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Title: Some correlates of attitudes toward women among undergraduate males
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Title: Some correlates of attitudes toward women among undergraduate males
Physical Description: vii, 189 leaves : ill. ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Butler, Lillian Carol, 1944-
Publication Date: 1976
Copyright Date: 1976
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Subject: Prejudices   ( lcsh )
Attitude (Psychology)   ( lcsh )
Psychology thesis Ph. D   ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Psychology -- UF   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
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 Notes
Thesis: Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography: Bibliography: leaves 183-188.
General Note: Typescript.
General Note: Vita.
Statement of Responsibility: by Lillian Carol Butler.
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Bibliographic ID: UF00099530
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 000174510
oclc - 03010506
notis - AAU0974

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SOME CORRELATES OF ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN
AMONG UNDERGRADUATE MALES












By

LILLI.IN CAROL BUTLER


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY






UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1976











ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


The author wishes to express her appreciation

to the members of her Supervisory Committee, Dr. Audrey

Schumacher, Chairman; Dr. Franz Epting; Dr. Harry Grater;

Dr. Richard Haynes; and Dr. Mary McCaulley for encourage-

ment and aid rendered in the development of this study.










TABLE OF CONTENTS


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . .


LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . .

ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . . .

CHAPTER


I. INTRODUCTION . .


II. METHOD . . . . . . . . . .
Subjects . . . . . . . .
Procedure . . . . . . . .
Experimenters . . . . . . .
Measures . . . . . . . .

III. RESULTS . . . . . .
Agreement of Judges Rating TAT Stories
Multivariate Analysis of Variance . .


Hypotheses . . .
Demographic Variables .
Factor Analysis . .
Independent Variables
Dependent Variables .


IV. DISCUSSION . . . . . . . . .
Demographic Variables . . ..
Independent Variables . . . . .
Dependent Variables . . . . . .
Methodological Considerations . . .

APPENDICES

A. QUESTIONNAIRE . . . . . . . .

B. DEBRIEFINC OF SUBJECTS . . . . . .

C. SCORING MANUALS . . . . . . .

D. SPEN.CE-HELMPEICE ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN
SCALE--FACTORS 1, II AND III . . . . .


Page

ii


I I II j j I







Page

E. ADDITIONAL TABLES . . . . . .. 177

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . ... . 183

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . . . . . . ... 189




















































iv











LIST OF TABLES


Table Page

1 Indepe:ndent and Dependent Variables . . .. .49

2 Ex'e--Led Direction of Correlations for
Incde;endent and Dependent Variables . . . 50

3 Co.relation of Independent and Dependent
Variables . . . . . . . . . 5].

4 Multiple Regression Analysis of the
Independent Variables on the Dependent
Variables .. . . . . . . . .. ..77

5 Multiple Regression Analysis for Demographic
Variables . . . . . . . . . 177

6 Regression Coefficients of Independent and
Dependent Variables . . . . . . .. 178

7 Factor Analysis of Independent and Dependent
Variables . . . . . . . . . 179

8 Mean and Standard Deviation of Independent
Variables .. . . . . . . . 180

9 Mean and Standard Deviation of Dependent
Variables . . . . . . . . . 180

10 Distribution of Subjects Among Four Major
Religious Groupings . . ... . ... 181

11 Distribution of Subjects Among Levels of
Political Orientation . . . . ... ... 131

12 Distribution of Subjects According to
Income of Parents . . . . . . ... 182









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the
Graduate Council of the University of Florida
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


SOME CORRELATES OF ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN
AMONG UNDERGRADUATE MALES

By

Lillian Carol Butler

June, 1976

Chairman: Audrey Schumacher, Ph.D.
Major Department: Psychology

This was a study of psychological correlates of

attitudes toward women's liberation. It was hypothesized

that authoritarianism, need for succorance, need for

dominance, and sex guilt would be positively correlated

with traditional attitudes toward women's liberation.

Authoritarianism was defined by scores on the California

F Scale, need for succorance by scores on the Personality

Research Form and ratings on Thematic Apperception Test

(TAT) stories, need for dominance by scores on the

Personality Research Form and ratings on TAT stories,

and sex guilt by scores on the Mosher Forced-Choice Sex

Guilt Inventory and ratings on TAT stories. Attitudes

toward women were defined by scores on the Spence-Helmreich

Attitudes Toward Women Scale: Factors I, II, and III,

the Sex Differences Questionnaire, the Sex-Role Stereotype

Questionnaire, and the Goldberg Misogyny Test. Among







sixty male undergraduates at the University of Florida,

results of a multiple regression analysis indicated a

significant (p=.05) relationship between sex guilt

scores on the Mosher Inventory and traditional attitudes

toward women. The need for dominance on the Personality

Research Form and authoritarianism were found to-be

significantly related to traditional attitudes toward

women at the .01 and the .05 levels, respectively.

Ratings for sex guilt or dominance on the TAT were not

found to be significantly related to attitudes toward

women, however. The relationship between the need for

succorance and traditional attitudes toward women failed

to reach significance. Likewise, an investigation of

four demographic variables (political orientation,

religion, level of income of parents, and parents' level

of education) failed to show significant relationships

with traditional attitudes toward women. Finally,

results of a factor analysis of all thirteen variables

failed to show loadings of .40 or more for any variable

on the first two factors.









CHAPTER I


INTRODUCTION

During the mid-twentieth century there have been a

number of dramatic changes in the lives of women in in-

dustrial society. Due to the increased efficiency of

birth control as well as a variety of social and economic

factors, women have fewer children. At the same time,

medical advances have prolonged their life span so that

modern woman has a large portion of her life in which she

is not involved in child care. Typically, by the age of

35, her youngest child is in school. As a result, an in-

creasing number of women have been entering the work force.

During World War II large numbers of American women

worked out of necessity, many of them in jobs never before

filled by women. Then, with the new prosperity of the

1950's they left the labor force to return to their homes

in the suburbs. The new ideal was "togetherness" although

families were in reality separated for long periods of

time with men commuting to work in the cities. With the

1960's came a new atmosphere of social protest and concern

for the rights of minority groups. As racial and ethnic

groups began to demand equality, women too voiced dis-

content with their roles. Betty Friedan's The Feminine

Mystique (1964) was the first of many popular books to











note that all was not well with the contemporary woman.

Better educated than any woman in history, the American

woman was still confronted with expectations that she fill

the roles of wife, housekeeper, and mother. Involvement

in activity outside the home was expected to be secondary

to these primary responsibilities. The housewives inter-

viewed by Friedan, however, were clearly not satisfied

with this role. They spoke of "the problem" of loneliness

and frustration of being isolated in the suburbs with their

children and the prospect of having no meaningful function

after their children were grown. Numerous other writers

(e.g., de Beavoir, 1952; Bird, 1968; Firestone, 1970;

Mitchell, 1971) have discussed the problems of woman's

role, debated whether her characteristics were innate or

socially conditioned, and proposed remedies for the in-

justices done to women, ranging from equal labor laws and

abortion reforn: to a social revolution in which the nuclear

family would he abolished. Germaine Greer in The Female

Eunuch (1970) provided a detailed analysis of women's role

in Western society and challenged many basic assumptions

about male-female differences. Kate Millet (1969) re-

ferred to literature to illustrate the subjugation and

exploitation of women in sexual and other social contexts.

Parturier, a French woman, wrote An Open Letter to Men

(1968) countering traditional arguments against the femi-

nist position.

In Man's World, Woman's Place (1971), Elizabeth Janeway










incorporated the perspectives of history, sociology, and

anthropology into her investigation of woman's role.

Basically, she maintained that sex roles stem from social

mythology. A myth in this context is a set of beliefs

and prescriptions for behavior which are based in emotional

needs and desires common to an entire society. Myths about

women, Janeway maintained, arise from man's desire to re-

turn to a state in which woman--in this case his mother--

cared for him and was responsive to his every need. Myths

affect individuals by defining roles for them to play in

society. Janeway defines a role as a "continuity of ex-

pected actions in a relationship," a "ready-made me" which

allows the individual to understand other members of soci-

ety and their actions. If an individual does not conform

to his or her role, others do not know how to reciprocate.

They react at first with amusement, then hostility. Al-

though ioles are necessary to avoid chaos, at times some

roles become grossly inappropriate to the situation of the

role player. In such instances they are rigid, dehumaniz-

ing masks. This is the state of woman's role today, ac-

cording to Janeway. As woman's role was being re-examined

in literature, a number of organizations sprang up to pro-

mote equal rights for women. In the early 1970's the

federal government began to enforce legislation requiring

equal employment opportunities for women. There were some

changes in the image of women portrayed in the media.

However, there was some question as to how much the










beliefs about women's attributes and expectations for their

behavior in the home and society had changed.

Indeed, results of a study by Phillip Goldberg (1968)

suggested that there was still considerable prejudice con-

cerning women's ability or competency. Forty female under-

graduates were asked to rate excerpts from articles in six

professional fields. Each article was ascribed to a

female author in booklets given to half the subjects and

to a male author in booklets for the remaining subjects.

Five of the six articles received higher ratings when

ascribed to a male author than when ascribed to a female

author. Thus, the female subjects demonstrated bias

against female authors even in the traditionally "female"

field of dietetics, and in the non-sex related or "neutral"

field of linguistics. This study was later replicated

with male undergraduates with similar results (Durros and

Follett, 1969).

In a related study by Pheterson, Kiesler and Gold-

berg (1971) female undergraduates were asked to evaluate

paintings. Again, half the subjects thought a given

painting was by a female artist; half were told the artist

was a male. In addition, half the subjects were told a

given painting was an entry in competition while the re-

maining subjects were told the painting had won an award

in competition. Results indicated bias against female

competitors. However, female artists whose work had

supposedly won in competition were not discriminated











against. The authors concluded that women who are attempt-

ing tc achieve meet v ith prejudice, but that women who

have already achieved success are evaluated as favorably

as are men.

In this context a number of researchers began to in-

vestigate the psycho-social correlates of attitudes toward

women. In 1974 Goldberg focused on differences between

high and low scorers on his Goldberg Misogyny Test (the

task of rating professional articles ascribed to male or

female authors described above). He administered the MMPI,

the Rotter Incomplete Sentences Test, the F Scale, the

Berger Self-Esteem Scale and a biographical questionnaire

to high school, college and adult males and females.

Findings indicated that biased males (i.e., those who show

more bias against female professional authors) are more

likely than less biased males to be authoritarian, neurot-

ic, and defensive about their shortcomings. Biased females

also tended to be maladjusted, while females in general

tended to evidence more conflict than men in their relative

perceptions of men and women. Goldberg also reported

results of a study by Mauch (1972) in which male under-

graduates were given the Winter Need for Power Scale, a TAT

rating scale, and the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire.

This second measure consists of a series of bipolar phrases

on which the subject is asked to rate the average adult

male and the average adult female (Rosenkrantz et al.,

1968; Broverman et al., 1970). Results indicated that











males with the most stereotypic view of males and females

had the greatest need for power.

A number of studies focused on attitudes toward

women's liberation (i.e., toward the rights and social role

of women). Worell and Worell (Psychology Today, 1971,

p. 28) investigated the psychological make-up of male and

female undergraduates who opposed or supported women's

liberation. They found the opposing male to be "more con-

cerned with social status, with being proper and respect-

able. He tends to be controlled by the opinions of others

and has lower confidence in his ability to guide his own

destiny. In dealings with other people he is likely to be

rigid, conforming, inflexible and submissive to authority."

The male who favors women's liberation is "the inde-

pendent, capable, thoughtful, self-determined man who

considers the world from a logical point of view. Because

he is secure in his own capabilities and less dependent on

the opinion of others, he does not fear social change.

Therefore he feels free to accept competition from women

and welcomes them as equals." The opposing female, who was

similar to the opposing male in being authoritarian and

externally controlled was also fearful and excessively

neat. The female who supports women's liberation, contrary

to the unpleasant stereotypes of "women's libbers" was

found to be similar to other women undergraduates except

for a "strong desire to be autonomous, independent, self-

sufficient and free from external control."










One surprising result of the Worell study was the

finding that the father was apparently an important in-

fluence in developing "cohesive attitudinal styles which

provide the basics for a negative response to women's

liberation." He was a "prime shaper of emotional depend-

ence and attitudes in both male and female opposing groups,

while the mother did not seem to influence attitudes

towards social change movement."

In a study by O'Keefe (1971), 20 high scorers and 20

low scorers (female undergraduates) on the Women's Libera-

tion Scale were put into task situations--an anagram task

and a Prisoner's Dilemma Game--and allowed to choose

cooperation or competition with partners. Half of the

subjects had female partners and half had male partners.

No differences were found between high and low scorers,

but high WLS women were found to be more achievement

oriented, more autonomous, less abasing, and less feminine.

They planned fewer children than low scorers and had

mothers who worked. Their families were found to earn

under $15,000 and to have had high school or less education

Miller (1973) investigated the attitudes of 171 male

college sophomores and a non-college population in an

industrial setting, using the Women's Liberation Question-

naire by Bove and Miller (1970). He predicted that stu-

dents with negative attitudes toward women's liberation

would have lower levels of self-esteem than those with

positive attitudes toward WLM. This hypothesis was based











on Rogers' (1959) theory that "persons with weak ego

strength would be least able to attain their own goals and

would very likely find it extremely difficult to accept

the goals and values of others."

As predicted, a significant relationship between

negative attitudes toward WL and low self-esteem was found

in small, private, and predominantly male institutions and

in the non-college sample. However, no significant rela-

tionship was found in the large, coeducational non-

religiously affiliated institutions. According to the

data, Miller noted "it would appear that males who attend

these particular large state and non-religiously affiliated

institutions were generally more approving of the women's

movement than the other two populations."

