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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 1
    Front Matter
        Page 2
    Notes on contributors
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        Page 4
    Main
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Q?7V73











VOL. 20 NO. 2


CARIBBEAN


QUARTERLY


Copyright reserved and reproduction without permission strictly forbidden.


5. Foreword

7. Science for the People The Management of Science and
Technology in the West Indies
L. Coke

15. Science in the 70's Observations on Science Education in
Jamaica
A. D. Turner

23. Human Population and Resources
John Grahame

29. Genetics in Developing Countries
Charles A. Panton

The St. Kitts Vervet (Cercopithecus Aethiops)
36. Foreword
Patricia M. Ervin
37. The History
Michael T. McGuire


53. Publications of the Department


JUNE 1974









CARIBBEAN QUARTERLY


UNIVERSITY OF THE WEST INDIES


Editorial Committee

R.M. Nettleford, Director of Extra-Mural Studies (Editor)
Lloyd Braithwaite, Pro-Vice Chancellor, U.W.I., St. Augustine, Trinidad.
Sidney Martin, Pro-Vice Chancellor, U.W.I., Cave Hill, Barbados.
Roy Augier, Pro-Vice Chancellor, Mona, Jamaica.
J.J. Figueroa, Professor, Faculty of Education, U.W.I., Mona, Jamaica.
G.A. Alleyne, Professor, Medical Research Council, U.W.I., Mona.
Lloyd Coke, Department of Botany, U.W.I., Mona.
Neville McMorris, Department of Physics, U.W.I., Mona.
Patricia Williams, Department of Extra-Mural Studies, U.W.I., Mona, Jamaica.
(Assoc. Editor).


All correspondence should be addressed to:
Caribbean Quarterly,
Department of Extra-Mural Studies,
University of the West Indies,
Mona, Kingston 7, Jamaica.


Manuscripts
We invite readers to submit manuscripts or recommended subjects which they
would like to see discussed in CARIBBEAN QUARTERLY. Articles of Caribbean
relevancy will be gratefully received.


Subscriptions (Annual)
United Kingdom 2 (Sterling) + 50p Postage
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Subscription orders may be forwarded to the Editor or to the Resident Tutor at
University Centre in any West Indian Territory served by this University.









NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS


L. COKE

A.D. TURNER



JOHN GRAHAME


C.A. PANTON

M.T. McGUIRE


Lecturer in Botany, U.W.I., Mona, is guest editor for this issue.

Former Research Fellow at the Science Centre for Schools,
U.W.I. Mona, now at Centre for Science Education, Chelsea,
London.

Former Lecturer in Zoology, U.W.I. Mona, now at Welcome
Marine Laboratories, Robin Head's Bay, Yorkshire England.

Lecturer in Botany, U.W.I., Mona.

Primatologist, Behavioural Sciences Foundation Basseterre, St.
Kitts.

















FOREWORD

This issue of Caribbean Quarterly is devoted to articles of general
scientific interest and is the first of its kind.
A journal such as this, with a strong regional bias, need make no
apology for introducing a Caribbean, or more properly, Third World view
of science. In spite of the time-hallowed truism that science is universal,
Caribbean Quarterly now focuses attention on our particular part of the
general tug-o-war between reason and unreason about natural phenomena
which characterises scientific thought.
The particular climate, social and organisational, in which scientists and
technologists operate in Caribbean countries, may be inhibiting creativity.
This is suggested in the lead article "Science for the People" by L. Coke.
(p 7). This is a minimally edited version of an address given to one of the
first meetings of the Jamaican Union of Scientists and Technologists, and
must be read in its consciousness-raising context.
Rapid changes in technology produce attendant agonies of overchoice
for both planners and consumers of scientific research. Political leaders
and bureaucrats tend to become obsessed with choosing priorities and
often lose sight of goals. To keep goals in view, the decision-makers need
not only level-headed technocrats, but also aware and well-informed
public opinion on their side. Where important technical considerations
arise in, for example, the world-wide phenomenon of re-negotiation of
terms of exploitation of natural resources between governments and mul-
tinational corporations, lack of scientific training hampers public partici-
pation. Thus, the quality of science education affects not only the supply
of technical skills, but also the democratic process itself. A.D.
Turner examines (p 15) the scope and quality of science education in
Jamaica.
Another area in which public understanding is vital, is in the grim
equations which link human populations and natural resources (John
Grahame, p 23). Along with the dreadful Malthusian convergence of over-
population and famine, the writer sees energy shortage as the ultimate
bottleneck* with little hope of direct technological amelioration. In his
view, the solution is in cultural adaptation, of which the acceptance of
population control must be a key feature.
* Written before the escalation of the Middle East oil crisis.











Will the much-heralded green revolution save us from this ugly future?
Reviewing the progress of research in genetics in developing countries,
C.A. Panton (p 29) sees hope in new crop varieties which could yield food
in improved quantity and quality to fill the yawning protein-calorie gap.
Artificially induced mutations could accelerate changes in the variability
of agricultural organisms and so widen the options available to breeders.
Some serious questions present themselves: how will facilities for
producing mutations become available to geneticists in developing
countries? Will the super-varieties they produce create a demand for in-
stant modernisation of farm practices, where neither the educational at-
tainment of the farmer, the quality of the land, the financial and infra-
structural services, nor storage and distributive facilities are as yet geared
to modernisation?
It may be argued that in the Caribbean we have historical reasons to
place our hopes on the resilience of the human race. This has been the
arena for some extreme experiments in human social relations. Out of the
unique experience of colonialism, slavery and post-emancipation planta-
tion society, independent peoples with a creole identity are emerging.
Creole identity encompasses certain styles of speech and behaviour, cer-
tain polarities of arrogance and self-hatred, insularity and hospitality,
which characterise ex-master and ex-slave as well as more recent immi-
grants.
An instructive parallel to the human situation could be sought in the
study of the green monkey of St. Kitts (M.T. McGuire p 37). These
involuntary immigrants survived the Middle Passage from Africa to the
West Indies and have adapted to an island environment which offered new
threats and opportunities and removed the pressure of some old con-
straints. Have there been subtle genetic and behavioral shifts which now
differentiate this "creolised" primate from his African cousins? If so, the
data being collected could yield clues about the interaction of genetics
and environment on behaviour. Possibly, small islands are ideal labora-
tories for the study of social and biological innovations, both on a human
and non-human level. One looks forward to other interesting investiga-
tions in this interface area of social and biological sciences.

L. COKE


Dept. of Botany, U.W.I., Mona.














SCIENCE FOR THE PEOPLE*

The Management of Science and Technology in the West Indies

I believe that the creativity of scientists and technologists is an important force
affecting the lives of people in all societies. To some people the scientist is a mad devil
creating engines of war and environmental destruction. To others, he is a saint creating
healing medicines and breeding high-yielding crops. Saints or devils, we ought to be
interested in what our men of science are doing to and for our island societies, and to
study the threats and opportunities facing them, for the deployment of their talent has
important consequences for everyone.

The Social and Economic Setting

Our scientists and technologists operate in societies very different from those in
which their metropolitan colleagues work, and most importantly different from the
societies in which a large number of them received formal training. Our countries have
evolved from sugar plantations to economies pinning hopes on development by
inviting large multinational corporations to establish industries here.1,2 Local manufac-
turing enterprises have evolved from commissioned agencies by assembling what
formerly was imported in a fully made-up form. Slowly but surely, control of major
natural resources passed into the hands of multinational corporations and their agents
together with control over loyalties of a significant segment of local technical talent.
(An internal Brain Drain).

The largest number of scientists are probably to be found in the Civil Service or in
quasi-governmental organizations such as statutory boards and the University. Also, an
important segment of technical talent may be found in the professions of medicine,
engineering, architecture, surveying, etc. However, the deployment of talent in all
those sectors reflects the general dependence of the economy and the society even
now, ten years after political independence.

Interviews with Jamaican technicians and scientists working for the manufacturers
in partnership with or under direct control from an overseas corporation reveal that
their main function is to see that local processes and products conform to specifi-
cations set by Head Office. Quality control or public relations is emphasised at the
expense of productive innovations. When in spite of the emphasis, a native scientist
persists in attempting innovations he is actively discouraged by Head Office, because:-

(a) An important profit is based on charges made for use of patented materials
and processes supplied from the parent firm.


. A Talk given to the Jamaican Union of Scientists and Technologists










(b) Preservation of the international "brand image" is all-important, even if the
proposed innovation may introduce features of special benefit to the local
community into the process or product being marketed.
(c) Acceptance of locally-inspired innovations may lead to unwelcome demands
for greater sharing of profits.
Often, however, there is little opportunity for innovation when operations consist
of assembling pre-designed and almost-finished components. Not surprisingly, creative
men in such firms quickly find themselves promoted to administration or sales to
become executives rather than production men.
An interesting example of resistance to local innovation was revealed in the res-
ponse of the alumina industries to suggestions that they use local starch rather than
wheat middlings to precipitate alumina. Various reasons were advanced to explain why
this change was not feasible. Local starches would block filters, carry-over too far
downstream in the process and impair the efficiency of extraction. One cannot judge
the validity of these objections without access to data on actual trials with com-
parisons made between wheat middlings and local starches. Surely, however, the fact
that the process was patented in North America and that there may be strategic
advantages to the companies in using a North American raw material also affect the
choice of a starch for the process.
Even worse than resistance to local innovation is a tendency to believe that it does
not exist at all, or that if it exists, it is definitely inferior to the imported variety. This
ancient lack of self-confidence permeates even those institutions which are supposed
to be outside the control of the private sector. Thus, research planning continues to
reflect the structural dependency of the economy in that greater opportunities for
innovation are offered to foreign research groups than to local groups. The question is
whether our research managers and the scientific fraternity are serious about changing
this state of affairs.
Clearly, there have been some important advances made by local scientists but the
situation demands more than improving the 'image' of the productive scientists among
us. It also demands more than placing a few scientists on advisory boards. Increased
effectiveness of scientific research and technological innovation will not take place in
the absence of reforms in the wider society, reforms such as national control of natural
resources.

The Psychology of Innovation
Although our scientists usually work for large organizations (Government, Big
Business or University) they are usually conscious of their relative isolation brought
about by fragmentation of the economy and bureaucratic barriers.
The typical academic scientist considers his most important contacts to be those
with members of his own discipline, sometimes a nebulous international fraternity
publishing its work in the same technical journals. This international network confirms
to the scientist the universality of his interests and keeps him in touch with the
research frontier. His sector of frontier may be particularly narrow and his particular










set of journals may be published by a society in Europe or North America, hence
colleagues with other specialist interests rarely see his best efforts. He may therefore
miss the reassurance of his own competence coming from praise of his work by a
respected colleague.
If his professional advancement depends on how many of his publications have
satisfied the dread editorial boards of Metropolitan journals, there is the temptation to
perform exclusively for the prestigious audience, and to neglect the local popular press
or even Third World technical journals which lack the gloss of Nobel Prize-winners in
their letter-heads.3
In the United States, Price and Bass4 contended that publication in primary
journals rarely leads directly to technological innovation. Technological innovation is
here defined as the application of scientific discovery to a product or process of
widespread everyday use. Case studies of actual innovations reveal that the most
important stimulus to innovation was the explicit recognition of an important need. In
most cases the basic scientific knowledge required to solve the problem existed before
the dialogue between the users and creators of the invention began.
Such arguments have been used to support the conclusion that Third World
countries do not need and cannot afford basic research and that what we need are
practical answers to practical problems. So, a great deal of time is wasted in bitter
argument over an unreal dichotomy between pure and applied research between men
of thought and men of action. However, Price and Bass also point out that interaction
of a team of inventors with a "basic" researcher was an important factor in more than
half the cases of successful innovations studied. Unique ideas were synthesised from
unrelated areas of research and development by people having access to a large number
of original publications. Since the need for basic information could not be pro-
grammed beforehand, the authors concluded that undirected research was an essential
part of the innovative process.
In our societies pure and applied science tend to be highly compartmentalised. This
has not prevented the occasional creative collaboration. There have been attempts to
form multi-disciplinary research teams in which workers with different skills are ex-
pected to co-operate in solving a central problem. The theory is that such teams
promote mission-directed rather than technique-directed research since the objective is
to achieve common goals rather than to extend the frontier of a particular.discipline.
While the concept is admirable, people who have tried to work such teams confess to
difficulties in achieving the necessary cohesion and co-ordination.

Usually, the individual scientist is under contract to his employer or to some
funding agency to produce answers to specific problems within a definite time. The
direction of research is assumed to be mainly for the satisfaction of the employer--
client demands.

Whether in teams or as individuals the scientists usually manage to convince them-
selves that their work is relevant. I believe however that relevance and efficiency in
local scientific research could be improved by systematic review and reform of:-










(a) The process by which research goals are selected
(b) The composition of research teams
(c) The evaluation of research results
(d) The communication of research findings.


