Title Page
 List of Tables
 Table of Contents
 List of Figures
 Social geography and Black...
 The universe of all-Black towns...
 Kinloch: Historical development...
 Research realities in Kinloch
 All-Black settlements in the St....
 Social and economic environmen...
 Summary, conclusions, and...
 Biographical sketch

Title: Factors of isolation and interaction in an all-black city: Kinloch, Missouri, by Robert T. Ernst
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00099536/00001
 Material Information
Title: Factors of isolation and interaction in an all-black city: Kinloch, Missouri, by Robert T. Ernst
Physical Description: xi, 205 leaves. : illus. ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Ernst, Robert Thomas, 1943-
Publication Date: 1973
Copyright Date: 1973
Subject: African Americans -- Housing   ( lcsh )
African Americans -- Segregation   ( lcsh )
African Americans -- Missouri -- Kinloch   ( lcsh )
Geography thesis Ph. D   ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Geography -- UF   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Thesis: Thesis -- University of Florida.
Bibliography: Bibliograohy: leaves 193-203.
General Note: Typescript.
General Note: Vita.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00099536
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 000582475
oclc - 14115091
notis - ADB0850


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Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page ii
    List of Tables
        Page v
        Page vi
    Table of Contents
        Page iii
        Page iv
    List of Figures
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
    Social geography and Black Americans
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
    The universe of all-Black towns and cities
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
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    Kinloch: Historical development and present situation
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
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        Page 79
        Page 80
    Research realities in Kinloch
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
    All-Black settlements in the St. Louis standard metropolitan statistical area
        Page 92
        Page 93
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        Page 114
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
    Social and economic environment
        Page 121
        Page 122
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
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    Summary, conclusions, and discussion
        Page 154
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    Biographical sketch
        Page 204
        Page 205
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
Full Text








1 would like to express my thanks and appreciation

to my supervisory chairman, Dr. James R. Anderson, and to

the other members of my committee, Dr. David L. Niddrie,

and Dr. John V. D. Saunders, for their guidance, thought,

constructive criticism, and patience in the various stages

of the preparation of this dissertation. In addition, I

wish to express my gratitude to my friend and teacher,

Dr. Stanley D. Brunn, for his many contributions to my

development as a geographer and particularly to this


Lastly, it is essential to acknowledge the numerous

and all-important influences of my wife, Sandra, without

which this dissertation would never have been completed.



1 ALL-BLACK TOWNS and CITIES by STATE .......... 18

and POLITICAL IDENTIFICATION ................. 21

of HOMOGENEITY ...... ........................ 22


STATES, 1970 ................................. 24


1970 .......................................... 100

SMSA and ALL-BLACK ENVIRONMENT .............. 102

TYPES of ALL-BLACK SETTLEMENTS .............. 103


MENTS, and SELECTED LOCATIONS, 1970 .......... 107

TOWNS, and SUBURBS, 1940-1970 ................ 108

ST. LOUIS, 1940-1970 ............... ....... 111

CITY of ST. LOUIS CENSUS TRACTS, 1940-1970 ... 114

EAST ST. LOUIS, 1940-1970 .................... 115

16 FAMILY INCOME in KINLOCH ..................... 126

17 WEEKLY GROCERY EXPENDITURES .................. 127


for EACH LOCATION ..... ........................ 129

FAVORED KINLOCH .............................. 130


NEGATIVELY to KINLOCH ........................ 131

of REGIONAL SHOPPING CENTERS ................. 132

HOMOGENEITY of UTILIZATION ................... 134

SHOPPING CENTERS ............................. 135

HOMOGENEITY of PREFERENCE .................... 136

PATTERNS ............... ..................... 137

UTILIZED SHOPPING CENTERS .................... 138

KINLOCH ...................................... 140

30 FREQUENCY of BUS TRAVEL ...................... 141

CHARACTERISTICS ....... ....................... 145


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................ .... ... ..... ii

LIST OF TABLES ....................................... v

LIST OF FIGURES ...................................... vii

ABSTRACT ........................................... ix



Problem and Purpose ........................... 1
The Geographical Literature of
Black America ................................... 6


Definition of All-Black Town and City ......... 16
Delimiting the Universe of All-Black
Towns and Cities .................. .............. 18
Studies of All-Black Towns and Cities ......... 27
Previous Study of Kinloch ..................... 34

SITUATION ....................................... 46

The Study Area ....................... ......... .. 46
General Setting .................. ............... 48
Origin and Development of Kinloch ............ 59
Present Socioeconomic Conditions ............. 63
The Isolation of Kinloch ...................... 77


Introduction .................. ................... 81
Initial Procedures ........................... 82
The Role of the Kinloch Gateway Center ........ 84
Design of the Questionnaire ................... 85
The Sample ..................................... 89


Introduction........................ ....... 81
Initial Procedures ................ ......... 82
The Role of the ; inloch Catc,.nay Centert ...... 84
Design of the Ln.s1'.ionanie .................. 85
The Sample .................................... 89


introduction...... .......... ........ ... ... 92
Regionalization by Race....................... 94
Types of: All-Jilack SettlemeniL ................. 98
Geo-graphical Devclopment of the All-
Black Environment ................. .... ....... 105
Conclusion .................................... 116


Introduction ............... ................. 121
Family ial Variables............................ 122
Shopping Patterns............................. 126
Residential and Occupancy Characteristics..... 142
Social Interactions........................... 146
Summary... .. .................................. .14


APPENDICES ................. ............................ 62

A. The Geographical Literature of
Black America............................... 162
B. Research Difficulties in Kinloch.......... 179
C. Community Profile Questionnaire ............. 186
D. Interview Schedule .......................... 189

BIBJ IOGLRAPHY...... . .................................. . 193

BIOGSIAPPiICAL SKFTCH........................ ............ 203


Fi gure

1 St. Louis, Mi;souri-Illinois Standard
Metropolitan Statistical Area, ............. ... 47

2 General Locational Aspects of the
Study Area.................... ...... .. ........... 49

3 1cran-sporat ion i, pattern of the Study Ar.ea ....... 5].

4 Unpaved Right-of-Wa.y (Paper Street) of the
Eastern Section of Carson Road in Kinloch....... 52

5 Neat Houses anc Lawns Along IWell- 'aintained
Carson Roadc in White Area Adjacent to
Kinluch ......................................... 54

6 Carson Road at the City Limits of Kinloch
and Berkeley; Tr.ces and Dense Undergrowth
Mark Border .................................... 54

7 Isolation Factors Surrounding Kinloch.......... 55

8 Heavy Vegetation Surrounding a Typical
House in Kinloch............................... 57

9 Typical House and Lawn in Kinloch in
Characteristic State of Disrepair.............. 57

10 One of Many Abandoned and Vandalized Houses
in Kinloch ..................................... 58

11 Abandoned and Dilapidated House in
Kinloch................................ ...... 58

12 Remains of Kinloch House Destroyed by Fire..... 60

13 New Housing Develcpm-enr. in Kinloch's Only
Modern Subdivision in the City's
Inorthwest................ ................... 60

14 PucLic Utility Right-of-Way Along Kinloch's
Northwestern Edge, iith Kinloch to the Right
and Berkeley to the Left ....................... 69

15 Look;.:Ln SIou'-h on 'lirddlewtCy, ..lt.h Irvington
(GE:vc'i Sur-I Iface :;;. Kinloc' on he llRight,
and Parl;dy in Bckr.: ly on th1e tef t............... 69

16 Vic'w o Dead-Fnd Sir-;cot ii, ;',efgjson Along
KinToc!h' Easterln B .,rd.i_; Row, of Deo-.se Vege-
tation in Mid dle-liackgj-ocun1 Marks Kinloch's
Boundary .............. ................... ..... 71

17 Locking East iroim Kinloch into Fcrguson
from Scudder, esad--rEnd ).(d Unpavedc., with the
Trees and Pence in tlhe Foreground Varking
City Limits .......... ......................... 71

18 The Nor-LLern Edge of Kinloch; Note Unpa~edl
Road, the Pence, Bushcs, and Trees Marking
the iBlack City's Conimon Eounary with
Berkeley................... ................. 73

19 3'.: .1 Cul--Dae-Sac in Berkel. y cwitih Kinloch
Out of Sight Behind the Houses................. 73

20 Regionalization of the St. ILouis SMSA by
Race, 1970....................................... 96

21 All-Black Settlements, 1940-1960............... 109

22 All-Black Settlements, 1970 ................... 113


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy



Robert T. Ernst

June, 1973

Chairman: James R. Anderson
Major Department: Geography

The major objective of the dissertation was the demon-

stration of the nature and importance of both the spatial

isolation and integration of Kinloch residents, socially

and economically, within the surrounding St. Louis SMSA.

In order to attain these objectives several different tech-

niques were employed. First, the author spent time in the

field gathering data on the historical development and

evolution of the all-black city. This field research

enabled the author to document the multi-faceted isolation

of Kinloch from the surrounding white suburbs of Berkeley

and Ferguson by identifying the existence and operation of

three separate types of barriers: physical, transportation-

communication, and social. Secondly, the effects of the

socioeconomic characteristics of the residents, particularly

decp-fseatcLe poverty, an inadequaci,' educational system, and

a sharply atitenuaated tix base x:w.' demonst rated to be

causally related to mr ny of t:he p-rsent environ-mental con-

ditions in tihei' city. Tlhirdly, the author regionalized the

St, Louis SMSA by race, csLablishing that almost 50 percent

of tce area's black population is concentrated in 55 all-

black census tracts. In addition, these all-black areas

were demons-trated, ,;ith a.(a'ly.,sis of variance, to be sig-

nificantlv different from the total SMSA based on substandard

housing. It was also possible to use variance analysis to

differentiate between the types of all-black settlement:

all-black city and towns, suburbs, and central city ghettos.

Lastly, in order to accumulate spatial data on the

social and economic interaction of Kinloch residents,

interview schedules were collected and analyzed from a

simple random sample of the city's residential units. The

results of the survey, although incomplete, due to non-

responses on several key questions, have established that

despite many disadvantages Kinloch is seen as a viable

socioeconomic environment preferred to both Berkeley and

Ferguson by the majority of those sampled.

In Kinloch, most social, economic, and spatial factors

indicate the continuance of the isolation and poverty of

the all-black city, and not their gradual dissolution and

disappearance. The situation in Kinloch is bleak as

future prospects for the city are reflections and enhance-

ments of present conditions. It is impossible to project

significant changes in the pattern., of isolation and poverty

that ernvlop Kinlocbh. Only tij.m amd further study will

revctil whiieter Kinl]nch owi' evo-le ,past its present situa-

tio.o into a community more represcnt-ative of the mainstream

of suburban American lif or wiil continue as a model of

the isolated racial comm nitii y in the United States.

CH.7PTi] I


Prob.:em and Purpose

The social geography of ithni r and racial minorities in

the United States has become, in recent decades, a topic of

much interest and research specialization among American

geographersh There is a growing body of literature con-

cerning the spatial behavior and characters tics of such

minority groups. Much of the current geographic research

on minority groups is focused on black Americans, as is

evidenced in articles by Hart,3 Calef and Nolson,4 Pred,5

Lowry, Morrill,7 Rose, Deskins, and others. The majority

of these articles concentrate on three major facets of black

spatial experience: rural to urban migration, inner city

ghettos ard slums, and central city versus suburban resi-


However, the patterns of black settlement are much

more complex than to be constrained by the limited descrip-

tion urbann' art,10 Wheeler and Brunn,11 and Hesslink,12

have studied urban to rural black migration in the Great

Lakes area; Hill,13 Rose,14 and many others5 have been

concerned with all-black towns; Karl and Alma Taeuber,16

Far-ley cnti Taeubor,17 an. Farleyll have published research

on black suburbs. Clearly the documentation of the emer-

gence of these settlement patterns illustrates the necessity

of more and detailed spatial research into the origin, de-

velopment, and potential of these patterns as distinct from

the prototypical black urban experience.

The principal purpose of this dissertation involves the

continuation of geographic research into the universe of all-

black towns and cities as a distinct urban entity separate

from bi-racial communities and central city ghettos. How-

ever, only an extremely limited amount of geographic re-

search has been initiated relating to all-black towns and

cities. In fact, the only geographic research concerning

this subject is the previously mentioned article by the
black urban geographer, Harold M. Rose. Other than Rose's

research, very little geographic research dealing with

these communities is available. Almost all of the research

which has been performed is non-geographic and involves

examination of social, political, and economic factors of

all-black communities, while the spatial characteristics of

all-black towns and cities either has been ignored or, at

best, neglected.

To be able to form valid generalizations concerning all-

black settlements as they now exist, and to be able to

predict the future of such settlements, specific informa-

tion must be available concerning such communities. The

lack of detailed observations dealing with the spatial

realities of individual all-black towns and cities prevents

thec ronsi:triction of empiJically valid generalizations con-

cer- nin-, the p.cescu't CaJ fltut-P of T-he universe of such

seti .:-' q.j .

