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 Table of Contents
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 Editorial comments and notes

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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents
    Front Matter
        Front Matter 1
        Front Matter 2
        Front Matter 3
    Editorial comments and notes
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
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        Page 24
        Page 25
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        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
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Full Text

)LUME 12. No. 2. JUNE, 1966



Petit Piton, St. Lucia. The eroded core of a lava dome -
a prominent landform in St. Lucia.

Photograph by kind permission of John Tomlin.

VOL. 12. NO. 2




Editorial Comments and Notes 1

K. S. Julien 3

John E. Moes 8

Ralph Thompson 22

Ripley P. Bullen 29

L. A. Eyre 36

(i) F. J. Ajayi, Christian Missions in Nigeria, 1841-1891
K. O. Laurence 49
(ii) Errol Hill, Man Better Man, Louis James 53

BOOK LIST ... .... .. ..... 56

JUNE, 1966


MSS. and Communications should be addressed to the Editor. Unsolicited MSS.
which are not accepted for publication will be returned if accompanied by a stamped
addressed envelope.

Copyright reserved, and reproduction without permission strictly forbidden



Editor: H. C. MILLER, Director of Extra-Mural Studies, University
of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica.

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Vol. IV, Nos. 3 and 4

Carnival in Nineteenth Century Trinidad
The Traditional Masques of Carnival ......
The Changing Attitude of the Coloured Middle Class
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Carnival in New Orleans
Calypso Legends of the Nineteenth Century (arranged
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The Midnight Robbers
The Dragon Band or Devil Band
Pierrot Grenada
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Canada's Federal Experience......
Australia-Background to Federation
The Constitution of Australia
Early Constitutional History of Jamaica
The Road Back--Jamaica After 1866
The Temporary Federal Mace ...... ......
Constitutional History of Trinidad and Tobago
Constitutional History of the Windwards
Constitutional History of the Leewards
Federalism in the West Indies
Summary of Constitutional Advances
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Leeward and Windward Islands
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West Indian Culture
West Indian Poetry ............
The French West Indian Background to "Negritude"
Du Tartre and Labat on 17th Century
Slave Life in the French Antilles
The Place of Radio in the West Indies
The Turks and Caicos Islands-Some
Impressions of an English Visitor
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Vol. VII, No. 4

Education and Economic Development
The University College of the West Indies
Drugs from the West Indies
Political Education in the Developing Caribbean

Andrew Pearse
Daniel J. Crowley

Barbara Powrie
Munro S. Edmoneon

Mito Sampson
Daniel J. Crowley
Bruce Procope
Andrew Curr

Alexander Brady
F. W. Mahler
S. S. Ramphal
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R. N. Murray
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H. 0. B. Wooding
Coleridge Harris
Cecil A. Kelsick
S. S. Ramphal

Harvey de Costa
F. A. Phillips

M. 0. Smith
R. J. Owens
0. R. Coulthard

Rev. C. Jesse
W. Richardson

Doreen Collins

W. Arthur Lewis
T. W. J. Taylor
Compton Seaforth
Rex Nettleford


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Jahnheinz John, Muntu, An Outline of
Neo-Afrlcan Culture
V. S. Naipaul, A Home for Mr. Biswas

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Editorial Comments and Notes

EDUCATION and planning .for full use of our human resources
represent 'major challenges to those who are concerned with problems
of nation building in the Caribbean region. In this issue we continue
our pursuit of the views of professional persons on the need for train-
ing-the existing facilities, current problems and objectives for the
future. Engineering was first offered to students of the University of
the West Indies at the St. Augustine (Trinidad) campus in October,
1963, and the Professor of Engineering has outlined here the funda-
mental problems involved in producing persons competent in the
practice of engineering and worthy to be entrusted with responsibility
to exercise control and direction over the forces of nature for the
service of man. Professor Julien is concerned with the broad challenge
presented by the Caribbean environment. We also include an article
by John Moes of the International Labour Office whose concern is
with planning for full use of the human resources of a small island
(Jamaica) Capital is a necessary corollary to full productive use of
human resources and Ralph Thompson, a Company Director, traces
the role that Capitalism has played in the past in the development of
Jamaica and current trends which must be heeded-he also stresses
the fundamental objective of creating better conditions for the masses
of Jamaica.
Another contributor to CARIBBEAN QUARTERLY is Ripley Bullen,
Chairman of the Department of Social Sciences of the Florida State
Museum. His archaeological survey and the examination of one section
of south-east St. Lucia was undertaken in an attempt to find the loca-
tion of a settlement by 67 Englishmen in 1605. In our last issue, March,
1966, the Reverend Jesse reproduced for us John Nicholls' account of
the "Oliph Blosso'me" settlement with a short commentary. Dr. Bullen's
field work will encourage further interest in the Vieux Fort area of
St. Lucia and bring the Nicholls' account into perspective.

L. A. Eyre of the recently established Department of Geography
on the Mona campus at the University has written an informa-
tive and, by implication, challenging statement on Geography in
the Caribbean. Mr. Eyre, a new contributor to the journal makes a
strong case for the revision of obsolete ideas and the establishment
of sound priorities in developing the role of Geography in education
for young persons.
Our issue ends with two book reviews-one by K. O. Laurence on
Ajayi's Christian Missions in Nigeria 1841-1891 which is proving of
some interest to West Indian readers as this area was closely associ-
ated with Missionary effort in Nigeria in that period.

Errol Hill is Staff Tutor in Creative Arts in the Department of
Extra-Mural Studies. His play MAN BETTER MAN was produced while
he was reading for a further degree at the Yale School of Drama and
has been published in a collection of 3 plays from that School. It is
reviewed here by Louis James, previously attached to the English
Department of this University and at present on the Faculty of the
University of Canterbury.

The Education Of The Engineer

In The West Indies

THE PROBLEMS of education in general, and in particular the
problems associated with the education of the professional engineer,
have been the subject of much thought, writing and research in recent
times, particularly in the metropolitan countries.

Such attention and concern are easily justified and although, we
in the West Indies have not completely reconciled these problems, they
do exist; they are more difficult to overcome and can lead to disas-
trous consequences.

Such a statement will provoke the immediate reaction: "What
are the problems? After all, the University of the West Indies has a
young but well established Faculty of Engineering, with a fine complex
of buildings, equipped with the most modern equipment and an
energetic well-qualified body of staff. In addition, international recog-
nition of the undergraduate programme has already been obtained,
the student body has been building up rapidly-where are the problems?"

In this article, speaking as a member of the engineering profession
of the region rather than as a member of the Faculty, I wish to pin-
point some of these problems and to provoke some reaction which
can lead to assistance in their solution. In order to accomplish this,
it is important that the goals of engineering training and education
be known. Quite simply, the principal aim of engineering education
is to produce people who will be competent in the practice of engin-
eering. To elaborate further on this, engineering has to be carefully
defined and I can do no better than quote Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler.

The best definition of engineering that I have ever seen is
that it is the direction of the sources of the power of nature for
the use and convenience of men. It is the link, the bridge between
men and nature; a bridge over which men pass to get into
nature to control it, guide it, to understand it, and the bridge over
which nature and its forces pass to get into men's field of interest
and service.

As a matter of fact, the two outstanding careers today in
America are the two learned professions of medicine and of
engineering. The one concerns itself with the protection and care
of the health of the race; the other concerns itself with giving
it new command over the forces of nature and bringing these
forces more completely into human service.

This definition sets very high ideals for someone in the practice
of the engineering profession and even higher ones for those respon-
sible for the training of engineers.

Traditionally there are three phases in the "making of an
engineer' The young 'engineer-to-be' achieves certain levels in the
basic sciences and mathematics and then embarks on a period of train-
ing in engineering subjects. On successful completion of this training,
the graduate engineer then seeks professional competence either
through formal training in the practice of engineering or by obtain-
ing 'experience on-the-job'

The lines of demarcation separating these three phases may vary
from country to country but the basic division remains.

In this region, the Faculty of Engineering of the University of
the West Indies has accepted and adheres to the standard British

Phase 1 Entry requirements into the Faculty of Engineering
requires A-levels in the basic sciences.

Phase 2 A three-year programme follows, with emphasis on
the fundamentals rather than the practice of engin-
eering with a fair degree of specialisation in the final

Phase 3 The graduate engineer can then enter industry where a
formal training programme in the practice of engin-
eering awaits him after which, he is exposed to situa-
tions in which suitable experience can be gained.

The problems that have to be faced are immediately obvious if
these phases are examined in the existing circumstances of the region.

The supply of 'engineers-to-be' with suitable qualifications from
either the sixth-forms or the preliminary-science year is adequate
although a problem does exist in that the lack of liaison between
those who plan for and teach the introductory engineering year leads
to confusion and frustration of some of the students. This is particu-
larly true of physics where the approaches to some topics may differ
radically and the student of average ability requires some time for

However, the really major problem stems from a situation that
is even more basic and more difficult to correct. The environment from
which most of our students come is usually one sadly lacking in
engineering activity. The tinkering with radio and television equip-
ment, the building of meccano sets and models etc. are not the normal
pastimes of the teenagers of the West Indies. Economic conditions
more often than not do not allow this. On the other hand, both econ-
omic and social conditions prevent exposure to other forms of activity
such as the handling of machinery and tools of everyday life.

An engineer-to-be coming from such an environment enters the
Faculty of Engineering with his A-levels and is immediately thrown
thrown into a world of nuts and bolts, gears and cams, strats and ties,
watts and vars. The inevitable happens. These physical, engineering
'things' have very little engineering significance to him and he resorts
to his mathematics and physics to pass his examinations. The questions
that involve these nuts and bolts, etc. are treated as Imere mathe-
matical exercises and his engineering training very soon becomes in
his own mind oriented entirely towards analysis rather than synthesis-
the beginning of a disaster.

The subjects to which this technique cannot be applied become
difficult and rejected. A very good and worrying example of this is
Engineering Drawing-one of the basic tools of the engineer. Many of
the 'engineers-to-be' may never have looked inside the bonnet of an
automobile and yet after 40 hours of tuition in Engineering Drawing,
they may be expected to do an assembly drawing of a centrifugal
clutch with all its varifications in a three hour examination. Failure
of this subject occurs but what is even more a tragedy, rejection of it
follows. It is almost certainly true that more student-hours are spent
every year on this subject and yet it has the highest failure rate.

Tied closely to this problem of orientation of the new student is the
question of the suitability of an exclusively honours programme as now
exists. An examination of the situation reveals that there is a
tremendous demand -for engineering graduates in the region. It is
further significant to note for what purpose these graduates are
immediately needed. Vacancies that have arisen and that have existed
for many years in both the public and private sectors have to be
filled. Expensive, hard-to-recruit and sometimes, sub-professional
foreign engineering personnel have to be replaced either through
economic or political pressure. All this spells out clearly one need-a
need for graduate engineers who very quickly can attain some com-
petence in the practice of 'every-day' engineering and yet have suffi-
cient academic training that the goal of superior competence within
the quoted definition of engineering will be attained. Does the existing
three-year honours programme achieve this? The answer to this
question presents the next major problem.

The third phase of the 'making' of an engineer presents the most
difficult problem of all. The three year academic programme leading
to a Bachelor's degree is organised on the basis that follow-up train-
ing, usually on a formal basis, in the practice of engineering exists.
The high level of engineering competence that exists in the UTnited
Kingdom and the U.S.A. speaks well for this scheme but excellent so-
called graduate apprenticeships are in operation and these apprentice-
ships efficiently organized, form an integral part lof the 'making' of an

There are very few organizations that even pretend to have any
form of such training and the reasons are not hard to find. Such
schemes are expensive and require experienced engineers. It is

immediately obvious that only about five of the many organizations
that employ engineers in the region can afford either the expense or
personnel to Implement such a programme. This situation will not
change drastically over the next few years with the inevitable results
that the region loses its best graduates who will seek professional
training abroad and the level of engineering competence remains at
a very low level. This situation must be rectified and be rectified quickly
-a major and difficult problem.

This article has touched on three major problems in the education
of the engineer in the West Indies and will not try to provide any
answers. Instead, some of the thoughts and questions that have been
discussed both within University circles and outside will be raised with
the hope that they will provoke constructive reactions.

As regards the first problem of preparation for entry into the
Faculty of Engineers, these questions arise:

Should there be a preliminary-engineering year in addition to a
preliminary science year and this provide pre-engineering training?.

Should donors of engineering scholarships require all scholarship
winners to spend some period in workshop training before entry to

What can be done about the teaching of Engineering Drawing in
our situation?.

Should the high-schools emphasize to a greater extent the voca-
tional subjects?

As regards the curricula of the undergraduate programme of the
Faculty of Engineering, active and -fruitful discussion is going on
within the University. As in all universities, there is a fair amount
of controversy particularly on the following topics:

Is a three-year programme sufficient? Are there not overwhelm-
ing arguments for a four year course with a higher content of

Should there not be an additional programme to the honours

Should not be the disciplines of Agricultural and Industrial
Engineering be introduced in one form or another?

Tied very closely to any changes in curricula, the pressing question
of graduate training arises.

Does the University have an obligation in this matter?

What assistance can the very active professional bodies in Jamaica,
Trinidad and Barbados provide? Their very growth will depend on
the level of competence the younger engineers achieve.

What can the co-operation of the University, the professional
bodies, the governments and the private industry do to provide an
answer to this question?

Many other questions and ideas arise. I hope that this article
provokes some thought on these matters. The engineer-for many years
the Cinderella of the professionals in the region-is slowly gaining
recognition for his potential worth to the community. This worth is
of even greater significance where he exists in a developing region that
lacks the natural wealth of minerals and raw materials. Progress and
development must depend on creativity, on skills, on superior en-
gineering competence. A tremendous challenge awaits the engineers of
tomorrow. An even bigger one faces the engineering educator of today.

Faculty of Engineering,
University of the West Indies.

The Creation Of Full Employment

In Jamaica

DESPITE the fact that for a considerable period Gross Domestic
Product in real terms has been growing at a rate far exceeding that
of the growth of the population, unemployment in Jamaica is also
rapidly increasing, to an extent that this must now be considered the
nation's foremost social and economic problem. We are -faced with a
phenomenon for which we might well coin the expression "develop-
ment without employment", and it is this that tends to perpetu-
ate the existence of "the two Jamaica's" and even tends to accentuate
this cleavage in the society. Since the new jobs that replace the old
ones are far more remunerative, we have spreading prosperity and
spreading misery at the same time.

"Development without employment" is by no means a typically
Jamaican phenomenon; rather, it is characteristic of Latin America
and the Caribbean at large. In Puerto Rico, for instance, employment
actually declined by 12,000 between 1950 and 1960, and in 1960, in spite
of massive out-migration, the percentage of full-time unemployed
males was almost as high as it had been in 1951 (14.1 and 15.3 per-
cent, respectively). 1

Furthermore, in Latin America as a whole there has been
a rapid increase in unemployment in the last .few years, accom-
panied by a deterioration of the lowest-income sector of the
urban population, even though average income has increased con-
siderably over the same period. 2 The problems to which such develop-
ment gives rise are as serious of those of stagnation, if not more so,
for it is more acceptable to be poor when everyone else is-or, at least,
the great majority belonging to one's class-than when some are pick-
ing the plums while ,others remain as badly off as ever. The attitudes
that this engenders are themselves a 'main contributing factor in per-
petuating the situation. Clearly, rapid development in the modern
world of countries in transition is subject to certain laws that we are
only beginning to perceive and to recognize for what they are, and
which, if they are not counteracted with determination, may lead a
country into grave social and economic difficulties.

