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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover
    Table of Contents
        Page 1
    Front Matter
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
    Editorial notes and comments
        Page 5
        Page 6
    Main
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
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        Page 19
        Page 20
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        Page 22
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        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
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-22 /
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SEPTEMBER 1968


CARIBBEAN



QUARTERLY


5 EDITORIAL NOTES AND COMMENTS

7 PUERTO RICO AND TOURISM

22 TEN-CENT RESPECT

23 THE MALE/FEMALE CONFLICT IN CALYPSO


NOTES and COMMENTARY:

42 Radio for the Community

50 11. The Development of the Dairy Industry
in Jamaica and Barbados


BOOK REVIEWS:

56 Principles of Education -
Elsa H. Walters & E. B. Castle

57 Ealing Introductory Course in Spanish

58 Christophe, King of Haiti Hubert Cole ....

60 SELECTED BOOK LIST


Robert C. Mings

A. S. Hodge

J. D. Elder




Hugh P. Morrison


D. T. Edwards





Donald G. Wilson

Julio Ariza

Joseph A. Borome


VoL. 14 No. 3





















NOTE ON MANUSCRIPTS


MSS. and Communications should be addressed to the Editor. Unsolicited MSS.
which are not accepted for publication will be returned if accompanied by a stamped
addressed envelope.















COVER:
Arawak Shell Carving in possession of Mr. Homer Gayne,
U.S. Information Officer.


Copyright reserved, and reproduction without permission strictly forbidden









UNIVERSITY OF THE WEST INDIES
CARIBBEAN QUARTERLY

Editor: Director of Extra-Mural Studies,
University of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica.

The Editor is advised by an Editorial Board, consisting of
members of the University Staff.
Single copies can be obtained in the West Indies from
booksellers or from the Extra-Mural Department in any territory.

HOW TO SUBSCRIBE
We regret that it has become necessary to revise the subscrip-
tion rate of this Journal by some small amount. The changes will
become effective in 1969 beginning with Volume 15 No. 1.
Of course, subscribers whose orders have already been accepted
for 1969 will receive their copies at no extra cost.
Until December 1968, From January 1969,
(Vol. 14 No. 4) (Vol. 15 No. 1)
8/4d (Sterling) United Kingdom 10/- (Sterling)
8/4d or $2.00 (E.C.) West Indies 10/- or $2.40 (E.C.)
$2.00 (U.S.) or
equivalent United States of America $3.00 (U.S.) or
and other Countries equivalent.
Subscription rates include Postage by Surface Mail.

We are inviting our readers to recommend subjects which they
would like to see discussed in C.Q. Suggestions for articles of possible
Caribbean relevance will be gratefully considered.

Fill in the form below and send with subscription to:
Caribbean Quarterly,
Department of Extra-Mural Studies,
University of the West Indies,
Mona, Kingston 7, Jamaica,
or to the local office of the Resident Tutor in any territory.

CUT OFF


"Caribbean Quarterly" Subscription Form

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valid from Vol....... .. No........................... for 4 issues.
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A SELECTION OF CONTENTS FROM PAST ISSUES



Vol. XIII No. 3


The Rostafari Movement in Kingston, Jamaica: Part I


"New Viewpoints in Geography" A Teachers' Conference

Notes and Commentary:
Rudie, Oh Rudie!
Notes of lere, The Ameriandian Name for Trinidad
Drugs from The West Indies

Book Reviews:
Errol John; Screenplays: Force Majeure,
The Dispossessed, Hasta Luego
Wilfred Cartey; West Indies, Islands in the Sun


Vol. XIII No. 4

The Rastafari Movement in Kingston, Jamaica: Part II

The Instituto of Education of the University of the
West Indies
Non-Member Participation in the South Pacific
Commission and the Caribbean Organisation

Notes and Commentary:
West Indian Family Organisation
"The Rastas Speak"
"A Poem by the Poet"
St. Lucia: "Sold for a Song"

Book Reviews:
Lmdsay Barrett; "Song for Mumu"
H. Hoetink; The Two Variants in Caribbean Race Relations


Vol. XIV Nos. 1 & 2

Walcott and the Audience for Poetry
Ananse
Dialect in West Indian Fiction
The Unresolved Constitution
Upright Man
Jamaican Folk Music
The Caribbean Artists Movement
The Predicament of the Artist in the Caribbean

Notes and Commentary:
The Fine Arts
Walcott on Walcott
The Jamaica School of Art and Crafts
'Sparrow and The Language of the Calypso -
CAM Comment
v. Bennett on Bennett

Folk Themes in West Indian Drama
The Dream on Monkey Mountain
The Dance as an Art Form
The Little Carib and West Indian Dance
Towards a West Indian Criticism

Book Reviews:
Masks Edward Brathwaite
The Waiting Room-Wilson Harris


M. G. Smith, Roy
Augier, Rex
Nettleford
Barry Floyd


G. While
K. M. Laurence
Compton SeaForth



Bridget Jones
James Carnegie




M. G. Smith, Roy
Augier, Rex
Nettleford

R. N. Murray

Jung-Gun Kim


Fernando Henriques
Ras Dizzy I
Ras Dizzy I
Rev. C. Jesse


Edward Baugh
Orlando Patterson




Mervyn Morris
Edward Brathwaite
Kenneth Ramchand
Wilson Harris
John Figueroa
Olive Lewin
Edward Brathwaite
Aubrey Williams


Cecil Gray
Derek Walcott
Rex Nettleford
Beryl Mc Burnie
Edward Baugh


Winnifred Risden
Joyce Sparer











Editorial Notes and Comments

PROFESSOR ROBERT C. MINGS, contributor of one of the two
lead articles in this issue, is an Assistant Professor in the Department
of Geography and the Centre for Inter-American Studies at the
University of Miami, Florida. His research has concentrated upon the
role of tourism in the economic development of the Caribbean area.

DR. J. D. ELDER (Ph.D. Penn.) of the U.W.I. at St. Augustine,
Trinidad, presents the script of a stimulating paper on calypso. "The
talk", he notes, was "the first of a series designed to introduce the
audience to the sociology of folk music, dancing and other somatic
stage activities"

Notes and Commentary include comments on the role of Radio in
the West Indian context, by MR. HUGH MORRISON, director of U.W.I.
Radio Education Unit; the text of a talk delivered to adult education
groups in Jamaica and St. Lucia for the Department of Extra Mural
Studies. We present as well some observations on the Dairy Industry
of Jamaica and Barbados-a paper read by MR. D. T. EDWARDS at the
Livestock Development Conference held in Barbados earlier this year.

Three reviews follow MR. DONALD WILSON, temporary Lecturer in
this University's Department of Education, comments on a work of
particularly Caribbean interest. MR. JULIO ARIZA of the Spanish De-
partment reviews a recent text-book on the teaching of Spanish; and
PROFESSOR J. A. BOROME discusses a work of considerable interest to
historians.

A poem from Australia completes the issue it seemed in its
sociological implications to be equally relevant to the Caribbean scene.









PUBLICATIONS OP THE DEPARTMENT OF EXTRA-MURAL STUDIES


DARK PURITAN M. G. Smith The life of Norman Paul,
5/- a healer, diviner and seer
in Grenada, as recorded
by M. G. Smith.

IOUANALOA A St. Lucian Journal-1963
5/-

CARIBBEAN AFFAIRS
NEW SERIES
2) Adams, Magnus Poisonous Plants
and Seaforth: in Jamaica 3/- each.
3) George Cumper: Looking at Figures
5/- each.
4) Agricultural Research in
Jamaica (Five papers from
Seminar in 1968), 2/-

WEST INDIAN PLAYS Single plays by the following
authors.
complete list on application.
Errol Hill
Derek Walcott
Cicely Howland
Roderick Walcott
Douglas Archibald
RADIO BROADCAST SCRIPTS scripts of broadcast programmes
6D each. are available from the Radio
Education Unit of the Depart-
ment.

TRAINING FOR MEDICINE
IN THE WEST INDIES Louis S. Grant
1/6
A NEW DEVELOPMENT IN THE
AGRONOMY OF PIMENTO G. P. Chapman

SPANISH AMERICAN NOVEL- G. R. Coulthard
1940-1965
3/-
TRADE UNION AND INDUSTRIAL
RELATIONS TERMS Edited by R. Nettleford
3/6

JOB EVALUATION H. R. Roberts
3/6

COLLECTIVE BARGAINING Carlyle Dunkley
3/6












Puerto Rico And Tourism


The Struggle for Cultural Autonomy among Developing Nations:
The Case of Puerto Rico and Its Tourist Industry


DURING PERIODS OF RAPID ECONOMIC GROWTH nations are
especially interested in preserving the basic structure of their cultures.
Fear of domination by foreign economic, social and political ideologies
has caused many countries to introduce counter-measures for self-
preservation. Such resistance varies among countries, both in form and
magnitude-ranging from some extreme attempts to eliminate outside
influence almost entirely to more moderate actions designed merely to
reduce unnecessary alterations of indigenous ways of living.

Puerto Rico, not unlike many areas with a colonial history, has
many citizens with strong desires to preserve their national identity.1
This pursuit of cultural preservation occasionally conflicts with efforts
to expand and diversify the island's economy. Perhaps the conflict
between societal values and the growth of tourism is most exemplary
of this paradox.

In 1949 the Commonwealth Government invested 7.4 million dollars
in Puerto Rico's first modern luxury hotel. This action was designed
to attract international tourists and provide accommodations for
potential foreign investors. Subsequently, the government augmented
its support of tourism via a variety of measures (i.e., advertising, loans,
direct construction, legislation, leadership, etc.). By the early 1960's
private investment had begun to outstrip government investment and
a very dynamic growth spiral was underway (See Fig. 1). As it became
clearer that tourism would probably continue to prosper and grow,
criticism of the industry began to intensify.

The broad purpose of this study is to investigate and evaluate the
effectiveness of Puerto Rico's efforts to overcome undesirable foreign
interference with its way of life. Specific focus will be upon the island's
burgeoning tourist industry and according to the following procedure:
(1) Review publicly expressed attitudes toward tourism, (2) Illustrate
the relationship between these views and subsequent government policy,
(3) Examine the influence of government policies upon the nature of
Puerto Rican tourism in 1964, (4) Assess the effectiveness of Puerto
Rico's efforts to curb undesirable and unnecessary outside influences
upon tourism.









NON-RESIDENT TOURIST DAYS

1947 1964.








$40 *
35 ov

30-
20 ...-."
15 *--
20
15
10
5

1946-4748 49 50 51 5Z 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64


YEARS


Source: Selected Statistics on the Visitors and
Hotel Industry in Puerto Rico, Eda, 1964 P. 39.


Fig. 1


Publicly Stated Sentiment toward Tourism

During October and November of 1952 Emilio S. Belaval, prominent
lawyer, author and civic leader,2 published an eleven-part series of
articles in El Mundo, Puerto Rico's leading Spanish language daily,
entitled "La Intringulis Puertorriquenis." In these writings Judge
Belaval sounded the alarm against the burgeoning tourist industry. The
following are representative exerpts from the Belaval Series:

The tourist industry is an idea of the economists, with purely
economic gain in store, with no thought given to human decay.
...a dangerous illusion of industrial optimism is this crazy
phenomenon called tourism. The function of economists is to
solve the problem of space, not create a vacuum. .it is not
an industry which can exist outside the people's lives; It must
affect them. Tourism carries much influence. It is degrading
to nationalism . nothing will be natural any more.3









Commercialization of the culture will result in many indignities
to Puerto Ricans. It will threaten our cultural identity. Puerto
Rico is too colonial-a playground for the colonists.

Puerto Rico is being overrun by Darwinian Materialism -
dominated from the Universal North American Culture; purely
functional approach to life. We are Creating another Miami.
History will look back and recognize this period as dominated by
a bunch of lunatics. 5

In 1956 Governor Luis Mufioz Marin expressed serious reservations
concerning the ultimate size and contribution of tourism. He stated
that tourism should never become the primary economic activity of
Puerto Rico.6 Two years later Governor Mufioz again warned that con-
centrated tourism is not desirable and that tourist facilities should be
separated by park areas.7 Mufioz's reservations over tourism are well
known.

Present governor, Roberto Sanchez Vilella, was quoted while Secre-
tary of Public Works in 1958 as saying:

Tourism should not convert San Juan into another Miami
Beach. It would be dangerous for the whole island. The
Planning Board should act to prevent the construction of a con-
centration of purely superficial tourist facilities anywhere in
Puerto Rico. 8

Professor Severo E. Colberg of the University of Puerto Rico in an
article entitled, "Exceso de turismo," warns that:

Quiet tranquility is beginning, if it already has not begun, to
be a premium item. Through 'tourist mania' we are falling prey
to foreign speculators. Puerto Rico may become a paradise for
visiting tourists, but alien to native peoples. The beauties of
Puerto Rico should be reserved for Puerto Ricans. 9

Director of the Economic Development Administration, Rafael
Durand Manzanal, wrote in 1960:

Numerous problems have resulted from insufficient planning of
tourism. Puerto Rico needs more tourist facilities, but not with-
out proper planning. .the development of tourism should not
result in the destruction of spiritual values. 10

Cesar Calderon, prominent businessman and civic leader, issued a
sharp warning blast against the expanding tourist industry in 1964:

We must decide what we want from tourism and what we do
not want. We must regulate and regulate quickly. Tourism is
a natural resource which we must exploit, but it carries a great
potential danger against which we must defend ourselves. 1









The above commentaries, while not inclusive, are representative of
the attitudes expressed publicly by influential Puerto Rican citizens.
Significantly, no one has taken a public stance in opposition to these
views or in favor of a laissez faire approach to the development of the
tourist industry. 12

It seems safe to assume that the vast majority of Puerto Rico's
citizens share in the general tenor of the above opinions. Significant,
too, is the fact that while a prevailing attitude of concern, if not in-
dignation, exists among large numbers of Puerto Ricans, rarely is this
vague position accompanied by any sharply defined criticisms or recom-
mendations for amelioration. Typical reactions are: "We don't want
another Miami Beach." "Let's protect our cultural heritage."
Ambiguity of this nature clearly creates a barrier to the formulation of
a definite statement of the problem surrounding the establishment of a
tourist industry.

The prevalent anti-Miami Beach attitude stems from the abundance
of tourist-oriented amusements found in Miami which are designed
primarily to divert tourists-without regard to their utility or impact
upon local residents. Characteristic of the most offensive type of
tourist trappings deplored by critical Puerto Ricans are shooting
galleries, penny arcades, morally questionable female stage shows by
morally questionable females, junky carnivals and such base attrac-
tions as monster lands, cheap gingerbread villages, wax museums, etc.13
These, in aggregate, produce a synthetic, gaudy, honky-tonk type of
atmosphere, which Puerto Rico traditionally has not possessed. 14
Critics feel that this type of development would contribute very little,
if anything, to Puerto Rican people; and might actually endanger or
undermine Puerto Rican cultural values.