This dis&.i.-Citst is '. C':sF s '.dy cf one: of the com-

munj his identified b/ fo e- :iAn -. -black city (Kin]och,

Mi ssou i) It is- a atiept to exp ieb.' socioeconomic varli-

ables .patii::l:i, Jis order io facril'L.ate 4thory construction

and prr-r':iction the sp-ti]. ;hatract.eriJ.stics concerli.ng,

not- simr'.'vy Pink]o4~l, '.<; -iiC ,i;:ivcr;,r o.f al-:-b}iack towns

and cities. Specifically, .i is tih author's intention to

show the eLahent and scn ifica'e cf tlhe presence of the

spatial isolation ani ir:nteiration of Kinloch residents,

socially arn economically y within tie surrounding St. Louis

Standard Mltropolitaen Statisti cal -Area. The integration,

even if partial or incom-pleto, is hypothesized to exist

despite the isolation of Kinloch by the surrounding all-

white cities of Beikcley and Fcrguson. A survey of spatial

data corncerning 'inloch residents, especially on the social

interaction of the blacks with whites and the locational

foci of the residents' shopping habits, is collected and

analyzed to accomplish this princip l objective.

In addition, it is a major purpose of this research

to demonstrate empirical.Jy the reality of all-black towns

and cities as clearly ;and cdstinctly separate from other

all-black settlements within. the St. Louis SMSA. Specif-

ically, the author intends to regionalize the SMSA by race,

to dj fferentiat e st-tisL.ically among the types of all-black

settlement in the area, and establish geographically the

distribution, growth, and development of the population

of all-black settlements in the SMSA.

In keeping with the principal purpose the research is

related to several of the conclusions of Rose's article.

The future of all-Negro towns as a distinct
entity will be specifically related.... to the
presence or absence of barriers to Negro
settlement in suburbia....and to the absence
of a substantial tax base o provide ex-
panded domestic services.20

Accordingly, this dissertation attempts to document the

precise nature and degree of such barriers in Kinloch, and

also to show the effects the present socioeconomic charac-

teristics of the residents have on the environment of the

city. Of particular interest is the prevalence of deep-

seated poverty which has resulted in a sharply attenuated

tax base and a consequent inability of Kinloch to provide

any but the minimal municipal services.

Perhaps one of the oldest and most durable of the

black settlement patterns in North America is the establish-

ment and growth of all-black towns. Historical research

has documented evidence of the existence of such communities

in the United States as early as the 1820's and 1830's.21

Many social scientists, particularly sociologists, have

provided a considerable body of literature specifically

concerned with autonomous black communities. Unfortunately,

urban geographers seemingly have not been aware of the

phenomenon of such all-black settlements. In an article

published in 1965, Harold Rose asserted that

A phenomenon that appears to have eluded
urban geographers, urban sociologists, and
others concerned with community development
is the all-Negro town in the United States.22

Although Rose appears to have overlooked the many

contributions of Hill, Parenton, Walter and Kramer, and
others23 he does portray accurately the research history

of geographers on all-black towns, as few geographers are

apparently aware of significant methodological statements,

other than Rose's, on the topic. Rarely does one find a

chapter, section, or even a footnote on all-black communities

in the literature of urban and settlement geography or

geographic methodology. Yet numerous statements on the

nature and approaches to this branch of community research

have appeared in scattered articles and monographs in the

historical and social science literature. One of the minor

objectives of this study is to alleviate this situation

of unfamiliarity among geographers by collecting, reviewing,

and assessing the contributions of some significant works

on the study of all-black towns and cities.

As this study concerns the comparatively new speciali-

zation of the social geography of black Americans, it is

necessary to evaluate the research, to assess its signifi-

cance to social geography, if only incompletely, by pre-

senting and analyzing the geographic literature on black

Americans. It would be difficult to judge the competence

or significance of this work as a social geography unless

one also is aware of the extent and nature of the previous

contributions to the literature.

Although several bibliographic surveys of geographic

research on black Americans and racial themes have appeared
recently,24 these bibliographies are limited in extent and

do not survey adequately United States geographic journals

or geographic theses and dissertations on the topic. There-

fore, to rectify the present condition of a lack of biblio-

graphic material on the social geography of black Americans,

such material is presented and analyzed below to assist

the readers in relating this study to the larger body of


In addition to the above objectives it is the author's

intention to do research which can be utilized not only

by social scientists but also by the particular community

in question and by various agencies and individuals within

Kinloch. Too often urban researchers neglect the practical

applications of their research in the very community studied

because of the danger of losing "scientific objectivity"

by becoming involved in the community. With Van den Berghe25

and Clark,26 the writer rejects these fears as being over-

emphasized and agrees with Bunge27 that the geographer has

an obligation to the community he is "using" in his research.

The Geographical Literature of Black America

For many years geographers have been interested in

studying human behavior as structured by three major themes

of research--economic, political, and cultural. Since the

1950's several geogiaph:rs have ,,'io:F.iested an alternate

level of the spatial analysis of Lumen behavior--social,28

Using spatial analysis, the geographer is capable of studying

both man as a political-economic being as he exists within
a cultural context, and man as part. of an organized society.2

The value of studying society from the spatial perspec-
tive has been obvious to many demographers, human ecolo-

gists,3 urban sociologists,32 and anthropologists and

psychologists.33 Nevertheless, geographers have tended to

neglect social research, while emphasizing the study of

a particular culture and its unique manifestations rather

than its interrelations with larger social organizations.

Recently, however, there is some evidence that social

geography is becoming a major research specialization, as

evidenced by an ever-growing body of literature concerning

the spatial aspects of society. A second factor is that

particularization of research interest in social geography

has caused the field to be subdivided into narrower re-

search interests. Geographers are now specializing in

research concerning the spatial aspects of such varied
34 35 36
topics as ethnic communities, black America,35 poverty,3

and the social pathology of crime and disease.7

In the late 1960's and early 1970's the social geog-

raphy of black America has become one of the fastest growing

specializations within the field of geography. Geographers

have realized that they can make contributions to allay the

myriad of racial problems which are the result of a plural

society in which the whites are doi m;rint and the blacks,

Indians, Latinos, and other ethnic groups are sub-dominant.

However, before geographers can offer significant

contributions to the solution of racial problems in the

United States, it is necessary to determine first what

geographic research on race has been performed in the past.

Only then is it possible to separate what needs to be

accomplished from what already has been achieve. The

brief bibliographic analysis which follows provides only a

partial solution to the problem in that the focus is pri-

marily on the trends in racial research, leaving the ques-

tion of future research priorities to be answered elsewhere.

In addition the geographic literature is reviewed with the

objective of allowing the reader to assess the social

geography of black America as a unit rather than as separate

unrelated entities.

The review concentrates on the 1949-1971 time period

chiefly because of the paucity of racial research prior to

this period. Only a few specific references to black

Americans appear in the geographic literature before 1949,

and those few that do either are not involved directly in

racial research or are separated widely in time. The main

sources for this literature review are the principal

geographic journals of the United States, the Research

Catalog, of the American Geocraphi.cal Society, Geographical

)q 40 41
strictt -,' Disseration Abstracts, Mastcr's Abstracts,

and the November issue cf each year's The Professi.cnal

_- which lists t;hoose tit sees and dissertations

in geography reported ccimpletesd at American universities.

The criteria used to select t;:e articles as belonging

to the geographical litccature on race essentially are

subjectivee, l'rst, noi all the works concentrate exclusively

on- itlachk, but in all oi the articles blacks or racial

issues at least are given a major emphasis. Secondly, the

author acknowledges the practical impossibility of collecting

all works dealing with blacks as much of the literature

is reported by title only, and often the title, especially

of dissertations and theses, is a poor reflection of the

contents of such studies. However, the author has made

every effort to verify the specific racial considerations

of each study by reviewing it or by using the abstracts

available through University Microfilms, Thirdly, the

geographic literature suffers from a lack of comprehensive

indexing and abstraction, making a reviewer's task an

arduous and frustrating one. Lastly, geographers publish

in many professional journals peripheral to or altogether

outside the realm of geography. Searching all possible

periodicals and serials was virtually impossible given this

broad and seemingly limitless array. Consequently, although

the bibliography is reasonably complete and accurate, it is

not absolutely comprehensive.

From 1949 to 1971 a total of 187 works dealing with

geographic aspects of race were published. In 1949 only

two articles on race appeared in the geographic literature,

and in 1971, 40 were published. However, the intervening

years show that there has been no steady or gradual increment

in numbers of publications but rather a series of increases

and decreases occurred that may be said to be analogous to

the crests and troughs of ocean waves, which culminated

in the emergence of a tremendous surge of racial articles

in 1968 that has yet to peak.

Although the three major United States journals (Annals

of the Association of American Geographers, Economic Geography,

and The Geographical Review) have been fairly consistent

with only an occasional gap in the publication record, the

largest contribution to the geography of race has come from

graduate student research: master's theses and doctoral

dissertations. A total of 118 articles were published

between 1968-1971, or 63 percent of the total 187 works

from 1949-1970. Of these 118 articles, 46, or almost 40

percent, are theses and dissertations. Thus research in

the geography of blacks is strongly concentrated at the

graduate level, indicating that many young geographers are

developing a research interest in the spatial aspects of

race, an interest which, if sustained, should result in

the continuation of the current trend of numerous geographic

publications focusing on racial and ethnic problems of

significance to all geographers.


1. John A. Jakle, "The L.toerature of Social Geography:
A Selected Bibliography," Department of Geography,
University of Illinois, 1968 (Mis:eographed).

2. "Geographical Literature on Ethnically
and ii-aciLl1y Defined MinOi' -ity Groups in the United
States and (anada: A Slaec:ed Bibliography," De-
partme.-t of Geography, University of Illinois, 1968

3. John ras-'r Hart, "The Changing Distribution of the
AmerLcran Negro," Annals of -t-he Asociation of Ameri-
can Geographers, L (September, 1960), 242-266.

4. Wesley C. Calef and Howard J. Nelson, "Distribution
of Negro Population in the United States," The
Geogaphical Review, XXXVI (January, 1956), 82-97.

5. Allan Pred, "Business Thoroughfares as Expressions
of Urban Negro Culture," Economic Geography, IL
(July, 1963), 217-233.

6. Mark Lowry II, "Race and Socio-economic Well-being:
A Geographical Analysis of the Mississippi Case,"
The Gecqraphical Review, LX (October, 1970), 511-
528;, "Population and Race in Mississippi,
1940-1960," Annals of the Association of Ai.erican
Geographers, LXI (Septcmber, 1971), 576-588.

7. Richard L. Morrill, "The Negro Ghetto," The Geograph-
ical Review, LV (July, 1965), 339-361; _
"The Persistence of the Black Ghetto as Spatial
Separation," The Southeastern Geographer, XI (November,
1971), 149-156.

8. Harold M. Rose, "The All-Negro Town: Its Evolution
and Function," The Ceographical Review, LV (July,
1965), 392-381; "The Origins and Patterns
of Development of Urban Black Social Areas," Journal
of Geography, LXVII (September, 1969), 326--332.

9. Donald R. Deskins, Jr., "Race as an Element in the
Intia-City Regionalization of Atlanta's Population,"
The Southeastern Geographer, XI (Novermber, 1971),

10. John Fraser Hart, "A, Rural ro-rcat tor Northern
Negros," The GemrA,!iial 11-viw,1 L (April, 1960)

11. James 0. Nheeler and an .i- D. Prunn, ':Negro i'igration
into Rural SouLh:.estertn ,dich.hician," The Geoo-.r rrphicai
Review, LVIII (April, 1968), 214-230; "An
Agri cultural Ghetto: N'.'gr or3 in Cass County, Michigan.
1845-1968," The Geograpn' i. Review, LIX (July, 1969),

12. George K. Hesslink, l]_sck Neigohbors: Negroes in a
Northern Rural Coimmuni.t\ (Indianapolis, Indiana: The
BoIS-lo rniT Comp-'ny, 3nc. 196 8.

1.3. For a discussion or the many contributions of Mozell
C. Hill Lo all-black settlements, see Chapter II,
pp. 27-31.

14. Rose, "The All-Negro Town."

15. For a review of the contributions of social scientists
to all-black towns and cities, see Chapter II, pp.

16. Karl E. Taeuber and Alma F. Taeuber, "The Changing
Character of Negro Migratiaon," Anmerican Journal of
Sociology, LXX (January, 1965), 429--441.

17. Reynolds Farley and Karl E. Taeuber, "Population Trends
and Residential Segregation Since 1960," Science, CLV1
(March, 1968), 953-956.

18. Reynolds Farley, "The Changing Distribution of Negroes
Within Metropolitan Areas: The Emergence of Black
Suburbs," American Journal of Sociology, LXXX (January,
1970), 512-529.

19. Rose, "The All-Negro Town."

20. Ibid., 381.

21. William H. Pease and Jane H. Pease, "Organized Negro
Communities: A NHoth Americar Fxperir.ent," Journal
of Negro History, IIIL (January, 1962), 21.

22. Rose, "The All-Negro Town," 362.

23. See Chapter II, pp. 27-34.

24. Jakle, "The Literature of Social Geography"; Donald
R. Deskins, Jr., "Geographical Literature on the
American Negro, 1949-1968: A Bibliography," The
Professional Geographer, XXI (March, 1969), 245-249.

