FACTORS OF ETSOLI'.'ON!, AND I' TE :RACT.rON 3iN
AN ALL-BLACK CITY: KINLOCC, MISSOURI
ROBERT T. ERNST
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF FIOlRIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE [. L : .' :1 FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
ACt'. NOWLE DGEI4JjNT S
1 would like to express my thanks and appreciation
to my supervisory chairman, Dr. James R. Anderson, and to
the other members of my committee, Dr. David L. Niddrie,
and Dr. John V. D. Saunders, for their guidance, thought,
constructive criticism, and patience in the various stages
of the preparation of this dissertation. In addition, I
wish to express my gratitude to my friend and teacher,
Dr. Stanley D. Brunn, for his many contributions to my
development as a geographer and particularly to this
Lastly, it is essential to acknowledge the numerous
and all-important influences of my wife, Sandra, without
which this dissertation would never have been completed.
LIST OF TABLES
1 ALL-BLACK TOWNS and CITIES by STATE .......... 18
2 ALL-BLACK TOWNS and CITIES by POPULATION
and POLITICAL IDENTIFICATION ................. 21
3 CALCULATION of X2 BASED on the ASSUMPTION
of HOMOGENEITY ...... ........................ 22
4 X2 VALUES, by SELECTED PROBABILITY VALUES .... 22
5 BLACK POPULATION by REGION: the UNITED
STATES, 1970 ................................. 24
6 CALCULATION of X2 BASED on the ASSUMPTION of
REGULARITY with REGIONAL BLACK POPULATION .... 24
7 PERCENT HOUSING UNITS LACKING SOME OR ALL
PLUMBING FACILITIES for SELECTED LOCATIONS,
1970 .......................................... 100
8 ANALYSIS of VARIANCE for SAMPLES REPRESENTING
SMSA and ALL-BLACK ENVIRONMENT .............. 102
9 COMPARISON of POPULATION VARIANCES BETWEEN
TYPES of ALL-BLACK SETTLEMENTS .............. 103
10 PERCENT SINGLE-FAMILY STRUCTURES, 1970 ....... 105
11 AVERAGE HOUSING VALUES for ALL-BLACK SETTLE-
MENTS, and SELECTED LOCATIONS, 1970 .......... 107
12 BLACK POPULATION of the ALL-BLACK CITY,
TOWNS, and SUBURBS, 1940-1970 ................ 108
13 ALL-BLACK CENSUS TRACTS in the CITY of
ST. LOUIS, 1940-1970 ............... ....... 111
14 POPULATION by RACE and DECADE for SELECTED
CITY of ST. LOUIS CENSUS TRACTS, 1940-1970 ... 114
15 ALL-BLACK CENSUS TRACTS in the CITY of
EAST ST. LOUIS, 1940-1970 .................... 115
16 FAMILY INCOME in KINLOCH ..................... 126
17 WEEKLY GROCERY EXPENDITURES .................. 127
18 SHOPPING LOCATION PREFERENCES for
INCIDENTAL ITEMS, by PERCENTAGES ............ 129
19 SHOPPING LOCATION PREFERENCES for
INCIDENTAL ITEMS, by TOTAL RESPONSE
for EACH LOCATION ..... ........................ 129
20 RESPONSES for OTHER LOCATIONS of THOSE WHO
FAVORED KINLOCH .............................. 130
21 ADDITIONAL LOCATIONAL PREFERENCES of THOSE
POSITIVELY RESPONDING to KINLOCH ............ 131
22 SHOPPING PREFERENCES of THOSE RESPONDING
NEGATIVELY to KINLOCH ........................ 131
23 RESPONSES of KINLOCH RESIDENTS on UTILIZATION
of REGIONAL SHOPPING CENTERS ................. 132
24 CALCULATION OF CHI-SQUARE BASED on
HOMOGENEITY of UTILIZATION ................... 134
25 RESPONSES on PREFERENCE of REGIONAL
SHOPPING CENTERS ............................. 135
26 CALCULATION of CHI-AQUARE BASED on
HOMOGENEITY of PREFERENCE .................... 136
27 CHI-SQUARE TEST BASED on EQUIVALENCE of
SHOPPING CENTER UTILIZATION and PREFERENCE
PATTERNS ............... ..................... 137
28 RANK ORDER CORRELATION of PREFERRED and
UTILIZED SHOPPING CENTERS .................... 138
29 RANK ORDER CORRELATION of REGIONAL SHOPPING
CENTERS by UTILIZATION and DISTANCE from
KINLOCH ...................................... 140
30 FREQUENCY of BUS TRAVEL ...................... 141
31 SELECTED EQUIPMENT and HOUSING
CHARACTERISTICS ....... ....................... 145
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................ .... ... ..... ii
LIST OF TABLES ....................................... v
LIST OF FIGURES ...................................... vii
ABSTRACT ........................................... ix
I SOCIAL GEOGRAPHY AND BLACK AMERICANS .......... 1
Problem and Purpose ........................... 1
The Geographical Literature of
Black America ................................... 6
II THE UNIVERSE OF ALL-BLACK TOWNS AND CITIES..... 16
Definition of All-Black Town and City ......... 16
Delimiting the Universe of All-Black
Towns and Cities .................. .............. 18
Studies of All-Black Towns and Cities ......... 27
Previous Study of Kinloch ..................... 34
III KINLOCH: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT AND PRESENT
SITUATION ....................................... 46
The Study Area ....................... ......... .. 46
General Setting .................. ............... 48
Origin and Development of Kinloch ............ 59
Present Socioeconomic Conditions ............. 63
The Isolation of Kinloch ...................... 77
IV RESEARCH REALITIES IN KINLOCH ................. 81
Introduction .................. ................... 81
Initial Procedures ........................... 82
The Role of the Kinloch Gateway Center ........ 84
Design of the Questionnaire ................... 85
The Sample ..................................... 89
IV RESEARCII REALITI- S IN KIILOCIH ................. 81
Introduction........................ ....... 81
Initial Procedures ................ ......... 82
The Role of the ; inloch Catc,.nay Centert ...... 84
Design of the Ln.s1'.ionanie .................. 85
The Sample .................................... 89
V ALL-BLACK SETTLI'MENTS II 'lEE ST. LOUIS
STANDARD METROPOLITAN S'j'ISTIC5L ARlA ........ 92
introduction...... .......... ........ ... ... 92
Regionalization by Race....................... 94
Types of: All-Jilack SettlemeniL ................. 98
Geo-graphical Devclopment of the All-
Black Environment ................. .... ....... 105
Conclusion .................................... 116
VI SOCIAL AND ECONOT;IC ENVIRROIM'IENT ............... 121
Introduction ............... ................. 121
Family ial Variables............................ 122
Shopping Patterns............................. 126
Residential and Occupancy Characteristics..... 142
Social Interactions........................... 146
Summary... .. .................................. .14
VII SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND DISCUSSION........... 154
APPENDICES ................. ............................ 62
A. The Geographical Literature of
Black America............................... 162
B. Research Difficulties in Kinloch.......... 179
C. Community Profile Questionnaire ............. 186
D. Interview Schedule .......................... 189
BIBJ IOGLRAPHY...... . .................................. . 193
BIOGSIAPPiICAL SKFTCH........................ ............ 203
LIST OF' FGGUKES
1 St. Louis, Mi;souri-Illinois Standard
Metropolitan Statistical Area, ............. ... 47
2 General Locational Aspects of the
Study Area.................... ...... .. ........... 49
3 1cran-sporat ion i, pattern of the Study Ar.ea ....... 5].
4 Unpaved Right-of-Wa.y (Paper Street) of the
Eastern Section of Carson Road in Kinloch....... 52
5 Neat Houses anc Lawns Along IWell- 'aintained
Carson Roadc in White Area Adjacent to
Kinluch ......................................... 54
6 Carson Road at the City Limits of Kinloch
and Berkeley; Tr.ces and Dense Undergrowth
Mark Border .................................... 54
7 Isolation Factors Surrounding Kinloch.......... 55
8 Heavy Vegetation Surrounding a Typical
House in Kinloch............................... 57
9 Typical House and Lawn in Kinloch in
Characteristic State of Disrepair.............. 57
10 One of Many Abandoned and Vandalized Houses
in Kinloch ..................................... 58
11 Abandoned and Dilapidated House in
Kinloch................................ ...... 58
12 Remains of Kinloch House Destroyed by Fire..... 60
13 New Housing Develcpm-enr. in Kinloch's Only
Modern Subdivision in the City's
Inorthwest................ ................... 60
14 PucLic Utility Right-of-Way Along Kinloch's
Northwestern Edge, iith Kinloch to the Right
and Berkeley to the Left ....................... 69
15 Look;.:Ln SIou'-h on 'lirddlewtCy, ..lt.h Irvington
(GE:vc'i Sur-I Iface :;;. Kinloc' on he llRight,
and Parl;dy in Bckr.: ly on th1e tef t............... 69
16 Vic'w o Dead-Fnd Sir-;cot ii, ;',efgjson Along
KinToc!h' Easterln B .,rd.i_; Row, of Deo-.se Vege-
tation in Mid dle-liackgj-ocun1 Marks Kinloch's
Boundary .............. ................... ..... 71
17 Locking East iroim Kinloch into Fcrguson
from Scudder, esad--rEnd ).(d Unpavedc., with the
Trees and Pence in tlhe Foreground Varking
City Limits .......... ......................... 71
18 The Nor-LLern Edge of Kinloch; Note Unpa~edl
Road, the Pence, Bushcs, and Trees Marking
the iBlack City's Conimon Eounary with
Berkeley................... ................. 73
19 3'.: .1 Cul--Dae-Sac in Berkel. y cwitih Kinloch
Out of Sight Behind the Houses................. 73
20 Regionalization of the St. ILouis SMSA by
Race, 1970....................................... 96
21 All-Black Settlements, 1940-1960............... 109
22 All-Black Settlements, 1970 ................... 113
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
FACTORS OF ISOLATION AND INTERACTION
IN AN ALL-BLACK CITY: KINLOCH, MISSOURI
Robert T. Ernst
Chairman: James R. Anderson
Major Department: Geography
The major objective of the dissertation was the demon-
stration of the nature and importance of both the spatial
isolation and integration of Kinloch residents, socially
and economically, within the surrounding St. Louis SMSA.
In order to attain these objectives several different tech-
niques were employed. First, the author spent time in the
field gathering data on the historical development and
evolution of the all-black city. This field research
enabled the author to document the multi-faceted isolation
of Kinloch from the surrounding white suburbs of Berkeley
and Ferguson by identifying the existence and operation of
three separate types of barriers: physical, transportation-
communication, and social. Secondly, the effects of the
socioeconomic characteristics of the residents, particularly
decp-fseatcLe poverty, an inadequaci,' educational system, and
a sharply atitenuaated tix base x:w.' demonst rated to be
causally related to mr ny of t:he p-rsent environ-mental con-
ditions in tihei' city. Tlhirdly, the author regionalized the
St, Louis SMSA by race, csLablishing that almost 50 percent
of tce area's black population is concentrated in 55 all-
black census tracts. In addition, these all-black areas
were demons-trated, ,;ith a.(a'ly.,sis of variance, to be sig-
nificantlv different from the total SMSA based on substandard
housing. It was also possible to use variance analysis to
differentiate between the types of all-black settlement:
all-black city and towns, suburbs, and central city ghettos.
Lastly, in order to accumulate spatial data on the
social and economic interaction of Kinloch residents,
interview schedules were collected and analyzed from a
simple random sample of the city's residential units. The
results of the survey, although incomplete, due to non-
responses on several key questions, have established that
despite many disadvantages Kinloch is seen as a viable
socioeconomic environment preferred to both Berkeley and
Ferguson by the majority of those sampled.
In Kinloch, most social, economic, and spatial factors
indicate the continuance of the isolation and poverty of
the all-black city, and not their gradual dissolution and
disappearance. The situation in Kinloch is bleak as
future prospects for the city are reflections and enhance-
ments of present conditions. It is impossible to project
significant changes in the pattern., of isolation and poverty
that ernvlop Kinlocbh. Only tij.m amd further study will
revctil whiieter Kinl]nch owi' evo-le ,past its present situa-
tio.o into a community more represcnt-ative of the mainstream
of suburban American lif or wiil continue as a model of
the isolated racial comm nitii y in the United States.
SOCIAL GEOGLRAPJ'TI AND LACK A7MERICANS
Prob.:em and Purpose
The social geography of ithni r and racial minorities in
the United States has become, in recent decades, a topic of
much interest and research specialization among American
geographersh There is a growing body of literature con-
cerning the spatial behavior and characters tics of such
minority groups. Much of the current geographic research
on minority groups is focused on black Americans, as is
evidenced in articles by Hart,3 Calef and Nolson,4 Pred,5
Lowry, Morrill,7 Rose, Deskins, and others. The majority
of these articles concentrate on three major facets of black
spatial experience: rural to urban migration, inner city
ghettos ard slums, and central city versus suburban resi-
However, the patterns of black settlement are much
more complex than to be constrained by the limited descrip-
tion urbann' art,10 Wheeler and Brunn,11 and Hesslink,12
have studied urban to rural black migration in the Great
Lakes area; Hill,13 Rose,14 and many others5 have been
concerned with all-black towns; Karl and Alma Taeuber,16
Far-ley cnti Taeubor,17 an. Farleyll have published research
on black suburbs. Clearly the documentation of the emer-
gence of these settlement patterns illustrates the necessity
of more and detailed spatial research into the origin, de-
velopment, and potential of these patterns as distinct from
the prototypical black urban experience.