Selection of Goals
Decisions about the aims of research are usually taken by politicians, business
leaders or top bureaucrats, who then recruit a scientist of their choice. Alternatively, a
scientist will approach a source of funds with a research proposal. In either case, the
research goal is perceived as the result of an individual's judgement, the business
leader's judgement of a potential market or public-relations coup, the scientist's judge-
ment of a profitable research line, yielding publications and consultantships. Very
rarely do business leaders and scientists see the same range of options and rarely do
they use the same kinds of process to choose a project.
The first step in selecting a goal ought to be to define as clearly as possible the
widest range of options available by combining a systematic forecast of business or
social needs with an equally systematic forecast of technical possibilities. In a com-
petitive world, knowledge of the activities of competing organizations is also relevant
to the forecasting process. Social scientists are also needed to help forecast the
pressures and demands made by society on technology and vice versa, (Swager).s
Especially in Government research we need the organisational network to allow ordi-
nary citizens to influence the statement of options from among which important
research policies will be chosen. If this were done then the necessary technological
revolution may proceed in a manner more in keeping with the needs of the population.
Lack of appreciation of the potential contribution to research planning by the lay
public has led to considerable waste of time and effort particularly in agricultural
research.
Often a politician or a highly placed Civil Servant on his travels abroad encounters
impressive crop varieties or livestock breeds and arranges to have them tested at home.
On government experimental farms impressive results may be obtained with the new
introductions out-performing their native counterparts, traditionally selected for hardi-
ness rather than for high yield. Yet when the new variety or breed is taken to the
ordinary farmer the results are far from encouraging, usually because the high level of
inputs required to make the new material successful creates unacceptable cash out-
flows. Conflict arises because of an attempt to change the farmer's highly evolved but
apparently "inefficient" management systems to fit the new variety. Far better would
have been a scheme of hybridisation to produce varieties both tolerant of traditional
management conditions yet with the potential to respond to "improved" management.
The Jamaica Hope breed of dairy cattle is an example of successful compromise
created by a distinguished local scientist.6
People planning research must therefore consult closely with the people whom
they intend to have the use of the results of their research, learning their hopes, fears,
tricks-of-trade, and what kinds of problems they expect researchers to tackle.










From this wide exposure of options, the research managers can select, eliminate and
synthesise options which provide a way to a feasible objective.


Choosing the Research Team
Different schools of thought exist about the way in which research teams form, but
experience suggests that they coalesce around a leading personality. The trouble is that
the business leader or bureaucrat who makes the decision on the funding of research is
likely to chose a different type of person from that chosen by the scientific fraternity.
Leadership in business and politics is often the province of fixers and trouble-shooters
rather than of production men (Schumpeter)7 whereas among scientists it is the heavy
reader with more than one speciality who is most often approached by colleagues for
advice and criticism. The choice is often so limited however, that all parties are
relieved when someone of adequate qualification appears ready to take the res-
ponsibility of leading.
The mark of the true professional is that he will choose to work with an expert
rather than with a friend of lesser talent. Thus expertise rather than congeniality
should dictate the choice of team-mates. This criterion should be applied not only to
the university graduate but also to the non-graduate technicians who can play an
extremely important role in the research group.
Surveys of intellectual style among science students (Cropley & Field)a suggested
that two types, divergers and convergers could be seen. Divergers are original thinkers,
skipping from point to point, while convergers were more capable of disciplined con-
centration. Divergers would therefore be more useful where there was a fast turn-over
of short-term projects, while convergers would yield better results on the long haul.
Planning of the research team could include aiming for an appropriate mix of divergers
and convergers.
Mixture of youth and age has also been recommended. Pelz and Andrews9 re-
cognized that there were two peaks in creativity in the typical scientific career, one in
the late 30's and early 40's and the other 10-15 years later. The peak for technological
productivity came later than that for "pure" science, suggesting that creative potential
can be prolonged by switching from research to development at the appropriate age.
Therefore youth could be given more fundamental tasks and age the broader develop-
mental tasks.
We in the Third World also have to think about integrating the Foreign Expert into
our research teams. He often has to bear resentment from his local colleagues because
his ideas, synthesised by picking their brains in their isolated bureaucratic com-
partments, so easily gain the ears of those in power. Also, if his advice happens to be
impolitic, he is not usually around to bear the consequences of its implementation or
non-implementation. The local expert is sometimes too timid or too cunning to give
impolitic advice. On a more positive note, the foreign expert is often a bearer of a
much needed skill, and a source of contacts with other Third World scientists whom he
meets on his diplomatic travels.
If the foreign expert is to make his proper contribution however, some guidelines
must be watched:-










(a) He must supply a necessary skill and not merely be a figurehead to justify use
of funds.
(b) His public-relations associates should not attempt to make his work appear
all-important at the expense of the contribution by local team-mates.
(c) He should not be understudied indiscriminately, since the poor understudy
may become redundant as soon as the phase of work initiated by the visitor is
complete.
The most important factor in the success of a research team is the mutual under-
standing between the members of the team of their common objective. Good work has
often come from teams with strong inter-personal loyalties. War also imposes a sti-
mulus of competitiveness against a perceived 'enemy', which can produce a flood of
innovation. Competitiveness against other research groups is also claimed to be stimu-
lating. Perhaps unanswerable, is the question of how much conflict can coexist with
creativity within the research team. We must not forget too, that one man can be an
effective multi-disciplinary team.


Evaluation of Research Results
Many a good idea has been killed by premature evaluation, and many a bad idea
has crept into innovation by escaping evaluation until it was too late. The art of
proper timing of evaluation belongs to the experienced research director. If he is very
bureaucratic, he will demand full documentation of aims, procedure, duration and cost
in the research proposal and will insist on regular monthly, quarterly or half yearly
reports. His regime does not allow for the conceptualisation process which must occur
before the researcher can state the beginning and probable end-point of the task.
Conceptualisation is often vague and exploratory, not amenable to cost-benefit
analysis and therefore a suspect activity to the super-bureaucrat.
In the anti-bureaucratic regime, the worker has time to fiddle with crazy ideas
without having to defend them in quarterly reports. With no definite objective and no
set deadline to meet, he could be pursuing costly mirages or finding serendipitous
connections between hitherto separate areas of knowledge. Such freedom is distasteful
to those who have to account for expenditure.
A compromise is reached when the managers and accountants are convinced by the
scientists that profits and public-relations mileage will ensue and scientists are con-
vinced by management that they will still be able to produce original, elegant work on
a reduced budget. Evaluation should be self-imposed by the conscientious scientist
with the managers keeping only informal verbal contact during the early stages of the
work. Research reports should ideally mark achievements and not just the passage of
calendar periods. However, realities of organisational budgets would seem to demand
written reports at least annually.
No doubt some scientists find this kind of compromise irksome especially if they
reject the short-term aims of corporate profit or image in favour of more humane
goals. The reality is that absolute freedom in research is a myth, only available to
eccentric millionaires. Sanity demands some accommodation to restrictions on re-










search. The important requirement is that one should have some reassurance of the
justice of these restrictions.

Communication of Research Results
Scientists will always contend that knowledge knows no national boundaries, and
the resources being applied at most research frontiers will continue to reflect the
dominance of the metropolis for several years to come, so the Third World scientist
cannot wisely deny himself access to specialised technical journals from the metro-
polis. But, he ought not to neglect to inform his local colleagues of his work and where
necessary to interpret a new body of knowledge to the general public. There is need
for a local popular Science Journal, well illustrated and written in simple language to
inform the general reader of the efforts, failures and successes of local scientists. The
most powerful medium of exchange of ideas is face to face conversation. I must here
enter a plea for greater socialising among scientists and people interested in their work.
The labels of 'Secret' and 'Confidential' attached to a great deal of private reports
on scientific matters are completely unnecessary and obstructive. Often the most
important piece of information, the fact that work was done on a particular subject, is
no secret at all. Few commodities have as high a rate of depreciation and obsolescence
as the secret research report. Scientists will have to explode this myth of secrecy
themselves and learn that there is usually more to gain than to lose by free exchange of
information. Facts which are trivial or commonplace to one worker often become of
central importance to another.
To maintain communications with fellow scientists the researcher should be able
to:-
1. Maintain membership in professional societies
2. Maintain subscriptions to journals
3. Travel to conferences and meetings
4. Attend courses to keep abreast of new knowledge.
It is important that these privileges be available to both junior and senior scientists
within an organisation.
Finally, continued support for science depends on an aware and sympathetic public
opinion. The quality and range of scientific education in the community will influence
greatly the viability of the technological revolution needed to overcome poverty,
deprivation, ill-health and ignorance.

Summary
Local science and technology have lacked impact because of the dominance of
foreign technology, lack of native self confidence and prevalence of bureaucratic
barriers. Systematic forecasts of technical needs and opportunities are needed for
planned deployment of limited technical resources. Attention to selection of goals,
formation of teams, evaluation and communication of results should provide im-
provements. But, the efforts of local scientists will fail if they neglect the task of












creating greater understanding and sympathetic attitudes to science in the whole com-
munity.

L. COKE
















REFERENCES

1. Beckford, G. 1972 Persistent Poverty. O.U.P.
2. Girvan, N. 1971 Foreign Capital and Economic Underdevelopment in Jamaica, ISER, U.W.I.
3. Anon 1972 How Not to Run Research Councils (Indian style) Nature 237 May 19, 1972.
4. Price, W.J. and Bass, L.W. 1969 Scientific Research and the Innovative Process. Science 164
802.
5. Swager, W.L. 1969 Technological Forecasting in Research and Development. Chem. Eng.
Prog. 65 (12) 39-46.
6. Lecky, T.P.
7. Schumpeter, J.A. 1942 Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy. Harper and Row N.Y. p. 388
(3rd Ed. 1962)
8. Cropley, A.J. and Field, T.W. 1968 Intellectual Style and High School Science. Nature March
30, 1968.
9. Pelz, D.C. and Andrews, F.M. 1967 Scientists in Organisations. Wiley 318 pp.














SCIENCE IN THE 70's

Observations on Science Education in Jamaica

General
The rise of Sputnik 1 in 1956 is often used as a landmark in the field of science
education. It was this event that caused the United States to examine its approach to
science education and sparked off a flood of curriculum development projects. These
are still going on, and their effects are even more profound in the rest of the world.
The number of projects going on in the field of science and mathematics is enormous;
the report of the International Clearinghouse on Science and Mathematics Curricular
Developments for 19721 runs to 858 pages. And the acronyms that are associated with
this are bewildering even to those involved in the field; examples taken at random are
WARMP; IBC; SUEBS; JSSP; STEP*One the other hand, to many people concerned
with science education 'Nuffield' has become synonymous with science curriculum
development.
Inevitably, developing countries came into the picture later and, by and large, made
use of the materials developed elsewhere and adapted them for their own use. The
reasons for this may be obvious, and could include lack of local expertise, inadequate
funds to mount long-term studies necessary for proper curriculum renewal and the
necessity for getting up-to-date quickly. But what is not always so obvious is that
unless steps are taken within that country to develop curricula useful to itself it will be
always be reliant on adaptations of foreign material, because it has not trained per-
sonnel capable of doing this job nor will it have examined in sufficient detail the
priorities and needs of the country or studied the background of the pupils for whom
the curriculum is intended. This problem will be compounded by the fact that con-
ditions change, priorities alter, pupils now are different to what were say, 5 years ago,
because of changing attitudes and prosperity. Thus that country that invests in long--
term planning, research and ongoing evaluation will, in the long run, be far better
equipped to cope with change and development than one that invests in instant
solutions, irrespective of the amount of money that is poured in. Science education,
like any other, cannot be bought; it needs money but it is the means, not the end.

Background
Until comparatively recently, science has been the prerogative of the brighter stu-
dents. In common with many other developing countries, the educational system has
been overshadowed by the General Certificate of Education. Such syllabuses are,
almost by definition, designed for the cream of the population. The secondary school
system that existed in Jamaica until recently comprised high schools and all-age
schools and a small number of other institutions. Thus science became synonymous
* See page 22.










with bright pupils, the better endowed schools and therefore laboratories and equip-
ment of a comparatively high standard.
A corollary of this situation is that science is not part of general education and that,
although it might contribute to a child's general education, it could do so only at a
certain academic level. Below that, it was not really worthwhile, a little bit of nature
study and human biology would be the best you could hope for.
Jamaica has been fortunate in that the Educational Broadcasting Service, an arm of
the Ministry of Education, has produced for many years radio and television guides in
science for primary and secondary schools. Although reception has been difficult for
many schools in the country and serious problems of vandalism arise, the provision of
a Teachers' Guide and Pupil Workbook has placed resource materials in the hands of
the teachers. This has been particularly useful for teachers who either have poor
science backgrounds or lack training.
As a result of the work of E.B.S. the science sub-committee of the National
Curriculum Development Committee had drafted a recommended science syllabus by
1969 through Grades 1-9. Also at this time, the Government of Jamaica opened the
first Junior Secondary Schools built and equipped by the World Bank. These schools,
which have been referred to as World Bank J.S.S. are well equipped by high school
standards. At the same time some 18 Senior Schools are converted to junior secondary
schools by an influx of equipment. However, then, as now, these "converted" junior
secondary schools do not have as good facilities as their World Bank counterparts.
Thus, in 1969/70, some 40 World Bank and 18 converted junior secondary schools
were in operation, catering for pupils aged 12-15 years together with some 50 High
Schools and a very large number (ca 500) all-age schools whose secondary departments
had minimal science facilities. In general, the J.S.S. and all-age schools followed the
draft national syllabus with or without access to the television programmes. High
Schools generally operated their own programme which may have been by the use of a
set text, but frequently emphasised biological sciences to the exclusion of physical
sciences. A few experimented with new programmes, e.g. Nuffield, P.S.S.C., I.P.S.
E.B. (Encyclopaedia Brittanica) course for junior high schools.
Before moving on to more recent events, it should be noted that some of the
Teachers' Colleges, which provide the teachers for primary and junior secondary de-
partments, were also asked to produce science specialists for the new junior secondary
schools. They were not provided with the equipment that had been supplied to those
schools, thus imposing a severe handicap on them.