25. Pierre van den Berghe, Race and Racism: A Comparative
Perspective (New York: John Wley and Sons, Inc.,
1967), 7-8.

26. Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social
Power (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1965),

27. William Bunge, personal communication; September 17,
1970; Ann Arbor, Michigan.

28. Jakle, "The Literature of Social Geography," p. i.

29. Ibid.

30. Otis Dudley Duncan, "Residential Areas and Differen-
tial Fertility," Eugenics Quarterly, XI (January,
1957), 27-45; Thomas R. Ford and Gordon F. DeJong,
"The Decline of Fertility in the Southern Appalachian
Mountain Regions," Social Forces, XXXXII (March,
1963), 89-96; Calvin Goldscheider, "Intra-metropolitan
Redistribution of the Older Population," Pacific Socio-
logical Review, IX (April, 1966), 79-84; Stanley
Lieberson, "Suburbs and Ethnic Residential Patterns,"
American Journal of Sociology, LXVII (November, 1962),
673-681; Carl H. Madden, "Some Spatial Aspects of
Urban Growth in the United States," Economic Develop-
ment and Cultural Change, IV (October, 1956), 371-387;
Clarence Senior, "Patterns of Puerto Rican Dispersion
in the Continental United States," Social Problems,
II (January, 1954), 93-99; and John R. Stoeckel and
J. Allan Beegle, "The Relationship between the Rural-
Farm Age Structure and Distance from a Metropolitan
Area," Rural Sociology, XXXI (November, 1966), 346-

31. A. Bopegamage, "A Demographic Approach to the Study of
Urban Ecology," Sociological Bulletin, IX (January,
1960), 82-93; Leo F. Schnore, The Urban Scene: Human
Ecology and Demography (New York: The Free Press, 1965);
Carl E. Taylor, John B. Wyon, and John E. Gordon,
"Ecological Determinants of Population Growth," Milbank
Memorial Fund Quarterly, XXXVI (March, 1958), 107-125;
and Rupert B. Vance, "The Ecology of Our Aging Population,"
Social Forces, XXXII (May, 1954), 330-335.

32. Beverly Duncan, George Sabagh, and Maurice Van Arsdol,
Jr., "Patterns of City Growth," American Journal of
Sociology, LII (October, 1962), 418-429; Noel P. Gist
and Sylvia F. Fava, Urban Society (New York: Thomas
Y. Crowell, 1964); Gilbert Herbert, "The Neighborhood
Unit Principle and Organic Theory," Sociolocical
Review, XII (March, 1963), 165-213; William M. Key,
"Urbanism and Neighboring," Sociological Quarterly,
VI (June, 1965), 379-385; and Kathryn P. Meadoq,
"Negro-White Differences Among Newcomers to a Transi-
tional White Urban Area," Journal of Intergroup Re-
lations, XVIII (June, 1962), 320-330.

33. Dean C. Barnlund and Carroll Harland, "Propinquity
and Prestige as Determinants of Communication New-
works," Sociometry, XXVI (December, 1963), 467-479;
Edward T. Hall, The Hidden Dimension (New York:
Doubleday & Co., Inc., 1966); E. A. Hammel, "Terri-
torial Patterning of Marriage Relationships in a
Coastal Peruvian Village," American Anthropologist,
LXVI (January, 1964), 67-74; John B. Calhoun, "Popu-
lation Density and Social Pathology," Scientific
American, CCVI (February, 1962), 139-145; Claire
Selltiz and Stuart W. Cook, "The Effects of Personal
Contact on Intergroup Relations," Theory and Practice,
II (March, 1963), 158-165; and R. N. Shepard, "The
Analysis of Proximities: Multi-Dimensional Scaling
with an Unknown Distance Function," Psychometrika,
XXVII (March, 1962), 125-139.

34. Norman C. Bettis, "The Swiss Community of Highland,
Illinois: A Study in Historical Geography," Bulletin
of the Illinois Geographical Society, XII (December,
1969), 51-68; John A. Jakle and James 0. Wheeler,
"The Dutch in Kalamazoo, Michigan: A Study in Spatial
Barriers to Acculturation," Tydschrift voor Economische
en Sociale Geografie, LX (November, 1969), 249-254;
Matti Kaups, "Finnish Place Names in Minnesota: A
Study in Cultural Transfer," The Geographical Review,
LVI (November, 1966), 377-397; and E. Cotton
Mather, "Eben: Thirty Years Later in a Finnish
Community in the Upper Peninsula," Economic Geography,
XXXIV (January, 1968), 57-70; and Richard Pillsbury,
"Images of Appalachia," The Geographical Bulletin,
III (November, 1971), 2-16.

35. See Appendix A, pp. 162-178.

36. Antipode, "Special ssuc: The Geography of American
Poverty," 11 (Dec''iebr, 1.970); 3. P. Carver, "An Approach
-toward the Classif lc-LioLn of PToverty in the United
Sta tes," Arnnils of the Acsoc:i t!.on of Av merican Geog-
raph r : LI (f.alaic E96), 1L-.T 2; GC. ,.C Lewis,
"Levels of Liv.ing in the Ko th:.'estern C United States,
circa 1960: A Now Approach to Regional Geography,"
'Transactions of the TLi- t.atnie of O ri ish ,
VL (J n K:ar', 1S96), 1i--37; a;id tichard L. .
"Geograp]hiical Asectc of Poverty in the United States,"
Proceedings of the Association of AC merican Geographers,
T (!969' 117--2L.

37. SI-anley D. Brunn, ;ayne L. Hoffman, and Robert T.
Er:n.t. "Some Corrolates of Urban Cri-im in Southeast
Citi os," paper read ai the annual meeting of the East
I,ak es Division of American Geographers, East Lansing,
Miichigan; November, .1969; K. D. har ies, "Geography
of Amorican Crime," Journal of Geceraphy, LXX (June,
1971), 204-213; and Yu 7 Lee and 'rankj J. Egan, "The
Geography of Urban Crime: The Spatial Pattern of
Serious Crine in the City of Denver,' Proc:e.eCjqngs of
the AVsociation of American Geographers, IV (1972),

39. American Geographical Society, Research Catalogue
(Boston: G. K. Hall and Co., 1962).

39. Margaret A. Bass, ed., Geographical Abstracts (Norwich,
England: University of East Anglia, 1966+).

40. University Microfilms, Dissertation Abstracts (Ann
Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, 1930+).

41. University Microfilms, Masters Abstracts (Ann Arbor,
Michigan: University MTmofim, 945+).

42. Association of American Geographers, The Professional
Geographer (Washington, D. C.: Association of Ameri-
can Geographers, 1948+).



Definition of All-Blnck Town and City

For the purposes of this' r'e(-':. ch the term "all-

black town" is operationally defined as all places, in-

corporated and unincorporated, with populations ranging

from 1,00 to 2,499, of whom 90 percent or more are non-

white. "All-black city' includes all places of 2,500 or

more of whom 90 percent or more are non-white. The thresh-

old values of 1,000 and 2,500 were chosen for two reasons:

communities of these minimum sizes are enumerated separately

in the United States Census reports,2 and as such the data

are readily available; and towns and cities of these sizes

have the capacity of developing the economic, social, and

political characteristics commonly associated with urban


The second part of the definition, "90 percent or more

are non-white," is used as the data do not exist in any

other form. The United States Census reports urban places

having a population of 1,000 or more by percent non-white

rather than black; consequently great care must be exercised

to determine if there are large numbers of other racial

groups (Indians, orientals, etc.) present that might

bias the iJnfol.tiiat::ion. 'lTe limit o. 90S percent is utilized as

10 percent or more whilt, population is thought to be the

rcsu] t of chance occucr-. ce and d 1es not rLastrict or pre-

vent th!e appropriate use of the term "all-black."

in defin.ine "'all-black t own anId city" in the above

manner several di fficulties are presented. First, the thresh-

old popi;lations of 1,000 and 2,500 are arbitrary figures

thr! can be justified only particaL-ly by citing ease in

idcratification and data limitations. The second problem,

which is related to the first, involves using tle legal

limiits of an incorporated Lown or city to determine the

minirmunm population threshold. These arbitrary limits may

have the effect of excluding communities with a small popu-

lation within the city limits but a sizable rural popula-

tion which may be well integrated spatially and sociocco-

nomically with the urban center.

Unfortunately, the nature and availability of the data

in the United States Census reports made these problems

unavoidable; furthermore the information is simply not

available in any other source. Consequently these acknow-

ledged problems, although they are difficult to resolve,

are not so overwhelming as to prevent utilization of the

data. Some limitations must be placed on the generalizations

derived from them.

Delimiting the Universe of All-Black Towns and Cities

When all-black towns and cities are defined as places

having 1,000 persons or more in the United States, a total

of 37 such centers are identified. In terms of population

size these communities range from 1,100 to over 23,000

persons (see Table 1), with the percentage black varying

from the definitional minimum 90.0 percent to 99.9 percent.



Part of Percent
State Towns and Cities Population an SMSA Black

Alabama (1)
Hobson City

California (1)
West Compton (u)a

Florida (13)
Browns Village (u)
Browardale (u)
Bunche Park (u)
Fort Myers Southeast (u)
Goulds (u)
Memphis (u)
Richmond Heights
Belle Glade Camp (u)
Dade City East (u)
Midway Canaan
South Apopka (u)

Georgia (1)
Phillipsburg (u)

1,123 No 99.8

5,748 Yes




2,335 No 99.0

TABL'; 1 (continued)

St-sta Towrns and Cities

Illinois (3)
East Chicago Heights

Lotisn i D fl ( (4)
Sa;mtown (u)
Scotlancville (u)
Plaquemine Southiwest

Maryland (2)
Chapel Oaks-Cedar
Heights (u)
Fairmont IJeights

Mississippi (3)
West Gulfport (u)
Mound Bayou
Tunica North (u)

Missouri (1)

Now Jersey (1)

Ohio (1)
Lincoln Heights

Texas (3)
Prairie View (u)
McNair (u)
Sunrise (u)

Virginia (3)
Lloyd Place (u)
Pleasant Hill (u)
Saratoga Place (u)


Part of Percent
an SMSA Black




(u) 1,224








Yes 99.6
Yes 97.0





Yes 98.7
Yes 96.0
Yes 93.0


aThe symbol (u) indicates an

unincorporated town or city.

Source: Census of Population, United States Bureau of the Census,
General Population Characteristics (PC(1)), 1970.

Table 1 also shows that 24 or 65 percent of the all-black

towns and cities are contained within the boundaries of

Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas. The remaining

13 towns and cities are not associated with other SMSA's

or urbanized areas, though eight of these communities

(Samtown, La.; Lloyd Place, Pleasant Hill, and Saratoga

Place, Va.; Hobson City, Ala.; Fort Myers Southeast and

Memphis, Fla.; and Phillipsburg, Ga.) are located within

10 miles of a city with a population exceeding 10,000.

Thus, these all-black towns and cities are as urban oriented

as the total population of blacks living within the United


The population of all-black towns and cities is charac-

terized more by the small towns, with 18 or about half of

the total in the 1,000-2,499 category, and only three or

8 percent each having more than 10,000 inhabitants (Table 2).

Almost two-thirds of the towns and cities are unincorporated,

and 12 or 50 percent of these unincorporated places are in

the 1,000-2,499 category (see Table 2).

The distribution of all-black towns and cities appears

to be uneven in that 30 or 81 percent of the towns and cities

are located in the South. Florida alone accounts for 13

or 43 percent, many of which can be explained as a result

of the widespread use of migratory black laborers. In

order therefore to determine statistically whether the

distribution of all-black towns and cities is related

causally to other factors, or if such a pattern is the

result of stochastic mrocoss, a chi.-quare test of signifi-

cance is applied to tce data.

TAPL?7 ?

and POL i'.1CL ,'l FICATIO

Poi Lical idic-rntiF.,.cationr

Population Size Unincorpor-.--c Incorporated Total

1,000-2,499 12 6 18

2,500-4,590 4 2 6

Population 5,000-9 9 5 5 10

10,000+ 3 0 3

Total 24 13 37

Source: Census of Population, United States Bureau of the
Census, 1970.

The use of the chi-square statistic is necessitated

by the fact that the total universe of all-black communities

is very small (37), random sampling thus is not possible,

and in addition it is not a normal distribution. Conse-

quently, it is impossible to use any of the more sophisti-

cated techniques of quantitative analysis, such as variance,

multiple regression, or factor analysis.

To test the significance of the location of racial

communities the null hypothesis is formulated with the

assumption that there is no significance attached to the

4istibutio.; of all- L~ack towns; tl,,,us; the hypothesis

posti.t that the data are ev'cn i among 'won e four

inc jor reuaj ns of the c.vi-e Stotcc: Nort~neasL, iorth

Central, South., arnd West.


Northeast North Central South West

ObrEerved (o) 1 5 30 1

Expected (e) 9 9 9 9

o- e -8 --4 21 -8

(o e)2 64 16 441 64

(0 F2
7,10- -l = 4.99



49.00 7.11



Degrees of Freedom Probabilities

.50 .30 .10 .05 .02 .01 .001

3 2.366 3.665 6.251 7.815 9.837 11.345 16.268

-^----~-`---I----- ---~I ---'----~-`--~~--`-

Tables 3 and 4 illustrate that the calculated result

with three degrees of freedom (t'; number of cells minus

one) is far greater than Lhe given value of chi-square to

and including the 99.S percent level of significance, indi-

cating that such a pattern would occur by chance less than

one time in one thousand. Therefore, the null hypothesis,

which assumed regularity or no significant pattern, is re-


Once it has been demonstrated that the locational sig-

nificance of all-black cities and towns is not based on

homogeneity, it is necessary to apply the chi-square tech-

nique again in a different manner. Instead of assuming

simple regularity over the United States, a second null

hypothesis is proposed positing that the distribution of

all-black towns and cities will vary regularly with the

proportion of each region's black population (Table 5),

an assumption that is more logical than one based on homo-


The computed chi-square value for the second null

hypothesis is 12.04, a figure that is far less than the

64.99 obtained with the first hypothesis, indicating a

much closer relationship between the observed and expected

values (Table 6). When the calculated value is tested for

significance (Table 4), it is found that it exceeds the given

value at the 99 percent level but is less than the 99.9

percent level. In order to avoid making a Type II error

(accepting the null hypothesis as tenable when it is not)5

the null hypothesis is rejected as the pattern of all-black

towns would occur as proposed only one time in one thousand.



