forts. His Lieu-
tenant is M~r. Kenneth Bailey, who was taken Prifoner at Moufa,
andi ef~cap'd from Old Spain to England. At the fame Time wars
taken alfo, Capt. John Mtolr Mackinto/b of the Highland Com-
pany mentioned above, now in England, Enfign Ronald 1Mac
D~onald, and Mr. Jamesr Mac Zueenl.
-t Cumberlatnd-~land is about ten Miles S. W. of St. Simorn's,
and is, perhaps, the moft pleafing~ly fruitful Ifland on the Fron-
tiers; it is opposite to Amelia, and the Main, and is wafh'd-on
one Side by the Ocean, and on the other, by St. AndrewL's and
Amenlia Sounds. Formerly a Part of it was settled by the General,
and was called St. Andrew's, tjc. being defended by a finall
wooden Fort, which was deftroy'd laft Summer by the Spaniards.
Some Rangers are, at present, quarter'd on that Spot. The
Shores, as all thofe of Amer~ica, and particularly of this Part,
present' you with the View of a fine Beach, rising into a Ridge
of Sand-Hills, and terminating the Sight with thick Woods, or
green Marthles, which are not altogether unentertaining in Profpeat.
At the South Extremity of the Ifland is heated Fort-WYilliam a
which, when the Spaniards came before it, was only a rude
qluadrangular Houfe, surrounded with Logs or Puncheons, and
quite unprovided for a Defence against a numerous Enemy:
How-v





[ 91
Thurfd~ay, Malirch 3. This IMorning Orders came
for the Forces to land for Refrefhment; and the
Sea Officers went -to found the Bar, which opposes
it fetlf to the Entrance by Sea into this H-arbour,
called Amelia Sound. This twenty-four Hours, for
the moft- Part dark and hazy Weather, with fmnall
Rain and N. E. Winds; the red-: fine and clear,
with little Winds S. S. E.
Friday, M~arch 4.. The Officers and their De-
tachments land this Morning, with all their Arms
and~ Accoutrements. At ten, Lieut. De~meri, and
Enfign Steweart, with the Grenadiers, are boated
over the Sound, and encamp on the Ifland Amelia' ;
where Scrugs and Wtillia~ms, with the Rangers, were
encamp'd before. Eleven P'. M.' The General and
.B his

HMowever, the Spanliar~ds, after attacking it for three Hours, with
fixteen Sail ofShips and Galleys, and firing inceff~antly, (which
was anfwver'd from within, with what Cannon and Small-Arms
they had,) thought proper to theer off. Enfign Alcxandri~) Stewvart
commanded the fifty Men in the Fort, the reft being ordered to
Frederica, under Enfign Thomras Goldj/m~ith, now a Lieutenant,
ere the Spaniards appeared before the Fort. It is now repair'd
and new Works added to it, to as to make it a firong enough
Place. It has two eighteen Pounders, on a Ravelin before the
Fort, upon curious moving Platforms, thait they can bring
to bear any Way; a four Pounder, and fome Swivels. The
Outworks of the Fort are, in Form, a regua etgn h
Ra~mpatt twelve Foot high, and aboutla fite n eoot thico
Sand, supported by Puncheons. The Charge is committed to
Mr. Stua7rt, now a Lieutenant, who for his Bravery and Conduat
was commillion'd its Fort-Major. It is garifo~n'd by about fifty
Men, and fix Non-commillion'd Officers, under an Oflicer; who
are every Month reliev'd from Freiderica, the H-ead-Qganrtr of
the Regiment. It entirely commands ~the moil Southerly En-
trance into Gercgia, and is about fe~venty Mliles from St. Au-
gufine, and forty from F~irederica. This Ifland is about twenty-
five Miles long, and twelve broad.
The Ifland Amelia is an uninhabited ~Idand, about nineteen
1Miles long, and four broad, full of Game, and wild Belits.
St. George's, and Talbot's, which will alf~o be mnention'd, are two
other finall desert Iflands to the South, oppoilte to St. Wkn'a's oa
the former of wjhichl was a Fort, at the firlt Settling of' the C~o
lony. Our Rangers frequently fcour thefs lilanddS.





[ Io ]
his Retinue, with the Officers, Recruits, Rangers,
and Indians, fail'd in the mall Craft, for St. fuazn's,
from whence they frequently fend out Parties for
Intelligence.
Saturday, March 5. The Grenadiers being order-
ed from Amnelia, Capt. Horton reviewed the De-
tachmnent on the Parade behind the Fort. A~t three
after Noon, an Exprefs arrived from the General,
with Advice that all was well. At eight, another
Expref~s arrived to the Commander in Chief.
Sunday, March 6. At ten in the Morning S. Cole
mant, one of his Excellency's Servants, arriv'd Ex-
prefs, and informed us, that the General and his
whole Corps were arriv'd fafe at St. Wan's, where
they were encamp'd a and that the Indians were
gone to AulguJfine, in order to knap Prifoners, and
gain Intelligence. At eleven, the Detachment em-
bark'd again, being oblig'd to wade to the Boats
up to their Middles, the Wind getting on Shore.
At tvielve, a Ship was feen off the Bar, which
fent in its Yawl, and prov'd to.be the Succefs,
Capt. 'Thomfon, who informed us, he had met with
a seventy, and fixty Gun Ship, the Kent, and Tork,
Captains Coates and Mitchbell, who were ordered
fr-om Jamaica, to cruize for a Galleon and Pay-
Ship, from the Havannah, bound to St. Auguf/ine.
Wind tort at S. WT.In our old Birth all this
Night.
Monday, March 7. Six P. Ms we weigh with
our Conf~orts; at ten, fland over Ameclia Bar, to Sea,
with frefhl Gales at W. and flying Clouds, and
iteer E. S. E. Eight Feet the moft thoal Water,
on the Bar, at half Flood. At two, P. M. come
to an Anchor clofe to St. Juan's Bar; at three,
PF. ML. the General's Cutter came off to us, with
David F;ellow~s, his Cockfwiain, and the Crew, to
help ug in; at five DO, the General carne off, in
hjs other Cutter, and ordered us to fland in with
x the





I II 3
the Morning Flood. It continues blowing very
hard all Night. We f~ee many Fires up the Coun-
try, which we take to be Signals of Alarm by
the Enemy.
Turefday, March 8. This Morning the Wind
blowing very hard at N. WV. we hous'd our Guns,
and lafh'd our two nine Pounders to the Maft,
putting our Swivels into the Hold. We got
down our Fore-Top-Sail, Crofs-Jack, and Crotchet-
Yards, and made every Thing ready, left we
should be drove from our Anchors, and blown
out to Sea. At Night more moderate, Wind
WT. and N. WV.
Wednesday, March 9. This Morning the Wind
being moderate at N. W. Fellowes went ashore
in the Cutter, and brought off Word, that the
General had been alarm'd by five or fix Guns
having been fir'd; but finding that we could not
get in, f~ent Word he would allift us, when the
Weather permitted, which we hope will foon.
At nine A. M. his Excellency came: off with two
other Boats, to tow us in: He himself founded the
Bar, f~everal Times; but finding, that the Sea
ran high, and there was but eight or nine Feet
Water, we ftay'd till Time o~f half Flood. At
ten, Wind at N. E. and hazy Weather; we lying
clofre to the Bar, and two Sand-Hills bearing W.
Southerly. At Noon we all weighed and got in,
with little Winds at E. N. E. and hazy. We
fleer'd in W. W. by N. and W. N. W. nine or ten
Fathom WNater, and came to Anchor about a
Mile within the Bar. Fires and Smokes all up
the Country. Williams, and fome of his Rangers
are fent over to St. George's. Pleafant Wecather,
with little ~Wind, at S. S. E.