Developments in the last four years
The number of bodies concerned with science education is very large 2 and each has
made large contributions to the re-thinking of science courses. These various
organizations frequently act together by design or because their members serve on
many bodies and, as it were, "wear many hats"
Despite this large number, it may be easier to consider the influence of each under
three main headings:










1. The Association of Science Teachers of Jamaica
2. The Ministry of Education, Jamaica
3. The University of the West Indies.
The discussion that follows now moves away from the chronological patterns and
focuses on the input of each organisation.

The Association of Science Teachers of Jamaica
The most significant development here has been the large increase in membership
and movement into the field of curriculum renewal. It has become more aware of its
vital role in the development of science education in this country and in the West
Indies. Due in part to the drive exerted by a succession of vigorous executives its
membership has increased to over 200; regional groups of the ASTJ have been formed
and are active. An annual conference has been inaugurated (1974 will be the third) and
involvement in almost all areas of science education occurs.3
As a result of representation at international conferences, the Association is now
involved in the planning and development of new courses at grades 10/11 (forms 4/5).
Because it is possible that an integrated science course may be offered by the Carib-
bean Examination Council, work has been done in this direction as well as considera-
tion of alternative programmes. One approach has been to examine the double O-Level
Integrated Science programme drafted in Barbados recently.4
At the same time, this same group is giving attention to the modification of the
out-dated J.S.C. syllabuses in science, at the request of the National Curriculum
science sub-committee.
Simultaneously, the Association continues to promote its courses and island-wide
annual exhibition and is laying plans for wider involvement in in-service teacher educa-
tion. The programme of the ASTJ is the most ambitious in its history, most apposite
in view of the fact that the Association is about to celebrate its 25th Anniversary.

The Ministry of Education as the body responsible for education has already a record
of involvement in advance of other bodies. However two factors of recent significance
have greatly affected the role of the Ministry. The first is the announced intention of
the Government to raise the school leaving age from 15 to 17; the second is the
appearance in 1972/73 of the Curriculum Development Thrust (CDT) as the major
division of the Ministry concerned with curriculum renewal.
The CDT, as a result of its policy document, "Functional Education"s, has
begun moving with remarkable speed through the grade levels, integrating the different
areas of subject study by placing emphasis on the purpose of education for the
majority of children in Jamaica at this moment. The purpose was identified with the
twin concepts of attitudes and skills that could be expected of a pupil now and when
he leaves school after nine years.
At the primary level, schemes of work have been prepared for grades 1 and 6 and
that for grade 2 begun. Since March 1974, working at grade 7 in conjunction with the
National Cvrriculum science sub-committee, the 1969 Draft Syllabus for science has










been re-written, with suggestions for time-tabling and activities and in-service courses
for the new programme planned for the summer. The emphasis in all this work has
been on a core syllabus for all pupils, irrespective of their ability or the type of school
in which they find themselves.
Very recently, in April 1974, CDT has been asked to prepare programmes of work
for those grade 10 pupils who will find themselves in school in September 1974 as a
result of the decision to raise the school leaving age. It is envisaged that a programme
of integrated science with emphasis on functional skills might characterise the course.
It is possible, therefore, that schemes of work already prepared by the National Curric-
ulum science sub-committee for grades 10/11 at O level and also for replacing the
J.S.C. might serve as guidelines here. However, this earlier work was drawn up for
pupils from a different background, and not the bulk of the junior secondary school/-
all-age school population who will constitute the majority of pupils now required to
continue their formal education.
Mention has been made earlier of the pioneering role of E.B.S. Two other areas
of involvement of the Ministry must be mentioned. The first concerns the
development of primary science; it has been recognized that one of the difficulties
facing secondary school teachers is the inadequacy of primary school programmes to
prepare pupils for the more structured courses in secondary school. The S.E.O.
(science) has been working for several years on a primary science education project
aimed at introducing small group work into schools, and integrating science studies
across the curriculum. Although involving three schools only, this project will soon
blossom into a larger one aimed at training local personnel in the skills of this method of
teaching. The influence of this work has been felt in the CDT who have made use of
the research work when constructing their own programmes.
The second is a television series using E.B.S. aimed at improving the physics back-
ground of teachers. Conducted by the E.O. (science) this is a dual correspondence/-
viewing course and is broadcast several times a week. Traditionally, physics is the most
difficult subject in the science courses; many teachers shy away from it but find that it
is essential to have some group of the subject, particularly as some schools are pre-
paring to teach integrated science courses at grades 7-9 (and 10-11 in the future?).

The University of the West Indies: Three sections of the University at Mona might be
identified with science education.

1. The School of Education which incorporates the former Institute and Department
of Education. The School is concerned with not only the Teachers' Colleges but with
the provision of professional courses of Certificate of Education, Diploma of
Education, Higher Diploma, B.Ed., M.A., and Ph.D. It is shortly to mount in-service
courses for practising teachers, in 1974. The School has three staff members concerned
with science although one is concerned primarily with mathematics. The science staff
in the school are active in most of science education in Jamaica. Additional staff are to
be engaged for the in-service courses. Numbers of students specialising in science are
small and almost no physics students enrol.
Additional science personnel are attached to the School of Education through other










projects and thus the School plays a crucial role in the long-term development of
education in the Caribbean.
1.2 The UWI/UNESCO/UNICEF/UNDP Teacher Education Project RLA 142
It began in 1971 and is concerned with the education of teachers for the
10-15 year old age group. It has three scientists, one whom is based at Mona.
The emphasis is on the development of self-instructional material in maths,
science and the language arts.6
After four workshops in science held at the Science Education Centre, Mona,
the material for nine Units has been identified and two Units completed; the
remaining seven are at an advanced stage. Coupled with the introduction and
provision of audio-visual aids, the development of micro-teaching techniques
and the provision of a variety of printing facilities for the colleges of the
region, the impact of RLA 142 on science education in primary and junior
secondary schools could be profound.
1.3 The CEDO/UWI Caribbean Regional Science Project (CRSP)
Jamaica has had ten schools involved in this important regional development.
The first stage of the project was the development of a three year integrated
science curriculum for the average pupil in the Caribbean. The project based
its material on WISCIP, first developed in Trinidad, but being modified to suit
conditions elsewhere.' The pilot stage is over, evaluations have been made
reports produced and the polished materials will appear later in 1974. The
next stage of the project is still tentative but the proposal is to extend this
curriculum to O Level in the three sciences or as an integrated science pro-
gramme. Recent discussions in the W.I. between CEDO, UWI, Government
and science teachers' associations should shortly be clarified and a decision
taken.
In view of the intention of the Caribbean Examination Council to begin
examining in the near future, the vigorous testing of a Caribbean O level
course in the sciences is essential. Whatever the outcome of the second stage
discussions, it is clear that a large number of schools in the Caribbean will be
using the 1st stage WISCIP integrated science course in grades 7-9.
1.4 The Science Education Centre (SEC): Although located in the Department of
Physics in the Faculty of Natural Science, the Centre has strong ties with the
School of Education, both formally and informally. The Centre, initiated in
1966 by the Professor of Physics, was the base for the Science Education
Project of Mona between 1969 and 1973. As well as administering the
Science Centre and thus providing a loan and advisory service to schools and
colleges in Jamaica the staff of the Centre was active in curriculum develop-
ment work. They were responsible for the professional side of WISCIP (see
1.3) in Jamaica and a control curriculum project was carried out in parallel
with it. This became known as the MONA project8 and was based on the
1969 draft National Syllabus for schools, grades 7-9. It, too, completed trials
in 1973 and the evaluation of both curricula reported.9










Interest in the Centre has grown and since 1972 it has received financial sup-
port from the Ministry of Education, by menas of funds given to the Uni-
versity. Likewise, funds have been attracted from overseas, viz. Centre
for Educational Development Overseas (CEDO) and Canadian University
Service Overseas (CUSO).
The SEC, since 1972 has had an Advisory Committee drawn from members
of the University, Ministry of Education, Association of Science Teachers of
Jamaica, Scientific Research Council and National Curriculum science sub--
committee. This association of bodies and expertise, coupled with the
development of resources and facilities of the Centre over the years, can
provide guidance for research and development in science education in the
future. In addition, its growing ability to provide a loan and advisory service;
to mount or assist with in-service teacher education; to provide training
facilities for student teachers in the School of Education and Department of
Physics (Physics with Education course), combine to make it potentially a
focal point for progress in science education. The Advisory Committee has a
vital role to play in all this.

2. The Faculty of Natural Science
This Faculty has a tradition of co-operation with the schools in Jamaica. The role
of the Professor of Physics has been mentioned in connection with the Science Centre;
the association of the Centre with the Physics Department remains firm. Other
members of the Faculty cooperate freely with the Science Centre. Thus, for example,
the Department of Chemistry, until very recently gave courses regularly in Chemistry
for High School teachers.
An interesting development in 1973/74 has been the invitation of a "Physics with
Education" option in the final year of the degree course. While it is too early to
evaluate the success of this enterprise it reflects the continued concern of the Depart-
ment of Physics for science education in the schools.
3. The Extra Mural Department, UWI: The Resident Tutor in Kingston is Chairman
elect for the Association of Science Teachers of Jamaica, and is a past Chairman of
that Association. The Extra Mural department provides evening classes in science
subjects in Kingston.
The objectives of this article have been to focus attention on the bodies concerned
with science education in the schools and to indicate the attempts that have been, or
being made, to improve science teaching in our schools. As such, the account has
omitted to discuss the conditions and performance of schools, or to draw attention to
the difficulties under which they work. These are important but are worthy of a
discussion to themselves and are perhaps more widely appreciated anyway.
This discussion has sought also to draw attention to the fact that science education
is going through a period of change and unusual activity. The Curriculum Development
Thrust is endeavouring to make these changes rapidly and shake- the system up, to
point in one direction and say 'that is where we ought to go let's get there as quickly










as possible' At the same time there have been, and are, other forces at work,
moving more slowly but, I submit, equally worthy of consideration.
Above all, we have now in Jamaica more people active in science education than
ever before. We need to take care that these forces act in concert and support each
other; we need to make sure that we do not make changes for change sake, merely
plastering up the cracks in a previous system with equally fragile material. What is
required is a sense of urgency coupled with the realisation that unless we build into
our development work, a thorough on-going assessment of the changes imposed, we
shall find it difficult to assess the value of those changes.
More money is being spent on education than at any other time; in science educa-
tion developments are taking place at grades 1,2,6,7,10/11; attempts are being made to
cope with the whole range of pupil ability and to provide programmes for schools of
widely differing conditions i.e. all-age, junior secondary and high schools. In' the
attempt to advance on all these fronts simultaneously let us remember that there is a
limited number of people able to, and willing to effect this change. They cannot do a
sound professional job under conditions pressured to provide instant education; if the
thrust towards functional education continues into grades 3,4,8,9,12, and 13 at this
pace, there may not be time, money or expertise to evaluate adequately what has been
done before.
Organizations such as the ASTJ have a massive contribution to make but by the
very nature of their membership cannot be involved in full-time curriculum develop-
ment. Jamaica looks to them to provide the impetus for change and to advise Govern-
ment and University Departments on matters of school science education. They, too,
must ensure that local personnel are involved in major developments not only because
the practising teacher has an essential contribution to make but because the good
teacher of today will bear the responsibility of curriculum development tomorrow.

D. A. TURNER











REFERENCES

1. Eighth Report of the International Clearinghouse on Science and Mathematics Curricular
Developments 1972.
J.D. Lockard (Editor). Science Teaching Centre, University of Maryland, USA.
2. A description of Science Education in Jamaica. J.F. Reay and A.D. Turner, Science Education
Project, UWI, Mona. Feb. 1973.