In addition to fearing for the decay of Puerto Rican culture, critics
seem to agree that it is demeaning, if not servile, for large numbers of
the population to be subjected to such alien endeavours as catering to
the fickle whims of foreigners in order to gain a livelihood. Perhaps
this feeling is expressed most succinctly by Teodoro Moscoso, former
Director of the Economic Development Administration:

in other words, we should be ourselves and put our best foot
forward, but we should not borrow a wooden leg and try to pass
it off as our own just to please the tourists. 15

A synthesis of the attitude of the majority of Puerto Rican people
toward a new and expanding tourist industry (largely financed by and
catering to non-Puerto Ricans) may be summed-up as generally opposed
to such a development, to the extent that it introduces: (1) Synthetic,
over-commercialized facilities, (2) Immorality and (3) Degradation of
native peoples. It is noteworthy that criticism of tourism has been
largely vague and emotional. The critics have tended to dwell upon
only the most negative aspects of tourism. There seems to be little
realization that, given adequate governmental supervision, most tourist
"evils" can be controlled and the economy boosted significantly.









Related Government Policy

Many phases of the Commonwealth Government's programme for
the development of tourism bear witness to the aforementioned attitudes
of concern for Puerto Rican cultural preservation. The three phases of
government planning which are most clearly linked to these views and
are most measurable will be examined. These are governmental pro-
grammes to: (1) Maintain complete honesty in gambling casinos,
(2) Preserve a native style of tourism (vis-a-vis an over-commercialized
type), and (3) Establish a wide range of prices. 16
Although nowhere stated with precision, it is widely contended by
government planners that the above three provisions are designed to
control undesirable outside influences. (This study does not attempt to
judge the rationale employed by the government planners who initiated
these measures.) Despite the fact that attempts to formulate a com-
prehensive master plan for the development of tourism date back to
at least 1945, presently, no such document exists which clearly outlines
the Commonwealth Government's ultimate aims and objectives for
tourist industry.


Influence of Government Programmes upon Tourism

Complete Honesty in Gambling: Government policy, adamant in its
support of fair and honest gambling in tourist hotel casinos, dates back
to the original law for legalizing and formalizing games of chance in
Puerto Rico, passed on September 24, 1948.
Government efforts to control gambling, normally administered by
the Department of Tourism's Division of Gambling, have been marked.
Before a gambling license is granted, lengthy background investigations
(frequently in co-operation with the United States Federal Bureau of
Investigation) are made of those responsible for the proposed casino.
Government inspectors are permitted free access to casino records and
equipment as well as to any information requested concerning the
operation of a gambling parlor. 17 All rules of play such as permissible
games, bet limits and detailed conditions of play, hours of operation,
etc., are established by the government and posted publicly in all
gambling parlors. All casino employees must be trained by the govern-
ment-at the hotel's expense. No advertising of casino gambling is
permitted. is During hours of operation (8.00 p.m. to 4.00 a.m. in 1964),
government inspectors are always on duty on the casino premises.
Liquor and/or food are not allowed in the casino. All casinos are to
maintain an atmosphere of reserved sophistication. Any infraction of
the above rules gives the government authority, .to temporarily or
permanently suspend or cancel the franchise, license, rights and
privileges enjoyed under the Games of Chance Act .and their decisions
to that effect shall be final and unappealable." 19
A truly precise measure of the effectiveness of the above govern-
mental provisions for fair and honest gambling is impracticable. How-
ever, there is considerable evidence to support the government allega-
tion that casino gambling is truly fair.









The most meaningful testimony to the effectiveness of government
regulations and the consequent honesty in casino gambling20 is the
paucity of reprisals that have been necessary by the government.
According to Division of Gambling Director, Mendez Munoz, minor
infractions are corrected immediately because of the acknowledged
importance of casino earnings to the overall profitability of the hotel.
The risk of gambling license revocation simply outweighs any serious
consideration of short-run dishonesty.21

Through 1964 strict compliance with the gambling law had been
a problem only on one occasion. This incident involved a rather
bizarre series of events surrounding a government discovery that the
name of a major stockholder of the former Ponce de Leon Hotel in San
Juan had been omitted purposely from the official list of owners sub-
mitted to the government for approval. The unlisted man turned out
to be Zachery Strate, who, along with Teamster Union head, James
Hoffa, was under indictment in the United States Courts for allegedly
misusing $20 million of union loan funds. This clear violation of Sec. 6
of the Gambling Law (which requires the divulging of all hotel owner-
ship) precipitated a sharp government reaction. The provisional
gambling permit of the recently opened hotel was rescinded. Within
a week the hotel closed for business-publicly claiming that without
gambling earnings it could not operate profitably. After several weeks
of behind-the-scenes manoeuvering, ownership of the $14 million hotel
changed hands. Hilton International was contracted by the new
owners to handle the management, a new provisional gambling permit
was reissued by the government and almost immediately the hotel
reopened for business under the new name of San Geronimo Hilton. 22

The prompt, decisive handling of the Ponce de Leon affair,
especially in view of such an able adversary as the head of the
Teamsters Union, won the government acclaim from some traditionally
hostile critics. Such government actions substantiated its own claims
that gambling irregularities in any form would not be tolerated. A
lengthy search has revealed no other record of complaint or criticism
of gambling legality in Puerto Rico.

One can conclude that the government objective of maintaining
fair and honest gambling facilities has been very successful. Clearly,
this favourable assessment is possible because of passage of a com-
prehensive gambling law coupled with effective means of surveillance
and enforcement.

The implied purpose of the Gambling Act of 1948 to control gambl-
ing in order to avoid the raucous type of development which had
occurred in Havana and Las Vegas, thereby preventing interference
with Puerto Rican values, has been a success.


Preservation of a Native Style Tourism: The establishment and pre-
servation of a native style tourism is a principle that had its origin in
national pride, a quality easily observable among many Puerto Ricans.









The basic concern was that tourism would develop too artificially and
be alien to the native way of life.

Examples of government programmes which support this nebulous
concept are: (1) the annual government-sponsored Pablo Casals Music
Festival, (2) the varied functions of the Puerto Rico Institute of Culture,
(3) restrictions of the Puerto Rico Planning Board and (4) recommenda-
tions of the Department of Tourism.

While the Festival Casals Inc. and activities of the Institute of
Culture provide visitors (and natives alike) with the availability of a
"culturally superior" 23 form of diversion, the Planning Board in con-
junction with the Department of Tourism, counters the establishment
of undesirable facilities more directly by restricting building permits,
endorsements for tax exemption, government loans and entry on the
officially approved accommodation listing.

When a prospective developer produces a blueprint that seems too
ostentatious, the Division of Facility Development of the Department
of Tourism advises him how to alter the project to make it more
amenable to Puerto Rican tastes. In most instances, a reasonable com-
promise is reached. However, some projects have been forwarded to the
Planning Board minus the approval of the Department of Tourism. 24
Usually some concessions are wrung from the prospective developer
concerning building design, decor, room size and nomenclature. How-
ever, when the prospective establishment is not an expensive hotel
seeking tax exemption or government financing, but a small car rental
agency, sandwich stand, restaurant or pay parking lot, then the power
of the Department of Tourism and Planning Board to influence the
nature of the project is reduced significantly, often to the extent that
"good taste" is not enforceable. Thus, when the threat of a refusal of
tax exemption, casino license, or government loan 25 cannot be made,
undesirable facilities can and do gain admittance. As a consequence
of this loophole, some small unsightly operations (i.e., car rentals,
souvenir shops, sandwich stands, etc.) have developed, despite an
opposing government policy.

A major handicap in the government programme for preventing
honky-tonk caliber facilities is the recognition that the terms "honky-
tonk" or "Miami Beach" type were never clearly defined so that proper
restrictions against them could be implemented. However, the present
"gentlemen's agreement" type of policy, although nowhere clearly
spelled out, has succeeded in preventing "another Miami Beach," at
least to the extent that very, very few overtly cheap commercial enter-
prises have been imported. Table 1 below lists some of the types of
establishments frequently attacked by critical Puerto Ricans and com-
monly associated with cheap, over-commercialized tourism.









Table 1


Some Common Commercial Entertainment Found at Resort Areas

Establishments Miami San Juan
Dance Halls, Studies, Schools, including
Children's 897 8
Bowling, Billards and Pool 62 19
Race track operations, including Racing
Stables 98 N/L (none listed)
Amusement Parks, Kiddie Parks, Theme
Parks 5 N/L
Concession Operator of Amusement
Devices, Rides 58 N/L
Carnivals and Circuses 6 N/L
Tourist Attractions, Natural Wonders 7 N/L
Coin-operated Amusement Devices 29 N/L
Turkish Baths, Massage Reducing Salons 79 N/L
Misc. Commercial Amusements 211 77
Source: U.S. Census of Business, Selected Services, Miami Florida
SMSA, 1963, p. 71, and 1963 Puerto Rico Census of Business,
p. 75.

Table 1 and, more importantly, field reconnaissance, indicate that
Puerto Rico has far fewer cheap tourist-oriented operations than might
be expected for a tourist attraction of its size. 26

Were it not for the aforementioned government policies that deter
the types of establishments listed in Table 1, a larger number of them
would undoubtedly have developed in Puerto Rico. Had a well-defined
policy against objectionable establishments been formalized and
implemented, the existing few distasteful establishments might have
been reduced even further, or possibly eliminated entirely. 27 Support-
ing evidence for this last statement is based upon the success of the
Historic Sites Law of 1949 which declared most of Old San Juan an
official historic site. A comprehensive plan for preserving and restoring
the grandeur of the old quarter was developed and strictly enforced by
the Puerto Rico Institute of Culture. This ancient Spanish fort area
has been gradually refurbished and remains without any of the loud
vulgarities which so often are associated with such a popular tourist
attraction. A strongly enforced plan has been successful.

An example of incomplete or fragmentary planning which produced
a fiasco may be found in the decision to refuse permission for luxury
hotels in the Condado section of San Juan. This was done to stop the
development of a tourist "wall" between Puerto Ricans and their sea.
At the same time, permission to construct highrise condominium apart-
ments on the same choice real estate produced the tourist "wall" every-
one was trying to prevent. The result is somewhat similar to the
situation in Miami Beach, but rather than a row of hotels for very
wealthy Americans, there is rapidly developing a row of condominiums
for very wealthy Puerto Ricans (and also some Americans). Either










CONDOMINIUM CONSTRUCTION IN SAN JUAN 1961-r4-


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At la t


ACEA *SHOWN

^v-v






0 .5 10
MILES

SAN JUAN S.M.S.A.









Had a comprehensive long-range landuse plan been devised for the
allocation of these choice, but rare, land resources to the optimum
advantage of all Puerto Ricans, then both hotels and condominiums
might have been controlled, and the tourist "wall" prevented.

In sum, empirical field observations indicate that Puerto Rico lacks
the grotesque, "fast-buck" type of tourism which has developed so
commonly at other places which attract large numbers of visitors. One
cannot say, however, that the tourist plant is "pure Spanish Puerto
Rican" in style, nor that a small number of indiscreet facilities have
not Infiltrated. The most effective means of encouraging a higher
quality of tourism have been through implementing the policies of the
Department of Tourism and the Puerto Rico Planning Board, which
may refuse permission for tax exemption and government financing for
unsuitable projects. Were it not for this screening system (even with
its few leaks), Puerto Rico would have attracted a different caliber of
facility, more similar to that found at innumerable tourist centers over
the United States. Thus, efforts of the government to maintain at
least a modicum of native culture have been successful.

Wide Range of Prices: The development of a wide range of prices has
long been an aim of the government. 28 Hopefully, both a larger and
a more culturally diverse market (i.e. including teachers, students.
clergymen, officeworkers; in addition to upper income visitors) could
be reached if an adequate supply of moderately-priced facilities were
made available. 29 Those in favour of providing vacation facilities for
middle and lower income families argued that cultural exchange possi-
bilities would be greater if a wider segment of foreign society were
represented.

Government efforts to bring about the development of moderately-
priced facilities have included a persuasion-promotion policy by the
Department of Tourism and, to a limited extent, a similar policy by the
government lending institutions: The Puerto Rico Industrial Develop-
ment Company (Pridco) and the Government Development Bank. These
policies, however, were not awarded the highest priorities. 30 Although
the principle of a wide range of prices was declared highly desirable,
little has been done to achieve it.

Loans from the Government Development Bank and Pridco were
also used to assist less sumptuous and, hence, lower-priced hotel
facilities. In response to a charge in the San Juan Star by former
tourism director, Roberto Bouret, that the Government Development
Bank had refused to consider lending money to any project not of the
luxury class and/or on the plush Condado Beach area of San Juan,
Bank President, Dr. Rafael Pic6 replied:

This statement does not agree at all with the policy and
practice the Bank has always followed. Since it started opera-
tion, the Bank has disbursed twenty-eight loans to hotels and
guest houses for the total amount of $8,748,000. Of this, only
four are luxury hotels representing an investment of $4,825,000









and the remaining twenty-four, for $3,923,000, almost 50% of
the total amount disbursed, has gone to other types of hotels
that are neither luxury nor beach front. 31

Pridco hotel loans totalled $3,127,338 for twenty-four separate hotel
and guest house projects. However, four loans totalling $2,300,000 com-
prised 73.61' of this amount; thus relatively little was left to be dis-
persed among less costly projects.32

Beginning in early fiscal 1964, the government decided to dis-
continue the granting of casino licenses for Metropolitan San Juan,
but not for the rest of the island. Three reasons were given for this
change of policy by Division of Gambling Director, Mendez Mufioz:
(1) the growth of facilities out on the island would receive a relative
boost, (2) lower-cost facilities would be encouraged to develop and
(3) the danger of San Juan being overwhelmed with tourists, a la Miami,
would be lessened. Due however to the brief time which has lapsed since
this provision has been instituted, its impact upon the growth of
lower-cost facilities cannot be measured.

In sum, government support of medium and lower-cost facilities has
been through loans, but not to the same extent as to the more profit-
able and less risky luxury facilities. Some promotional gestures by the
Department of Tourism, and the recent policy of refusing to grant
more gambling licenses for San Juan have been other forms of govern-
ment participation.

As might be expected, such half-hearted efforts have not been very
successful. Table 2 shows that average room rates in Puerto Rico exceed
those of Florida by approximately 20%.


Table 2

Average Room Rates
United States Average
Under 500 Over 500 United States
Puerto Rico Florida Rooms Rooms Resorts
1961 $20.53 $16.52 $7.91 $12.38 $17.01
1962 21.47 17.75 8.01 11.98 17.13
1963 22.56 18.02 8.33 11.92 17.27
1964 21.55 18.46 8.31 11.83 17.66
Sources: Compiled from Horwath Accountant, Trends in the Hotel
Business and Hotel Operations, calendar years 1961, 1962, 1963 and 1964.

To be sure, there are some rooms which cost less than the average,
but nothing oriented primarily to the tourist trade. The lower-cost
facilities, without a significant exception, are either commercial hotels
or guest houses which lack swimming pools, direct access to the beach,
restaurants, entertainment and other commonly expected tourist
services. 33









Evidence indicates that prices in tourist-oriented facilities do not
range widely. Few facilities with beach frontage and casinos exist and
they are clearly the most expensive. Even the lowest priced facilities
do not compare favourably with the United States motel and motor
hotel average rate per room per day of $11.23.34

Figure 2 provides supplemental evidence that the overall cost of
vacationing in Puerto Rico has steadily increased. Figure 3 suggests
that these rising costs have all but eliminated the lower income visitors,
while those with incomes in excess of $10,000 have increased from 41%
to an average of nearly 60% of the annual total number of visitors to
Puerto Rico.