It may not, here, feem impertinent, to remark
a Circumitance, which may appe-ar pretty odd in
B 2 Eu~rope;






i4urovpe ; wJhich is, that the Soldiers of this Regi-
ment are, perhaps, alfo, as good Sailors as there
ar~e to be met with; fome, mn particular, really
u~nderitanding that Profellion from its very Prin-
ciples. This Knowledge is acquired by the many
Marine: and Boat-Services they have been en-
gag'd in; for, his Excellency has not only con-
flantly harrals'di the Enemy by Land, but has per-
pet~ually terr~ify'd them by his Sea-Cruizes, boldly
attacking all their Veffels that came in his Way;
in which Expeditions, his Soldiers have been de-
taich'd, and have, frequently, either bang'd or
plunder'd the Spaniaxrd. A Sloop of their taking
you have now in Englanrd, which brought to Eul-
rope Capt. G~eorge Dlun~bar, and Lieut. Cadogan, of
this Regimecnt. TIhe many Boat-Services are oc-
cafion'd by the Situation of this Southern Fron-
tier, divided into a Parcel of' Iflands, on which
separate Commands are flation'd, or frequent-
ly f~ent; which require many little Voyages a
the Particulars of fome of which, and the Acci-
dents that have happened in them, would afford
much Entertainment. Join'd to the Qualities of
the good Soldier, and able Sailor, they are, alfo,
expert Fifhers, and mofE excellent Huntiimen;
Characters of great Importance, and absolutely
neceffary in this Country. In one Week, at Fort-
Wtilliam, only four Men of the Command, purely
for Diverflon, caught, to my Knowledge, with
Lines, fifteen hundred Wteight of Fifh; as, Bas,
(which is as large as a Sailmon) Mullet, Drum,
and Slingre: And this is very common.
On Wednesday, March 9. At two in the After-
noon, we landed at St. Mazthiat's on Florida ; and,
after being reviewed, (and the General's making
a Speech, in which he gave us an Account of the
Expedition we were upon;) his Excellency or-
der'd fome Barrels of Beer to be given to the
Soldiers ;





[ 13 I
Soldiers; when we took up our Qu~arters on the
other Side of a Sand-Hill, or Ridge, overgrown
with Palmettos, and divers Kinds of W~eeds, in
a Savannah, defended on all Sides by a Wood;
whof~e only Vacuities were fome few Glades, made
by the Entrance of a Creek, which in f~everal
Meanders gently roll'd its Waves from its Source,
the River St. W~an's, till it enter'd the Lake de Poul-
pa, now called Oglethorpe's Lake. At one End
of this S'avannah, the neareft to the Entrance of
the Lake, and on the River Side of the Sand-
Hills, the General fix'd his Head-Quarters; his
Tent, by Day, being a Kind of an Alcove, that
fo~me neighboring Shrubs had form'd on each
Side; and his Retreat by Nuigoht, a Palmetto-Hut,
which alfo held his Proviflons, and other Lumber:
His Servants building themselves Shades of'
Boughs, Edc. on each Side of him. There did
this gl- at Man, heated on a Buffalo's Skin, pals
the Hiour~s, whilft encamp'd here, (which were
vacant from his daily Journeys along the Beach,
or in t-he neighboring Woods, for Dif~coveries,)
in infirudive ~L~eions to the Oficers and Gentle-
men of hiis Detachment ; and their Vifit gene-
rally concluded with a Dinner, or Supper from
his Kitchen, (a Woodt-Fire in the Neighbourhood
of his Hut,) compos'd of barbecu'd Pork, Poul-
try, which he had on board his Vef~els; or Fifh,
of which large Qluantities were catch'd in the
aforesaid Creek, which ran before his Hut, and
fo pafs'd, after f~everal f~erpentine Turnings, into
the Wood, on the contrary Side of the Savannah.
At the other End of the Savannah, we clear'd a
]Paffadge, from St. 'fuan's Beach1, into it, thro' a
thick, mournful WVood, which had been robb'd
of Leaves and Growth, by former Indian Fires;
in which was placed an Advanc'd Guard of fifteen
Men, and an Officer, whole Centries could difco-
ve r,






ver, not only every Thing that approached us by
Land, that Way, but, alfo, whatever pafs'd the
Bar, or appeared on the neighboring Shores. On
the Sand-Hills, South, and juft by his Excellency's
Quarters, our Main-Guard was potted, whole Out-
Centries could discover all Vef~els from the North-
ward; and from whence, every Thing behind us
might be def~cry'd on its firft Appearance. The
Rangers were, with their Horf~es, encamp'd in a
fmnall Clofe near the Soldiers of the Regiment a
wrhilft the new Recruits and Marines, with the
Highlatnders, either encamp'd on the Beach, or
kept on board their refpeative Boats. Whilft in
this Situation, our Men built themselves mall
Huts, divided themselves into separate Meffes,
and with the utmost Decorum enter'd into al~l
the CI~conomy of Families. The Woods fell at
their repeated Strokes, for- Firing and Building *
and the whole Place began to lookc like an in-
habited Country. Every Off~icer had a Hut, at
the Head of his Platoon; and, fo, was ready to
quell any Diforder that might arife. Their Pro-
viflons confifted of Rice, Beef, Flour, and Mo-
loffes, which were delivered for two or three Days
at a Time, by the Commiffary and Quarter-
Mafter, from on board the Store-Schooner; where
a Man of every Mef~s repair'd to fetch it, for him-
felf and Comrades. Their Drink was Water, as
was the General's, and the reft of the Officers,
from the Wells we had dug round the Camp a
which, to fay the beft of it, was brackifh, green,
muddy and linking. Frequently, when bad Huf-
bandry had exhauffed our Proviflons before the
Time of a Supply, our Men would go out to fifh,
and oyfter: Andi lo! the whole Camp was over-
fpr~ead with the marine Inhabitants.
'Thtur/ ay, March r o. T his Day Capt. T'homfon
appear'd off St. Juan's Bar. All well in .the Camp.
Fires





t I5 i
Fires up the Country, as ufual. 'Tis impollible
to exprefs, what a diftiant gloomy Profped, fo
many Fires at a great Remoteneifs in an Enemy's
Country occallon: A Painter can only express the
Scene.
Friday, 1March Ir-. The Drums beat to Arms
at nine, and we remained in that Pofture till twelve
at Noon, expe~ing immediately to march; but
had, then, Orders to retire to our Huts. The
General's Policy was, and is, very obf~ervable, in
the frequent Alarms his People receive, and the
frequent Motions he obliges them to make s know-
ing very well, that the Ruft of Inadtivity and
Idlenefs too foon corrupts the Minds, and ener-
vates the Body of the Soldier. To this are, perhaps,
owing, the many different Fatigues, his Regiment
goes thro' in Georgia, which he is always promot-
ing; as, clearing Roads, draining Swamps, Marfhes,
Edc. which fo harden'd and firengthen'd the Ro-
man Legions, who have 'left, from the Time of
Ccefar to the Declenflon of their Empire, eternal
Monuments of Induffry and Labour, in all the
Countries they fubdu'd. At two o' Clock, a hard
Rain (accompanied with repeated Lightnings, and
Thunder-Claps, that are common in there Southern
Climates, and are wonderfully f~evere; the whole
Element f~eeming to be kindled into a livid Flame,
and all Nature meeting with a general Diffolu-
tion) fet in, and continued till we were thorough-
ly foak'd, and our Arms had received confidera-
ble Damage. At four o' Clock, the Cowhbati In-
dians, who went to Auguffine, after fo long; Ex-
pedtations, and divers Conjeatures about their long
Stay, returned a bringing with them five Scalps,
one Hand, which was cut off with the Glove on,
fetveral Arms, Clothes, and two or three Spades;
which they had the Boldnef~s to bring away, after
having attack'd a Boat with upwards of forty
1Men





[ '6 ]
Men in it, under the very Walls of the Calile,
killing about twenty of them, and over-fetting
the reft a who alfo had met with Death, but for
the continued F~ire of their great Guns. It feems,
that they were Pioneers, and were going, under
an Officer, to dig Clay for the King's Works. We
heard them long before they came in Sight, by
the melancholy Notes of their warlike Death-houp.
For the Spaniards having kill'd one of their People,
they, as ufual with them in that Cafe, gave no
Quarter, and therefore brought his Excellency no
Prisoner; which was what he earnestly defir'd. To
give you a lively Idea of what occurs here, of
thefe Sons of the Earth, I premife fome Defcrip-
tion of their Figure, Manners, and Method of
making War. As to their Figure, 'tis generally
of the largeeft Size, well proportion'd, and robuf2,
as you can imagine P~erfons nurs'd up in manly
Exercilfes can be. Their Colour is a fwNarthy, cop-
per Hue, their Hair generally black, and haven,
or pluckc'd off` by the R~oots, all round their Fore-
heads and T'emples. They paint their Faces and
Bodies, with Black, Red, or other Colours, in a
truly diabolic M2ann~er or, to fpeaki more rational-
ly, mu~ch like the former uncultivated Inhabitants
of Britain, whom- fa~citus mentions. Their Dref~s is
a Skrin or Blanket, tied, or loof~ely catt, over thlei'r
Shoulders; a Shirt which they never wafh, and
which is consequently greafy and black to the laitL
Degree; a Flap, before and behind, to cover their
Privities, of red or blue Bays, hanging by a Girdle
of the fame10; BLoots about their Legs, of' Bays alfo ;
and what thley call Morgiffo~ns, or Pumps~ of Deer
or Euffalio Sk~in, upon their Feet. Their Arms,
and Ammiunition, a common Trading-Gun; a
Pouch1 wi~ih IShot and Powder; a fomohaw:k, or
Di~minuti vc ofl a Hatchet, by their Side; a Scalping-
Kt~nife, P'itio]~, 8?c1. But;, however, you'll fee their
Dr e s,