In an article entitled "Who Likes Competent Women?"

Spence and Helmreich (1972) compared liberal and traditional

undergraduates in their reactions to videotapes of Compe-

tent and Incompetent women who were Feminine or Masculine

in their interests. Results indicated that female under-

graduates rated Competent women with Masculine interests

as most likeable. Liberal males rated both the Competent

Masculine and Competent Feminine women as likeable,

followed by the Incompetent Masculine and the Incompetent

Feminine.

Traditional males also preferred the Masculine Compe-

tent woman. However, they preferred Incompetent Feminine

women to either Competent Feminine or Incompetent Masculine












women. That is, the traditional male believes that "if a

woman tries to do 'masculine' things . they should be

sufficiently 'manly' to do them." However, they seemed to

find it more appropriate for Feminine women to be Incompe-

tent.

For use in this study, Spence and Helmreich developed

the Attitudes Toward Women Scale (AWS), consisting of 55

items, covering six categories: T. Vocational, Educa-

tional, and Intellectual Roles (N=17), II. Freedom and

Independence (N=4), III. Dating, Courtship, and Etiquette

(N=7), IV. Drinking, Swearing, and Dirty Jokes (N=3),

V. Sexual Behavior (N=7), VI. Marital Relationships and

Obligations (N=17). Factor analytic studies revealed

varying factor structures for female undergraduates, male

undergraduates, mothers of undergraduates, and fathers of

undergraduates. The data for female undergraduates re-

vealed two factors: I. Attitudes concerning attributes of

the "conventional woman" in her relationship to men, and

II. Attitudes concerning equal treatment of men and women

in vocational and intellectual endeavors. For under-

graduate males the factors were I. Attitudes regarding

masculine superiority and the patriarchal family, II. At-

tidudes concerning equal treatment of men and women in

vocational and intellectual endeavors, and III. Attitudes

regarding appropriate behavior in social-sexual relation-

ships between men and women.











In 1974 the AWS was evaluated in a validity study by

Kilpatrick and Smith. As expected, members of NOW were

found to respond more favorably to the items than did a

control population of female undergraduates.

(According to Spence and Helmreich, the traditional

individual favors traditional sex roles for females

(i.e., a subordinate position in the family and society)

while the liberal individual favors a more equal status for

women. Thus, the traditional person supports cultural

traditions and norms, while the liberal person advocates

social change. It may also be noted that according to the

results of Goldberg (1968) and Broverman et al. (1970),

cultural norms in contemporary society include bias against

females in terms of professional competency and standards

for mental health.

In the present study traditional attitudes toward

women will be defined as opposition to equal status for

women in the family and society (i.e., higher scores on the

AWS), bias against female authors (i.e., higher scores on

the Goldberg Misogyny Test), stereotypic views of males and

females (i.e., higher scores on the Sex-Role Stereotype

Questionnaire), and a belief in the biological origin of

sex differences (i.e., higher scores on the Sex Differences

Questionnaire).

In the only reported study of attitudes of children

toward WL, Greenberg (1973) used a questionnaire developed

for a sixth grade class. Subjects were 1600 males and











females in grades 4, 6, 8, 10, from both upper and lower

SES groups in Long Island. Surprisingly, she found no

differences in the attitudes of upper and lower class

children. Grade level was found to make some difference;

males were found to be more egalitarian after grade 4 and

females after grade C. Notably, in all groups females were

found to see women more positively and more optimistically

than do males. They are also more favorable to the concept

of social change, which will grant women greater participa-

tion in the social, economic and political spheres.

In a related group of studies, members of women's

liberation organizations were compared with nonmembers on

a number of personality and demographic variables.

Pawlicki and Almquist (1973) administered the California

F Scale, the Rotter Internal-External Locus of Control, the

Rydell-Rosen Tolerance of Ambiguity Scale and their own

questionnaire measuring attitudes toward women's liberation

to 44 college females and 31 female members of a national

women's liberation organization from a noncollege popula-

tion. The WL group members differed significantly from the

college female nonmembers in that they reported (a) more

favorable attitudes toward the women's liberation movement,

(b) lower levels of authoritarianism, (c) feeling more con-

trol over their environment, (d) more tolerance of ambi-

guity. Demographically, differences were found between the

WL group meoners and college female nonmembers. Statis-

tical analysis showed that these demographic factors were












related in part to diffeiunces between the samples on the

measures of Tolerance ui Ambiguity and the IE Scale, but

not to influence differences on the F Scale.

In 1972 Baker compared members of NOW and members of

a Mother's Club on measures of dogmatism, rigidity, aliena-

tion, and need for autonomy as well as a semantic differen-

tial describing the typical male and the typical female.

No difference was found between the two groups on dogma-

tism. However, members of NOW were found to have greater

feelings of alienation, a greater concern with a need for

autonomy, and to have a more stereotypic view of males and

females at least in regard to the variables Potency and

Social Behavior.

On rigidity of thought processes members of the

Mother's Club were found to score higher. Also, signifi-

cant differences between the two groups were found on

several demographic variables: age, marital status, dura-

tion of marriage, number of children, level of education

and occupational status (.01), occupational level of

spouse, income level, perceptions of mother's favorite

child, memory of tomboy phase of development, and parental

expectation for college attendance (.05).

In another study of dogmatism as related to involve-

ment in the women's liberation movement, Hanson and DiBari

(1974) found no significant differences between dogmatism

scores of women at a WL meeting and a control group of










women. The measure used in this study was a questionnaire

adapted from Roleach's Doamatism Scale.

Fowler and Van de Riet (1972) compared 1) women at a

feminist meeting, 2),a control group of college women, 3)

aged institutionalized women and 4) aged noninstitution-

alized women on self-descriptions using an adjective check

list. They found the feminist women to rate themselves

higher on autonomy and aggression than did the other

groups. Feminist women also described themselves as more

dominant, self-confident, less deferent, and more affilia-

tive than did the college women.

Using a somewhat less objective method, Cary (1972)

interviewed 12 members of women's liberation organizations

and 8 comparison women. Subjects were matched for age,

occupation and marital status. He found the movement

women to place a high value on autonomy and self-determina-

tion. They had a generally mobile, outgoing lifestyle, a

concern with achievement, and an assertiveness that could

be combative at times. Compared to nonmovement women they

had a greater sense of self-esteem and what Cary described

as specialness and drama. Also, these women had strong

mothers. Many of the mothers were professionals, and psy-

chologically, they were powerful in their daughters' devel-

opment. Frequently, these strong characters had been in

conflict with their daughters. However, WL women reported

little conflict with their fathers, while comparison women

had a history of conflict with their fathers. Movement











women often had a colorful male figure in their history

such as an uncle or teacher. Finally, they described more

severe alienation in adolescence than did any comparison

woman. There was virtually no "conventional" adolescent

experience among movement women.

In a large and comprehensive survey Tavris (1972)

investigated the attitudes toward women's liberation of

10,000 readers of Psychology Today, both males and females

--members and nonmembers of WL organizations. She found

attitudes to vary with the individual's own experiences,

with the perceived benefits and threats of the WL movement,

political and religious philosophy, marital status and

style of marriage, sexual history, work experience, and

beliefs about the origins of sex differences.

Politically radical males and females were the most

likely to favor the WL movement and to think it would have

a positive effect on their lives. Radicals and liberal

couples were likely to share housework and child care

evenly, while among conservatives the women almost always

performed these functions. Even among radicals there were

significant differences between opinions of males and

females. Over 25% of the male radicals said that women

are not as exploited as blacks while only 9% of the female

radicals agreed to this.

Sizeable differences were also noted between religious

groups. Forty percent of the male atheists strongly

supported women's liberation as compared to only 9% of the











Catholic men. Protestant and Catholic men were far more

likely to oppose changes in sex roles than other groups.

Protestant and Catholic women were also conservative, but

somewhat less than the males.

Comparisons of marital status produced some surprising

results. There were no differences among divorced, co-

habiting, or married women; about 64% in each group were

in favor as compared to only 54% of the single women. More

divorced men were found to favor WL than did any group

(76%) while there was no difference between married and

single men (64%).

Personal experience is important in the attitudes of

women toward women's liberation. Women who work and who

have primary responsibility for housework and child care

are most likely to support WL. For women in the movement

the sexual issue is an important determinant of attitudes;

the more they feel sexually used, the more likely they are

to favor WL and its proposals. (However, this relationship

does not hold true for nonmovement women.) For all women,

experience with job and intellectual discrimination was the

single most important factor in predicting support for WL.

Further results of the survey indicate that individ-

uals of both sexes who attribute differences between the

sexes to biological origins are more likely to oppose WL

and changes in women's role. In addition, men who adhere

to the biological explanation are more likely to find equal

women unattractive (25% of all men compared to 60% of the










"biological" men). These men are also uneasy about women

in general (30% as compared to 14% of all men). Note:

Tavris's results indicate that men who admit to being

uneasy around women in general have deceived women more

often compared to other men in order to have sex, and are

more likely to have negative reactions to intercourse (18%

as compared to 5% of all men).

Finally, men who would take their wives' happiness

into consideration in a career decision (i.e., deviate from

the male stereotype, according to Tavris) are more likely

to favor WL than those who do not.

In summary, then, the above studies indicate that the

individual, male or female, who is opposed to women's

liberation is controlled more by "external" expectations

rather than being directed by "internal" motivation. He,

or she, tends to be more rigid and authoritarian as well as

more conservative in political and religious views and to

believe that differences between the sexes are biologically

determined. Frequently, the father was important in deter-

mining this person's attitudes toward social change.

On the other hand, the individual who is in favor of

women's liberation tends to be less dependent on the

opinions of others, less authoritarian, and more liberal in

his political and religious views. He tends to believe

that sex differences are learned rather than innate.

Research on women who are anti-WL agrees with the

above profile with the additional features that they tend











to be fearful and excessively neat. Women who support WL

have a strong need for autonomy (independence, self-

sufficiency, freedom from external control). They alao

have frequently experienced job and intellectual discrimi-

nation.

More specifically, women who are involved in WL

organizations have been found to be more assertive and

achievement oriented than other women. They feel more in

control of their environment and tend to have greater

tolerance of ambiguity. They are more alienated as adults

and had been more alienated as adolescents. There is some

indication that they have strong mothers who are more often

involved in professions, and that there has typically been

conflict between these mothers and daughters. At the same

time it seems there has been little conflict between the

daughter and her father. Results of other studies suggest

that they view males differently (at least in regard to the

variables Potency and Social Behavior) than do nonmembers.

Results cf at least one study suggest that men who

favor the biological explanation of sex differences (a

belief that has been associated with opposition to WL) tend

to feel uneasy around women in general, are more likely to

have negative reactions to intercourse, and are much more

likely than other men to find equal women unattractive.

Men who favor WL have been found to be more independent of

the opinion of others, self-determined and thoughtful, and

to consider the world from a logical point of view.










Overall, results of previous research point to a

dichotomy between the socially and politically liberal

personality who is open to social change, versus a more

authoritarian, conservative individual who is reluctant to

accept social change. This dichotomy is quite similar to

that described by Adorno et al. (1950) in their study of

the prejudiced personality. Results of their exhaustive

investigation suggested that the prejudiced individual is

conventional, rigid and power-oriented, that his type of

relating to significant others is "exploitive-dependent,"

that he is submissive to and identifies with authority

figures while demanding unquestioning obedience of sub-

ordinates. He disdains and rejects whoever is at the

bottom of a hierarchy. The unprejudiced person is charac-

terized as flexible, affectionate, egalitarian, and permis-

sive in interpersonal relationships. However, he was not

found to be less dependent on others than the prejudiced

individual. [On TAT ratings for the need for succorance,

one aspect of dependency, no significant difference was

found between prejudiced and unprejudiced individuals

(Adorno, 1950, p. 501). In a related study Masling (1954)

found no difference between authoritarian and nonauthori-

tarian individuals on the Personal Security Form, which had

been found to differentiate between hospitalized neurotics

and a normal population.] Rather, the less prejudiced

person was found to depend on others for affection and

emotional support rather than for things and material

support, as was true for the prejudiced individual.










Finally, the prejudiced person is less accepting of his id

impulses and tends to render them "ego-alien" while the

unprejudiced individual is more aware of sexual and aggres-

sive impulses and of the resulting conflicts and guilt

feelings. The investigators labeled this syndrome of

traits associated with prejudice authoritarianism and

devised the 30 item F Scale to measure it.

Of course, it is not surprising that a power-oriented,

authoritarian individual who is prejudiced against out-

groups and who rigidly adheres to the status quo would be

opposed to WL. However, there is some reason to believe

that the traditional orientation toward woman's role is not

synonymous with the above set of traits termed authoritar-

ianism. It seems likely that attitudes toward women are

influenced by a unique set of needs and experiences. It is

the purpose of this study to determine what psychological

traits are important in the formation of attitudes toward

WL, as distinct from those traits which determine attitudes

toward other minority groups. Some traits may be relevant

to attitudes toward women but completely irrelevant to

attitudes toward ethnic minorities. Still other traits

which are associated with a generalized prejudice (i.e.,

authoritarianism) may be especially important in the forma-

tion of attitudes toward women. In order to determine

which traits in the authoritarian syndrome are especially

relevant to the formation of attitudes toward women, both

the F Scale measuring authoritarianism, and the AWS,











measuring attitudes toward women's liberation, will be

employed in this study.