The principal purpose of this dissertation involves the
continuation of geographic research into the universe of all-
black towns and cities as a distinct urban entity separate
from bi-racial communities and central city ghettos. How-
ever, only an extremely limited amount of geographic re-
search has been initiated relating to all-black towns and
cities. In fact, the only geographic research concerning
this subject is the previously mentioned article by the
black urban geographer, Harold M. Rose. Other than Rose's
research, very little geographic research dealing with
these communities is available. Almost all of the research
which has been performed is non-geographic and involves
examination of social, political, and economic factors of
all-black communities, while the spatial characteristics of
all-black towns and cities either has been ignored or, at
To be able to form valid generalizations concerning all-
black settlements as they now exist, and to be able to
predict the future of such settlements, specific informa-
tion must be available concerning such communities. The
lack of detailed observations dealing with the spatial
realities of individual all-black towns and cities prevents
thec ronsi:triction of empiJically valid generalizations con-
cer- nin-, the p.cescu't CaJ fltut-P of T-he universe of such
seti .:-' q.j .
This dis&.i.-Citst is '. C':sF s '.dy cf one: of the com-
munj his identified b/ fo e- :iAn -. -black city (Kin]och,
Mi ssou i) It is- a atiept to exp ieb.' socioeconomic varli-
ables .patii::l:i, Jis order io facril'L.ate 4thory construction
and prr-r':iction the sp-ti]. ;hatract.eriJ.stics concerli.ng,
not- simr'.'vy Pink]o4~l, '.<; -iiC ,i;:ivcr;,r o.f al-:-b}iack towns
and cities. Specifically, .i is tih author's intention to
show the eLahent and scn ifica'e cf tlhe presence of the
spatial isolation ani ir:nteiration of Kinloch residents,
socially arn economically y within tie surrounding St. Louis
Standard Mltropolitaen Statisti cal -Area. The integration,
even if partial or incom-pleto, is hypothesized to exist
despite the isolation of Kinloch by the surrounding all-
white cities of Beikcley and Fcrguson. A survey of spatial
data corncerning 'inloch residents, especially on the social
interaction of the blacks with whites and the locational
foci of the residents' shopping habits, is collected and
analyzed to accomplish this princip l objective.
In addition, it is a major purpose of this research
to demonstrate empirical.Jy the reality of all-black towns
and cities as clearly ;and cdstinctly separate from other
all-black settlements within. the St. Louis SMSA. Specif-
ically, the author intends to regionalize the SMSA by race,
to dj fferentiat e st-tisL.ically among the types of all-black
settlement in the area, and establish geographically the
distribution, growth, and development of the population
of all-black settlements in the SMSA.
In keeping with the principal purpose the research is
related to several of the conclusions of Rose's article.
The future of all-Negro towns as a distinct
entity will be specifically related.... to the
presence or absence of barriers to Negro
settlement in suburbia....and to the absence
of a substantial tax base o provide ex-
panded domestic services.20
Accordingly, this dissertation attempts to document the
precise nature and degree of such barriers in Kinloch, and
also to show the effects the present socioeconomic charac-
teristics of the residents have on the environment of the
city. Of particular interest is the prevalence of deep-
seated poverty which has resulted in a sharply attenuated
tax base and a consequent inability of Kinloch to provide
any but the minimal municipal services.
Perhaps one of the oldest and most durable of the
black settlement patterns in North America is the establish-
ment and growth of all-black towns. Historical research
has documented evidence of the existence of such communities
in the United States as early as the 1820's and 1830's.21
Many social scientists, particularly sociologists, have
provided a considerable body of literature specifically
concerned with autonomous black communities. Unfortunately,
urban geographers seemingly have not been aware of the
phenomenon of such all-black settlements. In an article
published in 1965, Harold Rose asserted that
A phenomenon that appears to have eluded
urban geographers, urban sociologists, and
others concerned with community development
is the all-Negro town in the United States.22
Although Rose appears to have overlooked the many
contributions of Hill, Parenton, Walter and Kramer, and
others23 he does portray accurately the research history
of geographers on all-black towns, as few geographers are
apparently aware of significant methodological statements,
other than Rose's, on the topic. Rarely does one find a
chapter, section, or even a footnote on all-black communities
in the literature of urban and settlement geography or
geographic methodology. Yet numerous statements on the
nature and approaches to this branch of community research
have appeared in scattered articles and monographs in the
historical and social science literature. One of the minor
objectives of this study is to alleviate this situation
of unfamiliarity among geographers by collecting, reviewing,
and assessing the contributions of some significant works
on the study of all-black towns and cities.
As this study concerns the comparatively new speciali-
zation of the social geography of black Americans, it is
necessary to evaluate the research, to assess its signifi-
cance to social geography, if only incompletely, by pre-
senting and analyzing the geographic literature on black
Americans. It would be difficult to judge the competence
or significance of this work as a social geography unless
one also is aware of the extent and nature of the previous
contributions to the literature.
Although several bibliographic surveys of geographic
research on black Americans and racial themes have appeared
recently,24 these bibliographies are limited in extent and
do not survey adequately United States geographic journals
or geographic theses and dissertations on the topic. There-
fore, to rectify the present condition of a lack of biblio-
graphic material on the social geography of black Americans,
such material is presented and analyzed below to assist
the readers in relating this study to the larger body of
In addition to the above objectives it is the author's
intention to do research which can be utilized not only
by social scientists but also by the particular community
in question and by various agencies and individuals within
Kinloch. Too often urban researchers neglect the practical
applications of their research in the very community studied
because of the danger of losing "scientific objectivity"
by becoming involved in the community. With Van den Berghe25
and Clark,26 the writer rejects these fears as being over-
emphasized and agrees with Bunge27 that the geographer has
an obligation to the community he is "using" in his research.
The Geographical Literature of Black America
For many years geographers have been interested in
studying human behavior as structured by three major themes
of research--economic, political, and cultural. Since the
1950's several geogiaph:rs have ,,'io:F.iested an alternate
level of the spatial analysis of Lumen behavior--social,28
Using spatial analysis, the geographer is capable of studying
both man as a political-economic being as he exists within
a cultural context, and man as part. of an organized society.2
The value of studying society from the spatial perspec-
tive has been obvious to many demographers, human ecolo-
gists,3 urban sociologists,32 and anthropologists and
psychologists.33 Nevertheless, geographers have tended to
neglect social research, while emphasizing the study of
a particular culture and its unique manifestations rather
than its interrelations with larger social organizations.
Recently, however, there is some evidence that social
geography is becoming a major research specialization, as
evidenced by an ever-growing body of literature concerning
the spatial aspects of society. A second factor is that
particularization of research interest in social geography
has caused the field to be subdivided into narrower re-
search interests. Geographers are now specializing in
research concerning the spatial aspects of such varied
34 35 36
topics as ethnic communities, black America,35 poverty,3
and the social pathology of crime and disease.7
In the late 1960's and early 1970's the social geog-
raphy of black America has become one of the fastest growing
specializations within the field of geography. Geographers
have realized that they can make contributions to allay the
myriad of racial problems which are the result of a plural
society in which the whites are doi m;rint and the blacks,
Indians, Latinos, and other ethnic groups are sub-dominant.
However, before geographers can offer significant
contributions to the solution of racial problems in the
United States, it is necessary to determine first what
geographic research on race has been performed in the past.
Only then is it possible to separate what needs to be
accomplished from what already has been achieve. The
brief bibliographic analysis which follows provides only a
partial solution to the problem in that the focus is pri-
marily on the trends in racial research, leaving the ques-
tion of future research priorities to be answered elsewhere.
In addition the geographic literature is reviewed with the
objective of allowing the reader to assess the social
geography of black America as a unit rather than as separate
The review concentrates on the 1949-1971 time period
chiefly because of the paucity of racial research prior to
this period. Only a few specific references to black
Americans appear in the geographic literature before 1949,
and those few that do either are not involved directly in
racial research or are separated widely in time. The main
sources for this literature review are the principal
geographic journals of the United States, the Research
Catalog, of the American Geocraphi.cal Society, Geographical
)q 40 41
strictt -,' Disseration Abstracts, Mastcr's Abstracts,
and the November issue cf each year's The Professi.cnal
_- which lists t;hoose tit sees and dissertations
in geography reported ccimpletesd at American universities.
The criteria used to select t;:e articles as belonging
to the geographical litccature on race essentially are
subjectivee, l'rst, noi all the works concentrate exclusively
on- itlachk, but in all oi the articles blacks or racial
issues at least are given a major emphasis. Secondly, the
author acknowledges the practical impossibility of collecting
all works dealing with blacks as much of the literature
is reported by title only, and often the title, especially
of dissertations and theses, is a poor reflection of the
contents of such studies. However, the author has made
every effort to verify the specific racial considerations
of each study by reviewing it or by using the abstracts
available through University Microfilms, Thirdly, the
geographic literature suffers from a lack of comprehensive
indexing and abstraction, making a reviewer's task an
arduous and frustrating one. Lastly, geographers publish
in many professional journals peripheral to or altogether
outside the realm of geography. Searching all possible
periodicals and serials was virtually impossible given this
broad and seemingly limitless array. Consequently, although
the bibliography is reasonably complete and accurate, it is
not absolutely comprehensive.
From 1949 to 1971 a total of 187 works dealing with
geographic aspects of race were published. In 1949 only
two articles on race appeared in the geographic literature,
and in 1971, 40 were published. However, the intervening
years show that there has been no steady or gradual increment
in numbers of publications but rather a series of increases
and decreases occurred that may be said to be analogous to
the crests and troughs of ocean waves, which culminated
in the emergence of a tremendous surge of racial articles
in 1968 that has yet to peak.
Although the three major United States journals (Annals
of the Association of American Geographers, Economic Geography,
and The Geographical Review) have been fairly consistent
with only an occasional gap in the publication record, the
largest contribution to the geography of race has come from
graduate student research: master's theses and doctoral
dissertations. A total of 118 articles were published
between 1968-1971, or 63 percent of the total 187 works
from 1949-1970. Of these 118 articles, 46, or almost 40
percent, are theses and dissertations. Thus research in
the geography of blacks is strongly concentrated at the
graduate level, indicating that many young geographers are
developing a research interest in the spatial aspects of
race, an interest which, if sustained, should result in
the continuation of the current trend of numerous geographic
publications focusing on racial and ethnic problems of
significance to all geographers.
1. John A. Jakle, "The L.toerature of Social Geography:
A Selected Bibliography," Department of Geography,
University of Illinois, 1968 (Mis:eographed).
2. "Geographical Literature on Ethnically
and ii-aciLl1y Defined MinOi' -ity Groups in the United
States and (anada: A Slaec:ed Bibliography," De-
partme.-t of Geography, University of Illinois, 1968
3. John ras-'r Hart, "The Changing Distribution of the
AmerLcran Negro," Annals of -t-he Asociation of Ameri-
can Geographers, L (September, 1960), 242-266.
4. Wesley C. Calef and Howard J. Nelson, "Distribution
of Negro Population in the United States," The
Geogaphical Review, XXXVI (January, 1956), 82-97.
5. Allan Pred, "Business Thoroughfares as Expressions
of Urban Negro Culture," Economic Geography, IL
(July, 1963), 217-233.
6. Mark Lowry II, "Race and Socio-economic Well-being:
A Geographical Analysis of the Mississippi Case,"
The Gecqraphical Review, LX (October, 1970), 511-
528;, "Population and Race in Mississippi,
1940-1960," Annals of the Association of Ai.erican
Geographers, LXI (Septcmber, 1971), 576-588.
7. Richard L. Morrill, "The Negro Ghetto," The Geograph-
ical Review, LV (July, 1965), 339-361; _
"The Persistence of the Black Ghetto as Spatial
Separation," The Southeastern Geographer, XI (November,
8. Harold M. Rose, "The All-Negro Town: Its Evolution
and Function," The Ceographical Review, LV (July,
1965), 392-381; "The Origins and Patterns
of Development of Urban Black Social Areas," Journal
of Geography, LXVII (September, 1969), 326--332.
9. Donald R. Deskins, Jr., "Race as an Element in the
Intia-City Regionalization of Atlanta's Population,"
The Southeastern Geographer, XI (Novermber, 1971),
10. John Fraser Hart, "A, Rural ro-rcat tor Northern
Negros," The GemrA,!iial 11-viw,1 L (April, 1960)
11. James 0. Nheeler and an .i- D. Prunn, ':Negro i'igration
into Rural SouLh:.estertn ,dich.hician," The Geoo-.r rrphicai
Review, LVIII (April, 1968), 214-230; "An
Agri cultural Ghetto: N'.'gr or3 in Cass County, Michigan.
1845-1968," The Geograpn' i. Review, LIX (July, 1969),
12. George K. Hesslink, l]_sck Neigohbors: Negroes in a
Northern Rural Coimmuni.t\ (Indianapolis, Indiana: The
BoIS-lo rniT Comp-'ny, 3nc. 196 8.
1.3. For a discussion or the many contributions of Mozell
C. Hill Lo all-black settlements, see Chapter II,
14. Rose, "The All-Negro Town."
15. For a review of the contributions of social scientists
to all-black towns and cities, see Chapter II, pp.
16. Karl E. Taeuber and Alma F. Taeuber, "The Changing
Character of Negro Migratiaon," Anmerican Journal of
Sociology, LXX (January, 1965), 429--441.
17. Reynolds Farley and Karl E. Taeuber, "Population Trends
and Residential Segregation Since 1960," Science, CLV1
(March, 1968), 953-956.
