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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents
    Front Matter
        Front Matter 1
        Front Matter 2
        Front Matter 3
    Editorial comments and notes
        Page 1
        Page 2
    Main
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
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        Page 24
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Full Text


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CARIBBE


AN


QUARTERLY


VOL I u i M 12 N o. 1


aarnn
---
~F~"s~
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Ir;:.s.a-


ME"
DEIX"~ ~a..,~n~u


AI ARH C I 1966
























































The Rippel Building for Medical Research, University College Hospital.
The building was formally declared open on October 17th, 1963, by
Mr. Julius A. Rippel, President of the Fannie Rippel Foundation
which had given $200,000 towards the cost of the building.

Photograph The Daily Gleaner, Kingston, Jamaica.









VOL. 12. No. 1


CARIBBEAN



QUARTERLY


Page

Editorial Comments and Notes 1

TEACHER EDUCATION IN THE BRITISH CARIBBEAN
A. S. Phillips 3

TRAINING FOR MEDICINE IN THE WEST INDIES
Louis Grant 11

SOME DEVELOPMENTS IN LANGUAGE TEACHING IN THE
WEST INDIES
Dennis Craig 25

APPLIED SOIL SCIENCE RESEARCH IN THE CARIBBEAN
R. K. Cunningham 35

THE MEANING OF ART
Pamela O'Gorman 41

AN HOURE GLASSE OF INDIAN NEWES:-A RECORD OF
SETTLEMENT IN ST. LUCIA IN 1605
Rev. C. Jesse 46

BOOK REVIEWS:
(i) Leroy Taylor, Consumers' Expenditure in Jamaica
(Owen Jefferson) 68
(ii) Jahnheinz Jahn, A Bibliography of Neo-African
Literature
(G. R. Coulthard) 70

BOOK LIST ... .... ... .... .... ... 72


MARCH 1966

























NOTE ON MANUSCRIPTS

MSS. and Communications should be addressed to the Editor. Unsolicited MSS.
which are not accepted for publication will be returned if accompanied by a stamped
addressed envelope.


Copyright reserved, and reproduction without permission strictly forbidden.











UNIVERSITY OF THE WEST INDIES


CARIBBEAN QUARTERLY


Editor: H. C. MILLER, Director of Extra-Mural Studies, University
of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica.

The Editor is advised by an Editorial Board, consisting of
members of the University Staff.

Single copies can be obtained in the West Indies, from
booksellers or from the Extra-Mural Department in any territory.


HOW TO SUBSCRIBE

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Fill in the form below and send with subscription to:

Caribbean Quarterly,
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A SELECTION OF CONTENTS FROM PAST ISSUES



Vol. IV, Nos. 3 and 4


Carnival in Nineteenth Century Trinidad
The Traditional Masques of Carnival ......
The Changing Attitude of the Coloured Middle Class
Towards Carnival
Carnival in New Orleans
Calypso Legends of the Nineteenth Century (arranged
and edited by Andrew Pearse)
The Midnight Robbers
The Dragon Band or Devil Band
Pierrot Grenada
Price: $1.00 (B.W.I. or U.S.) or 4 2 U.K., per



Vol. VI, Nos. 2 and 3

Canada's Federal Experience
Australia-Background to Federation
The Constitution of Australia
Early Constitutional History of Jamaica
The Road Back-Jamaica After 1866
The Temporary Federal Mace......
Constitutional History of Trinidad and Tobago
Constitutional History of the Windwards
Constitutional History of the Leewards
Federalism in the West Indies
Summary of Constitutional Advances
Trinidad and Tobago
Jamaica
Leeward and Windward Islands
Price: $1.50 (B.W.I. or U.S.)
or 6 3 U.K., per issue.


Vol. VII, No.

West Indian Culture
West Indian Poetry
The French West Indian Background to "Negritude"
Du Tartre and Labat on 17th Century
Slave Life in the French Antilles
The Place of Radio in the West Indies
The Turks and Caicos Islands-Some
Impressions of an English Visitor
Price. 60 cents (B.W.I or U.S.)
or 2/6 U.K., per issue.



Vol. VII, No. 4

Education and Economic Development
The University College of the West Indies
Drugs from the West Indies
Political Education in the Developing Caribbean


BOOK REVIEWS:

Frederick G. Cassidy, Jamaica Talk
Jahnheinz John, Muntu, An Outline of
Neo-African Culture
V. S. Naipaul, A Home for Mr. Biswas

Price: 60 cents (B.W.I. or U.S.)
or 2/6 U.K., per issue.


Andrew Pearse
Daniel J. Crowley

Barbara Powrie
Munro S. Edmonson

Mitto Sampson
Daniel J. Crowley
Bruce Procope
Andrew Curr


Alexander Brady
F. W. Mahler
5. S. Ramphal
C. V. Gocking
R. N. Murray
Bruce Procope
H. 0. B. Wooding
Coleridge Harris
Cecil A. Kelsick
S. 5. Ramphal


Harvey de Costa
F. A. Phillips


M. G. Smith
R. J. Owens
G. R. Coulthard

Pev. C. Jesse
W. Richardson

Doreen Collins


W. Arthur Lew;s
T. W. J. Taylor
Compton Seaforth
Rex Nettleford




Beryl Loftman Bailey

G. R. Coulthard
R. J. Owens










Editorial Comments and Notes

THE CONTINUING shortage of trained personnel in the region
presents a challenge for leaders to give thought to appraisal of the
facilities for training and to the need for careful planning for the
future. We invite readers to join us in considering what ought to be
done to produce the numbers and type of personnel needed. In this
issue we start the discussion on training in the fields of Teacher Train-
ing and Medicine. Aubrey Phillips is Deputy Director of the Univer-
sity's Institute of Education whose main function is to help to maintain
and improve the quality of teacher training in all the contributing
territories. He has outlined for us the historical background, recent
developments and the trend of present day planning in this field. Pro-
fessor Louis Grant of the Department of Microbiology has initiated the
discussion on medical training in the West Indies considered in the
light of medical training in the United Kingdom, the U.S.S.R. and the
U.S.A. We hope our readers will actively participate in these expres-
sions of ideas and let us have their views. In our next issue we will
consider other fields of professional training.

Professor R. K. Cunningham of the Department of Chemistry and
Soil Science at St. Augustine indicates his concern that research
workers should organize their efforts around a central common objective
to which they can all make significant valuable contributions and puts
forward a strong case that a comprehensive original programme should
be the main theme of future soil science research.

From its inception Caribbean Quarterly has interested itself in
the problem of dialect, language and teaching in the Caribbean. R. B.
LePage and Frederic Cassidy were among the early contributor,. More
recently Beryl Loftman Bailey in Volume 8 no 4 brought to our atten-
tion the teaching of Noun Verb Concord in Primary Teaching and in
Volume 9 nos 1 & 2 C. R. Gray considered the teaching of English
generally. For some years Dennis Craig of the Department of Educa-
tion has been conducting enquiries into the language of school children
based on the collection and analysis of speech and writing. Investiga-
tion of the specific ways in which foreign language techniques could
be used and adaptations as may be necessary in the special conditions
of English teaching in the West Indies are of vital interest and we are
grateful to him for his account of the teaching procedures now being
followed.

Some time ago this Department organised a seminar on The Artist
and His Society. One of the lecturers, Miss Pamela O'Gorman spoke
on the Meaning of Art. Requests for copies of this talk will be met
by its appearance here.

Our readers will enjoy the reproduction of John Nicholl's account
of the "Oliph Blossome" passengers who attempted settlement in St.
Lucia in 1605. The Reverend Jesse of St. Lucia has obtained from the
British Museum photocopies of the book "An Houre Glasse of Indian








Newes" which was published in 1607. In our next issue we will publish
an account by Dr. Ripley Bullen of the Florida State Museum of his
research on the site of the settlement.

One of our book reviewers is new to Caribbean Quarterly Owen
Jefferson of the Department of Economics who has reviewed Leroy
Taylor's Consumer Expenditure in Jamaica. G. R. Coulthard has
reviewed the recent Bibliography of Neo-African Literature by
Jahnheinz Jahn.



Contributors to this issue


A. S. Phillips
Louis S. Grant
Dennis R. Craig
R. K. Cunningham
Pamela O'Gorman
Rev. C. Jesse
Owen Jefferson
G. R. Coulthard


Institute of Education, U.W.I.
Department of Microbiology, U.W.I.
Department of Education, U.W.I.
Department of Chemistry & Soil Science, U.W.I.
Foster Davis Studios, Jamaica.

The Presbytery, Castries, St. Lucia.
Department of Economics, U.W.I.
Department of Spanish, U.W.I.











Teacher Education in The
British Caribbean

TEACHER education has existed in the territories of the British
Caribbean ever since the abolition of slavery when some measure
of elementary education was established as a popular provision for the
children of the freed negroes. The British Government, under the
press of the humanitarian movement which brought about the abolition,
was moved to provide money for schools. Teachers were obtained from
England at first largely through the efforts of the religious denom-
inations. But the need was recognized very early, to have West Indian
teachers, trained in the West Indies, and the ingenuity of the
Abolitionists rose to the occasion. The funds of the Mico bequest,
which were lying unused in the Chancery, were converted by act of
Parliament, and applied to the establishment of Teachers Training
Colleges in Jamaica, Antigua, Trinidad and British Guiana. Of these
only the one in Jamaica has survived to the present day.
The next hundred years or so saw a remarkable fluctuation in the
provisions for the training of teachers. The earliest efforts were
geared towards giving the most promising pupils further grounding
in the rudiments of learning. The standard of education was not
high but was inclined more towards the literary. Jamaica however
witnessed efforts at establishing a practically oriented type of teacher
education at the Normal School of Industry at Spanish Town and at
the Normal School to train Industrial School Masters at Stony Hill. But
these perished largely because of fear that the effort was merely a ruse
to return the negroes to the condition of slavery. Other Colleges were
started at Fairfield, at Calabar and at Spanish Town but these did
not survive largely because the government, whenever in economic
difficulties, were prone to cut back in education. However, over the
period, women's colleges was established at Bethlehem in St. Eliza-
beth, and in Kingston (Shortwood and St. Joseph) all of which are
still in operation.
In Barbados a small training institute was established at Codring-
ton College, which survived for many years. Trinidad saw the found-
ing and death of a normal school, and the subsequent establishment
of a Training School by the Canadian Presbyterian Mission at Napa-
rina, and of men's and women's colleges by the Catholic Church. In
Antigua the Spring Gardens Training College was set up, and British
Guiana saw an interesting but short lived experiment in teacher
training. Proposals for a large regional college to be located in Trinidad
were considered for many years and finally abandoned.
During this period it became obvious that training was not re-
garded as the main avenue of qualification as a teacher, for these









colleges, few in number and small in size could not supply the
needs of the schools in the area. The monitoriall and pupil teacher
system was revived and its products helped to keep the school going.
The more successful candidates later entered college for training,
while the rest, if they remained in teaching, prepared themselves very
inadequately and under difficult conditions for the teachers' college
examination which they sat as external candidates. Where therefore
the elementary school teachers were drawn almost exclusively from
the elementary schools themselves the quality of education of these
teachers was very poor. Some few territories were more fortunate in
having a better organized secondary school system from which
primary school teachers could be drawn, though the paucity of train-
ing facilities meant that they had to perform without the benefit
of training.