ANNUAL TOURIST EXPENDITURES PER DAY
1947 1961.


e16 r


I I I I I I I II I I


1946-4748 49 50 51


SZ 53 54 55 56 57 58 59


60 1 62. 63 6+


YEARS


Source: Selected Statistics on the Visitors and
Hotel Industry of Puerto Rico, 1963 64. Eda P. 39.

Fig. 2









INCOME LEVELS OF NON-IESIDENT HOTEL VISITORS


w I


w


NOT REPORTING
ANNUAL INCOME LE55 THAN $5,000
ANNUAL INCOME t5000-I0,000
ANNUAL INCOME OVER. *10,000


195Z 55 54 55 56 57 51


Source: Selected Statistics on the Visitors and
Hotel Industry of Puerto Rico, 1963 64. Eda P. 40.

Fig. 3

An examination of the overall attempts of the government to
establish moderately priced facilities shows that, on the contrary, some
government actions have had the opposite effect. Government owned
hotels such as the Caribe Hilton and La Concha traditionally have been
among the price pacesetters. Moreover, the minimal investments
required to qualify for a gambling permit are inconsistent with the
policy of encouraging smaller, lower-cost accommodations. The greater
the original investment, the higher are depreciation charges, real estate
taxes, and interest charges-hence, high rates for food and rooms.









In conclusion, the dearth of moderately-priced tourist facilities
which existed in 1964,35 and the increasing proportion of visitors from
the upper income levels, would indicate that the government objective
of providing accommodations for all income groups has fallen very
short of its goal. Hence, the majority of visitors have been from upper-
income groups and any potential benefits to be derived from the
presence of more varied types of visitors has been lost.


Summary and Conclusions

Widespread concern among Puerto Rican people over the possible
deterioration of their way of life has been reflected in official govern-
ment policy. Resultant government programmes (e.g., Complete
Honesty in Gambling, Prevention of over-commercialised Facilities,
Development of a Wide Range of Prices) have been established in order
to resist this undesirable interference and these have functioned with
varying degrees of success.

The most successful efforts have succeeded largely on the merits of
good planning and, conversely, the less successful endeavours failed
because of insufficient planning and follow-up action. On the bases of
the three indexes which have been examined, there is evidence to
suggest that when an objective (e.g., honest gambling or restoration of
Old San Juan) is genuinely understood and a comprehensive plan for
control devised, then effective control is possible. However, when a
partial or incomplete plan and means for its enforcement were poorly
thought out and implemented (e.g. range of costs), then prospects for
success were diminished greatly.

Unfortunately, in 1967 the Commonwealth Government of Puerto
Rico still has not adopted a comprehensive master plan for the develop-
ment of its tourist industry. There is considerable evidence to indicate
that when such a set of clear objectives is agreed upon, any real threat
to Puerto Rican culture can be eliminated almost entirely.

Finally, a review of the Puerto Rican case suggests to other
countries struggling for cultural autonomy that they should: (1) Define
with great clarity the specific facets of their culture which they wish
to preserve, (2) Formulate comprehensive, but realistic plans and
regulations and (3) Provide an effective system of enforcement. The
experience of Puerto Rico indicates strongly that only when these
measures are adhered to can acceptable results be expected.


ROBERT C. MINGS,











References:


The term "national identity" is used here to signify traditional values and patterns of
living.
2. Named "Man of the Year" in 1962 by the Puerto Rico Institute of Culture.
3. Emilio S. Belaval, "La Intrigulis Puertorriquenis," El Mundo, October 8, 1952; p. 7.
4. Emilio S. Beloval, "La Intrigulis Puertorriquenis," El Mundo, October 10, 1952, p. 26.
5. Emilio S. Belaval, "La Intrigulis Puertorriquenis," El Mundo, October 21, 1952, p. 21.
6. Rafael Santiago Sosa, El Mundo, October 6, 1956, p. 22.
7 Rafael Santiago Sosa, El Mundo, March 22, 1958, p. 1, 32.
8. El Mundo, February 10, 1958, p. 11.
9. Severo E. Colberg, "Exceso de turismo", El Mundo, April 26, 1960, p. 16.
10. Rafael Durand Manzanal, El Mundo, May 2, 1961; p. 15.
11. J. R. Mahoney, "Tourism Tiger Said Tamed with High Standard Policy," San Juan Star,
June 21, 1964, p. 6.
12 Even those Puerto Ricans charged with the responsibility of developing tourism favour
considerable con;ril. See: Margcret John-on, Varios er..avislados opinan isla debe
continuar turismo," El Mundo, April 30, 1960, p. 21.
13. This representative list was compiled from interviews and readings -- especially govern-
ment departmental memos of the Economic Development Adminislration.
14. At least not in this form.
15. Teodoro Mosedso, "Memo en Don Shorl's Comments rn the Tourism Master Plan," Memo-
randum to Rafael Durand. Economic Develcpment Adminislrclion, August 27, 1958.
16. Other less direct end less measurable government eff include the programmes
for strict sanitary standards, eff .ts to p 'e c a medium of cul-
tural exchange, emphasis on high quality service and acc;nmmcdolions.
17. dommonweallh of Puerto Rico, Games of Chance Act. No. 221, Section 6, May 15, 1948.
18. Presumably to reduce the danger of an influx of bigtime gamblers from abroad. See:
Act 221, op. cit. Sec. 8.
19. Act 221, op. cit., Sec. 9.
20. In addition to references in Report on Gembling in Puerto Rico, by Richard V. Gilbert.
for EDA, December 15, 1959, p. 98, and "Caribbean Vegas," Time, Vol. 85, No.
8, February 19, 1965, p. 41.
Interview with Sr. Mendez Munoz, Direcit, Division of Gonb!ing, Department of Tourism,
Economic Development Administration, Commonwealth Government of Puerto Rico,
March 1964.
22. For a more complete record, see the sequence of articles in May and June of 1964 in the
San Juan Star.
23. As defined by the critics.
24. Usually the Planning Board would exert further pressure in the hope of salvaging the
pEoject, but if the developer refuses to co-operate, the whole proposal may be rejected.
25. Cooperation exists among government agencies to the extent thot it is most unlikely for
any project to receive tax exemption or a loan from either tle G -/ei. nnt Development
Bank or Pridco if general endorsement is not forthcoming frcm the Department of
Tourism and the Planning Board.
26. Consider such places as the Wisconsin Dells, the Black Hills, Vegas, Lookout Moun-
tain, Tennessee or Wakiki Beach.
27. Interview with Roberto Bouret, Executive Director, Puerto Rico Hctel Ass"cic!ion, February
1964 and Interview with Miguel Bcr-scrd', Directo Div':i n cF Facil! / Dev:p-'oment,
Deportment of Tourism, Economic Development Admi istr n, Commonwealth Govern-
ment of Puerto Rico, June 1964.
28. Far example, see: J. Stanton Robbins, Report to the Puerto Rico Industrial Development
Company on the Tourist Industry of Puerto Rico, (Stonington, Connecticut: 1951), p. 5-B.
29. This does not mean that there has been r mplete creement 'is cb'eclive, .Jnce
some observers associate on influx of middle and lower c:ass it-rs ri" c in-
creased threat to the Puerto Rican value system The derogatory phrc.;e, "cheapening of the
market", is used commonly to signify those lo.ner and middle class visitors. See:
Cesar Calderon, Necesidad de controlar el desarmllo del turismo en Puerto Rico, May 6, 1964.
30. This fact was mentioned by both former Director, Bourel and current Director of Tourism,
Hector Pineiro, during the course of being interviewed.
31. Letter from Rafael Pico, President of the Government Development Bank to Mr. William
H. Dorvillier, Editor of the San Juan Star, January 7, 1964.
32. Statistics provided by the Office of Economic Research, Economi Development Adminis-
tration, Commonwealth Government of Puerto Rico.
33. Far a complete summer and winner listing of hotel and guest house rates, See: Selected
Statistics on the Visitors and Hotel Industry in Puerto Rico, Economic Development Ad-
ministration, 1964.
34. Trends in the Hotel-Motel Business, 1964, Prepared by Harris, Kerr, Forster, Certified
Public Accountants, No. 9, Vol. 43, fig 44, p. 35.
35. An active controversy still rages over this issue in the fall of 1967.









TEN-CENT RESPECT

She treats me
with respect
now, but

Bloody Pommy -
married helper in the corner food-shop
where I buy
my lunch-time buttered-roll and coffee -
has a pleasant pasty face
with shrewish eyes,
and roly figure
loosely tied in blue,
with orange cardy.

When you can afford
some filling for the roll,
she cuts it -
oh so thinly,
oh so clever -
so you only ever
get that wafer thinness
tantamount to smell itself:
that bloody Pommy,
niggardly with our Australian beef.

But now she treats me
with respect:
she made a blue,
miscalculated price -
it happened once before,
but now I had the courage,
this time questioned her -
she blushed
nt very roots of tinted hair,
refunded my ten cents
and treats me
with respect
now:
counts the change
so carefully,
won't spill a drop
of coffee.

Yes, she treats me
with respect
now, but
the ham and beef,
when finances allow,
grow thinner every day.
A. S. HODGE












The Male/Female Conflict In Calypso

WITHIN the last decade not only ethnomusicologists, but also other
workers in the field of the Social Sciences, especially, have recognized
that human song is a powerful culture-laden communicative medium-
that the content of song, if subjected to the appropriate analytical tools,
can throw great light upon the personality of the singer as well as upon
the type of cultural milieu of which he is the product. 1 While the
pioneers in this field are few-Chas Seeger, Alan Lomax, Mantle Hood
and Allan Merriam being in the frontline of ethno-musicological
research in U.S.A.-the projection of the artist's personality thru the
medium of the artefact is no new phenomenon to students. In litera-
ture this principle has long been established. The later works of James
Joyce, e.g., Finnigan's Wake, Herman Melville's Moby Dick, etc., are
common illustrations of the way literary art may manifest the psychic
stress of the artist and project the cultural mandates he obeys.2
Frances Hannet's experiments with the schizophrenics who were her
patients and the songs thru which they communicated their pathology
to her are now common knowledge in the medical world.3 If the
mumblings of the mentally unbalanced could provide an index to
mental health, how much more is the song of the sane deliberate singer
the proper data for inquiry into the human personality? The techniques
of content analysis, projective tests and factor analysis have within
recent times transformed the texts of human song into rich data-banks
for psychological and sociological research. In these my talks I hope
to demonstrate, for the student and for those laymen whose interests
go that far, how the folksong tradition of Trinidad and Tobago reflects
the major characteristics of popular social mores and traditional culture-
patterns in our country.

The theory that folksongs are objective reliable data, the source of
information about the culture and social organization of the society
within which the singers operate, has received support from the results
of two experiments carried out with musical data during the period
1960 to 1966, one at the Bureau of Applied Social Research, Columbia
University and the other at the Archive of Traditional Music, Univ. of
Penn., Philadelphia. Working with a team of anthropologists, music-
ologists and psychologists at Columbia, Alan Lomax developed and
tested for analysing music, a measuring-tool which he called
Cantometrics and presented at a conference of the AFS back in 1961.5
By last June, Lomax and his team had coded the music from most of
the known cultures of the world with specially designed scales employ-
ing about ninety-six (96) different traits (features) of musical organiza-
tion and musical performance styles. For the social organization with-
in the cultures studied by Lomax, Murdock's parameters for the Human
Relations Area (Culture Areas) files were used. At present Lomax is
engaged in writing up his findings for a Cantometrics Coding Handbook









to be published shortly although some of his conclusions have already
appeared in articles in L'homme and in Ethnology. The major theo-
retical finding which Lomax has reported is that there is correlation
between song-structure and social-structure-that the way the bearers
of a culture organize men and women for food-production is reflected
in the manner the groups within that culture are organized or structured
for producing music. As a subsidiary project Victor Grauer, the music-
ologist who directed the coding of the music, has worked out relation-
ships between the socializing techniques within a given culture, 6 and
the somatics associated with the singing styles peculiar to that culture.
The Cantometrics Project has presently reached the stage where the
coded data fed into computers have produced scores of relationships
between song-style or song-structure on one hand and the structure of
society, on the other.

At the University of Pennsylvania my experimental work was, in
many respects, an application of the Cantometrics technique. Here.
working with the music from five African and six European cultures as
defined by Murdock7 and samples of music from Latin America, Afro-
America and the Eastern Caribbean, I tested the hypothesis that
variance in the social experience of the singing group is related to
change in the morphology (structure) and content of the song the
group creates. The two phenomena involved here were song-change
and social change. The social and cultural ecology, it was assumed,
operates in such a way as either to hamper or facilitate choices in the
song-making process. The singer is virtually at the mercy of his
phenomenal world: his songs, in their content, as well as in their
stylistic and mechanical structure, reflect his emotional reaction to
change in the ecology. This, I hope to demonstrate, should apply
whether we view the environment as the source of musical ideas, tech-
niques, and raw materials or as a conglomerate of contributing factors
psychologically defined.

For one aspect of my experiment I coded music from a hundred-
tune random sample of Trinidad and Tobago folk and popular songs
including calypsoes composed over a period of fifty years by the major
singers in the country. The experimental model used, comprised
twenty-four factors (variables) seventeen of which were basically
structural or stylistic musical features. Seven pertained to song-
content and could be described either as being sociological or socio-
psychological in character. The statistical operations carried out either
tested for significance of difference between two distributions or for
association between matched pairs of variables. Since we were looking
at an instance of cultural development, i.e. change as reflected in the
Trinidad and Tobago folksong tradition, Age of Song (termed song-type
in the definitions) was held constant as the Independent Variable.
Near to half the number of scales used in coding the data were "interval-
scales" the others were either of the nominal or the ordinal types
constructed with bi-polar semantic spaces on the principles of the
semantic differential technique developed by Osgood. Work on the
designing of interval-scales for all the factors suggested by the data
is however still in progress. There was an effort to keep the number









of scale-levels (elements in the simple-spaces) uniform for all the
factors since this facilitates the use of computers. Quantitative content
analysis was applied to the texts of the songs. These explanations are
given to provide an over-view of the organization of the project and a
simple account of the experimental design. I should now isolate the
social-attitude factor which I called Male/Female Conflict, discussing
its distribution and character as projected in the Trinidad folk-song,
and some of the inferences which this distribution permitted me to
make about the singers and their emotional response to the social
environment of Trinidad.

Male/Female Conflict is a complex sociological phenomenon
common to all known cultures. The various taboos and other cultural
devices employed in different societies for dealing with its disruptive
and adaptive functions have been reported by several anthropologists,
psychologists, and other students of social organization. Any student
who has examined the folklore of the Negro communities in the New
World and read literary works based on it must soon become aware of
the extent to which speculation about the nature of this male/female
conflict over monopoly of the child, status, authority and property,
dominates the literature produced by the educated elite as it does the
oral tradition of the folk. B The traditional calypso of Trinidad is no
exception to this rule-the incidence of anti-feminine assertions and
statements projecting this conflict in these songs of protest is pheno-
menally high. This fact remains true for most calypsoes and can be
demonstrated easily with material selected from any of the five stages
of development into which the life-history of the Trinidad and Tobago
folksong tradition has been chronologically divided for this study.
Equally in the texts of the songs and in the way the group is organized
for calypso-production, it was possible to identify projections of this
conflict over desirable social roles between the male and the female.
Certainly the almost total absence of women as singers of calypsoes in
Trinidad is of great significance for the social scientist investigating
male/female conflict.