18. Reynolds Farley, "The Changing Distribution of Negroes
Within Metropolitan Areas: The Emergence of Black
Suburbs," American Journal of Sociology, LXXX (January,
19. Rose, "The All-Negro Town."
20. Ibid., 381.
21. William H. Pease and Jane H. Pease, "Organized Negro
Communities: A NHoth Americar Fxperir.ent," Journal
of Negro History, IIIL (January, 1962), 21.
22. Rose, "The All-Negro Town," 362.
23. See Chapter II, pp. 27-34.
24. Jakle, "The Literature of Social Geography"; Donald
R. Deskins, Jr., "Geographical Literature on the
American Negro, 1949-1968: A Bibliography," The
Professional Geographer, XXI (March, 1969), 245-249.
25. Pierre van den Berghe, Race and Racism: A Comparative
Perspective (New York: John Wley and Sons, Inc.,
26. Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social
Power (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1965),
27. William Bunge, personal communication; September 17,
1970; Ann Arbor, Michigan.
28. Jakle, "The Literature of Social Geography," p. i.
30. Otis Dudley Duncan, "Residential Areas and Differen-
tial Fertility," Eugenics Quarterly, XI (January,
1957), 27-45; Thomas R. Ford and Gordon F. DeJong,
"The Decline of Fertility in the Southern Appalachian
Mountain Regions," Social Forces, XXXXII (March,
1963), 89-96; Calvin Goldscheider, "Intra-metropolitan
Redistribution of the Older Population," Pacific Socio-
logical Review, IX (April, 1966), 79-84; Stanley
Lieberson, "Suburbs and Ethnic Residential Patterns,"
American Journal of Sociology, LXVII (November, 1962),
673-681; Carl H. Madden, "Some Spatial Aspects of
Urban Growth in the United States," Economic Develop-
ment and Cultural Change, IV (October, 1956), 371-387;
Clarence Senior, "Patterns of Puerto Rican Dispersion
in the Continental United States," Social Problems,
II (January, 1954), 93-99; and John R. Stoeckel and
J. Allan Beegle, "The Relationship between the Rural-
Farm Age Structure and Distance from a Metropolitan
Area," Rural Sociology, XXXI (November, 1966), 346-
31. A. Bopegamage, "A Demographic Approach to the Study of
Urban Ecology," Sociological Bulletin, IX (January,
1960), 82-93; Leo F. Schnore, The Urban Scene: Human
Ecology and Demography (New York: The Free Press, 1965);
Carl E. Taylor, John B. Wyon, and John E. Gordon,
"Ecological Determinants of Population Growth," Milbank
Memorial Fund Quarterly, XXXVI (March, 1958), 107-125;
and Rupert B. Vance, "The Ecology of Our Aging Population,"
Social Forces, XXXII (May, 1954), 330-335.
32. Beverly Duncan, George Sabagh, and Maurice Van Arsdol,
Jr., "Patterns of City Growth," American Journal of
Sociology, LII (October, 1962), 418-429; Noel P. Gist
and Sylvia F. Fava, Urban Society (New York: Thomas
Y. Crowell, 1964); Gilbert Herbert, "The Neighborhood
Unit Principle and Organic Theory," Sociolocical
Review, XII (March, 1963), 165-213; William M. Key,
"Urbanism and Neighboring," Sociological Quarterly,
VI (June, 1965), 379-385; and Kathryn P. Meadoq,
"Negro-White Differences Among Newcomers to a Transi-
tional White Urban Area," Journal of Intergroup Re-
lations, XVIII (June, 1962), 320-330.
33. Dean C. Barnlund and Carroll Harland, "Propinquity
and Prestige as Determinants of Communication New-
works," Sociometry, XXVI (December, 1963), 467-479;
Edward T. Hall, The Hidden Dimension (New York:
Doubleday & Co., Inc., 1966); E. A. Hammel, "Terri-
torial Patterning of Marriage Relationships in a
Coastal Peruvian Village," American Anthropologist,
LXVI (January, 1964), 67-74; John B. Calhoun, "Popu-
lation Density and Social Pathology," Scientific
American, CCVI (February, 1962), 139-145; Claire
Selltiz and Stuart W. Cook, "The Effects of Personal
Contact on Intergroup Relations," Theory and Practice,
II (March, 1963), 158-165; and R. N. Shepard, "The
Analysis of Proximities: Multi-Dimensional Scaling
with an Unknown Distance Function," Psychometrika,
XXVII (March, 1962), 125-139.
34. Norman C. Bettis, "The Swiss Community of Highland,
Illinois: A Study in Historical Geography," Bulletin
of the Illinois Geographical Society, XII (December,
1969), 51-68; John A. Jakle and James 0. Wheeler,
"The Dutch in Kalamazoo, Michigan: A Study in Spatial
Barriers to Acculturation," Tydschrift voor Economische
en Sociale Geografie, LX (November, 1969), 249-254;
Matti Kaups, "Finnish Place Names in Minnesota: A
Study in Cultural Transfer," The Geographical Review,
LVI (November, 1966), 377-397; and E. Cotton
Mather, "Eben: Thirty Years Later in a Finnish
Community in the Upper Peninsula," Economic Geography,
XXXIV (January, 1968), 57-70; and Richard Pillsbury,
"Images of Appalachia," The Geographical Bulletin,
III (November, 1971), 2-16.
35. See Appendix A, pp. 162-178.
36. Antipode, "Special ssuc: The Geography of American
Poverty," 11 (Dec''iebr, 1.970); 3. P. Carver, "An Approach
-toward the Classif lc-LioLn of PToverty in the United
Sta tes," Arnnils of the Acsoc:i t!.on of Av merican Geog-
raph r : LI (f.alaic E96), 1L-.T 2; GC. ,.C Lewis,
"Levels of Liv.ing in the Ko th:.'estern C United States,
circa 1960: A Now Approach to Regional Geography,"
'Transactions of the TLi- t.atnie of O ri ish ,
VL (J n K:ar', 1S96), 1i--37; a;id tichard L. .
"Geograp]hiical Asectc of Poverty in the United States,"
Proceedings of the Association of AC merican Geographers,
T (!969' 117--2L.
37. SI-anley D. Brunn, ;ayne L. Hoffman, and Robert T.
Er:n.t. "Some Corrolates of Urban Cri-im in Southeast
Citi os," paper read ai the annual meeting of the East
I,ak es Division of American Geographers, East Lansing,
Miichigan; November, .1969; K. D. har ies, "Geography
of Amorican Crime," Journal of Geceraphy, LXX (June,
1971), 204-213; and Yu 7 Lee and 'rankj J. Egan, "The
Geography of Urban Crime: The Spatial Pattern of
Serious Crine in the City of Denver,' Proc:e.eCjqngs of
the AVsociation of American Geographers, IV (1972),
39. American Geographical Society, Research Catalogue
(Boston: G. K. Hall and Co., 1962).
39. Margaret A. Bass, ed., Geographical Abstracts (Norwich,
England: University of East Anglia, 1966+).
40. University Microfilms, Dissertation Abstracts (Ann
Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, 1930+).
41. University Microfilms, Masters Abstracts (Ann Arbor,
Michigan: University MTmofim, 945+).
42. Association of American Geographers, The Professional
Geographer (Washington, D. C.: Association of Ameri-
can Geographers, 1948+).
CHAPTER J I
THE UNIVERSE OF ALL-BL-C '. TOWiS AND CITIES
Definition of All-Blnck Town and City
For the purposes of this' r'e(-':. ch the term "all-
black town" is operationally defined as all places, in-
corporated and unincorporated, with populations ranging
from 1,00 to 2,499, of whom 90 percent or more are non-
white. "All-black city' includes all places of 2,500 or
more of whom 90 percent or more are non-white. The thresh-
old values of 1,000 and 2,500 were chosen for two reasons:
communities of these minimum sizes are enumerated separately
in the United States Census reports,2 and as such the data
are readily available; and towns and cities of these sizes
have the capacity of developing the economic, social, and
political characteristics commonly associated with urban
The second part of the definition, "90 percent or more
are non-white," is used as the data do not exist in any
other form. The United States Census reports urban places
having a population of 1,000 or more by percent non-white
rather than black; consequently great care must be exercised
to determine if there are large numbers of other racial
groups (Indians, orientals, etc.) present that might
bias the iJnfol.tiiat::ion. 'lTe limit o. 90S percent is utilized as
10 percent or more whilt, population is thought to be the
rcsu] t of chance occucr-. ce and d 1es not rLastrict or pre-
vent th!e appropriate use of the term "all-black."
in defin.ine "'all-black t own anId city" in the above
manner several di fficulties are presented. First, the thresh-
old popi;lations of 1,000 and 2,500 are arbitrary figures
thr! can be justified only particaL-ly by citing ease in
idcratification and data limitations. The second problem,
which is related to the first, involves using tle legal
limiits of an incorporated Lown or city to determine the
minirmunm population threshold. These arbitrary limits may
have the effect of excluding communities with a small popu-
lation within the city limits but a sizable rural popula-
tion which may be well integrated spatially and sociocco-
nomically with the urban center.
Unfortunately, the nature and availability of the data
in the United States Census reports made these problems
unavoidable; furthermore the information is simply not
available in any other source. Consequently these acknow-
ledged problems, although they are difficult to resolve,
are not so overwhelming as to prevent utilization of the
data. Some limitations must be placed on the generalizations
derived from them.
Delimiting the Universe of All-Black Towns and Cities
When all-black towns and cities are defined as places
having 1,000 persons or more in the United States, a total
of 37 such centers are identified. In terms of population
size these communities range from 1,100 to over 23,000
persons (see Table 1), with the percentage black varying
from the definitional minimum 90.0 percent to 99.9 percent.
ALL-BLACK TOWNS and CITIES by STATE
Part of Percent
State Towns and Cities Population an SMSA Black
West Compton (u)a
Browns Village (u)
Bunche Park (u)
Fort Myers Southeast (u)
Belle Glade Camp (u)
Dade City East (u)
South Apopka (u)
1,123 No 99.8
2,335 No 99.0
TABL'; 1 (continued)
St-sta Towrns and Cities
East Chicago Heights
Lotisn i D fl ( (4)
West Gulfport (u)
Tunica North (u)
Now Jersey (1)
Prairie View (u)
Lloyd Place (u)
Pleasant Hill (u)
Saratoga Place (u)
Part of Percent
an SMSA Black
aThe symbol (u) indicates an
unincorporated town or city.
Source: Census of Population, United States Bureau of the Census,
General Population Characteristics (PC(1)), 1970.
Table 1 also shows that 24 or 65 percent of the all-black
towns and cities are contained within the boundaries of
Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas. The remaining
13 towns and cities are not associated with other SMSA's
or urbanized areas, though eight of these communities
(Samtown, La.; Lloyd Place, Pleasant Hill, and Saratoga
Place, Va.; Hobson City, Ala.; Fort Myers Southeast and
Memphis, Fla.; and Phillipsburg, Ga.) are located within
10 miles of a city with a population exceeding 10,000.
Thus, these all-black towns and cities are as urban oriented
as the total population of blacks living within the United
The population of all-black towns and cities is charac-
terized more by the small towns, with 18 or about half of
the total in the 1,000-2,499 category, and only three or
8 percent each having more than 10,000 inhabitants (Table 2).
Almost two-thirds of the towns and cities are unincorporated,
and 12 or 50 percent of these unincorporated places are in
the 1,000-2,499 category (see Table 2).
The distribution of all-black towns and cities appears
to be uneven in that 30 or 81 percent of the towns and cities
are located in the South. Florida alone accounts for 13
or 43 percent, many of which can be explained as a result
of the widespread use of migratory black laborers. In
order therefore to determine statistically whether the
distribution of all-black towns and cities is related
causally to other factors, or if such a pattern is the
result of stochastic mrocoss, a chi.-quare test of signifi-
cance is applied to tce data.
ALL--DLACK TO'IDS and C.ITC'i:tS.iby POPULiA'ION
and POL i'.1CL ,'l FICATIO
Poi Lical idic-rntiF.,.cationr
Population Size Unincorpor-.--c Incorporated Total
1,000-2,499 12 6 18
2,500-4,590 4 2 6
Population 5,000-9 9 5 5 10
10,000+ 3 0 3
Total 24 13 37
Source: Census of Population, United States Bureau of the
The use of the chi-square statistic is necessitated
by the fact that the total universe of all-black communities
is very small (37), random sampling thus is not possible,
and in addition it is not a normal distribution. Conse-
quently, it is impossible to use any of the more sophisti-
cated techniques of quantitative analysis, such as variance,
multiple regression, or factor analysis.
To test the significance of the location of racial
communities the null hypothesis is formulated with the
assumption that there is no significance attached to the
4istibutio.; of all- L~ack towns; tl,,,us; the hypothesis
posti.t that the data are ev'cn i among 'won e four
inc jor reuaj ns of the c.vi-e Stotcc: Nort~neasL, iorth
Central, South., arnd West.