3. The First National Conference on Science Education Final Report, December 1972. Asso-
ciation of Science Teachers of Jamaica.
4. Workshop of Caribbean Educators UNESCO/CEDO Barbados, Oct. 1973 (Report to be
published in the summer of 1974).
5. Functional Education in Jamaica, Curriculum Development Thrust, Ministry of Education,
1973.
6. Second year Science Unit Packages for Teachers' Colleges, UWI/UNESCO/UNICEF/UNIP
RLA 142, April 1974.
7. CEDO/UWI Caribbean Regional Science Project (WISCIP/C). School of Education, UWI, 1971.
8. Annual Reports, Science Education Project, Faculties of Education and Natural Science,
September 1969 December 1970; January 1971 December 1971; January 1972 April
1973.
9. The teaching of science in Jamaica, Grades 7-9; A report based on trials of integrated science
curricula. J.F. Reay and A.D. Turner, January 1973.

Abbreviations: WARMP West African Regional Mathematics Project
IBC Integrated Biology Curriculum
SUEBS Society for University Education in Biological Sciences
JSSP Junior Secondary Science Project
STEP Science Teacher Education Project.














HUMAN POPULATION AND RESOURCES

Introduction
In recent years, so much has been said and written about man's major current
predicament the population-resources issue that there has been justifiable concern
over the possibility of worsening the situation by boring people. My excuse for adding
to the welter of words on the subject is simple: in conversation one realises that there
are many people about who cannot, or do not, recognize the reality and the gravity of
the crisis that is growing about us. Where the failure lies is uncertain, but it is necessary
to go on arguing the case until all articulate people have an idea of what is happening,
for it is going to require action of unprecedented quality if the crisis is to be survived
with the minimum of global distress.

Growth of population and consumption
One of the basic causes for concern is the growth of man's population. The use of
knowledge applied in medicine has reduced infant mortality and increased longevity.
The first effect increases the number of mouths to be fed in each successive genera-
tion, while the second causes those mouths to be demanding food for longer. The
more troubling aspect is the increase of population due to reduction in infant mor-
tality.
Generally speaking, man's population has always been increasing. It is thought that
following the development of neolithic agriculture the human population doubled over
about 1500 years.' The doubling time now is comparatively very short: of the order
of 40 years. Population growth has followed an exponential, or compound interest,
rate of increase. At the moment it is proceeding very fast, and the problem is to find
effective means of stopping this.
Directly related to the growth of population has been the increase in use of re-
sources both of materials and energy. Economies today are based upon the concept
of continuing growth. Economic growth has given a boost to population growth, and
the opposite has also held, so that we have a positive feed-back loop (vicious circle) at
work. The positive feed-back probably operated only in general terms, on a world
scale. In the countries which have become most prosperous the increasing wealth has
latterly exerted a negative feed-back effect on population growth rate, so that this has
decreased. This effect, together with the uncertainty inherent in demographic fore-
casting, has led Maddox' to view the growth of population as a problem which can be
solved without too much worry, and which is indeed showing signs of being solved.
This assertion is supported by the birth rate in a number of countries (including
Barbados, Cuba, Jamaica, Puerto Rico and Trinidad & Tobago) having shown a peak
and decline in the last decade. However, growth continues and the evidence for op-
timism is very slim. While population is capable of sudden increase due to a large










number of births it can only decrease suddenly by a large number of deaths. The latter
process is likely to be culturally unacceptable, for a fundamental tenet of our civiliza-
tion is that if death is preventable, it must be prevented.
It is now quite clear that the growth of resource use cannot continue indefinitely.
Materials are, by their nature, finite in quantity. This problem is not too serious in
itself, as re-cycling of materials is feasible and has been in practice for a long time.
Again, synthetic alternatives for many previously standard materials are now common
PVC piping can now replace metal piping in many applications, and there are
numerous other examples. What is far more serious is the growth in energy use. It is
often assumed, because people do not stop to think, that the energy and materials
situations are the same. They are not, for energy cannot be re-cycled. Oil and coal,
once burned, are gone; nuclear fuels, once used, are spent. This is the final barrier
which we cannot get around without breaking the laws of thermodynamics.
It is futile to suggest that technology will find a way to solve this problem so that
we can go on as we are doing now. It is quite true that the total energy reserves of the
planet whether coal, oil or nuclear have a long way to go. It is also true that of the
vast amount of energy received daily from the sun, only a tiny fraction is used. Even
so, there is a limit to the amount that is already stored here plus the daily input, and
that limit is immutable. But if we tried to work up towards this limit it is likely that
we should be stopped long before reaching it. The use of energy inevitably generates
heat, much of which is lost to the environment, and sufficient of this heat would cook
the planet. Large industrial cities have already succeeded in modifying the local
climate, and one of these modifications is an increase in temperature small, but real
and measurable. Some of the daily input of solar energy is re-radiated into space (this
is partly why temperature falls at night, and especially if the night is clear). To keep
this energy on earth and use it would be to upset the global temperature balance in
favour of world-wide warming.
All this is not to say that a greater use of solar, geothermal and wind power will not
be of great benefit. However, it will be seen that there is a limit to energy use which is
quite apart from the question of energy availability. Which barrier we should
encounter first is speculative, but given the enormous energy available it seems
probable that the more immediate of the two is likely to be the limit on use.
The current energy crisis in the United States is not due to an absolute shortage of
fuels, but rather to an inability of refining and transport facilities to meet demand.
Politics is also involved both the U.S.-Arab confrontation and the internal squabbles
between environmentalists and industrialists. However, America's energy crisis is a
practical pointer to coming events. Of superficial causes, it nevertheless shows the
reality of the concept of a limit to energy use.
A serious aspect of the exponential growth of population and industry is that of
pollution. The effects of man-made chemicals in the whole environment are now
beginning to be explored, and some of the results are quite alarming. 'Exploration' has
not always been necessary in Japan there have been human tragedies with cadmium
and mercury poisoning, and the communities affected have become militant in their
demand for better standards. However, it is not my purpose here to discuss pollution,










or the use of materials, as such. These aspects of the crisis are amenable to techno-
logical solution, and are not really at the root of the matter.


The ultimate energy crisis food
If the final limitation upon technological society is likely to be that of energy, what
of energy for the human body food? Our food supplies not only energy, but also the
precursors for worn out protein parts and the vitamins and minerals which keep the
machinery going. It is the vitamin and protein components which suffer first when
food quality deteriorates, the carbohydrate or energy giving fraction is relatively easy
to come by. Yet even that is threatened.
For some years now there have been sonorous warnings about famine. Malthus2
maintained that "the means of subsistence, under circumstances most favourable to
human industry, could not possibly be made to increase faster than in an arithmetical
ratio", while population could increase in geometrical ratio. The tremendous improve-
ments in agriculture have disproved Malthus' first contention in the short run, but in
the long run he is right if only because there is a limit to energy availability. The
second contention we know, to our cost, to be true. Since Malthus (who published his
essays on population between 1798 and 1830) there have been many others warning
of shortages or famine. Notable among these has been the Food and Agricultural
Organisation. And of late, there has been evidence which we should all be able to
appreciate.
Since 1972 the food producing industries of the world have suffered a series of
blows. There have been crop failures due to drought and flood, fishery failures have
added to this. And all the time, demand increases. In the sense of man's whole
population these events have not been final, they have not even been a major disaster.
Nevertheless, although we shall doubtless recover from the attack of agricultural hic-
coughs, the message is now clear: food shortages can happen, and are happening. Not
only have countries with endemic local famine been having trouble, but a major, very
affluent food producer the United States has abruptly retrenched because of
shortages at home. It is worth examining the background to some of these events.
First there is the case of the Peruvian anchovy fishery.3 Flowing north along the
west coast of South America is a cold current, the Humboldt or Peru current, which
supports a rich growth of plankton, this in turn supporting vast numbers of the
Peruvian anchovy. The fish live in the cold, rich waters of the coastal current and are
entirely dependent on plankton for food throughout their lives. In 1957 the Peruvians
began exploiting this resource in earnest. Three years later an institute was set up to
study the biology of the fish and advise on management of the fishery. It was recom-
mended that the maximum sustainable yield from the fishery was 10 million metric
tons annually. This level was in fact exceeded for the first time in 1968, then again in
1970 and 1971. The peak year was 1970 when the catch was 12.3 million tons, one
fifth of the total global fish catch. This made Peru the leading fish-producing nation.
In 1971, the catch was still just over 10 million tons, then in 1972 the fishery
collapsed and only 4.5 million tons were caught less than in any proceeding year
back to 1961. Part of the cause of this was undoubtedly a series of weather changes










collectively termed El Nino. Since 1957, El Nino has been recorded in 1957-58, 1965,
1968 and 1972, the last occurrence being the most severe. Changes in the wind system
off the coast upset the current flow, and this acts adversely on the plankton and fish
populations. Apart from the natural causes, the fishery must take some of the blame
for the collapse. Despite attempts at management, over-fishing had become a short
term economic necessity there are more fishing boats and fish meal factories in Peru
than are needed to harvest and process the recommended catch quota.
The forecast catch for 1973 is no more than 3 million tons. It remains to be seen
whether the fishery will recover, or whether, like the California sardine industry and
Hokkaido herring industry, it is gone for good.3
The Peruvian fish meal is used world-wide to enrich livestock feeds and this
brings us to a second story. Another protein-rich food for livestock is soya bean meal.
The United States is said to produce 90% if the soya in world trade;4 in June 1973 it
imposed a complete embargo on exports in response to rising food prices and apparent
shortage. The embargo was shortly eased, but not before Japan, the European Com-
mon Market and the Caribbean among others, had been sharply'disturbed.

These events should remind us that even with the best will available, and with all
attempts at management, man is still ultimately dependent on nature for his food.
Climate and oceanographic upsets can, and do, play havoc with food supplies.

Moreover, the best will is not always manifest. While on the one hand much has
been written and said about increasing the yield from fisheries, and about fish farming,
on the other hand we have an instance of a perfectly good fishery which has been
badly damaged by man's intervention. In the eastern Mediterranean both Egypt and
Israel have established sardine fisheries. The Israeli fishery was, and is, small only
about 1300 tons annually were caught, with a peak catch in April-June. The Egyptian
fishery was much larger it yielded 10,000 to 20,000 tons annually with the peak
catch occurring at the time of the Nile flooding, around September. In 1966 the
Aswan High Dam commenced controlling the Nile flooding and the Egyptian fishery
collapsed, yielding only 554 tons that year. s The fishery has not recovered since, and
it will not do so, robbed of the annual input of nutrients. Certainly, the Nile waters are
being used in irrigation, but agricultural benefits must be set against the loss of
thousands of tons of fish protein.
Despite the 'green revolution', increased fishing and management of fisheries, and
all the advances of agriculture, the state of want has not been eliminated. And it is not
entirely a matter of the distribution of available resources. The countries which bene-
fited most from the 'green revolution' are still in want, largely because of increasing
population. The disruptions of the last 18 months, partly natural, partly man made,
demonstrate that the food supply situation is far from good. The Jamaican housewife
has recently had the experience of going shopping and being able to get all manner of
plastics, china, metal goods etc. but no rice, or salt fish, or cooking oil. And her
experience has not been unique on the contrary, this state of affairs has been
widespread, at least to a degree. Through the year the shortages have come and gone,
and the sharply rising food prices suggest that perhaps we are seeing a readjustment in










the basic price values of food versus manufactured goods. A forceful shift in demand
away from manufactured goods and towards food could upset the economic
arguments favouring industrialisation in non-industrial countries. It would also disturb
the economies of those countries which, although they are held to be primary
producers, in fact import much of their staple food.

What is to be done?
It has been demonstrated that there is a limit to the capacity of the earth to sustain
ever larger human populations. One would have thought this to be a common sense
realisation; yet the majority of men seem either unknowing or uncaring of it. And, as I
have tried to show, there is an eventual limit which science and technology cannot
lift that of energy use.
But where should we draw the line? How many is too many? There are all sorts of
answers. Consider, for example, that to try to raise the living standard of all the earth's
people to the level enjoyed by the citizens of the United States or Western Europe
would place huge, perhaps intolerable, demands on material resources. Moreover, such
an attempt could conceivably have adverse effects upon global heat balance. From this
point of view, the present world population can be said to be too large. Certainly this
is so when one remembers that few individuals, and no states, appear prepared to
forego their privileges.
On a more fundamental level, the same conclusion is reached from the con-
sideration that about two thirds of the present population are malnourished or
starving. Although theoretically this need not happen, in practise it does, and the
situation shows no real sign of changing unless population growth rate is drastically
reduced.
The whole move towards conservation and population limitation has been dis-
missed by some as a ploy of the affluent attempting to secure privilege. While there is
some excuse for this view, it will be very sad if it gains the upper hand. For if we really
want a better life for the masses, it must be realized that the greater the masses become
the more unlikely is a better life to be possible. The problem is not merely one of
redistribution of resources.
Biologists, and in particular ecologists, recognize the need for wilderness. That is,
we need not only to have playgrounds for urban man and agricultural land on which to
grow his food, but also to have large tracts on which man has no substantial impact.
Darling 6 has said:
"The ecologist sees the decline of the great natural buffer of wilderness as an
element in our danger. Natural wilderness is a factor for world stability, not
some remote place inimical to the human being"
This is not just an aesthetic concept, but a practical one. It has been demonstrated in
many cases that over-simple ecosystems are unstable just as simple, non-diversified
economies tend to be. The activities of man tend to make complex natural systems
into simple artificial ones, and the further this process goes the nearer we come to
instability. So far, such effects have been local, but we are on the threshold now of













widespread changes with international implications. For example: the Aswan Dam has
virtually destroyed a fishery which, as it happens, was an Egyptian one. Suppose the
fishery had been under Israeli control?
It has also been remarked that among most animal species studied there appear to
be mechanisms for regulating population size. It is interesting that in many instances
this appears to keep the populations somewhat below the level that would be sup-
ported by available food in times of plenty. If such regulation is absent, or breaks
down for a time, populations build up until food resources are insufficient and star-
vation results.
This is precisely what is happening to man. We have, by cultural evolution, removed
the biological checks on our population growth. So far, we have also failed to sub-
stitute cultural checks, for even in those countries where populations are only growing
slowly the consumption of resources continues to rise, with the same net effect. If we
do not take this step to regulate our population and its demands on resources, the
whole cultural exercise will fail us and we shall be thrown back to a more 'animal'
level.