Aside from the empirical investigations in this area,

several theoretical writers have emphasized the importance

of emotional needs in the formation of attitudes toward

women. Janeway focused on a desire for a mother-replace-

ment, describing the process by which needs and desires

give rise to mythic beliefs about women.

According to Janeway (1971), a social myth is an

explanation of events which is born out of desires and

fears common to an entire society. It is a statement of a

will to believe that what we .desire in fact exists, or

should exist--a psychic truth expressed symbolically. It

is convincing, largely because it is emotionally appealing.

According to Erikson, "it is useless to try to show that it

(myth) has no basis in fact nor to claim that its fiction

is fake and nonsense . To study a myth critically means

to analyze its images and themes" (Erikson, 1963, pp. 327-

328, in Janeway, p. 28).

Further, Janeway explains, a myth is a prescription

for behavior rather than a description. That is, emotional

needs give rise to mythic beliefs about the universal

order or nature of things, which in turn dictate expecta-

tions for social behavior. Thus, myths affect individuals

by defining roles for them to play in society. She defines

a role as "a continuity of expected actions in a relation-

ship," "a ready-made me" which allows the individual to












understand ot!ter members of society and their actions.

That is, roles are reciprocal: one can fulfill a social

role only by relating to another person who is fulfilling

a complementary social role.

More specifically, Janeway says, mythic beliefs about

women stem from man's desire to return to a "golden age"

when society was in a happier state; Eden before the fall.

Psychologically speaking, this "golden age," common to the

mythology of many cultures, represents early infancy when

our every need was satisfied by a ministering, comforting

woman (Bettelheim, 1967, p. 14 in Janeway, p. 43). Out of

this universal desire for a replacement for the mother

figure who cared for us in our infancy stems the belief

that woman is innately suited for this task. Thus, in

mythic belief, woman is passive, emotional, eager to

please, cheerful and clean by nature--divinely created to

stay in the home in the role of wife and mother, to nurture

and care for others. She is, however, believed to be defi-

cient in attributes necessary for functioning outside the

home--aggressiveness, intelligence, emotional stability,

ambition and imagination. Moreover, since she is innately

suited for the traditional woman's role, it is her duty to

fulfill it. Thus, the desire for a mother replacement

gives rise not only to the belief that woman is innately

suited for this task, but also to the expectation that she

will fulfill this role.











This need for moto-,riig has been described by Murray

(1938, p. 182) as a need for suc-orance: "To have one's

needs gratified by the sympathetic aid of an allied object.

To be nursed, supported, sustained, surrounded, protected,

loved, advised, guided, indulged, forgiven, consoled. To

remain close to a devoted protector. To always have a

supporter."

Further, since social roles are reciprocal, man will

be seen as innately suited for his more aggressive role

outside the home. Thus the male with greatest need for a

mother replacement will see males and females as innately

quite different from each other, each suited for a specific

sex role. That is, he will hold the most stereotypic

views regarding male and female attributes and will expect

women to fulfill their traditional role.

In addition to the need for succorance, it seems

likely that other emotional needs influence beliefs about

women, as well as resulting expectations for their

behavior. Among the traits associated with the authori-

tarian syndrome, the need for dominance would appear to be

particularly relevant to attitudes toward women. This

trait has been defined by Murray as the need "To control

one's human environment. To influence or direct the

behavior of others by suggestion, seduction, persuasion, or

command. To dissuade, restrain, or prohibit" (Murray,

1938, p. 152). Adorno et al. (1950, pp. 512-513) found

that prejudiced males tend to adopt a dominant,











authoritarian attitude toward figures Less threatening than

their own fathers, including, of course, sex objects. On

TAT stories they were found to evidence a greater need for

dominance on an unconscious level (although not on a con-

scious level) than did their unprejudiced counterparts.

This need for dominance, which has been found to be

associated with authoritarianism, takes on special signif-

icance in regard to attitudes toward women when one consid-

ers that woman is a "universal subordinate," in a variety

of subcultures and geographical locations, and in situa-

tions where given males may have no one else subordinate

to them in a hierarchy. Thus, we might hypothesize that

males with a high need for dominance would be most opposed

to WL. We might also expect that the need for dominance

would be more predictive of opposition to WL than would

authoritarianism per se. Finally, considering the nature

of mythic beliefs, it is expected that the need for domi-

nance will influence beliefs about women and resultant

expectations for their behavior. Indeed, as noted above,

Mauch (1972) has found the need for power, a concept

closely related to the need for dominance, to be signifi-

cantly correlated with a stereotypic view of females.

Other writers have discussed the mythology surrounding

sexuality as it affects attitudes toward women (Millet,

1969; Parturier, 1968; Greer, 1971; Shields, 1975).

According to Shields (1975, p. 5), "For centuries the

mode of Eve's creation and her greater guilt for the fall











from grace have been credited as the cause of woman's

imperfect nature. . ." Millet, also, cites "a leading

myth of Western culture--the Biblical story of the fall--

a highly influential ethical justification of things as

they are. . This mythic version of the female as the

cause of human suffering, knowledge, and sin is still the

foundation of sexual attitudes, for it represents the most

crucial argument for the patriarchal tradition in the

West. . The large quantity of guilt attached to sexual-

ity in patriarchy is overwhelmingly placed on the female,

who is culturally speaking, held to be culpable, or the

more culpable party in nearly any sexual liaison" (1969,

pp. 80-83).

Greer is somewhat more explicit in her statement of

this position: "As long as sex is furtive and dirty, some

deep ambivalence to the object of sexual attentions must

remain . sophisticated men realize that this disgust is

a projection of shame and therefore will not give it any

play, but because they have been toilet trained and

civilized by the same process as the total victims of dis-

gust and contempt, they still feel the twinges. . As

long as man is at odds with his own sexuality and as long

as he keeps woman as a solely sexual creature, he will hate

her, at least some of the time" (1971, pp. 246-252).

Logically, we might expect the man who has the most

difficulty accepting his own sexuality, i.e., who is

characterized by the most conflict or guilt, to be most











negative in his attitudes toward woman. And, according to

the above theories, it would follow that he would view her

as innately inferior to man and expect her to maintain the

traditional woman's role. Thus, males who are character-

ized by the most conflict and guilt over sex may be

expected to be most opposed to WL. They may also be

expected to exhibit the most prejudice concerning women's

abilities, to believe that male-female differences are

more innate, or biologically determined, than socially

conditioned, and to have the most stereotypic view of the

attributes of both males and females. Furthermore, since

in these theories the most traditional attitudes toward

women are linked with projected (i.e., unconscious) sex

guilt, we may expect males with sex guilt that is less

conscious to hold more traditional attitudes toward women

than do those males who experience more conscious sex

guilt.

(It should be noted that although these theories are

stated in rather universal terms, the observations of these

authors and any related predictions regarding sex guilt and

attitudes toward women must be limited to contemporary

Western culture.)

Sex guilt in this study is defined in part by scores

on the Mosher Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Scale. In 1966

Mosher reported "The Development and Multi-trait-Multi-

method Matrix Analysis of Three Measures of Three Aspects

of Guilt: Hostile, Sex, and Morality-Conscience Guilt."










This matrix was reported Lo provide promising evidence of

convergent and discriminant validity.

In three studies employing this measure (Galbraith,

Hahn and Leiberman, 1968; Galbraith and Mosher, 1968;

Schill and Chapin, 1972) high sex guilt males were found

to have fewer associations to double-entendre words than

low sex guilt males. In addition, sexually stimulated

high sex guilt males displayed poorer recall for associa-

tions given to a list of double-entendre and neutral words

than less guilty males (Galbraith and Mosher, 1970).

For purposes of this study, it is presumed that

Mosher's self-report questionnaire will assess primarily

conscious aspects of sex guilt, while the TAT, a projective

test, will assess both conscious and less conscious aspects

of sex guilt.

In summary, the purpose of the present study is to

assess the relationship of various emotional traits in

males to specific mythic beliefs regarding women and

resultant expectations for their behavior. More specifi-

cally, the study will assess the relationship of 1) author-

itarianism, 2) need for succorance, 3) need for dominance,

4) sex guilt to a) beliefs regarding women's competency

relative to men, b) beliefs regarding the origin of male-

female differences, c) beliefs regarding the extent of

male-female differences, d) expectations for the social-

sexual role behavior of women, and e) attitudes regarding

educational and employment opportunities for women.










Hypotheses

1. There will be a significant, positive, correlation

between authoritarianism, as indicated by scores on the F

Scale, and

a) belief in the relative incompetence of females,

as evidenced by scores on the Goldberg Misogyny

Test and by scores on Factor I of the Attitudes

Toward Women Scale (items relating to masculine

superiority);

b) the belief that sex differences are biologically,

rather than culturally, determined (as evidenced

by scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire);

c) a stereotypic view regarding the relative attri-

butes of males and females as evidenced by scores

on the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire;

d) expectations for traditional social and sexual

role behavior in women, as indicated by scores on

Factor III of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale;

e) opposition to equal opportunity for women in

education and employment, as indicated by scores

on Factor II of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale.

2. There will be a significant, positive, correlation

between the need for succorance, as indicated by scores on

the succorance scale of the Personality Research Form and

on ratings on TAT stories, and

a) belief in the relative incompetence of females, as

evidenced by scores on the Goldberg Misogyny Test










and scores on Factor I of the Attitudes Toward

Women Scale (items relating to masculine superi-

ority);

b) the belief that sex differences are biologically,

rather than culturally, determined (as evidenced

by scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire);

c) a stereotypic view regarding the relative attri-

butes of males and females as evidenced by scores

on the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire;

d) expectations for traditional social and sexual

role behavior in women, as indicated by scores on

Factor III of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale;

e) opposition to equal opportunity for women in

education and employment, as indicated by scores

on Factor II of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale.

3. There will be a significant, positive, correlation

between the need for dominance, as indicated by scores on

the dominance scale of the Personality Research Form and

ratings on TAT stories, and

a) belief in the relative incompetence of females,

as evidenced by scores on the Goldberg Misogyny

Test and scores on Factor I of the Attitudes

Toward Women Scale (items relating to masculine

superiority);

b) the belief that sex differences are biologically,

rather than culturally, determined (as evidenced

by scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire);











c) a stereotypic view regarding the relative attri-

butes of males and females as evidenced by scores

on the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire;

d) expectations for traditional social and sexual

role behavior in women, as indicated by scores on

Factor III of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale;

e) opposition to equal opportunity for women in

education and employment, as indicated by scores

en Factor II of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale.

4. The correlation between the need for dominance and

traditional attitudes toward women will be significantly

greater than the correlation between the need for dominance

and authoritarianism. (Traditional attitudes toward women

will be defined by scores on a) the Goldberg Misogyny Test,

b) the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire, c) the Attitudes

Toward Women Scale--Factors I, II, and III, and d) the Sex

Differences Questionnaire. Authoritarianism is defined by

scores on the F Scale. The need for dominance is defined

by scores on a) the dominance scale of the PRF and

b) ratings for the need for dominance on the TAT.)

5. There will be a significant, positive, correlation

between sex guilt, as indicated by scores on the Mosher

Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Inventory, and by ratings on TAT

stories, and

a) belief in the relative incompetence of females,

as evidenced by scores on the Goldberg Misogyny

Test and scores on Factor I of the Attitudes











Toward Women Scale (items relating to masculine

superiority);

b) the belief that sex differences are biologically,

rather than culturally, determined (as evidenced

by scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire);

c) a stereotypic view regarding the relative attri-

butes of males and females as evidenced by scores

on the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire;

d) expectations for traditional social and sexual

role behavior in women, as indicated by scores on

Factor III of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale;

e) opposition to equal opportunity for women in

education and employment, as indicated by scores

on Factor II of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale.

6. The correlation between sex guilt and traditional

attitudes toward women will be significantly greater than

the correlation between sex guilt and authoritarianism.

(Traditional attitudes toward women will be defined by

scores on a) the Goldberg Misogyny Test, b) the Sex-Role

Stereotype Questionnaire, c) the Attitudes Toward Women

Scale--Factors I, II, and III, and d) the Sex Differences

Questionnaire. Authoritarianism is defined by scores on

the F Scale. Sex guilt is defined by a) scores on the

Mosher Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Inventory, and b) ratings

for sex guilt on the TAT.)

7. Sex guilt scores on a projective test (i.e., the

TAT) which is presumed to assess less conscious as well as
























31



conscious conflicts will be more highly correlated with

traditional attitudes toward women than will sex guilt

scores on a self-report questionnaire (i.e., the Mosher

Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Inventory, which is presumed to

assess primarily conscious conflicts). (Traditional

attitudes toward women will be defined by scores on a) the

Goldberg Misogyny Test, b) the Sex-Role Stereotype

Questionnaire, c) the Attitudes Toward Women Scale--

Factors I, II, and III, and d) the Sex Differences Ques-

tionnaire.)










CHAPTER II


METHOD


Subjects


Subjects were sixty Introductory Psychology students

who were fulfilling course requirements. All subjects

were males in their freshman or sophomore years.


Procedure


Subjects were seen in groups of 15 to 25 during

two separate sessions, approximately one hour each,

held three days apart. In the first session they were

informed that the study was an investigation of social

attitudes employing questionnaires and responses to

pictures. They were informed that their responses would

be confidential and that their names would not be required

on the forms. Instead they were asked to include only

the first four digits of their social security numbers.

Following these instructions subjects were given the

Goldberg Misogyny Test. Next, the lights were dimmed

to a point that slides projected on a screen were visible

and subjects could see to write at the same time. Seven

TAT plates (2, 4, 6BM, 7BM, 13B, 13MF, and one photograph)










were projected sequentially on a screen for five minutes

each. An experimenter read the standard instructions

from a printed card.