CALCULATION cXt 2 RASED on the
ASSUMPTI ON1 caf J30150OUNEITY
Northeast North Central South West
ObrEerved (o) 1 5 30 1
Expected (e) 9 9 9 9
o- e -8 --4 21 -8
(o e)2 64 16 441 64
7,10- -l = 4.99
X2 VALUES, by SELECTED
Degrees of Freedom Probabilities
.50 .30 .10 .05 .02 .01 .001
3 2.366 3.665 6.251 7.815 9.837 11.345 16.268
-^----~-`---I----- ---~I ---'----~-`--~~--`-
Tables 3 and 4 illustrate that the calculated result
with three degrees of freedom (t'; number of cells minus
one) is far greater than Lhe given value of chi-square to
and including the 99.S percent level of significance, indi-
cating that such a pattern would occur by chance less than
one time in one thousand. Therefore, the null hypothesis,
which assumed regularity or no significant pattern, is re-
Once it has been demonstrated that the locational sig-
nificance of all-black cities and towns is not based on
homogeneity, it is necessary to apply the chi-square tech-
nique again in a different manner. Instead of assuming
simple regularity over the United States, a second null
hypothesis is proposed positing that the distribution of
all-black towns and cities will vary regularly with the
proportion of each region's black population (Table 5),
an assumption that is more logical than one based on homo-
The computed chi-square value for the second null
hypothesis is 12.04, a figure that is far less than the
64.99 obtained with the first hypothesis, indicating a
much closer relationship between the observed and expected
values (Table 6). When the calculated value is tested for
significance (Table 4), it is found that it exceeds the given
value at the 99 percent level but is less than the 99.9
percent level. In order to avoid making a Type II error
(accepting the null hypothesis as tenable when it is not)5
the null hypothesis is rejected as the pattern of all-black
towns would occur as proposed only one time in one thousand.
BLACK POPULATION by REGION:
the UNITED STATES, 1970
Northeast North Central South West
4,344,153 4,446,946 11,969,961 1,694,625
Percent 19 20 54 7
CALCULATION of X2 BASED on the ASSUMPTION of
REGULARITY with REGIONAL BLACK POPULATION
Northeast North Central South West
Observed 1 5 30 1
Expected 7 7 20 3
o e -6 -2 10 -2
(o e)2 36 4 100 4
Se) 5.14 0.57 5.00 1.33
( e)2 = 12.04
The fact that both null hypotheses are rejected is not
deleterious to the purpose of this research but merely
illustrates that much more spatial investigation on the nature
of all-black communities is neej l: in order to ascertain
which variables account for the location of these municipali-
ties in space, during changirug socioecono.ric conditions and
Rose's research on all-black towns is an attempt to
construct a valid definition of all-black towns, to identify
all such prices in the United States, to establish these
comm-unities as a unique population, and finally to dis-
cover valid generalizations applying to these com-nunities
as a unit and not as unique individual cases.
According to Rose, all-black towns are defined as all
places of over 1,000 people, 95 percent of whom are classified
as non-white. Using this definition, Rose identifies 19
places. Of this number, seven are eliminated as "pseudo
towns" that "are not separate places physically or polit-
ically but are nonpolitical appendages of larger places."6
Thus, the remaining 12 communities (Brooklyn, Ill.; Glenorden,
Md.; Fairmount Heights, Md.; Grambling, La.; Kinloch, Mo.;
Lawnside; N.J.; Lincoln Heights, Ohio; Mound Bayou, Mi.;
North Shreveport, La.; Richmond Heights, Fla.; Robbins, Ill.;
and Urbancrest, Ohio) were the only ones he included in his
well-known paper, written in 1965.
Examining the 12 all-black towns as political entities,
the author has determined that two are unincorporated, and
the other 10 are politically independent, while none of the
pseudo towns are autonomous. Additionally, all the pseudo
towns are in the South in prr-dorinatiely rural counties in
which agriculture or agricultural processing industries
are the motor empl oyers. Thi; tl.aditional pattern of socio-
economic rdeve.olopiment, 7ccord Irg to Pose, may have much to
do with the occurrence and fo:m of pseudo towns.
As far as the emergence of th all-black town as an
historical reality is concerned, Pose has observed four
distinct periods in their evo-ution, but there is little
to differentiate among them save the time of their origin.
These periods are: ire-Civil War, post-Civil War, the
period of the "Great Iigration" (which occurred before,
during, and after World War I), and post-World War II.
One of the more important and interesting developments
pointed out by Rose involves his attempt to determine the
relationship of all-black towns to the "suburb" concept.
Given the lack of a universally accepted definition of
suburb, Rose utilizes; the sociological definition of the
term in attempting to determine the status of all-Negro
communities within metropolitan fringes as suburban or non-
suburban. In order to accomplish this goal, he examines
the occupational structure of the communities to ascertain
whether they are independent satellites, or dependent dormi-
tory suburbs, or some other phenomenon. In addition, he
uses analysis of variance to determine if all-black towns
and their nearest neighbor (which Rose assumes to be
suburban) could have been drawn from the same population
on the basis of substandard housing. Both tests establish
that of all 12 towns, only one (Richmond Heights, Florida)
may be classified as suburban; all the other towns are
rejected as suburban communities. But, he provides no addi-
tional information as to the nature, suburban or not, of
these 11 all-Negro towns.10
The last major theme of Rose's paper is devoted to the
present and future prospects of all-black towns, with subur-
banization of the communities projected potentially as one
of the most attractive and advantageous elements in their
continuing evolution. He concludes realistically that "the
future of the towns is subject to the operation of a com-
plex set of variables whose behavior is difficult to pre-
Rose's seminal research has done much to initiate spa-
tial interest in all-black towns and in black America in
general. However a re-examination of the universe of all-
black towns and cities is warranted due to numerous changes
(additions and deletions of towns classified as all-black)
in the universe. The author modified Rose's original defi-
nition so as to include towns with up to 10 percent white
as the author felt that such a figure could be justified
based on chance occurrence.
Studies of All-Black Towns and Cities
Much of the research concerning the nature of all-black
communities has been influenced by the contributions of
Mozell C. Hill. A sociologist trained at the University of
Chicago, Hill investigated the economic, social, and psy-
chological aspects of racial towns in nine separate papers
published between 1937 and 1950. Many of these articles
are detailed extensions and elaborations of the original
research in Boley, Oklahoma, which Hill carried out in his
master's thesis (1937) and doctoral dissertation (1946).
Several factors identified by Hill are significant when
applied to such towns in areas other than Oklahoma.
Particularly important to this author's research in Kinloch,
and to generalizations concerning the universe of all-black
towns and cities, are several of the conclusions of Hill's
thesis and dissertation. Hill found that 1) the funda-
mental problem affecting black communities is economic in
nature;2 2) all-black societies are poor and lack indus-
trial diversification;13 and 3) almost every social problem
can be traced to economic factors.14 Thus, prior to the
1950's, Hill successfully identified the economic situation
as one of the most pressing problems of all-black towns and
cities, a determination later corroborated by Parenton and
Pellegrin,5 in their study of Bertrandville, Louisiana;
by Rose6 in his work on the universe of all-black towns;
and by Kramer and Walter7 in their research on Kinloch.
Another major factor identified by Hill as pertinent
to the nature of all-black towns and cities concern black
behavior patterns in relation to proximity to white com-
munities and resulting white domination. Hill demonstrates
that racial isolation produces black communities in which
there is a simple class structure and little inter- and intra-
class conflict because white social and economic pressures
are absent. In their later research, Parenton and Pellegrin18
and Bittle and Geis 19 substantiate Hill's conclusions by
presenting evidence that obsequious black deference patterns
in some black communities are caused by black fear of social,
economic, and even physical reprisals by whites in neighboring
communities if such behavior is not continued.
The spatial isolation of all-black communities is accom-
panied and obversely complemented by a pattern of avoidance
or a general abstention from contacts with whites.20 In
this prevalent attitude of the residents of all-black towns
and cities, Hill finds no absolute separation of black and
white society as there is considerable economic and polit-
ical association between the races. However, the avoidance
pattern is strongly in effect concerning any inter-racial
social relations,21 as has been demonstrated to this author
Another major theme investigated by Hill is the develop-
ment of all-black communities in Oklahoma, which according
to his research, are outgrowths of the traditional frontier
philosophical spirit which was prevalent in the United States
during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.23
The author's purpose is to illustrate the reasons for the
establishment of an all-black society by relating the
racial movement, in which blacks attempted to divest them-
selves of social pressure of the dominant white culture, to
tie larger social context of frontier movement, Hill
attempts to unravel the co;m:.lexitius of the historical and
social development of all-blaclk cow;is by relating the origin
and persistence of such communities to two theories of
social organization: Turner's frontier hypothesis, and
Dawson's and Gettys's social l movement25
Hi.l utilizes the concepts of Frederic Jackson Turner
to maintain that .7merican social forms are the result of
continuous social changes due to the expansion of the west-
ern frontier. Accordingly, the frontier society is com-
posed of a dissatisfied, restless populace, desirous of a
new way of life, and seeking new ways for personal develop-
ment, freedom from traditional restraints, and innumerable
opportunities which are envisioned on the frontier.26
Hill next represents the black movement from the South
to Oklahoma as a social movement as defined by Dawson and
Gettys, consisting of four distinct stages of development:
preliminary dissatisfaction and unrest; collective excite-
ment of the populace; the formalizaLion of the movement;
and finally, the institutionalization of the movement.
Hill concludes by stating that the all-black society
essentially is an escape mechanism resolving the black
subordinate caste frustrations in a white-dominated society
by virtual isolation and separation. Thus the all-black
communities in Oklahoma are the result of an idealistic,
naive social movement of blacks, attempting to find a
solution to the race problem acceptable to blacks and whites
alike, -nd Nwhich ultimately vwas frustrated by intransigent
white racial prejudice and b.gotry. These factors of
isolaticn, separatl.on, oan prejudice dcitebrmiryeo by Hill
as prominent in the developnlnt oI: all-black towns in
Oklahoma azre the same factors identified by this author as
operating on the development of Kinloch.28
In his last work on racia) common ties, Hill is con-
cerned with unifying various sociological, anthropological,
and psychological methods of analysis.29 The specific prob-
lem of the research involves the use of the all-black com-
munity as a social system to analyze cultural processes
and persona] orientations of individuals within the com-
munity. Hill's synthesis is particularly successful as the
interdisciplinary approach enables social scientists to
study the community from three distinct but inseparable
perspectives: society, personality, and culture. This
work proved invaluable when the author attempted to identify
the significant geographic factors in the isolation of
In addition to the numerous contributions of Mozell C.
Hill, there has been other significant research into the
nature and characteristics of all-black towns. The loca-
tional foci of studies range across the South from Oklahoma
to Georgia. The earliest of these studies is a master's
thesis in political science by John D. Bell concerning Boley,
Oklahoma, written in 1930.30 Bell was interested in
studying Boley to determine if black voting patterns are
the result of "inhcrc.nt lethargy'"31 or discriminatory prac--
tices anjd disenfranchisements by whites,
A master's thesis in sociology by Maurice E. Jackson,
completed in 1937, on the social and economic development
of Mound Bayou, Mississippi,. wUas primarily focused on the
leadership patterns of the inhabitants and on the relations
between the blacks and whites in surrounding areas. Jackson
tool; great pains to point out the role played by attitudes
and values in the social interactions of the two races.3
Another sociologist involved in research on all-black
towns is Vernon J. Parenton, who concentrated on Bertrandville,
Louisiana. In three works, Parenton analyzed population
characteristics of the communityy,4 the social organization
and social processes,3 and social structure and leader-
ship patterns.36 Particularly important to this author
was Parenton's discussion of the great degree of internal
cohesion, integration and solidarity in Bertrandville,7
and also his analysis of the community's poor economic
condition as a reflection of superordinate-subordinate re-
lations between whites and blacks which are reflected in
the development of other all-black communities, including
The existence of numerous all-black communities in
Oklahoma has led William E. Bittle and Gilbert L. Geis
to develop the historical sociology of these towns, especially
their inception, the attitudes of blacks and whites concerning
them, and their decline.33 In the investigation the authors
were concerned with the idea of racial self-fulfillment:
a vision of a town or county where blacks could demonstrate
the capacity for self-government and the ability to develop
a society equivalent to the white culture in the rest of the
Bittle and Geis maintained that all-black communities
are available and appropriate research areas offering in-
sights into black attitudes, values, and behavior which
are not provided from studies of such data in bi-racial
communities where blacks are subjected to sub-dominant roles
by white society.39 The research of these two men is an
interesting, important addition to the literature concerning
all-black towns. Its significance lies in the documentation
of the evolution of the idea of black self-fulfillment that
culminated in tows such as Boley, Oklahoma, illustrating
in historical perspective how many all-black towns grew,
prospered, and finally withered in the continual threat of
racial hatred and fear.40
As will be shown, Kinloch evolved from a rural agri-
cultural community to an urban community This specific
type of rural to urban transition has received little atten-
tion in the social science literature with, however, one
major exception.4 Simon Ottenberg, an anthropologist, ana-
lyzed patterns of leadership and change in Shrimp Creek,
an all-black town in southeastern Georgia, in the context
of a social and economic transition from rural to urban
orientation.43 His research is relevant to this author's
work in Kinloch because- it offers an analysis of the slow
urbaniza-t on of an all -black rural community. In fact,
the historical developrmni t of Shrirp Creek resei bles the
early history of Kinloc-h, making possible many interesting
parallels in the evolution and growth of each community.
Previous Studies of Kinloch
Of the extensive literature on all-black communities,
few articles specific.:lL. have been concerned with Kinloch.
However two social scientists, John Kramer, a sociologist,
and Ingo Walter, an economist, have investigated social and
political variables in Kinloch. Because these works are
closely linked to this author's research, their content
and findings invite more detailed analysis.
In the first research undertaken on Kinloch in 1968,
the authors examine the political structure and social pro-
cess aiiong United States blacks.44 Specifically, the problem
presented in the research is that all previous studies
of politics among black Americans involve situations in which
the black electorate is either a numerical or social minority.