For my study the folk-music data was coded for assertions which
reflected emotive attitudes of a negative character towards the female-
figure. In the derisive songs females are commonly categorized by
stereotypes all of which convey semantically offensive overtones, e.g.
Night-hawks, Gate-way Janie, Garbin, Jagabat, Boo-boo-loops, Kreef,
Kraaf, and Hog-Mouth Mary. We asked the questions: Was there
variance in the frequency of these pejorative and hostile verbal
responses to the female as the Trinidad folksong tradition grew older?
Did song-age make any difference in the intensity or frequency of the
hostility orally projected at women by the male singers? Finally we
sought to determine whether change in male security and feelings of
power were related to variation in this anti-feminine attitude. Can the
scientist, we wanted to know, given the intensity of female-derived
frustration or anxiety in the male singer, predict the amount of
hostility that would emerge in the songs such a singer will compose
about the females within Ego's primary family, or about those outside
it? Did relationships based on kinship make any difference?









The song items in the sample that was drawn, numbered one
hundred and seven in all. They were then grouped into five categories
defined in terms of song-age, i.e. distance from slavery. Each category
represents one of the five developmental stages over which it was
assumed the emergent calypso tradition spreads in terms of time (1900-
1960). Each of these stages also coincided with a specific type of song
with its own peculiar characteristics of musical style, orchestra,
organization of singing group and social function. Thus the set
/A-B-C-D-E/ comprised: Worksongs and Bongo (dead-wake music),
Kalinda (stick-fight songs), Caiso (the original calypso), Modern
calypso (composed between 1940 and 1950) and Contemporary calypso
(composed between 1951 and the present day). Each stage was repre-
sented more or less by an equal number of tunes composed by singers
dating back to the earliest stages-Farjonel, Douglas, Mentor, Fanto,
Executor, Growler, Lion, Tiger, Spoiler, Atilla and the later moderns
like Kitchener, Pretender and Sparrow.

The first variable (indicator of the male/female conflict) for which
the song material was coded is designated NON-ENDORSEMENT. To
ensure rigor and objectivity in coding successes, a hit was scored only if
a song item contained (a) a direct assertion about a character or
judgement-object, the referent being specified by name and (b) a clear
unequivocally expressed statement-negative or positive-evaluating the
behaviour, conduct, character, etc., of the referent. By rigidly applying
these criteria it was possible to extract from the texts only those cases
in which occurred singer-condemnation or singer-approval of the
behaviour of judgement-objects, both male and female. Of course, in
this operation only a generalized view of singer-attitude-positive or
negative-is taken into consideration.

The coded material yielded fifty-nine "hits" for all judgement-objects
which were cross-classified for the two variables SEX OF REFERENT
and NON-ENDORSEMENT. The following matrix was produced by
arranging them on a 2 x 2 contingency table. (See Table -I). In order
to facilitate inter-stage analysis the material was later arranged on a
second matrix so constructed as to reflect the five evolutionary stages
of the calypso tradition. It was thus possible to match contrasted
types of singer-attitude across the sexes and through chronological
slots in the total field of the song tradition.

Table -I Distribution of Singer Attitude to Referent Behaviour
TYPE OF ATTITUDE
Sex of
Ref/t Endorsement Non-Endorsement
Male 3 9 (12)
Female 6 41 (47)

TOTAL 9 50 (59)


The Chi-Square Test corrected for continuity when applied to the
Table above found that the variables SEX OF REFERENT and NON-
ENDORSEMENT are not associated statistically at the 5% level of









confidence. Taking into consideration the rigor of the sampling pro-
cedure employed, we conclude that while there is a preponderance of
cases in which female behaviour evokes non-approval by the singers,
the sex of the referent does not determine the type of comment a
judgement object elicits from the singer. The calypsonian, by this
token, is not only sensitive to condemnable behaviour in the society,
but he also seems un-biased as a judge. This conclusion is supported
by further evidence from Table -I. Calypsonians find twice as many
cases for endorsement among females than they find among males.
None-the-less, when it comes to non-endorsement of behaviour they
find 4.5 times more cases among females than among males.

Insofar as the male/female conflict theory is concerned our
frequency tables show that the female receives the brunt of male con-
demnation in the calypso songs. Recalling that we have found the
calypsonian apparently not discriminating against females, we ask
therefore: What social and cultural conditions underlie the behaviour
of these statistical distributions? Are the females in the Trinidad and
Tobago society as compared with the males really more productive of
behaviour which men in the position of "judge" cannot approve? We
should return to the answers to these questions later on. For the time
being we should ponder the possibility that, in their customary task of
adjudicating human behaviour in their society, the calypsonians are
confronting a dilemna of which several observers of Negro society in
the New World, including Fraser and Herskovits, have spoken: they
are dealing with the New World Negro female's ambivalent social role. 9

Next we observe the distribution of singer attitude across time. The
fifty-nine "hits", are spread over five chronological stages, each of
which represents a specific type of song ranging from the oldest type
of Trinidad folk tunes down to the contemporary calypsoes. The dis-
tribution given in Table -II below is interesting in several ways. It
permits cross-sex comparison to be made of variance in the frequency
of favourable and unfavourable singer-commentary directed at the
human figures that play thematic roles in our popular songs, over a
period of more than fifty years.

Table -II Endorsement and Non-Endorsement of
Male and Female Behaviour
CONFLICT PATTERN SONG TYPE
(Male/Female) A B C D E Total


Non-Endorsement (Male)
Non-Endorsement (Female)
Endorsement (Male)
Endorsement (Female)


6 2 1 0 0
8 5 5 14 9
2 0 1 0 0
2 0 2 1 1

18 7 9 15 10


While the Trinidad calypsonian sees in his society many more
people whose behaviour does not qualify for his favourable comment


(9)
(41)
(3)
(6)

(59)









than those whose behaviour earns his approval, condemnation by
calypsonians of male behaviour (from the Table above) declines con-
sistently over the period. The old caisoes like "Old Man You Too Cold'
have significantly disappeared from the Contemporary Calypso Era.
Today it is difficult to find songs in which male authoritarian-figures
like oppressive governors, policemen, priests, etc., one openly
castigated. Has the male-figure ceased to frustrate and cause stress in
the Trinidad society? The folksongs in Stages A, B, C above are
dominated by epidodes in which bad-men, tie-pins, unjust judges,
wizards etc. are the heroes. But those were songs composed in the
pioneer days of Trinidad social history. Now-a-days the characters of
that type have almost lost all of their glamour and their glory. The
folksingers have turned their castigation and ridicule upon other human
figures-the females in the society. Forty-one females out of the fifty-
nine referents occupy the non-endorsement cell in the Table -II. All
through the stages of the calypso evolution, the female moves pro-
gressively over the years, as a subject of male preoccupation as much
as the victim of his condemnation.

The factor Male/Female Conflict was next studied as it manifests in
another variable termed Theme. In theme we make a cross-sex assess-
ment of the extent to which the male or the female-figure dominates
the themes of the songs. To what extent were the singers preoccupied
with the female-theme? Did the frequency of the female-theme vary
over time and was this variation statistically significant? Of the one
hundred odd songs coded, forty-one had neuter themes (inanimate),
forty-seven had the female and twelve had the males as theme. The
frequencies arranged in a four-cell contingency table show the distribu-
tion of themes by sex against a time variable. The time variable, Type
of Song is now bi-variate and reflects song-age, the older part of the
tradition being labelled Non-calypso. Calypso represents the later
stage.

Table III Dominant Themes in Trinidad Folksong
(By Sex) of Referent

TYPE OF SONG
THEME (Sex) Non-Calypso Calypso
Male 10 2 (12)
Female 15 32 (47)

TOTAL 25 34 (59)


The female theme occurs four times as often as the male theme.
Also, in the older sectors of the song tradition, it is the female theme
whose frequency distribution dominates that of the male theme. With
change in the age of the song tradition the thematic pattern becomes
more interesting. It is definite that not only in the older but also in
the more recent stages of the calpso tradition the female theme domi-
nates the songs. Several inferences may be drawn from the behaviour
of these variables about what, sociologically speaking, is happening here.









But until we attend to inferences let us ask the question: Are Age of
Song and Song Theme related factors? With one cell in the con-
tingency table almost empty it seems un-necessary for us to apply any
test for relationship between the factors.

A Chi-Square Test for significance between the two distributions
of themes for Non-Calypso and Calypso songs showed that sex of the
referent (theme) and the age of the song are associated variables. The
computed Chi-Square of 10.72 exceeded the expected value at the 5%
level of significance. As the song tradition grew older the female-
figure increased in importance as son-theme. In general the analysis
so far shows that the female consistently dominates the song tradition
throughout the period under study while for some reason the male-
figure as song theme, decreased dramatically.

The final variable-Type of Affect Projected-is the most complex.
Its working typology was so designed that it could be employed in
analysing gross con-figurations of behaviour into primary specialized
response units identified, in terms of basic form and location, with the
hypothetical male (or female) respondent regarded as momentarily
engaged in communicating his emotional state through the medium of
song. This variable is measured by a scale based on a six-point set of
components, each of which represents one only emotional response
associated with an originator-male or female. Each set may be
broken down into Its elementary sub-sets comprised of the actual
"events" about which the singer is communicating. The events may
be cross-classified into four "locatlonal types"

(i) Ego's act
(Ii) Alter's act
(ill) Ego's attribute (emotional state)
(iv) Alter's attribute (emotional state)

This paradigm indicates (1) whether the event originates with a
communicator or a referent and (2) whether the event is an attribute
(state) or act.

The class-points in the set comprise nine affective forms:-

(1) Separation anxiety (Ego's state)
(2) Sexual Jealousy (Ego's state)
(3) Female Rejection (Ego's act)
(4) Fear of Female Magic (Ego's state)
(5) Conquest Tales (seduction) (Ego's act)
(6) Derision (Ego's act)
(7) Admonition (Ego's act)
(8) Pejorative Accounts (of female deviance) (Ego's act)
(9) Disgust (Ego's state)

It Is evident from the above list that the calypso is predominantly a
man's song about his own emotional confrontation of the world of
rivals, his conquests, and his defeat, his hopes and his fears.









In Separation Anxiety fall "events" in which the male is denied
mother-love; the love-object is distant; the love-object deserts the
male; the love-object's affection is alienated by another (e.g. male
rival); the love-object is unfaithful in wedlock. This group of events
centres around the absent-lover syndrome and the regression type is
oral frustration through traumatic weaning.

Sexual Jealousy Includes "events" In which the male makes
aggressive attacks upon powerful rivals for the love of the female.
These rivals are usually described as being superior in status, wealth,
prestige, education, knowledge, strategy and strength. The "boss," the
Yankee soldier, the bad-John, the educated elite, the upper-class Don
Juan, the older experienced male, the magician, etc. are the most
common victims of derision in calypsoes of this type.

In Female Rejection the "events" are overt masochistic acts in
which the male despises the once haughty and beautiful female in
retribution for her past refusal of his love. This syndrome centres
around retributive Fate and reversal of fortunes. It is the most
common form of wish fulfilment and self-abnegation neurosis, but it is
fundamentally aggressive in character.

Magic in Females include episodes in which the female reverts to
sorcery (obeah, voodoo, etc.) and supernatural acts in order to acquire
marriage or the attentions of the unwilling male. These accounts,
while concealing the concept of the powerful male whose love can be
gained only with the aid of supernatural forces, project a deviant
image of the female and a rationalization of the female's real superior
and compulsive power over males.

Seduction Tales Include all accounts in which the "weak" female
is over-powered by the male animal. The female involved is usually
of the virtuous type. This makes the victory-tale more glamourous.
Female teachers, nuns, white women touring African forests, young
choir-girls, female leaders of religious sects, etc. are the commoner
victims of the "hero."

Conquest Tales include events slightly different in emphasis than
those of seduction. Where seduction is based upon covert scheming,
trickery, and subtelty, the events included here involve open male-
female contests in which the battling female is finally conquered. It
Is the male's superior strength of will and techniques of battle that
determine the out-come. The emphasis here is the male's innate Ego
drive which gives him as of right, mastery over the external world. 10
In a society where matrifocality traditionally challenges the sex-role
identity of men this type of illusional flight from reality must be high
in therapy for men who tell or listen to these tales in song.

Derision includes events which are out-right use of denegrative
stereotypes to negatively categorize as deviants, the female-figure in
her several forms-mother, wife, sister, daughter, niece, girl-friend,
mistress, concubine and prostitute. Women are declared to be bad,









superstitious, scheming, tricky, unfaithful, thievish, wayward, pre-
tensious, hypocritical, immoral, over-sexed, perverts, deviants, etc

Pejorative Accounts: In these "events" the story is the unit in
contrast to the simple denotative stereotype employed in Derision.
Tales in which the female is guilty of some evil, immoral, or anti-social
deed form a large part of the calypso repertory. Usually the female
suffers shame and exposure-the Law catches up with her: Retribu-
tion makes her face her evil deeds; in the Confessional at the hour of
death her sins get exposed. The female never escapes punishment in
these dramatic stories; private remorse is not enough. The male is the
"witness," (and very often the "judge") present at the occasion of
female humiliation.

Under Disgust fall events in which the male assumes the role of
the father-figure-moralistic, long-suffering and concerned over the
questionable life the female leads. Finally he gives up and in disgust
over his task, deserts the evil female. ("I don't want no young gal";
"Me never me/Ah don't want no matrimony"). This is the act of
withdrawal from the female-figure of whom the male boasts that he is
independent. (The "sour grape theory" of Suttle). By default the
female deals herself out of the world of the male-figure: her evil ways
bring her separation from the father-figure, his care and protection.
("You thought ah couldna' live alone, Melda" -"King Radio").

Analysis of the material produced one hundred and seventy "hits,"
the distribution of which is shown in Table -IV. By classifying the
tradition into two sectors-non-calypso and calso and calypso-it was
possible to test distribution for significant differences. Is there some
change in the level of stress projected by the songs as they grow older?

Table -IV Projected Affect in Calypso
(Rank Order)
SONG TYPE
Reaction Type Non-Calypso Calypso
1. Pejorative 26 17 (43)
2 Conquest 17 10 (27)
3. Derision 17 8 (25)
4. Separation Anxiety 16 6 (22)
5. Sexual Jealousy 9 12 (21)
6. Admonition 11 1 (12)
7. Fear of Female Magic 5 4 (9)
8. Disgust 3 4 (7)
9. Female Rejection 1 3 (4)

TOTAL 105 65 (170)


By rank ordering the nine types of events, It was demonstrated that
the major "areas" of stress in the set are: Pejorative Account, Con-
quest Tale, Derision, Separation Anxiety and Sexual Jealousy. Since
all of these comprise of "events" which relate to the female state or her








act the frequency of the events was analysed for Non-calypso and
Calypso songs--the two classes coinciding with the older and the newer
sectors of the tradition under study. The result is shown in the follow-
ing table.