But even those who had had this training were not always ade-
quately or relevantly prepared for their job. Training Colleges, during
this period, aimed at giving a delayed secondary education to those
promising pupils from the primary school, who through economic or
other disabilities were unable to get a secondary education at the
normal time. The curriculum of the colleges, as indicated above, was
usually very literary. At the college at Spanish Town students at
their examination "were questioned on grammar recited and con-
strued passages from Horace and the Greek testament rendered a
proposition from Euclid and passed on to a recitation of the problems
of the terrestrial globe". (1) The contents of the training bore little
relevance to the work of the schools, though some professional train-
ing was given in the extended teaching practice. This pattern con-
tinued for many years and was commented on by the Lumb Commis-
sioners for Jamaica in 1898, when they observed that the training "in-
cluded too much that was unnecessary and unfitting and too little
that was useful and practical. (2) Later the pendulum swung in the
other direction and the curriculum became too wedded to that of the
school, so that the process of training came to be regarded largely
as a process of stocking the students' minds with the matter to be
reproduced in the classroom. Gradually more professional elements
were introduced and practical and creative subjects found a place.
But the provisions, in terms of numbers of teachers trained continued
to be woefully inadequate right down to the 1950's. It is true that
most of the governments of the region were constantly harassed by
lack of money, and education appeared to be one of the easiest direc-
tions in which economy could be effected. But in the face of a rapidly
increasing population and a growing thirst for education consequent
on a rising tide of nationalism that was a very short sighted policy.

(1)
Quoted by S. Gordon in Teacher Training Colleges in the West Indies-by E. H. Walters-
O.U.P.-1960 p. 4.
Ibid-p.
Ibid-p. 13.









By the middle of the 1950's therefore, when the territories began
to turn a critical gaze on their educational system, the inadequacies
of teacher training programmes were staggering. At a regional con-
ference on the Training of Teachers held in Trinidad it was revealed
that some territories had as few as 6% of their teachers trained and
in the best territories, Trinidad and Jamaica, it was still under 50%.
More frightening was the fact that under plans then current only two
territories were likely to have more than 50% of its teachers trained
by 1965. The full position was as follows:-


Projection of
Percentage of Percentage of
Trained Teachers Trained Teachers
by 1965


Antigua

Barbados

British Guiana

Dominica

Grenada

Jamaica

Montserrat

St. Kitts

St. Lucia

St. Vincent

Trinidad


56

33

26.4

11

7

48

32

31

7

7

80









But the Directors of Education and Chief Education Officers present
at this conference, all but one of whom were West Indians, pledged
their governments to making a determined assault on the teacher
training problem. It seems certain now that a history of Teacher Edu-
cation of the region will regard 1957 as a year of special significance.

Shortly before this conference the government of Jamaica had
set up a college at Moneague to give a short (one-year) intensive
course of training to those teachers in service who had not had a
chance of going to college at the normal time, and who thus con-
constituted the bulk of the untrained teachers. This experiment was
adopted by other territories notably Trinidad, Barbados, British Guiana
and British Honduras. In some, e.g., British Guiana and Barbados,
the regular two-year pre-service training course was suspended in
favour of this in-service course. In others, e.g., Trinidad, it was an
added facility.

Plans were also laid to expand as rapidly as possible the pre-
service training programmes, and the target was accepted by all terri-
tories to achieve a two-thirds trained teacher force in 1967. At the
same time the long term goal of having a fully trained teaching force
was clearly enunciated. The succeeding years saw a tremendous
activity in this field, a growth which was stimulated in no small
measure by the establishment of the Institute of Education at the
University of the West Indies in 1962.

One noteworthy development of this period was the establishment
of a number of small colleges in those islands which had previously
had no provision of their own for teacher training, and where the
percentage of trained teachers was pitiably low. Previously only one
or two teachers per year had been sent to neighboring islands for
training. The concept of a single large college to serve a group of
islands had been mooted once more at the Trinidad conference of
1957, but once more had been abandoned. Colleges were now set up
in St. Lucia, St. Vincent and Grenada, each with about 50 students,
and each giving a one-year course of training. It is hoped, before
long, to extend the training period to two years. At the same time
the old Spring Gardens Training College in Antigua was closed, and
all the Leeward Islands co-operated to found the New Leeward
Islands Teachers' College, which they jointly support, and to which
they send their students -for training.

In the larger territories there have been the twin movements of
founding new colleges and expanding existing ones. Trinidad has had
a magnificent new college set up at Mausica. In addition the one year
in-service course which was previously run as an adjunct of the Gov-
ernment Training College in Port-of-Spain has been established as
an independent college. By 1964 however the combined output from
all the colleges was still only 260 per year, a long way from the 320-
400 envisaged in 1957. Plans are currently being discussed therefore









to increase the output of trained teachers, even if this might involve
the reduction of the period spent in college from two years to one
year, the remaining year being spent in schools and forming part of
the integrated training programme.

In Jamaica the rate of expansion has been accelerated much
beyond the 1957 targets. One new college has been established at
Mandeville, under the aegis of the Anglican Church, and the others
are in the process of being enlarged to provide for a total enrollment
of 2,000 students. Simultaneously the three-year college course has
been re-arranged to allow for two years in college followed by a one
year supervised internship in the schools. This will have the effect
of increasing the output from the colleges to 1,000 per year (when
full enrolment has been achieved), which will not only enable normal
wastage to be met but will substantially reduce the percentage of
untrained teachers in the profession. It is anticipated that by 1980
Jamaica will have a fully trained teaching profession teaching classes
of normal size.

Developments in other territories of the region have either kept
pace with those described above or represented interesting variants
to meet the country's circumstances. Thus British Guiana soon
restored the regular two-year pre-service training course which had
been interrupted for a one year in-service course. But at the same
time they embarked on a massive on-the-job in-service programme,
which secured that the teacher was at work in the schools and under
supervision during the day, but attended classes during the after-
noons and evenings and at week-ends. This scheme will certainly
contribute to the richness of the variety of training schemes emerg-
ing in the region and could achieve the task of providing a fully
trained teaching service more quickly and more economically than
other traditional methods.

In British Honduras the two tiny colleges which had just come
into being at the time of the 1957 conference were merged and ex-
panaed in 1965. At the same time a one-year in-service course, as
well as an induction course (the latter designed to bring students up
to the required standard 'for entrance to colleges) were put under a
single administrative control. Finally in the Bahamas, which at this
time decided to link its fortunes with the British Caribbean for pur-
poses of teacher education, an attractive new college was set up,
offering a two year pre-service course as well as a one year in service
course.

It is therefore clear that the last 10 years have witnessed feverish
activity in teacher education in a desperate effort to set right the
neglect and inadequacies of past years. Despite the rapidly increas-
ing population, and if no serious drain is made on the pool of trained
teachers, then the target of a fully trained profession ought to be









achieved by somewhere around 1980. The most serious threat lies in
the latter circumstances. In some territories where the teachers
represent the single largest group of trained and educated people, the
temptation is great to pillage from this group to man the developing
industrial, commercial and social services. In British Honduras the
wastage from the profession for these reasons is currently running
at about 25%. But this is regarded as a temporary phase through
which most developing countries have passed.

But if the picture appears reasonably bright on the quantitative
aspect of teacher education, the qualitative does not allow for the
same measure of enthusiasm. That is not to say that there have not
been steady gains and improvements. But there are a number of
difficulties to be overcome, and some clear thinking to be done, before
the territories will reap full benefit from the increased expenditure
in teacher education. One difficulty in most colleges in the past has
been the inadequacy of preparation of the candidates at entry. In
some territories these have been drawn almost exclusively from the
primary schools and were poorly educated under miserable conditions.
The recent expansion of secondary education in most of these ter-
ritories gives promise that in future the route of entry to teachers'
colleges will be via the secondary schools with a consequent improve-
ment in the preparation of candidates for the next stage of education.

The syllabuses of teachers' colleges have undergone constant
revision since the early 1940's in an effort to make the professional
training more useful and relevant to the work of the schools. This
movement received added impetus with the founding of the university,
and especially with the establishment of the Department of Educa-
tion. In 1956 the government of Jamaica set up a Board of Teacher
Training, having on its membership representatives from each of the
teachers' colleges, the Ministry of Education and the Teaching Pro-
fession. Through the efforts of this Board the programme of work in
the teachers' colleges in Jamaica was gradually improved. The curri-
culum was modernised, teaching practice extended and the teaching
in individual subjects upgraded. The functions of the Board of Teacher
Training were discharged largely through the work of Boards of
Studies, whose chairmen were either university lecturers or distin-
guished teachers in secondary schools or officers of the Ministry of
Education. The Board as a whole was responsible for the conduct
of examinations and the general arrangement of courses in the college.

This work, begun in Jamaica, was gradually extended to other
territories in the region at first largely through the efforts of a mem-
ber of the staff of the Department of Education at the University-
Dr. Elsa Walters-and later in a more organised manner when the
Institute of Education was set up. This Institute, which represents an
association between all the teachers' colleges of the region and the
University, has now become the agency through which improvements
are effected. It also ensures that colleges that previously worked in









isolation are brought into closer relationships, and their work standard-
ized. It operates under three area boards which meet frequently to
discuss particular aspects of the work, such as syllabus revision or
conduct of examinations. More infrequently full conferences covering
the whole area are convened. The last such conference was held in
Trinidad in July 1964 ().

There is now machinery whereby a constant examination of
teacher education needs and procedures might be undertaken and the
work kept up to date. Improvements have undoubtedly taken place
in recent years. But it is interesting to note that while this has been
happening, and while the expansion of provisions have ensured that
larger numbers of trained and partially trained teachers have been
reaching the schools the criticism has been growing that the quality
of education in the schools has been falling. It is difficult to deter-
mine whether this has been due to the ineffectiveness in the training
of the teachers or the appalling conditions under which they are often
forced to work in some territories. In any case it is necessary at this
stage for a critical assessment to be made of the effectiveness of the
various patterns of teacher education being operated throughout the
territory. Plans are now being discussed for this to be done.

Other developmental plans by various governments have influenced
colleges to extend and reorganise their work. In Jamaica, for example,
the decision of the government to organise their school system into
definite primary and secondary branches, and the decision to set up
Junior Secondary Schools has compelled the colleges to abandon their
previous policy of training the "all purpose" teacher prepared to work
anywhere in the school system. Colleges now plan to produce teachers
specifically prepared to teach at either the primary or the first cycle
secondary (Junior Secondary School) level. The demand for teachers
of commercial subjects, industrial arts and agriculture has given rise
to special courses arranged jointly by the colleges and such institu-
tions as the College of Arts, Science and Technology (C.A.S.T.) and
the Jamaica School of Agriculture.

Recent innovations within the colleges will, it is hoped, help to
secure the improvement in the quality of training which is so earnestly
desired. For instance, colleges throughout the region have recently
been laying great emphasis on the wider general education and per-
sonal development of the student. Some form of the tutorial system
has been introduced into most colleges. Clubs and societies, largely
run by the students, have been encouraged and a good measure of self
government and responsibility for their own affairs has been given to
students. Libraries have been improved, better living and working
conditions for students have been secured, and present and potential
staff members trained abroad on bursary schemes. Unfortunately, gov-

(1)
See Report of the Conference on Teacher Trai ing-UWI Institute of Education-1965.









ernments have been forced, by economic pressure, not to expand hostel
accommodation for students, but to rely more heavily on 'day'
students.