With the recent establishment of the National Commission on
Unemployment, described by the Minister of Labour and National

1. Lloyd G. Reynolds, "Wages and Employment in a Labor-Surplus Economy", American Econ-
omic Review, March 1965, pp. 19-39.
2. Zygmunt Slavinsky, "The Structure of Manpower in Latin America Evolution during the Lost
Few Decades and Long-Term Prospects." Unpublished paper delivered at the OECD Seminar
on "Long-Term Forecasting of Manpower Requirements and Educational Policies," Lima (Peru),
22-27 March, 1965.

Insurance as probably the most important Commission to sit in
Jamaica since the Royal Commission of 1938, the Jamaican government
has unequivocally taken the stand that development can be guided
into a more desirable social pattern within the framework of demo-
cratic political institutions and a free enterprise economy. The Com-
mission was charged to supervise the formulation and execution of
appropriate programmes designed "not merely to arrest the growth
of unemployment or reduce it, but to eradicate it in the shortest
possible time." And this necessary but nevertheless courageous com-
mitment was taken in full recognition of the pioneering nature of such
a programme (given the prevalence of "development without employ-
ment") In this context the Minister said: "I hope that I am not being
unduly optimistic in suggesting that once assured of good intentions,
the various sources of technical assistance will give all the help they
can, perhaps even treating Jamaica as a pilot project in the solution
of the unemployment problem in developing countries." Nothing in-
deed, could be more important as an international experiment than
to give assistance to a small nation that is determined to show the
way in this respect. But what, then, we may ask, should be the content
of such a policy and in which sectors of the economy are the great-
est gains to be expected? In the present paper an attempt will be
made to answer these questions in briefest outline.
First of all, there should be total integration between the Com-
mission's work and that of preparing the second Five-Year Plan, both
as regards working procedures and purpose. The Director of the Cen-
tral Planning Unit is a member of and secretary to the Commission.
The Unit, therefore, functions as the Commission's secretariat. Where-
as naturally the scope of the Plan encompasses more than that of the
Commission, there is no contradiction in making the achievement and
maintenance of full employment the overriding purpose of the next Five-
Year Plan and its successors.
A serious employment-ocriented Plan must adopt employment
targets, the fulfillment of which will be its primary aim. Only in that
case will it be possible to bring home to all concerned the magnitude
of the problem with which the country is faced, so that the measures to
solve it may be designed accordingly. Thus, as would a priori seem reason-
able to me, the virtual elimination of un- and underemployment with-
in ten years could be adopted as the overall target. The following
calculation is very rough, both as regards the underlying data and
the procedure itself. It 'may, however, serve as a first approximation.
Suppose that open unemployment is in the order of 19 percent and
that underemployment is the equivalent of 11 percent total unemploy-
ment. Unemployment, then, is 30 percent. To eliminate this in 10
years with a constant labour force and a constant wage level would
require a real rate of growth of approximately 3 percent per annum
(actually less, as the base is itself expanding) In addition, the labour
force may be growing by about 3 percent per annum; taking this into
account, the required growth rate becomes 6 percent. If we further-
more assume a policy that will permit an average increase in real
wages (i.e., over and above such increases in the money wage as

merely compensate the worker for a rise in the price level) of 4 per-
cent per annum, the implementation of the programme will require
a sustained rate of growth of approximately 10 percent per annum,
which is quite realistic. (As it happens, Professor Charles Kennedy,
Chairman of the Department of Economics at the University of the
the West Indies, has repeatedly and publicly mentioned 10 percent as
a realistic expansion rate for Jamaica to aim at during the coming
Five-Year Plan. Countries as diverse as Yugoslavia and Japan already
have achieved and sustained a 14 percent growth rate. We may add
that of course, the statement that a 10 percent growth rate is required
if full employment is to be achieved within 10 years may not be re-
versed In the sense that a 10 percent growth rate would guarantee the
elimination of unemployment.)

This would then have to be expressed as a number of jobs to be created,
taking into account of course the expected growth of the labour force
and the number of jobs that may be lost (e.g., in the sugar industry).
Next, annual targets will be derived from this. The fulfillment of these
targets will have to be ensured by a complex of measures designed
primarily to increase employment in the private sector and, in addition,
a et of stand-by measures will have to be devised that will be brought
into operation to the extent necessary so as to meet the annual
targets. Naturally, these projects must be prepared in advance to
permit timely action.

The measures conducive to the fulfillment of the targets may
best be discussed within the context of certain observations that can
be made as regards those branches that may be considered as the
prime movers of the Ja'maican economy, with the understanding that,
with the development of the sectors in question, additional jobs will
be created in such areas as construction, transportation, finance, trade,
and various other activities.

To start with, I will here merely assert that it is a complete illu-
sion to expect that there can be an increase in employment in agri-
culture; on the contrary, it is quite certain that the movement away
from the land will continue. This implies of course that the burden
of providing the impetus for the creation of employment opportunity
so as to meet the annual targets must fall on other sectors, notably
industry and tourism. Since this burden will be great under the best
of circumstances, policies designed to slow down as much as possible
the exodus from agriculture are in order. Thus we agree with the gov-
ernment policy with respect to the mechanisation of the sugar industry,
which, if at all possible, should be continued against existing pressure
under the conviction that it is not the production of sugar as such
that is important to the country, but the employment provided by
the industry. Positive action that might be taken is to organize re-
cruiting properly (an aspect of which would be the provision of ade-
quate accommodation where needed as well as transportation .facili-
ties) and to limit sugar production to quantities covered by the pre-
ferential quotas in remunerative markets so as to establish an average
price that could carry the cost of the payrolls. This could help arrest
the trend toward expanding production of sugar with fewer workers,

which may be in the interest of the foreign concerns that largely run
the industry but not necessarily in that of the national economy.
Last but not least, there is the possibility of expanding the tobacco
industry on sugar land and using redundant sugar workers; as the
technical feasibility appears to have been established, it remains to
r olve the organisational problems arising from the labour situation.
And this also leads to the more general question: if the industry can
survive only at the expense of wholesale mechanisation, is it still
worth having (the payrolls go to Jamaicans but the machines are
produced abroad, and the land could be used in other ways, which,
under the condition visualized, might give more work) Since it is
the loss of jobs that already has taken place in the sugar industry
which is mainly responsible for the failure of the economy to provide
a significant net expansion of employment opportunity, this question
is of vital importance in any attempt to solve the unemployment

For the small farming sector there also is the problem of slowing
down the exodus, while at the same time working toward a long-term
solution. The former requires continued instruction of adults leading
to an improvement of farming techniques under prevailing conditions,
complemented by marketing arrangements within sensible limits such
as have been inaugurated by the Agricultural Marketing Corporation.
As for the long run, even as a necessary condition for increased pro-
duction (not in a technological but in a sociological sense) the agri-
culture of the future will have to be based on larger holdings per-
mitting a certain degree of mechanization. And this requires above
all the creation of employment opportunity outside agriculture by
means of the stepped-up development of other sectors as well as
thorough formal vocational instruction in farming, given at regular
schools, so as to form a new generation of young farmers capable of
providing efficient management for the larger holdings envisaged. In-
stead of the ngle institution of this nature that now exists, I visual-
ize some forty such schools throughout the island. Paradoxically, there-
fore, agricultural education will have to be enormously increased, even
as the number of people working in agriculture decreases. The larger
holdings will be formed through consolidation as people are siphoned
off to other occupations, and future prospects of land availability can
be strengthened through a fiscal policy of progressive taxation of
holdings above a certain minimum considered socially desirable and
economically viable. The burden and progrc.Eion of this tax should be
strong enough to make its effect felt, but not so strong as to make
impossible the survival of estates .that are efficiently managed. What is
being proposed is a production and employment-oriented policy, not
a doctrinaire breaking up of large holdings as a matter of principle.

As an instrument to implement an effective farm policy along
these lines, we propose the establishment throughout the country of
farm centres serving a variety c.f purposes, in sufficient number to be
accessible to all farm families. Being of strictly local scope, these
centres should be able to work out and demonstrate those farming
systems best suited for the area they serve, being highly specialised

in this respect. In addition to being demonstration farms they should
be service farms and also centres of extension work. The centres should
develop along with the area and lead this development. At the same
time, they should prepare the way for the future by providing .formal
training for the young-prospective farmers in the area. In other words,
the schools referred to above should be part of the centres. Under
this arrangement boarding facilities could be virtually eliminated.

Within farming, special attention should be paid to dairying and
to the introduction of a system of 'mixed farming, with feedlots and
proper rotation, wherever possible. In the areas suited to this purpose,
it would again be the proposed farm centres that should shoulder the
burden of showing the way. However, while dairying is horizontally
related to crop farming, it is vertically related to processing, and in
this connection we must point out that the existing situation gives
rise to certain rather complicated questions which would have to be
studied and resolved before a well thought-out pattern of future de-
velopment can be traced. Considering that past experience is far from
satisfactory and that it is of vital importance to get the dairy industry
out of the doldrums, a comprehensive study on a nation-wide basis
is called for. It would concern itself with such matters as pricing,
transportation, the spatial distribution of processing facilities, the
possibility of producing certain dairy products currently imported, etc.
A similar suggestion can be made with respect of the processing of
various fruits and vegetables. Here too, the lines of future development
should be contemplated and planned with a view to providing ade-
quate facilities while avoiding overcapacity-the existing situation is
just the reverse-and with regard to a proper form of integration
with farming, spreading the benefits as widely as economies of scale
will permit. Finally, before switching to manufacturing industry, we
should mention that forestry seems to afford excellent opportunities
of providing productive employment on a stand-by basis if, as I have
suggested, a programme of meeting specific employment targets should
be adopted.

Because I have heard a great deal of defeatist opinion expressed
on this point, I should make it clear that if manufacturing industry
is not going to provide a sufficient number of jobs (directly and, in-
directly, in other sectors, through the Imultiplier effect), nothing will.
I do believe the potential of tourism and everything that goes with it
to be enormous, so much so that it can perhaps become the mainstay
of the Jamaican economy-certainly it is a sector in which Jamaica
decidedly has a natural comparative advantage-but I do not think
that without an equally great expansion in the manufacturing sector
full employment can be achieved.

Even though Jamaica has no particular outstanding natural ad-
vantages in the industrial sector, this, in the 'modern world, no longer
needs to be an impediment; places such as Hong Kong or The Nether-
lands do not have this either, and yet these and many others similarly
placed have seen phenomenal industrial expansion. Jamaica's expan-
sion would, of course, have to be largely export-oriented, for, while

it seems logical to start with import-substitution wherever feasible, the
domestic market is too limited-given also the fact that many manu-
factured products cannot be produced economically here, so that their
importation will have to continue-to make much difference in the
end. With the setting of employment targets, this would become imme-
diately apparent, which is just one of the advantages of this procedure.
But there is really no reason to believe that Jamaica, like Hong Kong,
could not become a large exporter of light manufactured goods. Natu-
rally in this the cost factor is of particular importance, and this again
can be divided into questions of wages, labour productivity and mana-
gerial efficiency. The factor last mentioned is in practice inseparable
from the second; with respect to these two the creation of the new
Productivity Centre-a U.N. Special Fund supported project-is a
crucial step in the right direction. But the improvement of labour-
management relations is also essential, as well as a measure of control
on wage demands, which leads to the requirement of an incomes policy.
Its implementation pre-supposes the formulation of guideposts for
wage determination, which can and should be far more sophisticated
than the crude directives laid down in some other countries. Apart
from making an attempt at gradually improving the overall wage-
structure, the guideposts should reflect the legitimate aspiration of
the working-class to improve its standard of living, subject to the need
of meeting the country's employment targets. My guideposts would
include an escalator clause, automatic wage-increases in the case of
increased labour productivity, profit-sharing if desired, and so on.
As these are the very things the unions are now fighting for-largely
without success but with considerable interruption of the production
process-the working class itself, including the already employed,
would directly benefit from these measures, and so, of course, would
employers, the gains coming out of a reduction in labour strife, im-
proved worker attitudes leading to greater productivity, etc. The policy
would be implemented by means of systematic participation of the
Ministry of Labour in the process of collective bargaining as the repre-
sentative of the public interest. Widely applied in Western Europe, the
virtual elimination of unemployment in the various countries concerned
may be largely attributed to this approach.

Moreover, an incomes policy would also include control on mono-
polistic pricing practices, as in the United States, and, finally, I would
consider the fiscal approach towards large-scale landownership, briefly
mentioned above, as part of it. It would, therefore, not .only be the
unions that would be controlled, and on that ground I would hope to
"sell" the policy. In this way, and in this way alone, production cost
can be kept within bounds, and, as Sir Arthur Lewis has pointed out
"you can have any rate of expansion you want by keeping a sufficient
margin between cost and world prices."

However, the political feasibility of meeting this condition depends
on its compatibility with the maintenance of acceptable wage levels
that must continue to increase in sufficient 'measure to satisfy the
expectations of the workers. Therefore, labour productivity, already

touched upon in its connection with labour unrest and managerial
efficiency, will also have to be raised by greatly expanding vocational
training in schools and through regular apprenticeship programmes.
Ideally, every child should receive some form of serious vocational
training (including those who wish to choose farming as their voca-
tion); this surely is a deviation from past patterns, but it is what
our time and the strong Jamaican demand for a high and continu-
ously rising level of living require. To provide the Educational Planning
Unit with a firm basis for designing such a vocational training pro-
gram'me, long-run estimates of future manpower requirements must
be made. These estimates should not be based primarily on the ex-
isting situation or on the extrapolation of trends, for the simple
reason that these trends, a.; far as the creation of employment oppor-
tunity is concerned, have been unsatisfactory. An assessment of the
existing manpower situation, interviewing entrepreneurs regarding
their plans for the future, etc., is certainly useful and necessary, but
mostly, I think, in a qualitative sense (i.e., this will give valuable in-
dications as to how vocational schools can improve their product)
For a quantitative assessment of future needs, we will, once again,
have to rely upon the employment targets, from which we must work
back to specific requirements. If we do not do that, we will almost
certainly underestimate the requirements in terms of what is needed
to make a decisive inroad on unemployment, so that lack of skilled
manpower will remain the bottleneck it is today. A first step would
be to set, provisorily, sub-targets for the various major sectors of the
economy, prime movers as well as derived activities. In other words,
a global assessment will have to be made of the structural changes
that are likely to take place and of the future relative importance of
the various sectors, given Jamaica':s specific possibilities. Yet to accom-
plish this, development patterns in other countries will also have to
be studied, especially in deriving estimates for the absorption capacity
of the secondary and tertiary sectors. From there one can then
descend to occupations and skills required at various levels.

To provide such training on a massive scale will undoubtedly be
one of the most expensive items in the overall programme; from this
alone it follows immediately that a high-powered (although of course
strictly voluntary) approach toward birth control is also essential.
Here again, a good beginning has been made, but with present recog-
nition of the problem for what it is, and with little opposition
apparently around, far more could be done. Even though the savings
on vocational training would not fall within the 10-year period upon
which -for the present we have set our sights, there would of course
also be significant savings within that period if the birth rate should
begin to fall, leaving more funds available for the implementation of
the other measures required to eradicate unemployment. Once a country
has reached the stage of accepting a measure of social responsibility
for its citizens, every pound allocated in the budget for this purpose,
one can be sure, is a measure of economy. (With a slight variation
of Ben Franklin's famous dictum one could say: a penny spent is a
hundred pennies saved.) I think that a real crash programme should

be designed, and that birth rate targets should be set by which i'ts)
success will be measured. Reducing the birth rate by 50 percent (i.e.
from the present 40-pro-mille to 20) in ten years would seem a reason-
able, even a modest target. This would reduce the natural rate of in-
crease to not much more than a manageable 1 percent per annum.