JOHN GRAHAME














REFERENCES

1. Maddox J. The doomsday syndrome. Macmillan, 1972, pp. 248.
2. Malthus T. An essay on the principle of population. A. Flew. (ed) Penguin Books, 1970, pp.
291.
3. Idyll C.P. 1973. The anchovy crisis. Scientific American, vol. 288, pp. 22-29.
4. Gardner B. 1973. The great soya bean row. New Scientist, vol. 59, pp 400-401.
5. Ben-Tuvia A. 1973. Man-made changes in the eastern Mediterranean Sea and their effect on the
fishery resources. Marine Biology, voL 19, pp. 197-203.
6. Darling F.F. 1970. Wilderness and plenty; the 1969 Reith lectures. British Broadcasting Cor-
poration, 1970, pp. 88.













GENETICS IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

Summary
The background to genetic thought and activity affecting crop improvement in the
Commonwealth Caribbean is described. Current emphasis on a number of "new crops"
have introduced problems that offer new challenges to geneticists. While older staples
like banana, sugar, cacao, and coffee are still important as earners of foreign exchange,
the objectives for genetic research on new crops include an element of human and
animal nutrition directly related to the betterment of the quality of life in the region.
The genuine awareness of the role genetics must play in development needs more than
moral support; financial aid for long term programmes with objectives as described
would be very helpful.
Attempting to adapt modern advances in genetics in developed countries to
developing societies is handicapped by the differences in crop varieties per se as much
as by those in the environment. It means that inquiry rather than adoption has to be
the rule if genetics is to improve the lot of the farmer in particular and the quality of
life for the peoples of the region as a whole.

Introduction
The volume of scientific activity in a nation is usually associated with certain
features of development within that country. Among others may be mentioned the
nature of the political system, the extent of industrialization, the flexibility of the
educational system and the growth of scientific societies.
It is hardly necessary to elaborate on the virtues of a stable political system which
regards scientific activity as an integral part of the nation's business. Those areas which
suffer from frequent breakdowns of the political system with resultant anarchy and
chaos provide ample evidence for the interdependence of political stability and
scientific progress.
Industrialization and other features of economic activity encourage scientific inves-
tigation if for no other reason than that they usually create the problems side by side
with the wealth to which they give rise.
An international feature of education is that in newly developed systems and
similarly in those which for centuries have been well established, continuous review,
readjustments, updating and re-evaluation become a well established practice. With
society changing as rapidly as it does nowadays, flexibility provides an added ad-
vantage to any system catering to a nation's current needs.
The role of scientific societies is to provide an acceptable philosophy for the nation
as a whole. Perhaps the most important function of such organizations in a developing
country is to encourage or promote an understanding of science by the community at
large.










In a developing country the scientific community is usually small and fluctuating
compared with a robust and stable type in developed nations. An all-embracing organi-
zation allowing for the development of specialized societies under its umbrella appears
to be most advantageous for a developing country.

Development of Genetics in the West Indies
A survey of genetic activity in all developing countries would be too formidable a
task to have completed in time for this forum. I will therefore describe the situation in
the Commonwealth Caribbean of which my own country, Jamaica, is a part. I will,
however, refer to the early foundations laid outside and within the region in plant
genetics and subsequent developments in this field.
The rash of hybridization experiments which followed the rediscovery of Mendel's
laws of inheritance in 1900 was not only confined to Europe and North America.
Reports from Ceylon (Lock, 1906) describe the experiments of Correns on Xenia in
maize and indicate that between 1902 and 1904, a number of plant breeding studies
on corn had been completed. Characters governed by single genes affecting kernel
colour and plant stature (starchy vs. sugary endosperm; yellow vs. white, full vs.
shrunken, tall vs. dwarf) were studied. Lock suggested that the results were "con-
cerned with the foundations of the new Mendelian science than with any fresh
developments." He went on to implicate the considerable and uniform statistics
presented as a contribution towards the firmer establishment of the original simple law
which describes segregation in heterozygous plants. Lock concludes "it seems neces-
sary therefore to repeat that in the present series of papers the term Mendel's Law is
invariably used in the sense in which Correns first enunciated it, namely, as applying to
the fact that in the germ cells of a heterozygote the parental aplelomorphs become
segregated in all possible combinations in equal numbers the only example when this
rule has so far proved not to be followed are those in which correlation or coupling
between different allelomorphs is found to occur if we leave out of account the little
understood cases of supposed blended inheritance"
If we move westwards to the Caribbean region we find that the centre of genetic
investigation was the former Imperial College of Tropical Agriculture which is now the
Faculty of Agriculture of the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad.
Its inception in 1922 was also to mark the beginning of plant breeding research in the
species Musa (banana) followed by Gossypium (cotton) and Theobroma (cacao). These
crops had great economic implications for the region being staples in which a large
export trade continues up to today. The work carried out in musa by Cheesman
(1934), Dodds and Simmonds (1946, 1964 a,b) was to reduce banana breeding to a
scientific discipline and provide an exposition of the course of evolution under the
peculiar circumstances of parthenocarpy sterility and obligatory vegetative propa-
gation. While it is true that in 50 years of banana research the ideal plant having the
Gros Michael fruit character but resistant to Fusarium oxysporium (Panama disease)
and Cercospora (leaf spot), has not been realized, the recent production by systematic
breeding of promising tetraploid material through inter-specific hybridization has given
new dimensions to genetic improvement in a new thrust towards the revitalization of
the banana industry.










Studies in cotton breeding and genetics pioneered by Harland (1938) and Hutchin-
son (1959) were to reveal the nature of the karyotype, inheritance of numerous
characters of economic importance (crinkled leaf, corolla colour and petal size, leaf
shape, fuzz and lintlessness, form and size of plants, anthocyanin pigmentation, brown
lint, sterility, chlorophyll deficiency) and shed light on the evolution of commercial
cottons.
Though cacao breeding may not have been taken to such a high plateaux as was the
case in bananas and cotton, the discovery by Pound (1932) of an incompatibility
system in the species provided a scientific explanation for the limited genetic variabi-
lity that made certain expectations from hybridization experiments somewhat dis-
appointing. As if to offset this, however, the development of a method of propagating
cacao asexually, provided opportunity for exploiting genetic superiority of selected
plants and led to increase in yield more striking than systematic breeding had hitherto
produced.
The hybrid corn technique developed in the United States in the first decade of the
present century had by the 1940's completely revolutionized the corn industry.
Though development in the Caribbean was less spectacular, an improvement in the
region resulted from a study of maize of the West Indies (Brown 1953). Based on
natural relationships between varieties and areas of distinct geographical distribution,
the recognition of eight provisional races was possible. The study concluded by re-
ferring to the unusually high yielding capacity as well as other desirable agronomic
characteristics of some races which render them a potentially valuable source of
breeding material for tropical and sub-tropical areas.
A number of years prior to this study however, Harland (1946) working at the
Institute for Cotton Genetics in Lima, proposed a new method for maize improvement
which essentially was based on selecting superior hybrid genotypes and ensuring by
way of field plot layout that further cross pollination occurred between them; there-
after a large bulk would be grown for commercial distribution. This investigation
claimed that yields of over 100 bushels/ac. were obtained when this technique was
applied to a variety to which no form of selection had earlier been practised.
The formation in 1895 of the West Indies Sugar Association comprising sugar
producers in all Commonwealth Caribbean countries, was the forerunner of the Re-
search Committee, a technical body with responsibility for, among other things, sugar
cane improvement through breeding and genetics.
Thus the establishment of a regionally financed West Indies Central Sugar Cane
Breeding Station in 1932 not only ensured focus on sugar cane breeding in the region
but provided valuable planting material for the industry in a number of countries in
Africa and South America. Most of this material had been produced from interspecific
hybridization mainly between Saccharum officinalis and S. spontaneum.
This summary has outlined the development of genetic thought and activity in the
Caribbean Commonwealth from 1922 to about 1960. Looking back over 38 years, it is
clear that the early foundations in the science of plant breeding and genetics in the
region have provided a sound base on which to continue work of a more sophisticated










and relevant nature. It is a great credit to those concerned with this early phase that
the fruits of their labour have been shared alike by the peoples of the Caribbean and
Latin America Regions and as well by those in Africa and Asia.
Let us now look at developments since 1960.
At the turn of this decade plant scientists in the Caribbean began to look at crops
other than the traditional ones. The reasons for this were partly related to changing
patterns of world trade, the debacle of spiralling national debt and scarce foreign
exchange and the need to maximise the use of locally grown crops in human and
animal nutrition and as raw material for industry.
The almost sudden awareness of the lack of protein in the daily diet of the people
of the region gave impetus to the current regional grain legume programme. The two
most important species affecting human nutrition are Phaseolus vulgaris and Cajanus
cajdn.
A new and alarming situation arose recently when the U.S. placed an embargo on
the export of soyabean and soyabean products. For decades we have been dependent
on the U.S. for soy and soy products and though it has been shown by several
investigators (Radley 1968, Hammerton 1972) that the species will do well in certain
areas of the region, up until recently little emphasis was placed on local commercial
production of this crop.
A number of root crops have also been under investigation. These include chiefly
species Ipomoea batatas (sweet potato), Dioscorea trifida, D. bulbifera (yams) and to a
lesser extent a few of the Aroids a group including tania (cocoes) eddoes and
dasheen. Manihot esculenta (cassava) is of considerable importance and perhaps of all
the root crops the one with the greatest industrial potential. Its starch is being looked
at as a possible flocculent for use in the bauxite industry.
Having thus outlined the spectrum of new crops we may now examine the kinds of
problems associated with them.
Most commonly used grain legumes are fairly high in protein but low in essential
amino acids like lysine and methionine. Improvement in protein quality would there-
fore be desirable. Mutation work aimed at the improvement of seed protein quality in
Glycine and Cajanus is now in progress.
Disease resistance is very important in dry bean and congo pea. The former is
susceptible to bacterial blight, anthracnose, powdery mildew, angular leaf spot and
rust while the latter is affected mostly by rust.
Congo pea and soybean react to the day length. The former has a longer growth
period and traditional plantings in June are usually harvested mid-December January.
Dwarf cultivars have been observed experimentally to enhance production due mainly
to early flowering and the possibility to plant at higher densities (Panton et al 1972).
In Soybeans day-insensitive lines combining high yield and drought resistance are
characters towards which an active breeding programme is now oriented.
In Ipomoea the problem is one of incompatibility and sterility which are thought to
be related to the degree of polyploidy. Untangling the relationships of incompatibility










and sterility is currently under investigation in Puerto Rico and Trinidad (Martin 1967,
Williams & Cope 1967, Wilson, personal communication). The considerable difference
in yield between white and yellow varieties of sweet potato provide an interesting
study of the underlying causes.
While yellow varieties yield on the average 20 tons/ac., white ones produce about
15 tons.
Improvement in yams is severely limited by the non-flowering habit in most species.
However, some seed setting in those earlier mentioned occur. Increasing yields es-
pecially in D. trifida which is a well liked variety would represent a marked im-
provement.
In Manihot (cassava) there is the need for a plant which matures in a much shorter
period (Wilson, personal communication). The average period of maturity ranges from
9 months to a year. A smaller plant would also be more desirable and better tuber
conformation which facilitates mechanical harvesting could be a very great advantage.