The training of Secondary (High) School teachers has been of
very recent origin in the region. Following on the British tradition
this role has been divorced *from the teachers' colleges and attached
to the University. For many years before the founding of this uni-
versity the secondary schools of the region were staffed largely by
teachers from Britain. When our Secondary School population was
small this source seemed adequate, but with the rapid expansion in
secondary education which has taken place in recent years, problems
of supply of teachers have arisen. In Jamaica alone the numbers of
children enrolled in Secondary (High) Schools has risen from 4,000
in 1950 to 8,000 ir 1957 to 24,000 in 1965. A Department of Education
with specific role of training Secondary (High) School teachers was
established at the University of the West Indies in 1952, and ad-
mitted its first students in 1953. For many years, however, its annual
output was very small and certainly was unable to provide trained
teachers for the period of expansion. Within recent years the gov-
ernments have increased the number of scholarships to practising or
prospective teachers. But because it takes four years to train a
graduate teacher and because the wastage from this training group
is high, there are still critical shortages in this area. In desperation,
boards have been forced to appoint recent school leavers to teaching
posts, with the consequence of poor teaching and a high rate of turn-
over. There is now great need for an accelerated programme for
secondary school teachers as well as an in-service training programme
for those who are now operating at a level of inefficiency that threatens
the structure.

On the overall view it might justly be claimed that teacher train-
ing is now at its most hopeful point since its early beginnings. Per-
haps the most significant factor is the awareness of the governments
that this is the focal point of any educational advance. The machinery
for effecting improvements exists and there is great optimism that it
will be fully exploited in the coming years.

A. S. PHILLIPS
Institute of Education,
University of the West Indies.

REFERENCES

Walters, E. H.-Training Colleges in the West Indies-OUP-1960.
Report of the Regional Conference on the Training of Teachers in the British Caribbean
June July 1957
Bulletin Nos. 9-19
Report on the Development of Teacher Training in Jamaica-1960.
Report on the Conference on Teacher Training held in Trinidad 1964-U.W.I. I.J.E. 1965.
Report of the Conference on Teacher Education held at Barbados-1965











Training For Medicine

In The West Indies

MEDICAL training in the United Kingdom and many Common-
wealth countries is governed by the General Medical Council set up in
1867 as a Statutory professional council governing the professional
standards and conduct of doctors.

The Council also deals with the registration of Commonwealth and
foreign medical practitioners. It sets standards of medical education,
professional ethics and discipline.

During the greater part of the past thirty years, the pattern of
Medical Education in the United Kingdom and the late British colonies
or Commonwealth nations had remained fairly static. The medical
course lasted five years and there was no internship as existed in USA.
Medical qualifications to practice medicine could be obtained either
through The Society of Apothecaries, the Colleges of Medicine or the
Universities. The Society of Apothecaries which had a very small
registration and gave a licentiate in Medicine and Surgery of the Society
of Apothecaries (L.M.S.S.A.) was not a popular field for training doctors;
then there were the Royal Colleges of Medicine in Scotland and England
which gave a licence to practice Medicine and Surgery (LRCP, MRCS)
and the universities which by reputation were regarded more highly
and thought to be better organised.

Universities gave degrees of Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of
Surgery, M.B.B.S., or M.B.Ch.B. as a first degree and doctorate in
medicine (M.D.) as a graduate degree in specialised fields of medicine.
Ch.M. is a graduate higher degree in Surgery but is rarely taken.
Diplomas, memberships and fellowships of the Royal College of
Obstetricians and Gynaecologists are also given DRCOG, MRCOG,
FRCOG, as higher qualifications in Obstetrics and Gynaecology.

Diplomas in Public Health (DPH) have been the standard qualifica-
tion for doctors doing health work. Many West Indian doctors have
"graduated" from the Royal Colleges of Medicine as licenciates of the
Royal College of Medicine and Members of the Royal College of
Physicians (L.R.C.P., M.R.C.S.) and many of our best doctors in the
West Indies have a licence to practice Medicine rather than a University
degree. The Royal Colleges also gave higher qualifications in Medicine
- Member of the Royal College of Physicians (M.R.C.P.), Fellow of the
Royal College of Physicians (F.R.C.P.) and in Surgery Fellow of the
Royal College of Surgeons (F.R.C.S.). These are normally taken as
higher qualifications by both graduates of universities and holders of
licences from the Royal Colleges of England, Scotland and Ireland.









Several universities and colleges also gave and still give non-
registrable qualifications in special subjects, e.g. ophthalmology,
psychiatry, paediatrics and the laboratory disciplines, etc. Formerly
the normal duration of the medical course in most British schools was
five years without an internship. In more recent years the course has
become six years with one year of internship. However, where com-
pletion of the General Certificate of Education at Advanced level in
Chemistry, Physics and Biology makes a student eligible for exemption
from the first year, the course will be five years and one year of
internship.

By order to the General Medical Council, a student receives pro-
visional registration when he has passed the final examinations.
He has to work for one year in an approved hospital doing six months
in medicine and six months in surgery (with some alternatives) under
proper supervision. Following a satisfactory report of this period of
internship the student obtains full registration to practice medicine.

In most American universities the system has been that of taking
a B.Sc. or B.A. at College which is a three-year course followed by four
years of medicine and one year of internship a total of eight year,
study following high school. At Oxford and Cambridge Universities it
had been the custom for many years for students to take the B.A. in
basic science subjects followed by the (M.B.B.S.) Bachelor of Medicine
and Bachelor of Surgery degrees. The Irish universities have also given
the B.A. followed by the Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery.

While most British universities now do two and a half years pre-
clinical work, three years clinical work and one year's internship, the
present trend in many English and Scottish universities is for medical
students to take after three years a B.A. in Human Biology or a B.Sc.
in Medical Science as is done at Edinburgh, Glasgow and Aberdeen.
A B.Sc. (Honours) may also be taken as a four-year first degree. These
first degrees are followed by the Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of
Surgery after a three-year clinical course and a year of internship or
residency.

Thought is being given by some universities and medical schools
to shortening the clinical period to two years and having two years of
internship.

The subjects of Chemistry, Physics and Biology which formerly
formed the first year course in Medicine and the 1st M.B. examination
are now given in the University of the West Indies as in most British
universities, as pre-medical subjects. These subjects and examinations
can be done at most high schools. During the first two years of medical
school the preclinical subjects taught are, Anatomy, Physiology, Bio-
chemistry and Pharmacology followed by a Preclinical examination in
these subjects.

During the sixth term (April June) of this preclinical period
studies continue in Pharmacology and introductory courses in Pathology
and Microbiology begin.









During the succeeding three clinical years classes continue in
Pathology and Microbiology, although the major teaching is completed
in one year from the beginning of the Introductory course. Courses
follow in Medicine, Surgery, Obstetrics and Gynaecology, Preventive
Medicine and Public Health, Forensic Medicine, Psychiatry, Paediatrics
and the "Specials" Ear, Nose and Throat, Eyes, Skins and Venereal
diseases

At the University of the West Indies the curriculum and examina-
tions have so far been based on the requirements of London University
but as we are now an independent university and as the first two years
of preclinical teaching have already been completed under the new
scheme of our independent university there is no reason why our
courses and examinations should not be formulated to meet West
Indian needs rather than those of London or England since our environ-
mental needs are somewhat different. It would be an asset to our train-
ing of students and a benefit to our population if these necessary
changes were to be made as soon as possible. Any changes made must
be acceptable to the General Medical Council of the United Kingdom.
This is the only body to which our University need cater and this is
necessary because of our need to have reciprocity with other British
Commonwealth universities and licencing authorities for the practice
of medicine in the British Commonwealth and for taking British Post-
graduate degrees and other postgraduate qualifications.

As stated above, the General Medical Council (G.M.C.) is by law the
professional council governing the professional training standards,
registration and conduct of doctors. Its purpose is to improve Medical
Education and to protect the public against unqualified medical
practice, quacks and the like. The main educational principles recom-
mended by the G.M.C. in recent years are integration of preclinical
teaching, emphasis on their principles and applications to Medicine
and Surgery emphasis on prevention of disease, the physical, genetic,
environmental, psychological and social aspects of Medicine, on ante-
natal and post-natal care and the reduction in numbers of subjects for
professional examinations. The most recent revision (1957) of the
G.M.C. regulations has the intention of allowing schools of medicine
room to develop their own ideas within a general framework laid down
by the Council.

In the West Indies we are very short of doctors, dentists, nurses,
laboratory technicians, radiographers as well as of specialists in various
branches of medicine. We are also lacking in hospital beds, laboratory
facilities and many aspects of Preventive Medicine and Public Health.

When the University of the West Indies started in 1948 we had an
intake of thirty (30) medical students this increased to fifty (50) in
the 'fifties and now since 1964 we have increased the intake to approx-
imately ninety (90) students per year.

In spite of this increase, it appears that at the present rate of the
growth of our population, we will have in ten or twenty years no better
proportion of doctors per population than we now have.









How then are we to provide effective medical care for this growing
population in an age where there will most certainly be increasingly
greater demand for more specialised medical care?

In answer to this question there are several proposals by people
of varied training and background. Some favour the development of
new training facilities for a type of medical personnel new to this area,
the medical or health assistant of Africa or Feldsher of USSR.

This type of medical personnel is a man or woman trained as nurse
dispenser and laboratory technician who would assist the doctor in
doing some of the less technical medical activities and leave the more
qualified and better trained doctor free to do the more technical
aspects of medicine.

In the same way the nurse's aid or assistant nurse could be trained
in large and well organised training schools to similarly assist the
general trained nurse and the graduate (B.Sc.) nurse, the laboratory
aid trained to assist the laboratory technician; the midwife's aid to
assist the midwife, etc.

This then would mean the development of well organised para-
medical training facilities to bridge the gap.

Most medical practitioners do not favour the training of any "half-
doctor" and have very strong feelings against the use of any name like
"medical assistant" which might give the less educated the impression
that these personnel may be doctors. Nevertheless these are matters
which have to be considered.

Another idea is the more economical use of our well trained doctors
by the development of the idea and the practice of "Group Medicine"
whereby all doctors Government, University and private practitioners
- are working in Group Practice clinics aided by the necessary para-
medical personnel of nurses, nurses aids, dispensers or pharmacists,
laboratory technicians and radiographers.

A third important way of making the best use of limited medical
man-power is to have complete integration of preventive, curative and
restorative medical service in all organized medical institutions. Govern-
ment medical services may well be organized to include three grades of
Institutional Health care:

(1) The Medical Centre, a highly specialised policlinic and hospital
serving as an integrated curative, preventive health and restora-
tive medical institution.

(ii) The integrated Health Centre with stress on prevention while
doing curative medical work. Cases for investigation or
specialized medical care are referred to the Medical centres.

(iii) The Health Clinic a small but well integrated unit located in
many villages or small towns which takes care of all simple
medical cases, accidents and dressings and refers the more serious
cases to the health centre or medical centre.









The fourth important measure is the encouragement and develop-
ment of regular physical examination and voluntary pre-payment in-
surance so that people will be able to visit their doctors early and
regularly even when "healthy" and not postpone beneficial care, when
sick, through lack of funds or fear of the cost of the medical visit.

This is good practice for medical as well as dental care and has
been a doctrine taught in all North American Public Health and Pre-
ventive Health schools for over 25 years.

In addition to the above, the teaching facilities used during the
day for training pre-clinical and clinical students could also usefully
be utilized for evening classes at little extra cost by paying the day per-
sonnel overtime for doing evening teaching or by employment of one
or two additional staff for each department.

Thus additional medical and para-medical teaching could be done
without any great capital expense which the West Indies and the
University cannot afford at present.

Finally the problem can be handled by increasing the intake of
medical students with expansion of the medical school and by providing
better financial aid for medical students through more Government
scholarships or by attractive financial aid schemes.

In order to understand what the future holds for us it is well to
look at the developments and present practice in medical training
abroad, e.g. in the USSR, at Oxford University, provincial English and
some Scottish Universities, and in North America as well as in the West
Indies.
MEDICAL TRAINING IN USSR

There is an efficient and effective system of medical education in
USSR. The training of doctors is carried out under the administration
of the Ministry of Health and undergraduate medical education is
separated from the University.