The unlimited expansion of which Professor Lewis speaks also
requires the attraction of foreign investment capital in manufactur-
ing enterprise on a much larger scale than hitherto has been the case.
This would be necessary, for voluntary domestic savings would of
course, be quite insufficient. Rather than imposing undue hardships
upon the people, sacrificing the present generation to the next (which
in any case could not be accomplished under a democratic form of
government), Jamaica should welcome this foreign capital and do
everything within Its means to attract more of it. While this has long
been government policy, the specific means that are being used to-
ward this end cannot be considered judicious. This is not a criticism
of the principle of holding out special inducements to industries
locating in Jamaica-I am a true believer in this approach 3-but of
the basis upon which in Jamaica (as in most other countries) the in-
centives are administered. In fact it may be said that a rational basis
is completely lacking under the prevailing legislation, which makes
no attempt to relate the amount of implied subsidy extended to the
benefits which the country derives from the presence of an industry.
Since it can easily be shown that these benefits are primarily related
to the employment effect. This is true quite regardless of whether one
accepts the need for an employment-oriented development policy; it
would, for instance, equally hold if maximizing Gross Domestic Product
were the sole concern. The practical implication is that payrolls dis-
bursed and employment provided, directly and indirectly, should
become the main criteria in determining the concessions to be made.
And this again means that with a given amount of (implied) subsidy,
the employment effect would be greater. With the realisation of how
effective such a programme can be at relatively little cost, it may
then also be considered to increase the subsidies to a point where
employment will be created at the rate required to meet the targets
that may be set for the industrial sector.
There are still further measures that may be taken to favour
rapid industrialization and to guide this process into a socially desirable
pattern; they can here be indicated only in briefest outline. Thus, the
preparation within the shortest possible time of an industrial plan,
consisting largely of a comprehensive portfolio of pre-feasibility studies
of industries that would find a favourable location in Jamaica, is to be
recommended. Possible alternative locations within the country should
also be indicated. This could materially assist in interesting such
industries in coming to Jamaica in the first place (encouraging also
local initiative) and also In efforts at spreading industry throughout

3. John E. Maes, Local Subsidies for Industry, University of North Carolina Press, Chapell Hi ,
N.C. (March, 1962). Also, John E. Moes, "The Subsidization of Industry by Local Communi-
ties in the South," Southern Economic Journal (October, 1961) and "Reply to Goffman and
Thompson," Southern Economic Journal (October, 1962).

the country, inducing firms to establish themselves in desired suitable
locations. In addition, it would facilitate the making of trained man-
power requirements estimates, and it would be of assistance in deter-
mining the need and size of special inducements in accordance with
the principle that no more should be held out than is necessary in
each case.

With a special view to decentralisation, industrial estates should
be prepared in a number of country towns that have "pole of devel-
opment" potential, and the construction of factories on these estates
to the specification of prospects could be complemented by the con-
struction of speculative buildings that can be finished to specification
once a prospect has been interested. In this also, an overall industrial
plan could provide guidance. The conditions under which lots (and
buildings, perhaps even equipment) on the estates are to be allocated
could form a flexible part of the incentives programme so as to virtually
assure occupation, thereby minimizing the risk of wasteful expenditure
for these facilities. The overly cautious "revolving fund" approach
hitherto followed in Jamaica is one whereby the .funds invested in the
facilities should be recovered from the firms located on the estate,
so that they can be used anew for similar projects elsewhere. Apart
from a possible rise in land values, implied subsidies are virtually ex-
cluded; the construction of such an estate becomes a self-financing
project, differing very little from a private venture. This is fine if
prospects can be interested under these conditions, which, however,
is not always the case (as, for instance, at Morant Bay, where the
estate constructed by the Jamaica Development Corporation still
stands largely empty). A stronger boost is often required and it should
be realized that in a public venture of this kind the funds invested
cannot always be recovered in this direct fashion. The purpose, after
all, is to create employment in certain desired locations and the
"returns" should therefore be Imeasured in terms of the payrolls, etc.,
disbursed by enterprises located on the estate. This approach should
be replaced by the principle of "doing what it takes" to fulfill the
targets of the industrial development programme; this may be recom-
mended because it is most unlikely that the cost will be out of pro-
portion to the results if correcly assessed. An additional incentive
could be organisation of a government-supported special training pro-
gramme for prospective workers in factories under construction, so as
to assure the highest possible degree of efficiency and responsible
behaviour from the outset-but only in cases where the firm on its part
is willing to give a guarantee of employment. Finally, the introduction
of multiple shifts so as to minimise production cost and increase the
employment effect of a given investment should be encouraged.

As to tourism, even though the surface has only been scratched
so .far, the sector already provides some 25,000 jobs directly in hotels,
restaurants, night clubs, etc.; this is indicative of its further potential
to create employment. Tourism is, of course, going to be the world's
number one business and Jamaica is very favourably situated with
respect to the richest slice of the market; the U.S.A. and Canada.

However, Jamaica at present only caters to the wealthy and even for
those the attractions are rather limited. There are, of course, those
who are satisfied to spend most of their time within the confines of
hotels where they meet other tourists in "exclusive" beach surround-
ings or at the bar and are provided with commercialized "native
shows" But the island entirely lacks the kind of atmosphere that
attracts the American tourist to the European resorts, where life is
centred not in the hotels but in the cafes, squares and promenades
and on the public beaches. Efforts should be made, therefore, by means
of town planning, to make the existing resort centres more attractive.
There is also a great potential for further development in a spatial
sense, on the south as well as on the north coast, in Spanish Town and
in the Blue Mountains. By tapping its cultural and historical resour-
ces, which are by no means absent, by bringing into the picture the
mountains and the rivers, the old towns and the Great Houses, by
opening up new beaches and preserving them for public use, tourism
in Jamaica can gain a variety and depth that will place it in a position
to attract far more people than at present, and these people will stay
longer and return more often. Also, the island will then hold a greater
appeal to the young and adventurous, for instance, couples on honey-
moon and American students. It is along those lines that development,
hitherto almost entirely confined to the construction of hotel accom-
modation, should now be started, and this will entail some action and
investment in the public sphere. To give impetus to the development
of new areas, government, in addition to providing the necessary
infra-structure, may have to take steps to ensure the coming of a first
sizeable establishment, even if this 'means construction by the Gov-
ernment itself. The infra-structure may include, in many areas, the
organization of mosquito and sandfly control; in Negril, for instance,
the problem is such that this alone, in my opinion, could explain the
absence of development. Furthermore, the preservation of monuments
and characteristic old towns requires the strengthening of existing
legislation and a more adequate appropriation of funds as well as the
organisation of community efforts. As in the other sectors, the training of
people working in the tourist industry should be properly organised. It
seems to me that the very least Jamaica needs is a hotel school of its
own, located in the Island, and providing training also of lower
echelon personnel. In addition there can be in-service training, but
ft should be properly organised. The main problem, of course, is
courtesy, which is at its abominable worst in some of the most pro-
minent hotels (whereas in smaller establishments good, or at least
friendly service is often encountered) Courtesy on the road will also
have to be encouraged and, where necessary, enforced.

Improving the level of entertainment offered the tourist also
deserves special attention. Although Jamaica harbours considerable
talents and counts a number of first-rate actors, dancers, singers and
musicians, good entertainment in the resorts is the exception and some
of it is so appalling that it would seem designed to scare away even
the least discriminating tourist. An effort should be made to organise
more frequent visits of good performers from the capital to the resorts

and to stimulate the further development of talent through the sub-
sidization of promising groups, training, etc. Here again, it may be
considered that an enormous expansion of demand is likely to occur.
If a cultural tone is to be obtained, it may not be wise to leave the
response entirely to the reaction of the market. An alternative approach
would be to take the Tmatter in hand as a serious aspect of vocational
training. It would be a grave mistake, in the long run, to under-estimate
the tourist, especially the coming generation, with such competitors
around as Mexico and Europe. Jamaica might do well to start building
up something to match the cultural attraction of its rivals. In Jamaica's
position this may be considered a serious investment, not a frill that
a developing country can ill afford. As should be clear from the above,
the development of tourism includes many elements that would also
improve the quality of life for the Jamaicans themselves, but which
can reasonably be given higher priority in view of their importance in
building up a vital industry. Thus, cultural planning and planning
for tourism must go hand in hand. I am also convinced that the de-
velopment of tourism and the contact with foreigners that this pro-
vides corresponds to the desires of the Jamaican people at large. (In
these matters intellectuals, more isolated and farther away from the
common man than they imagine, are often prone to cast the latter in
their own image.) In Jamaica, far from being considered a figure cf fun,
the tourist is taken seriously and even admired, whether he deserves
it or not. The more reason to make an attempt to attract to this island
the kind of tourist from whom a favourable influence can be expected.
An immediate start could be made by organizing a "Jamaica Festival"
that would particularly endeavour to bring a series of cultural events
to the main resort areas at the height of the season. Supplemented by
foreign talent, such festivals often are an attempt to project the
entire cultural image of a country and in this respect Jamaica would
have a great deal to draw on. Performances could be integrated with
suitable local settings and, for manifestations outside the resorts,
special excursions could be organised. It would be a yearly recurring
mobilization of what the country has to offer by way of existing col-
lections (much of which cannot be exhibited for lack of space), artists,
performers, historical buildings, etc. which, woven into an attractive
pattern and reinforced by foreign ensembles visiting the country under
cultural exchange arrangements, would be presented to the tourist
and to the local population. Immediate profits should not be expected
but after a while the Jamaica Festival would become internationally
known and attract many additional tourists, so that in the long run
the indirect benefits are likely to be great.

It is quite out of the question to review here the various specific
possibilities for the development of tourism throughout the country;
they are great in almost every parish. However, one thing I will
mention: in terms of its tourist and recreation potential, the area
surrounding Kingston is the most under-developed in the country.
There is, of course, first of all the Blue Mountains-this is now begin-
ning to receive attention. Secondly, there is Spanish Town, whose
square has a harmony and perfection of proportions which make it

one of the most beautiful squares in the world. Yet, in spite of occa-
sional excursions neither the mountains nor Spanish Town are really
part of the tourist picture; in Spanish Town suitable accommodation,
even for a meal or a cup of coffee, is entirely lacking and the town
is allowed to deteriorate rapidly-already it has lost much of its
character. For Port Royal great development plans exist which one can
only hope will materialize. Last but not least, there are the beaches of
St. Catherine, mile upon mile of white sand, among the finest in the
island and yet totally inaccessible. The beach starting at Fort Clarence,
for instance, on the far side of the Port Henderson Hill, is only seven
miles from downtown Kingston as the crow flies; its manifest destiny
is to become, one day, the playground of the city, with the develop-
ment of boating and fishing at Great Salt Pond. A scenic drive across
the hill could also make this entire area into a primary tourist attrac-
tion. A little farther, Manatee Bay, at the foot of the Hellshire Hills
is even more beautiful. The immediate development of this area as an
unemployment relief project for Kingston might be considered. An
integrated development plan for the area surrounding the city could
make Kingston the centre of one of the most interesting and varied
resort areas in the Caribbean, offering beaches, mountain tourism,
cultural and historical attractions, as well as the bustling life ot the
city itself. It might in fact be a good idea also to do this on a nation-
wide basis, i.e., to prepare a comprehensive plan for the development
of the tourist industry so as to ensure that none of the various aspects
listed above that require attention will be neglected.

Leaving now the tourist sector as such, we finally wish to empha-
size the need to ensure orderly development in a spatial sense. Where-
as tourism and mining are quite naturally factors that tend to counter-
act excessive concentration of economic activity in Kingston, with
respect to industry, as we have seen, special measures aiming to over-
come the initial disadvantage of the country towns need to be designed.
However, to realize fully the potential of the various regions it also
is desirable to prepare a series of integrated area development pro-
jects, possibly one for each parish. The two approaches would be com-
plementary; thus, for instance, an overall national policy holding out
special incentives to industries locating outside Kingston would be of
assistance in the implementation of the area development projects.
Similarly the latter, comprising many features, would have to be co-
ordinated with the various proposed nation-wide plans-for tourism,
dairying, food processing and industry-, which themselves would be sub-
plans for the comprehensive new Five-Year Plan, as would be the devel-
opment projects for the parishes. In some parishes the particular possi-
bilities and also the needs are more striking than in others; but
evidently (if only because agriculture can be improved everywhere and
be integrated with food processing, because there is such a thing as
"footloose" industries, and because tourist potential is widespread in
Jamaica) there is not a parish that could not be developed. Decentral-
ized development, therefore is entirely feasible and should be made
oare of the primary aims of economic policy, along with the solutloa
of the overall unemployment problem. And if overall employment

targets are to be set, tentative targets could also be set, for the
main primary industries directly subject to the influence of the
policy measures included in the Plan, as well as parochial targets.
By analysing discrepancies between actual achievements in these
vertical and horizontal sub-sectors and their targets, valuable insight
could be gained with respect to needs for revision of targets and
policies, degree of success obtained, efficiency .of those in charge,
problems that have arisen, etc.; i.e. they would serve in the process
of continual evaluation and revision to which each plan should be
subject; their purpose would be to obtain flexibility rather than
rigorous fulfillment. Fulfillment, however, should remain the aim of
the overall employment target, to be accomplished, if necessary by
bringing into play previously designed stand-by programmes and
possibly also stronger measures of basic policy that may be considered
as drastic and will be kept in reserve for use if and when the need
Attention should also be paid to the need for local participation in
the preparation and, to the greatest possible extent, execution of the
area development projects. (I feel that in any case the preparation
of the Plan should be organised in such a way as to provide for such
participation, not only of officials but also of knowledgeable and pro-
minent private individuals representing their area, their industry, or-
ganized labour, etc. The method of forming ad hoc working groups,
working under the guidance of the Central Planning Unit, is admirably
suited to this end. We may recall that the Minister of Labour and
National Insurance has announced that the National Commission on
Unemployment will in fact avail itself of this method) To provide
for financial participation of the area in question as such and for a
measure of local initiative-which could be exercised within the over-
all framework of the Plan-renewed application and improvement of
the Land Development Duty Law of 1958 might be considered. This
Law provides for the imposition of a capital gains tax on the sale of
land and of betterment charges on the increase in value of land in
"special development areas" It has been subject to some criticism and
could perhaps be improved by introducing the possibility of local initia-
tive (e.g. on the part of Parish Councils and even groups of citizens:
a development area need not coincide with parish boundaries) on the
one hand, and, on the other, by 'making its application subject to the
consent of the people in the area by means of a referendum requiring
a large qualified majority (a procedure quite common in the United
States with respect to bond issues by state and local governments).
This could mobilize local sources of finance in co-ordination with
action of local groups, while the ultimate decision as well as control
on the responsible use of the funds would still rest with the central
Government. The law, in fact, seems basically well-designed to meet
the needs of a country like Jamaica, and it is perhaps to be regretted
that nothing has been heard of it since its hitherto abortive applica-
tion in the Negril Development Area.
The question of the financial feasibility of a programme such as
we have outlined will immediately come to mind and must be briefly

considered. First of all, we may point out that to a large extent it is
a programme of legislative reform designed to increase the attraction
of Jamaica for foreign and domestic capital, and to make the resulting
investments yield the greatest possible employment-creating effect.
Never-the-less, some of the items included do require outlays that
may add up to a sizeable increase in overall government expenditure.
An instinctive reaction may be that any programme which does in
fact mean that Is out of the question if only because it would defeat
its own purpose by taking away incentives in the private sector, thus
killing the goose that lays the golden egg. However, contrary to a
prevailing opinion, the present level of government expenditure in
Jamaica must be considered moderate compared to other countries,
even though the burden of taxation tends to fall heavily on salaried
people in the middle-income bracket. The problem, therefore, Is
primarily one of transfer in the narrow or technical sense, inherent
in the self-imposed limitations of a conventional financial policy.