Table -V Major Affective Types in Calypso
Non-Calypso Calypso
Pejorative Accounts 26 17 (43)
Conquest Tales 17 10 (27)
Derision 17 8 (25)
Separation Anxiety 16 6 (22)
Sexual Jealousy 9 12 (21)

TOTAL 85 53 (138)


The distribution for these major configurations of events shows that
as the calypso tradition grew older the strategically significant types of
aggressive assertions about the female figure slowly but steadily
decreased in number. The newer sector ("Calypso") contributed only
26.5% of the aggressive anti-feminine remarks as compared with 73.5%
for the older sector ("Non-calypso and Caiso"). A further statistical
Test for Significance of Difference between variance in the two distribu-
tions in Table -III, showed that the difference could not be due to
chance. This supports the conclusion that while the amount of
aggressive assertions about the female increased over the period for the
total tradition, the Increase which is shown in the newer song sector
has taken place at a lower rate than in the sector of older songs. At
the growing point of the calypso tradition aggressive reaction to the
female it seems, is losing its importance gradually. The questions
these conclusions raise are: Why is this happening? Has the female
figure been effectively laid as a threatenerr" to the male identity? or
Has the male found himself substitutes for the female roles at issue?
In his discussion of the masculine jealousy of women, Suttie suggested
that

It is the very reverse of Freud's concept of penis envy
and may be an artefact of special cultural conditions. The
lack of maternal hopes perhaps account for man's
more Intense and creative interests, possibly for his more
aggressive and possessive temperament. .and conceivably
even for the gradual political and economic predominance
of the male. (1966 88).

Certainly in the transitional society we are studying, the bombardment
of our artists by political and economic problems about which to sing
can well Induce them to switch interest in the female figure as theme
for their modern ballads.

In summarizing the decisions which the analysis of the data permits
us to make about the phenomenon which we have studied the follow-
ing points arise:









A. Incidence of aggression in the calypso
(1) aggressive songs have numerically
dominated the entire evolutionary
period of the traditional
calypso
(ii) the incidence of aggressive songs
is not uniform-the proportion
of such songs in the older
sector of the traditional is twice
as much as in the younger sector

B. The female figure and the male figure as calypso theme
(i) the female figure as theme pre-
dominates over the whole calypso
tradition. In the newer sector
of the tradition this figure
has been steadily decreasing in
its frequency
the male figure as calypso theme
has high frequency only in the
older sector of the tradition.
It has steadily declined in
Importance in the newer sector
of the tradition

C. Comparative aggressiveness in the calypso towards
the male and the female-figure
the male figure has received a
consistently diminishing quantum
of aggressive and condemnatory
categorization throughout the
calypso tradition
(il) aggressiveness in calypso towards
the female figure has Increased
steadily throughout the calypso
tradition despite the falling
rate of this singer-neurosis in
the newer sector. Aggressiveness
toward the female has con-
sistently exceeded anti-male
aggressiveness.

We are now in a position to conclude not only about the inferences
which can reasonably be made about the singers, the judgement-
objects and the social milieu in which male/female interaction is taking
place, but also about the techniques used in the study and the extent
to which the findings display reliability-reflect faithfully the "state
of the world" (reality) as far as the phenomenon of the male/female
conflict is concerned. We should commence with the technique used
for analysing the data.









The study demonstrated how, by viewing the defamatory scornful
and pejorative assertions made in the male-songs about women as
symbolic of hostile and aggressive attitudes towards the female-figure,
the analyst may provide himself with the conceptual basis required for
formulating research models which not only facilitate classification of
those instances of female behaviour which evoke the male singers'
hostility and disapproval but also enable the worker to take inquiry
to deeper analytical levels in his effort to uncover sociological and
cultural conditions assumed to predispose of male/female conflict.
About the nature of this conflict the male songs, functioning as very
efficient communicative media, provided concrete clues. The question
which arises here is two-headed and is crucial for the inferences we
wish to make about the singers themselves as a homogeneous group of
artists, and about the culture of which they form a part. On one hand
we must decide to what extent can we view the art creations (songs)
of this group as unique artefacts peculiar to the Trinidad culture and
therefore objectivations of popular values, attitudes etc. normative in
the society. Secondly, we must decide whether the sentiments and
emotions which the songs express may be projections of neurotic
idiosyncrasies generated in the individual as he interacts with his social
milieu. This type of technical problem underlying these questions has
influenced most workers who attempt to diagnose oral tradition.

One worker who has done much in the field of literature with
psycho-analytic techniques wrote as follows. 11

when we read the most chaste love poem, we see what
the underlying motive in the poet's unconscious is. .when
the poet complains because he is rejected or deceived, or of
something interfering with the course of his love we are
aware that his unconscious is grieved because his union is
impeded or entirely precluded.

Professor Mondell's theory that the poet Is "saying in a symbolic
manner that he would possess the miller's daughter" in Tennyson's
"Miller's Daughter" is based upon facts known about the author's life.
In like manner our knowledge of social and cultural conditions in the
Trinidad society is important for the conclusions we are about to make
about the singers and the emotions expressed in their songs. Professor
Hayakawa, the leading authority on language and culture, sums up the
case for regarding the utterance as a symbol of tension, release as
follows:- 12

Having included under the term 'literature' all the affective
uses of language we are helped in our inquiry by recent
psychological and psychiatric investigations which
indicate that from the point of view of the utterer one of
the most important functions of the utterance is the
relieving of tensions. We have all known the relief that
comes from uttering a long and resounding series of impolite
vocables under the stress of great irritation. The same
releasing of psychological tensions-Aristotle called it
catharsis-appears to be effected at all levels of affective









utterances. .the novel, the drama, the poem, like the
oath or expletive, arise, at least in part, out of eternal
necessity when the organism experiences a serious tension,
whether resulting from joy, grief, disturbance, or frustra-
tion. .as a result of the utterance made, the tension is
to a greater or lesser degree-perhaps only momentarily-
mitigated.

These considerations are important as a basis on which to model the
measuring technique we have employed. Even if we should be remind-
ed that the singers may be dealing with imaginary illusional tales, the
question remains one of abnormal psychological problems existing at the
level of the individual psyche. Workers like Harold E. Driver (1961),
Stanley H. Udy (1959) and E. B. Tylor (1889), have popularized the
technique employed in this study. Dr. George P. Murdock has
demonstrated the efficiency of the statistical analysis of ethnographic
data in his HRA cross-cultural studies at Yale University. The method
used by the present author can be regarded as a cross-cultural approach
since the male-figure is being compared with the female-figure on the
basis of the frequency of condemnatory assertions occurring in a
"universe" comprised of a specific type of songs peculiar in a particular
cultural context. This approach centres around the concept of
quantitative evidence respecting incidence and distribution of a selected
set of traits characteristic of a body of ethnographic material. As
shown above, the "events" are the statistical units dichotomized for
cross-sex comparison and present/absent coding for incidence of
different affective responses. By using these categories for construct-
ing tables, it was possible to test for association between traits
(attribute, state) within the different stages of the tradition. As
Osgood states It:- 13

It is the communicative product, the spoken or written
words which follow one another in varying orders, that we
typically observe. Since we are unable to specify the stimuli
which evoke these communicating reactions-since it is
emitted rather than elicited behaviour-measurement In
terms of rate of occurrence and transitional probabilities
(dependence of one event in the stream upon others) are
particularly appropriate. Interest may be restricted to the
lawfulness of sequences in the observable communicative
product itself without regard to the semantic parallel.

Thus it seems that treating frequency as evidence of intensity is justi-
fiable and that the mathematical values to which we have by coding,
reduced the material, are reliable objects for statistical manipulation.
The songs are artefacts whose mechanical and semantic features are
legitimate, morphological or structural elements for empirical exam-
ination.

When we turn to inferences about the "state of the world" or
stimuli to which singers are reacting, we are in difficult waters. Here
it is psychological theory that must aid us in the conclusions we make









about the singers' behaviour. Dr. Albert Mondell's observations about
the application of psychoanalytic methods to literature is timely. 14

.the greatest objection to the application of psycho-
analytic methods to literature will be made to the trans-
ference of the sexual interpretation of symbols from the
realm of dreams to that of art. Civilization has made it
necessary to refer in actual speech to sexual matters in
hidden ways, by symbolic representations. Our faculty of
wit.... also uses various devices of symbolization. Dreams
and literature both make use of the same symbols."

By combining Osgood's directive quoted above on this problem with
that of Mondell, we may conceive of the songs as communications by
the singers about (a) themselves (b) about their environment. In fact
the affect which the songs project is the singer's own neurosis-his own
conflict with repressed emotion, his own way of adapting to stress, his
own idiosyncratic reaction formation. The data when analysed shows
that the male singer is directing his aggression predominantly at the
female. This is a case of reversal of the Oedipus complex-male
jealousy (Zeus jealousy of the mother-figure). The phenomenon Is
very complex. We have three streams here:-
(a) male anxiety over separation from the love-object
(b) male aggression directed at the object of love
(female)
(c) male preoccupation with the love-object

Here we take as a starting point, Suttie's suggestion that the male
jealousy of the female may "be a product of peculiar cultural circum-
stances," and that "in certain cultures the mother (not the father) is
perceived as the main obstacle to the Oedipus wish" (op. cit. :84).

In the Trinidad society with its matrifocal family the male child
gets his early experiences of frustration and repression from the female
figure-the mother figure or her surrogates. It is maternal rather than
paternal repression to which the youthful male in Trinidad must
struggle to adapt. In a culture where there are no traditional initiatory
rituals (e.g. the Aranda) where the youth may demonstrate publicly
his maleness, the sex-role may remain perpetually in doubt for many a
man-child. This disability plagues him all through his adult life,
because he never gets past the oral stage of dependence on his mother.
According to the experts on mental health science in the Caribbean. 15

The preponderance of the matrifocal family has produced
a tendency for me Caribbean male to put mother on a
pedestal and to hold all other women in low esteem. ..In
Trinidad the calypsonian is the folk-singer whose ballads
faithfully record our social values and attitudes and the
theme of most calypsoes is the worthlessness of woman who
is seen always as the temptress trying to trap her man and
frequently unfaithful.









The problem of male pathology in the Caribbean was diagnosed by this
authority-for him the phenomenon discussed in my paper is the hard
core of the Mental Health problems in the Caribbean. He continues
in his address to analyse the complex situation of stress:- 16

Matrifocal families with maternal dominance and uncon-
scious dependency feelings in the male resulting in the need
to assert and prove his manhood; sexual promiscuity repre-
senting unconscious denial of fears of homosexuality or
impotence and a conscious rejection of all shackles and
ties; the whole thing perpetuating itself in a vicious cycle
reinforced for years by political systems which fostered this
dependency by treating him as a child.

Beaubrun has a quick eye for the capacity the society has for survival
under such stringent conditions. The calypso and the annual carnival
are "escape hatches" from the horrors of mental illness-ways of dealing
with violence so that it ebbs away in order that we do not explode.
Calypso songs are thus seen as what they are-techniques with adaptive
functions in the society-ritual treatment of real mental health prob-
lems which the social and cultural conditions have traditionally
generated.

The evidence cited from the Mental Health Conference about the
"state of the world" to which the male singers are reacting supports
our view that the calypso songs and the aggression they express are
fundamental aspects of the normative "life-ways" peculiar to a parti-
cular society. Of course they are illusional but herein lies their
therapeutic value. Repressed anti-female hostility underlies the
aggressive derisive songs the calypsonians sing about women. The
absent-father syndrome in a society of mother-child families accounts
for the scarcity of anti-father songs. Oedipus can not hate his father:
this figure is usually too migratory to frustrate his son. Instead "Zeus
jealousy" develops-the female is the threatener of the male-figure.
She provokes his anger by supplanting his role in the society. She
fixates him perennially "arrested" at the psychic parturition stage-
infantile oral stage of dependency. She is most capable of perpetuating
his fear of loneliness and separation. And so the adult male-figure
regresses to orality and oral need-satisfying behaviour. The male
employs his mouth to "create" where he must face the reality of his
inability to imitate the female, to acquire her role of mother.

Trinidad society lacks the couvade and the age-grade rituals. Like
Zeus of Greek mythology, who swallowed his pregnant wife so that he
could give birth to Pallas (orality) the calypsonian sings his lonesome
anger-becomes the "mother" of a song.

The reliability of the analytic technique used in this study rests
four-square upon the extent to which the ethnographic data when
reduced to mathematical values yielded conclusions about male
pathology supported by practising psycho-analysts and sociologists. As
Osgood pointed out:-17









the word units comprise the communicative pro-
duct; they are emitted behaviour and for them
measurement in terms of rates of occurence are
appropriate.

The analysis of ethnographic data which started in modern times
with Edward B. Tylor's famous paper on "Marriage and Descent" read
before the Royal Anthropological Institute in 1889 has made great
progress as a powerful tool in the hand of the anthropologist. It seems
that its applicability to data about social behaviour is far more exten-
sive than most workers will allow. This study of male/female conflict
in the Trinidad calypso is purely exploratory. By increasing the num-
ber of parameters it is hoped later on to apply linguistic and formal
analysis to the data and so extend the range of the evidence the calypso
contains about the struggle for status between the male and the female
in the Trinidad society.

The aggressiveness to the female-figure has been shown to be
decreasing-in the newer sector of the calypso tradition. Granted that
Dr. Beaubrun's view that the calypsonians' songs reflect the cultural
state of the Trinidad world-values and attitudes-then our findings
about the male/female conflict is a true fit and contains something very
consoling. It can be concluded that males have been experiencing less
and less aggression-evoking stress through frustration from the female-
figure. It may be that the male is evening up with his female com-
petitor in status, prestige and authority. It may equally be the case
that he has discovered for himself areas of endeavour in which he can
be a male in identity without effective competition from the powerful
female-figure. Maybe Trinidad is changing into what Suttie calls a
paternal culture in which the males have out-distanced the females
and demonstrated "maleness" in fields of politics and economics.

The calypso singer represents a departure from the security of the
well-integrated singing group traditional to the West African cultures
from which his ancestors came. As a lonely isolated communicator it
is no wonder that he should venge his anger upon the female. From
her, he must wean himself if the "male heroism" of which he sings is
to have any relation to reality. But this socialization was defective
and to get past this infantile stage, where as a man his development
has been arrested, he must suffer deep fear and anxiety. The calypso
is adaptive behaviour-a man's song about a man's struggle to gain
independence of his mother. In this sense it is indeed a truly political
symbol for the Trinidadian as he grows away from his ethnic mothers-
Africa, Europe and Asia-seeking his identity and maturity.