As a result, Kraimer and Walter assert knowledge of black
political life is limited by white political domination
and black political style and organization is shaped by
One setting which does not fit the pattern of white
political domination of blacks is that of autonomous all-
black municipalities. The only recent studies dealing with
all-black cormmunitier in the: Uni.tc States do not involve
political variables. 'Thicrfore, tb'-' authors propose to
examine the political history of a partjculcr a:l)-black
city, Black; City (a pcdu:crny for Kinloch), its political
organization, and the fI:jor eDieev-Is of the divergecnt
ideological positions vlithin the community. In addition,
t ute ithors o1ug'st t-c feasibility of guardedly viewing
the community and its; politics as a prototype of the emerging
urban black political scene.
A variety of procedures are used to collect the in-
formation on Kinloch's political structure. Primary data
consist of the collection of two types of interview:
1) unstructured interviews with knowledgeable black citi-
zens; and 2) an interview schedule of open-ended items
administered to Kinloch political figures. Other data
collected and analyzed are newspaper files, Kinloch and St.
Louis County records and reports, political campaign
material, and reports from Kinloch aldermanic sessions.
After the introduction containing the above material,
the article is divided into six sections, of which three
are devoted to Kinloch's political history. The two
following are concerned with the ideology of the community's
political organizations, and the last part attempts to re-
late the data represented in the other five subdivisions
to the hypothesis: if the political situation in Kinloch
is prototypical of the urban black political scene develop-
ing in the central cities, then resulting political styles,
organization and ideologies may :reseJ-).ble ithe same factors
as found in the all-black city.
Kraimr's and Walter's research., which appears well'-
deve.oped and plausible at first reading, hypothesizing a
relationship between politics in Kinloch and black central
cities,is based on several misconceptions, for many facts
may Je presented to negate such a relationship. First,
Kinloch lacks the necessary tax base to provide even the
absolute minimum municipal services.48 Although steadily
deteriorating in many areas, the tax bases of most, if not
all, central cities have not even approached the almost
non-exiFtent level it has in Kinloch. Secondly, Kinloch's
voters are poorly educated, unsophisticated, and amazingly
tolerant of governmental inefficiency and corruption.49
Even detractors of black political power50 would be hard
pressed to make such assertions, and to offer comparisons
with predominantly black central cities, which have many
professionals, clergymen, and businessmen taking an active
part in the political scene. Thirdly, the traditional
two-party political system has never developed in Kinloch,
whereas the central cities long have been organized by the
Democrats, Republicans, or independent third parties.51
Fourthly, and most imporLant, the residents of the
community and their social-political system may be considered
to be related more closely to the folkways of rural society
than to the sophisticated machinations and manueverings of
urban society. Kinloch's political system should be viewed
as pa.rt of a behavior pattern which has arisen as a tran-
sitiional adjus~tcme t to dS'vlorpmcnt in science and tech-
nolcgy. This adjustmenct is kn:c-.,.' ar: a technicway, a blend
of technical society canc fo ,-.ays0 2 Technicways "provide
a doqrr-c of precarious staLbil.ity during the lag between the
practical diissolution of celccted folkways and institution-
alization of new social pe.ttcrns.53
Kinloch's political situation thus may be understood
as a transitional stage as the city loses its original rural
orientation and characteristics and becomes more and more
typically urban in attitudes and behavior patterns. There-
fore, the conclusions drawn by Kramer and Walter seem
spurious and without basis in fact, and cannot be accepted.
Despite difficulties they had in supporting their
hypothesis, Kramer and Walter were pioneers in a new field.
It was the first attempt to examine the mechanisms in which
an autonomous, all-black city's political behavior patterns
differ significantly from those in bi-racial communities
where whites dominate. Although the authors do illustrate
a difference in such patterns, it seems likely that in-
correct, unsupportable conclusions are reached concerning
the relationship of those patterns to predominantly black
central cities. It seems logical to this writer, based on
his research and knowledge of the community, that Kinloch
is evolving toward the political behavior expressed by
central cities, rather than that the central cities' politics
are becoming like Kinloch's.
A second work by Pal ter and Kr.amer (1969) offers a
related yet divergent vie',' of al l--.ack com iunities.5
As social scientists, they are iJ.,t_.'.:rested in the socioeco-
nomic characteristics of pol-tic.ily independent all-black
municipalities (the definition of all-black used in the
article is that given by Harold Ros 55). According to the
authors, one of the most iTmpoirtant of the common charac-
teristics of autonomous all-black cities is that political
independence may substantially increase the economic de-
pendence of the black municipality upon the surrounding
political units which are the most often predominantly
white.5 By examining one such colunumity (Kinloch), Walter
and Kramer propose to indicate the manner in which this
dependence, economic for the most part, develops. Ob-
viously this topic is of considerable importance as blacks
gain political dominance in well-defined areas of the
United States, particularly in some of the large central
cities of Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas.
Excluding the introduction, the article is divided
into five units: Background, Economic Conditions, Labor
Force Patterns, Human Resources, and Economic Development.
In each of these major units, detailed information is pre-
sented concerning the subject of the unit. Most of the
data provided is from a variety of national, state, and
local governmental departments.57 The authors present a
detailed analysis of each of the major segments of the
article, and each of tho::e segment, hlas been related to-
gether to present a unified struc-itre.
However, it j this writer's opinion that neither the
analysis of each unit nor ther sy nthesis accompliis!es the
specific purpose of tinh esea ch- to show that political
independence substantially increases the economic dependence
of the all-bjack city upon s.ur rounding predominantly white,
Before Kinloch was incorporated as a politically
autonomous city in 1948, the community was totally dependent
on St. Louis County for public services: tire, police,
roads and highways, zoning and planning, education, recrea-
tion, courts, etc. Thus, before political autonomy, the
community derived all Covernmental services from St. Louis
County, but it received no support from the surrounding,
coterminous, predominantly white, political units, Berkeley
After Kinloch received a charter as an autonomous city,
these ties of dependence with St. Louis County ceased.
The community was forced to assume the responsibility for
the services previously provided by the county.59 As far
as the surrounding white suburbs were concerned, Kinloch
remained as isolated as ever, not receiving political or
economic support before or after incorporation.
Although Walter and Kramer substantially are correct
about Kinloch becoming economically dependent on a larger
political unit which is predominantly white, this unit is
the United States government and not the surrounding munici-
palities. For much of its economic resources Kinloch nec-
essarily depends on grants and programs from the Departments
of Health, Education, and Welfare; Housing and Urban De-
velopment; and the Office of Economic Opportunity. The
authors have ignored the fact that due to an almost ab-
solute lack of economic resources as a community, Kinloch
would have to depend on outside support whether it was in-
corporated or not.
Despite their failure to support their hypothesis
satisfactorily, Walter and Kramer document the economic
dependence of one all-black city and therefore have alerted
other such communities to the pitfalls of political au-
tonomy, attractive though political autonomy may at first
The last article, written by John Kramer (in 1967),
deals with the functioning of Clarence Lee as mayor of
Kinloch from 1961 to 1967.60 Specifically the problem con-
sidered is the attempt of Lee, with no publicity and almost
no indigenous resources, save personal initiative, to eradi-
cate the ubiquitous substandard, deteriorated, and blighted
social, economic, and physical environments in the all-black
community. In addition to the enormous problems involved
in urban renewal and rehabilitation, Mayor Lee is concerned
with the basics of urban life in a povery-stricken area:
sewers, indoor toilets, paved and lighted streets, employment
opportunities, rudimentary police protection, and education.61
Krarer's research into the chaotic conditions surrounding
the chief elected official of Kinloch is very perceptive
and provides invaluable insights on the development of
the black community in the past decade. It is without
doubt a most useful and significant work on Kinloch.
1. This definition is after that given by Harold Rose,
"The All-Negro Town: Its Evolution and Function,"
The Geographical Review, LV (July, 1965), 362. How-
ever, two major differences exist between the two
definitions. First, the definition proposed by this
writer differentiates between towns and cities in order
to be more precise in the following analysis. Secondly,
10 percent white population is allowed in all-black
municipalities instead of Rose's 5 percent as the
author believes that historically many well-known
racial communities have existed with the higher per-
cent white and have remained viable and black con-
trolled. Thus, the 10 percent white is regarded as
a chance occurrence which does not denigrate the use
of the term "all-black."
2. United States, Department of Commerce, Bureau of the
Census, General Ponulation Characteristics: 1970
United States. Final Report PC (1), Table 16, Sum-
mary Data for Areas, Places, and Counties; Table 32,
Data for Places of 1,000 to 2,500.
3. For the use of chi-square in geographical research
see S. Gregory, Statistical Methods and the Geographer
(London: Longmans, Green & Co., Ltd., 1963), pp. 163-
4. The regional division utilized follows that of the United
States Bureau of the Census, General Population
Characteristics, Final Report PC (1)-B1, pp. 1-255.
5. Claire Selltiz, et al., Research Methods in Social
Relations (New York: Holt, Rinehart and wTnston,
Inc., 1959), pp. 417-419.
6. Rose, "All-Negro Town." 362.
7. Ibid., 364.
9. Ibid., 374-375.
10. Ibid., 375.
11, Lbid,, 3811
12. .sz3 i1 C. Hill, "A Cociologiical Study of an All-Negro
Coru'nityv,-" 1Kastt-' thu.n siL cpa-rttment of Sociology,
University of Kansas,Lawrence, 1937, p. 95.
13. Ibid., p. 96.
14. "The All-Negro Society in Oklahoma,"
T'Ph.D. dlisrsrtat:ion, Department of Sociology, Univer-
sity of Chicago, Chicago, 194'.S p. 83.
15. Vernon o Parenton an d Ro'n J. PellegIrin, "Social
Structure and the Leader-ship -Tactor in a Negro Com-
munity in South Loaisiana,"' T'he '10Ion Quarterly,
XVIT (March, 1956), 75.
16. Rose, "All-Negro Town," 381.
1'. John E. K-raer and Ingo Walter, "Politics in an All-
Neg.co City," Urban Affairs Quarterly, IV (September,
1968), 67; and Ingo Walter and John~ E. Kramer, "Polit-
ical Autonomy and Economic Dependence in an All--Negro
Municipality," The American Journal of Economics and
Socioloqgy, XXVIII (July, 1969), 228-233.
18. Parenton and Pellsgrin. "Social Structure," 75-76.
19. William E. Little and Gilbert L. Geis, "Racial Self-
Fulfillment and the Rise of an All--Negro Community
in Oklahoma," The Phylon Quarterly, XVII (Fall, 1957), 248.
20. Mozell C. Hill, "Basic Racial Attitudes Toward -Whites
in the Oklahoma All-Negro Community," The American
Journal of Sociology, XLIX (May, 1944), 519.
21. "A Comparative Study of Race Attitudes
Ti the All-Negro Community in Oklahoma," The Phylon
Quarterly, VII (Third Quarter, 1946), 260.
22. See Chapter III, pp. 76-77 and Chapter IV, pp. 84-85.
23. Mozell C. Hill, "The All-Negro Communities of Oklahoma:
The Natural History of a Social Movement," Journal
of Negro History, XXXI (July, 1946), 254-268.
24. Frederick Jackson Turner, The Frontier in Amneican
History (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1920),
25. Carl A. Dawson and Warner E. Cettys, Introduction to
Sociology (New York: Ronald Press, 1949), pp. 128-135.
26. Hill, "All-Negro Communities of Oklahoma," 255.
27. Ibid., 268.
28. See Chapter III, pp. 48--59.
29. Mocell C. Hill and Alh : ,t i i-iiting, "Some The oretical
and -'ethodological Problem s in Coumnunjity Studies,"
ociA! Fourc:;es, XXIX (Decembo-er, 1950), 117.
30. John D). Boll, "Boley: A Study of a Negro Town,"
Master's thesis, Departmernt of Political Science,
University of Kansas, Lawrence, 1930.
31. Tbi 60--62.
32. Maurice E. Jackson, "Mound Pbyou--A Study in Social
Develoi'ment," Master's the.:is, Department of Sociology,
University of Alabama, Birmingham, 1957.
33. Ibid., 2-3.
34. Vernon 0. Parenton, "Some Population Characterjstics of
a Negro Village in the French Section of Louisiana,"
Proceedings of the Louisiana Academy of Sciences,
IV (Nove mber 18, 1938), 287.
35. "A Sociological Study of a Negro Village
in the French Section of Louisiana," Master's thesis,
Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge (1938), p. 11.
36. Parenton and Pellegrin, "Social Structure," 74-75.
37. Parenton, "Some Population Characteristics," 293.
38. Little and Geis, "Racial Self-Fulfillment," 248-249.
39. Ibid., 248.
40. Ibid., 255-256.
41. See Chapter III, pp. 59-62.
42. Simon Ottenberg, "Leadership and Change in a Coastal
Georgia Negro Community," The Phylon Quarterlv, XX
(Spring, 1959), 7-18.
43. Ibid., 7-9.
44. John E. Kramer and Ingo Walter, "Politics in an Al]-
Negro City," Urban Affairs Quarterly, IV (September,
45. Ibid., 65.
46. Ibid., 68.
47. Ibid., 66 and 81.
48. St. Louis County, Department of Revenue, "Tax Data--
Incorporated Areas," Clayton, Missouri, 1969, pp. 36-37.
49. Kramer and Walter, "All-Negro City," 82.
50. Edward Banfield, The Unheavenly City (New York:
Little, Brown & Company, 1970), pp. 185-209.