The country needs a comprehensive, multi-pronged attack on the
unemployment problem. What I am suggesting is that a programme be
formulated and budgeted mindful of what the situation requires. If
it then turns out that, with such foreign assistance as may be avail-
able, the means to execute it can be procured while adhering to
present financial practices, so much the better. But if these means fall
short, then consideration might be given to supplementing them by
using a more daring financial approach involving investment of the
foreign currency reserves in the development of the country, deficit
financing, and the adoption of a system of freely fluctuating exchange
rate-instead of rejecting the programme outright or curtailing it in
important parts. This last-mentioned item is a necessary complement
to the first two if drastic exchange controls, which would ruin the econ-
omy, are to be avoided. The greatest danger of unorthodox finance is in
fact attempting to reconcile it with a stable external value of the currency.
In that case the dangers of not solving the unemployment problem
should be weighed against the dangers-real or imaginary-of un-
orthodox finance.
As a previously autonomous and recently independent country,
Jamaica has much of which to be proud; its stable democratic institutions,
its rapid rate of development, its exemplary racial relations. Its fester-
ing sore, however, is unemployment. If it can overcome this problem,
it will set a new example to the world, but, if not, its other achieve-
ments may all be in jeopardy. Clearly, a re-orientation of economic
policy is necessary: whatever one may think of its exact content, it
should be employment-directed and it should take into account the
magnitude of the problem.

International Labour Office, +

+ The views expressed in this article are strictly personal.

The Role of Capitalism In Jamaica's


I DEFINE capitalism as that economic system in which the means of
production are owned largely by individuals or companies. A capitalist
is a person who produces for his own use only incidentally and
primarily -for sale to others. We must be careful about definitions,
however. They are only attempts in the logical order to describe and
to categorise something which has its own existence in the objective
order. We must not become slaves of labels. No matter how eruditely
astronomers talk about galaxies and planets, distinguishing the Big
Dipper and the Milky Way, there are really no such systems in nature-
there are only celestial bodies, going their celestial way regardless of
how we think about them.

Furthermore I hope to show that as a system capitalism has its
own internal dynamic of change so that no one definition can really
capture its evolving essence.

Jamaica became a colony of England at a time when England
was becoming a modern capitalistic society. One of the .objects of the
expedition which began the conquest of Jamaica was to enforce in
the colonies of the Eastern Caribbean a rigid observance of the recent
Act of Navigation; and the object of the Act of Navigation was to
enable England to catch up with the Dutch.

When England or France locked out cn the world 300 years ago,
they must have felt much as an "underdeveloped" country does today,
seeing the "developed" countries regulating investment, controlling
ci edit, monopolising know-how, commanding the supply of capital
goods and owning the right of access to the basic raw materials of the
world. And Holland, as any London merchant would have admitted,
was a far more serious obstacle than Spain to the prosperity of Eng-
land because it had developed the techniques of capitalism.

This was not due to the natural resources of Holland. Its area was
about two-thirds of that of the Dominican Republic today and its
population about the same; apart from agricultural land (two-thirds
of which was poor) it hardly had any resources.

If you were to reverse Rip Van Winkle's feat and wake up to-
morrow in 17th century Amsterdam the outlines of business life would
be familiar. The Dutch traded in futures, had a sort of bank rate, ran
a stock exchange, did nearly all their business with bits of paper in-
stead of in hard cash. You would feel less at home in Cromwell's
London where businessmen were often sorely puzzled at what the

Dutch did, as when a man bought a crop that did not exist from a
man who didn't own it for sale to someone who would never see it.
Holland had become the centre of world commerce and finance by
intelligent use of the "modern" instruments of 17th century capitalism.

Since Jamaica was developed as a colony at the time when Britain
was growing up as a modern capitalistic society, one would expect
Jamaica itself to grow up as such a society. It appears to me, how-
ever, that it did not. Its organisation was primitive. It depended on
British merchants for credit, on British shipping to transport its
major exports, on British underwriters for its insurance. The surplus
it produced, its potential new capital, went largely to Britain and new
capital coming in frcm abroad went as a rule into sugar, the crop
that Britain favoured.

This was in fact "economic colonialism" The economy was limited
to production of goods desired by the imperial commercial system.
Since one of the commodities desired by Britain was sugar, Jamaica
concentrated on that; and since sugar required a large labour force,
the slave plantation became the normal method of production. This
meant in turn that there were few local industries and only a limited
retail trade since the great mass of population had only a very small
disposable income.

The capitalism of slavery, then, was all along a very backward
business and the role of capitalism was limited to the financing and
direction of a limited range of operations largely from Britain. The
local capitalist, whether planter or merchant, could make only a
limited number of decisions. The Jamaican planter could not sell in
Hamburg if the price of sugar was better there than in London, nor
decide to give up sugar and grow indigo because this would compete
with the East India Company's supplies from India.

After slavery was abolished a more natural economy might have
been expected to have evolved, particularly as Britain abandoned pro-
tection and so widened the local capitalist's range of choice in decision-
making. Great efforts were in fact made to modernise. But capital
foi the Railway was almost entirely British and very often planters
remained tied to British merchants; so that they suffered the disad-
vantage of free trade (exposure to world prices) together with the
disadvantage of the old system, namely lack of freedom of choice. As
a matter of fact, capital investment in 1850 was probably lower than
in 1830.

With Crown Colony government, however, the rate and volume of
investment rose sharply. This was due to the banana business, increas-
ed public works expenditure, confidence felt by foreign investors in
the stability of the government, improved housing and the revival of
sugar after the 1914 war. Between 1870 and 1890 the volume of in-
vestment increased considerably. It has been estimated that capital
investment in 1890 not only had twice the volume it had in 1870 but

was a higher percentage of Gross Domestic Product. Between 1890
and 1910 the increase continued; capital investment in 1910 was 50%
higher than in 1890. In 1930 it was twice the 1910 figure.

What accounts -for this progress? There were two sources of in-
creased investment One was local saving as when a Kingston firm
went in for sugar production. But most of it was brought in from
abroad whether through large enterprises like the Boston Fruit Com-
pany or by settlers who bought estates. There were foreign entre-
preneurs supplying goods and services; for example trains, electricity,
telephones, and gasolene. A good deal of money came in through fire
insurance collected after the 1907 earthquake.

In addition, the Government followed what were for the time
bold policies of public investment based on taxes servicing loans
floated in London or sometimes on grants and loans from the British
Treasury. Acquisition and extension of the railway, a new road system
with good bridges, the Rio Cobre Irrigation Scheme, the Cockpit Scheme
and the telegraph service are outstanding examples of public invest-
ment with a direct effect on the economy. Private capital was the
chief source of funds for agricultural development and it was also
the source of funds for industrial undertakings which date from this
period-cigars, logwood, coconut products, ice, biscuits.

Probably private investment represented an increasing proportion
of total investment in 1870 to 1930. Its expansion was marked by the
wider adoption of typical contemporary capitalist institutions ( the
limited company, the building society) and wider use of others (banks,
insurance companies), and by the rise of a construction industry
after the 1907 earthquake. A form of capitalism was evolving with a
number of unique aspects. When sugar revived after World War I, for
example, the process culminated in the cartelisation of the industry
under Government regulation in 1929.

Having traced the advance of capitalist development in 1930 and
knowing from history that by 1937 the system was beginning to break
down, we must look back again in an attempt to discover whether the
system was defective in itself or whether there were present other
factors to which it had to adjust. One of the most important factors to
my mind was the continuing patron and client relationship which
persisted after the abolition of slavery and which produced a new
cultural obstacle in the normal path of capitalist development.

Before emancipation the slave owner classified his slaves, like his
cattle, as part of the stock. But it was not in practice possible
to treat them as stock. The laws gave them increasing protection
and in addition the slave-owner, as a matter of convenience, wrapped
the hard points of slavery in a web of customary rights and expecta-
tions. Thus, when Simon Taylor, who was by no means an elevated
character, wanted to take some land back from his slaves to expand
his acreage under cane in St. Thomas, he paid his slaves 1 for every
coconut tree they had planted on the land.

Hence there existed between master and slave a patron and client
relationship not defined by law. When a slave was set free, in many
cases he continued to think of himself as a client of his former
master. This even applied in the towns. If a slave carpenter, for
example, became free he probably expected his former master to
become his employer or to find him jobs with other people.

When slavery came to an end some estate owners attempted to
break this relationship in the most brutal way by charging rent for
the old "negro houses" but most encouraged its continuance. Many
owners allocated land to their ex-slaves and expected them to grow
cane for their factories.

Many freemen formed settlements in the hills and, just as the
slaves had grown foodstuffs and sold -their surplus, so these settlements
grew the country's ground provisions, and coffee and cocoa increasingly
became peasant rather than estate crops. Thus there were now two
separate types of agriculture; capitalist agriculture with a highly
dependent work-force and peasant agriculture. The banana was a
small 'man's crop as well as an estate crop, and for a while it looked
as if the spread of bananas would help to break up the cultural patron
and client relationship.

However, even in the case of the banana a new reason for de-
pendence appeared. Competitive buying for the companies meant that
there had to be buying agents who were often estate owners. Thus the
small grower came to regard the agent as his patron. In short the
free contractual relationship of classical capitalism was not established.

It appears also that for cultural reasons Jamaica developed a type
of capitalist who did not operate exclusively from the profit motive.
The estate was regarded by owner and worker as much more than an
economic enterprise. Many of the white immigrants who came in after
1865 were looking for a dignified life in a pleasant climate rather than
maximum profits. Economic betterment of the masses through in-
creased farm income seemed less important even to the worker than
some insurance against calamity. The "good" estate worker was not
the man who put all his land under cultivation and employed as many
people as possible for as long as possible but rather the man who
allowed his poor neighbour (whether regular workers for him or not)
to collect firewood, mangoes and breadfruit; to burn coal, to draw
water from his spring and, in desperate droughts, to take buckets to
his cattle ponds. The boy who looked after the cows might be given
milk to take home in the evening. The estate owner would drive a
sick person to the doctor. His wife might train small farmers' daugh-
ters as servants so that they looked after a home of their own better
than others.

The masses tended to see such a system as essential to survival.
But it was not a genuine capitalist system at all and was as out of
date by 1900 as the English system had been by comparison with the
Dutch two centuries before.

The rural population began its flight to Kingston, but even King-
ston capitalism was affected by the patron and client relationship. The
owning and managerial classes often brought estate ideas to bear on
urban occupations, and the manager of a factory might think of a
foreman as an estate owner thought c.f his headman. Employment
practices were crude.

Kingston capitalism retained old-fashioned characteristics. There
were of course a number of non-Jamaican firms operating in Jamaica
but the average Jamaican business, even though a limited company,
was usually a family undertaking. Banking expanded, largely through
the Bank of Nova Scotia, but credit policies were narrow.

By 1937 therefore the danger signs were obvious. The system was
breaking down as a means of providing the masses as well as clerical
workers with steady livelihood and reasonable prospects. Capital in-
vestment in the private sector was too small and there were too many
people. The banana industry was running down, and even when Tate
& Lyle decided to invest 1l million in sugar this contributed to the
general unrest of 1938 by building up new dissatisfactions and new
disappointments as some people benefitted and more did not.

Had the time come for a new system or did capitalism have the
inner resilience to modify itself to the needs of the people? The unrest
of 1938 appears in historical perspective to have been a genuine protest
of the masses regarding themselves collectively as "labour" Many
people regarded it as a revolt against estate feudalism; some
thought of it as a revolt against capitalism. In fact it represented
demands which could be met only in one way-by tremendously in-
creased activity in the private sector and by Government action, in-
cluding heavy expenditure to facilitate such greater activity in the
private sector. And so Jamaica entered on its third phase of capitalist

The post-war development of Jamaica has been marked by the
increasing importance of the role of private capital and also by
increased State activity through higher public investment, through
planning and through various forms o.f intervention in the economy
(such as tax concessions and protection)

In the thirties, capital investment, though too low, was higher in
volume than for the previous century: it may have averaged 2
million and been about 10% of Gross Domestic Product, with private
capital representing about three quarters of the total. Today the gross
investment appears to be over 50 million representing from a fifth
to a fourth of Gross Domestic Product with private capital contribut-
ing about two-thirds. The public investment consists both of creation
of assets of direct economic value and the building of schools, hos-
pitals, etc. It is obvious that a large proportion of the Gross Domestic
Product goes into capital as the changing .face of Kingston indicates.
The private sector expends vast sums on factories, office buildings and

residential buildings. In 1964 the output of the construction and installa-
tion sector-including public activities-was some 30 million.

The Gross Domestic Product is now 12 or 13 times what it was
in the thirties. This is due partly to the decline in the value of money.
But Jamaica has also genuinely increased its output to much more
than anything dreamed of in 1937. To do this has required a high
rate of capital investment operating along the lines of modern
A large proportion of this capital still comes from abroad: it is
represented by machinery and buildings which without such foreign
capital would not be there. It is represented by large masses of work-
ing capital. Some of the private capital represents private savings,
some the "ploughing back" of profits and a large amount consists of
depreciation funds re-invested.

It has been Canadian and American capital which has trans-
formed the economy by making bauxite and alumina the principal
exports instead of sugar and rum. Jamaica is now the world's largest
bauxite exporter. This has meant the appearance of new ports and
new revenue. Bauxite has also had the curious side-effect of sweeping
away a great part of the old pen-keeping economy. Two bauxite com-
panies are now the chief cattle-breeders of the country and one of
them the largest producer of ortaniques.
The tourist trade has been built up since World War II to a 16
million business by private capital (much of it local) with Government
aid and encouragement. In fact Government's part in expansion of
the economy has lain largely in enabling private capital to function
efficiently. The creation of new institutions-the Bank of Jamaica
and various statutory bodies-has undoubtedly been part of a process
of intelligent modernisation. We have reached the stage of capitalistic
sophistication where a rudimentary stock-exchange exists, and more
and more local savings are being channelled into private equities-
thus making ownership truly "communal" within the capitalistic
I make no claim that the present evolution of the system is
perfect. In fact there is a good deal of criticism of it *from various
sources. It is claimed that Jamaica is selling its resources to the
foreigner; that the increase in national wealth is not accompanied
by general betterment of the masses; that capitalist agriculture is
leaving the small farmer far behind; that the system remains a closed
one in which there is not really equal opportunity for all.

These criticisms must be heeded for there is much to be learned
from them. To a great extent, however, these are criticisms not of the
capitalistic system but of the tough conservatism of the whole society.
No economic system can be divorced from human personality and
the cultural, sociological and psychological factors of the age. And
change for change sake is as bad philosophically as the worse kind
of reactionary thinking.

All modern economic systems, including capitalism, are concerned
with accomplishing a fair distribution of wealth. Only capitalism,
however, is rooted in the historical reality that one first has to have
something before one can start distributing it. Other systems are
usually only advocated after capitalism has accomplished the "that"
which is to be distributed.