1)refs, by thofe the General has carry'd to Eng-
lan~d. As to their Manners, tho' they are fraught
with the greatest Cunning in Life, you obferve
little in their common Behaviour, above the brute
Creation. In their Expeditions they hunt for their
Provifion, and, when boiled or barbecu'd, tear
it to Pieces promil~cuoufly with their Fifts, and
devour it with a remarkable Greedineifs. Their
Drink is Wt7el-taxei, or Water, on.ther~e Occaflons;
but, at other Times, any Thing weaker than
Wine or Brandy, is naufeous to thlem s and
they'll express their great Abhorrence by fpit-
ting it out, and seeming to fpew at it: All
which is owing to the Lofs of their native
Virtues, fince the Europeans have enter'd into
all Meafures for trading with them; for, view
them without Prejudice, you will perceive fome
Remains of an ancient Roughnefs and Simplicity,
common to all the firft Inhabitants of the Earth;
even to our own dear Anceffors, who, I believe,
were much upon a Level with there Indian hunt-
ing Warriors, whom his Excellency has to tam'd,
lince his being in America, and made fo fubf~ervi-
ent to the Benefit of the EnghiS N~ation.
When they make an Incurflon into an Enemy's
Country, they decline the open Roads and Paths,
and only f~cout along the Defiles and Woods,
ready to pop on any Prey that hall appear in
the open Country a whom they attack with terri-
ble and mournful Cries, that aftonifh even more
than their Arms. If none of their own Party is
kill'd, they take Prifoners all they can lay Hands
on; but if on the contrary, they give no Quarter.
Before they go to War, they undergo the Cere-
mony of Phyficking, which is done very privately
in the Receffes of fome hoary Wood, remote from
the Eyes of anly white Perfon ; and generally em-
ploys a Day or two : Then performing the Cere-
C m~ony





[: as ]
mony of their WaarDance, they are ready to be-
gin their Work. There two laft mentioned Cere-
monies f~eem to be a Mixture of the religious
and the political. Their Medicine is a Kind of red
PYafte, Sc. Sc. but of what made, the Lord above
knows .
So much will ferve for the Purpofe of this Re-
lation; and for a full Account of the religious andl
civil Afadirs, Sc. of there, natural Sons of iAmerica,
a farther Account of their Manners, and other enter-
taining and curious Articks, I refer you to the many
good Accounts that have formerly been given, by
many creditable Authors; or to a Converfation with
a very worthy and agredable young Gentleman,
now in England with his Excellency, whom, I hope,
you'll fee, 'Thomwas Marriotte, Efqs who understands
there People better, than any one I ever knew.
Imagine to your felf a Body of fixty or f~e-
venty of there Creatures, marching in Rank and
File, (and by their martial Figure, and Size,
forming, or extending a Front equal to that of
two hundred Men,) with the mournful Howls
and Cries, ufual on the Occallon, and every
now and then popping their Pieces off, which
was anfwer'd by the Main-Guard, as they paf~s'd,
in a continually refum'd Fire. His Excellency
was fecated, to receive them, under fome neigh-
bouring Trees, on a Buffalo's Skin, surrounded by
his Offiers; when every one approaching him,
he fhook them by the Hand, welcomed them
home, in the Indian Tongue, and thank'd them
for the Service they had done him. The W~ar
Captains, or old Men, he retain'd a who being
heated, hrad three Hogs, Filh, Oyfters, Bread, Beer,
and divers other Refrefhments given them a when
they informed his Excellency, there was no Camp
at Diego : And then his Excellency proposed their
marching again tolAugujine, with him and his Peo-
ple ;







ple; but, whether they had been handled more
severely than they represented, or, whether they
were terrify'd with the great Guns, Sc. they
f~eem'd not much inclin'd to it ; and seeing that the
General ofed a few Perfuallions for that End, they
qbje~ted to his mall Number, told him, they
could thift well enough, but were not pleas'd
with the white Mens Method of going to War.
They knew, as they exprefs'd it in their Tongue,
that his M~en were angry and full of Blood; but
their red Paflon would drive them into many
Dangers, S~c. They retired and made themselves
drunk, that Evening, and thought no more of
their Loffes or Exploits. The General fitting
among them, and acquiescing with their Man-
ners, in their Cups, they promised to march with
him ; but what they faid, feem'd forc'd, and he de-
clin'd their Aid. The Nights are very cold, and
the Dew wets us thro' and thro'; i f that we are
oblig'd to keep Fires all round our Huts. The
Difference between the intenf~ely heated Day, and
the raw, chilly Night, attended with fuch heavy
Dews, muft have a very noxious Influence upon
the human Body.
Saturday, March I2. This Morning, Mr. W~illi-
am Abbot arrived Expref~s from C'apt. Lieutenant
James Mac Kay, Commanding-Officer at Frederica,
in a Canoo, bringing a Packet, which arriv'd
from ~England, by the Way of Charles-'I'owen, for
his Excellency. He acquaints us, all is well at
home. We remain quietly in our Camp. The
Indians want to return to Freder~ica, milling their
favourite Liquors; we having nothing to give
them but Beer.
Sunday, March I 3. Abbot is d ifpatch'd a-
gain to Frederica. Amongft his other News,
he brought Word of the taking of one Preber,
a German, in the Creek Nation, who had endea-
C' 2 vour'd





E to I
vour'd to fet the Indians against the EnzgleF, and
seemed, by fome Papers found on him, to be a
fu~btil Jefuit Miflionary. He was brought five
hundred Miles, by Order of Capt. Kent, of ~Fort
Au~gufa, to the General at Frederica, where he is
confined by Capt. Mac Kay. He will, no Doubt,
be heard much of in Enagland ; for he was natura-
li ze din Carolina.
MondaZy, March I4. One Cornbes arrives from
Fredericaz in a Perriagua, who is immediately
c~lapp'd in Irons, by his Excellency's Order, on
board the Wa~lker; he having trifled away his Time,
and, by making twelve Indians, who were coming
with him, drunk, occafion'd their staying at Amaelica,
from whence they returned to Frederica. At three
in the Afternoon, the General was beat thro' the
Camp; half an Hour after, the Afembly, and
immediately the Tr~oop; when the whole prepared
to march. His Excellency left the Veffrels at
Anchor off St. Wan's; and, on board the Walker,
a Party commanded by Lieutenant Thomras Gold-
jiniith, to aff~ift in securing his Retreat, if needful ;
and the Sick, under the Charge of Mr. Watkints,
a Surgeon, Voluntier in the Expedition. Of all
the Indiansr, only four, viz. the famous I'ooanowvi,
S7lotLfkaw, and two more accompany'd us; the reft
getting off, in the Morning, for Frederica. At
four, iwe reached the H-~orfe-Guards, about a Mile
below our Camp, a Place on the Beach, where
thle S~paniards, before the Siege of St. Auguj/in~e,
kept a Party of Cavalry, at a Look-out, which is
now defiroy'd. At this Place, a Boat had landed
fEome Barrels of Beer, which was diffributed at a
Pint a Man; and f~uch an unexpe~ted Bounty
from the General, wonderfully elated the Soldiers.
WCie m~arch'd briskly from this Place, till along
St'. 7uan's Beach, till the Cover of Night brought
Ias to the firft Freih-Wlater Came~na (or Creek,