Primary School, High School and Medical Undergraduate Training:
The Russian child is cared for at a creche for three years, at kinder-
garten school for four years and spends 11 years in primary and
secondary schools. The undergraduate of medicine begins training at
about 18 years of age, and does six years in a medical institute followed
by three years of obligatory medical practice. Special training con-
sists of a six month course at an advanced institute in his specialty and
two and a half years as a junior specialist; so that at the age of about
30, a good student can be a specialist.

Medical tuition is free and most students in fact get paid or receive
stipends the brighter and most successful students get a higher
stipend than the average student.

The first two years consists of studies in the basic sciences. During
the third year there is an introduction to clinical work. During the









fourth, fifth and sixth years, the syllabus varies according to the course
or subject taken as an elective. The electives may be therapy, sanita-
tion and hygiene, paediatrics or stomatology. During these three years
there is increasing clinical responsibility with lectures playing an
important part of the course. The number of subjects students are
doing in the medical course varies from 32 37 in the paediatric
curriculum to 37 in the sanitation-hygiene curriculum.

Subjects taken in the basic sciences are anatomy, inorganic, organic,
analytical colloidal, physical and biological chemistry, physiology, micro-
biology, pathology and pharmacology. During this preclinical period
there are included in the course, elements of history, economics and
the social sciences, foreign language and physical culture.

Examinations in the basic science subjects are given by the State
Examination Board and the examinations vary according to the elective
faculty which the students will take up. Students must work in clinics
and hospitals either as nurses' aids for six to eight evening sessions
or in sanitary epidemiology stations (Health Clinics), depending on the
Faculty in which they will specialise.

The introductory courses in the third year take place in Medicine,
Surgery for all faculties and also in paediatrics and stomatology in the
latter faculties.


Clinical Course:
Three years of concentrated work are carried out in the faculty of
therapy, sanitation hygiene or paediatrics and two years only in the
Stomatology Faculty. The courses given in these years are internal
medicine, surgery, paediatric surgery, obstetrics and gynaecology,
paediatrics, infectious diseases, forensic medicine, general hygiene and
organisation of public health, opthalmology, otolaryngology, derma-
tology, neurology and psychiatry, occupational disease and labour
hygiene nutrition, hygiene of children and adolescents, epidemiology
and community hygiene.

There is opportunity in some medical institutes for evening classes.
Outstanding paramedical workers like nurses, medical assistants, mid-
wives, dental technicians, technicians, radiographers, physiotherapists,
pharmacists can study therapy which is general medicine and surgery
for six and a half years or stomatology for six years. After three years
of evening classes a student can transfer to full time studies.

Whereas a student does 30-40 hours of work per week in the full-
time course, he or she often may spend 16 hours per week in evening
classes.

The final State examinations in the various subjects also vary
according to the needs of the faculty but there are five examinations
in each faculty. A successful examination result permits certification
as General physician (therapist), physician-paediatrician, physician-
hygienist or physician-stomatologist.









Graduates are then assigned for five years to work under specialist
supervision in hospitals or policlinics according to the graduate's pre-
ference and his performance in his courses, family responsibilities and
health status. These three years constitute a type of bonding to pay
for his free medical education given by the State. Special allowances
are paid to those doctors who must work in unpopular areas where the
conditions of life are difficult.

The three years of specialist training mentioned previously follow
these three years obligatory work, and at the end of this time the doctor
is then a specialist therapist surgeon, psychiatrist or derma-
tologist, etc.

There are facilities for shorter periods of post-graduate training for
periods of approximately six to eight weeks in special techniques or in
sub-specialities. These short courses may also be combined with one
and a half years of correspondence courses.

Continuing education is provided by refresher courses for general
practitioners or by correspondence courses and full time courses lasting
two months. These full-time courses must be taken every three to five
years by General Practitioners.

The incentives provided for General Practitioners to take these
two-month post-graduate courses are full salary, travel allowance, addi-
tional living allowance and a 20% increase in salary when the course
has been successfully completed.

There are also higher qualifications e.g. doctorates of medical
science, provided for such candidates. There is also provision for
residences, as well as facilities for training research workers in
specialised techniques in a specific basic or clinical discipline.

The integration and co-ordination of preventive, curative and
restorative health into a unified health service is a strong point of the
social health programme.

MEDICAL TRAINING AT OXFORD UNIVERSITY

A recent paper on the Study of Medicine at Oxford University in-
dicates that the subjects for the first part of the MB. course and exam-
ination are Human Anatomy and Human Physiology and are usually
sat at the end of five terms study. Examinations are at the end of
the Hilary and Trinity terms and at the beginning of each Michaelmas
term.
After passing the first part of the MB. examination the student may
enter one of the Honour schools and read for the B.A. in Physiology.
The course comprises a detailed study of animal cells, tissues and
organs, human embryology and histological technique, with emphasis
being placed on the practical and experimental aspect. At the end of
a year's study the Final examination of the Honour School is taken,
consisting of four written papers. The student may then spend a
further three and a half years completing the BM. Ch.B. (Oxon).









The student may alternatively proceed from the first part of the
BM. courses to the second part of the BM. course. Students who have
not sat the first part of the BM. or the B.A. (Physiology) at Oxford may
nonetheless be admitted to the second part of the BM. course.

The subjects for the second (clinical) part of the Oxford BM. exam-
ination include
1. Medicine

2. Surgery

3. Midwifery (Obs. & Gyn.)

4. Special & Clinical Pathology

5. General Pathology & Bacteriology
6. Pharmacology & Principles of Therapeutics

The clinical years are usually spent at the Radcliffe Infirmary, or, if the
six terms' residence requirements have been fulfilled, in one of the
London hospitals e.g., Charing Cross, Guy's, Royal Free etc.

Trition is mainly by the Tutorial method during both the pre-
clinical and clinical years. A subject is suggested by the Tutor and
thoroughly prepared by the student (by dint of extensive reading etc.).
The student reads the prepared essay to his Tutor and the subject is
then fully discussed. This takes place once per week. Lectures and
laboratory practical are also provided and before sitting the first MB.
the student must spend four terms of eight weeks each attaining the
required number of practical.

More recently practical elective classes are being offered to a
limited number of students in one of the following departments -
Physiology, Biochemistry, Human Anatomy, Pharmacology, Medicine
and Microbiology.

MEDICAL TRAINING IN THE U.S.A.
Medical education in the United States of America is of a very high
standard and is well exemplified by the curriculum at John Hopkins
University.

The course consists of five Academic years (I-V); years II-V are
the conventional four years of medical school to which only college
graduates are admitted. Students who have completed only the junior
(sophomore) year of college must do years I-V. A B.A. degree is granted
by the Faculty of Philosophy at the end of year II, after which the
candidate becomes eligible for the M.D. course.

Beginning with year III the curriculum provides for single elective
quarters annually (during which the student may undertake some
study of his own choosing) and optional summer sessions of eight weeks
between years III-IV, IV-V. Some students are permitted to accelerate
their clinical work by electing required courses during the free quarters
of years III and IV and during the intervening summer. Such students










will then be eligible to accept internship or fellowship appointments
during year V and at the end of one year of such appointment qualify
for the M.D. degree.

The academic year is usually from early September to late June
with a summer vacation of 10 weeks between each academic year.

The total number of students in each class is limited to 90.

The student is given much scope and encouragement to work in his
free time; some students may receive scholarships after their Sophomore
year, allowing them to interupt curriculum for one or more years to
pursue studies in a basic science.

This elective experience may count towards later study for a Ph.D.
degree. The medical course is as follows:

Year I: Liberal Arts, Natural Sciences.

Year H: Biochemistry, Anatomy, Human Physiology, Genetics, Bio-
mathematics, Behavioural Science, History and Philosophy
of Medicine and Science. More than a quarter of the total
curriculum is allotted as free time.

Year III: Pathology, Microbiology and Pharmacology

In the 2nd and 3rd quarters the student is introduced to
elements of clinical medicine and epidemiology. The 4th
quarter is entirely elective.

Year IV: The study of health and disease in various clinical depart-
ments of John Hopkins Hospital or associated hospitals
Medicine, Surgery, Paediatrics, Obstetrics and Gynaecology.
Radiology, Ophthalmology and Public Health. Instruction
is mostly in small groups. One quarter is left free for
elective study.

Year V: The student spends three-quarters of the year as an appren-
tice on the wards of the John Hopkins hospital. One
quarter is devoted to Medicine, one to Surgery, one to
Paediatrics, Psychiatry, Neurology and Radiology. One
quarter is left free for elective study.

THE FUTURE MEDICAL CURRICULUM IN UNIVERSITIES IN BRITAIN
AND THE WEST INDIES
A new trend has started in English and Scottish universities during
the last two or three years. Curriculum committees have been set un
by the Faculties or Boards of the Faculty of Medicine consisting of pro-
clinical and clinical, senior and junior teachers to review the present.
curricula, to put forward changes in the light of modern trends and
previous experience and to keep the medical courses and curricula
consistently under review.





In many of the universities it is necessary for this committee to
discuss the problem with their students and make use of their opinions
in formulating a new curriculum.

The major change is towards the establishment of a first degree
in the medical school to be awarded prior to the degree of Bachelor of
Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery. The first degree course is given in
Human Anatomy and Physiology, Biochemistry, Pharmacology,
Pathology and Microbiology. This degree may be taken as the B.A. or
B.Sc. in Human Biology or B.Sc. in Medical Science or Biological Science
and may be an ordinary degree awarded after two or three years or an
Honours degree awarded after three or four years. This could be
followed by three years of clinical teaching with award of M.B., Ch.B.,
or M.B., B.S., and one year of internship. In some places it is now
proposed that there should be two years of clinical teaching and two
years of internship. The present medical curriculum in most uni-
versities is as follows:-

One Year pre-medical studies (Biology, Chemistry and Physics). This
may be omitted if the candidate has passed these subjects at advanced
G.C.E. level in High School.
Five Terms pre-clinical studies in Human Anatomy and Physiology,
Biochemistry, Pharmacology, Three years clinical studies in:-

Pathology, Microbiology, Medicine, Surgery, Obstetrics and
Gynaecology, Public Health and Preventive Medicine, Forensic Medicine,
Psychology and Psychiatry, Paediatrics and "Specials" -Ear, Nose and
Throat, Eyes, Skins and Venereal Diseases.

Lectures and Examinations:
Gradually lectures will give way to seminars and tutorial teaching
and there will be greater integration of related subjects in the medical
curriculum.

The system of examination is likely to change radically. There
will be a shift from the essay type of examination to the multiple
choice questions set to cover a wider field of knowledge. These ques-
tions will be corrected by placing them in an IBM type computer
machine simplifying the correcting of examination answers. In the
interim period there will be a mixture of essay type and multiple choice
questions.

The use of the alphabetic method of grading instead of percentages
will be adopted. The student will be judged on his record and per-
formance over the whole period of training rather than on a final
examination only and credit will be given by observation of the student's
performance at clinics, practical classes and during seminar discussions.
Consequently, there will be fewer examinations.

Continuing or Post-graduate Medical Education:
It is likely that there will be a distinct change in the pattern of
post-graduate medical education. Specialised courses will be arranged





locally at the University of the West Indies and possibly at the larger
hospitals in the West Indies, so as to make it unnecessary for our
graduates to go abroad for all their postgraduate training. Most
specialist training and qualifications will be given at the University of
the West Indies; incentive and recognition will be given by W.I.
Governments to enable all Government doctors whether general practi-
tioners or specialists to take regular postgraduate courses.