Jamaica must certainly depend less on foreign capital. But it re-
mains clear that neither the bauxite industry nor tourism could have
been set going without foreign know-how, contacts and capital; that
the expansion of sugar to 5 or 6 times the scale of the "thirties" was
set going by British capital in 1937; that Kingston never had a good
bus service till foreign capital stepped in; that all the numerous
factories started by foreign capital would not have been started if we
had waited for local capital accumulation.

It is true that the betterment of the masses is not as dramatic
as one would like. Nonetheless a great deal has been effected and the
growth of public revenue means that the State can provide more by
way of education and social services.

It is true that the small farmer has lagged behind; but it would
seem. that this is not because of private capitalism but precisely be-
cause the small farmer has not been able to work himself into the
third phase of Jamaican capitalism.

The truth might well be that in a small country the process of
growing richer involves greater effort and, unfortunately, there is a
marked tendency not to make full effort. We would rather wait for the
discovery of some new economic system to replace capitalism by mak-
ing "money grow on trees" To a surprising extent we cling to old
and inappropriate attitudes. Large masses of people who, when they
migrate to the United Kingdom show themselves capable of saving, do
not save in Jamaica because their environment-including Union
attitudes-encourages free spending and an easy life. The middle class
are conservative in their view of investment, thinking mainly of real
estate. Companies cling to the family idea instead of accepting the
implications cf a living capitalistic society. The Unions have helped
Jamaica's economy considerably but their doctrine of "ability to pay"
reflects the old patron and client belief that the status of the worker
does not depend on himself and his productivity but on his employer's
standing. The scale of absenteeism reflects an indifferent attitude
towards work which would cripple any system.

Our task, it appears to me, is to effect a greater consistency in
the approach to our problems. If there is need for a fourth phase
of Jamaican capitalism, history seems to show that the system will
make the necessary adjustment.


The First English Settlement

On St. Lucia

A RECENT issue of the Caribbean Quarterly contained John
Nicholl's full account of the landing of 67 Englishmen from the "Oliph
Blossome" on St. Lucia in 1605. This account, written in 1607, is rich
in ethnological and geographical details omitted in the abridged
version presented in 1625 as Chapter XIII of Purchas his Pilgrimes.
Noting this fact, Rev. C. Jesse, to whom we are indebted for the dis-
covery of the original account, asked me as an archaeologist familiar
with Carib artifacts of the Lesser Antilles to attempt the definitive
location of the 1605 settlement.

The field work, done the end of May 1966, represented co-operation
between the Florida State Museum and the St. Lucia Archaeological
and Historical Society. Permission to explore the southern tip of St.
Lucia and to make test excavations there was kindly granted by the
Chief Minister of the Government of St. Lucia. It was supported in
part by the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of
Florida. Field work included an archaeological survey of the south-
eastern part of St. Lucia from a little west of Laborie to Saltibus Point
east of Savannes Bay (Fig. 1) and a detailed examination of the
terrain in the light of Nicholl's account. Archaeological specimens
found during the survey are in the collections of the St. Lucia Archae-
ological and Historical Society.

The accompanying map (Fig. 1) is a composite using as a base
map St. Lucia Sheet 3 of the Windward Islands 1:25,000 series, pub-
lished in 1958 and based on 1951 and 1955 surveys, with additions
and minor alterations taken from a 1937 map made by R. G. Wright-
Nooth and shown to me by Eric Branford of Castries, St. Lucia, Archae-
ological Secretary of the St. Lucia Archaeological and Historical
Society. During World War II, what is now referred to as Beane Field
(Fig. 1) was drained, filled, and levelled to form an air base. This work
included straightening and relocating the Vieux Fort River from the
town of Vieux Fort northward for a distance of one mile. To show the
topography as near as possible to that of 1605, Ponds A, B, and C, the
lower course cf the Vieux Fort River, and the streams flowing into
Pond B have been added to the otherwise more accurate 1958 map.
Ponds C and D are still present while an examination of the ground
readily identifies the approximate locations of Ponds A and B. Exam-
ination of the ground does not suggest the presence of any ponds other
than those shown in Figure I.

For comparison with Nicholl's narrative account of the 1605
settlement on St. Lucia, there is 'Part of a Treatise written by Master

William Turner" (Purchase his Pilgrimes, Chap. XV, pp. 352-57) which
deals with this affair from the viewpoint of one of the sailors on the
Oliph Blossome. Apparently, Turner himself did not land on St. Lucia.
Close reading of his account suggests that Turner's chronology may
be slightly confused or that the account has suffered from too much
Any identification of the location of the 1605 settlement on St.
Lucia must be based on the assumption that Nicholl's account is
accurate and that the details he presents agree with the geographical
attributes of the assumed site. On that basis, the general location of
the landing place must be in the southeastern part of the island be-
cause he states, "the Carrebyes pointed unto a great Mountain on
the North-West part of the Island, whose top we might see from the
place where we dwelt "
From the location of present-day Vieux Fort or from the eastern
parts of Beane Field, the tops of Gros Piton and Petit Piton can be
seen towering over nearer hills to the northwest (Fig. 1) At no other
place of low elevation is this true. The low land across the river to
the northwest of Vieux Fort is so near Mt. Tourney and other hills
that the tops cf the Pitons cannot be seen from that location.

This southeastern location for the settlement is more or less sub-
stantiated by Turner who writes, "The fifteenth day, being thursday,
we had sight of Saint Lucia, bearing West North-west of us. In this
land we set our passengers ashoare Geographically, the south-
eastern end of St. Lucia is a logical location as the Oliph Blossome
was approaching from the south and Nicholl advises that St. Lucia
had "about twelve degrees of North latitude This figure is low
as Vieux Fort has a latitude of 13 43' 30" but it is reasonably close
to the latitude suggested in the account.

Regarding the actual site, Nicholl writes, "The next morning [after
reaching the island] we went ashore with all our weak men, where
there was five or seven houses planted by a pleasant fresh water
River, which Captain Sen-Johns bought for a Hatchet of an Indian
Captain called Anthony so he and all his company went to another
town some three miles off." Turner is probably referring to the same
place when he says, "In this bay there are Hal,fe a dozen of Indian
houses very pleasantly scituated upon the top of a hill, with a fresh
water River at the foote of the same hill

That the English settlement was beside the ocean as well as by a
river, is indicated by the fact that they were shot at from the Oliph
Blossome the first night after landing, and that when the Carlbs later
gave the English a boat they "brought her, drawing her ashore within
the compass of our Forts The Englishmen's settlement should,
therefore, be located at a small Indian village beside the ocean and
near a pleasant river while another, presumably larger, Carib village
or town was some three miles away. The latter should also be on or
near the shore as the English went there by boat the second day "to
trade . for Roan cloth . "

Of the locations .from which the Pitons can be seen, the site of
the present-day town of Vieux Fort is the only one on the side of a
hill with a fresh water river at the foot of the same hill and, also, beside
a good, deep water harbour where the Oliph Blossome would logically
anchor. It is a place from which Nicholl could observe, "and they [the
Oliph Blossome] departed towards Saint Vincent As shown in
Figure 1, the Vieux Fort location meets all these requirements of the

Careful search along the streets, between houses, and in the cem-
etery at Vieux Fort failed to locate any indication of previous Carib
occupation. In spite of this lack, which is explainable as due to the
large area under pavement and the recent intense occupation, Vieux
Fort is the only likely location for the 1605 English settlement.

Nicholl mentions sending out men every night to catch turtles
when they came ashore to deposit their eggs. Across the river from
Vieux Fort and extending about three quarters of a mile to the west is
a wide, fairly high, sand ridge, ideal for turtle nesting, bordering the
northern part of Vieux Fort Bay. Assuming Vieux Fort to be the site
of the 1605 settlement, the location of this sand ridge would fit Nicholl's
narrative remarkably well.

Another minor detail in the account which seems to point to Vieux
Fort as the correct location is the reference to "the Stings of a certain
fly called a Mosquito, the which would so torment us withtheir poisoned
stings for they would sting through three pairs of Stockings "
As shown in Figure 1, Vieux Fort was located between two brackish
ponds, now, drained, and mosquitoes would be expected except in the
bright sun.

On the accompanying map are located all the Indian sites near
Vieux Fort. Of the five Carib sites, those southeast and east of Vieux
Fort (Fig. 1, C-1 and C-2) are small, the Giraudy site (Fig. 1, C-3) is
large and produced typical Carib pottery and shell gouges in fair
quantities, while the Saltibus Point and Pointe de Caille sites (Fig 1,
C-4 and C-5) .farther to the northeast are possibly larger still. The
site at the northwest site of Black Bay (Fig. 1, A) is archaeologically
typically Arawak, produced no specimens attributable to Carib Indians,
and dates to an earlier prehistoric period.

Nicholl places the Carib town to which Anthonio and his people
moved as "some three miles off No suitable Carib village was
found to the west of Vieux Fort. The two Carib sites to the east and
southeast of Vieux Fort (Fig. 1, C-1 and C-2) are both too small and
too near to be the town to which the Indians retired. Of the three
larger sites, the Giraudy site may seem a little near but those at
Saltibus Point and Pointe de Caille are not only too far away but also
they do not fit parts of the narrative to be mentioned shortly.

We must remember that Nicholl's "some three miles" is indefinite
and, if anything, likely to be exaggerated. Apparently, the English

Ti TONS 6m-

An"-- S'bles

Moule b Chl/ve

A- Arowak site at BlockBoy

C-i.2.3,4,5 Corib sites
(C-1 8 C-2 ore very small)

400 elevationstin feet)

1,2,3,4,5- Route to Antono's
father's town



Sohibus Pant

Block Boy

Pie Sob/p



and Indians went back and forth frequently as Nicholl writes with
reference to the Indian town that "'e had been often times well used
there before Never is there any reference to a long or difficult
journey as would, it would seem, have been the case if the Carib town
had been at Saltibus Point. The route between the English settlement
and the Giraudy site would have to be circuitous because of the low
marshy land between them.

Turner may shed some light on this point as he writes, "So that
night [after sighting St. Lucia] we waied, and went to a Baye some
two leagues to leeward [westerly] of this roade where we first ankored."
The ocean near the Giraudy site could easily be called a "roade" or
roadsteadd" while the water beside Vieux Fort is the only well-pro-
tected bay in the vicinity. If the Oliph Blossome first sighted St. Lucia
near the Giraudy site, where "the Carrebyes came in their Periagoes
or Boats aboard us with great store of Tobacco, Plantains, Pota-
toes ", and then weighted anchor and sailed to Vieux Fort Bay
around Moule a Chique, the distance sailed would have been about two
leagues (around 52 miles) Nicholl's statement that "The next morn-
ing we went ashore would agree with this interpretation of
Turner's statement which also explains how the sailors knew how to
get to Anthonio's father's town to trade, after landing the passengers.

The fact that the English settlement most certainly was at Vieux
Fort and Anthonio's father's town at the Giraudy site is documented
by the account of the ambush near the Carib town. The description
of the route taken both going and returning permit, it would seem, of
of no other interpretation. All the natural features mentioned by
Nicholl can be seen today along the southern and eastern side of
Beane Field. The probable route is indicated in Figure 1 by numbers
1 to 5. These numbers will be included in the following paragraph to
relate references in the text to locations on the map.

Nicholl writes that leaving the English settlement, "we travelled
through a little neck of land [2 to 3] which runs far into the sea, and
then we entered upon the sand [3 to 4], which was so extreme hot with
the reflection of the Sun that we were not able to travel apace
until we came to a point of land [41 a quarter of a mile from Anthonio's
house This description agrees closely with the route indicated
on the map. The base of the triangular point of land [4], called
'Point Sable," is almost exactly a quarter mile from the southeastern
corner of the Giraudy site.

The first ambush occurred during this last quarter mile of the trip.
Nicholl continues, "Then we retired back to a point of land [4],
thinking there to have fitted our pieces But there came another
Ambush on our backs, and round about us, Master Budge and
Robert Shaw ran into the sea, and there were both drowned and
killed with Arrows Placing the English at Point Sable at this
moment in the narrative permits Budge and Shaw to enter the sea

After describing more fighting and running, which must have
occurred along the sandy beach [4 to 3], Nicholl says, "they persued
us very hotly, which caused us to make haste to four of our fellows,
who were entered into a narrow path 13 to 2], which leadeth through
the woods, from the sands to the Houses where we dwelt [1]
but there was in the path another Ambush, which drove them back
to the sands [Anse de Sables] again: and when they saw us so hardly
chased, they entered the path [3] with us again. The one side of the
path was a high mountain [the south side of 3 to 2 is the north side
of Moule a Chique], the other went down to a low valley I leapt
into the wood, down to the valley, which I found a great Lake [Pond B],
I leapt into the Lake, but by the help of God swam over, but
with much ado: for the further side was shallow water, but I waded
in mud up to my waist, which almost spent me." The northern and
northwestern sides of Pond B would be expected to be shallower than
the southern side, towards Moule a Chique, where Nicholl entered
Pond B.

Thus Nicholl excaped and warned those still at the English settle-
ment of the approaching Carib attack. His description of the route
from the English settlement to Anthonio's father's village-both going
and returning after the ambush-agrees exactly with the route in-
dicated by Arabic numbers on Figure 1.

There is one other reference in Nicholl's text which has a bear-
ing on the location of Anthonio's father's town. On the Wednesday
before the ambush, Nicholl and three others went to the Carib village
to trade for food. Getting none they departed and, exploring, followed
a narrow path which led them to orchards and gardens. "We had not
travelled a Mile, but we entered down by a Thicket into a most
pleasant Garden of Potatoes and travelled two or three miles
further, passing through many goodly Gardens and [beside]
hugh and great trees, we returned the same way again, with as
much green Tobacco, Potatoes and Cassada, as we could carry

Starting from near Anthonio's .father's town (Fig. 1, C-3J, the
Englishmen could have gone either northward or westward. A walk
of about a mile, around the hill immediately northwest of the Giraudy
site, would have brought them to good garden land towards Resource
and the Beausejour Agricultural Station. This area, well to the north
or northwest 'of Beane Field, was the site of a sugar plantation during
the last century. Here the micro-environment is different than that
of the strictly coastal areas mentioned otherwise by Nicholl. It is the
only good agricultural land in the Vieux Fort region. Again, the des-
cription of the terrain, the suggested distances, and likely routes agree
closely with my identification of the Giraudy site as Anthonio's father's

One may wonder why the English travelled along the shore to
Anthonio's father's town. Why didn't they take a short cut or explore
on their own up the Vieux Fort River and so find the Carib's gardens
earlier? Two answers may be given to these queries. First, Nicholl

writes that "Thus for the space of five or six weeks, we went not much
abroad, but cut down the Woods about our houses every day lest
the Carrebyes should at any time assault us." Second, we must re-
member that the English were at St. Lucia during the rainy season.
The area between Vieux Fort and the Giraudy site is low and today
well supplied with drainage ditches. It was much easier and quicker
to go around. The lower reaches of the Vieux Fort River pass through
the western part of this low land. Traces of at least one oxbow can
still be seen. The 1937 Wright-Nooth map indicates a very tortuous
channel which would not have invited exploration.

The fact that "The next morning [after landing] Captain Sen-
John went in the Boat, with fifteen more in his company, to trade
with Anthonio his father for Roan cloth may be cited as an
objection to my identification of Vieux Fort as the site of the 1605
settlement. Why did they row around Moule a Chique when it was
much nearer to walk. The answer, of course, is that they had not been
told of the path. Once they rowed around Moule a Chique and had a
chance to look over the lay of the land, they knew there must be a
shorter land route.