The study of male/female conflict centres around a major thesis
to which I referred in the opening paragraphs that the verbal behaviour
of man carries reliable clues to his personality traits. Within the last
decade or so this theory has received increasing refinement and rigorous
testing with empirical data in the areas of psychoanalysis and psycho-
logy. More and more precise instruments for analysis of oral behaviour
have been evolved by workers in those fields. The electronic computer









has recently been incorporated into the work of translating the songs
or spoken words into the configurations of personality trait labels that
they really are. The array of articles on this subject appearing
presently in the major scientific magazines of the United States of
America is evidence of the interest the subject has received of late.
Among the major aspects of the subject emphasized in these articles
have been the following:-

(1) judging personality from the voice
(ii) identification of motives in fantasy and action
(iii) judgement of dominance feelings from phonograph
recordings of the voice
(iv) judging of introversion from the transcribed voice
(v) vocal communication of personality and human
feelings

The major problem facing workers in this field has continued to be the
lack of universally accepted metrics and measuring instruments where-
with to quantify whatever variables the researcher is interested in. But
efforts like Alan Lomax' Cantometrics, at Columbia, Birdwhistle's work
with Kinesics at Philadelphia and McLuhan's recent theories about
"Message and Media" are offering attractive approaches to this problem.

Respecting the rationale of analysing calypso texts in order to make
inference to personality patterns, values and attitudes that are norma-
tive in Trinidad society, it would be of assistance if we bear in mind the
origin of the word personality and its meaning (Oxford English
Dictionary, Vol. VII. P. 274) As Professor Kramer reminds us. is

The words "person" and "personality" derive from the
Latin personare, "to sound through." Apparently the word
referred to the mouth opening in the mask of an actor
the etymological origin of "personality" is in the voice of
the speaker.

The intricacies of the problem of extracting from man's verbal be-
haviour and its product "indicators" of his personality structure must
be appreciated. At one level the semantic content which is latent in
the text is what is crucial. At the other level the personality-pattern
is viewed as being projected through "choices" made by a communicator
of linguistically defined elements like phonemes which structure the
social product that is song. What ever approach is used, we should
remember as Durkheim argued that

the individual behaviour cannot be understood or
interpreted out of context of the social group to which
he belongs. .in order to understand social reality as it
is, we must realize that each individual act forms a part of
it, but the individual behaviour is only its mediate
conditions.

The affects which the songs of the calypsonians project are mechanisms
of defence. They are adaptive means which Man in his forward









struggle for survival has employed for epochs of cultural development
- fear, hunger, aggressiveness, withdrawal, flight, masochism,
narcissism and sadism. Admittedly, the syndrome comprises infantile
regressive behaviour like hysteria, illusions of grandeur, power and
clinging. However, the traumatic socialization practices, the absent-
father (serial polygyny) and the dual image of the mother (as satisfied
and as depriver) constitute a situation which could call forth from
males in such a confrontation only responses like hostility, withdrawal,
statusenvy, rejection and schizophrenic fear of the female. With the
male role constantly under question by the political system, with the
maturity of the male in doubt within the primary family; with his
value and status as a man poorly defined by the social structure the
male neurosis and phobic reaction formation must be understood not as
mere adaptive devices or even defence mechanisms, but also as effec-
tive strategies by which growth and evolution toward maturity can be
Initiated.

The technique of extracting from Man's song some idea of the deep
phychic needs which the singer gets satisfied by singing, has really
just begun to be perfected. As our knowledge of the ultimate nature
of social reality increases, as the dynamics of psychomorbid behaviour
are better grasped, the meaning of Man's music and the manner in
which it functions In mediating his psychic needs will become clear,
and more empirically predictable factors in our work in the areas of
analytic sociology and psychology will emerge.

In Alan Lomax' theory of song structure, there is great promise for
the future of song analysis as a means of deriving insights into human
personality. In 1961 as a pioneer in this field Lomax wrote 19

Music somehow expresses emotion, therefore when
a distinctive and consistent musical style lives in a culture,
or runs through several cultures, one can posit the existence
of a unique set of emotional needs and drives somehow
satisfied or evoked by this music.


J. D. ELDER.




References:

1. McLuhan, Marshall, Understanding Media; New York; 1965. Pp. 7-21; 77-80.
2. Lomax, Alan, "The Good and the Beautiful in Folk Song", Journal of American Folklore,
Vol. 80, 1967, P. 213.
3. Hannet, Frances: "The Haunting Lyric", Psychoanalytic Quarterly; Vol. XXXIII, 1964.
pp. 226 229.
4. Bales, R. F. Interaction Process Analysis, Cambridge; Mass., 1950.
5. Lomax, Alan, "Song Structure and Social Structure", Ethnology 1; 1962. Pp. 425-451.
6. Grouer, Victor A., "Some Song-Style Clusters", Ethnomusicology IX, 1965, 265-271.
7. American Anthropologist, Vol. 59, No. 4, 1967. Pp. 664-687
8. Bernard-1966, Frazier-1948, Botkin-1945, Suttie-1966.
9. Pollok, O., "Family Structures and Its Implications for Mental Health", La Travaillier
Social, Vol. 25, Oct./Nov. 1964. Pp. 25-35.











10. Waelder, Robert, Basic Theory of Psycho-analysis; New York; 1964. Pp. 139-146.
11. Mondell, A., The Erotic Motive in Literature, New York, 1962. P. 115.
12. Hayakawa, S. I. Language in Thought and Action, New York, 1964. P. 145.
13. Osgood, Charles E. "Nature and Measurement of Meaning", The Phychological Bulletin,
Vol. 49, 1952, Pp. 197-237
14. Mondell (op. cit. 118).
15. Dr. H. M, Beaubrun, Keynote Address, Fourth Caribbean Conference on Mental Health,
Curacao, 1965. Pp. 27-35.
16. Beoubrun (op. cit: 35).
17 Osgood, op. cit.: 197
18. Kramer, E., "Personality Slereotypes in Voice". Journal of Social Psychology; No. 62, 1964.
Society of Ethrnomusicology, Nov. 15, 1961 P. 3.
19. Lomax, Alan, "Song Structure and Social Structure" Paper read at Annual Meeting of the
Society of Ethnomusicology. Nov. 15, 1961.











NOTES AND COMMENTARY


I. Radio For The Community

WHEN TALKING ABOUT RADIO for the community, we should bear
in mind the particular territory under consideration. The area we are
discussing is the Caribbean where the incidence of illiteracy is very
high and where, daily, children who have been given a splendid oppor-
tunity to better themselves in our schools go back to homes where their
education cannot be continued or even maintained. Very often these
youngsters are provided with a better opportunity than their parents
had, and this tends to make them hardly subject to discipline, because
they are often aware of their educational superiority.

Radio for the community, therefore, has more responsibilities here
than in countries where parents are very often not only older but wiser
than their offspring. One must remember that these same children,
though educated to a greater degree than their parents, cannot com-
pletely rid themselves of the disabilities of their environment. Because
of the home influence, they may gravitate to work that does not make
full use of their school education and in a few years much of what they
have learned may be forgotten.
The responsibility of radio is not lessened by the illiteracy we see
in our midst.
An editorial in a Jamaica paper years ago, when the University
received a grant for promoting education by radio, made an important
point. Here is an extract:

The heavy Incidence of illiteracy in the West Indies makes it
difficult for people to keep abreast of current thinking and events
through the written word. Yet it is a mistake to confuse
illiteracy with stupidity; more often than not it is mainly lack
of opportunity or parental indifference.

Indeed the person who cannot read or write often has a greater
appreciation of the spoken word than those who are proficient
in other activities. The mere fact that he cannot make a written
note of something or rely on refreshing his memory from books
frequently leads to the development of his retentive faculties in
a manner which surprises many observers.

Dr. Edgar Dale, an American authority on Audio Visual Aids, has
,his to say:

Half of the world's adult population today can neither read nor
write. But they can listen understandingly. Though incapable









of interpreting the symbols on a printed page they manage
effectively with spoken symbols only. Reading, we must remem-
ber, is a fairly new skill for most of the people on this earth.
Throughout the centuries the human race conserved its great
stories and tales solely through speaking and listening; through-
out centuries teaching was basically a matter of oral communica-
tion.

So far we have been considering our particular area and its dis-
abilities. Before we begin to think that we are the only ones with
problems, let us hear what Lyman Bryson, another American educator,
has to say about the means of communication in big societies:

The great communities of our day, great in size and complexity
and extent and power; the cities like New York and London;
the countries like Russia and the United States; these hold
together because a certain degree of communication is possible.
They would fall apart if it failed. It may well have been failure
in communication that made the ancient empires disintegrate.

We keep on using the word "communication." It may be wise for
us to pause for a moment and think of its functions in society. Harold
Laswell, another U.S.A. educator, says of it:

The communication process in society performs three functions:
(a) SURVEILLANCE of the environment disclosing threats and
opportunities affecting the value position of the community and
of the component parts within it; (b) CORRELATION of the
components of society in making a response to the environment;
(c) TRANSMISSION of the social inheritance In democratic
societies rational choices depend on enlightenment which in turn
depends upon communication; and especially upon the equi-
valence of attention among leaders, experts and rank and file.

This could well be our credo for the development of radio in the
Caribbean.

Much can be said against radio as an educating or uplifting force
in the modern community. Radio too often is in the wrong hands.
Serious citizens too often stand on the sidelines and decry the pro-
grammes; but they have not been really active in their campaign to
lift the standard of radio. "They would be better occupied," says one
writer, "in promoting audiences for the few programmes currently
offered to cater for their interests. .Radio, in theory, is a heaven-
sent means of accelerating the acceptance of standards hitherto
reserved for the privileged few. But like other modern instruments of
power its potentialities are ambivalent."

This same writer tells us something that should be of interest to us
In the Caribbean where radio is an increasingly popular commodity
and where the advent of transistors enables the very poor to have
programmes on tap. There are certainly not as many radios in the









Commonwealth Caribbean as in the United States; but the following
statement about the U.S.A. still means much to us:

Statistics tell us that the average American has his radio set
tuned in some three and a half hours a day. This means that
he, or she, devotes more time (If not attention) to the radio than
to anything else but work and sleep. Thus peculiar interest
attaches to radio audience statistics... Radio listening increases
as you descend the socio-economic scale; the less educated a man
is, the more he listens to the radio. Second, serious listening
decreases as you descend the socio-economic scale. Third, radio
is the preferred medium of the most suggestible.

Those people who are not intimately connected with radio planning
often presume to think that radio stations are not as interested in the
improvement of the community as they might be. This is often the
case, but one must be careful to find out why this is so. Except in very
unusual circumstances, radio must make money unless it is heavily
subsidized. Radio costs money and must make every effort to pay for
its support. Recent surveys tend to suggest that, with our increased
leisure, the community as a whole is not necessarily as active as it
might be in using this leisure time properly. Often leisure time is a
passive time. In the fairly modern community people expect to be
entertained and to have this done for them instead of going out and
using the time constructively. Our serious-minded citizens and our
social workers should be more active in helping people to use this leisure
time properly. People have quantities of time on their hands and
radio should be encouraged to help them use the leisure hours at their
disposal. Taking into account the public's general unwillingness to
exert itself, and the reliance on mass media which has encouraged a
"follow the crowd" attitude, radio often appeals in what seems the
easiest way, catering to man's baser instincts.

Radio stations tend to plan their programmes with four factors in
mind.
i. The place or region in which their audience lives
ii. Education and economic status of audience
iii. Age of audience
iv. Sex of audience

In America they have found that comedy and variety programmes
have less appeal to farmers and people who live in small towns. Rural
dwellers are not as interested in popular music as town folks. Religious
programmes are more popular in small towns and rural districts. 46%
of country dwellers seem interested in radio plays as against 60% of
listeners in large cities.

Some scientific surveys of listening in the Caribbean have been
attempting to show audience preferences. It is likely that the people
who run our stations follow the resultant statistics. This may account
for a tendency to provide programmes that are easy to listen to; pro-
grammes that are often of a lower standard than what is desired by









the more educated or serious citizen. Serious music for instance is on
the increase in the Caribbean but is far outweighed by light music.
In some territories light comic programmes, especially in the vernacular,
have pride of place. Religious programmes can be heard not only on
Sunday but throughout the week. Radio plays apparently please city
dwellers more than those in the country, so radio plays constitute a
small section of the programme.

Reference has already been made to the high illiteracy rate in the
Caribbean. Lessons as to how to deal with this problem can be gained
from statistics elsewhere. These tend to suggest that
I. The poorer and less educated the listener the more he
listens to radio.

(Of course many of our people are so poor that they do not possess
a radio.)
II. The poorer a person is, the less he listens to radio's more
serious programmes.
(Poverty often correlates with one's educational status.)

In the United States of America it has been found that 62% of
those with a primary school education listen to the radio for news.
Only 39: of the college-educated do so. This perhaps will account for
the preponderance of news in radio there and in our community.
College graduates are much more a minority here than in the United
States of America.

As far as serious music is concerned, study of United States
statistics may well account for local programming. In the United
States of America two-thirds of those who have gone to college and who
live in a big city enjoy classical music. Only about one-tenth of those
with primary school education and with homes in the country do so.
Here the correlation is between education and the place of one's
residence. Interestingly enough, in the United States of America
preference for popular music is greatest among high school graduates
and much less among those with primary education. Perhaps the
primary education group prefers hill-billy music. .The college
educated seem to like popular music also, but possibly have a slightly
different reason from the high school graduate's.

Radio is an illuminating source of evidence about the varying tastes
of the old and young. Again from United States statistics we observe that
72% of listeners under thirty gain great pleasure from listening to
popular music whereas only 22% of people over fifty years of age seem
interested. Older listeners tend to like old-time, familiar music. The
decline of the influence of religion seems to be reflected in the fact that
younger people find these programmes unattractive. As far as public
affairs are concerned, in the United States of America the figures are
startling. Younger people are less concerned with public affairs than
older. This is found to be so on each educational level, Primary School,
High School and College.









It is often the habit of older people to suggest that youngsters after
their time differ from how they were. Study of the phenomenon con-
tradicts this, however. The youth of all time appear to be attracted
to romance, adventure, hero worship and excitement. What varies is
the raw material from which youth may receive stimulus in these
different areas. Until fairly recently, youth had to be satisfied with
books and real life as source materials; now radio and films are added.

Critics nowadays tend to concentrate on radio, films and certain
printed material as contributing to what is wrong with present-day
youth. Actually they should concentrate not on the medium but the
theme. It is the theme that is important to young people. Among
high school girls the favourite themes are adventure, humour and love,
in that order; though a close relationship exists between all three. Of
course education and wealth, (or lack of either), and the sex of the
individual affect or condition these tastes and attitudes.

It should be realized that at the present moment women outnumber
men, and because of their social and economic place are more prone
to listen to the radio. Because through the centuries the human female
has been forced into a certain social position, we are now reaping a
harvest that may surprise or depress us. The female of the species
has been encouraged to demonstrate ignorance and indifference to
public affairs. It is no wonder therefore that few women show a liking
for discussions about public affairs either in day or evening radio pro-
grammes. Women have been encouraged to be more emotional and it
is no wonder that this is evidenced in their choice of programme. They
tend to "self-identify" and this makes for a predilection towards soap
operas and "mass ecstasy programmes." A particular example of mass
ecstasy is the adulation of popular singers that we have seen in recent
years. These singers not only appeal as performers but also have
certain responsibilities pushed on them. They are regarded as guides
and mentors for teen-agers.

But to return to the emotionalism of the young female listener.
Statistics in our own area show how much it has affected radio pro-
gramming. In a Radio Jamaica survey it was found that the three
most popular programmes were:
Life can be Beautiful
Dr. Paul
Aunt Mary
Fifth on the list was another soap opra, When a Girl Marries.