The Financing of Medical Education:
Although the length and cost of a medical course may seem consider-
able it certainly has its compensations. In spite of the length of time,
intensive period of study and money spent there is the personal satis-
faction in carrying out the work of helping the sick, alleviating the
suffering of people and saving innumerable lives; besides this satisfy-
ing experience there is usually some financial reward in that the
medical doctor is one of the top earners of income in the professional
field depending on the speciality and whether he is in the academic or
teaching field, in a full time Government post, like a health officer or
whether he is a private practitioner or a combination of Government
medical officer with private consultation practice.

In planning a medical career, it is necessary to make a long range
plan, since the training involves five or six years as an undergraduate
at the university, one year of internship and three to seven years of
postgraduate training if the student wishes to become a consultant
doctor or a lecturer at the university.

A prospective medical student may finance his training either
through private funds provided by his parents or other relatives and
friends or through private loans from the bank, through scholarships
or bursaries. In some countries mainly in North America some students
have been known to "work their way" through medical school. This is
not so easy to do today and at the best of times is a difficult and
hazardous venture not advised if other means can be found.

The cost of a medical education at the University of the West Indies
is 50 per annum tuition for five years or six years if you must do a
pre-medical year In Biology, Chemistry and Physics at the University.
Board and lodging at the University is about 200 per annum pocket
money depending on tastes will cost about 200 per annum.

In Scotland the cost of medical training will be about 400 p.a. in
England slightly more, especially in London where the cost will be
about 600 per annum. In the United States and Canada the cost is
about 900 1,000 per annum.

Scholarships and Bursaries:
Several Caribbean Governments including Jamaica and Barbados
have been providing scholarships and/or bursaries for medical educa-
tion from time to time. The scholarships are usually worth about 400
per annum and the bursaries about 250 per annum. The scholarships
are awarded either on the basis of an examination or, like the Jamaica









Government, Scholarships on the basis of performance in the G.C.E.
and Advanced G.C.E. as well as on performance during the pre-medical
year or First Year at the University. There are also open scholarships
available through the annual admissions examination at the University
of the West Indies.

The Jamaica Government Scholarship and bursaries are awarded
for study at the University of the West Indies and requires a bonding of
the scholar with provision of security by the parent or relative who
must undertake repaying of the amount of the scholarship or bursary
if the scholar does not give five years service with the Government
following his graduation and internship.

The financing of a medical education through loans at a very
modest interest rate is obtainable from colleges, universities or various
State educational systems in the United States. This is very rarely
possible in the West Indies and there is an urgent need for the provision
of funds by Governments or philanthropic foundations so that the
University of the West Indies could, for instance, set up a large revolv-
ing fund by means of which, loans could be made by the University
through its students financial aid programme or through special
arrangement by guarantees with private banks.

In negotiating these loans it could be so arranged that there is no
interest payable until after graduation and the interest rates are as
low as three to four percent. Repayment should be during a five to
ten year period after graduation. Money loaned out and repaid could
revert to the loan fund to assist other students at a later period and
thus be a continuing or revolving scheme.

The only available employment possible at the University is
holiday jobs arranged through the Placement Officer. These are
largely limited to summer vacation jobs and can only be done during
pre-clinical period of 22 years or five terms. The medical course is so
intensive that the vacation periods are needed for rest and relaxation
and during the clinical period there is only a period of three weeks per
annum for vacation. Working during one's vacation could adversely
affect one's scholastic performance at the University.

Non-refundable Aid is also not readily available in the West Indies.
There are special grants available during internship and the post-
graduate training period. These funds could be made available to
encourage doctors to undertake special training in certain fields where
doctors are scarce. The University College Hospital does utilize the
Princess Alice Appeal Fund but mainly to assist Graduates in obtaining
training in fields where the profession is short of specialists. These
funds are, however, limited. Several Governments also award generous
study leave facilities to enable doctors to qualify as specialists.

The Rockefeller Foundation and the Pan American Health Organ-
ization also award fellowships for training in specialised fields of
medicine and much more money is needed to establish a fund for this
type of aid.









SUMMARY


Looking at practices in more developed and developing countries
one sees that it has now become the common practice in some of these
countries to carry out medical care, medical nursing and laboratory
services by two grades of personnel: the doctor, the general-trained
and maternity nurse and the laboratory technician assisted by the
medical aid, the nurses aid, maternity aid and the laboratory aid. In
the West Indies, of these three, only the post of nurses' aid has been
given much thought and there is strong opposition by many persons,
including doctors, to the idea of training a medical aid. As the popula-
tion grows and as the demand for more specialised medical, nursing
and diagnostic services increases, more serious thought will have to be
given to the training of these and other categories of para-medical
personnel. This problem becomes more acute as the demand for
specialist care increases, as the educational and economic standards
increase and as the public becomes more critical and demanding of
good skilful medical care. As the training schools find it impossible
to fulfil the needs of an increasing population, the gap can only be
filled by training, even as an interim measure, larger numbers of less
qualified "aid" personnel in shorter periods in order to bridge the gap,
and in order to make up for the deficiency of doctors, nurses and
technicians per population. If the experience of some other countries
were followed, medical aids could be recruited from high school
graduates not qualified to enter university or the civil service. They
would be trained in schools associated with the university for two to
three years. About 100 to 200 students would be trained annually for
work primarily in rural hospitals and health clinics under conditions
of employment which would be attractive for them. The training
course would be strongly oriented to practical training after a pre-
liminary theoretical training based on certain elementary and funda-
mental principles of: Anatomy, Physiology Pharmacy, Pathology and
Microbiology, Medicine, Surgical dressings, Midwifery and child health
and care, Preventive Medicine.

In the field of medicine, it is likely that in the future the first year
will always be done at high school. There will be two to three years
of pre- or para-medical work devoted largely to the basic principles
and the application of the basic sciences to medicine terminating with
a B.Sc. or B.Sc. (Honours) as a first degree. This will be followed by
two to three years of clinical work including Applied Pathology and
Microbiology basic principles of Medicine, Surgery, Obstetrics and
Gynaecology Preventive Medicine, Paediatrics, Psychiatry and the
"Specials."


LOUIS S. GRANT
Department of Microbiology,
University of the West Indies.











REFERENCES


Peters, R. J. and Kinnaird, J.
Health Services Administratlon-E. & S. ivingstone Ltd. (1965).

2. Titmus, R. M. Abel-Smith, B. McDonald, G. Williams, A. W. Wood, C. H.
The Health Services of Tanganyika-Pitman Medical Publishing Co. Ltd. (1964).

3. School of Medicine and Human Biology Working Party Reports-London 1963.

4. Report of the Medical Advisory Committee-University of Birmingham (June, 1965).

5. H.M.S.O. Report of the Committee on University Teaching Methods (1964).

6. Medical Education in the Soviet Union
United States Department of Health, Education & Welfare (1963).

7 Financing a Medical Education
Association of American Medical Colleges-Evanston,

8. Smith, T. G. and Porter, R.
The Study of Medicine at Oxford.

9. John Hopkins University Circular (School of Medicine)
1965-66 Catalogue Issue.











Some Developments in Language

Teaching in The West Indies


THE ACCUMULATED results of language research in the former
British West Indies, though still not extensive enough, are sufficient
at the present time for a beginning to be made in their use for develop-
ing more efficient methods of teaching English. The relevant researches
may be divided into three main categories.

Firstly, there are studies of some of the creole languages in the
area. These studies, though not in all cases undertaken with eventual
language-teaching aims, are yet essential as one of the bases for for-
mulating new teaching methods. Excluding descriptions of French-
based creoles, the best known of these studies and the most relevant to
English teaching are those of Le Page,1 Le Page and De Camp,2 Cassldy.3
Allsopp,4 Bailey5 and Lawton.6 Of these researchers, one is concerned
with Guyanese, the others with Jamaican creole. Scientific studies of
other English-based creoles are yet to appear.

Secondly, there are analytical studies of West Indian language
problems and specifically the problem of teaching children in school.
These studies, on the whole, derive from observation and logical
analysis of educational situations rather than from controlled experi-
mentation or the scientific treatment of collections of data; for this
reason perhaps they are more numerous than any other type of study.
Their utility lies in the clarification which they provide of educational
aims on the one hand and of the various constituent factors in the
West Indian language situation on the other. The most relevant of
these are by Marckwardt and Catford,7 Kelly,B Bailey,9 Figueroa.lo
Gray,1 Jones,12 Walters,13 and the report of discussions in the 1964
Conference on Language Teaching and Linguistics14 at the University
of the West Indies.

Thirdly, there are studies of the language of school children and
older students. These are based on the systematic collection and
analysis of samples of speech and writing. Some of these studies are
evidenced in the research papers of Myers, Grant, Alleyne and Craig
given at the 1964 Conference cited already. Others consist of (a) un-
published student researches filed in the Department of Education,
U.W.I.,15 (b) analyses of the language of children involved in teaching
experiments currently being conducted by the writer in Jamaica and
Trinidad,16 and (c) word and grammatical counts of children's
language; these latter are being undertaken by the text-book produc-
tion project of the University of the West Indies to provide informa-









tion relevant to the planning of teaching methods and materials.17 The
studies in this third category are educational rather than purely
linguistic since, although they aim to describe and measure linguistic
features, they mainly select those features which are significant for
education, but which are not always found in descriptive and contrastive
linguistic studies. The studies in this third category are essential
especially for those areas for which linguistic descriptions of creole are
unavailable, and in some cases they provide shorter and more direct
routes to the solution of language-teaching problems.

The urgent task of English language teaching at present is to devise
classroom procedures, especially for primary schools, based on the
findings of the three categories of study mentioned above. But these
procedures in themselves demand special investigation since they take
up a completely new area in the field of language pedagogy. The
problems of teaching a standard dialect to speakers of related non-
standard dialects are being recognized as different from the problems
of teaching a foreign language or teaching a native language.1s In
this respect, the teaching of English in the West Indies can give
important indications about the procedures which need to be employed
in teaching English to non-standard school-age speakers in other
situations.

For some time now, ever since it began to be realized that, as educa-
tion became more widespread in the lower social levels, traditional
native language teaching methods were proving increasingly inadequate
in the West Indies, it has been felt that West Indian children may
better be taught English by foreign or second language methods. This.
for example, has been the general tenor of those studies mentioned in
category number two above. But until recently, there were no investiga-
tions of the specific ways in which foreign language techniques could
be used and the adaptations that may be necessary in the special con-
ditions of English teaching in the West Indies. A beginning of this
type of investigation was made in selected Jamaican schools in 1965.
At the time of writing similar investigations are being conducted in six
schools in Trinidad and teacher trainers in Guyana have plans for
relevant projects' in September 1966.

When the attempt is made to work out the details of teaching
procedures for the projects now going on, several principles of
language teaching not encompassed exclusively within the method-
ology of foreign language teaching nor yet within the methodology of
native language teaching, each taken separately, have of necessity to
be followed. These principles blend together the techniques of both
methodologies and in this respect tend to become something significantly
different from each taken separately.

The need for this special methodology, neither completely foreign-
language nor completely native language arises from the well-known
fact19 that the language of West Indian children possesses a vocabulary
which is almost completely English but at the same time possesses a
grammar which diverges sharply from English. This similarity at one
level of language in conjunction with a divergence at another level









relative to English gives West Indian children an ability to recognize
educated West Indian English speech far above their ability to produce
the same speech. It is true that every user of a language probably has
a greater ability to recognize than to produce but at the same time,
from the basis of "English," the divergence between recognition and
production in West Indian children is greater than the divergence
which would normally exist in native English monoglots.

In the West Indian child, this dichotomy in language ability
creates the illusion that the English being taught in the classroom is
known already. This has an important effect in destroying the type
of motivation which a foreign learner of English would get out of the
satisfaction of knowing, stage by stage, that he has mastered new
language structures; it tends to be more difficult for the West Indian
child to find novelty and interest in learning structures which he can
recognize, even though he cannot normally produce these structures
himself. In fact, even teachers often tend to react as the children do.
They tend to confuse the two levels in the use of language and fail to
realise that language teaching aims remain unachieved unless the child
can produce the standard language spontaneously.