I feel that in every respect the location of the present town of
Vieux Fort agrees with the descriptions and geographical inferences
found in John Nicholl's narrative of the first English settlement on
St. Lucia. Excavations at Vieux Fort, even if possible, could not be
expected to produce any definite evidence of the 1605 settlement. Caribs
would have taken away all useful objects, especially those of metal,
while any structural remains would long since have been destroyed by
the intense occupation which has occurred there during the last
hundred years. There seems to be no reasonable doubt but that Vieux
Fort is the site of the first English settlement in the Antilles.

Florida State Museum
University of Florida

The Teaching of Geography

in the Caribbean

THE CARIBBEAN region has been curiously neglected by
geographers. It is the home of fifty million people and has been looked
upon as a "region" since the days 'of Columbus. Yet, there is still no
comprehensive advanced geography text of either the region as a
whole or the majority of its constituent territories. There is no
geography faculty at the University of the West Indies. Its climate,
which has many unexplained peculiarities, has never been thoroughly
studied, accurate knowledge about land use is confined to a fraction
of its area and there is no national atlas of any single one of its
thirty-five political units or of the region as a whole. There are no
population maps, few climatic maps, indeed many areas have not even
been topographically mapped. In fact, geographical study of the area
in any depth has consisted and still consists of piecemeal nibblings,
and the results of some, published in the four main languages of the
region and printed in Europe or the United States of America, are in
such restricted quantities as to be available only to a limited special-
ist public.

It can in fact be asserted that there is no other sizeable region
in the world of which so little is known geographically. Compared with
the amount of detailed information which is continually appearing
on tropical Africa and Asia, geographical literature on the American
tropics has always been and remains, a mere trickle. There are politi-
cal and historical reasons for this unfortunate state of affairs. Politi-
cally the region is extraordinarily fragmented, with many political
units below a reasonable level of effective economic viability, and
regionalism has chiefly been a concept imposed from without rather
than genuinely evolved locally. These units have been the possessions
of at least seven different colonial powers who have had little gen-
uine interest in them for well over a hundred years. Geography is
frequently described as the Cinderella of subjects, but nowhere else
in the world are her rags so tattered as here.

Certainly the lack of study is not due to a lack of things worth
studying. As a 19th century writer expressed it,

"the West India colonies afford extensive material for ob-
servation. The various races, from the oldest Carib to the
newest coolie give plenty of opportunity for thought the
volcanic ridges, the smoking craters, the boiling springs, the
old lava, the bituminous deposits give plenty of scope for

investigation and discussion. To the lover of scenery, ranging
from the most terrible jagged forms to the most exquisite and
delicate beauty, an unfailing series of pictures is unfolded."ts

Yet for some curious reason the complexity and variety of Carib-
bean geography which ought to be obvious to even the most casual
observer has been subject for generations to a puzzling oversimplifi-
cation, even on the part of competent geographers and this in itself
has engendered neglect. An early example is from Humboldt's "Personal
Narrative of Travels bo the Equinoctial Regions of America" (in

the island of Tobago presents a very picturesque aspect. It is
merely a heap of rocks carefully cultivated." 16

Nearly a century later, C. P. Lucas, an Oxford geographer writes of
Trinidad: "its geography is very simple." 17 Unfortunately this naive
and misleading view has been so successfully perpetuated into the
second half of the 20th century that there is a surprising number of
students (and teachers) of geography who associate Jamaica only
with sugar and bananas (neither of which is the predominant econ-
omic land use) or Trinidad only with asphalt (where it is now of
almost insignificant importance)

Early 19th century geography in the Caribbean was-as else-
where-primarily descriptive, and that within very narrow limits.
Almost the only subject ,of interest was the sugar industry and there
is no dearth of literature on the "plantations", most of it feebly
written. Sugar was so ubiquitous at that epoch that it was grown
almost regardless of any geographical considerations, not always with
the happiest results; wrote a distracted planter,

"my estate in the west (of Jamaica) is burnt up for want of
moisture; and my estate in the east has been so completely
flooded that I have lost a whole third of my crop." s

It would not be a very difficult exercise for a Jamaican schoolboy,
supplied with a few rainfall figures, to provide the reason. A number
of creditable topographical maps of some Caribbean territories were
made in the mid-19th century. Without question the most serious work
in depth on the Jamaican landscape vegetation and to a lesser extent
human activities, in the 19th century was carried out by Philip Gosse
the naturalist. His "A Naturalist's Sojourn in Jamaica" is rightly
recognized as a classic among Caribbean studies, even though it im-
pinges on geography only indirectly. Nothing to equal the sensitivity
of its approach and depth of observation was written for a very long
time. 19

15 C. Washington Eves: 'West Indies' 1899, p. xxii
16 Alexander von Humboldt: 'Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoclial Regions of
America' Vol. 1, 6o 138
17 C. P Lucas: 'Historical Geography; West Indies' 1890
18 M. G. Lewis: 'Journal of a West India Proprietor' 1834, p. 173
19 P. Gosse: 'A Naturalist's Sojourn in Jamaica'

The last two decades of the century brought a spate of books of
below mediocre quality. Most of them were either dull travelogues or
Insipid catalogues of capes, bays, parishes, rivers and products. From
Eve's "West Indies" gestated by the Royal Colonial Institute as an
authoritative work, can be offered as typical:

Hanover is also a very small parish noted for the extent
of its business in yams, shipped for the use of emigrants to
Colon. Lucea (its principal town) is a favourite residential
place, and has all the advantages of a sanatorium. The district
is a productive one, sugar, rum ground provisions and pasture
occupying the usual proportion of the acreage."20

Errors and inconsistencies were rife in those extremely superficial
studies. Eves in 1889 describes Westmoreland as a parish of which the
greater part is devoted to sugar cane while Lucas in 1890 describes it
as "in great measure a pastoral district, rich in cattle and livestock."21
Such unconvincingly rapid geographical changes are unfortunately
not an uncommon feature of Caribbean geographical literature! Lucas
alone, however was not so obsessed with sugar and intoxicated with
rum (as were most) not to notice that peasant proprietors,

"assist materially in swelling the returns of produce and ex-
portation; they make a good deal for native consumption, and
they raise a considerable proportion of the fruit, ginger and
arrowroot, as well as the corn and provisions used locally." 22

Just as the 1812 series of volcanic and seismic disturbances
throughout tropical America provoked much comment from geo-
graphers such as Humboldt so the 1902-1907 sequence of Caribbean
disasters (Mont Pelee, St. Vincent, Kingston and many others) caused
a temporary but intensive study of the physical geography of the
Caribbean. Valuable work was done, and literature produced (much
of it in French and German) on the geology, vulcanology and struc-
ture of the region. Not until the 1950's did the physical environment
receive such scholarly attention. But little of the work done in the
early 1900's was unified or gathered into a regional whole, as the
French studied Martinique, the British St. Vincent and Jamaica, and
the Germans the mainland. The finding of petroleum also led to
further studies in Trinidad and Venezuela. Americans did a few spas-
modic social surveys.
In the period between the world wars Caribbean geography reached an
incredibly low ebb. When other regions were being investigated as never
before, almost nothing of value emerged by way of Caribbean studies.
The reason for this will be apparent from the next chapter. The
facetious book by Mannington appeared which illustrates the abyssmal
ignorance then prevalent-less than forty years ago, be it noted-on
the subject of the West Indies.

20 C. Washington Epes: 'West Indies' 1889, p. 59
21 & 22 C. P. Lucas: 'Historical Geography: West Indi 1890

"Port Antonio", he writes, "on the north side of the Island,
where the trade winds are said to blow continually, also re-
ceives many American visitors in the quest of an agreeable
winter climatee" 23

This hearsay geography was by no means confined to Mannington,
and there was virtually total ignorance of the contribution of the mul-
titudinous peasantry of the region to its economic geography. Raymond
Savage, puzzled by the dearth of information, concocted a book on
Barbados, but this was principally a travelogue which even included
dinner menus. But without doubt the man who put the West Indies
'on the map' in the inter-war period was the indefatigable Algernon
Aspinall who became the Baedeker of the Caribbean and was a walking
encyclopaedia of general geographical information. His rambling and
unorganised work "The West Indies: their history, resources and pro-
gress" contained, (if you could locate it) useful information on balata
in British Guiana, oil in the Oropuche, and suchlike miscellanea, while
his "Handbook of the British West Indies, British Guiana and British
Honduras" (1926) began with a list of the whole royal family headed
by His most excellent Majesty King George V! An excellent and
scholarly work "The Economic Geography of Barbados" by Starkey
of Columbia University is a noteworthy exception to the general run
of pre-war studies. Apart from some serious work undertaken in the
Spanish-speaking countries, in general the period from 1910 to 1939
was one of acute disappointment.

The 1940's inaugurated a renaissance. The Spanish-speaking
countries formed the vanguard, and the geographical institutes of
the Dominican Republic, Cuba and other republics did some valuable
work. The detailed and thorough work of Dr. Rafael Pico of Puerto
Rico is outstanding, and he ranks without question as the doyen of
'native' Caribbean geographers. Dr. Salvador Massip of Havana also
contributed 'much to physical geography. The British territories of
course lagged behind but a Colonial Office survey of agriculture in
1942, the work of the newly-vitalised geological departments (Matley's
work in Jamaica, for example), the agricultural departments, and
the studies of the Regional Research Centre in Trinidad contributed
disconnected facets of the geographical picture. In 1957 the Jamaica
branch of the Geographical Association was formed,

"with the intention of promoting closer contacts amongst
geographers and stimulating interest in new developments in
the subject." 24

This piecemeal, unco-ordinated sampling of the geographical
treasures awaiting to be unearthed has continued with increasing in-
tensity since that time. But the emphasis is still on 'piecemeal' and
'unco-ordinated' Regular regional geology conferences are now held,

23 George Manington: "The West Indies with British Guiana and British Honduras' 1925
24 'Geography' No. 197, July 1957, p. 194.

but no conference on Caribbean geography or of geographers has
yet been mooted. Only the Caribbean Commission-now Caribbean
Organisation since some states such as Trinidad the former head-
quarters opted out-has acted as a general clearing house for geo-
graphical knowledge of the region.


THE CAMBRIDGE Examinations Syndicate is continually bemoan-
ing the low standard of attainment in geography by Caribbean
candidates and, by implication, the unsatisfactory quality of the
teaching of the subject. In view of the outstanding successes attain-
ed in such subjects as law and economics, it would be unwise to postu-
late as cause a lack of innate capability of the Caribbean peoples to
produce good geographers. One reason obviously lies in the unorganised
nature of the geography of the local environment. Another and more
deep-seated cause is related to the development of geography as an
educational discipline and to its peculiar growth as a subject in schools.

In the middle of the 19th century, at the time when both education
as a whole, and interest in geography as a school subject in particular,
was beginning to widen in Britain, there was a small scale reflection
-of this in the Caribbean. "Education spread greatly among the
coloureds."25 In Jamaica, .for example, there were four or five 'free
schools', "each parish had its own small school, and there were a few
private schools for young ladies."26 In some of these, some geography
was taught according to the standards of the day.

Britain's colonies were an acute embarrassment to her during the
middle years of the 19th century. Hearnshaw, professor of History at
Southampton in the early years of this century, makes some interest-
ing observations on this matter in an article in "The School World"
of 1907. Disraeli in 1852, he points out, "voiced the general sentiment
of England when he said 'These wretched colonies are a millstone
round our necks.' 27 Palmerston, whose geographical training was
restricted to ancient Greece, "professed an ostentatious ignorance of
the very names and geographical situations of the colonies whose
affairs he was to administer." Lord Blandford spoke of the independence
of the colonies: "the destiny of our colonies is independence." In fact,
a committee of the House of Commons urged British withdrawal from
the West Indies. In 1869 the Keenan Report on Trinidadian education

"that a set of books suitable to the colony, with descriptions of
natural phenomena, etc. should be compiled." 28

25,26 Peter Abrahams: 'Jamaica', H.M.S.O. 1957
27F. J. C. Hearnshaw: 'The Empire and Ihe Schools'
28 Keenan Report: quoted by Carmichael: "History of Trinidad and Tobago' 1961., p. 260.

All this is mentioned in order to throw into perspective the quite
different attitudes which characterized the third quarter of the 19th
century and the early part of the 20th, with their far-reaching in-
fluence on education generally and in particular the teaching of

In the 1880's the apostles of imperialism began to appear, an
imperialism not only political but educational. As far as the West
Indies are concerned, it was characteristically embodied by a certain
James Anthony Froude who toured the Caribbean in a semi-official
capacity and published the results of his observations. He is not,
be it noticed, the only transient visitor who has popularised by the
written word a superficial solution to Caribbean problems. One of his
books "The English in the West Indies" was extremely popular,
being published by that great upholder of the British educational
empire, Longmans Green. A particularly naive passage is worth quot-
ing. Her Majesty's subjects, he says, in these West Indian islands,

"are perfectly happy they have no aspirations to make
them restless. They have food for the picking up. Clothing
they need not, and lodging in such a climate need not be
elaborate. They have perfect liberty for the English rule
prevents the strong from oppressing the weak. Their fathers
underwent a bondage of a century or two their descendants
in return have nothing now to do save to laugh and sing and
enjoy existence. If happiness is the be all and end all of life,
the nigger who now basks among the ruins of the West India
plantations is the supremest specimen of present humanity."29

If so, why bother to educate them? Certainly, why bother to tell them
about places less fortunate than these isles of the blessed?

So much for Froude, who was a very influential figure in his day.
His was a somewhat extreme view, but in general a clear pattern of
official educational policy emerged in the third quarter of the 19th
century. "The question inevitably arose: how shall the infant mind
be trained in the imperial creed." 30 It was to be an education for the
favoured few, an education of English stamp in fact a completely
English education. The educated class were to view Britain as the
motherland, the fount and the inspiration of all that was education-
ally valuable. History 'meant English history, geography meant English
geography. Every student of geography in the British Caribbean at
the turn of the century had to be au fait with every twist and turn,
every cape and bay of the British Isles. Of the geography of his own
region he was taught virtually nothing. Such as he learnt was through
the medium of such texts as Parkin's "Round the Empire", an extra-
ordinary piece of imperialist special pleading which was printed in
huge numbers, probably not less than a quarter of a million, or Lucas's

29J. A. Froude: 'The English in the West Indies' 1888, pp. 50-51.
30F. J. C. Hearnshaw: 'The Empire and the Schools'

monumental six volume "Historical Geography of the British Colonies"
which included the volume on the West Indies already referred to.
The proportion of the time devoted to the West Indies in the sylla-
bus was infinitesimal. Joseph Chamberlain, in a famous speech at
Johannesburg in 1903, set out the position clearly:

"There is no greater empire than the British Empire. The
mother coun'-y has set the examp P the colonies on their
part have abandoned provincialism and are agreed to claim
their part in the glorious empire."

At the beginning of the 20th century the supply of textbooks was
described as "miserably inadequate", but in the next few years "writers
and publishers set to work with eager diligence to fill up the blanks
in imperial literature."31 In 1907 the League of Empire embarked on
a scheme of publication of a graded series of textbooks on the Empire,
and maps lavish with imperial red became the touchstone of modern-
ity. In geography the aim was to make every colonial student proud
of the glorious and immortal empire of which he was a fortunate

The development of geography teaching in the Caribbean is largely
a reflection of the development of the Cambridge Local Examination
Syllabus, so it is instructive to consider this at some length. The two
have interacted upon each other so closely that a detailed examina-
tion of the changes in the syllabus of the Cambridge examinations and
the type of questions set provide a very useful guide to the content
and presentation of the geography taught in the schoolroom, espe-
cially in the secondary school.