Statistics seem to suggest that the female in all social strata and
of all degrees of education listens to "soap opera," but girls with less
education are more addicted than those with more. This is intensified
apparently by location of one's residence. Rural listeners outnumber
urban. For many listeners these programmes may be simply a means
of emotional release. Often they may be principally a means of escape
from humdrum reality, but they also prove a means of learning how to
behave under certain circumstances. Here again we can see the
tendency to regard radio and screen personalities as guides and mentors.









Radio today is an outstanding medium of communication as well
as of propaganda. Our responsibility for good radio either as station
managers and announcers, or as educators and community workers,
will be helped if we realise that one of the weaknesses as well as
strengths of radio is that communication is often one-way.

Though a certain amount of correspondence is encouraged, many
radio listeners do not take the time to write and, if necessary, to dis-
cuss on paper what they have heard. In the hands of good governments
radio can be a most useful instrument for improving the attitudes and
knowledge of a community. Also, in the hands of unscrupulous tyrants
its effect can be destructive. One needs only to remember the use of
radio in Nazi Germany and its current use by totalitarian powers. The
example of Hitler and his henchmen is something we must never for-
get. They used all means of communication to change the thinking
of the people they governed, and against those they hated directed
insidious programmes that often seemed to soothe when they were most
poisonous. "Hitler, the master propagandist, knew that propaganda, to
be effective, must be keyed to the desires, hopes, hatreds, loves, fears
and prejudices of the people.

Having accounted for tendencies we may deplore in radio stations
that have to balance their budgets themselves, perhaps we should now
take a look at radio programmes that offer themselves as "Education."
Before we do this, however, we must realise that anything from which
we learn is in a broad sense educational, so Education is occurring at
various times of the day other than in the definite programmes brought
out, say, by schools broadcasting.

In schools broadcasting, education by radio takes into account three
very necessary characteristics of programming:
i. Purpose
ii. Design
Continuity

The purpose of educational broadcasting is a progressive enlarge-
ment of Man's understanding of himself and of the universe. The
design is related to the stages by which such understanding is attained
and the training of the human faculties towards these. Continuity
provides for ordered instead of haphazard learning, and this saves
time. As Charles Siepmann, an eminent radio authority, suggests:

Education is a life process and if properly conceived and in-
telligently pursued it never ends. Its task is to make us literate;
socially conscious; adaptable and active; confident, to some
degree, in our mastering of useful skills; capable of enjoying
leisure; fruitful and, last but not least, the sum of all these
needs masters in some sense of the not so gentle 'art of living.'

The aim of all true education is philosophy a broad synoptic
view of life compounded of character, imaginative insight and
applied experience.









Moving as we are in the Caribbean towards real democracy, educa-
tion for everyone is not a luxury but a necessity. Perhaps the greatest
threat to our success is an underestimation of the public's potentialities.
It is our duty to insist on more and better education and a better and
more intelligent use of mass media. This will affect not only adults
but our youth and children. The younger generation often must make
do with what is provided for adults because there is no alternative.

One must remember, I repeat, that radio often has to pay its
way, but also that the audience tends to consider radio an invitation
to passive relaxation, an escape from reality, a vicarious participation
in the cheap and gaudy attributes of so-called advanced living. Radio
has certain assets and defects. It is able to cut across space, provided
that a potential audience is able to afford a receiving set. Radio is
convenient to listen to, as a rule, bringing the amenities of urban
civilization into a rural cottage. Nowadays it can be a constant com-
panion, accompanying people in everyday activities at home and out-
side. It is highly suggestive, and proves most potent with those who
most need instruction. It can bring the expert, the public figure, the
celebrity across time and space; but it also has certain liabilities. Many
people find it hard to listen for long periods to a disembodied voice.
This accounts for the tendency on United States radio stations to have
shorter programmes, or programmes that presuppose lack of undivided
attention.

Mention has already been made of the one-way traffic of radio
communication the inability of the listener to answer back. It is
also impossible for radio to gauge correctly the audience, though
eventually a radio programme does tend to find a certain group as its
audience. Radio must necessarily be scheduled and the listener must
be available though the time of programme may prove inconvenient.

The three characteristics of educational programming are most
carefully followed, of course, in schools broadcasting; but again the use
of radio for organised schools' tuition depends on the recognition of
certain conditions. The broadcaster has certain obligations to his
audience.

1. He must adapt his material in terms of style, simplicity, manner of
presentation, to the age-level of the child concerned.

2. Every broadcast, if not designed by a teacher, should be prepared
in close consultation with an experienced teacher and should fit easily
into the school curriculum.

3. There must be planning well ahead of time, so that printed material
may be sent out giving details of the proposed talk, suggestions for
reading, and even for effective handling of class discussion after the
broadcast.

A school too has obligations. School-rooms should be properly
wired for reception so that a group need not be moved from place to
place to hear the broadcast. It should be realized that broadcasting is









not a substitute for teaching. Using radio definitely entails increased
effort on the part of the teacher, who must prepare his class before-
hand for the radio experience, and must recapitulate afterwards what
has been heard. In certain instances he must carry the class further
along the road to full instruction.

The successful use of schools broadcasting demands work on the
part of the teacher who uses imagination. After his class listens to the
broadcast, he must encourage it into active and critical class discussion.
In the Caribbean we are particularly helped by transcriptions from the
B.B.C., but with the best will in the world the B.B.C. often cannot
prepare its programmes for every situation. The English voice often
alienates or confuses the average West Indian class. Efforts are being
made to prepare local broadcasts using speakers with familiar accents.

Radio that is intended for the general audience may sometimes pay
some attention to the three stages of purpose, design and continuity,
but as a rule, catering to a heterogenous audience, it has to forego this
sequence.

Selfconscious radio education programmes seem fated on com-
mercial stations to cater to small though significant audiences. The
originators of these programmes need to remember that listeners are
volunteers and one must work both to attract and to help them. Com-
mercial programmes tend to be highly publicized while educational pro-
grammes are not. They usually have to attract audiences by being
interesting, informative and entertaining. Teachers and community
leaders who value such programmes should realise their responsibility
in promoting them and mustering listeners. They should also realise
that radio has a responsibility and an opportunity to adjust the public
palate to more varied and discriminating tastes; but one must move
slowly. Programmes specially designed for education will get very
little attention if the planning moves more quickly than the mustering
of a desired audience.

The dominant influences today are the three mass media of com-
munication the press, the films and the radio. The balance of power
has shifted. The voice of the teacher and of the preacher, we must
admit, has shrunk in significance and range of appeal. Unless broad-
casting becomes involved with the work of teachers and preachers, its
influence for good or for ill will run a separate course. People's loyal-
ties will continue to shift away from the schools and the churches to
films, radio and press.

There is need for concerted action. Radio is everybody's business
.If radio stations and the official education system strive for
different goals the eventual result will be a schizophrenic society. Radio
needs guidance.

HUGH P. MORRISON.











II. The Development Of The Dairy

Industry In Jamaica And Barbados

THE MAIN AIM of this paper is to provide a framework within
which we can usefully review the development of dairying in the area,
and particularly in Barbados.
The consumption of milk and dairy products in the area has grown
at a far faster rate than the local production of milk. Thus in 1964
the islands of the Commonwealth Caribbean imported 36 million
dollars worth of milk and dairy products. Imports of milk and dairy
products from outside the area have grown to such a large value, even
though conditions for milk production (in some of the territories at
least) seem to be favourable. One list of favourable conditions for
milk production in Jamaica runs as follows: "Climate-equable
temperature and reasonably adequate rainfall, virtual absence of serious
cattle diseases, cattle of good potential, wide range of expertise
(genetics, A.I., pasture, nutrition, animal health, soils, economics etc.),
large extension service, interest in cattle (Livestock Association & Breed
Societies), considerable Government support for producers and the In-
dustry, and a large and growing market including a well-established
condensery with a widespread collecting system."

It would be tempting to examine in great detail why milk produc-
tion has not grown more rapidly than it has In Jamaica, Trinidad or
Barbados. But for our purposes it would seem more desirable to look
at a broader but related subject. The approach is to look at the
development of dairying in Jamaica, with a view to throwing light on
the situation in Barbados. The choice of Jamaica has the advantage
that since considerable efforts to develop the dairy industry there have
been made over a much longer period than in the other islands, the
Jamaica experience can be drawn on where it appears to anticipate the
problems and possibilities facing other islands.

I. The Jamaican Dairy Industry

It is common to consider the history of Jamaica's Dairy Industry
as falling into four periods:
(1) Before 1940, the year when a condensery was established in
the island.
(ii) From 1940 until the early 1950's during which period the
production of milk grew considerably from about 24 million
quarts per year to about 33 million quarts.
(ll) From about 1952 to the early 1960's, during which period the
level of production fluctuated but did not grow.









(iv) The period since about 1964, which has seen the resumed
growth of milk production.

All accounts of the growth of the Dairy Industry refer to the great
effect of the establishment of the Condensery. Thus the Background
Paper prepared recently by the Jamaican Ministry of Agriculture states:

In 1940 Jamaica Milk Products Ltd., a subsidiary of Nestles,
established a condensary at Bybrook specifically to provide an
assured market for milk, and this encouraged a large number of
small farmers to turn to dairying. The early growth of the industry
therefore was largely due to the Condensery and small dairy
farmers. Subsequent expansion of the industry was catalysed
largely by the increased demand for fresh milk which developed
with the growth of our urban population

After the growth of production in the 1940's the stagnation of pro-
duction in the 1950's raised serious questions about the Dairy Industry.
Clearly the establishment of a condensery was not enough to ensure
continued growth in milk production. What was wrong? What needed
to be done?

Clues to answer these questions may be sought in an examination
of the problems of increasing production and consumption of milk in
Jamaica.


Means of Increasing Milk Production
The quantity of milk produced by a Dairy Industry depends on the
number of dairy cows and their yield. Production may be increased
by increasing the number of animals or their yield, or both.

In turn the yield can be regarded as depending on two factors: the
management of the animals in relation to the natural conditions, and
the capacity of animals to produce under various conditions. Manage-
ment involves numerous aspects such as feeding and nutrition, health,
breeding policy and efficiency, frequency of milking, and so on.

In Jamaica attempts to increase milk production were intensified
and broadened in the 1960's. A variety of means have been employed
in the last few years, to strengthen the existing dairy farms. The need
to increase yields is clear: in 1961, the latest year for which com-
prehensive information is available, the average yield per cow was
estimated to be only 3.5 quarts per day. The reasons given to explain
such a low yield were: "....low production potential (of the cows), once
per day milking on many 'farms,' sub-standard practices for animal
pasture management, and low reproductive performance."

Of particular interest are the programmes for establishing well-
trained dairy farmers on well stocked and equipped 'medium sized' (25
acres carrying 30 cows) farms, and the entry on private initiative -
of large scale dairy farming. In support of these developments about
5,000 Holsteins have been imported between 1963 and 1967.1









It might seem reasonable to expect that with the extreme deficiency
of locally produced milk and the heavy importations of powdered milk,
intelligent schemes, aimed simply at increasing production, would in-
evitably be successful. In a situation of severe shortage of fresh milk,
if increased production were stimulated, consumption and marketing
might be presumed to look after themselves. But in practice there can
be serious problems on the consumption and marketing side too.


The Marketing of Milk
Even the initial collection of milk presented problems. Milk pro-
duced in small quantities on scattered farms is expensive and even
uneconomic to collect: the Condensery's vehicles travelled one million
miles a year to collect two to three million gallons of milk. In turn the
small producer may find it not worth obtaining maximum production
because this would require holding milk from one milking to another
under satisfactory conditions which it would not be worth-while pro-
viding for the small quantities of milk involved.

The distribution of fluid milk also poses problems where a high
proportion of the potential consumers live in scattered rural com-
munities. It is estimated (by the Jamaican Ministry of Agriculture)
that "About 70% of the milk supplied to the fluid milk market is con-
sumed in the Corporate Area (the capital, Kingston) and most of the
remainder is handled by established processors on the North Coast who
cater largely to the growing tourist trade." The reasons for the much
lower levels of consumption in the rural areas include the generally
much lower level of incomes and the absence of home facilities for
storing fluid milk. Even the market in the main consuming areas
raised problems because of the low average level of consumption. It
would appear that the overall average consumption of fluid milk in
Kingston is well under 1 pint per person per week.

In so far as consumers have any interest in purchasing fluid milk
rather than using manufactured milk forms (condensed, evaporated
or powdered milk) they would presumably expect the milk to seem
safe and to have an acceptable taste. The supply of the milk would
need to be convenient and reliable.

It might be expected that if safe, good-tasting fluid milk was
regularly available at a price not greatly in excess of alternative forms,
consumers with adequate means of storage would purchase fluid milk.
But if these conditions are not met it would not be surprising if alter-
native forms of milk were favoured. (While the price would have to
be competitive, the absence of adequate arrangements for storage would
alone be decisive in ruling out the purchase of fluid milk on a regular
basis, unless it were available in the sterilised form, which it was not
in Jamaica for most of the period.)

In fact the characteristics of the milk and the conditions of supply
were not very attractive. Fresh milk usually cost significantly more
than milk in manufactured form: in the last few years fresh milk cost









over 50 per cent above the cost of manufactured forms while much
of the fresh milk consumed In the Island is not pasteurised. (Thus
even in 1967 less than one-half of the milk sold in the fluid milk
market of the Capital City was pasteurised.) Even the small propor-
tion of relatively affluent consumers might have reasons for being less
than wholly enthusiastic about the purchasing of fresh milk, while the
mass of impoverished consumers with their need to be more attentive
to price levels, and without refrigerated storage facilities, would be
irrational if they did not concentrate their purchases on the relatively
cheap, easily stored manufactured forms.


II. The Barbados Industry

Before the Pine Hill Dairy was established, according to the figures
available, the picture was one of a relatively small dairy industry
depending to a considerable extent on very small herds.

Over the period from the early 1940's to the mid 1960's the human
population increased from 190,000 (1942) to 248,000 (1965), and its con-
sumption of milk rose from 1,600,000 gallons per year to 4,800,000 gallons.
Per capital consumption (in terms of fresh milk equivalent) more than
doubled during the period. But the number of cows in Barbados and
their milk production did not increase with the rising consumption of
milk, so that fresh milk accounted for a lower share of milk consumed
in manufactured, processed and fresh forms. The tremendous ex-
pansion in milk imports over the period is vividly illustrated by these
figures: whereas in 1942 imported milk (in fresh milk equivalent) was
less than one-tenth (1/10) of the local production, in 1965 milk was
imported to more than twice the quantity of locally produced milk.


The Establishment of the Condensery

The Condensery received 130,000 pounds of fresh milk during the
first full month of operations, in May 1966. At the end of a year the
Condensery purchased, in May 1967, 384,000 pounds of milk.

In June 1967 a Pool Price system of paying for milk was proposed.
(Under this system the average price paid for milk would fall as the
proportion of milk used for the less profitable, manufacturing, purposes
increased.)

In the following month quotas for the delivery of milk to the
Condensery were assigned to registered suppliers.