In the second session, subjects were given a question-

naire (see Appendix A) containing the Sex Role Stereotype

Questionnaire, the Attitudes Toward Women Scale, the

Sex Differences Questionnaire, the F Scale, the Personality

Research Form (scales for Succorance and Dominance), the

Mosher Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Inventory, and the Student

Information Sheet. After the second session, subjects

were informed as to the purpose of the study in a debrief-

ing session. (See Appendix B for Debriefing.)

Note: More "indirect" and projective measures, the

Goldberg Misogyny Test and the TAT, were administered

in the first session so that responses on these tests

would not be confounded by the subjects' knowledge of

the content of the questionnaire.


Experimenters


A male experimenter and a female experimenter

worked together in administering the tests during sessions.

This approach was employed to minimize any effects on

TAT stories that might result from having either a male

or a female experimenter working alone. (See Clark,

1952, regarding the effects of a female experimenter

on the amount of sex imagery produced in the TAT stories

of undergraduate males.)











Measures


Attitudes Toward Women's Liberation

(Attitudes regarding equal opportunity for women,

social-sexual role behavior in women, and the competence

of women)

Attitudes Toward Women Scale. The Attitudes Toward

Women Scale (AWS) (Spence and Helmreich, 1972) contains

55 items. Each item consists of a declarative statement

for which there are four response alternatives: Agree

Strongly, Agree Mildly, Disagree Mildly, and Disagree

Strongly. Each item is given a score from 0 to 3, with

0 representing the most liberal, pro-feminist attitude

and 3 the most traditional, conservative attitude.

(Note: The scoring system used for the purposes of this

study is the reverse of the scoring originally used by

the authors.) Each subject's score for the total scale

is obtained by summing the values for the individual

items, the range of possible scores thus going from 0

to 165, with higher scores representing traditional

attitudes. Normative data, reported by Spence and

Helmreich, suggest that the distribution of scores is

stable over time and that "a reliable phenomenon is

being tapped" (1972, p. 6). As noted in Chapter I,

criterion validity was indicated in a study by Kirkpatrick

and Smith (1974, p. 461). Spence and Helmreich also

subjected the responses to an image analysis (1972,









pp. 10-11). Three main factors emerged from the analysis

of the responses from undergraduate males: Factor I--

Attitudes relating to traditional notions about masculine

superiority and the patriarchal family, Factor II--Atti-

tudes regarding equality of opportunity for women,

especially in the vocational and educational spheres, and

Factor III--Attitudes regarding the social-sexual relation-

ships between men and women and what constitutes ladylike

behavior. Factor loadings for the items in the under-

graduate male samples from the Spence and Helmreich study

are listed in Appendix C. For purposes of this study,

items were included in a factor if they had a loading of

at least .40 in either of Spence and Helmreich's samples.

Also, see Appendix D for a listing of the items included in

each factor. The authors did not report normative scores

on the three factors.

Goldberg Misogyny Test. This is an "indirect" measure

of bias against women in the areas of intellectual and

professional competence. Subjects are asked to evaluate

excerpts from articles in the fields of linguistics, law,

art history, dietetics, education and city planning.

Specifically, they are instructed to rate the articles on

a five point scale as to value for the general reader,

value for the professional person, persuasiveness and pro-

fundity, and rate the authors for writing style, profes-

sional competence, professional status and ability to sway

the reader. On each item 1 = highly favorable and 5 =

highly unfavorable.










Three of the articles, in art history, dietetics,

and city planning, are ascribed to male authors, while

the remaining three, in education, law and linguistics

are ascribed tc female authors. For each subject the

total of all the ratings given to articles ascribed to

female authors (including a range of 54 to 270) is

subtracted from the total of all the ratings given to

articles ascribed to male authors (including a range

of 54 to 270). Thus, there is a possible range of

final scores varying from -216, indicating bias for

female authors, to +216, indicating bias against female

authors.

As mentioned in Chapter I, this instrument was

developed by Goldberg (1968), and was originally admin-

istered to 100 undergraduate females. The professional

fields were chosen by having 40 undergraduate females

rate 50 occupations as to the degree to which they

associated the field with men or with women. Elementary

school teaching and dietetics were found to be highly

associated with women, law and city planning with men,

while linguistics and art history were found to be neutral

or non-sex related.

Goldberg gave booklets to half the subjects with

three of the articles ascribed to female authors, while

the remaining subjects saw the name of a male author

of the same articles. It was expected that bias might

be shown to male authors in male-dominated fields while










bias would be shown to women in female-dominated areas.

However, results indicated that undergraduate females were

biased against female professional authors in both "mascu-

line" and "feminine" fields. In fact, male authors

received higher ratings in all of the occupational areas

except art history. (The differences were statistically

significant only in city planning, linguistics and law.)

As reported by Goldberg (1968), the mean ratings given

to the articles were as follows:

Field of Article Male Female

Art History 23.35 23.10

Dietetics 22.05 23.45

Education 20.20 21.75

City Planning 23.10 27.30

Linguistics 26.95 30.70

Law 21.20 25.60

Attitudes Regarding the Origin of Sex Differences

Sex Differences Questionnaire. This scale includes

eight traits, four of which are traditionally considered

masculine and four which are traditionally considered to be

feminine (i.e., aggressiveness, independence, objectivity,

and math reasoning; nurturance, empathy, monogamy, and

emotionality). In regard to each of these traits subjects

were asked, "In your opinion, are differences between

males and females in this trait more biologically or

culturally determined?" (A) Completely biological

(B) Mostly biological (C) Determined equally by biological












and cultural factors (UD Mostly cultural (E) Completely

cultural. Thus, the range of scores on this scale varies

from 1 to 40, with higher scores indicating belief in a

biological explanation. This questionnaire was adapted for

use in this study from the Stereotype Index developed by

Tavris, (1973, pp. 186-187). On Tavris' scale, subjects

were asked to rate the eight traits as to whether they were

more masculine or feminine and whether they were more

culturally or biologically determined. Since the present

study included a separate measure of sex-role stereotypy,

only items relating to the origin of sex differences from

Tavris' scale were employed here. In her survey of 20,000

readers of a popular magazine, Tavris has found that males

who favor a cultural explanation of male-female differences

are more likely to support women's liberation than men who

favor the biological explanation (Tavris, 1972, p. 83).

Although no means on items relating to beliefs about origin

of sex differences are available, Tavris reported the

distribution of subjects advocating belief in biological

and cultural origins of sex differences on the eight

traits. According to this report (Tavris, 1973, p. 186)

5.3% of the population believed sex differences are all

biological, 4.8% checked half biological/half cultural,

15.7% checked some biological/some cultural/some no

difference, and 20.1% checked no difference on any trait.

Further, 17.3% checked half no difference/half cultural,











29.6% checked primarily cultural, and 7.3% checked all

cultural.

Sex-Role Stereotypes

Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire (Short Form).

This instrument, consisting of 82 bipolar descriptive

items, was developed by Rosenkrantz et al. (1968) and

modified by Broverman et al. (1970, 1975). It was designed

to measure the extent to which the individual's view of

males and females is stereotyped. Subjects are asked to

rate the adult male on a 60 point scale for each of these

items. Specifically, they are instructed:

We would like to know something about what
people expect other people to be like. Imagine
that you are going to meet someone for the first
time, and the only thing that you know in advance
is that he is an adult male. What sort of things
would you expect? For example, what would you
expect about his liking or disliking of the
color red? On each scale, please put a slash (/)
and the letter "M" above the slash according to
what you think an adult male is like.

Next the instructions are repeated with adult female

substituted for adult male. In scoring, each individual

response was converted to a standard score to eliminate

response bias. For each subject, the rating given to the

adult female was subtracted from the rating given to the

adult male for each item. The total of these differences

was the individual's sex-role stereotype score.

In crder to avoid response bias, the female traits

were placed at the right, more highly scored pole on half

the items and at the left pole on half the items. (On the











reversed items the male score was subtracted from the

female score to find the difference score.)

This scale, which originally included 122 items, was

developed by Rosenkrantz et al. (1968) for a study of the

relationship of the self-concept to differentially valued

sex-role stereotypes. Results of the study indicated that

stereotypically masculine characteristics were more highly

valued or socially desirable among undergraduates than were

stereotypically feminine traits. The authors report norms

for male ratings and female ratings but not for difference

scores, although they give instructions for computing

individual difference or stereotype scores (Rosenkrantz

et al., 1968; and Broverman et al., 1975). Separate norms

for the short form of the test are reported by Broverman

et al. (1975).

Authoritarianism

California F Scale. This scale was developed by

Adorno et al. (1950) in their extensive investigation of

the prejudiced personality. It was found to be highly

correlated (.75) with a measure of ethnocentrism (the E

scale), but it is not a direct or self-report measure of

prejudice and mentions no minority group by name (Adorno

et al., 1950, p. 279). The authors summarize their

findings by describing the prejudiced individual as

basically hierarchical, authoritarian, power-oriented, and

exploitively dependent in his style of relating to others.

Further, they describe him as conventional, rigid, and











repressive, and, at the same time, fearful and dependent

(Adorno et al., 1950, p. 971).

Although the assumptions and methodology of these

investigators have been criticized (McKinney, 1973; Kirscht

and Dillehay, 1967; and Christie and Jahoda, 1954), the F

Scale has been widely used as an indicator of generalized

prejudice and authoritarianism. It has been found to be

highly correlated with the need for power (Uleman, 1965),

autocratic family ideology (Diab, 1959), and with political

behavior (Faris, 1956).

In the present study a slightly modified, 27 item

version (Butler, 1971) of Forms 40 and 45 (Adorno, 1950,

pp. 255-257) was employed. (See Appendix A, Part IV.)

Possible scores range from 27 to 189, with higher scores

representing greater authoritarianism.

Adorno et al. (1950, p. 266) report mean item scores

of from 3.51 for undergraduate women to 4.19 for a group of

working-class men.

Need for Succorance and Need for Dominance

Personality Research Form. The PRF is a self-report,

forced choice personality inventory designed to assess the

basic needs which were first described by Murray (1938).

Form E, employed in this study, was designed for use with

normal, high school and adult populations and has high

part-whole correlations with the earlier Forms AA and BB.

Specifically, the Dominance and Succorance Scales, each

consisting of 16 items, were administered. These two











scales on Form E were found to have odd-even reliability

coefficients of .67 and .73, respectively. On Form AA the

test-retest reliability coefficients for the two scales

were .88 and .84. The manual also reports a series of

validity studies (Jackson, 1966; Jackson and Guthrie, 1968;

Kusyszyn, 1968) in which trait attribution data was found

to be highly correlated with PRF scores. The instrument

was controlled for acquiescence set by keying half the

items to be scored true and half false. Items were

selected on the basis of having a high correlation with

the total score and a low correlation with the Desirability

Scale.

Normative statistics reported in the manual (Jackson,

1967, pp. 53-55) include scale scores for 129 male high

school seniors from 15 schools in the province of Ontario.

For this population the mean score on the dominance scale

was 8.68 with a standard deviation of 3.96. On the

succorance scale the reported mean was 6.59 and the

standard deviation 3.29.

Comparable scores for a population of servicemen

(N=1288) on the dominance scale ranged from X=9.26,

SD=3.87 for a group of enlisted personnel to X=12.70,

SD=2.80 for a group of officer candidates (N=504). On

the succorance scale scores ranged from X=4.33, SD=3.51 for

a group of air force officers (N=55) to X=6.66, SD=3.21 for

enlisted personnel (N=1288).










Although the authors do not report normative data on

the administration of separate scales, Machover and

Anderson (1953) reported validity and reliability data on

the administration of a single scale from the MMPI, a test

similar in construction to the PRF. They administered the

psychopathic deviate scale to 50 psychiatric inpatients.

Half the subjects were given the 50 Pd items separately and

the entire MMPI one to three days later. For the remaining

patients the order was reversed. The Pearson correlation

coefficient between the experimental form scores and the

standard form scores was .79. Since, the authors note, the

test-retest reliability coefficient for the Pd scale

reported by McKinley and Hathaway (1944) was only .71, this

coefficient indicates satisfactory validity. In a similar

study, Charen (1954) administered the Hs scale of the MMPI

separately to 50 hospitalized tuberculosis patients with a

test-retest coefficient of .98. Results of this research

on the administration of MMPI scales suggest that the

administration of single scales from this type of test has

no deleterious effects on their validity or reliability.

Thematic Apperception Test--Rating Scales. (See

Appendix B.) In order to study the relationship between

the need for dominance and attitudes toward women's

liberation, a Need for Dominance Scoring Manual was

employed. This manual was adapted for use in the present

study from "A Scoring Manual for the Affiliative Motive"

by Heyns, Veroff, and Atkinson (1958) and "A Scoring Manual











for the Power Motive" by Veroff (1958). It was based on

Murray's definition (1938, pp. 152-53) following the

outline of these two manuals. Stories were assessed as to

whether dominance imagery is present, and if so, the story

was also scored for the presence of Need, Instrumental

Activity, Goal Anticipation, Affective State, and Thema.

There was a range of possible scores for each story for a

given subject, from 0 to 6.

A similar rating was developed for rating the need for

succorance. In this manual categories scored for each

story included the following: Succorance Imagery, Need,

Activity-Eliciting, Activity-Receiving, Anticipatory Goal

State-Positive, Anticipatory Goal State-Negative, Affective

State-Negative, and Affective State-Positive, and Thema.

The range of scores for each story ranged from 0 to 9.