1906 forms a convenient starting-point. Up to and including this
year, all Caribbean students sat first the Preliminary Colonial Ex-
amination, and then, if successful, moved on to sit the School Certi-
ficate. The geography syllabuses for the latter was that used by
schools in Britain. We say syllabuses advisedly, for at this date there
were two completely separate and unrelated subjects-appearing at
widely separated places in the schedules-one entitled Geography and
the other Physical Geography. Physical Geography was a very prac-
tical study. Instructions in boldest type were issued in the syllabus to
the effect that a course of practical instruction was essential for this

"(I) to develop the power and habit of observation,

(ii) to give the pupils clear and accurate conceptions of natural
phenomena and their relations, and

(ill) to enable them to seek for the causes and rational explana-
tions of the phenomena which they observe."

31 F. C. Heornshaw: ibid.

They suggested making a map of a small area, examining land forms
and meteorological data, making isobaric maps, "predicting of wea-
ther .from weather maps", observation of clouds, study of tide charts,
astronomical observations, plotting of various projections, transferring
of routes from maps to globe. One examination paper had a question
based on four maps showing movement of a low pressure system. A
gloriously practical subject calculated to lead students out into their
own locality and do some real geography. But unfortunately this was
not the subject generally taught in the Caribbean. The subject
Geography was studied, a grimly theoretical subject with a strongly
descriptive emphasis. In the School Certificate there was one 1I hour
paper compared with two 2 hour papers in Latin and Greek. Much
of this 1 hours was taken up locating (in words) Ailsa Craig 32 and
Lundy Island. There were questions on a broad world geography such
as "where and what are the selvas, prairies, Polynesia and Hima-
layas?" There were however no questions on the contents of the
western hemisphere as such.

1907 saw the first tiny 'movement towards a more local geography.
A new syllabus allowed a choice of regions of study, and these in-
cluded "North America and the West Indies or America south of
Mexico." A further change in 1910 relieved students (if they wished)
of the necessity of studying the detailed geography of Britain, but
the only West Indies question that year under the new syllabus is very

"Give the position of Curacao, Cuba, Martinique, Montserrat,
and St. Thomas and name the power to which it belongs."

Clearly local geography was not to be construed as independence!
In 1912 the words "and surrounding seas" were added to "North
America and the West Indies", but a more far-reaching addition was
that candidates were "asked to draw sketch-maps of some portions
of the region." The first question on this syllabus was the fairly obvious
one of the location of and conditions for sugar cane. But this really
was an enormous advance upon Ailsa Craig! Geography was actually
coming down their road. In 1917 very simple contour map questions
began to be set and in 1921 Physical Geography at last expired as a
separate subject, its remains being interred within the Geography
syllabus where it formed a quarter of the whole.

At the beginning of the 1920's not more than 200 candidates were
sitting the School Certificate examination throughout the entire British
Caribbean, but of these most sat geography as a subject. Jamaica, for
example, entered 22 boys and 20 girls for Senior Geography in 1922 at
six centres. Two hundred out of a total of at least thirty thousand
children of eligible age, or one child in one hundred and fifty: this

32 This exact question was set iln 1908.

is a measure of the achievement in education after nearly three
hundred years of colonial rule. At this time geography was not taught
at sixth form level.

In 1921 Lord Irvin made a visit to the Caribbean territories and
examined closely the teaching of geography. He recommended a much
more local bias in the teaching of the subject and commented that
local textbooks of geography were urgently needed. And there were
others shaking the dry bones. In 1924 George M. Wrong addressed the
British Association for the Advancement of Science in Toronto on "The
History and Geography of the Empire" and made an impassioned plea
for the shackles of English-orientated formal geography to be loosened.

"It is not a large part of the people of the Empire," he said,
who call England 'home' London is the spiritual capital of
only a minority."

There then followed a magnificent passage where he castigated the
factual academic learning of imperial geography as a study remote
and divorced from the mountains and winds and life of one's native

'We are overburdened with a multitude of facts. Surveying
them, I am reminded that our education is what is left when
we have forgotten most of the facts we have learned. We
ourselves remain with our insight and our habits of mind. I
doubt if any subject is more likely than geography to lead
naturally to the reflective habits which are the .fruit of edu-
cation. The material for reflection 'may be found in the im-
mediate neighbourhood. Why has the nearest town sprung up,
why the nearest great city? How was this valley formed? The
clouds, the rainfall, the breezes, the outlook on hill and dale,
the vegetation are before us every day. Yet most of us, ill-
taught in geography, hardly notice the quarter of the pre-
vailing wind, or the types of clouds, or understand nature's
hints as to coming weather, or the soils best suited to certain
trees to even ask to the quality of the soil on which we live." 33

It was in this atmosphere of change that the Cambridge Examina-
tions Syndicate took the important step of producing a new special
syllabus in Geography for Caribbean students. It applied, of course,
only to the School Certificate; the few students taking Higher Schools
continued until 1950 to follow the normal English syllabus in the sixth
form. So significant a milestone as the 1923 syllabus must be con-
sidered in some detail. It included the following:

"questions will be set on the assumption that the principles
of physical geography .form the basis of the teaching. Special
attention should be directed to the inter-relations between the

33 George M. Wrong: 'H; nd Geography of the Empir ', Caon dian H;slorical Revi 1924.

activities of man and his physical environment. The human
and economic geography should be taught in close relation-
ship with this physical basis; pupils should be trained to draw
sections showing the relief of the regions they study."

At last there was some hope that Caribbean geography students would
"lift up their eyes to the hills." The one 2j hour paper was divided
into four sections:

a) General world geography;
b) the West Indies;
c) America south of the U.S.A.
(sometimes this region was varied);
d) General physical geography.

In 1924 the first year of the new syllabus, the paper included a tiny
section (about 3" by 1") of an English Ordnance Survey map in black
and white. The questions were rather broad: describe the steps
in the construction of an isothermic map of the West Indies; give a
geographical account of sugar in British Guiana; -of fruit in the West
Indies, etc. This omnibus term 'a geographical account' which first
appears at this time has remained a characteristic of our examinations
ever since. The questions set in the 'twenties and 'thirties give the
lurking impression that the examining geographers themselves had
really very little detailed knowledge of the islands and their geography.
Questions on the more sparsely populated Caribbean mainland coast-
Venezuela, Panama, Florida, etc.-were sometimes more frequent than
on the crowded and extremely varied territories where most of the
candidates resided. An imaginary contour sketch was a normal part of
each year's paper.

What texts and aids were available to the student in coping with
this new Caribbean geography? There was no school atlas which was
suitable for the region for at least thirty years after 1923, conse-
quently teachers and students became accustomed to tackling a
geography without adequate maps. Detailed topographical maps of
the Caribbean territories were not available until the 'forties' in most
cases and, in a few cases, not even now. There were (and are) no wall
maps suitable for the schoolroom. One regional School Certificate text
book appeared in 1929, and this has remained the sole textbook until
1962. This celebrated classic by J. O. Cutteridge, 34 Chief Inspector of
schools in Trinidad and Tobago, though almost a laughing stock in
the 'sixties', was by no means a bad effort considering the terrible
paucity of the material available to the author at that ime. Certainly
thirty generations of Caribbean fifth former have reason to bless his
memory. Apart from Cutteridge there were one or two world geogra-
phies and geographies of the Americas. Stamp 35 devoted 30 pages to
the Caribbean and these were quite good and much beloved of students

34J. O. Cutteridge: 'Geography of the West Indies and adjacent Territories', Nelson 1929.

for many years. They would have been even better had he not used
up useful space trying to prove that the Caribbean can be considered
"the American Mediterranean" a concept which has somehow never
appealed to West Indians. Robinson 36 thought the region so im-
portant that he disposed of the whole region in two pages, Jamaica
in five lines, Cuba in three and a half and the Bahamas in half a
line. Pickles 37 in another popular book, had a short section on the
West Indies, but very few other books have been used in schools.

An unfortunate fact was that all the authors had, for the most
part, never visited the places they were writing about, and this had led
to the perpetuation of the most gross errors for generations. The gem
here was the information ventured by Pickles that "Kingston is situ-
ated on a deep-water harbour which is almost enclosed by a sand-pit."
Though we can grant this as a misprint, there were others which were
obviously not. For thirty years a map in Cutteridge perpetuated a
completely false picture of the distribution of population in Jamaica.
In the absence of proper information he must have assumed that as
in Trinidad the densest population would be in the sugar belt, since
canefarming needs abundant labour. It so happens that this is true for
most islands but not for Jamaica where nearly all the areas with
over 500 people to the square mile, are in the mountainous sections
of upper Westmoreland, upper Clarendon and St. Mary, and many
labourers travel down from the hills to work. Statements such as
"Montego Bay threatens to supplant Kingston as the island's chief
town" (Stamp)-whereas at no time has it had more than a tenth
of Kingston's population-were not likely to encourage accurate geo-
graphical judgements in the students. Another irritating feature of
school textbooks when dealing with the Caribbean is illustrated by the
following from a popular text of 1946; (British be it stated, not

"The United States is like a big brother. Just as in a large
family the younger boys look to the older for a lead, and the
big brother feels he must keep his eye on the little ones, so
does the United States watch and advise these states and
islands which are so near to its important canal."

In 1942 a new 'Overseas' syllabus for Higher Schools Certificate
appeared, but it had little relevance to the Caribbean. It instituted
three 2j hour papers, one on Physical Geography, one with the rubric
"Human, Historical and Economic Geography" and a Regional Paper
usually Europe. At the end of World War II there were approximately
800 candidates (300 in Jamaica) taking geography in School Certifi-
cate each year, and most schools, but not all, took geography in the
fifth form and entered candidates. The proportion of candidates offer-
ing geography was, however, beginning to decline. The West Indies
part of the syllabus had been expanded to include Canada and was

35 L. D. Stamp: 'Regional Geography of the Americas'
36 E. O. Robinson: "World Geography"
37T. Pickles: 'North America'

called "The British Empire in the Western Hemisphere" Needless to
say, this did not survive long into the post-war period. The examina-
tion questions were still rather vague and concerned with size, loca-
tion and 'geographical features'

In 1950 the new West Indies syllabus for Higher School Certificate
was issued. For the first time sixth former studied their own region.
It is instructive to note that out of 155 successful Higher School
Certificate candidates in Jamaica in 1948, in only 20 cases did this
include Principal Geography. The papers under the new H.S.C. syllabus
had rough copies of West Indian topographical maps and pictures until
1955. Real reproductions of portions of topographical 'maps did not
begin to be used in examinations until 1960. London G.C.E. examina-
tions commenced in the 1950's on the basis of a West Indies syllabus,
chiefly for external candidates, and these included pictures and a
topographical map. But is it to be marvelled at that examiners com-
plain at the poor standard of map-reading by Caribbean students?

To su'm up briefly the position in 1962: in the Commonwealth
countries we have had a locally-orientated syllabus (of a sort) in
School Certificate for 39 years, in Higher School Certificate for only
12 years, and those taking a degree in geography must either study
abroad (which a very few have) or sit a London degree externally
since there is no faculty of geography at the University of the West
Indies. There is an excellent department at the University of Puerto
Rico, but very few from the Commonwealth countries have oppor-
tunity to study there since the language of tuition is Spanish. There
is also a small geography department at the bilingual Inter-American
University at San German, Puerto Rico. A new elementary geography
of the Caribbean appeared in 1962, the first for 33 years, intended
primarily as a low-priced stop-gap -for all levels until texts for separate
levels can be produced.

This historical survey can help us to understand the lowly status
accorded to geography in the Caribbean secondary schools, but notice
should be made of its even lowlier position in the elementary schools.
Historically, these have reflected in an even greater degree the
general lack of interest in the values geography can offer. The pre-
ponderating aim of the primary department of the elementary school
(up to 11 years) has been literacy and arithmetic, the instruction being
carried out in a very formal manner, with great emphasis on set
assignments from primers and readers. It has never been really seri-
ously considered that the practical knowledge of even the local en-
vironment, far less of the wider world, has any real value for the junior
school-child. In addition to facility with mechanical arithmetic and
English, "general knowledge" is "taught", and there is naturally a
geographical flavour distinguishable in certain aspects of this subject.
But it is rarely beyond the level of capitals cf countries and suchlike
memorised data. It is rare that even a bright 11 or 12 year old scholar-
ship winner has much conception of the relative size of Canada and
Jamaica, and his knowledge of climate is derived chiefly from the
letters of relatives in London and New York.

The absence of the subject of geography from the curriculum of
the elementary school is accepted and approved by Education Minis-
tries in several Caribbean countries. The 1959 Report of Committee on
General Education. Trinidad and Tobago recommends that in the
primary department of elementary schools "the emphasis be put on
the basic knowledge of arithmetic and reading, writing, speaking and
understanding the English language, and that the mornings, apart
.from religious instruction, should be taken up with this phase of the
curriculum." It is in the senior department of the elementary schools
12 to 15 or 16 years-where geography might be thought a valuable
discipline and to have won itself a rightful place, that its failure to do
so is most outstanding. The same report goes on to recommend that
for senior pupils-those who have failed to qualify for entrance to
secondary schools-"the study of geography need not be done as a
separate subject but should form part of the general knowledge
course." The very popular "Suggestions to Teachers in Senior Schools
and Departments" put out by the Ministry of Education in Jamaica
in 1961 recognizes "a tradition of bookish, superficially literary in-
struction with an English biased content" in the elementary schools,
and in the curriculum and courses proposed, does in -fact aim to pull
away from this to a considerable extent. Nevertheless, the curriculum
offered does not include geography, except the modicum appearing in
the guise of 'social studies', along with history and politics, and some
physical aspects included under 'general science' In fact, it is clear
from the fact that the term 'geography' nowhere appears in the text
of the 162-page book that the Ministry do not consider it a subject
in its own right, at least in the schooling of non-grammar school

Department of Geography,
University of the West Indies.

Book Reviews

J. F A. Ajayi, Christian Missions in Nigeria, 1841 1891. London,

Longman's 1965, 45/-.

THE FACT that Christian missionaries exerted a great influence
on the history of West Africa during the nineteenth century has long
been recognized. In his Christian Missions in Nigeria, 1841-1891 however,
Professor J. F A. Ajayi of the University of Ibadan breaks much ground
-for this is the first attempt at a scholarly assessment of the nature
and impact of the nineteenth century missions in Nigeria, taken as a
whole, which has drawn widely on the records of all the major mis-
sionary organizations. Professor Ajayi has made extensive use of the
records of the Church Missionary Society, the Scottish Presbyterians
and the Methodists, and has also consulted those of the Southern
American Baptists and the (French) Ro'man Catholics. He writes with
assurance and clarity, and shows carefully balanced judgment: he is
constantly aware of the missionaries' many short-comings, yet he
generally does justice to their considerable achievements and their
service to Nigeria.

During the 1850's the missions, firmly established in the coastal
region in the previous decade, were able to embark on a great expan-
sion inland. They were assisted by the return to their home-lands in
Nigeria of a number of Christian Africans who had been settled at
Sierra Leone, and who provided the nucleus of a Christian community
whether or not they gave active assistance to the work of securing
converts. The missionaries had high hopes that Negroes from the
Western Hemisphere would be similarly prepared to return to the land
of their origin and help spread Christianity and civilisationn", and
throughout the century there was in fact a constant trickle of Negroes
from Brazil and Cuba, as well as Sierra Leone, back to Nigeria. But
efforts to promote a similar emigration from North America and the
West Indies were generally unsuccessful.