51. Floyd B. Barbour, ed., The Black Power Revolt (New
York: Collier-Macmillan Company, 1963), pp. 38-40.
52. Alvin Eoskoff, "Negro Class Structure and the Technic-
ways," Social Forces, XXIX (December, 1950), 128.
54. Ingo Walter and John E. Kramer, "Political Autonomy
and Economic Dependence in an All-Negro Municipality,"
The American Journal of Sociology, XXVIII (July, 1969),
55. Rose, "All-Negro Town," 362.
56. Walter and Kramer, "Political Autonomy," 225.
58. Ibid., 227-228.
60. John E. Kramer, "The Other Mayor Lee," Focus Midwest,
XXXV (Spring, 1967), 17-24.
61. Ibid., 17.
KINLOCH: HISTORICAL DEVELO-PI'NT AND PRESENT SITUATION
The Studv Area
Kinloch, Missouri, is located in the St. Louis Stan-
dard MetropoliLan Statistical Area (Figure 1), approximately
15 miles north-northwest of downtown St. Louis. The popu-
lation, according to the 1970 Census, is 5,578 of which only
one permanent resident, a Catholic priest, is white; all
other residents are black. Included in St. Louis County
(Figure 2), Kinloch is a separate legal, entity, having been
granted a charter as city by the state of Missouri in 1948.
Kinloch is surrounded completely by two suburbs (Berke-
ley and Ferguson) which are almost all.-white (Figure 2).
In addition, and icore important, Kinloch effectively is iso-
lated from these comonirnities by high fences, cul-de-sacs
and dead-end streets, green belts, and lack of proper road
maintenance at the city limits of the white communities.
Kinloch also, for all practical purposes, totally lacks an
economic resource base, having few service centers, only
two small light manufacturing plants, and no heavy industry.
Thus the residents of Kinloch are forced to go outside
their community into the surrounding St. Louis SMSA for
employment and for most consumer activities.
St Ch ,rl.. Co.
St. C-lo- Co.
I Jefferson Co
I Monro Co I
County Boundary MILES
5 0 5 15 25
State Boundary I I
Source Unted Storle Bureou of Ih. Cniu, 1970
Figure 1: St. Louis, Missouri-Illinois Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area
Therefore, the specific problem area is Kinloch,
Missouri, an all-black city, isolated physically and so-
cially from the surrounding white communities, with little
employment and consumer-oriented opportunities available
for the inhabitants within the black community.
To anyone unfamiliar with the physical reality of
Kinloch, the best introduction is a description of the
landscape bordering the main thoroughfare to Kinloch, Car-
son Road, from Berkeley (an all-white city) into Kinloch.
Carson Road is not only the principal traffic artery ser-
vicing Kinloch, but it is the only major road that penetrates
the all-black community. Theoretically it extends completely
through Kinloch, actually it is incomplete with almost two
blocks of unpaved and totally impassable right-of-way in
the black community (Figures 3 and 4). However, at the
Berkeley city limits, Carson Road again is fully maintained
by the St. Louis County Street Department.
Basically, Carson Road is north-south oriented and
extends many miles through numerous municipalities of St.
Louis County south of Kinloch. The section of road to be
examined, however, begins at Interstate Highway 70 and
continues north into Kinloch. Near the Interstate Highway
the area traversed by the street is typical of many older
suburbs of the county, with a mixture of brick and frame
single-family residences and several newer apartment
St. Louis County
I Cool Valley
2 Bel-Nor /
4 River Roads St
5 Northwest Plaza S
7 Kingshighway-Easton /
9 St. Louis CBD \
10 East St. Louis\ b
Figure 2: General Locational
Sourc, D0iver-6d Mop C..orporation
Aspects of the Study Area
complexes (Figure 5). 'Th: house? and lawns are neat and
well-kept and are priced in the Sl;i000 to $25,000 price
The approach to the city limits of Kinloch indicates
no appreciable change in the character of the streets, which
are acphaltic concrete and in good repair, or of the resi-
dences. Irrme.diately at the city limits, however, an abrupt
change in the landscape is startlingly obvious. The road
becomes very bumpy and poorly maintained, the houses are
old and very poorly kept, there are many vacant lots over-
grown\ with a profusion of vegetation (Figure 6). In other
words, this is a scene more typical of an area of extensive
rural poverty than of a community located in the St. Louis
suburban ring. At this point, a more detailed description
of Kinloch is necessary to portray vividly this remarkable
transition from a suburban environment to a ghetto-slum
that is miles removed from the inner city.
The roads in any community are one of the most obvious
manifestations of the amount of money allocated to city
services in general. In the surrounding white cities of
Berkeley and Ferguson the roads are in good condition,
well-maintained with few pot-holes, lined with curbs and
sidewalks. In Kinloch, almost all of the roads are in need
of repair. In 1963, the St. Louis County Health Depart-
ment found 92 percent of the black community's streets to be
inadequate.4 The condition of these roads had not changed
appreciably by 1970, Street maintenance is all but
Figure 3 Transportation Pattern of the Study Area
S SIs Pl o I ___Co on
^ ^L^ -m\ KINLOCH ] r
Figure 3: Transportation Pattern of the Study Area
Figure 4: Unpaved right--oZf-vay (paper street) of the eastern
section of Carson Road in Kinloch.
non-existent, with more than one-third of all streets un-
pt'ved (Figure 3); curbs and sidec;alks are almost totally
ab&ent." Street light: are limited to the few "major"
streets of the city, a situation that was brought about
wbo:n the municipal government, after learning it could finance
the installation of i :htiing only on selected street corners,
petitioned property owners to foren "light clubs" that
appoctioned the cost of lighting the streets between the cor-
ners to property ovmnes based on the amount of street
frontage owned by each individual.6
There are no arterial streets running completely through
Kinloch into the surrounding white communities. All major
streets in the area either are at the periphery of the city,
at some greater distance, or, in the case of Carson Road
(in Kinloch, renamed the Martin Luther King Boulevard),
coming to a dead-end in the community (Figure 4). The
general pattern and the condition of streets in the city
resemble rural farm lanes, or even an unordered, unplanned
rabbit maze. The streets meander about, with a grid struc-
ture imposed by the main routes. There are also a large
number of unsurfaced dirt and gravel roads further con-
tributing to the rural atmosphere. Many of the streets
marked as permanent thoroughfares on maps of Kinloch are
non-existent "paper roads" consisting only of unmarked rights-
of--way which are often built up with residences and used
as lawns and gardens (Figure 3).
Figure 5: Neat houses and lawns along well-maintiined
Carson Road in white area adjacent to Kinloch.
Figure. : G: Carson Rrad at thc city limits of Kinloch and
Bcrl.-el; i-.r and de! aun crcjrowith rar7X Loirdcu.
V, .4 ..- I
u Cul-de-sacs CO
_ "The Kinloch Wall" e
- City Boundary
Factors Surrounding Kinloch
Figure 7: Isolation
Another major problem affectJi.n the street transporta-
tion system is the physical barriers restricting the smooth
circulation and commuric nation ol people and goods from
KIinloch out into the surro'ud'i nr arcan. Kinloch is all
but totaly isolated from its wh-Ite neighbors by fences,
cul-de-sacc: public utility right's-of-way, streams, vege-
tation barriers, and streets which are unrepaired at the
city limits of the surroundings white communities (Figure 7).
The character of the residences is another principal
factor in differenttiatin the black from the white com-
munities. Much of the substandard quality of Kinloch's
housing is readily apparent ever. to a casual observer
(Figures 8 and 9). Exterior damage and disrepair such as
cracked foundations, broken i windows, porches, and railings,
sagging and crumbling brick and block walls, roofs with
more shingles missing than not, and dangerously tilting
chimneys are the rule rather than the exception. Also
commonly found in Kinloch are many abandoned and partially
or totally destroyed residences, many of which are either
vandalized, or gutted by fire (Figures 10, 11 and 12).
Another common characteristic is the presence of numerous
outdoor toilet facilities, many of which are still being
used. And, although substantial progress has been made,
the sanitary conditions of the black community are more
characteristic of some rural areas than of the suburbs of a
large urban center such as St. Louis.
Figure 8: Heavy vegetation surrounding a typical house
Figure 9: Typical house and lawn in Kinloch in character-
istic state of disrepair.
One of many abandoned and vandalized houses
Figure 11: Abandoned and dilapidated house in Kinloch.
A factor directly associated with the quality of the
maintenance of the black city's streets and houses .is that
on the yards and numero!'; s vacant lots adjacent to the
(dwell.ing units. Houses with wide expanses of neat, well-
trimmred, attractive lawns caui be found easily in Kinloch,
but they are in the minority (Figure 13). More generally,
the yards surrounding most of the houses consist of dirt with
little or no grass cover at the portion near the road, grading
to a mixture of grass, weeds, and dirt halfway to the houses,
and iimedi ately surrounding the houses, vegetation runs
rair.pant with trees, bushes, and tall weeds seemingly com-
peting with the houses for survival (Figures 8 and 9).
Thus the picture painted of the all-black city is not
one of a typical suburban community, but rather a strange
mixture both of the poverty and blight of inner city ghettos
and parts of the rural South. A detailed examination is
necessary to illustrate the mechanisms which have contributed
to these seemingly disparate and incongruent trends in
Origin and Development of Kinloch
In the 1860's and 1870's the area today known as
Kinloch was devoted largely to agricultural pursuits, leading
to the supply of some of the produce needed in the City of
St. Louis nearby. Among the farmers and farm laborers were
blacks, a few of whom owned property, but most simply
were hired hands. Over the years, the number of blacks
Remains of Kinloch house destroyed by fire.
New housing development in Kinloch's only
modern subdivision in the city's northwest.
living in the area slowly increased.c In the late 1880's
several enterprisingg St. Louis real estate firms, taking
ed-a vntage of the earlier. his-tory rf black sett lenment, pur-
chased several large tracts of land in the area, sub-
divided the land into lots of 25 by 100 feet and 20 by 80
feet, and offered them for nle to blacks living in the St.
Louis ghetto at approximately $50 and $40 respectively.
Although these blacks lacked the financial security and
resources necessary to construct the typical suburban homes
of the time, they built small shanties on their property
and laid out unpaved roads to provide access to their homes.
The area was still predominately rural and the residents
had the advantage of raising some of their own food.
Another benefit was that the area was wooded and hilly, with
several small streams, reminding many of the residents of
their former homes in the South.
The black population of the area grew steadily, expand-
ing as additional tracts were subdivided and advertised
in St. Louis. Shortly after 1930 the black population num-
bered over 4,000 and continued growing at nearly the same
rate as the surrounding areas inhabited by white population.1
The rapid growth of both populations necessitated the es-
tablishment of a common school district with "separate but
equal" facilities for blacks and whites governed by an all-
white school board.1
During the middle and late 1930's Kinloch and the
surrounding area of white farmers were united only by the
common school district. By that time the black population
outnumer'ced the white by almost 2,000 people; however, the
white electorate heavily outnaimelr-_c, the black as a result
of discriminatory Ml isscuri election laws. Although
.issouri laws provided for segregated school systems, blacks
were allowed to vote in the school board elections. With
a rapidly expanding black electorate, Reverend Reuben
Matthewson, a resident of Kinloch, was elected to the three-
merier school board. Reverend Matthewzson bitterly complained
about the used and abused books relegated to the black schools,
the wide differentials in pay scales, and the school dis-
trict's refusal to construct a black high school..
In 1938, when the black electorate openly began to
talk and make plans to elect another black to the board,
the whites responded by withdrawing from the district, and
incorporating themselves as the towns of Berkeley and Fer-
guson with separate school systems.15
Between 1938 and 1948, the black population continued
to grow, but at a slower rate than before.6 The residents
continued to run their school district, but without the
financial support provided by the white population's taxes,
the system was operating under very stringent financial
constraints, even though a local high school was eventually
built in 1939 with the Works Progress Administration funds.1
The St. Louis County government, %vhich legally was responsible
for providing services to unincorporated areas, lar-ely
ignored the black community.
In 1948, hoping to improve Lheir situation through
sclf-determination, the black residents of the a; a sought
and 'were granted a charter oi inco: ,p) ration as the City of
Kinloch. 1 Satisfaction with the now charter was short-
lived, however, as in March, 149, approximately 2,000 resi-
dents pe-ttioned for disincorporation, alleging insufficient
taxable property within the city's 554 acres. 9 The city's
principal political leaders waged a bitterly contested
campaign against the move to disincorporate; the petition
was ultimately overturned on a technicality by the Missouri
Supreme Court.20 Thus, the stage was set for the continua-
tion and intensifying two significant elements which were
to shape Kinloch's futuxe--poverty and isolation.
Present Socioeconomic Conditions
Kinloch today, with a population of almost 6,000 in-
habitants, is an area of remarkably deep-seated poverty both
in terms of absolute numbers of families earning less than
a living wage and percentage of inhabitants affected by
poverty. The 1970 United States Census reveals that the
median family income in Kinloch is only $5,202, while in
Berkeley and Ferguson the median family incomes are $11,001
ana $12,788 respectively,21 and $12,393, $11,868, and $10,236
in St. Louis County, the Standard Metropolitan Statistical
Area, and Missouri respectively.22 In addition, the 1970
United States Census reports that 34 percent or almost
400 families in Kinloch received some form of public
assistance, particularly aid to dependent children and old
age assistance; the mean family inc 'me of this group is
only $1,765, with a metne jhacoriue Juricit of $2,255 below
federal poverty criteria,2, indicat-ng that the families
in Kinloch receiving public as-sistance had an average
family income that was approximately 56 percent below
the federal poverty standard.