Northeast North Central South West

4,344,153 4,446,946 11,969,961 1,694,625

Percent 19 20 54 7



Northeast North Central South West

Observed 1 5 30 1

Expected 7 7 20 3

o e -6 -2 10 -2

(o e)2 36 4 100 4

(o e)
Se) 5.14 0.57 5.00 1.33

( e)2 = 12.04

The fact that both null hypotheses are rejected is not

deleterious to the purpose of this research but merely

illustrates that much more spatial investigation on the nature

of all-black communities is neej l: in order to ascertain

which variables account for the location of these municipali-

ties in space, during changirug socioecono.ric conditions and

in time.

Rose's research on all-black towns is an attempt to

construct a valid definition of all-black towns, to identify

all such prices in the United States, to establish these

comm-unities as a unique population, and finally to dis-

cover valid generalizations applying to these com-nunities

as a unit and not as unique individual cases.

According to Rose, all-black towns are defined as all

places of over 1,000 people, 95 percent of whom are classified

as non-white. Using this definition, Rose identifies 19

places. Of this number, seven are eliminated as "pseudo

towns" that "are not separate places physically or polit-

ically but are nonpolitical appendages of larger places."6

Thus, the remaining 12 communities (Brooklyn, Ill.; Glenorden,

Md.; Fairmount Heights, Md.; Grambling, La.; Kinloch, Mo.;

Lawnside; N.J.; Lincoln Heights, Ohio; Mound Bayou, Mi.;

North Shreveport, La.; Richmond Heights, Fla.; Robbins, Ill.;

and Urbancrest, Ohio) were the only ones he included in his

well-known paper, written in 1965.

Examining the 12 all-black towns as political entities,

the author has determined that two are unincorporated, and

the other 10 are politically independent, while none of the

pseudo towns are autonomous. Additionally, all the pseudo

towns are in the South in prr-dorinatiely rural counties in

which agriculture or agricultural processing industries

are the motor empl oyers. Thi; tl.aditional pattern of socio-

economic rdeve.olopiment, 7ccord Irg to Pose, may have much to

do with the occurrence and fo:m of pseudo towns.

As far as the emergence of th all-black town as an

historical reality is concerned, Pose has observed four

distinct periods in their evo-ution, but there is little

to differentiate among them save the time of their origin.

These periods are: ire-Civil War, post-Civil War, the

period of the "Great Iigration" (which occurred before,

during, and after World War I), and post-World War II.

One of the more important and interesting developments

pointed out by Rose involves his attempt to determine the

relationship of all-black towns to the "suburb" concept.

Given the lack of a universally accepted definition of

suburb, Rose utilizes; the sociological definition of the

term in attempting to determine the status of all-Negro

communities within metropolitan fringes as suburban or non-

suburban. In order to accomplish this goal, he examines

the occupational structure of the communities to ascertain

whether they are independent satellites, or dependent dormi-

tory suburbs, or some other phenomenon. In addition, he

uses analysis of variance to determine if all-black towns

and their nearest neighbor (which Rose assumes to be

suburban) could have been drawn from the same population

on the basis of substandard housing. Both tests establish

that of all 12 towns, only one (Richmond Heights, Florida)

may be classified as suburban; all the other towns are

rejected as suburban communities. But, he provides no addi-

tional information as to the nature, suburban or not, of

these 11 all-Negro towns.10

The last major theme of Rose's paper is devoted to the

present and future prospects of all-black towns, with subur-

banization of the communities projected potentially as one

of the most attractive and advantageous elements in their

continuing evolution. He concludes realistically that "the

future of the towns is subject to the operation of a com-

plex set of variables whose behavior is difficult to pre-


Rose's seminal research has done much to initiate spa-

tial interest in all-black towns and in black America in

general. However a re-examination of the universe of all-

black towns and cities is warranted due to numerous changes

(additions and deletions of towns classified as all-black)

in the universe. The author modified Rose's original defi-

nition so as to include towns with up to 10 percent white

as the author felt that such a figure could be justified

based on chance occurrence.

Studies of All-Black Towns and Cities

Much of the research concerning the nature of all-black

communities has been influenced by the contributions of

Mozell C. Hill. A sociologist trained at the University of

Chicago, Hill investigated the economic, social, and psy-

chological aspects of racial towns in nine separate papers

published between 1937 and 1950. Many of these articles

are detailed extensions and elaborations of the original

research in Boley, Oklahoma, which Hill carried out in his

master's thesis (1937) and doctoral dissertation (1946).

Several factors identified by Hill are significant when

applied to such towns in areas other than Oklahoma.

Particularly important to this author's research in Kinloch,

and to generalizations concerning the universe of all-black

towns and cities, are several of the conclusions of Hill's

thesis and dissertation. Hill found that 1) the funda-

mental problem affecting black communities is economic in
nature;2 2) all-black societies are poor and lack indus-

trial diversification;13 and 3) almost every social problem

can be traced to economic factors.14 Thus, prior to the

1950's, Hill successfully identified the economic situation

as one of the most pressing problems of all-black towns and

cities, a determination later corroborated by Parenton and

Pellegrin,5 in their study of Bertrandville, Louisiana;

by Rose6 in his work on the universe of all-black towns;

and by Kramer and Walter7 in their research on Kinloch.

Another major factor identified by Hill as pertinent

to the nature of all-black towns and cities concern black

behavior patterns in relation to proximity to white com-

munities and resulting white domination. Hill demonstrates

that racial isolation produces black communities in which

there is a simple class structure and little inter- and intra-

class conflict because white social and economic pressures

are absent. In their later research, Parenton and Pellegrin18
and Bittle and Geis 19 substantiate Hill's conclusions by

presenting evidence that obsequious black deference patterns

in some black communities are caused by black fear of social,

economic, and even physical reprisals by whites in neighboring

communities if such behavior is not continued.

The spatial isolation of all-black communities is accom-

panied and obversely complemented by a pattern of avoidance

or a general abstention from contacts with whites.20 In

this prevalent attitude of the residents of all-black towns

and cities, Hill finds no absolute separation of black and

white society as there is considerable economic and polit-

ical association between the races. However, the avoidance

pattern is strongly in effect concerning any inter-racial

social relations,21 as has been demonstrated to this author

in Kinloch.22

Another major theme investigated by Hill is the develop-

ment of all-black communities in Oklahoma, which according

to his research, are outgrowths of the traditional frontier

philosophical spirit which was prevalent in the United States

during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.23

The author's purpose is to illustrate the reasons for the

establishment of an all-black society by relating the

racial movement, in which blacks attempted to divest them-

selves of social pressure of the dominant white culture, to

tie larger social context of frontier movement, Hill

attempts to unravel the co;m:.lexitius of the historical and

social development of all-blaclk cow;is by relating the origin

and persistence of such communities to two theories of

social organization: Turner's frontier hypothesis, and

Dawson's and Gettys's social l movement25

Hi.l utilizes the concepts of Frederic Jackson Turner

to maintain that .7merican social forms are the result of

continuous social changes due to the expansion of the west-

ern frontier. Accordingly, the frontier society is com-

posed of a dissatisfied, restless populace, desirous of a

new way of life, and seeking new ways for personal develop-

ment, freedom from traditional restraints, and innumerable

opportunities which are envisioned on the frontier.26

Hill next represents the black movement from the South

to Oklahoma as a social movement as defined by Dawson and

Gettys, consisting of four distinct stages of development:

preliminary dissatisfaction and unrest; collective excite-

ment of the populace; the formalizaLion of the movement;

and finally, the institutionalization of the movement.

Hill concludes by stating that the all-black society

essentially is an escape mechanism resolving the black

subordinate caste frustrations in a white-dominated society

by virtual isolation and separation. Thus the all-black

communities in Oklahoma are the result of an idealistic,

naive social movement of blacks, attempting to find a

solution to the race problem acceptable to blacks and whites

alike, -nd Nwhich ultimately vwas frustrated by intransigent
white racial prejudice and b.gotry. These factors of

isolaticn, separatl.on, oan prejudice dcitebrmiryeo by Hill

as prominent in the developnlnt oI: all-black towns in

Oklahoma azre the same factors identified by this author as

operating on the development of Kinloch.28

In his last work on racia) common ties, Hill is con-

cerned with unifying various sociological, anthropological,
and psychological methods of analysis.29 The specific prob-

lem of the research involves the use of the all-black com-

munity as a social system to analyze cultural processes

and persona] orientations of individuals within the com-

munity. Hill's synthesis is particularly successful as the

interdisciplinary approach enables social scientists to

study the community from three distinct but inseparable

perspectives: society, personality, and culture. This

work proved invaluable when the author attempted to identify

the significant geographic factors in the isolation of


In addition to the numerous contributions of Mozell C.

Hill, there has been other significant research into the

nature and characteristics of all-black towns. The loca-

tional foci of studies range across the South from Oklahoma

to Georgia. The earliest of these studies is a master's

thesis in political science by John D. Bell concerning Boley,

Oklahoma, written in 1930.30 Bell was interested in

studying Boley to determine if black voting patterns are

the result of "inhcrc.nt lethargy'"31 or discriminatory prac--

tices anjd disenfranchisements by whites,

A master's thesis in sociology by Maurice E. Jackson,

completed in 1937, on the social and economic development

of Mound Bayou, Mississippi,. wUas primarily focused on the

leadership patterns of the inhabitants and on the relations

between the blacks and whites in surrounding areas. Jackson

tool; great pains to point out the role played by attitudes
and values in the social interactions of the two races.3

Another sociologist involved in research on all-black

towns is Vernon J. Parenton, who concentrated on Bertrandville,

Louisiana. In three works, Parenton analyzed population

characteristics of the communityy,4 the social organization

and social processes,3 and social structure and leader-

ship patterns.36 Particularly important to this author

was Parenton's discussion of the great degree of internal

cohesion, integration and solidarity in Bertrandville,7

and also his analysis of the community's poor economic

condition as a reflection of superordinate-subordinate re-

lations between whites and blacks which are reflected in

the development of other all-black communities, including


The existence of numerous all-black communities in

Oklahoma has led William E. Bittle and Gilbert L. Geis

to develop the historical sociology of these towns, especially

their inception, the attitudes of blacks and whites concerning

them, and their decline.33 In the investigation the authors

were concerned with the idea of racial self-fulfillment:

a vision of a town or county where blacks could demonstrate

the capacity for self-government and the ability to develop

a society equivalent to the white culture in the rest of the


Bittle and Geis maintained that all-black communities

are available and appropriate research areas offering in-

sights into black attitudes, values, and behavior which

are not provided from studies of such data in bi-racial

communities where blacks are subjected to sub-dominant roles
by white society.39 The research of these two men is an

interesting, important addition to the literature concerning

all-black towns. Its significance lies in the documentation

of the evolution of the idea of black self-fulfillment that

culminated in tows such as Boley, Oklahoma, illustrating

in historical perspective how many all-black towns grew,

prospered, and finally withered in the continual threat of

racial hatred and fear.40

As will be shown, Kinloch evolved from a rural agri-
cultural community to an urban community This specific

type of rural to urban transition has received little atten-

tion in the social science literature with, however, one
major exception.4 Simon Ottenberg, an anthropologist, ana-

lyzed patterns of leadership and change in Shrimp Creek,

an all-black town in southeastern Georgia, in the context

of a social and economic transition from rural to urban

orientation.43 His research is relevant to this author's

work in Kinloch because- it offers an analysis of the slow

urbaniza-t on of an all -black rural community. In fact,

the historical developrmni t of Shrirp Creek resei bles the

early history of Kinloc-h, making possible many interesting

parallels in the evolution and growth of each community.

Previous Studies of Kinloch

Of the extensive literature on all-black communities,

few articles specific.:lL. have been concerned with Kinloch.

However two social scientists, John Kramer, a sociologist,

and Ingo Walter, an economist, have investigated social and

political variables in Kinloch. Because these works are

closely linked to this author's research, their content

and findings invite more detailed analysis.

In the first research undertaken on Kinloch in 1968,

the authors examine the political structure and social pro-

cess aiiong United States blacks.44 Specifically, the problem

presented in the research is that all previous studies

of politics among black Americans involve situations in which

the black electorate is either a numerical or social minority.

As a result, Kraimer and Walter assert knowledge of black

political life is limited by white political domination

and black political style and organization is shaped by

this domination.45

One setting which does not fit the pattern of white

political domination of blacks is that of autonomous all-

black municipalities. The only recent studies dealing with

all-black cormmunitier in the: Uni.tc States do not involve

political variables. 'Thicrfore, tb'-' authors propose to

examine the political history of a partjculcr a:l)-black

city, Black; City (a pcdu:crny for Kinloch), its political

organization, and the fI:jor eDieev-Is of the divergecnt

ideological positions vlithin the community. In addition,

t ute ithors o1ug'st t-c feasibility of guardedly viewing

the community and its; politics as a prototype of the emerging

urban black political scene.

A variety of procedures are used to collect the in-

formation on Kinloch's political structure. Primary data

consist of the collection of two types of interview:

1) unstructured interviews with knowledgeable black citi-

zens; and 2) an interview schedule of open-ended items

administered to Kinloch political figures. Other data

collected and analyzed are newspaper files, Kinloch and St.