as 'tis called by our Aulguffine Veterans) where we
halted; and mounting the Sand-Hills, lay under
Arms, in a Bottom, between two Ridges, mount-
ing a Double-Guard, till the next Morning. The
fiery Heat of the Sun, darting its Beams on us,
which were refleted back by the Sand, and al-
moft f~corch'd and blinded us, during this After-
noon's March of fourteen M~iles, was fecarce hear-
able, by f~uch of us, as were new ones at this
Trade; nor could we have flood it, but that
the refreshing Breeze from the Sea chear'd our
Spirits. The Water we brought in our Cantines,
and Bottles, was boiling hot; and our Arms bur~nt
us, when we touch'd the Steel. H-is Excellency,
and his Horfemen rode before; and in our Van,
march'd the Highlanders, and Capt. Horton with
hi~s Grenadiers a whilft the Rear was brought up
by the new rais'd Virginians, under Enfign Wanfel.
In the Night the Sand blew on us from the Hills,
and, together with the hateful Dew, made our
Lodging more uncomfortable than can be de-
f~cribed .
'T'uefday, March I5. Arriving, after an Hour's
March, to the Road that leads to Diego, we truck
into it, from the Beach, and had then a Profpedf
of the neighboring Country. 'Twas with the ut-
moft Satisf~a~tion, I f~urvey'd this Part of the finest
Land in North America, which f~eem'd quite open,
and was only, here and there, diverfify'd with rifing
Hummocks of Trees and leafy Thickets, which
ferv'd to enliven the variegated Scene. In fhort, I
began to fancy myf~elf in Britain, whole Paflures and
Meadows are till fo frefh in my Mind; whilft an
Infinity of uncommon Birds were chanting their
wild Notes on every Bufh and Brake. Happy,
unhappy Spaniards! Poffef~s'd of the finest Coun-
tries in the World, you lofe them by your Covet-
ournels and Pride Our Thirf1, each Man's W~a-
ter






ter being expended, began to be very severe; C o
that the General foon ordered an Halt. in a 1Marfh,
where we refreth'd with Proviflon, and futh muddy
Water as the Place afforded, at about ten o' Clock
in the Morning. Here it muff be noted, that:
every Perfon carried his own Provilion, (in his
Knap-fack, or Haver-farck, on his Back, Officers
and Gentlemen not excepted,) of which, we had
for f~even Days, at the Allowance of a Pound of
Bircuit, and ten ounces of Cheefe per Man; which,
with Beef, if the Men chofe it, was, and is the
ufual Allowance. At one, we ref'um'd our Rout
(and by the Narrownefs of the Path were oblig'd to
march one a-breaft) thro' this fine fallow Country,
which, before the Siege of Aulguffinte, was replete
with lowing Kine, and bleating Flocks of Sheep;
but fince that, they allow no Settlements in the
Country, and keep all their Cattle on the
Matanyas, continually in fear of another Inva-
fion; leaving this fine Land defert and uncultiva-
ted. At three, we' arriv'd at the Place, where
formerly the Houfe of Don Diego Spinoza flood,
which was garifon'd by the Spaniards, and is com-
monly known by the Name of Fort Diego. It was
taken by the General, when he laid Siege to the
Caffle, and the Garifon and Owner of the Houf~e
made Prifoners of WTar. There .are till fome
Ruins of it left, as a great Crofs~, T~rench, and
Slaughter-Houf~e for Cattle. It muff formerly
have been a very fine Eftate a but is now quite
deserted. In our Way to this Place, we march'd
thro' several Bogs and Swamps up to our Bellies.
At half an Hour after three, we reached a. thick
Wood, (after having pafs'd a large Creek, at low
Water; which, had the Tide been in, would have
taken us up to the Neck,) where his Excellency
halted us, for fome Refrefhment, and where are
had Plenty of Water, thick, and flinking enough,
from






from a acighbouring Marfh. His Excellency's
Prudence and Condudt is highly ~to be admir'd ih
halting his Men at proper Times, in thady Places,
where Water may be had; which, indeed, is the
Secret of preserving Men in there hot Climates;
and the contrary of which, perhaps, deftroy'd to
many in the WejiF-Indies. Here our Men found
out the Contrivance of putting Orange-Peel into
their Bottles, which temper'd the Water's Heat,
and, by its generous Bitter, imparted a noble
Warmth to the Stomach. The Oranges were found
by the Indians, for they grow wild in this Coun-
try. The Heat of the Day being over, we march'd
thro' f~everal f~crubby Marfhes, and Savannahs, and
over a large Creek, which haply was at low Water,
till we arriv'd at a Kind of a Pine-barren falselyy
and abfurdly fo, call'd, from producing nothing
but thofe Trees;) where we encamp'd, or rather
lay on our Arms, all Night; his Excellency taking
up his Quarters in a hollow Thicket, to the Right
of his People. All this Day's March, we faw the
inelancholy Spots the Indians had fet Fire to,
which, in f~ome Places, had f~pread near a Mile,
destroying all before it, and leaving whole Forefts
in Ruin. There, it feems, were the Fires we difco-
ver'd at Sea; which were not made by the Ene-
my, but our own Indians : And following this
Policy, his Excellency fet Fire to the Woods,
before we march'd from the aforef~aid Halting-
Place; that the Enemy might be deceived, and
think we were ftill there. WThen we were f~ettled
in our Encampment, a Number of Men were de-
tach'd to dig Wells, for we flood in great Want
of Waters and even or eight were immediately
funk, which fupply'd us very well; but the Water
was brackish. We are in great Hopes the Spaniards
will come down upon us. Guard as ufual. Several
of the new Men, not being capable to hold out, were
fent





C 24 3
fent back, under the Care of a Corporal. Wte
reckon our f~elves thirty Miles from St. Wan's, and
twenty from AnguJfine.
Wtednefdaiy, March lr6. We continue our M~arch,
till we arrive, at twelve at Noon, f~corch'd to
Death, and in great Want of Water, to a Place
called the Grove, which truly merits that Name;
where there is a running Brook of the finest:
Water I ever drank. In this Morning's March,
mostly throw' Pine-barrens, diverfify'd with many
entertaining Profpeas, and the Sight of a MAilli-
on of Paroquets and other Birds peculiar to the
Place, several of our Men fail'd, and were taken
up by the HorFes: It was to hot, we were almost:
barbecu'd, and we met with no Water. Being fo
near the Enemy, his Excellency, in every open or
expos'd Place we march'd thro', ordered Captain
Hortona to form us, and to march in Rank and
File, as long as the broad Road continued.
This Brook, we are now f~olacing our elves by,
this charming reviving Rill, is heated between two
large Pine-barrens, in a Kind of a Bottom, which
is quite obfcure, from thIe Thickets that defend,
it, on the Side of Augujknze; and on the other
Side, a moft delicious Grove of Cypreis, Laurel,
69c. extends its leafy Honours, into the Air, af-
fording a fine, thady Retreat, from the broiling
Beams of the Sun. Here our People, throwing
afide their Arms and Clothes, gave Way to the
pleading Reft it afforded them; whilft the cryffal
Stream was inceffantly quaff'd, and every divert-
ing Difcourfe or mirthful Interlude, fo common
with Soldiers, took Place a which charm'd the Ge-
neral, who was delighted to fee the uf~ual, natural
Flow of Spirits in his Men, unaffifted byr ought,
but a Vivacity and Chearfulnef~s, infpir'd by na-
tive Courage, Vigour, and Health. 'Twas here,
thiat, heated under an Oak, his Excellency treated
i his





lt I5
his Officers, and other Gentlemen, with Ham, and
a Glafs of Wine each; but more particularly,
with his pleading and infiruakive Difcourfe. Two
Inftances of the Worth of his Regiment occurred
at this Place, which I muff not omit. One of
the Soldiers fc~ooping a Hornful of Water from
the Brook, when we firft arriv'd, cry'd out in a
Rapture, Here's Sack! Sack, my Lads! The
General pleaded with the Fellow's Obfervation,
call'd him to him, gave him a Piece of Money s
and, mingling fome Wine with his Water, drank
to him. The other Infktance thews the excellent
Decorum they are under, and Readinefs to en-
counter all Dangers ; and was this, that one of the
Centuries from the Guard, on the other Side of the
Brook, had the Misfortune to have his Piece go
off, at Half-Cock s instantly the Whole started
up, and, without Diforder or Confufion, imme-
diately form'd themf~elvesr, under their several Offi-
cers, without the leaft Wrord of Command.
At fite, we again fet forward, and march'd
over a large, and prodigious long Pine-barren,
(melted continually with the igneous Rays dart-
ing without Intermif~lon on our Heads,) which
was to regular an one, as to appear more like
a wide, extended, regular Grove, than to wild a
Place. Half Way thro', fuch a Stink arofe, as
almost: truck us all to the Ground, which no one
could imagine the Source of; at laft, a Pole-Cat,
like ours in Europe, but more remarkable in its
horrid Scent, was perceived, and kill'd, after a
long Chace, by our Horfcemen : This Circum-
flance occaflon'd a great deal of Mirth. We had
several Alarms in this Place s as, thinking we
heard Guns fir'd, and Hallowing at a Difiance;
but difcover'd nothing. We form'd on this Oc-
callon, four or five Times. Marching thro' the
Woods is rather more incommodious than thle
Beach, on account of fo many Stumps and Pal-
D metto