Because of these factors, the West Indian English teacher cannot
follow the procedures of the native language teacher by (a) selecting
subject matter purely for its own sake as subject matter, (b) using
whatever language is necessary at the appropriate maturity level of the
child in order to handle this subject matter and (c) developing in-
cidentally during (a) and (b) whatever language ability the child
already has. Neither can the West Indian English teacher follow with-
out modification the procedures of the foreign language teacher by (a)
contrasting a specific Creole against the foreign language (Educated
West Indian English) which needs to be taught, (b) grading these
contrasts and (c) using them in aural-oral teaching programmes with
writing and reading following after.

The West Indian English teacher, though finding that foreign
language teaching methods are more relevant to the solution of his
problems than native language methods, has to modify foreign language
techniques to take account of the following: (1) as explained above.
the child's ability, in concrete situations at least, to comprehend or
recognize some English, and (2) the child's ability to shift away from
his most natural mode of speech to one which is less natural, filled
with "errors" relative to English, but probably closer to the English
which is required to be taught.

To give due weight to these factors in the projects now in progress,
it has been found .that before lessons and materials can be systematically
planned, the child's language has to be studied in both formal and
informal situations. In practice this is done by studying children's
speech to each other, speech to a strange interviewer, children's response
to teachers' conversation, reading, story-telling etc. in class, and child-
ren's connected writing (in the case of older children). The results of
such study indicate that, relative to West Indian children, English









language patterns can be graded in four theoretical classifications as
follows:-

Class A. Patterns known to the child owing to the resemblance of
his natural speech to English.

Class B. Patterns known partially to the child and used by him
only during periods of stress or in strange prestige social
situations.

Class C. Patterns which the child would recognize and com-
prehend if these are used by others in a meaningful con-
text, but which the child cannot himself produce.

Class D. Patterns totally unknown to the child.

Constructing lessons or teaching materials to take account of this
4-stage classification of the English patterns which the child needs to
be taught is a clear departure from the procedures of either native or
foreign language teaching although it bears some resemblance to both.

The resemblance to foreign language teaching comes about because
the teacher needs to limit and control the number of Classes C and D
patterns which are being introduced for teaching. In addition to this
the teacher has to follow the foreign language teaching stages of pre-
senting a model which the children will imitate, then, after imitation,
getting children in many varied situations to extend their practice and
use of the pattern that has been taught.

The resemblance to native language teaching comes about because
the teacher, even while concentrating in a foreign language manner
on the teaching of Classes C and D patterns, has to be aware of the
fact that in order to maintain the interest of the children and to use
language meaningfully, subject matter has to be used as freely as
possible for its own inherent interest and all of the English in Classes
A and B which children know to varying degrees already has to be
utilised at each stage.

It has been thought possible in Jamaica and Trinidad to get in-
service teachers to learn the practical applications of these principles
and use them effectively on the job, with the minimum of training.
Attempts to do this so far have been limited to small numbers of
teachers in selected schools, but it is clearly evidenced that teachers
without any exceptional previous training in some cases teachers
previously completely untrained in a formal way are able to grasp
the principles and use them successfully.

The following is a general outline of the main teaching procedures
being followed:-

(1) Teachers, in their own speech to children should always try to
use educated West Indian English except when, in the case of
younger children in some areas, communication is impossible









because the children are unable to understand educated English
as distinct from the creole vernacular. In the latter case, the
teacher should use the vernacular of the child until the child
achieves the common ability to recognize English used in con-
crete situations.

(2) Before the teacher has given the child the habit of producing
English patterns of speech, the teacher has to accept, without
the inhibiting practice of intermittent "correction" the natural
speech of the child. When specific English patterns have begun
to be taught, only then can the teacher insist on the child pro-
ducing English patterns, and producing at each stage only
those patterns which have actually been properly taught. This
means that free conversation, argument, description by the
child in his own vernacular, or in his vernacular plus sub-
stitute English patterns learned, must be a regular classroom
feature until the child has been taught sufficient English
patterns to replace his vernacular.

(3) The actual teaching of English patterns will proceed as
follows:-

(a) Specialist guidance is given to the teachers so that the 4-
strata classification of pronunciation, vocabulary and
grammar features earlier mentioned may be arranged in a
specific order for maximum teaching efficiency.

(b) Aural-oral foreign-language teaching methods are employ-
ed with the modifications already outlined above.

(c) The teacher promotes natural usage of the English patterns
being learned and makes them an effective substitute for
the creole vernacular by reinforcing aural-oral practice as
follows: (1) following up oral work by reading and writing
which repeat the specific patterns being learned, (2) using
the patterns taught in language lessons as frequently as
possible in other areas of the school curriculum, (3) con-
trolling the treatment of all classroom subject-matter in
such a way that frequent repetition is being given to the
specific patterns being learned, (4) getting children to
engage in frequent dramatic activity; getting children to
use language in real or imaginary speaking or writing
situations controlled or guided so as to give frequent
practice in the specific patterns aimed at.

The effects of these techniques carried out for prolonged periods is
still being studied but there is no doubt at this stage that they make
for more effective and meaningful language teaching than presently
obtains in the majority of West Indian schools.

In the first project begun in Jamaica in September 1965 the 16
teachers involved 20 were given an evaluative questionnaire at the end
of the first term's work to determine their subjective judgments about









the effects of the project. The questionnaire was completed and
returned anonymously. Two open questions as follows were given at
the end of the questionnaire:-

1. What are you least satisfied about?
2. What are you most satisfied about?

In reply to Question 1, 6 teachers found nothing that they were
least satisfied about. The remaining 10 were dissatisfied about factors
as follows:

The shortness of the term (1 teacher)
Children who could not read and write sufficiently to use work-
pages being developed in the project (1 teacher)
"Drawling" answers (1 teacher)
Children reverting to creole outside of the classroom (1 teacher)
Some children who are still not learning rapidly enough
(6 teachers)

None of the teachers were dissatisfied about any factors relative to
the teaching methods themselves. The last two types of answer showed
mistaken impressions which needed to be corrected since (a) the pro-
ject did not aim to prevent children speaking creole when creole was
appropriate in the community out of school but aimed instead merely
to teach English, and (b) the same degree of learning (especially over
a short period) could not be expected of all children.

In reply to Question 2, the 16 teachers gave a total of 31 statements
as follows:-

Satisfied with the way children respond to the method 1
The method "brings out all powers of learning" 1
Pupils more ready to record what they see or are told 1
Pupils enjoy lessons 1
The way in which correlation is possible with other subjects 2
Pupils more ready to ask and answer questions 3
Children now answer in complete sentences 5
Improvement in use of grammatical structures 6
Improvement in oral and written expression 11

The reactions of the teachers cited here are typical of the reactions
of teachers in general who are included in the teaching projects men-
tioned. But important as they are, subjective judgments of teachers
are not the only indicators of the feasibility of the methods outlined.
Samples of the spoken and written language of the children involved
in the projects are being taken at regular intervals for comparison with
the language of children in selected control schools. It will be some
time before all the analyses are completed, but some preliminary results
are becoming available and they tend in general to support the impres-
sions given by the teachers.









For example, at the beginning of the project mentioned immediate-
ly above, samples of children in the first class of school (ages 61 to 7A~
were given a picture to look at and then the children were invited in-
dividually to tell a story or say whatever they could say or wished to
say about the picture. A recording was made of each child's speech.
The same test was repeated at the end of the first term. Some figures
for the tests in one of the schools will be discussed below.

In this type of test, it has been found that, in general, Jamaican
primary school children at this age produce non-English verb construc-
tions in approximately 60% of their sentences. 21 This proportion of
non-English verb constructions decreases only slightly during the child's
school life. In children's writing at age 15, the proportion of total verb
errors is approximately 40%. 22 These non-English constructions fall
into 3 main categories as shown in Table 1.

TABLE 1.

English
Category Examples Equivalents

Name Sentence A kuoknut trii That's a coconut tree
Tuu bai in di yaad Two boys are in the yard
There are two boys in the
yard
Participle Sentence di maan laafin The man is laughing
di uman skielin The woman is scaling the
di fish fish
Non-inflected verb di gyorl av a The girl has something in
somting in ar an her hand

In respect of these verb-constructions, one of the schools in the
project, here referred to as the "experimental" school, may be com-
pared with a "control" school uninfluenced by the project. The child-
ren in Class 1 of the two schools are of the same age, come from the
same kind of socio-economic environment, and are in classes of approx-
imately the same size and with the same amount of classroom space.
The teachers have the same kind of training and schemes of work
before the project are similar. The children in the control school all
received previous infant school education. Only about one-third of the
children in the experiment school received such education, but
experience has shown that this latter factor in general has little or no
effect on speech except that the children with infant education tend to
talk more when once they get going, though the kind and quality of
the language tend to remain the same.

Table 2, compares the proportions of non-English verb-construc-
tions found in the speech of the two sets of children after testing as
explained earlier.









TABLE 2.


Proportions of non-English Verb Constructions

(a) Averages:

Control at Experiment at Experiment at
End of Term 1 Beginning of Term 1 End of Term 1
.5768 .6460 .3461


(b) Comparison of differences:


Difference
between Standard d.f. Result
averages Error

Not
Control vs Experiment .0692 .1471 33it
at beginning significant
Significant at fh
Control vs Experiment .2307 .1204 41 Sign t at 1%
at end 5 10%
Experiment at Significant at Jh
beginning vs .2999 .1664 26 > 5%, < 10%
experiment at end

The proportions in the experimental children at the beginning of
1st term and in the control children at the end of first term are closely
alike and are both in conformity with the general pattern of about 60%
non-English verb constructions. After one term's teaching of a limited
range of English structures by methods as outlined earlier, the pro-
portion of these constructions in the experimental children fell by 50%
and were replaced by standard verb-constructions.
The samples from which these figures are drawn were small and
this reduces severely the statistical significance of the differences shown
in Table 2(b) in which the Bessel correction for small samples was used.
The differences between the control and the experiment school at the
end of first term and between the beginning and the end samples in
the experiment school all show a significance at a probability con-
siderably less than 10% but greater than 5%. When all the factors are
taken into account there seems to be no reason for doubt that the
methods in use are feasible and that they are having desirable effects
on the language of the children.
Whatever such objective measurements as can be made are capable
of showing, however, the final arbiters will have to be the teachers
themselves who are in a position to judge such unmeasurables as the
degree of satisfaction accruing to themselves and to pupils through the
use of particular methods and the extent to which teaching goals, many
of them intangible, are being realized. In strict scientific terms the
methods outlined in this paper are nowhere being tried out in adequate-
ly controlled experimental conditions, as time, available personnel and
monetary considerations do not permit this. The methods are being










tried as part of the content of in-service training programmes which
the University is assisting governments to carry out. These programmes
would be going on in any case irrespective of special English teaching
methods. The limitations of this situation for precise experimentation
are obvious. In these conditions, teacher training colleges in the West
Indies need to take a greater initiative in informally trying out new
methods. By this means they may help to spread a rational replace-
ment of the traditional "mother tongue" English teaching theories still
being propounded though proving increasingly inadequate in an age of
education for all strata of society.


DENNIS R. CRAIG

Department of Education,

University of the West Indies.