Louis County records and reports, political campaign
material, and reports from Kinloch aldermanic sessions.

After the introduction containing the above material,

the article is divided into six sections, of which three

are devoted to Kinloch's political history. The two

following are concerned with the ideology of the community's

political organizations, and the last part attempts to re-

late the data represented in the other five subdivisions

to the hypothesis: if the political situation in Kinloch

is prototypical of the urban black political scene develop-

ing in the central cities, then resulting political styles,

organization and ideologies may :reseJ-).ble ithe same factors

as found in the all-black city.

Kraimr's and Walter's research., which appears well'-

deve.oped and plausible at first reading, hypothesizing a

relationship between politics in Kinloch and black central

cities,is based on several misconceptions, for many facts

may Je presented to negate such a relationship. First,

Kinloch lacks the necessary tax base to provide even the
absolute minimum municipal services.48 Although steadily

deteriorating in many areas, the tax bases of most, if not

all, central cities have not even approached the almost

non-exiFtent level it has in Kinloch. Secondly, Kinloch's

voters are poorly educated, unsophisticated, and amazingly

tolerant of governmental inefficiency and corruption.49

Even detractors of black political power50 would be hard

pressed to make such assertions, and to offer comparisons

with predominantly black central cities, which have many

professionals, clergymen, and businessmen taking an active

part in the political scene. Thirdly, the traditional

two-party political system has never developed in Kinloch,

whereas the central cities long have been organized by the

Democrats, Republicans, or independent third parties.51

Fourthly, and most imporLant, the residents of the

community and their social-political system may be considered

to be related more closely to the folkways of rural society

than to the sophisticated machinations and manueverings of

urban society. Kinloch's political system should be viewed

as pa.rt of a behavior pattern which has arisen as a tran-

sitiional adjus~tcme t to dS'vlorpmcnt in science and tech-

nolcgy. This adjustmenct is kn:c-.,.' ar: a technicway, a blend
of technical society canc fo ,-.ays0 2 Technicways "provide

a doqrr-c of precarious staLbil.ity during the lag between the

practical diissolution of celccted folkways and institution-

alization of new social pe.ttcrns.53

Kinloch's political situation thus may be understood

as a transitional stage as the city loses its original rural

orientation and characteristics and becomes more and more

typically urban in attitudes and behavior patterns. There-

fore, the conclusions drawn by Kramer and Walter seem

spurious and without basis in fact, and cannot be accepted.

Despite difficulties they had in supporting their

hypothesis, Kramer and Walter were pioneers in a new field.

It was the first attempt to examine the mechanisms in which

an autonomous, all-black city's political behavior patterns

differ significantly from those in bi-racial communities

where whites dominate. Although the authors do illustrate

a difference in such patterns, it seems likely that in-

correct, unsupportable conclusions are reached concerning

the relationship of those patterns to predominantly black

central cities. It seems logical to this writer, based on

his research and knowledge of the community, that Kinloch

is evolving toward the political behavior expressed by

central cities, rather than that the central cities' politics

are becoming like Kinloch's.

A second work by Pal ter and Kr.amer (1969) offers a

related yet divergent vie',' of al l--.ack com iunities.5

As social scientists, they are iJ.,t_.'.:rested in the socioeco-

nomic characteristics of pol-tic.ily independent all-black

municipalities (the definition of all-black used in the

article is that given by Harold Ros 55). According to the

authors, one of the most iTmpoirtant of the common charac-

teristics of autonomous all-black cities is that political

independence may substantially increase the economic de-

pendence of the black municipality upon the surrounding

political units which are the most often predominantly

white.5 By examining one such colunumity (Kinloch), Walter

and Kramer propose to indicate the manner in which this

dependence, economic for the most part, develops. Ob-

viously this topic is of considerable importance as blacks

gain political dominance in well-defined areas of the

United States, particularly in some of the large central

cities of Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas.

Excluding the introduction, the article is divided

into five units: Background, Economic Conditions, Labor

Force Patterns, Human Resources, and Economic Development.

In each of these major units, detailed information is pre-

sented concerning the subject of the unit. Most of the

data provided is from a variety of national, state, and

local governmental departments.57 The authors present a

detailed analysis of each of the major segments of the

article, and each of tho::e segment, hlas been related to-

gether to present a unified struc-itre.

However, it j this writer's opinion that neither the

analysis of each unit nor ther sy nthesis accompliis!es the

specific purpose of tinh esea ch- to show that political

independence substantially increases the economic dependence

of the all-bjack city upon s.ur rounding predominantly white,

political units.

Before Kinloch was incorporated as a politically

autonomous city in 1948, the community was totally dependent

on St. Louis County for public services: tire, police,

roads and highways, zoning and planning, education, recrea-

tion, courts, etc. Thus, before political autonomy, the

community derived all Covernmental services from St. Louis

County, but it received no support from the surrounding,

coterminous, predominantly white, political units, Berkeley

and Fer~uson.8

After Kinloch received a charter as an autonomous city,

these ties of dependence with St. Louis County ceased.

The community was forced to assume the responsibility for

the services previously provided by the county.59 As far

as the surrounding white suburbs were concerned, Kinloch

remained as isolated as ever, not receiving political or

economic support before or after incorporation.

Although Walter and Kramer substantially are correct

about Kinloch becoming economically dependent on a larger

political unit which is predominantly white, this unit is

the United States government and not the surrounding munici-

palities. For much of its economic resources Kinloch nec-

essarily depends on grants and programs from the Departments

of Health, Education, and Welfare; Housing and Urban De-

velopment; and the Office of Economic Opportunity. The

authors have ignored the fact that due to an almost ab-

solute lack of economic resources as a community, Kinloch

would have to depend on outside support whether it was in-

corporated or not.

Despite their failure to support their hypothesis

satisfactorily, Walter and Kramer document the economic

dependence of one all-black city and therefore have alerted

other such communities to the pitfalls of political au-

tonomy, attractive though political autonomy may at first


The last article, written by John Kramer (in 1967),

deals with the functioning of Clarence Lee as mayor of

Kinloch from 1961 to 1967.60 Specifically the problem con-

sidered is the attempt of Lee, with no publicity and almost

no indigenous resources, save personal initiative, to eradi-

cate the ubiquitous substandard, deteriorated, and blighted

social, economic, and physical environments in the all-black

community. In addition to the enormous problems involved

in urban renewal and rehabilitation, Mayor Lee is concerned

with the basics of urban life in a povery-stricken area:

sewers, indoor toilets, paved and lighted streets, employment

opportunities, rudimentary police protection, and education.61


Krarer's research into the chaotic conditions surrounding

the chief elected official of Kinloch is very perceptive

and provides invaluable insights on the development of

the black community in the past decade. It is without

doubt a most useful and significant work on Kinloch.


1. This definition is after that given by Harold Rose,
"The All-Negro Town: Its Evolution and Function,"
The Geographical Review, LV (July, 1965), 362. How-
ever, two major differences exist between the two
definitions. First, the definition proposed by this
writer differentiates between towns and cities in order
to be more precise in the following analysis. Secondly,
10 percent white population is allowed in all-black
municipalities instead of Rose's 5 percent as the
author believes that historically many well-known
racial communities have existed with the higher per-
cent white and have remained viable and black con-
trolled. Thus, the 10 percent white is regarded as
a chance occurrence which does not denigrate the use
of the term "all-black."

2. United States, Department of Commerce, Bureau of the
Census, General Ponulation Characteristics: 1970
United States. Final Report PC (1), Table 16, Sum-
mary Data for Areas, Places, and Counties; Table 32,
Data for Places of 1,000 to 2,500.

3. For the use of chi-square in geographical research
see S. Gregory, Statistical Methods and the Geographer
(London: Longmans, Green & Co., Ltd., 1963), pp. 163-

4. The regional division utilized follows that of the United
States Bureau of the Census, General Population
Characteristics, Final Report PC (1)-B1, pp. 1-255.

5. Claire Selltiz, et al., Research Methods in Social
Relations (New York: Holt, Rinehart and wTnston,
Inc., 1959), pp. 417-419.

6. Rose, "All-Negro Town." 362.

7. Ibid., 364.

8. Tbid.

9. Ibid., 374-375.

10. Ibid., 375.

11, Lbid,, 3811

12. .sz3 i1 C. Hill, "A Cociologiical Study of an All-Negro
Coru'nityv,-" 1Kastt-' thu.n siL cpa-rttment of Sociology,
University of Kansas,Lawrence, 1937, p. 95.

13. Ibid., p. 96.

14. "The All-Negro Society in Oklahoma,"
T'Ph.D. dlisrsrtat:ion, Department of Sociology, Univer-
sity of Chicago, Chicago, 194'.S p. 83.

15. Vernon o Parenton an d Ro'n J. PellegIrin, "Social
Structure and the Leader-ship -Tactor in a Negro Com-
munity in South Loaisiana,"' T'he '10Ion Quarterly,
XVIT (March, 1956), 75.

16. Rose, "All-Negro Town," 381.

1'. John E. K-raer and Ingo Walter, "Politics in an All-
Neg.co City," Urban Affairs Quarterly, IV (September,
1968), 67; and Ingo Walter and John~ E. Kramer, "Polit-
ical Autonomy and Economic Dependence in an All--Negro
Municipality," The American Journal of Economics and
Socioloqgy, XXVIII (July, 1969), 228-233.

18. Parenton and Pellsgrin. "Social Structure," 75-76.

19. William E. Little and Gilbert L. Geis, "Racial Self-
Fulfillment and the Rise of an All--Negro Community
in Oklahoma," The Phylon Quarterly, XVII (Fall, 1957), 248.

20. Mozell C. Hill, "Basic Racial Attitudes Toward -Whites
in the Oklahoma All-Negro Community," The American
Journal of Sociology, XLIX (May, 1944), 519.

21. "A Comparative Study of Race Attitudes
Ti the All-Negro Community in Oklahoma," The Phylon
Quarterly, VII (Third Quarter, 1946), 260.

22. See Chapter III, pp. 76-77 and Chapter IV, pp. 84-85.

23. Mozell C. Hill, "The All-Negro Communities of Oklahoma:
The Natural History of a Social Movement," Journal
of Negro History, XXXI (July, 1946), 254-268.

24. Frederick Jackson Turner, The Frontier in Amneican
History (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1920),
pp. 13-21.

25. Carl A. Dawson and Warner E. Cettys, Introduction to
Sociology (New York: Ronald Press, 1949), pp. 128-135.

26. Hill, "All-Negro Communities of Oklahoma," 255.

27. Ibid., 268.

28. See Chapter III, pp. 48--59.

29. Mocell C. Hill and Alh : ,t i i-iiting, "Some The oretical
and -'ethodological Problem s in Coumnunjity Studies,"
ociA! Fourc:;es, XXIX (Decembo-er, 1950), 117.

30. John D). Boll, "Boley: A Study of a Negro Town,"
Master's thesis, Departmernt of Political Science,
University of Kansas, Lawrence, 1930.

31. Tbi 60--62.

32. Maurice E. Jackson, "Mound Pbyou--A Study in Social
Develoi'ment," Master's the.:is, Department of Sociology,
University of Alabama, Birmingham, 1957.

33. Ibid., 2-3.

34. Vernon 0. Parenton, "Some Population Characterjstics of
a Negro Village in the French Section of Louisiana,"
Proceedings of the Louisiana Academy of Sciences,
IV (Nove mber 18, 1938), 287.

35. "A Sociological Study of a Negro Village
in the French Section of Louisiana," Master's thesis,
Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge (1938), p. 11.

36. Parenton and Pellegrin, "Social Structure," 74-75.

37. Parenton, "Some Population Characteristics," 293.

38. Little and Geis, "Racial Self-Fulfillment," 248-249.

39. Ibid., 248.

40. Ibid., 255-256.

41. See Chapter III, pp. 59-62.

42. Simon Ottenberg, "Leadership and Change in a Coastal
Georgia Negro Community," The Phylon Quarterlv, XX
(Spring, 1959), 7-18.

43. Ibid., 7-9.

44. John E. Kramer and Ingo Walter, "Politics in an Al]-
Negro City," Urban Affairs Quarterly, IV (September,
1968), 65-88.

45. Ibid., 65.

46. Ibid., 68.

47. Ibid., 66 and 81.

48. St. Louis County, Department of Revenue, "Tax Data--
Incorporated Areas," Clayton, Missouri, 1969, pp. 36-37.

49. Kramer and Walter, "All-Negro City," 82.

50. Edward Banfield, The Unheavenly City (New York:
Little, Brown & Company, 1970), pp. 185-209.

51. Floyd B. Barbour, ed., The Black Power Revolt (New
York: Collier-Macmillan Company, 1963), pp. 38-40.

52. Alvin Eoskoff, "Negro Class Structure and the Technic-
ways," Social Forces, XXIX (December, 1950), 128.

53. Ibid.

54. Ingo Walter and John E. Kramer, "Political Autonomy
and Economic Dependence in an All-Negro Municipality,"
The American Journal of Sociology, XXVIII (July, 1969),

55. Rose, "All-Negro Town," 362.

56. Walter and Kramer, "Political Autonomy," 225.

57. Ibid.

58. Ibid., 227-228.

59. Ibid.

60. John E. Kramer, "The Other Mayor Lee," Focus Midwest,
XXXV (Spring, 1967), 17-24.

61. Ibid., 17.



The Studv Area

Kinloch, Missouri, is located in the St. Louis Stan-

dard MetropoliLan Statistical Area (Figure 1), approximately

15 miles north-northwest of downtown St. Louis. The popu-

lation, according to the 1970 Census, is 5,578 of which only

one permanent resident, a Catholic priest, is white; all

other residents are black. Included in St. Louis County

(Figure 2), Kinloch is a separate legal, entity, having been

granted a charter as city by the state of Missouri in 1948.