[ 26
rnetto Roots, as we meet with, which bruife orzf
Feet, and often occallon us to tumble down. T'o-
wards Evening we came up to several Defiles of
Thickets, 87<. which made us cautious of an Am-
bufcade a but we pals'd them, without being; at-
tack'd, and arriv'd in the broad High-Road
leading to Afug~u/ine, at about eight o' Clock, ac-
counting ourselves about one Mile from the Ruins
of the fatal Moufa, and three from St. Auguf~inec.
W~e truck off from the Road, into a Savannah
on the Right a where a Double-Guard being mount-
ed, and Centries plac'd, we laid down on our
Arms, to take fome little Repole, after to long a
Day's March ; in the latter Part of which, we met
with no Water ; and here, when we dug Wells,
none could be had that was drinkable; but, how-
ever, Necellity obliging, we ftrain'd it from the
Mud, thro' our Teeth and Handkcerchiefs; and,
in f~ome Meafiure, thereby cool'd our heated
Throats. Here we could plainly hear the Tattoo
beat in the Caffle of St. Aurgufine, and our moft
advanced Centries could hear theirs challenged.
At three in the Morning;, a falfe Alarm being
fpread, that one of the Guard had defeated, the
Adjutant was ordered silently to wake us, and
we m~arch'd, with as ,great Circtunfpelion and
Caution as poirble, back to the Entrance of the
aIfore-mentioned Defiles, before the Break of Day,
thle Grenadiers bringing up our Rear.
Thursday, March I7. Halting at Day-Break, we
form'd, in a mall Marfh, on both Sides enclos;'d withz
thick Woods; at whofe Entrance grew a Multitudle
of large Palmettos. Amongit them the General
ordered a Vacancy to be cut, in Form of an half
ML~oon, capable to conceal his Men from View s
and here he was reiflv'd to wait for the Enemy,
if they should have the Courage to venture from
their Walls. Lieut. Jares W~all commanded an
Advainc'd-Guard, and~ was ordered to let the
Wc3hole






Whole of their Number pais, before he ditcover'd
himself, and then to attack them in the Rear,
and drive them up into our Teeth; when, if they
had ventur'd to come, five hundred could not
have ef~cap'd Death. In this Station, we were al-
rnoft devour'd with Vermin, and diffraded for
Want of Water; which, after digging in the
*Wood, we could not find. His Excellency, and
fix or even Horfemen, in order to decoy them
out, rode from hence as ~far as the Out-Centries of
the Spaniards, who retired, without firing, into the
Caftle, purfu'd by him to the very Walls. But find-
ing nothing could provoke them to appear, he re-
turned, propofing to lie in the fame Pofture for twvo
or three Days, and to fe~nd out fretquent Parties
to the very Gates of the Town. However, this De-
fign was baulk'd, by the Defertion of one Eels, of
Col. Cook's Company; a Fellow, who was dif-
contented, and knew our N\Iumber Difpolition,
and every Thingo, which the Relation! of could in-
duce them to ally upon us. He was purfuepd,
but had hid himself in the Woods; from whence,
he afterwards went to the Enemy. Finding our
Situation, by this, would be too dangerous, his
Excellency ordered the ~Whole to march, himfelf
always bringing up the Rear.
At eight o' Clock,we enter'd the longPine-barren,
when our Indians discovered a fine, cool Spring,
at the Root of a large Oak; the very Mlention of`
which occaflon'd several of our M/en to. desert
their Arms, and run towards it s for which, two
o~f them were tied Neck and Heels, as an Example
to the reft. We all march'd up to this charmnllg
Place, this Mofaic Stream, gladen'd, as thle Ifrelites
were on a like Occallon; and after drinking and
filling our Bottles, refum'd our Marc~h, and at five
in the Afternoon arriv'd at the Grovce, where we
halted, and boiled Dumplins, of fam~ne F(lour his Ex~-
cellency had on one of his H~orfe~s, which he gene-
D 2 rouly~






roufll diffributed to the Men. Then f~etting fore
ward, we atrriv'd at Night to the afore-mention'd
Wood, near Diego, after to prodigioufly fatiguing
a March, of more than twenty Miles s in which,
Numbers dropped down thro' the exceffive, tortur-
ing H-eat, and fainting Labour, and were forc'd
to be brought up on the Horfes, which followed.
Friday, M~irch I8. The Mens Feet are very.
much blifter'd, and even our old Marchers jaded
to Death; and arriving on St. 'fuan's Beach, that
hard G~round, after marching thro' the Wvoods,
battered our Feet extremely. However, we march'd
briskly, under all thef~e Difadvantages, and arriv'd
at four o' Clock to our former Camp, at St. W~an's,
and again took Poffeflion of it, with Drums beat-
ing, and found the Veffe~ls and all fagfe. Juft be-
fore, arriv'd two Boats from Frederica, with Pro-
viflons and twenty Auxiliary Indizans of the Creek
N\Iation, who were difpatch'd by Capt. Mac Kay,
and forwarded by Fort-Major Stewrart, at Fort-
William. By them we were inform'd, that all was
well at Fr~iederica.
SaEturday, March~ 19. The Rangers and their
Halrles were this Morning ferry'd over to 'Talbot,
in order to proceed home; and Lieut. Mce Kay,
wcith his Highlanders, was fecnt in his Boa t up the
Lake de PoupaZ~, or Oglethorpe, to fee if the Spani
ardsJ had begun to repair the Fort of that Name,
and that of Piccalatta ; the former of which was
kept, during the Siege of AuguJtJine, and garifon'd
boy the General, firit, under Lieut. Hutgh Mac Kay,
fince deceas'd; next under Enfign Cathcart, and
after wards under Enfign Anthony 1Morelon, fince a
Lieutenant. At the Railing the Siege, it was de-
mnolifh~ed by Capt. Ducnba~r. We boil three Days
Allowance of Beef. In the Afternoon, the afore-
faid Indiaens fet out for St. Auguftine, on an Expe-
dition. Several Complaints being utter'd of the
Badnefs of the Beef and Wiater, his Excellency,






to kct a good Example, eats and drinks nothing
elfe.
Sunday, M~arch 20. Two more Boats arrive from
Frederica, with Cherokee Indians s and foon after a
Schooner, with the Upper-Creeks, Cufitaes, Ocuni's,
and Cowh~ati's; Part of whom left us, and returned
to Frederica, as before related; and fome of the fall
poofes, fulckababbe and Savann~ee Nations, who came
to affiit the General, making in all seventy. Va-
rious Conjeaures are pafs'd of his Excellency's
Intentions, and the Men feem to be uneafy for
~Want ofA~tion. Our prefent Poft, if the Spani-
ards have any Souls, muff be very dangerous, and
all Precautions are taken to receive them in a
proper Manner. An Indian Conjurer prophefies
they will be down upon us this Night; and there-
fore, to humour thofe People's Superftition, a
Double-Watch is kept; and another Advanc'd-
Guard mounted under Enfign Chamberlaine, as far
off as the Horf~e-Guards.
Monday, March 21. The Rye Man of War,
Capt. Hardy, and the Chbarles-Tow~n Galley, Capt.
Lightfoot, on a Cruize from Charles-fownm, and the
Surccefs, Capt. Thomfon, appear of f the Bar; and the
latter fends in his Boat for Proviflons, which are
fent him; and Lieut. Maxwoell, the General's Aid-
de-Camp, is fent in his Excellency's Cutter, to
Capt. Hardy, to propof~e to him to cover the Land-
ing of his Forces on the Metanras or St. Anajiattia,
where he proposed a Defcent, to kill their Cattle,
and take their Slaves; which would, consequently,
starve the Town. All well in the Camp, and on
board the Veffels.
TueflZay, March 22. Mr, Maxwell returned with
Capt. Hardy's Anfwver, which informed his Excel-
lency of the Danger he imagin'd there would
be in the Attempt, and in fmne, urged that he
could not pafs the Limits of the Cruize he was
upon, after a Store-Ship, which was expeaed
from the~ Havzanna. ~ednief-