The Role of Genetics
The nature of the problems outlined viz. Disease resistance (Musa, Saccharum,
Theobroma, Phaseolus, Cajanus) incompatibility sterility mechanisms (Theobroma,
Ipomoea), photoperiod sensitivity (Cajanus, Glycine, Ipomoea), poor protein quality
(Phaseolus, Cajanus), higher yielding varieties (Saccharum, Theobroma, Zea, Phaseolus,
Ipomoea, Manihot, Dioscorea), reduced stature (Cajanus, Manihot), indicate that
there is more than ample scope for utilizing the principles of genetics in solving
them.
I can assure this audience that in our Community the awareness exists that
science and technology are tools to be used in practical everyday problems as-
sociated with agriculture, industry, on the general well being of the people.
However, ladies and gentlemen, as pregnant as we are with the desire to put science
to work, there are a number of constraints which tend to militate against our progress.
I have mentioned one of these before that of a small fluctuating, scientific body.
With low salaries by comparison with our richer neighbours north of us U.S.A. and
Canada, the brain drain will continue indefinitely unless we can improve facilities to a
point where this aspect at least will be at par with those in the developed countries.
Long term financing for scientific activity in developing countries is as important as
the activity itself. Problems like those mentioned earlier are not solved in a year or
two. Very often money obtained from the various international agencies is for a
limited period only, seldom more than three years, at the end of which it may be cut
off or prolonged. For the scientists and technicians employed, there is only un-
certainty, doubt and an uninspiring hesitancy to follow up trends which could possibly
lead to the solution of many problems.
It is my feeling that apart from equipment, funds for research fellowships for post
graduates qualified and desirous of working towards a M.Sc. or Ph.D. in our Uni-
versity, would be a very valuable form of assistance.










The team approach to scientific investigation has now become the rule rather than
the exception. Again where the number of scientific personnel is small the team may
not be fully realized. One way of assisting the developing countries in team work
would be for more scientists on sabbatical to work in these communities for the
duration of their leave.
The whole question of assistance should place the highest priority on encouraging
the investigation of problems in the country itself. The older trend where local
scientists were encouraged to train abroad for considerably long periods at the end of
which they usually were out of touch with the situation in their homeland has not
been of too much help to the developing countries. This however is not to rule out
short periods of specialised training in developed countries for some scientists e.g. in
cases where new technology must be introduced. An example of this related to gene-
tics is induced mutation in plants a new and unconventional approach to plant
breeding.
Finally I would like to mention the area of literature and communication. It is
important that scientists in developing countries which may share common problems
should have the opportunity to communicate freely between themselves and with
others from the developed areas of the world.
The long established media journals, bulletins, books, publications of one sort of
the other are usually slow in disseminating information whereas frequent seminars,
conferences, meetings or symposia tend to keep scientists in closer contact. These
could be organised more often in developing countries with the assistance of scientists
from the developed ones.

Acknowledgements
I wish to thank Professor F.W. Cope, Dr. L.A. Wilson and Mr. W. Chalmers for the
many helpful suggestions which arose from discussions with them. The assistance given
by Miss Shirley Evelyn of the St. Augustine Library is highly appreciated.


CHARLES A. PANTON











REFERENCES

Bartley, Brasil, G. 1956. Single plant selection in cacao improvement. VI Reuniao de Comite
Tecnico Interamericano de Cacau, 177-183.
Brown, William L. 1953. Maize of the West Indies. Trop Agric. 30, 7-9 141-170.
Cheesnan, E.E. 1934. Principles of banana breeding. Trop. Agric. 11:6, 132-137.
Dodds, K.S. and N.W. Simmonds. 1946. Genetical and cytological studies in Musa, VIII. The
formation of polyploid spores. J. Gen. 47, 233-41.
1948a. Sterility and parthenocarpy in diploid hybrids of Musa Heredity. 2, 101-17.
1948b. Genetical and cytological studies in Musa, IX. The origin of an edible diploid and
the significance of interspecific hybridization in the banana complex. J. Gen. 48:285-96.
Hammerton, John L. 1972. Effects of weed competition, defoliation and time of harvest on
soybeans. ExpL Agric. 8:333-8.
Harland, S.C. 1928. Trinidad cotton research station. Trop. Agric. 5:12, 303-305.
1946. A new method of maize improvement. Trop. Agric. 36; 6, 114.
Hutchinson, J.B. 1959. The application of genetics to cotton improvement. London, Cam-
bridge Univ. Press.
Lock, K.H. 1906. Studies on plant breeding in the Tropics. Ann. of Roy. Bot. Gardens
Peradeniga, Vol. III, pt. 2.
Martin, Franklin W. 1967. The sterility-incompatibility complex of the Sweet Potato. Proc.
Int. Symp. on Trop. Root Crops, 1: 1-15.
Panton, C.A., L.B. Coke and R.E. Pierre. 1973. Seed protein improvement in certain legumes
through cidered mutations. Nuc. Tech. for Seed Prot Imp., IAEA, Vienna STI/PUB/320,
269-271.
Pound, F.J. 1932 Criteria and methods of selection in Cacao. Second Ann. Rep. Cacao. Res.,
Trinidad, 27-29.
Radley, R.W. 1968. The prospects for soybean production in Trinidad and Tobago. Agric. Soc.
Trinidad and Tobago, Paper No. 903.
Williams, D.B. and F.W. Cope. 1967. Notes on self-incompatibility in the genus Ipomoea L
Proc. Int Symp. on Trop. Root Crops. 1: 16-30.














THE ST. KITTS VERVET (CERCOPITHECUS AETHIOPS):
its history, its home, its population and comments on its
scientific importance

FOREWORD
A projected fifteen year study of the behavior of the St. Kitts green monkey,
Cercopithecus aethiops, is being conducted on St. Kitts under the direction of the
Behavioral Sciences Foundation.
This old world monkey, brought to the Caribbean in the mid-seventeenth century
by early French settlers from Senegambia and probably with the burgeoning slave
trade, provides a unique opportunity for behavioral and evolutionary studies of a
species, isolated in a new environment, which established itself on St. Kitts, Nevis, and
less successfully on Barbados. By the early eighteenth century it was reported as a pest
to the farmer, which it remains today. Field observations of group socialization and
individual behavior have been conducted on St. Kitts by the Behavioral Sciences
Foundation since 1969.
In January, 1972 a Primate Research Centre was officially opened on the grounds
of the Estridge Estate, where an open enclosure now contains a troop of animals who
live in a situation as nearly approaching their natural setting as is possible. These
animals offer the means of intensive studies in social organization with special
attention to mother-infant interaction and to patterns of agonistic behavior, social
adaptations as influenced by the environment, and close observation of individual
primate behavior. Comparative studies from within the enclosure and field ob-
servations of free-ranging animals are currently underway.
Along with these behavioral studies other research in population dynamics and
demography as well as investigation of the biological system of the species will be
conducted.
Emphasis is upon the testing of contemporary anthropological hypotheses which
have been drawn from similar African primate groups. Speculations concerning the
phylogenetic determinants of primate social organization and extrapolations to man in
regard to his aggression, territoriality, etc. have been based on limited sample data
exclusively from Africa. The St. Kitts vervet, who has lived for three hundred years in
a different environment, free from predators (except man) and with ample food,
provides an experiment in nature with which to compare the African information.
A book, "The St. Kitts Vervet" which summarizes work done to date will be
published as a special monograph supplement to Folia Primatologia this winter and
will be dedicated to the St. Kitts 350th Year Celebration. In addition, a teaching film
on the St. Kitts vervet is in preparation, and a slide file containing several hundred
prints on St. Kitts ecology, the primates, and other fauna has been accumulated.










The Behavioral Sciences Foundation is a multi-disciplinary scientific research
organization, incorporated in the United States with undergraduate and graduate
students in anthropology, psychology, biology, and medicine from international
universities participating in the programme. Principal officers are Drs. Frank Ervin,
Michael McGuire, and Arthur Kling, who hold appointments, respectively at UCLA in
California and Rutgers University in New Jersey, and who represent a spectrum of
brain, behavioral, and biological sciences.

PATRICIA M. ERVIN
Behavioral Sciences Foundation
P.O. Box 428
Basseterre, St. Kitts





THE HISTORY OF THE ST. KITTS VERVET

This article is an excerpt from a paper prepared for the St. Kitts Historical Society and
for the people of St. Kitts in honour of the 350 year celebration of the discovery of
their island This work was in part supported by funds provided by the H.F.
Guggenheim Foundation and The Grant Foundation.

The history of the St. Kitts vervet can be reconstructed as follows. Along with
slaves and material goods, the "West African Green Monkey" was shipped to the
eastern Caribbean islands, conceivably as early as 1560, but no later than 1650. The
vervet population became established on several islands and the animals which survived
the long trans-Atlantic trip were no doubt monkeys which could withstand short
rations, human diseases, and could adapt to a new environment. Somewhere between
1650 and 1670 seems the most likely date for the introduction of the vervet into St.
Kitts; perhaps, as LABAT (1722) suggests, 1666 is the year they escaped from French
owners. Assuming 1666 as the date of escape, between then and 1700 monkeys
multiplied, roamed in 'troops', and except possibly for the southeastern peninsula,
spread over the island. Granting that there are fluctuations in any given animal popula-
tion, and granting that time is required to radiate into niches as well as to increase
population, it seems reasonable to assume that within the limits of biological fluctuation,
the vervet population stabilized itself sometime early in the 18th century, say 1750.
This stabilization does not appear to have occurred either because of food shortages or
hunting. All the available reports suggest that from 1700 on the monkeys were
plentiful ('pests', 'crop raiding', etc.) and as late as 1774 Lady ANDREWS (1922)
reports that there was no known way for planters to cope with the monkeys; a
'monkey hunt' in the late 1900's points up the continuing inability of the islanders to
successfully control the population; perhaps also it heralds the movement of the St.
Kitts vervet into a new biotic niche.










Assuredly many monkeys did not survive the trans-Atlantic trip and the rigors of a
new life in the Caribbean. That some survived, however, is not surprising, for C.
aethiops may well be the most adaptable of the African monkeys: it is located in
nearly all of the non-arid areas of Africa; it is known to live in a wide variety of
habitats, although typically it is found in strips of trees and scrub growing along the
banks of streams near savannah (TAPPEN, 1960; BOOTH, 1962); it has been described
as being in a 'transitional status between forest and savannah adaptation' (TAPPEN,
1960, p. 252). Its 'transitional status', plus its ability to live in a variety of biotic
niches, makes it a likely animal to survive in a new habitat, as indeed it does today on
three West Indian islands, Barbados, Nevis and St. Kitts.

The vervets' habitats
St. Kitts is located in the northeastern arc of a string of islands extending from
South America to Cuba. Longitude is 170 15' N. latitude 620 and 40' W. The island is
of fairly recent volcanic origin and the highest peak on the island (Mount Misery) is
still an intermittently active volcano. Merrill, describing the island from afar, gives a
picture as appropriate to 1700 as it was in 1958 when he wrote:
St. Christopher is. a single mountain mass, with a broad, gently sloping
apron below the steep mountain slopes of the central part of the island. The
summit of Mount Misery has an elevation of 3,711 feet the lower slopes are
gentle and under intensive cultivation, whereas the upper slopes above 1000 feet
are steep and heavily wooded A narrow low-lying peninsula extends five
miles to the southwest (This island) is lush, green (and) set in a quiet sea,
and favored on the whole by an easy climate (1958, p. 18).
From the moment the island was settled, it was extensively cultivated and in places
was drastically altered by human activities, which result in an interference with the
natural succession of flora (BEARD, 1949) and placing the fauna under severe stress.
The mountain areas (above the 'apron') were first cut for their hardwoods and sub-
sequently for fuel (see map). On the whole, cutting stopped shortly after 1900 when
the area became the National Watershed. The effects of these interference on the lives
of the i.,onkeys is not clear. It seems unlikely that either their basic food supplies or
their protective retreats were severely compromised, because despite cutting, the area
remained heavily wooded and vervets can subsist on almost any vegetation. Nearly all
the 'apron' has been under sugar cane cultivation since 1700; thus, this area has
remained the same in so far as the monkeys are concerned. The ravines, which
extend from the upper part of the 'apron' into the lower reaches of the
mountains (map) have been subject to continual interference; some ravines were and
are extensively cultivated; others were cultivated and have since gone to seed; a few of
the more inaccessible ravines have probably never been cultivated and are subject only
to an occasional search for wood. Many of the ravines contain fruit trees, such as
banana, mango, breadfruit, etc. which the monkeys eat in season. Despite these
interference, by far the largest percentage of monkeys reside in the ravines.
The area most affected by human interference is the southeastern peninsula.
Because of grazing and frequent burning (to hasten new grass for cattle) the peninsula