Kinloch is surrounded completely by two suburbs (Berke-

ley and Ferguson) which are almost all.-white (Figure 2).

In addition, and icore important, Kinloch effectively is iso-

lated from these comonirnities by high fences, cul-de-sacs

and dead-end streets, green belts, and lack of proper road

maintenance at the city limits of the white communities.

Kinloch also, for all practical purposes, totally lacks an

economic resource base, having few service centers, only

two small light manufacturing plants, and no heavy industry.

Thus the residents of Kinloch are forced to go outside

their community into the surrounding St. Louis SMSA for

employment and for most consumer activities.


Modison Co
St Ch ,rl.. Co.


St. C-lo- Co.
fronkl.n Co.

I Jefferson Co
I Monro Co I

County Boundary MILES
5 0 5 15 25
State Boundary I I
Source Unted Storle Bureou of Ih. Cniu, 1970

Figure 1: St. Louis, Missouri-Illinois Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area

Therefore, the specific problem area is Kinloch,

Missouri, an all-black city, isolated physically and so-

cially from the surrounding white communities, with little

employment and consumer-oriented opportunities available

for the inhabitants within the black community.

General Setting

To anyone unfamiliar with the physical reality of

Kinloch, the best introduction is a description of the

landscape bordering the main thoroughfare to Kinloch, Car-

son Road, from Berkeley (an all-white city) into Kinloch.

Carson Road is not only the principal traffic artery ser-

vicing Kinloch, but it is the only major road that penetrates

the all-black community. Theoretically it extends completely

through Kinloch, actually it is incomplete with almost two

blocks of unpaved and totally impassable right-of-way in

the black community (Figures 3 and 4). However, at the

Berkeley city limits, Carson Road again is fully maintained

by the St. Louis County Street Department.

Basically, Carson Road is north-south oriented and

extends many miles through numerous municipalities of St.

Louis County south of Kinloch. The section of road to be

examined, however, begins at Interstate Highway 70 and

continues north into Kinloch. Near the Interstate Highway

the area traversed by the street is typical of many older

suburbs of the county, with a mixture of brick and frame

single-family residences and several newer apartment

St. Louis County


I Cool Valley
2 Bel-Nor /
3 Northland
4 River Roads St
5 Northwest Plaza S
6 wellston
7 Kingshighway-Easton /
8 Midtown
9 St. Louis CBD \
10 East St. Louis\ b

Figure 2: General Locational


4 -/




Sourc, D0iver-6d Mop C..orporation

Aspects of the Study Area

complexes (Figure 5). 'Th: house? and lawns are neat and

well-kept and are priced in the Sl;i000 to $25,000 price

The approach to the city limits of Kinloch indicates

no appreciable change in the character of the streets, which

are acphaltic concrete and in good repair, or of the resi-

dences. Irrme.diately at the city limits, however, an abrupt

change in the landscape is startlingly obvious. The road

becomes very bumpy and poorly maintained, the houses are

old and very poorly kept, there are many vacant lots over-

grown\ with a profusion of vegetation (Figure 6). In other

words, this is a scene more typical of an area of extensive

rural poverty than of a community located in the St. Louis

suburban ring. At this point, a more detailed description

of Kinloch is necessary to portray vividly this remarkable

transition from a suburban environment to a ghetto-slum

that is miles removed from the inner city.

The roads in any community are one of the most obvious

manifestations of the amount of money allocated to city

services in general. In the surrounding white cities of

Berkeley and Ferguson the roads are in good condition,

well-maintained with few pot-holes, lined with curbs and

sidewalks. In Kinloch, almost all of the roads are in need

of repair. In 1963, the St. Louis County Health Depart-

ment found 92 percent of the black community's streets to be

inadequate.4 The condition of these roads had not changed

appreciably by 1970, Street maintenance is all but

-- I

I ,

Paper Street

Figure 3 Transportation Pattern of the Study Area
S SIs Pl o I ___Co on
^ ^L^ -m\ KINLOCH ] r

paper Street
Discontinuously Maintained\

Figure 3: Transportation Pattern of the Study Area

Figure 4: Unpaved right--oZf-vay (paper street) of the eastern
section of Carson Road in Kinloch.


non-existent, with more than one-third of all streets un-

pt'ved (Figure 3); curbs and sidec;alks are almost totally

ab&ent." Street light: are limited to the few "major"

streets of the city, a situation that was brought about

wbo:n the municipal government, after learning it could finance

the installation of i :htiing only on selected street corners,

petitioned property owners to foren "light clubs" that

appoctioned the cost of lighting the streets between the cor-

ners to property ovmnes based on the amount of street

frontage owned by each individual.6

There are no arterial streets running completely through

Kinloch into the surrounding white communities. All major

streets in the area either are at the periphery of the city,

at some greater distance, or, in the case of Carson Road

(in Kinloch, renamed the Martin Luther King Boulevard),

coming to a dead-end in the community (Figure 4). The

general pattern and the condition of streets in the city

resemble rural farm lanes, or even an unordered, unplanned

rabbit maze. The streets meander about, with a grid struc-

ture imposed by the main routes. There are also a large

number of unsurfaced dirt and gravel roads further con-

tributing to the rural atmosphere. Many of the streets

marked as permanent thoroughfares on maps of Kinloch are

non-existent "paper roads" consisting only of unmarked rights-

of--way which are often built up with residences and used

as lawns and gardens (Figure 3).


Figure 5: Neat houses and lawns along well-maintiined
Carson Road in white area adjacent to Kinloch.

Figure. : G: Carson Rrad at thc city limits of Kinloch and
Bcrl.-el; i-.r and de! aun crcjrowith rar7X Loirdcu.

V, .4 ..- I



u Cul-de-sacs CO
_ "The Kinloch Wall" e
i ,




- City Boundary

0 700

Factors Surrounding Kinloch

Figure 7: Isolation

Another major problem affectJi.n the street transporta-

tion system is the physical barriers restricting the smooth

circulation and commuric nation ol people and goods from

KIinloch out into the surro'ud'i nr arcan. Kinloch is all

but totaly isolated from its wh-Ite neighbors by fences,

cul-de-sacc: public utility right's-of-way, streams, vege-

tation barriers, and streets which are unrepaired at the

city limits of the surroundings white communities (Figure 7).

The character of the residences is another principal

factor in differenttiatin the black from the white com-

munities. Much of the substandard quality of Kinloch's

housing is readily apparent ever. to a casual observer

(Figures 8 and 9). Exterior damage and disrepair such as

cracked foundations, broken i windows, porches, and railings,

sagging and crumbling brick and block walls, roofs with

more shingles missing than not, and dangerously tilting

chimneys are the rule rather than the exception. Also

commonly found in Kinloch are many abandoned and partially

or totally destroyed residences, many of which are either

vandalized, or gutted by fire (Figures 10, 11 and 12).

Another common characteristic is the presence of numerous

outdoor toilet facilities, many of which are still being

used. And, although substantial progress has been made,

the sanitary conditions of the black community are more

characteristic of some rural areas than of the suburbs of a

large urban center such as St. Louis.

Figure 8: Heavy vegetation surrounding a typical house
in Kinloch.

Figure 9: Typical house and lawn in Kinloch in character-
istic state of disrepair.

Figure 10:

One of many abandoned and vandalized houses
in Kinloch.

j II

Figure 11: Abandoned and dilapidated house in Kinloch.

i wi


A factor directly associated with the quality of the

maintenance of the black city's streets and houses .is that

on the yards and numero!'; s vacant lots adjacent to the

(dwell.ing units. Houses with wide expanses of neat, well-

trimmred, attractive lawns caui be found easily in Kinloch,

but they are in the minority (Figure 13). More generally,

the yards surrounding most of the houses consist of dirt with

little or no grass cover at the portion near the road, grading

to a mixture of grass, weeds, and dirt halfway to the houses,

and iimedi ately surrounding the houses, vegetation runs

rair.pant with trees, bushes, and tall weeds seemingly com-

peting with the houses for survival (Figures 8 and 9).

Thus the picture painted of the all-black city is not

one of a typical suburban community, but rather a strange

mixture both of the poverty and blight of inner city ghettos

and parts of the rural South. A detailed examination is

necessary to illustrate the mechanisms which have contributed

to these seemingly disparate and incongruent trends in


Origin and Development of Kinloch

In the 1860's and 1870's the area today known as

Kinloch was devoted largely to agricultural pursuits, leading

to the supply of some of the produce needed in the City of

St. Louis nearby. Among the farmers and farm laborers were

blacks, a few of whom owned property, but most simply

were hired hands. Over the years, the number of blacks

Remains of Kinloch house destroyed by fire.

Figure 13:

New housing development in Kinloch's only
modern subdivision in the city's northwest.

Figure 12:



living in the area slowly increased.c In the late 1880's

several enterprisingg St. Louis real estate firms, taking

ed-a vntage of the earlier. his-tory rf black sett lenment, pur-
chased several large tracts of land in the area, sub-

divided the land into lots of 25 by 100 feet and 20 by 80

feet, and offered them for nle to blacks living in the St.

Louis ghetto at approximately $50 and $40 respectively.

Although these blacks lacked the financial security and

resources necessary to construct the typical suburban homes

of the time, they built small shanties on their property

and laid out unpaved roads to provide access to their homes.

The area was still predominately rural and the residents

had the advantage of raising some of their own food.

Another benefit was that the area was wooded and hilly, with

several small streams, reminding many of the residents of

their former homes in the South.

The black population of the area grew steadily, expand-

ing as additional tracts were subdivided and advertised

in St. Louis. Shortly after 1930 the black population num-

bered over 4,000 and continued growing at nearly the same

rate as the surrounding areas inhabited by white population.1

The rapid growth of both populations necessitated the es-

tablishment of a common school district with "separate but

equal" facilities for blacks and whites governed by an all-

white school board.1

During the middle and late 1930's Kinloch and the

surrounding area of white farmers were united only by the

common school district. By that time the black population

outnumer'ced the white by almost 2,000 people; however, the

white electorate heavily outnaimelr-_c, the black as a result
of discriminatory Ml isscuri election laws. Although

.issouri laws provided for segregated school systems, blacks

were allowed to vote in the school board elections. With

a rapidly expanding black electorate, Reverend Reuben

Matthewson, a resident of Kinloch, was elected to the three-

merier school board. Reverend Matthewzson bitterly complained

about the used and abused books relegated to the black schools,

the wide differentials in pay scales, and the school dis-
trict's refusal to construct a black high school..

In 1938, when the black electorate openly began to

talk and make plans to elect another black to the board,

the whites responded by withdrawing from the district, and

incorporating themselves as the towns of Berkeley and Fer-

guson with separate school systems.15

Between 1938 and 1948, the black population continued

to grow, but at a slower rate than before.6 The residents

continued to run their school district, but without the

financial support provided by the white population's taxes,

the system was operating under very stringent financial

constraints, even though a local high school was eventually

built in 1939 with the Works Progress Administration funds.1

The St. Louis County government, %vhich legally was responsible

for providing services to unincorporated areas, lar-ely

ignored the black community.

In 1948, hoping to improve Lheir situation through

sclf-determination, the black residents of the a; a sought

and 'were granted a charter oi inco: ,p) ration as the City of

Kinloch. 1 Satisfaction with the now charter was short-

lived, however, as in March, 149, approximately 2,000 resi-

dents pe-ttioned for disincorporation, alleging insufficient

taxable property within the city's 554 acres. 9 The city's

principal political leaders waged a bitterly contested

campaign against the move to disincorporate; the petition

was ultimately overturned on a technicality by the Missouri

Supreme Court.20 Thus, the stage was set for the continua-

tion and intensifying two significant elements which were

to shape Kinloch's futuxe--poverty and isolation.

Present Socioeconomic Conditions

Kinloch today, with a population of almost 6,000 in-

habitants, is an area of remarkably deep-seated poverty both

in terms of absolute numbers of families earning less than

a living wage and percentage of inhabitants affected by

poverty. The 1970 United States Census reveals that the

median family income in Kinloch is only $5,202, while in

Berkeley and Ferguson the median family incomes are $11,001

ana $12,788 respectively,21 and $12,393, $11,868, and $10,236

in St. Louis County, the Standard Metropolitan Statistical
Area, and Missouri respectively.22 In addition, the 1970

United States Census reports that 34 percent or almost

400 families in Kinloch received some form of public

assistance, particularly aid to dependent children and old

age assistance; the mean family inc 'me of this group is

only $1,765, with a metne jhacoriue Juricit of $2,255 below

federal poverty criteria,2, indicat-ng that the families

in Kinloch receiving public as-sistance had an average

family income that was approximately 56 percent below

the federal poverty standard.