1 30 ]
Wedcnefday, March 23. Lieut. Ronald Campk/1,~
of the Wal'lker, is f~ent on fome Bufinefs~ to Carpt.
'Thomfon; and Capt. Davis, to Commodore Hardy.
The Siege of Auggu/Zine, and the continual In-
curflons fince made by his Excellency, having
quite render'd~ the open Country, from St. Mathiaz's
to Aulgu/Zine, uf~elefs to the ISpaniards, (and fpoil'd
their uf~ual Methods of decoying our Negroes
from Carolina, and elsewhere; whence, in Num-
bers, they ufed to desert to them, before the
Settlement of Georgia, and were, on embracing
their Religion, inflated in certain Lands, which
they held of that Government z) they kept all
their Cattle on the Metanryas or St. Anaflatia,
guarded by Slaves. The Defiru~tion of thee
would have produced fatal Effeats to the Span2i-
ards; and the Hazard of it made it one of the
boldest Attempts that has of late been heard of:
For the Troops muft have been landed on a Beach,
where the Sea ran Mountains high with the leaft
Breath of Wind, and under the very Cannon of
the Caffle, and where the Ships are every Mo-
ment in Danger of being blown from their An-
chors and driven on Shore; l and tho', at the
Siege of Augujline, the brave M~ajor AlExanderI~
Heron, fince made a Lieutenant Colonel, by Bre-
vet, in the Abfence of Lieutenant-Colonel Wtil-
liam Cook, at the Time of the late Invafion, where
he fo much diftinguilh'd himself, landed here s
yet his Boats were mostly over-fet, Numbers loft
their Arms, and fome few narrowly eircap'd 10fing
their Lives.) What a Difa~ppointment was the
not f~ucceeding of this Scheme, to us all ? which
would have given us Azguffine almoft without a
Siege, and perhaps had given their Galleys to us
without a Blow. At four o' Clock, the India~ns, that
went on Saturday to Auzguff~ine, returned, having
been no farther then the Grove, where they were
repuls'd by the Tamafees, who, it feems, were out,
a~nd





( 31
and one of them wounded. They appear'd pro.
digioully jaded and fatigu'd.
Thurfday, March 24. The Rye, and Chazrles-f'own
Galley return to their Cruize, Capt. Ihomfon remamn-
ing off the Bar at Anchor. The General revolves, e-
ven with what Veffels he has, to goo to the Metanyas.
Friday, March 2-5. Fifty Indianfs fet out on ano-
ther Incurflon to Auguffinie, after phyficking, and
performing the War-Dance, with more Ceremony
than I ever faw them.
Saturday, 1March 26. At Noon his Excellency
embark'd in the W~alker, with forty Soldiers, be-
fides the Ship's Crew, and forty-fix Indians, who were
refolv'd to go on this Sea-Expedition with him a
which was an extraordinary Offer from them, and
ihow'd their Value for the General, whom they
call their Father. Captain Carr was left, wHith
his Scout-Boats, to wait for thof~e IndiansJ who
went by Land. The Remainder of the Detach-
ment embark'd in the other Boats. The rude
Manners of the lIndiansJ on board, who without Ce-
remony took up~ the Cabin and all the Conveni-
encies, for Lodging, and their Arms, and Lum-
ber, were fomewhat irksome, especially confidering
their Naftinefs; however, as his Excellency himself
was pleaded with ~lying roughly on the Deck, all
the Voyage, no body elf~e had the leaft Reafon to
complain.
Sunday, March 27. At feven A. M. we weigh
with little Wind at S. S. W. and foggy. From
the Sand-Hills our Courf~e was E. S. E. over the
Bar. At ten A. M. all the Fleet got over the Bar,
confifting of one Ship, four Schooners, and even
smaller VefTels, as Perriaguas, F.*c. At Noon Captain
Thomfonr bore off N.NT. E. difiant about three
Leagues: We fend his Boat with Provifions, and
man our Long-Boat, to weigh an Anchor he left
behind him; but the Buoy-Rope broke, and they
came without it. The Wind blowfing frefh at
z .W





r 32 j
S. ~W. the General ordered the i'maller VteffeW to
bear away to Frederica, inland, and the reft of
us kept plying to Wind-ward. At f~even P. M. we
all come to an Anchor in even Fathom Wiater,
off f'Talb~ot Inlet, with little W~ind at S. W. the
Ship four Miles to Leeward.
Monday, March 28. At fix A. 1V. we all
w~eigh'd, with the Wind at Weft, and moderate a
but could not fee the Succefs. At eight DO, the
Wind chop'd to W. N. W. At nine def~cry a Sail,
which we give Chace to, and clear Ship for fight-
mng; at eleven DQ, come up with her, and find
her, to our Difappointment, Captain 'Thomfon, who
came on board to the General, and informed him
of the Death of his Lieutenant, Mr. Baine, and the
Illnef~s of Lieutenant Sterling, Officer of the
Command on board. The Wind continuing at
WV.N. W. we all fleer in for Augujiine Bar,
clear We~ather; at three, P. M. we are clofe in with
the faid Bar, where we fee two Sloops; we keep
clofe along Shore, and the General, taking two of
the Indian Chiefs, went in his Cutter to fece if
he could land his Men on Anajiatia; but found
it was not pollible, the Sea ran fo high. We
defecry on the Beach one Spaniard on Horfeback,
and two other Scouts on Foot, who fire a Muflket.
We plainly open Augufine Tlown and Caffle,
which make a pretty Appearance from Sea, feem-
ing all to be ~built of white Stone : We fland clofe
in with the Mtaetan~cas, where we fee one Galley a
and the Wind fh~iftmng to N. N'. W. we flood off
and on all N~ight with eafy Sail.
The Intdiants begin to be tired of the Sea, and
want fadly to be fet on Shore; which being im-
pollible, his Excellency firives to divert their
MYinds, by amusing them withn fuch Curiolities.
as he had on board, chewing them the NTature
of the C'ompaf~s, GC. at which they exprefis'd a
very natural and beautifred Surprize and Amaze-
mrent. 'Tuel-day,





[ 33 3
fa~efday, March 29. This Morning being mo-
derate, and the Wind at N. N. E. we flood clofe
itt with the MetaznFas. At Noon the Enemy
mlade a large Smoke, when by an accurate Ob-
fervation we found the Metanyas-Bar to lie in
Lat. 290. 32'. N. Wind at N. E. We ftand to
the Northward, and fee a long Galley lying within
the Bar. At four P. M. there being but little Wind
at E. we got out our Oars, and clear'd Ship for
fighting, the General encouraging the Rowers by
handling an Oar himself; but Night coming on
before we got the Length of the Bar, we could do
nothing a only the General f~ent his Cutter to fee
tthat was to be dif~cover'd. They foon returned,
being able to fee nothling but the Galley, and ac-
quainting his Excellency, that the Eafterly Sea ran
Mountains high on Shore : So there being no Pof-
fability of landing, we flood on and off all Night,
the Wjind S. E.
IWednefday, March 30. At one A. M. we tack'd
and flood in for the L~and; at three Do, flood off,
it inclining to be calm; at eight DO, made a Sig-
nal to fpeak with the Maifers of the Tranfports,
M~ac Kenfie, Warrven, and Nunez s andi we all flood
in for St. Augufinie-Bar, with little Wind at E.
and hot Weather. We f~ee lying within the Bar,
one Galley and two Half-Galleys, who not daring
to venture out, the General would have landed
and attacked them from Shore; but found it imnprac-
ticable till, the Sea ran fo, high: So finding it im-
poffible to land, after alarming and infuiting the
whole Coaft by Sea, as he had their Caftle by Land,
he ordered to bear away for St. Juan's. Little
Wind at S. E. we fet all our f~mall Sails. At five
P. M. the General f~ent his Aid-de-Camnp on board
the Succefs, with Orders for her and the other
Veffels to make the beft of their Way home.
At eight DQ, we came to an Anchor off St. 7zuan's-
E Bar,