is primarily covered with grasses and fire resistant plants, (BEARD, 1949;
COPPINGER et al., In Prep) although a few stunted trees can be found throughout the
area.
A detailed description of St. Kitts differs considerably from MERRILL's general
picture, at least in so far as the monkey observer is concerned. The southwest
peninsula, for example, is in many places covered with thick scrub where penetration
for man, but not for monkey, is arduous, and visibility is at times limited to a few feet.
Other areas on the peninsula are quite open, however. There are differential amounts
of human disturbance in this area. Throughout most of the year the peninsula is dry
and hot, receiving no more than 20 inches of rain each twelve months. The ravines, on
the other hand, have a thick floral understory as well as an extensive upperstory,
making these areas difficult to penetrate and rendering observation at times im-
possible. Ravines are continually moist, receiving from 30 to 60 inches of rain per
year. In some ravines, dogs from nearby estates roam and disturb the monkeys. There
is, however, relatively little human activity in these areas except where cultivation is
practiced. Only in the mountain, or 'rain forest' area, can one be certain of open
spaces, primarily because there is little understory. Penetration, therefore, is often
easy. Monkeys, however, spend most of their time in the upperstory of the trees,
silhouetted against the bright sky, thus making observation difficult. The mountains
are extremely wet, as approximately 100 inches of rain fall a year. Because of the
inaccessibility of this area, the mountains are probably less disturbed by humans than
any other area of the island, excepting perhaps certain isolated parts of the peninsula.
In such conditions, the difficulties in controlling the vervet population are
understandable.
The island is noisy. Tradewinds blow almost continually from the Atlantic Ocean to
the Caribbean Sea (east to west) at an average of 10 knots, a fact which makes the
recording of calls a near impossibility. Although ravines are secluded from the wind,
noise from bird calls is often of high intensity. In areas of high human disturbance, the
noises of voices, transistor radios, barnyard animals, and vehicles are at times relatively
deafening and no doubt function to keep monkeys out of such areas. In St. Kitts,
there is nothing of the quiet one sometimes finds in the forests of Africa.
By the early 18th century, the land was used in essentially the same fashion as it is
today. The relative stability of land use is an important factor in our historical recon-
struction, for it means that the monkeys have had essentially the same environment in
which to live during the past 300 years. Two exceptions deserve mention, however.
Until about 1900, parts of the peninsula were planted in sugar cane. The cessation of
sugar cultivation has increased the living area available to monkeys, for this land has
now turned to grass and scrub. The occasional burning of selected parts of the penin-
sula tends at times to abruptly diminish the available food supplies, however. Because
of increased food importation since World War II, much of the once uniformly planted
upper reaches of the 'apron' now lie fallow. This enlarges the areas where monkeys can
roam, and perhaps increases the variety of foods available to them. Offsetting these
increases has been the gradual expansion primarily since World War II of the
island's main town, Basseterre; at its outer limits, this expansion now includes areas in










which monkeys lived until a few years ago. These changes notwithstanding, there is no
evidence from historical records, or current observations (POIRIER, 1972) that there
is or has been a food shortage in St. Kitts. Island residents, however, feel that the
monkeys often suffer from drought.
The human population, now about 85% Black, more or less stabilized in the early
18th century and has since then gone through only minor fluctuations. MERRIL
(1958) gives a figure of 28,169 for the year 1850 and 31,079 for 1951 which is
approximately 1.6 persons/arable acre. Over the past 100 years the population has
gradually relocated itself from a situation in which (because of estate living) it was
once fairly dispersed across the 'apron', to a highly condensed population located in
Basseterre and next to the road which circles the island. This redistribution has pro-
bably decreased the number of monkey-human contacts.
The record of land use in St. Kitts suggests that after the early man-inflicted insults,
usage has remained essentially stable since 1750, with the exception of the changes
which took place during the early 1900's on the southeastern peninsula. During the
past 200 years there have been few non-indigenous flora introduced into the island
(BEARD, 1949) and it is doubtful that the early cutting of hardwoods significantly
depreciated the food supply available to the vervet. Thus no major alteration of total
land available to the vervet or his food supply is postulated, and perhaps both have
mildly increased in recent years.


Description of the monkey (see cover photo)
The St. Kitts vervet is a well proportioned and agile animal, as much at home in the
trees as on the ground. Monkeys in all areas appear essentially the same in so far as
pelage, physical characteristics and basic movements are concerned. Some adults weigh
15 pounds; adult males are approximately larger than adult females. The central
part of the face and the ears are black and hairless; in a small number of monkeys
there is a cream coloured strip of forehead hair which will reach Y inch in width, but it
is never predominant. The chest, the abdomen, the anterior scrotum, and proximal
interiors of the arms and legs are white. The white blends into yellow in the neck
region, but into grey-yellow in all other areas. The top of the head and the back are
grey-yellow becoming greyer as one moves distally along the extremities. The bottom
of the posterior scrotum is yellow-white; the perianal area is white. The tail is approxi-
mately two times the length of the back bottom of the neck to the beginning of tail
- and orange-yellow on the distal-
SADE and HILDRECH (1965) and POIRIER (1972) have identified this monkey as
C. a. sabaeus and in appearance it is essentially the same as the monkey described by
DANDELOT (1959) who also classifies it under the same name and gives its primary
home as West Africa. DANDELOT, however, raises the animal to the species level. The
description also fits with POCOCK (1970) for C. a. sabaeus except that he lists a blue
scrotum as common. Blue scrota are only infrequently seen in adults in St. Kitts.
STRUHSAKER (1970) disputes DANDELOT'S assignment of this monkey to species
level, but he does not disagree with either his description or his designation of the area






ST KITTS
BASIC VERVET DISTRIBUTION


ISOLATED G


S2 3 4 5 6 7 i8 9
MILES


1970-72


RAVINE
MOUNTAIN GROUPS


ISOLATED
GROUPS
G U PENINSULA
l GROUPS 1










where the monkey is found. After studying the vocalizations of C. aethiops in several
widely separated areas, STRUHSAKER concluded: "Stability in the vocalizations of
several widely dispersed populations of monkeys belonging to the superspecies C.
aethiops support the conclusions that this is one species polymorphic for pelage color
and pattern and is not composed of three species as concluded by Dandelot (1959)"
(1970, p. 402). On the basis of STRUHSAKER'S arguments, we have designated the
animal C. aethiops.


Distribution of monkeys on the island
With the exception of those areas of high human congestion monkeys can be found
at one time or another nearly everywhere else on the island. They are seldom observed
in the midst of mature sugar cane fields, however, although at times they wander near
to their edges; they are especially fond of young cane shoots. On the main part of the
island they are very rarely seen at the sea shore; on the peninsula, however, they are
frequently observed near the ocean and in the Map they are referred to as peninsula
groups.
In general, the density of monkeys is greatest in the areas outlined in the Map.
Their dispersion is essentially uniform throughout the southeastern peninsula with
almost all suitable living and eating areas occupied. The same uniformity is found in
the mountains. Uniform distribution is far from common in the ravines, however, for
although most ravines have at least one monkey group, some ravines seemingly avail-
able for monkey habitation have no known groups while others have two or three
(POIRIER, 1972).
The Map shows an interruption in vervet distribution between the ravine and
mountain areas. This area is between 1200 and 1800 feet in what BEARD has called
the palm break: "The forest is dominated by palms. which form over 60 percent of
the total crop Tree ferns form 15 percent and the remaining 25 percent only is
constituted by small trees There is no regular canopy nor arrangement into strata.
The whole forest is very mossy" (1949, p. 99). Monkeys are seldom seen in the palm
break (although the interruption is probably not so complete as to prevent inbreeding
of mountain and ravine groups). It is not clear why monkeys avoid this particular
niche, but one assumes that it is some combination of vegetation and moisture not
encountered either in the colder and higher areas of the mountains or on the
peninsula.
Knowledge is least complete on the monkeys which live in the mountains. This is
because conditions are so unpleasant (rain, moisture, insects, etc.) that even highly
motivated observers have been unable to remain for the period of time required to
obtain respectable social interaction data. Some general comments are possible, how-
ever. Mountain groups appear to have large territories and groups have been followed
up to 400 yards while seemingly remaining within their own territory; the density of
monkeys appears to be relatively low. While it is not possible to make a reliable
estimate of the mean group size, no group of more than 20 monkeys was observed.
This suggests that these monkeys do not organize in large aggregates as they do on the
peninsula where group n reaches 65. Some investigators have felt that monkeys which










live in the 'rain forest' are larger and darker than the monkeys elsewhere on the island,
but this appears to be a function of observation conditions because one most often
sees monkeys high in trees backed by a bright grey sky.
The town of Basseterre, the large sugar factory to its east, and the road connecting
the two, constitutes a barrier which effectively isolates the peninsula monkeys. This
barrier has existed since 1900 when the sugar factory was built. The road encircling
the island (southeastern peninsula excluded) and the extensive fields of sugar cane
which reach across the 'apron' serve to keep the ravine and mountain groups contained
towards the centre of the island. Occasionally a group of monkeys is seen travelling
down a ravine as far as the circling road; this occurs most often on the Atlantic Ocean
side of the island where traffic and human congestion are less than on the side facing
the Caribbean Sea. The two isolated areas shown in the Map exist because of special
geographic conditions.


Estimated number of vervets on St. Kitts
Members of the Behavioral Sciences Foundation have approached the population
problem in two different ways, each of which is presented and each of which gives
different results. The first estimate was made by sampling: certain representative loca-
tions were selected in the three biotic areas where monkeys are known to live; the
acreage of these locations was measured and the number of monkeys within these
locations counted. A figure for the number of monkeys/acre was then multiplied by
the number of biotically equivalent acres/biotic area (selected density figures are pre-
sented in Table 1.2). Seventeen separate groups were identified whose territories ex-
tended over- of the total peninsula; the average number of monkeys/group was 22.
Thus 17 groups x 22, monkeys/group x 3 = 1173 monkeys in the peninsula area.
Thirteen separate groups were identified in 14 ravines (8 ravines had 1 group, 3 ravines
had 2 groups and 3 ravines had no groups). The average number of monkeys per group
was 15. It is estimated that each ravine, of which we counted 225, contains 1 group.
Thus 15 monkeys/group x 225 ravines = 3375 monkeys in the ravine area. Both
isolated areas had a high density of monkeys; it is estimated that a total of 1000
monkeys lived in these areas. An additional 1500 monkeys were estimated to live in
the mountains. This sampling method thus results in a total of 7048 or 7000 monkeys
on the island.
There are several ways in which this estimate might be in error. One is that the
sample areas might not be representative. This possibility is immediately obvious in
comparing POIRIER'S estimate of 4 groups/major ravine in 40 ravines with our own
estimate of I group/ravine and 225 ravines. POIRIER did much of his work on the
northwestern end of the island where the ravines are exceedingly large. Most ravines,
however, are quite small and it is clear that we used a different classification system by
also including these smaller ravines. This was justified on the basis that these small
ravines contained groups. Moreover, we could not find any correlation between the
acreage/ravine, number of troops, or troop size. A second possible source of error is
our assumption that there is uniform distribution of monkeys in the three biotic areas.
The above mentioned distribution of ravine groups suggests that this assumption must










be in error and unless a larger sample is taken it is not clear in which direction the
error would go. On the peninsula there are known locations where monkeys do not
live; these areas, however, were included in our area calculation.
Our second approach to the monkey population involves entirely different
reasoning and methods: we estimated the minimal number of monkeys necessary to
keep the population stable if a given number of monkeys were shot each year. To
arrive at this estimate one investigator questioned all known monkey hunters, of which
there are very few because guns and ammunition are restricted, reviewed estate records
for bounties paid, and actively participated in hunting expeditions in order to assess
the accuracy of hunting reports. Using this method, he calculated that there was an
average of 2000 monkeys shot and killed/year, approximately 1850 in the ravines and
mountains and 150 on the southeastern peninsula. Hunters report a 3:1 adult-
male:adult-female ratio in these shootings. Given the estimate of 2000 monkeys shot/-
year and the 3:1 ratio, one can construct the following rudimentary population model
which indicates that if the population is to remain stable there must be a minimum of
12,000 monkeys on the island (Table 1.1).



TABLE 1.1

Age-class 0-1 1-2 2-3 adults
Males 1500 1500 1500 0
Females 1500 1500 1500 3000




The above model makes the following knowingly incorrect assumptions: that the
population is stable; that all adult females reproduce each year; that the sex ratio of
offspring is 1 to 1; that there is no mortality for either sex in the pre-adult period; that
all the new adult males (1500) are shot each year; and that 500 adult females are shot
each year and an additional 1000 die because of natural causes. The incorrectness of
these assumptions notwithstanding, the model does illustrate that a population of at
least 12,000 is required if 2000 monkeys a year are killed and if the number of
monkeys on the island is to remain stable.
COPPINGER (personal comm.) suggests that if one accepts the 12,000 figure, it
should be multiplied by approximately 2.5 because a population estimate which ac-
counts for only the minimal number of required animals is bound to be low. This
would raise the estimated number of monkeys to 30,000. The rationale for this multi-
plication factor is that there are other causes for death in adult males, that many adult
males are in fact living, that there is pre-adult attrition, etc. The adult sex ratio of
our sample could coexist with shooting, for if there were 30,000 animals, approxi-
mately 12,000 would be adults. The killing of 2000, even at a 3:1 male:female ratio,
might not appear in our small sample.