REFERENCES


Le Page, R. B. General Outlines of Creole English in the British Caribbean. Orbis, VI
Louvain, 1957

2. Le Page, R. B. and De Camp. D.-Jamaican Creole, Macmillan, London, 1960.

3. Cassidy, F. G.-Jamaica Talk. Macmillan, London, 1961.

4. Allsopp, R.-The English Language in British Guiana. English Language Teaching
Vol. XII, 2, 1958.
-British Guiana Creole. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Univercily cf London, 1962.
-Research in British Guiana Creole, pp. 47-51 Of Language Teaching, Linguistics and
the Teaching of English, Falulty of Education, U.W.I., 1965.

5 Bailey Beryl-A Language Guide To Jamaica. Research Institute For The Study of Mn.n,
1962.
-Jamaican Creole Syntax. Cambridge University Press, 1966.

6. Lawlon, D.-Suprasegmental Phenomena In Jamaica Creole. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis
Michigan State University, 1963.

Marckwardl, A. and Catford, J. C.-Consultant's Report; Language Teaching and Linguistics
-in an Emergent Jamaica. Cyclostyled paper, U.W.I., 1962.

B. Kelly, J.-Progress Report On Research Into Jamaican Language Problems. Cycloslyled
paper, Dept. of Education, U.W.I., 1960.

9. Bailey, Beryl-Language Studies In The Independent University. Caribbean Quarterly.
Vol. 8, 1, 1962.
-Teaching of English Noun-Verb Concord In Primary Schools In Jamaica. Caribbean
Quarterly, Vol. 9, 4, 1963.

10. Figueroa, J.-Language Teaching: Part of a General and Professional Problem. English
Language Teaching, Vol. XVI, 3, 1962.

Gray, C.-Teaching English In The West Indies. Caribbean Quarterly, Vol. 9. 1 & 2.

A.-English In The West Indies. English Language, Teaching, Vol. XX, 2, 1966

13 Walters, E.-Learning To Read In Jamaica. University of the West Indi 1958.

14. Jones, J. A. (ed.)-Language Teaching, Linguistics And The Teaching Of English In A
Society, Faculty of Education, UWI, 1965.











15. Student Researches. Since 1964, these include 24 Dip. in Education studies of the language
of small samples of Jamaican children and some individual reports of experimental
language teaching over one or two-week periods by Professional Certificate students in
primary schools. There are in addition a considerable collection of student investigations
relative to language problems dating back several years.

16. Teaching experiments. These began in 1965 and at present involve 5 schools in St
Catherines Jamaica, and 6 schools in suburban and rural areas around Port of Spain
Trinidad. They are not scientifically controlled experiments but samples of the speech
and writing of children are being studied and an attempt is being made to assess special
teaching methods.

17 Caribbean Educational Publications Ltd. is attempting to assess language habils and
language needs of children in Trinidad, Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica and some other West
Indian territories. Ten-minute samples of children s speech have been collected and are
being analysed for this purpose.

18. For discussion of some of these problems, see for example:
Rice, F. A. (ed.)-Study of the Role of Second Languages. CAL., Washington, 1962.
Stewart, W. (ed.)-Non-Standard Speech and the Teaching of English. CAL, Washinglon, 1964
Shuy, R. W. (ed.)-Social Dialects and Language Learning. N.C.T.E., N.C.T.E., U.S.A., 1964.

19. See for example Walters, op.cit., page 39.

20. Craig, D. R.-Field Project For Improving The Teaching Of English In Primary Schols--
Report for July to December, 1965. Cyclostyled, Department of Education, U.W.I.

21. Diploma in Education student researches of 1964-65 show this average for rural children
in respect of the types of sentence stated.

22. Craig, D. R.--A Comparative Study Of The Written English Of Some Jamaican And
English Children. Unpublished M.A. Ed. Thesis. University of London, 1963.










Applied Soil Science Research

in the Caribbean

ONE OF the major problems in young universities of developing
countries is to formulate the right kind of programmes of research
which benefit the community served by the university and at the same
time are attractive to members of its staff. This is especially true in
Faculties of Agriculture which have many commitments over and
above their usual teaching responsibilities. Invariably these Faculties
are closely associated with regional agriculture, usually the most
important industry of emerging nations, and often they are charged
with the solution of practical problems.

In his presidential address to the British Society of Soil Science in
1958, W. T. H. Williamson raised the question whether soil science was
a science or rather a hotch-potch of sciences applied to the study of
soils. There are good reasons for asking this question, for soil science
draws its research workers from many disciplines such as geology,
chemistry, physics, botany, geography, agronomy, to name some. This
in turn means that the subjects covered by soil scientists are nu-
merous and varied, ranging from. the study of the best use of land or
the response of crops to the application of trace elements, to the
detailed examination of crystallography of clay minerals or the micro-
biology of soils. Obviously a soil scientist cannot be an expert In all
these fields and must concentrate on one subject or a small group of
allied subjects. In the past this is what happened in the Caribbean.

Just after the first World War, the West Indies had the good
fortune to have F. Hardy, a geologist, appointed as Professor of Soil
Science at the Imperial College of Tropical Agriculture. This was at
a time when, with a few notable exceptions, little was known about
tropical soils and practically no soil research had been done In the
tropics. During the following thirty years Professor Hardy and his
co-workers gained an enviable international reputation for their soil
studies in the West Indies. This work was biased towards classification
and pedogenesis of tropical soils, particularly those of the Caribbean,
but there was also a certain amount of soil fertility investigations
associated mainly with the growing of cacao.

After Professor Hardy's retirement from I.C.T.A., soil research
continued at St. Augustine and valuable contributions have been made
by' P. Moss working on the potassium status of West Indian soils and
by I. T. Twyford in his studies on the nutrition of bananas. More
recently, C. W. Smith and D. W. Walmsley' have completed other work
associated with soil research; the former has produced predictions of
irrigation needs of most of the islands in the region, while the latter









has found valuable correlations between the phosphate status of some
Caribbean volcanic soils and the response of bananas growing on that
soil to the application of phosphatic fertilizer. However, from the
mid-fifties until present, the main emphasis has been on the ex-
tensive soil and land-use survey of the British islands of the Carib-
bean. When completed there will be a total of 29 reports but to date
just over twenty of these reports have been published or are in the
press. All field work has been finished except for that in the parishes
of St. Thomas, Trelawny and St. Ann in Jamaica.

These reports contain a remarkable amount of useful information
and have proved invaluable to agriculturists throughout the region,
especially in Jamaica and Barbados where good use has been made of
the maps and land capability assessments. For example, in Jamaica
the Agricultural Chemistry Division of the Ministry of Agriculture
and Lands has compiled a series of Technical Guide Sheets which are
based on the Regional Research Centre soil survey reports and which
recommend the best crops and fertilizers for the important Jamaican
soils. This remarkable combination of soil survey report and technical
guide sheet is a magnificent achievement and, if not unique in the
tropics, is certainly one of the best examples of this kind of co-opera-
tion. Nevertheless there are many gaps in our knowledge of soil fer-
tility in the West Indies and perhaps the most obvious is the lack
of a co-ordinated fertilizer programme, especially in food production.
Neither the soil survey reports nor the technical guide sheets contain
references to results of a fertilizer programme planned to provide the
data necessary for the foundation of an efficient advisory service.
Without detracting from the value of what has already been accom-
plished in islands as Jamaica and Barbados, it must be realized
that modern advice on fertilizer usage is no longer based on rule-of-
thumb methods, but instead is a highly skilled technique. The devel-
opment of such techniques for the Caribbean must be given the high-
est priority if maximum benefit is to be derived from the existing
excellent central analytical service in the R.R.C., and if the use of
fertilizers is to have the greatest possible impact on the agriculture
of the region. Manufacturers have already set up plants in Trinidad
to produce nitrogenous fertilizers, but it is the responsibility of agri-
culturists to ensure that these locally produced chemicals are used
as efficiently as possible.

U.W.I. is fortunate in having a well-trained, enthusiastic soil
science staff who are experts in a wide range of subjects. For
example, work is already underway to investigate problems asso-
ciated with the mineralogy of volcanic soils, the phosphate status of
Jamaica bauxite soil and volcanic island soils, the immobilisation of
phosphate in Barbados soils, the uptake of nutrients by Pangola grass,
denitrification, bad drainage, faulty aereation and irrigation. How-
ever, although it is desirable for individual workers to have their









own interests such as those just mentioned, it is also absolutely
essential that any research organisation must have a central, com-
mon theme to which all experts can contribute. Otherwise effort is
dissipated, research becomes piece-meal and has no noticeable impact
on the agriculture of the region. It is the intention of the soils
departments to make a large regional fertilizer programme its main
theme and to carry it out in the closest possible liaison with local
departments of agriculture. In this way research workers can develop
common interests and, at the same time, make a valuable contribu-
tion to the agricultural industry. Some critics maintain that applied
research such as this should not be done by the University but ex-
perience here and elsewhere has shown that a properly organised field
experimental programme can not only solve some of the most pressing
agricultural problems, but can also provide a thoughtful research
worker with enough fundamental material to satisfy his professional
appetite.



Theme of Future Research


Having decided that a fertilizer programme is to be the main
theme of future soil science research, an explanation must be given
of what technical information is being sought and how it can be
collected.

The aim is eventually to have an advisory service which has
enough data to produce information charts of the type given in
Figure 1. For example, if it is found that a soil with no added fer-
tilizer contains x p.p.m. of a nutrient or a non-fertilized crop contains
x% of that element, the response of the crop (increase in yield) to an
application of 1 cwt/acre of a fertilizer containing that nutrient would
be b cwts/acre and to 3 cwts of the same fertilizer would be d cwts/
acre. Similarly when the soil content is y p.p.m. or the crop has y%
then the responses to 1 and 3 cwts/acre of the fertilizer would be a and
c cwts/acre respectively. Obviously the greater the content of an
element in soil or plant, the smaller the response when that element
is added as fertilizer to the soil. For brevity the relationship between
responses and soil or plant measurements are shown here to be
similar, but in practice separate relationship curves would be obtained.

Frequently it is claimed that information such as this already
exists in the West Indies, but this is contrary to the findings of
I. J. Partridge who reviewed most of the fertilizer work done between
1935 and 1964. He obtained his data from all possible sources in the
Caribbean (143 references) but found that many of the results were
unreliable and had to be discarded for a number of reasons. In many
instances there was no evidence that the experiments were properly
designed or that their results were statistically analysed. Often ex-









periments were described one year, but the following year no men-
tion was made of their results, frequently because pests and disease
rendered data suspect. Consequently, Partridge accepted results only
from pest-free and disease-free experiments, properly designed and
with results which were statistically significant. A summary of his
results for various crops in the British Caribbean region is given in
Table 1. These results may be interpreted as showing that there is
good evidence for the need of N and K fertilizers and moderately good
evidence for the need of P fertilizer. In addition, Partridge did the
same calculations -for different crops on each island but there was
insufficient data to arrive at definite conclusions for any crop except
sugar-cane. Undoubtedly there is more information than reviewed in
his study but, if so, this serves to emphasize how difficult it is to pro-
cure such information and clearly illustrates that results, not properly
communicated, are virtually worthless.


Table 1

Response to fertilizers by various crops in the
British Caribbean Territories (1935- 1964)

Fertilizer Total No. of No. showing significant % showing positive
experiments positive responses responses

N 139 88 63

P 124 42 34

K 124 56 45


What information therefore is required to produce for the Carib-
bean relationship curves (fertilizer response-soil or plant measure-
ments) similar to those shown in Figure 1. To begin with, the yield
responses which can be expected when a standard rate of an N, P or
K fertilizer (e.g. 1 cwt/acre) is applied to a crop grown on a large
number of contrasting soils must be obtained. At the same time lab-
oratory measurements must be made on the soils and crop to ascer-
tain their N, P asd K status when no fertilizer is added. Having col-
lected such data as given in Table 2 for N, a correlation value and a
relationship equation are calculated so that an appropriate curve for
the addition of 1 cwt of fertilizer can be drawn. Similar data must
be obtained for P and K and for application of 2 and 3 cwts/acre of
fertilizer.