C 34 3
Bar,, in nine F'athom Water, with the Wind at
S. E,. and mnoderate.
Thurfdy, Ml~arch 31. At fix A. M. weigh'd and
flood in clofe for the Bar. At even Do, his Excel-
lency went afhore in his Cutter; and f~oon after we
-ct the Indians on Shore, firing thirteen. Guns as they
went over the Side. Beer w~ias given afterwards
to our Men, and under the Dif~charge of our Can-
non, we named the Mount at the Entrance of this
Bar, OGLETHORPE S MOUNT. The lIndianos not
being returned from Aulguf~ine, the General waits
for them s and therefore at the Return of our
Boat, we weigh'd, Wind at S. S. E. At three
P. MI. we were a-breati of Fort-WZilliamn, and fired-
two Guns, as the Signal. At fix DO, flood over
the Bar of St. Simon's into the Sou~nd, and found
the Succefs on her Station. We proceeded dire&t-
ly for Frederica, and at nine at Night landed there a
the other Veffels being arriv'd fafe the Morning
paft.
A few Days after, the General returned with
the Remainder of his Party, and all the IndiansJ;
thofle who went to Aulguffine, not having taken
any Prifoner, nor feen a Spaniard without the W~alls;
fo much were they terrify'd with our late At-
tempts. And fince this, f~eve~ral Parties of our In-
dians have been out, to their very Gates, and kept
the W~atches in the utmost Panic and Fear,
bringing his Excellency three or four Prifoners,
at different Times, all whom he has carried to
En~gland with him.

When I refle&t upon General Oglethorpe's great
Qualities, and his indefatigable Zeal in serving his
Country; his many hazardous and painful Expedi-
tions (particularly that of the Siege of ~Aucgufine, in
which he was betray'd and neg;leaed by the mean
Carolina Regim~ent, and many of the Men of'
War i) and his late glorious Defea of the Spa-





E: as1
Ith Invallon of Georgia: When I reflex on his
breaking a good and vigorous Conititution, to ren-
der the Perfons under his Command, eafy and
happy; his extending his CornpamTon to the Mifera-
ble of all Sorts, and in fhort, his Pofifelion of every
Civil and Military Virtue; I am thock'd, that
Envy itifelf dare mean to taint his Charader with
its foul Blaft: But what Merit is Proof againff
fome foul Tongues, and fouler Hearts; when God
himf~elf cannot escape them ? But he will foon
prove to them, that there are other Qgualities than
Impudence, and a Knack at Slander, required for
the Talk ofoppoling his excellent and juft Mea-
fures. From an impartial Survey of his Ae~i-
ons, the Tendency of which, I have, perhaps,
had many Opportunities to contemplate, I can't
forbear to fing with Addifon, only with the Va-
riation of the Perfon,

Oglethorpe's A~s appear divinely bright,
And proudly jhine in their ow~en native ~ight.
Rais'd of themfe~lve, their genuine Charms they boaji~;
And thofe whbo paint them trueji, praife them moji.

I can't relinquifh my Subjeat, Dear Sir, with-
out juff touching on the Charader of a young
Gentleman, who was left Commander in Chief at
Frederica, in the General's Abfence, Captain-Lieu-
tenant 7amnes Mackay; who at an early Age,
and in. a Service, where the Marrow of the Mi-
litary is hardly acquirable, has eftablifhled the Re-
putation of an able and experienc'd Officer: But
that Encomium, you'll find, falls far fhort of the
reft of' his Chara~ter, when I inform you, that to
the fweeteft Temper, is join'd the moft generous
Soul. Couragious, juff, virtuous, humane, kind,
and temperate, he bleffres all who know himn, and
reffores the Golden Age wherever he appears: And
'tis not barely Gratitude Fo;r Fav~oulrs received, that
drI.vMs





1 36 ]
diraws from me this Panegyric; but the Con-
vi~tion I am under, that he defervets thkis, *and
mtore, from all that ever had the Honour? to be
acquainted with him.
I conclude, Honouredt Sir, with exprefileg thle
fame Sentiments of Gratitude to a Grnerntean
who has been the Solace and Totor of every
Hour I have pent in this Country, arnd to whom
I~ owe all the little military Knowledge I may.
or hall be poffefs'd of. To explain whomn I
mean, may I be continually deserving of ther
Friendship of Lieutenant Aqnthony MorelEss (rr
whole Defire this Joumal wtas at firft undertakes s)
a Gentl~em~an as amiable and 1feful in his private~
Charadter, as he is by thqe Confem~on of thie b~et
Judges acknowledged to be, in his Cqpacity of
a good and able Of~icer.
I long to embrace you~, to th-rown -lyfe~lf at
your Feet a but you'll allow fome Time to the
Working of a. laudable Ambition, -and to the
Defire I have to render myf'elf worthy the Favour
and Prote~ion of fo great, a Man, as Gergeral
Oglethorpej > r def~erve which, is to deftrle all
that's good in Life. Tho' you have loft, for~ a
Tlimte, yoBur dear E---- Kr----r, Yet yrou1 may
ever exp~ed the fame tender, requfit~as and duea
Regards from him, whuor the' in Name dtif~ienot,
in SentimRent will always be like hial; dad to
you, tio wfe I own all Imran, or pe&[# i my


Ever maji d~tji~lts obdient, anr cd fsp~lionate.

G. L. CA nv ana ,
(v. E. K.























INDEXES.


Index to the Relation.
Abbott, William, 19
Amelia Island, 8n, 9, 10, 20
Amelia Sound, 9
America, 8n, 18
Bailey, Kenneth, 8n
Blaine, Lieutenant, 32
Cado a, Lieutenant George, 12
Cam bell, G. L., 36
C roin a, 30
Carr, Captain, 8, 31
Cathcart, Ensign, 28
Cato, 4
Chamberlaine, Ensign Solomon, 7, 29
Charles XII, 4
Charleston, 19
Charles Town Galley, 29-30
Cherokees, 29
Coates, Captain, 10
Coleman, S., 10
Combes, 20
Cook, William, 27, 30
Cowhatis, 15-18, 29
Creeks, 19, 28
Cumberland Island, 7n, 8
Cussitaes, 29
Davis, Captain Caleb, 6, 30
Demerb, Lieutenant Paul, 7, 9
Dunbar, Captain George, 12, 28






[ 21
Eels, desertion of, 27
Eli~zabeth, 7
England, 8n, 12, 17, 18
Europe, 11, 12

Fellows, Cockswain David, 10-11
Florida, 3
Fort Augusta, 20
Fort Diego, 5, 18, 21, 22, 28
Fort Picolata, 28
Fort San Marcos, 16, 26, 32, 33
Fort William, 7, 8, 9n, 12, 28, 34
Frederica, 6, 7, 9n, 19, 20, 28, 34

Georgia, 9n, 15, 30
Goldsmith, Thomas, 8, 9n, 20
Great Britain, 3

Hardy, Commodore Charles, 29-30
Havana, 5, 10, 29
Hermitage Plantation, 8n
Heron, Lieutenant Colonel Alexander, 30
Highland Rangers, 8, 9n, 10, 11, 14, 21, 28
Horton, Captain William, 7, 10, 21, 24
Hourtein, Commissary Patrick, 7

Jamaica, 10
Jekyl Creek, 7
Jekyl Island, 7n
Jesuits, 20

Kent, Captain Richard, 20
Kentt, 10

Libya, 4
Lightfoot, Captain, 29

MacKay, Lieutenant Charles, 8
MacKay, Lieutenant Hugh, 28
MacKay, James, 19, 35
MacKay, Ensign Samuel, 7
MacKensie, 33
Mackintosh, Captain John More, 8n
Mariotte, Thomas, 18
Matanzas Bar, 32-33
Matanzas Inlet, 22, 29, 30, 31
Maxwell, Lieutenant Edmond, 8, 29
Mercier, Ensign Peter, 7
Mitchell, Captain, 10