After four judges were trained in rating TAT stories,

correlation coefficients were computed for 25 sample

stories to determine inter-judge agreement. The two judges

with highest level of agreement were then used to rate the

stories in the main study, with each judge rating half the

stories. The order of the stories rated by the judges was

randomized in order to avoid any systematic effects of

practice. Twenty stories were taken at random from those

rated by Judge 1 and interspersed at random among those

rated by Judge 2, without Judge 2 having knowledge of which

stories had previously been rated. Ratings given these 20

stories by the two judges were then correlated.











Sex Guilt

Thematic Apperception Tert -- 'ating Scale. (See

Appendix E.) A Sex Guilt Scoring Manual was adapted from

scales employed by Clark (1954) and Leiman and Epstein

(1961). Stories were rated for the presence or absence of

sexual behavior according to three specific criteria. If

this category was scored present, the raters scored for sex

guilt on a five point scale, again according to three

specific criteria. For each story the range of scores

varied from 0 to 4.

TAT Cards. Six standard TAT cards and one additional

photograph were selected for their relevance to the need

for dominance (Cards 2, 4, 6BM, 7BM, and 13MF), the need

for succorance (Cards 2, 4, 6BM, 7BM, and 13B), and sex

guilt (Cards 4, 13MF, and the photograph). The additional

photograph was selected for high sexual relevance to be

used as a measure of avoidance of sexual imagery and also

as a measure of thematically expressed sex guilt. Cards

which were assumed to have moderate or high sexual

relevance were presented in order of increasing relevance

to reduce the influence of one card on the next. Pictures

with low sexual relevance were interspersed among the

relevant pictures to disguise the dimension. (See Appendix

C, Sex Guilt Rating Scale.)

Mosher Forced Choice Sex Guilt Inventory. This is one

of two scales developed by Mosher (1966) to measure sex

guilt in undergraduate males. It includes 28 items with a


























range of scores from -45 to 37, higher scores ind..cating

greater amounts of sex guilt. The scale haF a test-retest

reliability coefficient of .97. It has been well con-

trolled for social desirability; kosher reported a non-

significant, .25 correlation between this scale and the

Edwards Social Desirability Scale. (Mosher's norms did not

include mean scores for guilt scales.)

Demographic Variables--Student Information Sheet. In

order to control for demographic variables, a Student

Information Sheet was included. Included were items on

religion, political orientation (liberal vs. conservative),

parents' income, and parents' level of education.











CHAPTER III


RESULTS


Agreement of Judges Rating TAT Stories


Pearson product moment correlations (Hayes, 1963,

p. 506) were computed to determine inter-judge agreement

between four judges for a sample of 25 stories. The

correlation coefficient for ratings of two of the judges

exceeded the criterion of .70 (r=.74), while the correla-

tions between Judges 3 and 4 failed to meet this criterion.

Judge 1 and Judge 2 then each rated half of the stories

in the main study. Twenty stories were taken at random

from those rated by Judge 1 and interspersed at random

among those rated by Judge 2, without Judge 2 having

knowledge of which stories had previously been rated.

Ratings given these 20 stories by the two judges were

found to be correlated .70. Furthermore, an analysis

of variance for effects of judges on variables 3, 5 and

7 in the main study (need for succorance, need for

dominance and sex guilt) was not significant at the

.05 level. That is, there was no significant difference

between ratings given by the two judges over all 420

stories.











Multivariate Analysis of Variance


Fisher Z correlation coefficients (Anderson, 1958,

p. 78) were computed for all combinations of the 13

variables. (See Tables 1 and 2.) However, as noted by

Hayes (1963, p. 577), significance levels for individual

correlations in an intercorrelation matrix must be

interpreted with considerable latitude since t-tests

for correlations in the same population are not statis-

tically independent. Therefore, multiple regression

tests were computed to determine whether the independent

variables (1 through 7) were statistically independent

from the dependent variables (8 through 13). First,

a multivariate multiple regression analysis (Anderson,

1958, pp. 178-227) was computed to test for independence

for variables 1 through 7, taken as a group, from variables

8 through 13, taken as a group. This test was significant

at the .01 level, indicating a significant relationship

between the 7 independent variables and the 6 dependent

variables (F = 1.62, degrees of freedom = 42,219).

Next, a separate multiple regression analysis was

computed to test for independence of variable 1 versus

variables 8 through 13, taken as a group. Likewise,

variables 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 were each tested for

statistical independence from variables 8 through 13, taken

as a group. (See Table 4.) Results indicated that

variable 4 (scores on the Personality Research Form, need














49






Table 1. Independent and Depernent Variables


Independent Variables

Authoritarianism
1. California F Scale

Need for Succorance
2. Personality Research Form
3. Thematic Apperception Test Ratings

Need for Dominance
4. Personality Research Form
5. Thematic Apperception Test Ratings

Sex Guilt
6. Mosher Forced--Choice Sex Guilt Inventory
7. Thematic Apperception Test Ratings

Dependent Variables

Traditional Attitudes Toward Women
8. Goldberg Misogyny Test
9. Sex Role Stereotype Questionnaire

The Spence-Helmreich Attitudes Toward Women Scale (AWS)

10. Factor I of the 4WS--Masculine Superiority
11. Factor II of the AWS--Education and Employment
12. Factor III of the AWS--Social-Sexual Role
Behavior
13. Sex Differences Questionnaire









Table 2. Expected Direction of Correlations for Independent and Dependent
Variables.


Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13


1
2 0
3 0
4 0 0 0
5 0 0 0 0
6 0 0 0 0 0
7 0 0 0 0 0 0
8 + + + + + + +
9 + + + + + + + 0
10 + + + + + + + 0 0
11 + + + + + + + 0 0 0
12 + + + + + + + 0 0 0 0
13 + + + + + + + 0 0 0 0 0


+ = positive correlation expected
0 = no prediction as to correlation








Table 3. Correlation of Independent and Dependent Variables


Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8


1 1.00
2 0.13 1.00
3 0.38 0.01 1.00
4 0.02 0.14 -0.02 1.00
5 -0.12 -0.05 -0.05 0.22 1.00
6 0.24 0.04 0.11 -0.09 -0.09 1.00
7 -0.38 -0.11 -0.13 0.25 0.35 -0.20 1.00
8 0.11 0.02 0.17 -0.04 0.06 -0.21 0.11 1.00
9 0.20 -0.07 0.05 0.01 0.07 0.28 0.07 -0.20
10 0.48 -0.01 0.26 0.24 -0.04 0.29 0.07 0.12
11 0.47 -0.06 0.14 0.25 -0.09 0.39 -0.01 0.04
12 0.18 -0.04 0.17 -0.29 -0.04 0.15 -0.06 0.03
13 0.33 0.15 0.19 -0.17 -0.04 0.37 -0.29 -0.10


Variable 9 10 11 12 13


9 1.00
10 0.51 1.00
11 0.40 0.83 1.00
12 0.24 0.25 0.17 1.00
13 0.19 0.24 0.37 0.17 1.00











for dominance scale) was related to variables 8 through 13

at the .01 level of significance. Also, variable 6

(scores on the Mosher Sex Guilt Inventory) was related

to variables 8 through 13 at the .05 level of significance.

In addition, variable 1 (scores on the California F

Scale) was found to be related to variables 8 through 13

at the .06 level of significance. Since variables 2, 3,

5, and 7 were not found to be significantly related to

variables 8 through 13, no individual correlations

between these variables and single dependent variables

will be considered here, even though they might be

statistically significant if considered separately.

For example, variable 7 (ratings on the TAT for sex

guilt) was found to be correlated -.29 with variable 13

(scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire). This

correlation will not be considered significant for

purposes of this study, even though it would be significant

at the .05 level if considered separately.

In addition to multiple regression tests, partial

correlations were computed for variable 6 and variables 8

through 13 with variable 1 held constant (McNemar, 1962,

pp. 166-167). Results included a partial correlation of

-.19 between variables 6 and 8 with variable 1 held con-

stant. The partial correlation of variables 6 and 9 with

variable 1 held constant was .24 (p=.05). For variables 6

and 10 with variable 1 held constant r=.22, p=.06; for

variables 6 and 11 with variable 1 held constant r=.33,











p=.01; for variables 6 and 12 with variable 1 held constant

r=.ll; for variables 6 and 13 with variable 1 held constant

r=.31, p=.01.


Hypotheses


Hypothesis 1

This hypothesis stipulated a positive correlation

between scores on the F Scale and variables 8 through 13.

As noted above, variable 1 (F Scale) was found to be

related to variables 8 through 13 at the .06 level of

significance. Thus, this hypothesis was supported at

the .06 level of significance. Specifically, variable 1

was correlated with variable 10 (Factor I of the Spence

Helmreich AWS), r=.48, and with variable 11 (Factor II

of the AWS), r=.46. Both correlations are significant

at the .01 level. In addition, variable 1 was found

to be correlated with variable 13 (Sex Differences Ques-

tionnaire), r=.33 at the .05 level of significance.

That is, individuals with authoritarian attitudes tend

to believe in male superiority and patriarchal social

systems, to be opposed to equal opportunity for women in

education and employment and to see male-female differences

as biologically determined.

Correlations between variable 1 and variable 8

(Goldberg Misogyny Test), variable 1 and variable 9 (Sex

Role Stereotype Questionnaire) or variable 1 and variable

12 (Factor III of the AWS) did not reach significance.










Hypothesis 2

This hypothesis stipulated a positive correlation

between scores on the succorance scale of the Personality

Research Form (variable 2) and variables 8 through 13.

Also hypothesized was a positive correlation between TAT

ratings for the need for succorance (variable 3) and

variables 8 through 13.

Succorance scale of the Personality Research Form

(Variable 2). This portion of Hypothesis 2 was not

supported at the .05 level of significance. Correlations

between variable 2 and variables 8 through 13 ranged from

-.07 to .15.

TAT ratings for the need for succorance (variable 3).

This portion of Hypothesis 2 was not supported at the .05

level of significance, although the correlations were in

the direction predicted. Correlations between variable 3

and variables 8 through 13 ranged from .04 to .26.

Hypothesis 3

This hypothesis stipulated a positive correlation

between scores on the dominance scale of the Personality

Research Form (variable 4 and variables 8 through 13. Also

hypothesized was a positive correlation between TAT ratings

for the need for dominance (variable 5) and variables 8

through 13.

Dominance Scale of the Personality Research Form

(Variable 4). This portion of the hypothesis was not up-

held at the .05 level of significance. Although the










multiple regression test for the independence of variable 4

from variables 8 through 13 was significant at the .01

level of significance, using a two tailed test, the only

significant correlation in this group was -.28, between

variable 4 and variable 12 (Factor II of the AWS). Thus,

results indicate that individuals with a high need for

dominance on a self-report measure tend to favor less

traditional sexual-social roles for women.

Correlations between variable 4 and variables 10 and

11 approach significance in a positive direction (r=.24 and

r=.25) suggesting that individuals with a high need for

dominance on a self-report measure tend to believe in male

superiority and patriarchal social systems and to oppose

equality for women in education and employment.

TAT ratings for the need for dominance (variable 5).

This portion of Hypothesis 3 was not supported at the .05

level of significance. Correlations between variable 5 and

variables 8 through 13 were all near .00 (ranging from -.09

to .07).

Hypothesis 4

This hypothesis stipulated a significantly higher

correlation between the need for dominance (variables 4 and

5) and traditional attitudes toward women (variables 8

through 13) than between the need for dominance (variables

4 and 5) and authoritarian attitudes (variable 1). This

hypothesis was not upheld at the .05 level of significance.

(Note: Using the least significant difference test, the












difference between correlations would have to be at least

.40 to be significant for a population of 60.)

Hypothesis 5

This hypothesis stipulated a positive correlation

between scores on the Mosher Sex Guilt Inventory (variable

6) and variables 8 through 13. Also hypothesized was a

positive correlation between TAT ratings for sex guilt

(variable 7) and variables 8 through 13.

Mosher Sex Guilt Inventory (variable 6). This portion

of Hypothesis 5 was supported at the .05 level of signifi-

cance. That is, variable 6 was found to be related to

variables 8 through 13, taken as a group, at the .05 level

of significance. Specifically, variable 6 was found to be

correlated with variable 11 (Factor II of the AWS), r=.39

and with variable 13 (Sex Differences Questionnaire),

r=.37. Both correlations are significant at the .01 level.

In addition, variable 6 was found to be correlated with

variable 9 (Sex Role Stereotype Questionnaire, r=.28 and

with variable 10 (Factor II of the AWS), r=.29. That is,

individuals who report greater sex guilt on a self-report

questionnaire tend to have the most stereotypic view of

males and females, to see male-female differences as

biologically determined, to believe in male superiority and

patriarchal social systems, and to oppose equal opportunity

for women in education and employment.













Correlations between variable 6 and variable 8

(Goldberg Misogyny Test) or between variable 6 and variable

12 (Factor III of the AWS) did not reach significance.

TAT ratings for sex guilt (variable 7). This portion

of Hypothesis 5 was not supported at the .05 level of

significance. Correlations between variable 7 and

variables 8 through 13 ranged between -.29 and .11.

Hypothesis 6

This hypothesis stipulated a significantly higher

correlation between sex guilt (variables 6 and 7) and

traditional attitudes toward women (variables 8 through

13) than between sex guilt (variables 6 and 7) and

authoritarian attitudes (variable 1). This hypothesis was

not upheld at the .05 level of significance. (Note: Using

the least significant difference test, the difference

between correlations would have to be at least .40 to be

significant for a population of 60.) However, the

difference between the correlation of variables 6 and 8

through 13 and the correlation of variables 6 and 1 was in

the expected direction. That is, variables 6 and 1 were

correlated .23 while the correlation between C and 9 was

.28; the correlation of variables 6 and 10 was .29; the

correlation of 6 and 11 was .39; and the correlation of 6

and 13 was .37. Note that the last two coefficients are

significant at the .01 level.