Accompanying these fmiily economic statistics is
another trend which characteristically indicates hard-
co:e poverty: predominantly substandard housing in the
black community. The St. Louis County Planning Depart-
ment, in a 1968 survey, determined that of some 1,800
dwelling units in Kinloch about 63 percent were classified
as substandard.25 The 1970 Census additionally reveals that
over 34 percent of all occupied housing units in Kinloch
are without public sewers, and 35 percent without central
or built-in heating systems,26 and that almost 60 percent
of the occupied dwelling units in 1970 were owned by their
residents with about 80 percent of all Kinloch families
living in their own homes.2 The 1970 Census also reveals
that over 58 percent of the dwellings in the black com-
munity were constructed before 1949 and approximately 71
percent are valued at less than $10,000, with a mean value
of only $6,700.28
Low incomes, welfare-dependent families, and inferior
housing are not the only social and economic disadvantages
of Kinloch. The tax base, partially reflecting low incomes
and condition of housing, is alinot totally inadequate to
provide the population vi.i'.h necesrr:-y municipal services
In 1969, the St. Louis County Deprtm..ent of Revenue re-
ported that the assessed valuation of real property in
Kinloch was 3,124,609, wIith a tax rate of $5.87 per $100
assessed valuation. 'This tax rate is the highest in the
St. Louis SMSA, but yields Kinloch only $242,298 in tax
revenue.31 The tax situation is even more serious in view
of the fact that a state tax program, initiated in 1965,
transferred utility and railroad property taxes to munici-
palities, and actually prevented a decrease in Kinloch's
A second serious tax problem in the black community
involves an extremely high rate of tax delinquency, aver-
aging yearly between 16 percent and 30 percent of the personal
property and real estate tax charge.33 Unfortunately this
failure to pay the taxes has been increasing substantially
during the past several years, resulting in additional
burdens on the community.
The limitations of the educational system of Kinloch
is a reflection of the financial instability of the city
and the school district. The school system is so antiquated
that the state refused to accredit it until 1964, when it
was given the lowest possible accreditation rating.34
The specific problems of the educational system include:
substandard buildings, high student-teacher ratios, inade-
quate salary scale, and unqualified teachers and administrators,
many of whom are brought into th'e system as graduates with-
c- prior teaching experience, f;mi smal) non-acczredited
southern black teacher:;' coilegesr .
Unemployment and undcrel.ployment are problems endemic
tc Kinloch. Although figures on underemployment are very
difficult to obtain, unemployment rates are available from
the Department of Labor and the Office of Economic Oppor-
turity. In 1968. approximately 9 percent of Kinloch's
adult labor force was unemployed, a figure then almost
twice the national average. Compounding this hiyh offi-
cial rate of unemployment is a concentration of individuals
who are never enumerated as actively seeking employment,
some of these are employed only part-time, or are underem-
ployed, or simply have never registered as looking for a
job. The Department of Labor has estimated that the
actual rate of unemployment in black areas is often more
than three to four times higher than the official rate,
indicating that the actual unemployment in Kinloch is a much
more serious problem than the Labor Department's figure
of 9 percent indicates.
Basic to the problems of unemployment and underemploy-
ment in Kinloch are the numbers of occupational opportunities
available in the black community. According to the United
States Census of Lusiness, in 1963 Kinloch had a total of
15 retail service establishments, employing only 21 paid
workers. These establishments were: a general merchan-
dise store, four small food stores, two restaurants, two
drugstores, and two mo:rtuiaries. In 3970, a reconnaissance
of the communityv' dilapi dated L .i rss section revealed
that added to the above b.soin eda's fre a record-dance
parlor, a beauty shop, and two iasoiine service stations.
The only manufacturing entity in Kinloch is a small wrought-
iron firm at the town's southern boundary. Consequently
the employment opportunities within the community are
severely restricted and the greater majority of these seek-
ing jobs must leave Kinloch to find employment.
The Isolation of Kinloch
The locational characteristics of Kinloch seem at first,
to be quite advantageous to the community. Situated in
north St. Louis County and in the St. Louis SMSA, the
black city is located near several of the area's foremost
employers (McDonnel-Douglas, Emerson Electric, and the
Universal Match Corporation), a factor primarily responsible
for much of the area's rapid growth. Additionally, Inter-
state 70 is near Kinloch's southern boundary providing
transportation to the St. Louis CBD and to the airport
which is only two miles away. Other important facilities
adjacent to the black community are the University of
Missouri (St. Louis) and several regional shopping centers.
However, one of the most important, if not the most
important, locational characteristic of Kinloch is its iso-
lation from the surrounding white suburban communities of
Berkeley and Ferguson, an isolation that is readily per-
ceived from maps, air photographs, or field observations.
This isolation is a complex realiLy for the black resi-
dents- and can be subdivided annd c-a-tcorized into three
orms: physical, transportation -coi munication, and social.
Physical barriers between Eerkeley-Ferguson and Kin-
loch are almost completely continuous in the isolation of
the black community and can best be understood referring to
naps of the area (Figures 3 and 6). Classified as physi-
cal ba-rriers are such features as: high fences (both chain
link and wooden); vision and sound obstructing green belts
of high, dense bushes and trees at property lines dividing
white from black residential areas; wide, inviolate public
utility riohts-of-way; and railroad tracts. All of these
barriers effectively mark the limits of black settlement.
Specific instances of the presence of these physical
barriers are illustrated to demonstrate the isolation of
Kinloch. The Union Electric right-of-way, carrying high-
tension electrical power lines (Figures 7 and 14) extends
from the intersection of Scudder and Middleway Avenues
on Kinloch's west side, paralleling Middleway, and turns
in a south-southwest direction north of the intersection of
McHenry and Middleway on Kinloch's southwest border (Figure
Between the point where the right-of-way turns toward
the south and McHenry is the flood plain of a small stream,
Maline Creek, where the St. Louis County Planning and
Zoning departments have prohibited the construction of
building39 diately south st of the line Creek
buildings. Immediately southeast of the Maline Creek
Public utility right-of-way along Kinloch's
northwestern edge, with Kinloch to the right
and Berkeley to the left.
Looking south on Middleway, with Irvington
(gravel surfaced) in Kinloch on the right, and
Hardy in Berkeley on the left.
flood plain is a road median, a 20-30 yard wide grassy
divider strip on the we.it r;si of M'idlc:;iy, extending
couttheast to the intersection of Iciddleway and Case ave-
nues (Figure 15). Providing a continuation of barriers
where the median ends is a hiih chain--link fence beginning
at Case and Middleway, following Miodleway and ending at
Kinloch's political boundary. Thus, it is apparent that
the all-black town's west-southwest border is sealed
against any comniunication-circulation between the black
and white communities, essentially containing the black
population from area expansion.
On the southeast boundary of Kinloch the situation is
much the same as on the southwest side. The physical bar-
riers in this area are vacant land that is heavily vege-
tated, the Maline Creek flood plain, and the St. Louis
Belt and Terminal Railway right-of-way (Figure 7). Of these
isolating factors the railway right-of-way is the most
significant, extending along the entire length of the black
town's southeastern limit. The right-of-way is flanked
on both sides by vacant lots which are so densely over-
grown with vegetation as to be virtually impenetrable
visually so that anyone on either side of the tracks is
unable to see or even hear activity on the opposite side.
The situation is somewhat different along the eastern
boundary of Kinloch, marking the separation of the black
city and Ferguson. Along this border there are no rights-
of-way; all the land on both sides of the city limits is
View of dead-end street in Ferguson along
Kinloch's eastern border; row of dense
vegetation in the middle-background marks
Looking east from Kinloch into Ferguson from
Scudder, dead-end and unpaved, with the trees
and fence in the foreground marking city limits
'-'- `' .
privately owned although the City of Fergus.n maintains
a one-foot strip of easement along the entire eastern
boundary of Kinloch.40 This one foot easement is marked by
a wire fence that is overgrown with trees and bushes. All
roads through Ferguson and Kinloch come to an end short of
the easement (Figures 16 and 17).
At the southern portion of the eastern boundary is a
six-foot high wooden fence ranging over 600 yards, ending
at Suburban Avenue (Figure 7). Although the fence is pri-
vately owned, it was erected by the City of Ferguson for the
property owners along Kinloch's border.
Along the northern section of the town's eastern limits,
north of Carson Road, Ferguson's easement extends to
Kinloch's northern boundary. This northern portion is simi-
lar to the central portion of the east border, with private
fences and densely overgrown with vegetation.
Kinloch's northern legal limits, marking the separation
of the black community from Berkeley, is physically de-
fined by what is known locally as the "Kinloch Wall."41
This barrier is a high chain-link fence that Berkeley resi-
dents have erected to protect their backyards from the
black community (Figure 7). Varying in height from four to
six feet, and even topped along one section by three strands
of barbed wire, the fence is cloaked by vines and an assort-
ment of weeds and bushes shielding the white community from
even visual contact with their black neighbors (Figure 18).
The northern edge of Kinloch; note unpaved
road, the fence, bushes, and trees marking
the black city's common boundary with Berkeley.
Typical cul-de-sac in Berkeley with Kinloch
out of sight behind the houses.
It is in this section of Berkele.i that the streets cnjd in
cul-de-sacs (Figures 3 rd 19;).
The only section of iinloch's boundary not enclosed
by physical barriers is the north\:esiern section between
Kinloch and Berkeley. It is not surprising therefore that
it is only in this section that blacks nave penetrated
either of the two-surrounding white communities. It is into
this area that the black population is slowly expanding,
and it is only a matter of time before the whites are
succeeded completely by blacks.
In the northwest area, barriers other than physical
long have been in operation, especially trc transportation-
communication type of obstacle. Improper street construction
and repair on the Berkeley side of Kinloch's northwestern
political boundary has effectively restricted the movement
of vehicular traffic along the seven roads in the area.
Kinloch has maintained its portions of the streets in ques-
tion directly up to the city limits, yet on the Berkeley
side the streets are a mass of deep pot holes, ruts, and
broken asphalt. In several instances the street paving in
Berkeley actually ends some 50 feet short of the boundary
with black city. Sidewalks and street curbs are also dis-
continued some distance from the common legal limits.
The transportation- communication barrier can be shown
to operate in areas around Kinloch other than in the city's
northwest section. Leading into the city of Kinloch are
only 10 through streets. Of these, five in the northwest
section are virtually impalssible; Scudder, running east--
west, abruptly changes comii asphalt to an unpaved country
lane; Carson tRoad is discoitLinuod for two blocks at Kin-
loch's northeastern section; Suburbcn Avenue has in the .re-
cent past (up to the summer of 1970) been barricaded with
a large steel chain across a small bridge on the Ferguson-
Kinloch border; and the other two streets are limited in
length (one is only a single block long) and carry little
At the southwestern edge of Kinloch, less than one-
fourth of a mile from the city limits, is Interstate 70.
Unfortunately, Carson Road does not have a full or even a
partial clover leaf connecting it to the Interstate High-
way. Access to the Interstate is limited since one can only
enter the eastward or St. Louis bound lanes. Additionally
there is only one exit and that is westward or from the
direction of downtown St. Louis.
At the present time, a limited-access six-lane divided
highway, locally called the Inner Belt, is scheduled to be
completed by 1975.42 The construction of this highway has
aroused deep resentment among Kinloch residents, for the
highway, which is a major artery connecting north and south
St. Louis County, will pass through the southern edge of
the city, yet will have neither entrance nor exit ramps
servicing Kinloch. As of the late summer of 1972, public
hearings and petitions have done nothing to change these
plans of the Missouri Highway Commission.
In addition to the almost total absence of proper
street maintenance at the mutually v.shared city limits of
the black and white cormaunities, transportation-communication
barriers are evidenced by the presence of many cul-de-sacs
and dead-end streets at Kinioch's boundaries. Along the
northern and eastern borders of the black city all of the
streets, with the exception of Carson Road and Suburban
Avenue, in Berkeley and Ferguson are either not through or
end in the cul-de-sac pattern so popular in suburban develop-
ments (Figures 3 and 18).
The last factor in the isolation of Kinloch is much
more subtle than either physical or transportation barriers.
In a real sense this factor can be said to be the cause of
the other barriers. The existence of fear, lack of under-
standing, hatred, prejudice, and indifference on the part of
white America is the ultimate cause of the racial conflict
in the United States and the isolation of Kinloch. These
attitudes have built a plural society in which white and
black relationships have been master-slave, superior-inferior
for so many years that they are all but an ineradicable part
of life in the United States. These factors are considered
together by the author as a social barrier, responsible
for the separation and isolation of Xinloch from its white
An example of this social barrier was demonstrated to
the author when he was interviewing white property owners
whose property directly abutted Kinloch. Many of these
people denied the presence of the !back community by claiming
that it was some disi.tc.nc aw'ay ra tbier than at their back-
yard.4 AnJother instance of the. existence of this barrier
was the initial acceptance of the children of Kinloch's
only Catiolic grade school by the pastor of a neighboring
all-white Catholic parish into that grade school. When
the white parishioners were informed of the pastor's de-
cision, a furor erupted in which many of the parishioners
withheld their Sunday donations until the pastor was forced
to cancel the arrangement with the black Catholic school
1. John E. Kramer anrid ngo Walter, "Politics in an All-
Negro City," Urban Affairs Quarterly, IV (September,
2. Human Developiicnt Corporation of Metropolitan St. Louis,
"Neighborhood Handbook:" St. Louis, 1968, p. 1.
3. Interview with Charles Franklin of Lott-Hunt Realty
Company; Ferguson, Missouri, June 7, 1970.