Accompanying these fmiily economic statistics is

another trend which characteristically indicates hard-

co:e poverty: predominantly substandard housing in the

black community. The St. Louis County Planning Depart-

ment, in a 1968 survey, determined that of some 1,800

dwelling units in Kinloch about 63 percent were classified

as substandard.25 The 1970 Census additionally reveals that

over 34 percent of all occupied housing units in Kinloch

are without public sewers, and 35 percent without central

or built-in heating systems,26 and that almost 60 percent

of the occupied dwelling units in 1970 were owned by their

residents with about 80 percent of all Kinloch families
living in their own homes.2 The 1970 Census also reveals

that over 58 percent of the dwellings in the black com-

munity were constructed before 1949 and approximately 71

percent are valued at less than $10,000, with a mean value

of only $6,700.28

Low incomes, welfare-dependent families, and inferior

housing are not the only social and economic disadvantages

of Kinloch. The tax base, partially reflecting low incomes

and condition of housing, is alinot totally inadequate to

provide the population vi.i'.h necesrr:-y municipal services

In 1969, the St. Louis County Deprtm..ent of Revenue re-

ported that the assessed valuation of real property in

Kinloch was 3,124,609, wIith a tax rate of $5.87 per $100
assessed valuation. 'This tax rate is the highest in the

St. Louis SMSA, but yields Kinloch only $242,298 in tax

revenue.31 The tax situation is even more serious in view

of the fact that a state tax program, initiated in 1965,

transferred utility and railroad property taxes to munici-

palities, and actually prevented a decrease in Kinloch's

assessed valuation.32

A second serious tax problem in the black community

involves an extremely high rate of tax delinquency, aver-

aging yearly between 16 percent and 30 percent of the personal

property and real estate tax charge.33 Unfortunately this

failure to pay the taxes has been increasing substantially

during the past several years, resulting in additional

burdens on the community.

The limitations of the educational system of Kinloch

is a reflection of the financial instability of the city

and the school district. The school system is so antiquated

that the state refused to accredit it until 1964, when it

was given the lowest possible accreditation rating.34

The specific problems of the educational system include:

substandard buildings, high student-teacher ratios, inade-

quate salary scale, and unqualified teachers and administrators,

many of whom are brought into th'e system as graduates with-

c- prior teaching experience, f;mi smal) non-acczredited

southern black teacher:;' coilegesr .

Unemployment and undcrel.ployment are problems endemic

tc Kinloch. Although figures on underemployment are very

difficult to obtain, unemployment rates are available from

the Department of Labor and the Office of Economic Oppor-

turity. In 1968. approximately 9 percent of Kinloch's

adult labor force was unemployed, a figure then almost
twice the national average. Compounding this hiyh offi-

cial rate of unemployment is a concentration of individuals

who are never enumerated as actively seeking employment,

some of these are employed only part-time, or are underem-

ployed, or simply have never registered as looking for a

job. The Department of Labor has estimated that the

actual rate of unemployment in black areas is often more

than three to four times higher than the official rate,

indicating that the actual unemployment in Kinloch is a much

more serious problem than the Labor Department's figure

of 9 percent indicates.

Basic to the problems of unemployment and underemploy-

ment in Kinloch are the numbers of occupational opportunities

available in the black community. According to the United

States Census of Lusiness, in 1963 Kinloch had a total of

15 retail service establishments, employing only 21 paid
workers. These establishments were: a general merchan-

dise store, four small food stores, two restaurants, two

drugstores, and two mo:rtuiaries. In 3970, a reconnaissance

of the communityv' dilapi dated L .i rss section revealed

that added to the above b.soin eda's fre a record-dance

parlor, a beauty shop, and two iasoiine service stations.

The only manufacturing entity in Kinloch is a small wrought-

iron firm at the town's southern boundary. Consequently

the employment opportunities within the community are

severely restricted and the greater majority of these seek-

ing jobs must leave Kinloch to find employment.

The Isolation of Kinloch

The locational characteristics of Kinloch seem at first,

to be quite advantageous to the community. Situated in

north St. Louis County and in the St. Louis SMSA, the

black city is located near several of the area's foremost

employers (McDonnel-Douglas, Emerson Electric, and the

Universal Match Corporation), a factor primarily responsible

for much of the area's rapid growth. Additionally, Inter-

state 70 is near Kinloch's southern boundary providing

transportation to the St. Louis CBD and to the airport

which is only two miles away. Other important facilities

adjacent to the black community are the University of

Missouri (St. Louis) and several regional shopping centers.

However, one of the most important, if not the most

important, locational characteristic of Kinloch is its iso-

lation from the surrounding white suburban communities of

Berkeley and Ferguson, an isolation that is readily per-

ceived from maps, air photographs, or field observations.

This isolation is a complex realiLy for the black resi-

dents- and can be subdivided annd c-a-tcorized into three

orms: physical, transportation -coi munication, and social.

Physical barriers between Eerkeley-Ferguson and Kin-

loch are almost completely continuous in the isolation of

the black community and can best be understood referring to

naps of the area (Figures 3 and 6). Classified as physi-

cal ba-rriers are such features as: high fences (both chain

link and wooden); vision and sound obstructing green belts

of high, dense bushes and trees at property lines dividing

white from black residential areas; wide, inviolate public

utility riohts-of-way; and railroad tracts. All of these

barriers effectively mark the limits of black settlement.

Specific instances of the presence of these physical

barriers are illustrated to demonstrate the isolation of

Kinloch. The Union Electric right-of-way, carrying high-

tension electrical power lines (Figures 7 and 14) extends

from the intersection of Scudder and Middleway Avenues

on Kinloch's west side, paralleling Middleway, and turns

in a south-southwest direction north of the intersection of

McHenry and Middleway on Kinloch's southwest border (Figure


Between the point where the right-of-way turns toward

the south and McHenry is the flood plain of a small stream,

Maline Creek, where the St. Louis County Planning and

Zoning departments have prohibited the construction of

building39 diately south st of the line Creek
buildings. Immediately southeast of the Maline Creek


Public utility right-of-way along Kinloch's
northwestern edge, with Kinloch to the right
and Berkeley to the left.

Looking south on Middleway, with Irvington
(gravel surfaced) in Kinloch on the right, and
Hardy in Berkeley on the left.

Figure 14:

Figure 15:

flood plain is a road median, a 20-30 yard wide grassy

divider strip on the we.it r;si of M'idlc:;iy, extending

couttheast to the intersection of Iciddleway and Case ave-

nues (Figure 15). Providing a continuation of barriers

where the median ends is a hiih chain--link fence beginning

at Case and Middleway, following Miodleway and ending at

Kinloch's political boundary. Thus, it is apparent that

the all-black town's west-southwest border is sealed

against any comniunication-circulation between the black

and white communities, essentially containing the black

population from area expansion.

On the southeast boundary of Kinloch the situation is

much the same as on the southwest side. The physical bar-

riers in this area are vacant land that is heavily vege-

tated, the Maline Creek flood plain, and the St. Louis

Belt and Terminal Railway right-of-way (Figure 7). Of these

isolating factors the railway right-of-way is the most

significant, extending along the entire length of the black

town's southeastern limit. The right-of-way is flanked

on both sides by vacant lots which are so densely over-

grown with vegetation as to be virtually impenetrable

visually so that anyone on either side of the tracks is

unable to see or even hear activity on the opposite side.

The situation is somewhat different along the eastern

boundary of Kinloch, marking the separation of the black

city and Ferguson. Along this border there are no rights-

of-way; all the land on both sides of the city limits is

View of dead-end street in Ferguson along
Kinloch's eastern border; row of dense
vegetation in the middle-background marks
Kinloch's boundary.

Looking east from Kinloch into Ferguson from
Scudder, dead-end and unpaved, with the trees
and fence in the foreground marking city limits

Figure 16:

Figure 17:

T:l-q 1:
1 ..*
'-'- `' .

privately owned although the City of Fergus.n maintains

a one-foot strip of easement along the entire eastern

boundary of Kinloch.40 This one foot easement is marked by

a wire fence that is overgrown with trees and bushes. All

roads through Ferguson and Kinloch come to an end short of

the easement (Figures 16 and 17).

At the southern portion of the eastern boundary is a

six-foot high wooden fence ranging over 600 yards, ending

at Suburban Avenue (Figure 7). Although the fence is pri-

vately owned, it was erected by the City of Ferguson for the

property owners along Kinloch's border.

Along the northern section of the town's eastern limits,

north of Carson Road, Ferguson's easement extends to

Kinloch's northern boundary. This northern portion is simi-

lar to the central portion of the east border, with private

fences and densely overgrown with vegetation.

Kinloch's northern legal limits, marking the separation

of the black community from Berkeley, is physically de-

fined by what is known locally as the "Kinloch Wall."41

This barrier is a high chain-link fence that Berkeley resi-

dents have erected to protect their backyards from the

black community (Figure 7). Varying in height from four to

six feet, and even topped along one section by three strands

of barbed wire, the fence is cloaked by vines and an assort-

ment of weeds and bushes shielding the white community from

even visual contact with their black neighbors (Figure 18).

The northern edge of Kinloch; note unpaved
road, the fence, bushes, and trees marking
the black city's common boundary with Berkeley.

Typical cul-de-sac in Berkeley with Kinloch
out of sight behind the houses.

Figure 18:

Figure 19:

T__L- b

It is in this section of Berkele.i that the streets cnjd in

cul-de-sacs (Figures 3 rd 19;).

The only section of iinloch's boundary not enclosed

by physical barriers is the north\:esiern section between

Kinloch and Berkeley. It is not surprising therefore that

it is only in this section that blacks nave penetrated

either of the two-surrounding white communities. It is into

this area that the black population is slowly expanding,

and it is only a matter of time before the whites are

succeeded completely by blacks.

In the northwest area, barriers other than physical

long have been in operation, especially trc transportation-

communication type of obstacle. Improper street construction

and repair on the Berkeley side of Kinloch's northwestern

political boundary has effectively restricted the movement

of vehicular traffic along the seven roads in the area.

Kinloch has maintained its portions of the streets in ques-

tion directly up to the city limits, yet on the Berkeley

side the streets are a mass of deep pot holes, ruts, and

broken asphalt. In several instances the street paving in

Berkeley actually ends some 50 feet short of the boundary

with black city. Sidewalks and street curbs are also dis-

continued some distance from the common legal limits.

The transportation- communication barrier can be shown

to operate in areas around Kinloch other than in the city's

northwest section. Leading into the city of Kinloch are

only 10 through streets. Of these, five in the northwest

section are virtually impalssible; Scudder, running east--

west, abruptly changes comii asphalt to an unpaved country

lane; Carson tRoad is discoitLinuod for two blocks at Kin-

loch's northeastern section; Suburbcn Avenue has in the .re-

cent past (up to the summer of 1970) been barricaded with

a large steel chain across a small bridge on the Ferguson-

Kinloch border; and the other two streets are limited in

length (one is only a single block long) and carry little


At the southwestern edge of Kinloch, less than one-

fourth of a mile from the city limits, is Interstate 70.

Unfortunately, Carson Road does not have a full or even a

partial clover leaf connecting it to the Interstate High-

way. Access to the Interstate is limited since one can only

enter the eastward or St. Louis bound lanes. Additionally

there is only one exit and that is westward or from the

direction of downtown St. Louis.

At the present time, a limited-access six-lane divided

highway, locally called the Inner Belt, is scheduled to be

completed by 1975.42 The construction of this highway has

aroused deep resentment among Kinloch residents, for the

highway, which is a major artery connecting north and south

St. Louis County, will pass through the southern edge of

the city, yet will have neither entrance nor exit ramps

servicing Kinloch. As of the late summer of 1972, public

hearings and petitions have done nothing to change these

plans of the Missouri Highway Commission.

In addition to the almost total absence of proper

street maintenance at the mutually v.shared city limits of

the black and white cormaunities, transportation-communication

barriers are evidenced by the presence of many cul-de-sacs

and dead-end streets at Kinioch's boundaries. Along the

northern and eastern borders of the black city all of the

streets, with the exception of Carson Road and Suburban

Avenue, in Berkeley and Ferguson are either not through or

end in the cul-de-sac pattern so popular in suburban develop-

ments (Figures 3 and 18).

The last factor in the isolation of Kinloch is much

more subtle than either physical or transportation barriers.

In a real sense this factor can be said to be the cause of

the other barriers. The existence of fear, lack of under-

standing, hatred, prejudice, and indifference on the part of

white America is the ultimate cause of the racial conflict

in the United States and the isolation of Kinloch. These

attitudes have built a plural society in which white and

black relationships have been master-slave, superior-inferior

for so many years that they are all but an ineradicable part

of life in the United States. These factors are considered

together by the author as a social barrier, responsible

for the separation and isolation of Xinloch from its white


An example of this social barrier was demonstrated to

the author when he was interviewing white property owners

whose property directly abutted Kinloch. Many of these


people denied the presence of the !back community by claiming

that it was some disi.tc.nc aw'ay ra tbier than at their back-

yard.4 AnJother instance of the. existence of this barrier

was the initial acceptance of the children of Kinloch's

only Catiolic grade school by the pastor of a neighboring

all-white Catholic parish into that grade school. When

the white parishioners were informed of the pastor's de-

cision, a furor erupted in which many of the parishioners

withheld their Sunday donations until the pastor was forced

to cancel the arrangement with the black Catholic school

in Kinloch.4


1. John E. Kramer anrid ngo Walter, "Politics in an All-
Negro City," Urban Affairs Quarterly, IV (September,
1968), 85.

2. Human Developiicnt Corporation of Metropolitan St. Louis,
"Neighborhood Handbook:" St. Louis, 1968, p. 1.

3. Interview with Charles Franklin of Lott-Hunt Realty
Company; Ferguson, Missouri, June 7, 1970.

4. St. Louis County, Health Department, "Sanitary Survey
Report, City of Kinloch," Clayton, Missouri, 1963, p. 9.

5. Ibid.

6. Ingo Walter and John E. Kramer, "Political Autonomy and
Economic Dependence in an All-Negro Municipality,"
The American Journal of Economics and Socioloy, XXVII
(July, 1i969 232.