Hypothesis 7

This hypothesis stipulated a significantly higher

correlation between sex guilt scores on the TAT (variable

7) and traditional attitudes toward women (variables 8

through 13) than between sex guilt scores on the Mosher

Inventory (variable 6) and traditional attitudes toward

women (variables 8 through 13). This hypothesis was not

upheld at the .05 level of significance. In fact, the

difference was opposite from the direction predicted, with

significant positive correlations between variable 6 and

variables 8 through 13, and nonsignificant correlations

between variable 7 and variables 8 through 13.


Demographic Variables


A multiple regression analysis (Anderson, 1958,

pp. 178-227) was computed to test the relationship of the

demographic variables to traditional attitudes toward women

(variables 1 through 13). Results of this analysis

indicated that none of the demographic variables was

related to variables 1 through 13 at the .05 level of

significance. (See Table 5.)

As reported in Appendix D, the students described

themselves as predominately middle-of-the-road or liberal

in their political orientation. They indicated that their

families were primarily in the middle income brackets

($10,000-$20,000).











Fac':or Analysis


Results of a factor analysis of all thirteen variables

indicated that no variable had a loading of .40 or above

on the first two factors. That is, the variables did not

cluster together or form any groupings.


Independent Variables


Since, as noted above, significance levels for

individual correlations in a correlation matrix must be

interpreted with considerable latitude (Hayes, 1963,

p. 577), a likelihood ratio test (Anderson, 1958, pp. 230-

245) was computed to rule out the possibility that the

first seven variables were statistically independent.

Results indicate at the .05 level of significance that

these variables are not statistically independent.

Specifically, the correlations between F Scale scores

and ratings for succorance on TAT stories (r=.38) and

between F Scale scores and ratings for sex guilt on TAT

stories (r=-.38) were significant at the .01 level. That

is, individuals with authoritarian attitudes tend to

indicate a greater need for succorance and less sex guilt

on projective tests than do less authoritarian individuals.

In addition, the correlation between ratings for dominance

on TAT stories and ratings for sex guilt on TAT stories was

significant at the .01 level. That is, individuals who

indicate a need for dominance on projective measures tend











to indicate more sex guilt on these measures than do

individuals with less need for dominance. It may be noted

that ratings for the need for succorance on TAT stories

were not significantly correlated with ratings for

dominance or ratings for sex guilt. Also, TAT ratings for

the need for succorance, the need for dominance, and sex

guilt failed to correlate with scores for these traits on

questionnaires. The correlation between the need for

succorance on the Personality Research Form and on the TAT

was .00, while the correlation between dominance scores on

the same two measures was -.06. Sex guilt scores on the

two measures correlated -.20.


Dependent Variables


A likelihood ratio test was also computed to rule out

the possibility that these six variables were statistically

independent. Results indicated at the .01 level of

significance that variables 8 through 13 were not

statistically independent.

Specifically, the correlation between variable 10

(Factor I of the AWS) and variable 11 (Factor II of the

AWS) was significant at the .01 level (r=.83), as was the

correlation between variable 10 and variable 9 (Sex Role

Stereotype Questionnaire), r=.51. That is, individuals who

believe in male superiority and patriarchal social systems

tend to oppose equality for women in education and employ-

ment and to view males and females stereotypically. Also,

























61



variable 11 (Factor II of the AWS) was significantly

correlated with variable 9 (Sex Role Stereotype Question-

naire), r=.40, and with variable 13 (Sex Differences

Questionnaire), r=.37. Both correlations are significant

at the .01 level. That is, individuals who oppose equality

for women in education and employment tend to have a

stereotypic view of males and females and to believe that

male-female differences are biologically determined.










CHAPTER IV


DISCUSSION


The purpose of this study was to determine the

relationship of some emotional factors to attitudes toward

women. More specifically, the aim of this research was to

determine whether the syndrome of traits associated with

traditional attitudes toward women is different from those

characteristics associated with the authoritarian person-

ality. Overall, the results support the expectation that

the individual with traditional attitudes toward women is

characterized by a unique set of needs and traits, which

differs in some fundamental respects from the authoritarian

syndrome. The following discussion will deal first with

the major areas in which these orientations differ, and

then with the relationships between independent variables,

relationships between the dependent variables, method-

ological considerations, and demographic variables.

Finally, some ideas for further investigation will be

proposed.

As summarized in Chapter I, the bulk of the research

in this area portrays the traditional male as a rigid,

authoritarian individual who is conservative in politics

and religion. He is depicted as rather insecure, with a










poor self-concepc and an external locus of control.

Results of the present investigation, while confirming the

findings of Woreli and Worell (1971) that the traditional

male tends to be authoritarian, reveal some interesting

differences between the male with traditional attitudes

toward women (hereafter termed the traditional male) and

the authoritarian male.

First, in contrast to the authoritarian person who

indicates no significant need for dominance in this study

on either self-report or projective measures, the tradi-

tional male acknowledges a high need for dominance.

Apparently he views this as a socially acceptable need

which he feels free to admit to himself and others. He

does not seem to be characterized by a repressed or

unconscious need for dominance, as indicated by the near

zero correlations between TAT dominance ratings and

measures of attitudes toward women. These results seem to

contradict the findings of Mauch (1972) in which the need

for power was found to be positively correlated with a

stereotypic view of males and females. But this apparent

contradiction may be accounted for by the conceptual

differences between the two needs. [See Uleman (1971), for

an extensive comparison of the need for dominance as

defined by Murray (1938), the need for power described by

Veroff (1958), and the need for influence.]

Next, results of this study indicate that the tradi-

tional male tends to experience a high level of conscious










sex guilt, as opposed to the authoritarian male who seems

to be characterized by a somewhat lower level of sex guilt.

[Note: The difference between 1) the correlation of

traditional attitudes toward women and sex guilt, and

2) the correlation of authoritarianism and sex guilt, is

not statistically significant, but the data seem to suggest

that conscious sex guilt is more closely associated with

traditional attitudes toward women than with authoritar-

ianism.] Considering the similarities between the tradi-

tional male and the authoritarian male, one might argue

that the significant correlation between sex guilt and

attitudes toward women can be explained most simply by the

common link of sex guilt and bias against women with a

conservative orientation toward social issues. However,

the significant correlations between Mosher scores and

traditional attitudes toward women which remain when

authoritarianism is held constant suggest that conscious

sex guilt is uniquely related to attitudes toward women.

One interpretation of these data is that conscious sex

guilt is more crucial in determining attitudes toward

women than attitudes toward other minority groups. But the

data do not support the interpretation that projected or

unconscious sex guilt plays a significant role in deter-

mining bias against women as proposed by Greer (1971).

Rather than being more highly correlated with a traditional

orientation than is conscious sex guilt, the ratings for

less conscious sex guilt fail to show any significant











correlation with the traditional orientation toward women.

At this point a more definitive explanation of the

relationship between sex guilt and attitudes toward women

awaits further investigation.

One additional note of interest in this area is the

negative correlation between authoritarianism and less

conscious sex guilt. Apparently the nonauthoritarian

person also has negative feelings about sex, but these are

not consistent with his liberal belief system. That is,

sex guilt is not acceptable in this person's ideological

framework and thus remains less conscious or repressed.

That this pattern does not hold true for the individual

with liberal attitudes toward women further supports the

idea that sex guilt stands in a different relationship to

attitudes toward women than to attitudes toward other

minority groups.

The third major independent variable to be considered

in this study, the need for succorance, was not found to be

significantly related to attitudes toward women, while the

less conscious need for succorance was found to charac-

terize the authoritarian male. These findings suggest that

the picture of an insecure, dependent individual who clings

to traditional social structures is a more accurate

description of the authoritarian male than of the male with

traditional attitudes toward women. These results do not

appear to support Janeway's theory that the need for

mothering is crucial in determining attitudes toward women.










However, the pattern of positive correlations between the

less conscious need for succorance and traditional

attitudes toward women, while nonsignificant, seems to

suggest that some low order relationship may exist between

the need for succorance and attitudes toward women.

Perhaps a more accurate test of Janeway's theory

might be facilitated by rating TAT stories more explicitly

for the need for mothering rather than the need for

succorance. The succorance rating scale employed in this

study adhered closely to Murray's (1938) original defini-

tion. Thus, this category included any show of affection

or concern between characters, including equals such as

friends or lovers. A need for mothering rating scale

could be limited to descriptions of dependent characters

receiving affection or support from older or nurturing

figures (e.g., mother, father, physician, nurse).

At any rate, the data suggest that neither the

authoritarian person nor the individual with a traditional

orientation toward women finds the need for succorance

personally or socially acceptable. That is, the need for

succorance on self-report measures showed no significant

correlation with attitudes toward women or with authori-

tarianism, while the indirect measure of succorance showed

higher correlations with both syndromes.

An additional finding regarding both the authoritarian

and the male with a traditional orientation toward women is

the failure of either individual to strongly advocate










traditional sexual and social behavior for women.

Correlations between traditional attitudes regarding sexual

and social behavior (Factor III of the Attitudes Toward

Women Scale) and other measures of a traditional crienta-

tion were relatively low, falling just under the .05 level

of significance. Particularly surprising was the finding

that males with a high need for dominance, while favoring

a traditional role for women in the home, in education and

in employment, support liberal sexual and social behavior

for women (r=-.29).

This apparent discrepancy may be accounted for by

rapidly changing standards for sexual and social behavior

among undergraduates. According to results of a massive

yearly survey of over 250,000 entering college freshmen

(1967-1974) reported by Bayer and Cutton (1976), attitudes

regarding women's role in society and employment oppor-

tunities for women have changed rapidly in the last ten

years. The percentage of undergraduates agreeing to the

statement "The activities of married women are best

confined to the home and family" fell from 57% in 1967 to

30% in 1974. Quite possibly, changes in attitudes regard-

ing the sexual and social behavior for women have preceded

changes in attitudes regarding women's role in the family

and society. Thus, undergraduates who are traditional in

their attitudes regarding women's status in society may be

less traditional in their attitudes regarding sexual and

social behavior.










One alternative explanation for the negative correla-

tion between the need for dominance and traditional

attitudes toward women might be that males with a high

need for dominance endorse standards which enable women to

be more easily dominated sexually. However, analysis of

items in Factor III of the AWS dealing specifically with

sexual behavior would be necessary in order to test the

validity of this explanation.

(It should be remembered in interpreting any of the

above-mentioned data that the correlations between

variables are rather low, overall, although several reach

significance due to the large sample size.)


Demographic Variables


The failure of the tests for demographic variables to

reach significance indicates that the findings concerning

the relationships between independent and dependent

variables are not confounded by the individual's religion,

political orientation, parents' income or parents' level of

education. These results seem to contradict the findings

of Baker (1972) and Pawlicki and Almquist (1973), who found

a variety of demographic variables to influence attitudes

toward women. It may be noted that the subjects in both of

these studies were females, and the findings of the present

study may indicate that these variables are less important

in determining attitudes toward women among male under-

graduates than among females. Also, this population of










introductory psychology students was relatively homogeneous

in regard to socioeconomic status, background, and

political orientation. Quite possibly, these similarities

outweighed any variation that might be expected due to

religion. These findings suggest that investigators in

this area who use psychology students as subjects might

well strive to achieve a better balance of conservative and

liberal students in order to avoid assessing only students

in the more liberal end of the spectrum.


Independent Variables


An interesting comparison of direct and indirect

measures of the same traits is provided in this study.

Although not significant, the positive correlation between

a self-report measure of the need for dominance and

dominance ratings on the TAT (r=.22) suggests that the need

for dominance is seen as socially acceptable by under-

graduate males. On the other hand, the nonsignificant,

negative correlation between a self-report and an indirect

measure of sex guilt (r=-.20) suggests that sex guilt is

seen as socially or personally acceptable by some students

but is unacceptable to others. This negative correlation

might also be seen to suggest that conscious and uncon-

scious sex guilt involve some qualitatively different

feelings with different underlying dynamics.

The significant correlation between TAT ratings for

dominance and ratings for sex guilt might be taken to










indicate confusion of the judges in regard to these two

variables. However, their differential correlations with

the F Scale suggests that this was not the case. Rather,

it appears that there is some tendency for males with a

less conscious need for dominance to be characterized by a

less conscious sex guilt.


Dependent Variables


The significant, positive correlations between

dependent variables suggests the Sex Differences Question-

naire, the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire, and the

Attitudes Toward Women Scale are measuring similar

orientations toward women. The two notable exceptions to

this pattern among the dependent variables are the Goldberg

Misogyny Test and Factor III of the AWS. As discussed

above, Factor III of the AWS taps attitudes concerning the

sexual and social behavior of women rather than opinions

about the status of women in the family and society. Thus,

it is not surprising that this variable has different

implications for undergraduate males and is not highly

correlated with the remaining dependent variables.

The failure of scores on the Coldberg Misogyny Test to

correlate significantly with either the independent

variables or the dependent variables quite likely resulted

from the manner in which this test was adapted for use in

this study. Although the average scores given to male

authors were significantly (p=.001) more favorable than the











average scores given to female authors when ratings given

by all subjects were averaged, the difference between

scores given to female authors and male authors by an

individual was apparently not a sensitive measure of bias

against women. Probably the variation of individual scores

was due to several factors such as individual preference

for a subject or a particular writing style, in addition to

bias against female authors. Thus, the individual scores

were not meaningful in terms of bias against women and did

not correlate significantly with other measures of atti-

tudes toward women.