For many reasons this method of estimating population might be in error. A most
obvious possibility is that hunters' and estates' reports are misleading. The hunters of
the peninsula area, for example, reported that they killed 150 monkeys during the
1971 calendar year. During the same period, observers were in the area nearly daily
and observed only one shooting death and heard perhaps a dozen gun shots. The same
type of discrepancy is found in several ravine areas where observers were present
almost daily. A high kill figure is reported for these areas, but literally no shots were
heard. On the other hand, it seems unlikely that estate records would be grossly in
error. Yet, bounty is paid for the distal section of the tail only and, as SADE and
HILDRECH (1965) point out, tails are often cut into several pieces and the proximal
parts sewn to appear as though they were the distal part (A seemingly self defeating
task because the distal tail is noticeably yellow-orange). Finally, there may be hunters
who are actively shooting who were not sampled. If so, the estimate of 12,000 would
have to be increased.
Still, it is not hard to imagine 2000 monkeys being killed annually: this would
require killing only 5.48 monkeys a day, a not unusually high figure. On the other
hand, the 30,000 estimate seems high: there are approximately 18,259 areas of island
land which the monkeys occupy; a total of 30,000 monkeys would mean approxi-
mately 1.64 monkeys an acre or 1050 monkeys a mile, a prohibitively high figure
given reports from elsewhere.
Needless to say, the population of the island remains unknown. In seven years,
estimates have varied from 1500 to 30,000. Such discrepancies are not atypical of
animal population estimates, however.

The maximum population carrying capacity of the island.
The question of the vervet population can be approached in yet another way, by
estimating what may be called the maximum population carrying capacity of the
island: that is, the hypothetical maximum number of monkeys the island could feed
throughout the year in areas known to be inhabited by monkeys. This estimate is
made in the following way. In each biotic area a figure approximating the highest
known density of monkeys to an acre is taken (Table 1.2 gives certain known density
figures). This figure is multiplied by the estimated number of acres in a given biotic
area in which monkeys are known to live (See map). This results in the following set of
calculations: Peninsula area: 11.63 miles2 x 640 acres/mile2 x 1.0 monkeys/acre =
7443 monkeys. Ravine area: 12 miles2 x 640 acres/mile2 x 3 monkeys/acre = 23,040
monkeys. Mountain area: 2.4 miles2 x 640 acre/mile2 x 1.0 monkeys/acre (density
estimated) = 1536 monkeys. Isolated areas: 2.5 miles2 x 640 acres/mile2 x 1.5
monkeys/acre = 2400 monkeys. This adds up to a total of 34,419 monkeys or, it is
estimated that this number can be fed throughout the year in St. Kitts if monkeys
continue to occupy only those areas now occupied.
This calculation should be interpreted with great caution. For example, the
observation that monkeys do minimal feeding in the sugar cane fields and in the palm
break may be wrong, particularly if in selected parts of the year these areas provide













TABLE 1.2


C M WB SBI


SB2 MSM THI


TH2 TH3 NF NR


Acres/group


Number of
monkeys/group


Number of
monkeys/acre


65 72.5



65 15



1.0 .21


109 14 17.3 43.1 36.2 11.5 28.5 6.37 3.9 30



9 9 12 34 21 14 15 21 9 16


.08 .64 .69 .79 .58 1.22


.58 3.30 2.30 .53


Groups: C = Conaree; M = Morne; WB = Whaleback; SBI = Scotch Bonnett I; SB2 = Scotch Bonnett II; MSM = Mt. St. Michael; THI = Timothy Hill I;
TH2 = Timothy Hill II; TH3 = Timothy Hill III; NF = NF Ravine; NR = Near Ravine; FR = Far Ravine.


Measurements taken between January and March 1972. TH2 and TH3 measurements post sub-division.


Groups










special and/or essential nutrients. Thus, the acreage supporting the population may be
much larger than estimated. In addition, the island may contain only a limited amount
of special nutrients. This would not allow the population to go above a certain
number, and would presumably keep it far below the 34,000 estimate. However, there
is no evidence that either of these situations exist. It is also possible that the island
could even hold more monkeys, and thus the figure is low by virtue of the fact that for
social-biological reasons monkeys cannot tolerate a higher density. In the ravines, this
situation appears to be the case because extra food is always available. One known
error exists in these calculations. The ravine and mountain density figures were calcu-
lated as though the land were flat, i.e., no correction was introduced for contour. A
calculation which took into account actual surface area would raise the acreage and
lower the density, but it would not alter the total carrying capacity since that calcula-
tion was based on a maximum number of animals to an area. It would, however, nearly
equalize the carrying capacity of the peninsula and ravine areas.
Considering again the earlier mentioned estimate of a 30,000 population and
assuming that the maximum carrying capacity of 34,000 is correct, it is difficult to
reconcile these figures because one would then have to infer that the monkey is
maximally utilizing his environment. The vervet would have maximally spread into the
presently used niches, and was not exerting any of its own population controls. Such
an interpretation suffers from lack of precedent in nonhuman primatology
(STRUHSAKER, 1967c).


DISCUSSION

Groups and group membership
All St. Kitts vervet groups which were studied extensively turned out to be com-
posed essentially of the same individual monkeys. ALTMANN and ALTMANN (1970)
have reported findings among baboons which raise serious questions about the stability
of groups: during 1 year of observation of a single group, approximately of the
original members left and/or died, and nearly the same number of 'new' individuals
joined the group (some through birth and others from outside the troop). The vervet
in St. Kitts reveals no such fluctuations. Some groups have been followed through 14
consecutive months with no known additions except births and with the loss of only
one adult member. Thus our findings of stable group membership agree with STRUH-
SAKER'S observations in the Masai-Amboseli Game Reserve, Kenya, where he found
groups essentially 'closed' (1967c).

Group Size
The range and the number of monkeys in the St. Kitts groups are for the most part
similar to those reported for C. aethiops in Africa. STRUHSAKER (1967c) reports a
range from 7-53 and a group mean of 24 in Amboseli; LANCASTER (1971) gives a
figure of 55 for one group near Livingston, Zambia; HALL and GARTLAN (1965)
report that Lolui Island, Lake Victoria, has a range from 6 to 20 with a mean of 12.1.
In St. Kitts, we observed a lower range of 4 (NF ravine-post fission) and a high of 65










(Conaree). These findings are in general agreement with those of ALTMANN and
ALTMANN (1970), DEVORE and HALL (1965) and HALL and DEVORE (1965)
who see group patterns and numbers primarily as a function of social forces.

Territory
Territories in St. Kitts (Table 1.2) ranged from .006 miles2 (NR ravines) to .17
miles2 (WB). The lower figure is considerably smaller than the low for Amboseli (.067
miles2) (STRUHSAKER, 1967c). If, however, a contour equalizing factor of 2.5 is
introduced into the St. Kitts ravine data .006 miles2 would calculate at .015 miles2
WB is essentially flat so no calculation need be introduced.

Comments on the scientific importance of the St. Kitts vervet
As an area for non-human primate studies, the potential scientific importance of St.
Kitts has not gone unnoticed. In 1928, CAMERON (1930) visited the island and
collected samples of the vervet's intestinal parasite Subulura distans. This parasite was
compared against control samples from West Africa. CAMERON found differences in
the esophageal anatomy, which led to the speculation that three centuries of isolation
might have resulted in genetic changes and the noted anatomical differences. He
warned against an uncritical acceptance of his hypothesis, however, because the
present day African parasite might differ from its ancestors. COLYER (1948) looked
for dental abnormalities in the skulls of 92 St. Kitts vervets and compared these skulls
with 'controls' from West Africa. He observed a high degree of abnormality, a finding
he attributed to diets and eating habits unique to St. Kitts. ASHTON and ZUCKER-
MAN (1950, 1951a, b, c) and ASHTON (1960), using COLYER's specimens, under-
took a detailed analysis of both skull and dental characteristics of the St. Kitts
monkey to determine if it qualified as a subspecies of C. aethiops. As with COLYER,
the comparison revealed a number of differences when compared to 'controls' But
these were only suggestive, for in the final paper ASHTON concludes: "It would,
therefore, be inappropriate to suggest that the results of the present analysis imply
that the St. Kitts monkey should be regarded as taxonomically distinct from C.
aethiops sabaeus" (1960, p. 583). That distinct subspeciation could not be established
should not obscure the fact that the definite differences in skull and dental characteris-
tics were found. Their findings suggest a trend perhaps in the direction of sub-
speciation.
Naturalistic studies began on St. Kitts some eight years ago. In 1965 SADE and
HILDRECH (1965) made a general assessment of the island's vervet population.
Between 1969 and 1971 POIRIER (1972) visited St. Kitts several times to conduct
field studies on social behavior. One additional study has been conducted. CONWAY
and SADE (1969) have evaluated the testis cycle of the monkey and found predictable
annual fluctuations. Our own studies (Behavioral Sciences Foundation) began in 1970
and have continued since then.
SADE, HILDRECH, POIRIER and the present investigators are in agreement about
one thing: the St. Kitts vervet is difficult to observe. This is not because monkeys are
few, for there are many, but because they are difficult to habituate and, in most











CHART 1.1



Day of observation
of MSM group. 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20


Percent observation
time in which monkeys 67 81 33 2 23 31 36 37
could be identified
and detailed social
interactions observed.*

* Average time/day spent observing = 6.55 hours.



locations, the conditions of terrain and vegetation are such that accurate and sustained
observations are difficult. Prior naturalistic studies have thus been largely limited to
surveys as the time and effort required for habituation is extensive. Habituation is
possible, however, provided one is patient. As habituation occurs, observation diffi-
culties decrease because monkeys spend more of their time in the open and investi-
gators become more familiar with the terrain. Chart 1.1 gives a fair idea of the time
required for habituation and the percent of time in which detailed social interactions
are visible.
These difficult observation conditions and the time required for habituation (2-4
months per group) notwithstanding, the monkeys of St. Kitts are exceedingly valuable
to the scientific community. Some of the reasons for their value are listed below.

Intra-island ecology-behavior studies
The monkey population of St. Kitts lives in three distinct biotic niches, the moun-
tains ('rain forest'), the ravines (a well forested area abutting the sugar cane fields), and
the savannah-like peninsula. Not only are these areas distinct in terms of their vege-
tation, terrain and weather, but also are different in terms of fauna, exposure to
humans and a wide variety of other ecological variables. Assuming a fairly uniform
genotype for all groups, the distinctiveness of these three areas facilitates the systema-
tic assessment of the behavioral consequences of ecological conditions.

Comparative ecology-behavior studies
Ecologically, St. Kitts is different from any of the African areas in which C.
aethiops has been studied (STRUHSAKER, 1967a, b, c, d, e, 1969, 1970; BOOTH,
1962; GARTLAN, 1969; HALL and GARTLAN, 1965: GARTLAN and BRAIN,
1968; JACKSON and GARTLAN, 1965; LANCASTER, 1971, In Prep; HADDOW,
1952; DEMOOR, 1970; and BOOTH 1956a, b). Together, these studies provide a










relatively complete description of the African habitats of the vervet and an extensive
documentation of his behaviors; they thus furnish the essential data for comparative
studies between the vervets of the Old and New Worlds. Two conditions in St. Kitts -
ample food and water, and, no known predators (except man) make such a com-
parison potentially valuable because these conditions are thought to determine many
of the behaviors of this animal (i.e., a number of behavioral hypotheses based upon
observations made in Africa can be put to test in St. Kitts).

Biological studies
Probably the most pressing biological questions in St. Kitts concern population
genetics. Genetic issues peculiar to isolated groups isolated from outside gene flow -
are known under the names of island biogeography (MACARTHUR and WILSON,
1967) or geographical ecology (MAYR, 1971). Because of the genetic constitution of
founding populations, subsequent isolation, and the unique natural selection factors in
St. Kitts, one expects that the genotype of the St. Kitts vervet will differ from that of
its West African peer. A related issue is the relationship between genotype and
behavior: if there has been a significant genetic change in the St. Kitts vervet,
associated changes in behavior may also be noted.

Additional naturalistic studies
Despite the large number of published reports on this animal, many important
questions remain unanswered; thus there is a need for additional naturalistic studies.
For example, major variations in the frequency of certain fundamental behaviors are
observed in different areas, the reasons for which are still far from clear. In addition,
the mechanisms of territory maintenance and the determinants of its utilization
require further study, as do the causes for cohesion and dispersion. Of particular
current interest is the interrelationships between social structure and frequency and
variety of behaviors. St. Kitts thus provides another site for such studies.

MICHAEL T. McGUIRE




Acknowledgements
The author wishes to thank the following people for their contributions to this paper:
D. Baker, N. Bedworth, T. Berg, R. Coppinger, F Ervin, S. Evelyn, A. Kling, L.
Koebner, M. Miller, P. Pettit, M. Stoeckle, L. Vaitl, J. Vogt, M West, T. Whittenfore, J.
Wigley, K. Wigley, and members of the St. Kitts Government.
Special thanks is extended to C. Evelyn, S. Williams and D. Yearwood, who were not
only exceedingly helpful in practical matters concerning this study, but individually
and together know more about the St. Kitts vervet, his habits, and his habitats than
does the author of this paper. B. King of Cambridge has been exceedingly generous
with his time and advice on historical matters and sources.











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52

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