7. St. Louis County, "Sanitary Survey Report," p. 11.

8. Kramer and Walter, "All-Negro City," 69; and inter-
views with Kinloch residents Elmira Wilhams, Mary Stewart,
and Fred Whitted; Kinloch, Missouri, June 29, 1970.

9. Kramer and Walter, "All-Negro City," 69.

10. Interviews with Kinloch residents, Samuel Anderson,
William Howard, John O'Quinn and Roosevelt Gordon;
Kinloch, Missouri, July 2, 1970.

11. Walter and Kramer, "All-Negro Municipality," 227.

12. Ibid.

13. Ibid.

14. Kramer and Walter, "All-Negro City," 69.

15. Ibid.

16. Walter and Kramer, "All-Negro Municipality," 227.

17. Kramer and Walter, "All-Negro City," 69.

18 Human Development Corporation, "Neighborhood Handbook,"
p. 1.

19. Walter and Kramer, "[ill-Negro Municipality," 227,

20. Ibid.

21. United States, Depart-ment of Co-merce, Bureau of the
Census, Census of i'onulation and Housing: 1970, Census
Tracts Fina Repi '!:'C ()-r0181., St. Louis Missouri-
Illinois Standard Metrololitan Statistical Area; Table
P. 4. Income Characte.ristics of the Population, p.
P-128 and p. P-122.

22. Ibid., pp. 115-116.

23. Ibid., Table P-6, Fc.onomic Characteristics of the Negro
Population, p. P-169.

24. Ibid.

25. St. Louis County, Planning Department, "Current Land
Use Inventory and Structural Conditions," Clayton,
Missouri, 1968, p. 18.

26. Bureau of the Census, Census Tracts, Table H-4, Struc-
tural, EcUipinent, and Financial Characteristies, of
Housing Units with Negro lead of Household, p. H-85.

27. Walter and Kramer, "All-Negro Municipality," 229-230.

28. Bureau of the Census, Table H-3, Occupancy, Utilization,
and Financial Characteristics of Housing Units with
Negro Head of Household, p. H-79.

29. St. Louis County, Department of Revenue, "Tax Data--
Incorporated Areas," Clayton, Missouri, 1969, p. 37.

30. Ibid.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid., 38.

33. Ibid.

34. Walter and Kramer, "All-Negro Municipality," 231.

35. Interview with Kinloch Superintendant of Schools, Dr. A.
R. Shropshire; Kinloch, July 19, 1970.

36. Walter and Kramer, "All-Negro Municipality," 236.

37. David Matza, "Poverty and Disrepute," in Contemporary
Social Problems, ed. by Robert K. Merton and Robert A.
TNsbet (New York: Harcourt, Brace Jovanovich, Inc.,
1971), 385.

38. United States, Department of Commerce, Bureau of the
Census, Census of Business: 1963.

39. Interview with Gerald Stack, Planner, St. Louis County
Planning Department; Clayton, Missouri, May 23, 1970.

40. John Kramer, "The Other Mayor Lee," Focus-Midwest, V
(Spring, 1967), 19.

41. Ibid.

42. Personal communication from George P. Arthur, Missouri
Department of Highways; St. Louis, Missouri, July 15,

43. Interviews with Berkeley residents James Morgan, Edward
Koch, Louis Wells, and William Novak; Berkeley, Missouri,
August 5, 1970.

44. Interview with Father Rudolf Beckman; Ferguson, Missouri,
August 18, 1970.




In order to determine socioeconomic conditions in

Kinloch, much of the data used was taken from reports of

the United States Bureau of tile Census, particularly from

the 1960 Census, the 1965 Census estimates, and the 1970

Census reports. Additional information on employment and

taxes was secured from various St. Louis County departments

(especially the Planning Commission), as were several re-

ports, air photographs, and maps (land use, street patterns,


A wide variety of socioeconomic variables concerning

the integration of Kinloch residents into the surrounding

St. Louis SMSA was not available from any of the above

sources. The author therefore constructed an interview

schedule so that he might obtain the pertinent data. The

schedules were administered through the Kinloch Gateway

Center, under the direction of Mr. George Davis, Housing

Specialist, and Mr. Clifford Bailey, Coordinator (Director)

of the center. The interview schedules were administered to

a simple random sample of residential units in Kinloch which

was taken to represent the population of Kinloch. The com-

pleged interview schedules are analyzed to show the amount

and degree of social and economic interaction Kinloch resi-

dents have with the surrounding St. Louis SMSA.

In addition to the collection and analysis of the ques-

tionnaires, extensive field work was undertaken from May

through September, 1970, to provide an understanding of the

research area. The field study consisted mainly of taking

an inventory of the physical evidence of Kinloch's isola-

ticn in the form of dead-end streets, cul-de-sacs, fences,

vegetation barriers, and interviews with influential Kinloch

residents, Housing and Urban Development officials (Kinloch

Gateway Center funding agency) in St. Louis, with representa-

tives of various St. Louis County government departments

(especially the Planning Commission and the Tax Assessor),

and with white residents of Berkeley and Ferguson whose

property adjoins Kinloch.

Initial Procedures

Once the selection of Kinloch as the dissertation topic

was made, one of the next steps was to begin establishing

a series of contacts in the community and in some of the

larger governmental units affecting Kinloch. In February,

1970, the author wrote to Robert Lee, mayor of Kinloch,

Helen Smith, principal of the high school, and to Julia Boyd,

coordinator (director) of the Kinloch Gateway Center (an

agency funded through the United States Office of Economic


Several weeks passed and :no replies were received from

any of these three officials. n .ate March additional

letters were written detailing ti'e author's interest in the

co- munity &nd requested advice and assistance in the project.

Again, no replies were rcceivdd.

In mi.d-April, the author received a letter from

Gerald Slack, Planner, St. Louis County Planning Department,

relating the details of an urban planning contract between

the Planning Commission and the city of Kinloch. Because of

the failure to ccnmmunicate successfully with the above-

mentioned Kinloch officials, the author utilized the offices

of the County Planning Department to obtain the necessary

preliminary introductions to the proper Kinloch officials.

On May 5, 1970, the author moved to St. Louis, Missouri,

and began the field work phase of the project. The first

contacts were made with Allan Richter and Gerald Slack of

the St. Louis County Planning Department. Several confer-

ences were held determining the exact nature of the county's

planning activities in Kinloch, its possible relation to

the author's research, and the planners' views of the various

problems in Kinloch. In addition, a search was made of the

planning department's files for air photographs, land use

and zoning data, information on the city's political

boundaries, and other information pertaining to Kinloch.

Mr. Slack also provided the author with background material

on several of his official contacts in the community, tele-

phoned the Kinloch Gateway Center, and introduced the writer

and his research to several of the Center's executives, par-

ticularly Julia Boyd, Coordinator, and George Davis, Housing


The Role of the Kin.ioch Gateway Center

After data had been obtained concerning the St. Louis

County Planning Department's involvement in Kinloch, the

rxext step of the research necessitated establishing a close

working relationship with an agency in Kinloch which would

be responsible for collecting the questionnaires to be used

in the project. The author realized he would be unable to

make the interviews himself, since he is white and a stranger

to the residents of Kinloch. As all but one of the city's

residents are black and the community is very close-knit

and does not look favorably on strangers (particularly white

strangers), the author felt that his participation in the

data collection stage would possibly introduce bias into the

results, especially as the questionnaire dealt with personal

questions about such socioeconomic variables as age, income,

and education. Therefore the logical alternative to personal

participation in the interview data collection was the

cooperation of an agency in Kinloch which was involved in

community affairs and was staffed and administered by resi-

dents of the community. After consultation, the officials

of the Center agreed to gather the data (Appendix B: Re-

search Difficulties in Kinloch).

Design of the Questionnaire

The final furri of the questionnaires is the product

oft miany drafts adding new questicnrs and omitting others,

phrasing and rephrasing difficult sections. The final ver-

sion of the questionnaire was written by the author with

the assistance of George Davis, Kermit Robinson, Julia Boyd,

and Clifton Bailey of the Kinloch Gateway Center (Appendi:

C: Community Profile Questionnaire). Some of the princi-

pal contributions of the Center's staff involved their sug-

gestions on the phrasing of the questions, eliminating much

of the esoteric, traditionally] academic jargon, resulting

in statements that would be understood by the respondents.

The questionnaire was designed to elicit three basic

types of responses, each intimately related to the others:

fact, opinion and attitude, and personal and communal inter-

action. The fact questions elicit from the interviewee

responses about himself and his family's socioeconomic and

personal characteristics. These questions seek to represent

the respondents in terms of their age, sex, income, whether

they rent or own their own home, education, location of em-

ployment, group affiliations, etc. These respondent charac-

teristics are required in order to check the representative-

ness of the sample against census data dealing with the

same characteristics in the population of Kinloch.

A second type of question probes the opinions and atti-

tudes of the respondents. These questions are the core of

the questionnaire as they deal with the emotions,

misconccptions, and pre-suppo:siti'n.: of respondents relating

to their social and economic iltcrarction with the larger

white commTunity.

The last type of question concerns the respondent's

level of knowledge and pcrcepltions of himself, his fellow

residents, and the black community. These questions delve

into the respondents' reasons for moving to Kinloch, for

remaining in the community, and their general awareness of

the living conditions in the community.

The questions used in the survey are both open-ended

and structured. The numerous open-ended or free response

questions arc included to permit a wide range of response,

expressed spontaneously in the respondents' own language,

allowing total freedom of expression. The structured or

closed questions are utilized where profitable as they are

easy to administer and analyze. However, it must be recog-

nized that respondents are only given a limited choice of

alternatives each of which tend to guide the thought of the


The sequence in which the questions are ordered may

influence the success of the interview, consequently the

questionnaire is divided into four parts: introduction,

warm-up questions, demographic questions, and the main body

of the questionnaire. The introduction is an integral part

of the questionnaire as it must create a favorable impres-

sion of the interviewer and the questionnaire itself.

Therefore the introduction must be short, to the point,

realistically worded, non-emotional serious, neutral, and

pleasantly firm. Tih introduction below was written and

adopted by the author and contains all of the necessary

qual ties.

Hello...I'm your neighbor (NA1E)
from Street. I'm a Project
Outreach worker interviewing for the Kinloch
Gateway Center. tWe are doing a study of the
Community and the people and would like to
ask you some questions about Kinloch.

The introduction immediately identifies the inter-

viewer to the respondent as a fellow Kinloch resident and

a member of the Gateway Center, and then briefly states the

nature of the survey. Following this part of the introduc-

tion, the initial contact, the second part determines whether

the respondent is a Kinloch resident and eligible to par-

ticipate in the interview.

We are interested in obtaining information
from Kinloch residents. Are you a resident?
call someone in the house who is?

When the respondent is identified, the interviewer

immediately continues with the warm-up questions which are

a set of specific, innocuous inquiries used to build

respondent-interviewer rapport. These questions are con-

cerned with the person's name, address, whether the dwelling

is owned or rented, number of rooms, and number of people

living in the house (see questionnaire, numbers 1-5).

The next several questions elicit demographic informa-

tion such as age, sex, education, employment, and incomes

(see questionnaire(-, n.umb.ers 6-12) 'They are positioned

second in order in the questionnaire so that the respondents,

having been motivated b'y their rapport with the interviewer,

will answer the ril.lowino interaction questions easily and


The last section of the questionnaire is the heart of

the survey and contains inquiries on the social and economic

interaction of Kinloch residents with the surrounding white

communities and the St. Louis metropolitan area. These

items deal with shopping habits, location of most frequently

visited stores, and relations of the respondents with whites

(see questionnaire, numbers 13-35).

Following the design of the questionnaire, two of the

Kinloch Gateway Center's Project Outreach workers, closely

supervised by the author and Clifton Bailey, conducted a

brief pretest of the questionnaire. Several changes in the

questionnaire were made to eliminate poor wording and

awkward ordering of the questions. The interview schedule

(see Appendix D) used to record the responses was also

simplified to prevent confusion on the part of the inter-


In the several weeks between the design of the question-

naire and its administration many conferences were held

with the staff of the Center involved with the survey, es-

pecially with Clifton Bailey and his Project Outreach workers

who were to collect the interview data. These training

sessions were used to present to the interviewers the

essentials of good intcrvie.wing techniques. Included in

those sessions were check ,lists of the do's and don't of

interviewing and practice demonstration interviews illus-

trating the points on the checklists.

The Sanipile

To obtain unbiased socioeconomic information in a spa-

tial context from the residents of Kinloch, a probability

sample was taken. A simple random sample was utilized as

it allows each unit of the population an equal chance of

being selected, and it involves less time and financial

expenditures than other more rigorous sampling procedures.1

The sampling units consisted of the residences in the

black community. There are several important reasons for

using dwellings rather than individuals. First, it is nearly

impossible to identify, locate, and number serially each

person in Kinloch, or any city for that matter. Secondly,

time and monetary concerns in the above procedures prohibit

use of individuals as the sampling unit. Thirdly, the use

of houses rather than individuals as the basis of the sample

does not bias the data as long as each and every dwelling

has an equal chance of being chosen in the sample. Fourthly,

it is relatively easy to identify, locate, and number

serially each dwelling unit in the community without wasting

time and money.

The use of a sample of a population makes it possible

to estimate characteristics of the population. The word,

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