Methodological Considerations


All conclusions drawn from this study must be limited

to an undergraduate male population at a Southern state

university. Generalizations to other age groups or even to

undergraduates in other geographical areas must be made

with some caution. The use of young adult males as sub-

jects may be seen as advantageous in this subject area

since the effects of personal experience are minimized

somewhat in this population. As Tavris (1972) noted,

personal experience plays a sizeable role in determining

the attitudes of both males and females toward women's

liberation. More specifically, she found that divorced

males were more in favor of women's liberation than were

single or married males. Since the population in the

present study was comprised primarily of single, young











(18-20) males, we might assume that their opinions were

less influenced by their own experience than was true of

the older population studied by Tavris. That is, the

attitudes of these subjects are likely to be a more direct

reflection of cultural mythology and individual emotional

factors without the confounding effects of personal

experience.

Contrary to the conclusions of Leiman and Epstein

(1961) that TAT rating scales were not likely to provide

meaningful, quantifiable information regarding sex guilt,

the rating scale employed here (see Appendix B) was found

to allow for high inter-rater agreement, and to correlate

significantly with an established instrument (the Cali-

fornia F Scale). Leiman and Epstein were unable to obtain

inter-rater agreement with a sex guilt rating scale for the

TAT and attributed this difficulty to the "dearth and

vagueness of the guilt responses themselves." They

concluded that sexual guilt "was manifested by avoidance

of sexual themes rather than by guilt themes" (1961,

p. 170). In order to allow for the likelihood that some

subjects might indeed indicate sexual anxiety and guilt in

this manner, the sex guilt rating scale employed in this

study included scores for more or less direct expression of

guilt as well as for the omission of any mention of sexual

imagery on the cards with high sexual relevance. Thus,

either the mention of misgivings about sex, misfortune

befalling a character following sexual activity, or the


























omission of any reference to a sexual relationship on

cards which strongly implied such a relationship, were

scored for sex guilt. The scoring categories for sexual

imagery as well as the expression of sex guilt were

modeled after those discussed by Clark (1952).

The negative correlation (r=-.20) of scores on this

rating scale with Mosher Sex Guilt scores seems to suggest

that the two instruments are tapping different aspects of

sex guilt (i.e., more or less conscious guilt feelings).

This rating scale might well be employed in conjunction

with the Mosher Inventory in future investigations

involving this variable.











APPENDIX A


QUESTIONNAIRE


TAT Instructions


This is a test of imagination. I am going to show

you some pictures, one at a time; and your task will be

to make up as dramatic a story as you can for each. Tell

what has led up to the event shown in the picture, describe

what is happening at the moment, what the characters are

feeling and thinking; and then give the outcome. Write

your thoughts as they come to your mind. Since you have

thirty-five minutes for seven stories, you can devote about

five minutes to each story.


Literature Rating Test


In this booklet you will find excerpts of six

articles, written by six different authors in six different

professional fields. At the end of each article you will

find several questions which are to be answered before you

proceed to the next article. You are not presumed to be

sophisticated or knowledgeable in all the fields. We are

interested in the ability of college students to make

critical evaluations of professional literature.











Cylinder, Sphere, and Cone


Joseph W. Banks


To achieve a balance between external nature and
the exigencies of the painting on a flat surface, Cezanne
had to be a master juggler. He painfully adjusted and
readjusted his color dabs and rhythmic contour lines,
insisting on sitting after sitting from his human models,
which nearly drove them to distraction. The explicit
definition of the edges of forms was always just avoided
lest line harden into decoration. He reversed perspective,
placing the culminating point of objects in the foreground,
and at that point he made color richest. He also distorted
the normal pattern of optical perspective by tilting
up the horizontal plane of a retreating road or the
hole at the mouth of a jug so that they came forward,
or by bending the side of a house toward the spectator.
Or he might paint a landscape from several different
points of view and positions to reveal more of its
surface than is normally seen. In short, he painted
conceptually but still included the perceptual sensuous
truth of nature.

In C6zanne we find, too, a quality of tension that
can be compared to seventeenth-century "metaphysical"
poetry. Lyrical sensations of nature and remarkable
powers of abstraction are combined at high pressure.
The content of C4zanne's thought and his "plastic"
ideas are as concrete and apprehensible as the sensuous
data of nature. A delicate pattern that pine branches
make against the sea or the evocative immediacy of
nature's fresh green are no less real for us in the
abstract formulation C6zanne gives them. The artist
sealed in one stroke the breach of form and content
that had ruled painting since the death of Giotto.

Because the life or death of his canvas hinged on
an accumulation of minute adjustments of color, C6zanne's
paintings sometimes seem either overdeveloped or incom-
plete. An arabesque freezes, the dynamic operation
of the many-faceted surface exhausts the eye, or the
iron rule of form and structure becomes oppressive.
His towering humility before nature and a chance phrase
in a letter to the dealer Vollard, confessing an inability
to "realize," have unfortunately exaggerated these
failures. C4zanne's anxieties are no measure of his
very grand achievement; indeed, his last works are
sometimes more rewarding considered in series rather
than as intact achievements. There are certain key

















canvases--two or three versions of the Card-players,
bathers in a landscape, a number of stiil lifes, Views
of Mont Sainte-Victoire--that sum up his methods in a
masterpiece. But their meaning is enlarged if we think
of even these paintings as thematic variations in one
great fugue on nature's grandeur, and as part of an
inexhaustible plastic invention.

Despite his concentration on formal structure and
pure pictorial values, C4zanne never relinquished the
feeling for light and air that he acquired from Pissarro
and the Impressionists. As his art progressed, he
thinned his pigment so that the white surface lightened
tones as it may do in water colors. During his later
years he very often worked in water color directly
in a manner that was both suggestive and abstract.
Cdzanne sought in these tenuous impressions to express
not the accidental, shifting iridescence of nature as
the Impressionists had done, but its intrinsic color
in all its intensity. He chose Provence as a painting
locale because the even Mediterranean light gave a
sharp, unchanging exposure to his motifs; the placid
skies of Provence allowed color to burn with an undiffused
brightness. And in the clarity of a southern atmosphere,
Cezanne felt the sympathetic presence of the great
classical masters, of Poussin and the Italians. In
his own phrase, he wished to "redo nature after Poussin."

The rational and classical quality of his art is
all the more remarkable in view of C6zanne's early
struggles with his own exuberant and undisciplined
nature. It took an enormous exercise of will to master
a turbulent emotional life. The general picture of the
artist is based on his mature personality and is that
of the "hyper-bourgeois" of fanatical conservatism; a
solitary, entrenched in home and church and darkly
suspicious of new ideas. Yet in his youth C4zanne
was the most defiant of rebels and the prototype of the
romantic bohemian.











Answer the f'llo'.wtini questions by circling the
one response to -jeac'i ques-jor. \hi.ch most c-learly reflects
your opinion Work quickly and answer all questions.


1. How valuable for the general reader would you consider
Mr. Banks' article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

2. How valuable for the professional person in the
field would you consider Mr. Banks' article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

3. Quite aside from content, how effective would you
judge Mr. Banks' writing style to be?

1. extremely effective 2. moderately effective
3. partially effective 4. moderately ineffec-
tual 5. extremely ineffectual

4. Based on this article, what would you judge Mr. Banks'
professional competence to be?

1. extremely competent 2. above average
competence 3. average competence 4. below
average competence 5. incompetent

5. To what extent did you agree with Mr. Banks' point
of view?

1. complete agreement 2. great deal of
agreement 3. partial agreement 4. little
agreement 5. complete disagreement

6. How profound would you judge Mr. Banks' article to be?

1. extremely profound 2. moderately profound
3. somewhat profound 4. little profundity
5. not at all profound

7. Based on your reading of this article, what would
you guess Mr. Banks' status in his field to be?

1. a leader in the field 2. important person
in the field 3. average status 4. less than
average status 5. little or no status in the
profession





























78



8. To what e::tent did Mr. Banks sway your opinions about
the issues discussed in his article?


1. completely
4. very little


2. a great deal 3. somewhat
5. not at all


9. If you were to assign a grade to Mr. Banks' article,
what would it be?

1. A 2. B 3. C 4. D 5. F











Readiness for Learning


Pauline L. Conger


What is most important for teaching basic concepts
is that the child be helped to pass progressively from
concrete thinking to the utilization of more conceptually
adequate modes of thought. But it is futile to attempt
this by presenting formal explanations based on a logic
that is distant from the child's manner of thinking and
sterile in its implications for him. Much teaching in
mathematics is of this sort. The child learns not
to understand mathematical order but rather to apply
certain devices or recipes without understanding their
significance and connectedness. They are not translated
into his way of thinking. Given this inappropriate
start, he is easily led to believe that the important
thing is for him to be "accurate"--rhough accuracy
has less to do with mathematics than with computation.
Perhaps the most striking example of this type of thing
is to be found in the manner in which the high school
student meets Euclidian geometry for the first time, as
a set of axioms and theorems, without having had some
experience with simple geometric configurations and the
intuitive means whereby one deals with them. If the
child were earlier given the concepts and strategies
in the form of intuitive geometry at a level that he
could easily follow, he might be far better able to
grasp deeply the meaning of the theorems and axioms to
which he is exposed later.

But the intellectual development of the child is
no clockwork sequence of events; it also responds to
influences from the environment, notably the school
environment. Thus instruction in scientific ideas,
even at the elementary level, need not follow slavishly
the natural course of cognitive development in the child.
It can also lead intellectual development by providing
challenging but usable opportunities for the child to
forge ahead in his development. Experience has shown
that it is worth the effort to provide the growing
child with problems that tempt him into next stages of
development. In teaching from kindergarten to graduate
school, I have been amazed at the intellectual similarity
of human beings at all ages, although children are
perhaps more spontaneous, creative, and energetic than
adults. As far as I am concerned young children learn
almost anything faster than adults do if it can be given
to them in terms they understand. Giving the material
to them in terms they understand, interestingly enough,
turns out to involve knowing the mathematics oneself,


























and the better one knows it, the better it can be taught.
It is appropriate that we warn ourselves to be careful
of assigning an absolute level of difficulty to any
particular topic. When I tell mathematicians that
fourth-grade students can go a long way into "set theory"
a few of them reply: "Of course." Most of them are
startled. The latter ones are completely wrong in
assuming that "set theory" is intrinsically difficult.
Of course it may be that nothing is intrinsically difficult.
We just have to wait until the proper point of view and
corresponding language for presenting it are revealed.
Given particular subject matter or a particular concept,
it is easy to ask trivial questions or to lead the
child to ask trivial questions. It is also easy to ask
impossibly difficult questions. The trick is to find
the medium questions that can be answered and that
take you somewhere. This is the big job of teachers
and textbooks. One leads the child by the well-wrought
"medium questions" to move more rapidly through the
stages of intellectual development, to a deeper under-
standing of the mathematical, physical, and historical
principles. We must know far more about the ways in
which this can be done.











Answer the following questions by circling the one
response to each question which most clearly reflects
your opinion. Work quickly and answer all questions.


1. How valuable for the general reader would you consider
Miss Conger's article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

2. How valuable for the professional person in the field
would you consider Miss Conger's article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

3. Quite aside from content, how effective would you
judge Miss Conger's writing style to be?

1. extremely effective 2. moderately effective
3. partially effective 4. moderately ineffec-
tual 5. extremely ineffectual

4. Based on this article, what would you judge Miss
Conger's professional competence to be?

1. extremely competent 2. above average
competence 3. average competence 4. below
average competence 5. incompetent

5. To what extent did you agree with Miss Conger's
point of view?

1. complete agreement 2. great deal of
agreement 3. partial agreement 4. little
agreement 5. complete disagreement

6. How profound would you judge Miss Conger's article
to be?

1. extremely profound 2. moderately profound
3. somewhat profound 4. little profundity
5. not at all profound

7. Based on your reading of this article, what would
you guess Miss Conger's status in her field to be?

1. a leader in the field 2. important person
in the field 3. average status 4. less than
average status 5. little or no status in the
profession




























82



8. To what extent did Miss Conger sway your opinions
about the issues discussed in her article?

1. completely 2. a great deal 3. somewhat
4. very little 5. not at all

9. If you were to assign a grade to Miss Conger's
article, what would it be?

1. A 2. B 3. C 4. D 5. F










Sense and Nonsense About N~trition


Stephen Wilson Hamilton


Question: A radio broadcaster says that lack of Vitamin E
in the diet of a father before conception may cause
abnormalities in his children. Should he take extra
vitamin E as a precautionary measure?
Answer: He should not. There is no scientific evidence
to support this notion.
Question: I have been told that the sugar in dates is
not absorbed in the bloodstream and is therefore safe
for diabetics. True?
Answer: You have been told, but not the truth. The
sugar in dates is well absorbed, as is the sugar in all
foods.
Question: Will two teaspoons of apple-cider vinegar
taken in a glass of water at each meal thin your blood?
Answer: What makes you think your blood needs thinning,
or thickening? In either case, vinegar would have no
effect on it. Moreover, if you added honey to the
vinegar it would not affect any arthritis you may have,
and most of us have some.

I have a thousand such questions in my files.
And new ones keep coming in response to a syndicated
column I have been writing for the past four years.
To my surprise I have found there is little difference
between the queries from people of modest schooling and
those from college graduates. Indeed, I am beginning
to think that the better educated a man is, the greater
his skill in summoning up pseudoscience to support the
latest food fad.