[3]
Morelon, Lieutenant Anthony, 28, 36
Mosa, 8n, 26

North America, 3, 21
Nu~iez, 33

Ocunis, 29
Oglethorpe, General James, 5, 8, 11, 15; eulogy of, 34-36;
fails in landing at Matanzas, 33; leads force on St. Augus-
tine, 20-28; orders men back to Frederica, 32; personal
traits, 4; prudence in handling men, 23; qualities of his
regiment, 4; receives Cowhati Indians, 18-19; reputation
in Florida, 5; sets camp at San Juan, 10-11
Oglethorpe's Lake, 13, 28
Outerbridge, Ensign White, 13, 28
Poupa, Lake de, 13, 28
Pryber, Christian, 19
Robinson, Adjutant William, 7
Rosendale, Quartermaster Thomas, 7
Russia, 4
Rye, 29-30
St. Andrews Sound, 7n, 8n
St. Augustine, 5, 9n, 10, 15-17, 20, 24, 26, 28, 30, 32-34
St. George's Island, 9n, 11
St. Mathias, 12
St. Simon Island, 7n
St. Simon Sound, 7n, 8n
San Juan, 9nr, 10, 14, 20, 24, 33
San Juan River, 13
San Juan's Bar, 14, 33
San Juan's Beach, 13, 21, 28
San Mateo, 30
Santa Anastasia Island, 29, 30, 32
Savannees, 29
Scrugs, 9
Sea-Flower, 6-7
Sloffaw, 20
Spain, 8a
Spinoza, Diego, 22
Sterling, Lieutenant George, 32
Stewart, Ensign Alexander, 9n
Stewart, Ensign John, 7, 9
Stuart, Fort-Major, 9n, 28
Success, 6, 10, 29, 33

Talbot's Island, 9n, 32
Talpooses, 29






14 1
Thomson, Captain William, 6, 10, 14, 29, 30-32
Tooanowi, 20
Tuckabahhes, 29

Upper Creeks, 29

Walker, 6, 20, 30, 31
Wall, Lieutenant James, 7, 26
Wansele, Ensign, 8, 21
Warren, 33
Watkins, Surgeon, 20
Williams, Captain John, 9, 11

Yamasees, 29
York, 10


Index to th~e introduction
Alabama, xtii
Altamaha River, xxvi, xxxii
Amelia Island, xxiii-xxiv, xxvii
America, xv
Americus, xvii.
Apalache, xii, xxciii, xxxix

Bahama Channel, xii
Barbican ( London), xiv
Beaufort, xvi
Berkshire, xiv
Black, Frank Gees, xiii
Bloody Marsh, xxiv, xxviii
Bo Peep, xxy
Boston, xxy
Bradley Lucas, xvi

Campbell, G. L., xxii .
Campillo, Jos6 del, xxiv, xxxiv, xxxviii
Carolina, xii, xxvi
Carolinas, xviii
Cartagena, xxxix
Cavetas, xxx, xxxy
Charleston, xii, xvi, xvii, xxy, xxxiii
Cherokees, xxxi
Cheshire, xziv
Chickasaws, xxiv
Chigilly, xxvi
Cimber, xvii
Cook, Lieutenant Colonel William, xxxy
Creeks, xxiv






I:s]
Cruz, Domingo de la, xxxriv
Cuba, xriii, xxiv, xxxiii, xxxvii-xxxviii
Cumberland Island, xxy, xxvii
Cynicus, xvii

Darien, xxx
Diego River, xvii, xxxbiii
Dunbar, Captain George, xx

Edinburgh, xvi
Elizabeth, xxvii
England, xi, xvi

Fielding, Henry, xx
Florida, xxrii, xxiv, xxxix
Fort Caroline, xi
Fort Picolata, xxiii, xxiv
Fort Pupo, xxciii, xxiv, xxx
Fort San Diego, dxi
Fort San Luis de Apalache, xii
Fort San Marcos, xxdiii, xxiv, xxvii, xxrix, xxxii, xxxriii
Fort William, xxvii
France, xid
Franciscans, xi
Frankfurt, xxri
Frederica, xiii, xxvii

Gentleman's Magazine, xriv, xv
Georgia, xii, xvi, xxciii, xxiv, xxrvii
Gourgues, Dominique de, xi
Gravesend, xv, xvi
Great Awakening, xvi
Gresham College, xiv
Grub Street, xxii
Giiemes y Horcasitas, Juan Francisco de, xxxriii, xx~xvii-xxxix

Hardy, Captain Charles, xxxi
Havana, xiii, xvii, xxxiii, xxxvii
Heron, Lieutenant Colonel Alexander, xxvi
Highland Rangers, xxiv, xxvi, xxix, xxx, xxxy
Historicus, xvii
Huguenots, xi

Jamaica, xxvii
Jekyll Island, xxy

Kent, xxvii.
Kimber, Edward, xl-lii xxy, xxxi; activities in America, xv-
xix; assessment of career, xxii; education, xv; description of






[ 61
the Southeast, xvii-xix;. description of slavery, xviii; mar-
riage, xx; military service, xvi, xix-xx; novels, xx-xxi; Ob-
servations, xvii-xix; pseudonyms, xvii; Relation, xiii, xxidi,
xxy; writer, xv, xx--xxii yuhx
Kimber, George Thorpe, xx
Kimber, Isaac, xiv-xy, xxii
Kimber, Sidney, xiii
Kimber, Susanna Lunn, xx

Leipzig, xxi
Leith, xvi
Lightfoot, Captain, xxxi
London, xiv, xvi
London Magazine, xv, xvi-xix
Lower Creeks, xxiii, xxvi-xxix, xxxi

Mackall, Leonard L., xiii
MacKay, Lieutenant Charles, xxx
Madrid, xiii
Maryland, xvi, xviii, xxvi
Matanzas Inlet, xi, xxxdiii
Mobile, xxxix
MonthEly ChrTonicle, xv
Montiano, Manuel de, xiii; attack on Georgia, xii, xxiv-xy;
defeat at Bloody Marsh, xiii; description of Oglethorpe's
raid in 1743, xxxiv-xxxviii; strategy, xxviii-xxix, xxxi; later
career, xxxix
Mount Venture, xxy, xxxii

Nantwich, xiv
Newbould, xvi
New York, xvi

Oglethorpe, General James: assembles expedition to Florida,
xxvi-xxvii; at Bloody Marsh, xxiv; founding of Georgia,
xii, xxiii; expedition to Florida, 1743, xxv-xxxi; siege of
St. Augustine in 1740, xii, xiii, xxiv
Orkney Islands, xvi

Panama, xxxix
Paris, xxi
Paul's Alley ( London), xiv
Pensacola, xxxiii, xxxix
Philip V, xxxviii
Pichon, Lieutenant Colonel Juan, xxxiii, xxxviii
Ponce de Le~n, Juan, xi
Port Royal Island, xvi
Providence, xxxiii






1 7
Queen Anne's War, xii

Rye, xxxi

St. Augustine, xi, xii, xiii, xxiii, xxiv, xxy, xxvii, xxxiii, xxxix
St. James ( London), xix
St. Johns River, xi, xxiii, xxvii--xxviii, xxxie, xxxy-xxxvi
St. Simon Island, xiii, xxy
Santa Anastasia Island, xxxi
Savannah, xvi-xviii
Sea-Flower, xxvii
Spain, xi, xxy
Success, xxr, xxvii, xxxri

Tamaja, xxxdii.
Thomson, Captain William, xxvii, nxxxi
Tom Jonres, xx
Two Sisters, xvi

Uchizes, xxiv
United States, xi
Upper Creeks, xxxi

Vernon, Admiral Edward, xxxiii
Virginia, xvi, xix, xxvi

Walker, xxvii
Ward, John, xiv-xy
War of Jenkins' Ear, xii, xxiii
West Indites, xviii
Whitfield, George, xvi
William and Mary College, Xix
Williams, Captain John, xxvi
Williamsburg, xix

Yamasees, xxvi, xxxi-xxxii, xl
York, xxvii
Yorktown, xvi, xix




University of Florida Home Page
© 2004 - 2010 University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries.
All rights reserved.

Acceptable Use, Copyright, and Disclaimer Statement
Last updated October 10, 2010 - - mvs