These events seem to confirm the lesson of the Jamaican experience:
that increasing production of fresh milk in the face of a market depend-
ing heavily on importation of manufactured milk products does not
necessarily solve all the problems. The increased supply has to meet
the consumers' requirements. In Barbados' case for some reason or
other the consumers' requirements do not seem to have been fully met.









III. The Future of the Dairy Industry in Barbados

Long run prospects
The prospects for an expansion of dairying in Barbados appear
to be quite favourable in the 'long run' both on the production and
consumption sides.
As long as Barbados can raise its national income fast enough, one
can envisage no shortage of Barbadians to use it. Indeed even the
most positive efforts are unlikely to do more than slow down the in-
crease in population. A conservative estimate of the population in 1980
sets it at 320,000 (as compared with 245,000 in 1965).
The level of milk consumption is so low only about one-half (1)
pint of fresh milk equivalent per head per day that increasing con-
sumption per head can be predicted as long as income per head rises.

The dense pattern of settlement will facilitate both the distribution
and storage of milk in fresh or pasteurised forms. Short hauls on
good roads, for sale in heavily populated areas, tend to reduce distribu-
tion costs, while a widespread system of electricity supply allows
adequate home refrigeration to become generally available, with benefit
to the sale of short-lived products such as pasteurised milk. The use
of sterilised milk overcomes any inadequacies in home storage facilities
which may occur in spite of the island-wide electricity net-work.
Is it ridiculous to speculate on the possibility of Barbados becoming
a supplier of milk to neighboring islands in the distant future?
Distances are short. Air transportation is already well established
and the services will, no doubt, become more frequent. Is it in-
conceivable that if Barbados becomes an efficient milk producer, a
scheme of economic integration might not reserve a substantial share
of the region's milk market for Barbados?
On the production side there are also favourable prospects. These
include a considerable improvement in the technology and management
of milk production, so that costs per unit of production will be reduced
while the level of production is raised. (In this connection costings
and economic studies of milk production have an important role to play.
They are no substitute for technical research or good extension but
they reinforce these two activities.)
In Barbados the limited area of land must always be considered
when land-using activities are proposed. But in the present case the
development of a successful industry is hardly likely to be held back by
shortage of land. In addition to the land available in the Scotland
area and in marginal sugar cane areas, other land might well be
released from the sugar industry as increased mechanisation of cane
production is concentrated in the flatter areas. Even if appreciable
areas now under sugar cane do not become redundant, efficient dairy
farming can win land away from sugar cane production. Indeed one
of the major attractions of dairying in Barbados could well be its
intensive nature, holding the promise of producing high income per
acre.









Short run prospects
These depend very much on what the Dairy Industry makes of
them: how the parties involved react to their problems.

There seems to be little doubt that the possibilities will exist for
the expansion of the Dairy Industry in Barbados, but will the Industry
seize or create them in the short run? Thus if producers become
prejudiced against dairying because of their experiences, of if con-
sumers' tastes become entrenched preferring rival forms of milk to
fresh milk or sterilised milk it will be so much the harder to seize
opportunities in the long run.

There must obviously be a clear and realistic policy for the dairy
industry which must embrace both the market and supply possibilities.
When a view can be formed about these, consideration needs to be
given to achieving fairly smooth progress in expanding production and
consumption, so as to avoid abrupt and damaging 'stops and starts.'

Problems which must be faced by the Industry and the Country
include:
(a) the meeting of consumers' requirements by the provision of
milk of suitable quality at an acceptable price;
(b) the need to provide an assured market to milk producers for
a reasonable period ahead, at prices which sustain efficient
milk production.

The implications of these conditions involve the Dairy being able
to make adequate returns from a well-run plant, and the dairy farmers
of Barbados learning to produce milk efficiently.

In a sense the consuming public sets a ceiling on what can be done
in the industry. The milk producers and the other elements in the
Industry must find ways of operating under that very real limit.

D. T. EDWARDS.











Book Reviews


Elsa H. Walters and E. B. Castle, Principles of Education with special
reference to teaching in the Caribbean.
London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., in association with Oxford
University Press, 1967.

ELSA WALTERS needs no introduction to teachers in the West
Indies. Indeed, at the beginning of the book she claims as her special
qualification for writing it her long and wide experience of West Indian
teachers and the West Indian teaching situation.
One would expect the Froebel-oriented principles and practices of
Dr. Walters and Professor Castle to be sound. What is of unique value
is the extent to which the theory and methods have been re-thought
and related to the West Indian experience. One has the feeling in
reading this book that the abstract and practical principles arise fresh
from the intelligent and sympathetic study of our environment, the
people involved, and the kind of learning activity possible and profitable
in the situation.
After two brief introductory chapters, Dr. Walters considers the
environment of the West Indian child and relates education to this
environment before then looking at the children, their needs, abilities
and stages of development. So that, the discussion of the child takes
place within the firm context of the West Indian social, psychological
and educational situation.
When she has in this way explored the field of his future work,
she leads the teacher to examine and develop it himself not only in his
role as chief educational influence in the classroom, but as colleague
on the school staff, as a member of his profession, and in his larger
role as citizen.
Methods, values and aims are now discussed when the teacher has
been prepared to receive them.
The success of this book should be ensured by the clarity of pre-
sentation and the comradely tone of the writing. The way in which
the material is set out and the kind of investigation it encourages the
teacher-student to make, is in itself an example of the theory and
practice the authors are promoting throughout the book. Principles of
Education is structured so as to illustrate their principles of Education
In practice.
At the beginning of the book, Dr. Walters explicit recommends
herself to the student as his guide, and implicitly as his companion and
friend. We come to realize as we read that here is someone who knows
us, our situation, and the road we have to walk, and has a real faith in
the Improvability of all three. It is this knowledge of us as we are, this
belief in our ability to improve, this attitude as friend and guide which
is most convincing in the tone of her writing.









The chapter on "Language and Communication" I found of
particular interest and usefulness. One has to be careful, however, in
recommending the use of pattern practices. They can so easily become
in widespread use the sort of dessicating "rote" exercises that Dr.
Walters deplores.
The first Appendix on "How to Study" is of special value to the
young student. The approach to learning here, and as exemplified by
the book as a whole, is timely. Where Training Colleges are reducing
the time spent on instruction in College to two years, the conviction is
that this reduction in time must be accompanied by an increase in
effort so that the quality of student produced is not any less than it
was before. The approach in Principles of Education tries to ensure
that the student will do more, will make a greater effort to understand,
to reflect, to relate so that what he learns will be meaningful. Others
may be tempted to feel that the student must do more more courses
per year, more reading per year, pass more subjects at the end. More
is not better in all cases.
DONALD G. WILSON.

Ealing Introductory Course In Spanish
Produced at Ealing Technical College. Longmans Green and Co. Ltd.,
London. 1967. pp. 494.

FOR THE FIRST TIME I have found a book that will fulfil the re-
quirements of the teaching of Spanish as a second language. Here the
teacher will find the help that he was looking for.
From the beginning the student is in contact with normal and up-
to-date conversations in which the vocabulary increases constantly, but
is organized so as to pose no difficulty for the student.
The explanations of Spanish pronunciation and accentuation are
very simple, clear and well set out. Repetition based on the different
parts of each Unit (Ampliaci6n, Pricticas, Conversaci6n) constitutes
the most important aspect in the development of this book, and com-
pletes the work of the tape recordings.
This course was designed for adults, especially those who have no
previous knowledge of Spanish, but becomes even more useful to those
who have at least a very elementary knowledge of this language.
Students of the latter category are ideal for the teacher who wishes to
move quickly into the more difficult Units (from unit 4 onwards) On
the other hand, students of the former category must be prepared to
spend some time practising the first three Units until they have a fairly
sound grasp of the basic principles.
The summary of grammatical points placed at the end of each
group (of three Units) is particularly useful for ensuring the students'
a clear and complete understanding of that group. And the repetitive
exercises enable the student to deduce, almost unconsciously, the rules
and common usages.
The variety of topics drawn from day to day conversation, because
of their familiarity, makes the whole process of learning alive and
interesting.









Even though the great usefulness and comprehensiveness of this
book may seem obvious, it is not intended to replace the free conversa-
tion. Rather, each Unit must be viewed as a starting point from which
the teacher will motivate his students to utilize the vocabulary and
grammar in active discussion.
The modern techniques and procedures outlined in this book, when
coupled with the unity of the entire course, place the Ealing Intro-
ductory Course in Spanish among the more helpful and adequate
programmes geared for rapid results.
The members of the team that compiled this book deserve our
congratulations.
JULIO ARIZA.

Hubert Cole Christophe, King of Haiti
(New York, The Viking Press, 1967)
THE RECENT UPSURGE OF INTEREST and serious writing on
the Caribbean in the English language, which is reflected in the
formation of a Caribbean Historical Association and the projection of
a new Caribbean Historical Review, has been accompanied by a spate
of books. Stout bibliographies like Bayitch's Latin American and the
Caribbean (1967), which in its first edition (1961) ignored non-Hispanic
areas and Comitas' Caribbean 1900-1965 (1968), carry on to a high
point the Frank Cundall tradition. Solid works are coming forth on
social, economic, and political history. Thus, Goveia's Slave Society in
the British Leeward Islands at the End of the Eighteenth Century
(1965), the eighth in Yale University's Caribbean series launched in
1959 with Douglas Hall's Free Jamaica, 1838-1865. While in the present
year alone have appeared Sir Harold Mitchell's, Contemporary Politics
and Economics in the Caribbean, Rayford W. Logan's Haiti and the
Dominican Republic, Gordon K. Lewis's The Growth of the Modern
West Indies, and Sir John Mordecai's The West Indies, the Federal
Negotiation. In surveying the scene one cannot but be struck by the
absence of scholarly and large-scale biographies of individuals who
have done so much to shape the destiny of the Caribbean. On Maceo
of Cuba there is nothing in this desired category. Other than the essay
by Andr6 Midas in the defunct Carbbean Historical Review (December
1950) the student will look in vain for a life of Victor Schoelcher, one
of the greatest figures in the nineteenth century story of the French
West Indies. Toussaint L'Overture enjoys three volumes of merit
(Alexis, Korngold, James) but they do not exhaust their subject.
To be sure, Marcus Garvey has been well treated, but primarily from
the point of view of his labours in the United States. A man such as
Marryshow of Grenada remains in a sort of limbo; not to speak, among
nineteenth century characters, of Samuel Jackman Prescod of Barbados.
Judge Vaughan's study of James Young Edghill, scattered in issues
of the Barbados Museum and Historical Society Journal, would be a
welcome contribution, amended and in book form. To find even brief
accounts of contemporaries like Williams, Bustamante and Manley
requires much scrounging. It is against this background of lacunae
that one must place Cole's biography of Christophe.
Until Griggs and Prator published an abridged account of the
history of Haiti centering on Christophe, in the first part of their









Henry Christophe and Thomas Clarkson: A Correspondence (1952), the
English reader had nothing but Vandercook's swashbuckling historical
novel Black Majesty. (Indeed the reader of French only had, bio-
graphically speaking, Vergniaud Laconte's 1931 Henry Christophe dans
l'histoire d'Haiti). The fact that Cole does not mention Vandercook
in his bibliography is a measure of his serious and well grounded
approach. Having written works on Josephine and Richelieu, having
a command of French and English material, having sought out hitherto
unexplored sources on the subject such as the Clarkson letters in
St. John's College, Cambridge, he gives us a fine book that greatly
enhances our knowledge of, as well as our respect for, Christophe.
The biography embodies a history of the Haitian Revolution and
the rule of Dessalines, before becoming, long past the middle of the
book, more detailed on Christophe himself and his actions as an inde-
pendent ruler. In placing him against the background of his times
Cole has done a good job, but some readers will lament that he has
not laid to rest some gnawing questions. He glides over the place of
birth, for example, preferring evidently to follow the official document
which states that Christophe was born in Grenada (Cole gives no
citation) And he does not therefore explain the surname and the
assertion of many writers that the man was born in St. Kitts (St.
Christopher), hence the name Christophe. He does not settle the
matter of Henry's status-slave or free-or of his owner when the lad
went to the battle of Savannah in 1779, though he sheds surprising
light on the subsequent early days in St. Domingue and the marriage
with Marie Louise Coidavid. He is silent on the subject of whether
or not Christophe and Dessalines helped seal the fate of L'Overture
by warning the French that that wily warrior intended to re-commence
the Revolution, although he had sworn allegiance to France and
retired to his plantation in Ennery. He gives but a glance at the 1818
design to colonize Free Negroes in Haiti. He makes no mention of
King Christophe's decreeing the killing of some mulatto women who
were caught praying for his death; nor of that ruler's humiliation of
Jean-Pierre Richard, the Duke of Marmalade, which helped fire revolt
in that officer's breast.
Nevertheless, this is a notable biography. It is compassionate, it
is never condescending, it is balanced and just. Cole presents the man
with dignity and without exaggeration, though he does not close his
eyes to that growing strain of tyranny which substantiated Lord
Acton's phrase, "Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts abso-
lutely," and led to the downfall of Christophe's kingdom. We are very
far here from Vandercook. And we are very far from that opinion
of Christophe penned by General Chanlatte the elder, whose relative
had been publicly disgraced at Christophe's orders for adultery. A few
days after Christophe's death he wrote, in a manuscript now in the
Boston Public Library, "This scourge of Haiti, this disgrace to the
human race, enjoyed a robust constitution added to a most ferocious
and a most vile soul."
One can only hope that Cole, at present writing his first novel, will
profit from his familiarity with French sources and give us in time
a biography of the equally fascinating Victor Schoelcher.
JOSEPH A. BOROME









SELECTED BOOK LIST


QUASHIE'S REFLECTIONS
Bolivar Press

PRINTED MAPS OF JAMAICA
Bolivar Press



CHILDREN OF SISYPHUS
Bolivar Press

THE CARIBBEAN ISLANDS
Batsford, England

THE WEST INDIES IN 1837
(Slavery Series)
Frank Cass & Company Ltd.

WEST INDIES, ISLANDS IN
THE SUN
Nelson & Sons, 1966

CARIBBEAN PROSE -
An Anthology for Secondary
Schools

SONG FOR MUMU
Longmans, Green & Co. Ltd.,
1967

COLONIAL DEVELOPMENT &
GOOD GOVERNMENT
Clarendon Press, Oxford
University Press, 1967

THE WEST INDIES-CANADA
ECONOMIC RELATIONS
(Selected papers from the
Canada-Caribbean Conference,
I.S.E.R., U.W.I., 1967)


Inez Sibley


Captain Kit S. Kapp


Orlando Patterson


Mary Slater


Joseph Sturge &
Thomas Harvey



Wilfred Cartey



Andrew Salkey



Lindsay Barrett




J. M. Lee





G. W Roberts et al


1. 1/-
Soft Cover
2. 2/-
Hard Cover


8/6


35/-



5. 5/-



$8.50



9/5



1. 5/-




2. 5/-





15/-


BRITAIN AND THE ONSET OF
MODERNIZATION IN BRAZIL
1850-1914 Richard Graham
Cambridge University Press

TUMATUMARI William Harris
Faber & Faber


$9.50 (US)
70/- U.K.

25/-