4. St. Louis County, Health Department, "Sanitary Survey
Report, City of Kinloch," Clayton, Missouri, 1963, p. 9.
6. Ingo Walter and John E. Kramer, "Political Autonomy and
Economic Dependence in an All-Negro Municipality,"
The American Journal of Economics and Socioloy, XXVII
(July, 1i969 232.
7. St. Louis County, "Sanitary Survey Report," p. 11.
8. Kramer and Walter, "All-Negro City," 69; and inter-
views with Kinloch residents Elmira Wilhams, Mary Stewart,
and Fred Whitted; Kinloch, Missouri, June 29, 1970.
9. Kramer and Walter, "All-Negro City," 69.
10. Interviews with Kinloch residents, Samuel Anderson,
William Howard, John O'Quinn and Roosevelt Gordon;
Kinloch, Missouri, July 2, 1970.
11. Walter and Kramer, "All-Negro Municipality," 227.
14. Kramer and Walter, "All-Negro City," 69.
16. Walter and Kramer, "All-Negro Municipality," 227.
17. Kramer and Walter, "All-Negro City," 69.
18 Human Development Corporation, "Neighborhood Handbook,"
19. Walter and Kramer, "[ill-Negro Municipality," 227,
21. United States, Depart-ment of Co-merce, Bureau of the
Census, Census of i'onulation and Housing: 1970, Census
Tracts Fina Repi '!:'C ()-r0181., St. Louis Missouri-
Illinois Standard Metrololitan Statistical Area; Table
P. 4. Income Characte.ristics of the Population, p.
P-128 and p. P-122.
22. Ibid., pp. 115-116.
23. Ibid., Table P-6, Fc.onomic Characteristics of the Negro
Population, p. P-169.
25. St. Louis County, Planning Department, "Current Land
Use Inventory and Structural Conditions," Clayton,
Missouri, 1968, p. 18.
26. Bureau of the Census, Census Tracts, Table H-4, Struc-
tural, EcUipinent, and Financial Characteristies, of
Housing Units with Negro lead of Household, p. H-85.
27. Walter and Kramer, "All-Negro Municipality," 229-230.
28. Bureau of the Census, Table H-3, Occupancy, Utilization,
and Financial Characteristics of Housing Units with
Negro Head of Household, p. H-79.
29. St. Louis County, Department of Revenue, "Tax Data--
Incorporated Areas," Clayton, Missouri, 1969, p. 37.
32. Ibid., 38.
34. Walter and Kramer, "All-Negro Municipality," 231.
35. Interview with Kinloch Superintendant of Schools, Dr. A.
R. Shropshire; Kinloch, July 19, 1970.
36. Walter and Kramer, "All-Negro Municipality," 236.
37. David Matza, "Poverty and Disrepute," in Contemporary
Social Problems, ed. by Robert K. Merton and Robert A.
TNsbet (New York: Harcourt, Brace Jovanovich, Inc.,
38. United States, Department of Commerce, Bureau of the
Census, Census of Business: 1963.
39. Interview with Gerald Stack, Planner, St. Louis County
Planning Department; Clayton, Missouri, May 23, 1970.
40. John Kramer, "The Other Mayor Lee," Focus-Midwest, V
(Spring, 1967), 19.
42. Personal communication from George P. Arthur, Missouri
Department of Highways; St. Louis, Missouri, July 15,
43. Interviews with Berkeley residents James Morgan, Edward
Koch, Louis Wells, and William Novak; Berkeley, Missouri,
August 5, 1970.
44. Interview with Father Rudolf Beckman; Ferguson, Missouri,
August 18, 1970.
RESEARCH NI':ALIT'ES N~ KINLOCH
In order to determine socioeconomic conditions in
Kinloch, much of the data used was taken from reports of
the United States Bureau of tile Census, particularly from
the 1960 Census, the 1965 Census estimates, and the 1970
Census reports. Additional information on employment and
taxes was secured from various St. Louis County departments
(especially the Planning Commission), as were several re-
ports, air photographs, and maps (land use, street patterns,
A wide variety of socioeconomic variables concerning
the integration of Kinloch residents into the surrounding
St. Louis SMSA was not available from any of the above
sources. The author therefore constructed an interview
schedule so that he might obtain the pertinent data. The
schedules were administered through the Kinloch Gateway
Center, under the direction of Mr. George Davis, Housing
Specialist, and Mr. Clifford Bailey, Coordinator (Director)
of the center. The interview schedules were administered to
a simple random sample of residential units in Kinloch which
was taken to represent the population of Kinloch. The com-
pleged interview schedules are analyzed to show the amount
and degree of social and economic interaction Kinloch resi-
dents have with the surrounding St. Louis SMSA.
In addition to the collection and analysis of the ques-
tionnaires, extensive field work was undertaken from May
through September, 1970, to provide an understanding of the
research area. The field study consisted mainly of taking
an inventory of the physical evidence of Kinloch's isola-
ticn in the form of dead-end streets, cul-de-sacs, fences,
vegetation barriers, and interviews with influential Kinloch
residents, Housing and Urban Development officials (Kinloch
Gateway Center funding agency) in St. Louis, with representa-
tives of various St. Louis County government departments
(especially the Planning Commission and the Tax Assessor),
and with white residents of Berkeley and Ferguson whose
property adjoins Kinloch.
Once the selection of Kinloch as the dissertation topic
was made, one of the next steps was to begin establishing
a series of contacts in the community and in some of the
larger governmental units affecting Kinloch. In February,
1970, the author wrote to Robert Lee, mayor of Kinloch,
Helen Smith, principal of the high school, and to Julia Boyd,
coordinator (director) of the Kinloch Gateway Center (an
agency funded through the United States Office of Economic
Several weeks passed and :no replies were received from
any of these three officials. n .ate March additional
letters were written detailing ti'e author's interest in the
co- munity &nd requested advice and assistance in the project.
Again, no replies were rcceivdd.
In mi.d-April, the author received a letter from
Gerald Slack, Planner, St. Louis County Planning Department,
relating the details of an urban planning contract between
the Planning Commission and the city of Kinloch. Because of
the failure to ccnmmunicate successfully with the above-
mentioned Kinloch officials, the author utilized the offices
of the County Planning Department to obtain the necessary
preliminary introductions to the proper Kinloch officials.
On May 5, 1970, the author moved to St. Louis, Missouri,
and began the field work phase of the project. The first
contacts were made with Allan Richter and Gerald Slack of
the St. Louis County Planning Department. Several confer-
ences were held determining the exact nature of the county's
planning activities in Kinloch, its possible relation to
the author's research, and the planners' views of the various
problems in Kinloch. In addition, a search was made of the
planning department's files for air photographs, land use
and zoning data, information on the city's political
boundaries, and other information pertaining to Kinloch.
Mr. Slack also provided the author with background material
on several of his official contacts in the community, tele-
phoned the Kinloch Gateway Center, and introduced the writer
and his research to several of the Center's executives, par-
ticularly Julia Boyd, Coordinator, and George Davis, Housing
The Role of the Kin.ioch Gateway Center
After data had been obtained concerning the St. Louis
County Planning Department's involvement in Kinloch, the
rxext step of the research necessitated establishing a close
working relationship with an agency in Kinloch which would
be responsible for collecting the questionnaires to be used
in the project. The author realized he would be unable to
make the interviews himself, since he is white and a stranger
to the residents of Kinloch. As all but one of the city's
residents are black and the community is very close-knit
and does not look favorably on strangers (particularly white
strangers), the author felt that his participation in the
data collection stage would possibly introduce bias into the
results, especially as the questionnaire dealt with personal
questions about such socioeconomic variables as age, income,
and education. Therefore the logical alternative to personal
participation in the interview data collection was the
cooperation of an agency in Kinloch which was involved in
community affairs and was staffed and administered by resi-
dents of the community. After consultation, the officials
of the Center agreed to gather the data (Appendix B: Re-
search Difficulties in Kinloch).
Design of the Questionnaire
The final furri of the questionnaires is the product
oft miany drafts adding new questicnrs and omitting others,
phrasing and rephrasing difficult sections. The final ver-
sion of the questionnaire was written by the author with
the assistance of George Davis, Kermit Robinson, Julia Boyd,
and Clifton Bailey of the Kinloch Gateway Center (Appendi:
C: Community Profile Questionnaire). Some of the princi-
pal contributions of the Center's staff involved their sug-
gestions on the phrasing of the questions, eliminating much
of the esoteric, traditionally] academic jargon, resulting
in statements that would be understood by the respondents.
The questionnaire was designed to elicit three basic
types of responses, each intimately related to the others:
fact, opinion and attitude, and personal and communal inter-
action. The fact questions elicit from the interviewee
responses about himself and his family's socioeconomic and
personal characteristics. These questions seek to represent
the respondents in terms of their age, sex, income, whether
they rent or own their own home, education, location of em-
ployment, group affiliations, etc. These respondent charac-
teristics are required in order to check the representative-
ness of the sample against census data dealing with the
same characteristics in the population of Kinloch.
A second type of question probes the opinions and atti-
tudes of the respondents. These questions are the core of
the questionnaire as they deal with the emotions,
misconccptions, and pre-suppo:siti'n.: of respondents relating
to their social and economic iltcrarction with the larger
The last type of question concerns the respondent's
level of knowledge and pcrcepltions of himself, his fellow
residents, and the black community. These questions delve
into the respondents' reasons for moving to Kinloch, for
remaining in the community, and their general awareness of
the living conditions in the community.
The questions used in the survey are both open-ended
and structured. The numerous open-ended or free response
questions arc included to permit a wide range of response,
expressed spontaneously in the respondents' own language,
allowing total freedom of expression. The structured or
closed questions are utilized where profitable as they are
easy to administer and analyze. However, it must be recog-
nized that respondents are only given a limited choice of
alternatives each of which tend to guide the thought of the
The sequence in which the questions are ordered may
influence the success of the interview, consequently the
questionnaire is divided into four parts: introduction,
warm-up questions, demographic questions, and the main body
of the questionnaire. The introduction is an integral part
of the questionnaire as it must create a favorable impres-
sion of the interviewer and the questionnaire itself.
Therefore the introduction must be short, to the point,
realistically worded, non-emotional serious, neutral, and
pleasantly firm. Tih introduction below was written and
adopted by the author and contains all of the necessary
Hello...I'm your neighbor (NA1E)
from Street. I'm a Project
Outreach worker interviewing for the Kinloch
Gateway Center. tWe are doing a study of the
Community and the people and would like to
ask you some questions about Kinloch.
The introduction immediately identifies the inter-
viewer to the respondent as a fellow Kinloch resident and
a member of the Gateway Center, and then briefly states the
nature of the survey. Following this part of the introduc-
tion, the initial contact, the second part determines whether
the respondent is a Kinloch resident and eligible to par-
ticipate in the interview.
We are interested in obtaining information
from Kinloch residents. Are you a resident?
IF THE ANSWER IS NEGATIVE: Would you please
call someone in the house who is?
When the respondent is identified, the interviewer
immediately continues with the warm-up questions which are
a set of specific, innocuous inquiries used to build
respondent-interviewer rapport. These questions are con-
cerned with the person's name, address, whether the dwelling
is owned or rented, number of rooms, and number of people
living in the house (see questionnaire, numbers 1-5).
The next several questions elicit demographic informa-
tion such as age, sex, education, employment, and incomes
(see questionnaire(-, n.umb.ers 6-12) 'They are positioned
second in order in the questionnaire so that the respondents,
having been motivated b'y their rapport with the interviewer,
will answer the ril.lowino interaction questions easily and
The last section of the questionnaire is the heart of
the survey and contains inquiries on the social and economic
interaction of Kinloch residents with the surrounding white
communities and the St. Louis metropolitan area. These
items deal with shopping habits, location of most frequently
visited stores, and relations of the respondents with whites
(see questionnaire, numbers 13-35).
Following the design of the questionnaire, two of the
Kinloch Gateway Center's Project Outreach workers, closely
supervised by the author and Clifton Bailey, conducted a
brief pretest of the questionnaire. Several changes in the
questionnaire were made to eliminate poor wording and
awkward ordering of the questions. The interview schedule
(see Appendix D) used to record the responses was also
simplified to prevent confusion on the part of the inter-
In the several weeks between the design of the question-
naire and its administration many conferences were held
with the staff of the Center involved with the survey, es-
pecially with Clifton Bailey and his Project Outreach workers
who were to collect the interview data. These training
sessions were used to present to the interviewers the
essentials of good intcrvie.wing techniques. Included in
those sessions were check ,lists of the do's and don't of
interviewing and practice demonstration interviews illus-
trating the points on the checklists.
To obtain unbiased socioeconomic information in a spa-
tial context from the residents of Kinloch, a probability
sample was taken. A simple random sample was utilized as
it allows each unit of the population an equal chance of
being selected, and it involves less time and financial
expenditures than other more rigorous sampling procedures.1
The sampling units consisted of the residences in the
black community. There are several important reasons for
using dwellings rather than individuals. First, it is nearly
impossible to identify, locate, and number serially each
person in Kinloch, or any city for that matter. Secondly,
time and monetary concerns in the above procedures prohibit
use of individuals as the sampling unit. Thirdly, the use
of houses rather than individuals as the basis of the sample
does not bias the data as long as each and every dwelling
has an equal chance of being chosen in the sample. Fourthly,
it is relatively easy to identify, locate, and number
serially each dwelling unit in the community without wasting
time and money.
The use of a sample of a population makes it possible
to estimate characteristics of the population. The word,