The West Indies however were not unconnected with the mission-
ary effort in Nigeria, and readers in these islands will wish that it had
been appropriate for Professor Ajayi to write rather more extensively
about the connection. As it is, he shows that both Scottish and Baptist
missionaries in the West Indies, notably the celebrated William Knibb,
were full of enthusiasm for the notion of a "Back to Africa" migration
which might carry Christianity with it; that a number of West Indians
went to West Africa as missionaries during this period; and that the

first Presbyterian mission to Calabar in 1846 was inspired by the Pres-
bytery of Jamaica and led by Hope Waddell, who was given two years
leave from Jamaica specially for the purpose.

The missionaries often believed that "Christianity, Commerce and
Civilization" would all work together for the benefit of the African,
though they liked to emphasize the superiority of their own objectives
and morals to those of the European traders, and often attacked the
latter's unchristian conduct and methods. Although the two groups
often quarrelled, they had to co-operate most of the time. Missionaries
commonly depended on the traders for transport and -for European
goods; in return they provided some approach to social life for the
traders. At a different level, the co-operation of the Church Mission-
ary Society and the West Africa Company on the Niger not only
brought much benefit to both parties, but also laid the foundation on
which Sir George Goldie was later able to build up Britain's influence
in Nigeria. Professor Ajayi deals comprehensively with the constant
interaction between them. He also handles assuredly the complex
question of missionary involvement in local politics and in the political
actions of the British Government, which they constantly sought to
influence but which seems to have paid less attention to the mis-
sionaries and 'more to the traders as time passed.

Professor Ajayi believes that the missionaries, albeit inadvertently,
played a larger part than the traders in bringing about that progres-
sive weakening of the local African states which paved the way for
the assumption of political power by the British; for in the vital
period between the 1840's and the later 1870's, when they led the
European penetration, they intervened in the accustomed operations
of African society more constantly than did the traders.

The author has set out to study the problems and the impact of
the missions as a whole. Yet he is always aware that it would be a
mistake to conceive of the missionaries as a single, unified force
pursuing set objectives in a uniform manner. Not only were the mis-
sionaries drawn from five major religious denominations, but even
within the same denomination differing attitudes to Africa were to
be found. In the 1850's, when the first period of rapid expansion began,
there were two opposing conceptions of how to proceed. The missions
could concentrate either on securing numerous conversions at their
chosen centres-like the Presbyterians at Calabar-or on a wider,
longer-term policy of disseminating Christian principles generally
over as large an area as possible-as the Methodists tended to do.
Their effort could be concentrated or diffuse. It was the C.M.S. which
most quickly combined these two policies into a happy medium, and
so set an example which the other Societies later followed.

The native chiefs were generally inclined to co-operate with the
missions, if only because they wanted things which the missionaries
could help to provide, like European tools and knowledge of English
as an aid to trade. Yet almost none of the chiefs were converted to

Christianity, though a number of their people were. Professor Ajayi
does not seen able to offer a wholly satisfactory explanation of this,
but he notes that the missionaries themselves ascribed it to the chief's
addiction to polygamy, a practice which they regarded as an in-
superable barrier to baptism. He contrasts the missionaries' war on
polygamy with their attitude to slavery, and so provides a valuable
insight into the missionary outlook. Slavery was regarded as an evil
to be eradicated gradually, and holders of domestic slaves were ad-
mitted to baptism. For the theologians maintained that polygamy was
an offence against the law of God, while slavery was not. Rejection
of polygamy thus became the most essential tenet of Christianity in
nineteenth century West Africa. But for the African polygamy was
not just a question of moral standards; it was a social institution, a
symbol of African family life. In this matter, as in others, Islam proved
more sympathetic to African custom than did Christianity.

The missions even influenced such things as architecture, town
planning, and the development of printing when, in the 1850's, they
settled down to their work of preaching and spreading civilization;
for skilled craftsmen introduced by the missions naturally spread their
skills. The missionaries were also very successful in reducing the native
languages to writing. Professor Ajayi discusses carefully the consider-
able effort which followed at providing both western education and
literacy in the African languages. He shows that, despite some absurd-
ities, a pattern of primary education was gradually built up from
which many children benefitted. He destroys the notion that the
missions were content to foster a 'mere literary education, and shows
that by mid-century they were already very conscious of the problems
such a policy might cause. They were in fact at pains to provide tech-
nical training and to prevent missionary education from becoming too
literary-even if they were not always entirely successful.
The returned emigrants and the products of the mission schools
soon formed the nucleus of "a rich, inventive, powerful middle class"
seeking to enhance its position through trade. When in 1865 a famous
Select Comimittee of the House of Commons considered that Britain
would do well to reduce her commitments in West Africa, it con-
ceived that this same class of western-educated Africans might be
used as a means of maintaining British influence over a formally in-
dependent West Africa. Professor Ajayi is much concerned with the
parallel concept of a self-governing Church in Nigeria, which received
much attention in the 1860's and 1870's. In theory all the missions
agreed that once a missionary had created a new Christian community
he should hand it over to a native pastor and seek new virgin territory.
A European pastorate was thought likely to produce a feeble and over-
dependent native flock. There were important denominational differ-
ences over the precise measure of ecclesiastical self-government which
seemed desirable, and the pace at which it should be introduced; but
by the 1870's the theory was generally accepted. Yet active progress
was slow. Missionaries were not anxious to leave the communities
they had converted; and there were always some who disliked the idea

of black clergy, feeling that the success of the missions in Africa de-
pended on the prestige of the European. It is not surprising therefore
that projects for a reorganization of the C.M.S. missions under an
African bishop in the person of Samuel Crowther met opposition.
Professor Ajayi sets forth clearly the complicated politics that went
to make Crowther's appointment in 1864, and the jealousies it aroused.
Thus began a great experiment in African self-government, with
Bishop Crowther becoming the symbol of a race on trial.

Crowther's work as Bishop receives careful treatment and a bal-
anced judgment. On the whole he achieved quite enough to vindicate
the theory of ecclesiastical self-government. He pioneered missionary
techniques which were widely used after his death. He was quick to
recognize and to cultivate what was good in traditional African society,
and he warned against too much random destruction of native customs;
and Christianity took firmer root in the Niger Delta, where his atten-
tion was concentrated, than elsewhere in Nigeria.

Crowther's ideas were gaining ground when, by the end of the
1870's, a reaction began. It stemmed from the increasing political
impact of Britain on West Africa under the spur of growing interna-
tional competition for influence overseas. Now the Europeans began
to move inland from the African coast with a new urgency, and from
being in the vanguard of European penetration the missions soon
came to find themselves trailing behind the trader and eventually
even the political officer. Increasingly, European missionaries came
to be allied with the policies of their Governments, members of a
ruling class rather than influential -foreigners, and non-Europeans
found it difficult to achieve positions of influence. As more Europeans
arrived, with new assumptions of superiority, bitter racial feeling
arose, even among the missionaries. And as the African missionaries
tended to support African traders in their competition with increas-
ing numbers of British merchants, the latter wanted them under
British control. So C.M.S. confidence in Crowther's administration was
gradually undermined by a constant stream of European accusations
of all sorts of misconduct by African missionaries. Some of these
charges were certainly justified, and Professor Ajayi concludes that
Crowther was too soft a disciplinarian. But the situation hardly justi-
fied the behaviour of the new generation of white missionaries who
had Crowther deprived of much of his administrative authority. Such
men were often horrified at the thought of serving under an African
as their predecessors had done and some extraordinary cases of
missionary race prejudice arose in the 1880's. When Crowther died in
1891 it was taken for granted that his successor must be a European.
This new attitude was responsible for a schism in the Church and the
appearance of the United Native African Church under African clergy
who would not accept it. Similar schisms appeared in the Methodist
and Presbyterian ranks under the same pressures. Here were already
the stirring of nationalism, a link between the educated Africans of
the 1860's and 1870's, and the modern nationalists. With missions as

with commerce and politics, it was to be several decades before the
newly enhanced notion of African unfitness for responsibility was

Professor Ajayi has concerned himself primarily with the C.M.S.
missions. They were easily the largest group, and other people have
written on the Presbyterians, Baptists and Roman Catholics. Yet some-
times one could wish that he had devoted rather more attention to
these lesser groups as well as to the Methodists-even though his
avowed object was to view the European missions as a single factor
rather than as a series of groups. There still seems to be room for
some further writing, perhaps involving a comparative study of the
different groups with regard both to doctrine and to method. We need
to know more about their attitudes to each other: were they in fact
as co-operative as their concentration on different areas might
suggest? But Professor Ajayi has nevertheless made a large and
important contribution to the study of West African history.


Errol Hill: Man Better Man In Three Plays from the Yale School
of Drama (New York, E. P. Dutton and Co. Inc. 1964), Ed. John Gassner.

THIS VOLUME was produced as a showpiece of the dramatic
writing being produced at the Yale School of Dralma. It is particu-
larly satisfying to see the West Indies represented. The first play in
the volume, indeed, is Errol Hill's Man Better Man, which was produced
by Yale Experimental Theatre in 1960, and by Yale University Theatre
in 1962, in both cases with considerable success. Yale has given
prominence to a West Indian play-what is it like?

Man Better Man is set in Trinidad at the turn of the century. The
basic theme is an archetypal one of popular romance-the little man
becomes a lion through the influence of love and finally wins through
to the hand of his sweetheart. On the surface it appears to embody
another archetypal dramatic theme found from the birth of drama
to the cowboy film-ritual conflict. Tim Briscoe, for love of cruel Petite
Belle Lily, enters the stick-fighting ring against the champion Tiny
Satan, risking his limbs or possibly his life. That the play cannot
really be seen in this succession points to the basic and radical weak-
ness of the drama. It lacks a centre of reality. Although the director
Michael Rutenberg warns in his notes against presenting a West Indies
seen by the 'tourist who comes to the islands fully equipped with his
camera, takes picture after picture of the enchanting sights, and goes
home having learnt nothing of the people', the play does not move
far beyond current cliches of 'Island in the Sun'. The people are 'a
lusty, virile, happy people who love life and are willing to show it if
you let them,' (Rutenberg, p. 33) 'to whom life is a daily adventure

of laughter and tears' (Hill, p.30) The 'Director's Notes' to Act II,
scene 2, give the approach. 'Bright explosive pageantry reflects loud,
brash splotches of color thrown against the matrix of exotic jungle
foliage. Costumes display a swirl of violent colour schemes accentuat-
ing the masculinity of the bronzed men flirting with their voluptuous
olive-skinned women against the background of a brilliant yellow sky.
The island bursts with life, love, honor, and sex.' (P. 32). The shift in
fact is not -from the present day to the turn of the century, which,
Heaven knows, presented Trinidad with its own hard realities, but to
a mythical world where unbridled virility brings no unwanted children,
freedom from the drudgery of work brings no starvation, and un-
inhibited vitality no tragic violence. Briscoe gets knocked out by Tiny
Satan and is assumed killed, but the blood is best Connecticut ketchup,
and he is resurrected with Barbados rum. The obeah man holds sinister
sway over the people, but the suggestion of the power of obeah turns
to farce when a drunk and bandaged Briscoe terrifies Papa and his
myrmidons into repentant buffoons. Of course the play is intended
to be romantic comedy, and the demand for any verisimilitude from
comedy may appear to be unreasonable; but even comedy, good comedy,
contains a sense of real crisis and of real people: Man Better Man has
too little of either. Further it purveys cliches about Caribbean popular
life when it is particularly important to make a post-colonial revalua-
tion of the Caribbean image.

Mr. Hill is not fully to blame for all this. When, in 1958, he arrived
at Yale to take a Rocke-feller Foundation Fellowship in Playwriting
at the School of Drama, the play he brought with him was a Creole
drama which, evidently, was very different. An indication of the
different approach and tone is the fact that in the earlier version the
enraged villagers put Diable Papa to death-as they very well might
have done in actual life. The School of Drama would have nothing of
this, and although Mr. Hill tells us he 'fought against it valiantly', this
was changed. On first reading the play, his .fellow students found 'the
atmosphere and characters charming' (Hill, p. 27), and they insisted
the play should be made more and more so. The Trinidadian peasants
become the reassuringly 'charming' and harmless people every good
American dreams of the undeveloped people of the world as being.
Mr. Hill was, after all, guest and to some extent a student at the Yale
School of Drama at the time, and it was perhaps inevitable that the
final play should be partly a reflection of the Drama Department as a
whole. All this only makes more obvious the urgency of establishing
creative arts centres in the West Indies.

Is therefore Mr. Hill's own claim that 'the play will stand as an
important contribution to the growth of a West Indian play-form and
a West Indian Theatre' (p. 31) justified? Technically, and partially,
it is. The basis of the dramatic verse is calypso, and this is a very
important experiment indeed, even if it does not fully come off.
European dramatic verse has declined-in spite of Eliot and Fry-be-
cause of the split between European colloquial idioms, and verse forms.
When Eliot produced a verse that appeared natural on the modern

stage, it was so prosaic that it did not function as poetry. Now you
can say anything poetically in calypso-it is colloquial; it also has
the point, the compression, the heightened intensity, that one can
only achieve through a poetic form. This is an important avenue for
West Indian dramatists to explore. Mr. Hill's experiment is weakened
by his need to present an Americanised diction, for calypso needs the
colloquial rhythms of dialect speech itself, but even in a passage like
this, the ghost of calypsonian rhythms gives the writing a strength
prose alone would lack.

JOE: Before I leave, seniors, permit me to say
One more word. After what happen to day
I have no conscience to keep the money
That I win through this catastrophe,
Therefore I decide-not to buy favour-
But because blood on it, to redeliver
Every man his bet. (P. 99)

The songs are more successful again. (No music given. Why?)

CHORUS: Petite Belle Lily, Petite Belle Lily,
L'homme camisole, hommee sans camisole,
Tout monde casserent bamberole.
The way she move is something fantastic,
She got extension really elastic,
She will send you up high like a bird in the sky,
Poor man if you cannot fly.

There are one or two obvious dramatic weaknesses-in particular, the
stick-fighting episode provides a dramatic climax too early-but one
can see why the play was so successful on the stage. Interweaving song,
dance and drama, with a sense of the total rhythm of a scene, and
of the handling of dialogue and movement, the play is the work of a
dramatic craftsman of skill and experience. The play is charmingly
wrapped. A pity it does not have a stronger-tasting centre.



C. Y. Thomas:

R. L. Williams:

Sair Ali Shah:

Eulin Ashtine:

Kenneth Ramchand

Peter Simms:

Rex Nettleford:

Beryl Loftman Bailey:

George Metcalf:

Monetary and Financial Arrangements
in a Dependent Monetary Economy: A
Study of British Guiana, 1945-1962.
Social and Economic Studies, U.W.I.
Jamaica, 1965. Supplement to
Volume 14, No: 4

The Supply of Essential Skills in Less
Developed Countries
Institute of Social and Economic
Research, U.W.I., Ja'maica, 1965

Principles of the Teaching of
Longmans Green & Company, London,




Crick Crack: A Collection of Trinidad
& Tobago Folk Tales
Extra-Mural Department, Trinidad,
1966 $1.25 W.I.

West Indian Narrative
Thomas Nelson & Sons Ltd., London,

Trouble in Guyana
George Allen & Unwin Ltd., London,

National Identity and Attitudes to Race
in Jamaica
Bolivar Bookshop, Kingston, Jamaica
(Reprinted from RACE 1965)

Jamaican Creole Syntax
Cambridge University Press, 1966





Royal Government and Political Conflict
in Jamaica, 1729-1783
Longmans, Green and Company, Ltd.
London, 1965 .... .... .... 42/-