To be sure, he never uses this term. He takes
his delusions seriously, as did our forebears who--from
earliest recorded history--have attributed magical
powers, both good and bad, to food. Sea salt was perhaps
the first nutritional myth to gain a commercial foothold
in this country. In his delightful book on quackery,
Dr. Hames H. Young reports that a Massachusetts Bay
colonist was fined five pounds in 1630 for vending
sea water to cure scurvy. Today, although the Food and
Drug Administration has brought numerous actions against
the purveyors, sea-salt tablets are still widely sold,
mainly to elderly people who believe they will restore
vigor and cure assorted ailments.

Of course, they can do no such thing. Nor is
there any evidence that beets build blood (not even
Harvard beets). Fish and celery are not brain foods;










and yogurt--alas--will not keep one young, though all
of us in our mid-fifties wish it would.

In a few instances, the seemingly uncanny powers
of certain foods have been scientifically explained.
We now know, for example, that limes or lemons cured
scurvy because of their vitamin C content. Rice polishings
prevented beriberi by reason of the vitamin B or
thiamine they provided. An ancient treatmentlfor goiter
was dried or burned sponge, which is a rich source of
iodine. Sometimes a half-truth or a distorted scientific
fact will give rise to a food myth. For example, carrots,
as is often said, can be "good for the eyes." But only
if you have not been getting sufficient vitamin A for
some time. The human body converts carotene, the yellow
pigment of carrots, into this vitamin which is needed
to form an essential pigment (rhodopsin) of the retina.
However, there is also plenty of carotene in green vege-
tables where its yellow color is masked by chlorophyll.
So green vegetables can be equally "good for the eyes."

Will plenty of rare steak make you strong? Certainly
it is rich in good quality protein. But so are fish,
eggs, milk--and overcooked steak. You can get equally
strong on a diet of the right cereals and legumes plus
a small amount of animal protein to supply certain
amino acids which the body cannot get from any other
source.

To say all this--as I have been doing, for many
years in writing and in person--will not, I know, have
an immediate effect on your consumption of carrots or
steak. Eating habits are deeply rooted in our nature
and culture and it takes a long time to alter our tastes
or whittle away our prejudices. Most people, in fact,
have an extraordinary way of adapting scientific infor-
mation to their own whims and preconceptions.

A striking example of such perversity was reported
a few years ago by Dr. Edward Welling, an anthropologist
of Harvard's Department of Nutrition, after an expedition
to Peru. There he studied the maternal and infant
feeding practices of the 230 residents of Espinos.
He described these villagers, culturally typical of the
area, as "neither Indian, Spanish, nor modern Latin-
American but a mixture of all three." He found them
"industrious, dignified, and poor." They had little
formal education. But public-health officials, nurses,
doctors, and teachers had been carrying on a continuing
educational program among them for some years. However,
Espinos mothers clung obdurately to their own nutritional
myths. They had been told by the health experts, for
example, that colostrum--the secretion of the mother's










breasts right after birth--is a desirable food for the
baby because it is high in vitamins and minerals and
provides antibodies to help ward off infection. But
the women of Espinos believe that colostrum blocks the
milk flow, that it may foul the child's stomach and
even kill it. So the mother carefully squeezes the
colostrum from her breasts and buries it in the ground.

She is also aware that her diet during pregnancy
and lactation influences her health and her child's.
Accordingly, she reduces her intake of meat, eggs, fresh
fruit, and vegetables while pregnant, and, as always,
drinks very little milk. Her fare consists of the usual
corn, beans, squash, rice, tea, and stews, despite the
contrary urging of experts.

Health workers have sung the praises of orange
juice and the villagers now accept it as desirable for
adults, particularly the sick, and for children of
school age. But no mother will give it to a baby,
being convinced that an infant who is still on milk
should get nothing else.

As to vitamins in general--public-health workers
and relatives living in cities have persuaded the villagers
that vitamins exist and that they impart substance and
vigor to certain foods. However, they interpret and
apply this knowledge in their own fashion. They regard
vitamins as too "strong" for infants and too "fattening"
for pregnant women. Thus they endow all foods known to
be very nourishing or fattening with a high vitamin
content. One woman explained that although she loved
beef and fish-head soup she passed up both during her
pregnancy "because they had too many vitamins."

Ludicrous as these noticns may seem, not a few
Americans have equally weird ideas about vitamin pills--
particularly the belief that if you gulp enough of them,
you will be adequately nourished. In fact, vitamins
are simply catalysts which enable other nutrients to
function more effectively. Furthermore--contrary to
popular myth--there is no reason to increase your con-
sumption of vitamins as you grow older. They serve
primarily to help metabolize food and thus to produce
energy and build, maintain, and repair body tissues.
Since total food intake diminishes (or should diminish)
with the years, the elderly in general have less need
for vitamins than younger folk. At any age, whether
a given individual needs extra vitamins is a decision
for his doctor to make.

In matters of nutrition, however, all too many
Americans prefer to take their counsel from TV commercials,

























86



an oracular voice on the radio or a newspaper report
on the latest diet fad. A women's magazine editor recently
told me that his readers feel neglected unless he publishes
a new diet every other month. "You need some gimmick,"
he said with a long sigh.

At best, most of these gimmicks are worthless. One
of the most ridiculous was the Hay diet of the 1930's,
which prompted a lot of people to cut and eat hay fresh
from the fields. Actually the diet was the invention
of W. H. Hay, M.D., whose gimmick was a prohibition
against eating protein and carbohydrates at the same
meal. Since many individual foods contain both these
components, the injunction is senseless. But though
the Hay diet is forgotten, the notion persists that
meat and potatoes--or some other combinations of foods--
is bad for you.











Answer the followira questions b'y ircling the one
response to each question which most clearly reflects
your opinion. Work quickly and answer all questions.


1. How valuable for the general reader would you consider
Mr. Hamilton's article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

2. How valuable for the professional person in the field
would you consider Mr. Hamilton's article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

3. Quite aside from content, how effective would you
judge Mr. Hamilton's writing style to be?

1. extremely effective 2. moderately effective
3. partially effective 4. moderately ineffec-
tual 5. extremely ineffectual

4. Based on this article, what would you judge Mr.
Hamilton's professional competence to be?

1. extremely competent 2. above average
competence 3. average competence 4. below
average competence 5. incompetent

5. To what extent did you agree with Mr. Hamilton's
point of view?

1. complete agreement 2. great deal of
agreement 3. partial agreement 4. little
agreement 5. complete disagreement

6. How profound would you judge Mr. Hamilton's article
to be?

1. extremely profound 2. moderately profound
3. somewhat profound 4. little profundity
5. not at all profound

7. Based on your reading of this article, what would
you guess Mr. Hamilton's status in his field to be?

1. a leader in the field 2. important person
in the field 3. average status 4. less
than average status 5. little or no status
in the profession





























88



8. To what extent did Mr. Hamilton sway your opinions
about the issues discussed in his article?

1. completely 2. a great deal 3. somewhat
4. very little 5. not at all

9. If you were to assign a grade to Mr. Hamilton's
article, what would it be?

1. A 2. B 3. C 4. D 5. F











Speech, Conversation, and Language


Joan T. McKay


The first and most obvious assumption of the science
of language is that there is a language. But this is
precisely what is uncertain. For just as it does not
follow from the existence of theology that there is a
God, nor from geometrical theorems about the circle or
triangle that such things exist in reality, so the
whole of philology is no proof of the existence of a
language. To begin with, there actually is no language,
but only speech: my speech, your speech, our speech
now and here, today and yesterday. But our speech
is not yet a language, it is at most conversation.
And even this would have to be doubted if my speech
were not heard and understood and answered in some
way by someone else. If I were the only one in the
whole world who spoke, there would not only be no language,
there would not even be speech, not even my speech.
How can I be sure, how can I know that I am speaking
when no one hears me, no one understands, no one answers--
no one; therefore not even myself? In order to be
sure of my speaking, I must at least be able to hear,
understand and answer my own speech. Speaking, hearing,
understanding, answering or speaking again: all these
belong together and form a circle, within which real
speech or conversation are circumscribed and guaranteed.

We have already used the expression speaking in
two senses: first in the abstract one of an individual
act of speaking, and then in the fuller one of conversa-
tion. It is only the second kind, speaking that is
listened to with understanding, is answered, and is
assured of reality, in other words, conversation, which
is living and concrete speech.

It is generally assumed that for conversation
several persons are necessary, or at least two: a Jones
who speaks to a Smith. That is not so; everyone can
speak to himself. At least three or four factors such
as feeling, thinking, speaking, understanding, hearing,
answering, are necessary to speech, but not two persons.
This does not mean that soliloquy is the original form
of conversation; but it is the simplest. It is the
simplest conceivable, which does not mean the most
natural, but only the most simplified.

There is little sense in asking which came first,
conversation with oneself or with others, monologue
or dialogue. Quite primitive people, children and
















drunkards, often talk to themselves, one can, of course,
assume that they believe someone else to be present who
is talking to them. On the other hand there are many
highly educated people who never say an audible word
to themselves, and yet spend their whole life in inner
soliloquy: great recluses, silent dreamers and thinkers,
who from without can hardly be induced to break their
silence, so deeply are they immersed in dialogue with
their Self. It is as useless for the history of language
to inquire whether monologue or dialogue came first,
as it is for the history of literature to inquire whether
the lyric, the epic, or the drama is the first-born.
Both questions resemble the jejune problem, which of
the numbers one, two, three came first. The lyric is
the outpouring of the lonely heart; for the epic a hearer
is needed; and the drama presupposes at least three
persons or situations: protagonist, antagonist, and
spectator, all of which, it is true, the poet can represent
himself, just as in a song a hundred minds and voices
can flow together into a choir. So here, too, it is a
question of situations, not of persons; and if we begin
to number such aspects one, two, three, we shall have
grasped the first one fully only after the third and
last has been apprehended. No one can speak who cannot
understand and answer. The parrot can perform the external
act of speaking; but he cannot make conversation. He
does not understand himself. He is at most an individual,
and not a personality.

In attempting to lay the foundation of philology,
the concept of the individual should be avoided, and
should be replaced by that of the person. For in a
conversation only the one who plays a part counts, not
one who accidentally happens to be present. Indeed,
as we have seen, the person has to take part both of
hearer and of speaker; but then he is sufficient unto
himself for carrying on a conversation and needs no
second, since he is his own partner. "Person" and "part"
are so closely interwoven with the concept and the meaning
of persona, that although several parts or persons can
be thought of as united in one person, no person can
be thought of without a part.











Answer the following questions by circling the one
response to eacn question which most clearly reflects
your opinion. Work quickly and answer all questions.


1. How valuable for the general reader would you consider
Miss McKay's article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

2. How valuable for the professional person in the field
would you consider Miss McKay's article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

3. Quite aside from content, how effective would you
judge Miss McKay's writing style to be?

1. extremely effective 2. moderately effective
3. partially effective 4. Moderately ineffec-
tual 5. extremely ineffectual

4. Based on this article, what woald you judge Miss
McKay's professional competence to be?

1. extremely competent 2. above average
competence 3. average competence 4. below
average competence 5. incompetent

5. To what extent did you agree with Miss McKay's
point of view?

1. complete agreement 2. great deal of
agreement 3. partial agreement 4. little
agreement 5. complete disagreement

6. How profound would you judge Miss McKay's article
to be?

1. extremely profound 2. moderately profound
3. somewhat profound 4. little profundity
5. not at all profound

7. Based on your reading of this article, what would
you guess Miss McKay's status in her field to be?

1. a leader in the field 2. important person
in the field 3. average status 4. less
than average status 5. little or no status
in the profession

































8. To what extent did Miss McKay sway your opinions
about the issues discussed in her article?


1. completely
4. very little


2. a great deal 3. somewhat
5. not at all


9. If you were to assign a grade to Miss McKay's article,
what would it be?

1. A 2. B 3. C 4. D 5. F










A Post Mortem of the Eichmann Case


Louise Morgan Michaels


The majority of legal commertators on the Eichmann
case have upheld the right of the State of Israel, in
conformity with international law, to try the kidnapped
Adolph Eichmann in an Israeli court under an admittedly
extra-territorial and retroactive Israeli law. Most
writers go no further in the review of the case, con-
sidering the legal matter closed upon the determination
of legality. But the unfortunate truth appears to be
that the legality of the Eichmann case is not derived
from the particular compliance of this case with some
high and taxing standards of the law, but from the
general permissiveness of the applicable international
law, under which, apparently, "every independent state
has jurisdiction to punish war criminals in its custody
regardless of the nationality of the victim, the time
it entered the war, or the place where the offense was
committed."

Indeed, even some of the commentators who found
the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal objectionable
on the ground that it penalized political offenses (such
as "crime against peace") hitherto not recognized in
international law, have not made the same objection to
the trial of Eichmann, who was tried and convicted for
"crime against humanity" (of which the "crime against
Jews" is a mere particularization) and "war crime"--
both of which have had a longer history and recognition
in international law.

The fact that the trial of Eichmann did not constitute
a violation of international law, fails to answer com-
pletely the question whether Israel's conduct in this
case conforms to the standards of international conduct
required to meet the growing needs of a world society
striving for a greater degree of order and security
through more effective standards of world law. As has
been providently pointed out, "the important thing is
that the trial and judgement shall not only be but appear
to be just and fair, and shall contribute to the growth
of law among the nations."

The trial of Eichmann complied with only a part of
this admonition. It is undeniable that the actual
conduct of Eichmann's public trial complied with a high
standard of judicial process and also effectively conveyed
this impression to the world community. But while in
the long run the case will in most likelihood help fortify




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