The most reliable method of obtaining information about respon-
ses of a crop grown on various soils to fertilizers is to do a large
number of field experiments during at least two or three seasons.
Therefore the soil survey maps must be used to select and locate the









Table 2


Response of crop Measurement of soil N Measurement of N
Soil to 1 cwt/acre in control plots (NO) in crops grown in
S. of A. by incubation method control plots (NO)
(cwt/acre) (p.p.m. in (% in oven-dry
oven-dry soil) material)

A 3.5 40 0.19
B 7.0 15 0.12
C 1.0 65 0.21
D 0 80 0.23
E 5.0 25 0.15
(probably
100-200 soils)

Correlations between Crop Response and
(a) Soil measurement, r -0.81
and (b) Crop measurement, r -0.75

The relationship equation may be of the form:-
R = 1.01-0.21 N + 0.0172 N2

Where R = Response of crop (cwts/acre) to fertilizer application
N = either soil or plant measurement of nitrogen.

Note: All the values in this table are hypothetical.

important soils on each island, an appropriate calibration crop must
be chosen, and a large number of trials must be laid down. At each
site a Nitrogen, Phosphorus and Potassium calibration experiment will
be necessary and from each of these sites soil samples will be taken
before fertilizer is applied. Working with the soils, research chemists
will ascertain by laboratory and greenhouse techniques those measure-
ments which give the best correlations with crop responses. For ex-
ample, an incubation method may be found satisfactory for assessing
soil mineral N, acid and alkaline extractions of P may be best for
acid and calcareous soils respectively and exchangeable or intensity
measurements of K may be appropriate for West Indian soils. When
the techniques have been worked out, they will be adopted by the
Central Analytical Laboratory as their routine methods of soil analysis.
the plant, and the time of sampling must all be worked out before a
standard routine method of crop analysis can be adopted.

R. K. CUNNINGHAM
Dept. of Chemistry & Soil Science,
University of the West Indies.





























d








z


b - ,- -




S -_------_- ---- -- Pe
I I



I I



x y



SOIL CONTENT (ppm)
in non-fertilized
plols
CROP CONTENT (% )


Fig. Curves of relationship between increase in yield and
soil or plant measurements for 3 rates of fertilizer.









REFERENCES


Moss, P. (1963). Some aspects of the cation status of soil moisture.
Pts. 1-111. Plant & Soil, 18, 99-113, 114-123, 124-132.

Porlridge, (1965). A review of fertilizer experiments on food crops in the Briti
Caribbean Territories, 1935-1963. D.T.A. Research Project, U.W.I.

Soil and Land-Use Survey Reports, R.R.C., U.W.I., Nos.

Twyford, T. (1962). Banana Investigations. Section Report No. 7, R.R.C. U.W.I.

Williamson, W. T. H. (1959). The discipline of sil science. J. Soil Sci., 10, 1-4.











The Meaning of Art

THERE is a story about the pianist Arthur Schnabel that serves
as a very apt illustration of what most of us might feel when we
try to write on a subject like this. At the end of lone of Schnabel's
recitals a young 'man came up to him and said, "Herr Schnabel, I
thought your playing of 'that Beethoven Sonata was wonderful. But
tell me-what does it all mean?" Schnabel did not say a word. He
sat down at the piano and started playing the whole sonata all over
again.
The more we try to explain art in everyday, language, to parcel it
up into doses of instant intelligence, as it were, the more we realise
that its meaning can be explained only in terms of itself. We may
read the most lucid writings of the greatest critics of art in general
and works of art in particular, but they always remain the merest
shadow of the thing itself; so this article makes no pretensions to
being anything other than a modest attempt at clarifying a number
of thoughts and impressions about what art is and what its effect
upon us might be.
We might begin by finding the basic feature that distinguishes
art .from non-art. All of us realise instinctively that a painting of the
Blue Mountains is a work of art, but the mountains themselves are
not; a perfume by Lanvin can be a work of art, the scent of honey-
suckle is not; Beethoven's "Pastoral" Symphony is art, the sounds
of nature that parts of the Symphony evoke are not.

Art, then, is entirely man-made. It begins as thought or imagina-
tion generated in the mind of man and is then expressed and given
permanency through the manipulation of certain materials-paint,
fluid, sound, wood, word or stone. In fact, whenever materials are given
form, whenever they are controlled by the intelligence and skill of
man, then we have art in its widest sense.

Anything that originates from man must be closely bound up with
man's experience of the world around him. But experience is nothing
but a part of eternity. It has no shape and no form. It is a kind of
perpetual ebb and flow that is not confined within a top or a bottom,
a beginning or an end. To the average man it is almost incoherent:
colours and shapes are half-recognized; sounds go unheeded; words
are merely veils for concealing thoughts, and of the countless action
that take place, few rise above the habitual or the commonplace. And
of what lies behind that which can be seen heard or felt, the average
man remains largely unaware.

But the artist is born with an unusual degree of sensitivity both
to the tangibles and the intangibles of experience. He possesses a









kind of "intra-sensory" perception that is continuously being refined
and developed. And when the results of this refining and developing
find adequate expression, then we can look to the arts for a greater
awareness of ourselves and the world around us.

Out of the confused impressions of experience the artist isolates
one infinitesimal aspect that holds particular significance for him.
Through his skill, he recreates it in an image peculiarly his own-one
that is at once an expression of intuited absolute values and of known
personal ones which he seeks to communicate to his fellowman.

But his work of art must be self-contained. A picture must occupy
a certain area of space, a sonata a certain length of time, a sculpture
a certain cubic area of space. Each of these things, then, having
"edges" in space and time must embody what they wish to express
in a shape that will give them coherence and unity.

This constitutes both the strength and the challenge of art: the
strength in that it satisfies a basic need in man .for order and dis-
cipline, balance and harmony which his practical everyday life does
not allow; the challenge in that the artist, to communicate effectively,
must assemble his ideas in the most vivid and ordered way possible.

The greatest masterpieces of art have been, among other things,
masterpieces of inspired design-as we find in works such as "The
Virgin of the Rocks" by Leonardo or the Opus 110 of Beethoven; and
one of the most interesting results of centuries of artistic endeavour
has been the tremendous number of conventional forms that have
evolved: the sonnet, the sonata, the unities of time, place, action and
so on.

But what is the function of art? Briefly: to intensify, to clarify,
to interpret.

It intensifies both sensations and emotions. Seeing a wicker chair
standing in a room is merely a signal to most of us to sit down. When
it becomes the subject of a painting by Van Gogh that same chair
is transformed to a different plane of reality where its colour, shape
and texture are suddenly charged with new life and significance. The
emotions of love and hate, hope and grief which of necessity are dif-
fused by the quixotic demands of practical, everyday living becomes
intensified when they are disciplined to the deliberate and explicit
patterns of artistic form that we find in a tragedy like "Macbeth" or a
novel like "The Idiot".

In the same way, our sensations and emotions are clarified. A
bowl of fruit on a table is, for most of us, merely a vague sensation
of colour and shape until a Cezanne projects it for us in a pattern that
is lucid and harmonious. The blindness of pride and the possessive-









ness of love are emotions most of us experience; but we rarely under-
stand the tragic implications of either until a Sophocles writes an
"Oedipus" or a Shakespeare an "Othello"

The third .function of art-that of interpretation-may refer to
nothing more than an arrangement by a Picasso of objects on a table.
On the other hand it may interpret for us a whole chapter in the
history of Christianity as Bach does in his St. Matthew Passion. It can
interpret the hopelessness and faith, the cruelty and nobility, the
suffering and ecstasy of life which all of us experience, but whose
essence, for most of us, remains hidden or fleeting.

We often hear the saying "Art bakes so bread"-and it is quite
true. From the practical point of view all art is completely useless.
But man, throughout history, has proved himself incapable of living
a purely practical and functional existence; proved it in his deter-
mination to distil alcoholic drinks, to pursue sensual excitement, to
create art-in a thousand different ways. But where most of his forms
of escape .from practical living, such as getting drunk or seeking
promiscuity, are escapes from life, art, on the contrary, is an escape
into life. Not only does it give pleasure that gratifies the senses of
sight, hearing or touch, but it also allows us to take away what Plato
calls "a quickened and multiplied consciousness" that helps us to a
deeper knowledge of ourselves and the world around us.

It has always been the artist, rather than the historian, who has
best reflected his age, its thoughts and aspirations, its manners and
customs; and always the artist who has sensed the nature of the
cosmos with an instinct and intuition of uncanny perceptiveness:

I saw Eternity the other night,
Like a great ring of pure and endless light,
All calm as it was bright;
And round beneath it, Time in hours, days, years,
Driven by the spheres
Like a vast shadow moved, in which the world
And all her train were hurled.

What was written three hundred years ago by the poet Henry Vaughan,
is only today being explored in reality. Should not those of us, then,
who wish to probe the mysteries of our present age look to the arts
to reveal to us the direction in which we are going, to renew our
appreciation of the old values and to sharpen our awareness of the new?

Where art is concerned, too often the shadow has been allowed
to obscure the substance with the result that it has gathered about
it an aura of preciousness, a general and mistaken belief that it is
the sole property of the aesthete and the intellectual. Most of the
time the isolation of the aesthete and the arrogance of the intellectual









merely get in the way of art. No artist creates his work with the sole
idea of communicating It only to those who have reached a certain
level of education or a certain degree of intellect. He creates it for
anyone who has eyes to see or ears to hear.

All we must remember is that we shall never find in any work of
art anything that is not already within ourselves. And here we dis-
cover, along with the need for order and balance, for sensuous and
aesthetic pleasure, for knowledge of ourselves and our nature, one
more need that art satisfies in man: that of having the reassurance
of meeting a kindred mind that can express, in their highest form,
one's own, unexpressed concepts and intuitions.

If we can strip ourselves of prejudice, of the blindness that comes
of pre-conceived ideas, of the insensitivity we are wont to cultivate
as a protection against each other, then we shall be prepared for
the endlessly .fascinating and rewarding study of the artist's "mys-
terious power of presenting in a riddle the solution of the world's
problems"

It might be appropriate to end this brief study with a story that
was written by David Drew as part of the Preface of Robert Craft's
"Conversations with Stravinsky"-for in the end it is art and the
artist who matter most; not we who talk and write about it.

"When it was heard that the great poet would be passing through
the town, a request was sent that he should address the public in
the market place on the subject of his works and ideals. The town was
in a remote and little visited part of the provinces, and books were
hard to come by in those days before the Revolution. The local scribe
who was known to have literary tastes was asked to speak a few words
of introduction in order that the townspeople should not be blind to
the greatness of their visitor and the honour that was being done.

When the day and the hour arrived, a, number of the inhabitants
were gathered in the market place, and the great poet made his way
to the platform accompanied by prominent persons of the town. The
scribe bowed to the poet and began his words of introduction. Soon,
inspired by the majesty of his theme, he put aside his few notes and
spoke of all the work of the great poet had taught him, which, in-
deed, was almost all he knew and cared for.

He explained in words of many syllables how the poet had taught
him the great uses of little words, and how he opened the eyes and
souls of all who read him. He spoke of the problems of versification,
but also of the sacred fires of inspiration and the power of the artist
to change the past, the present and the future.

All the while the crowd in the market place grew and many who









had just arrived and knew no better remarked with disappointment,
"This must be the great poet speaking"

If the sun had not begun to sink behind the mountains and If
the cold shadow had not fallen on the market place the scribe might
never have found his ending. But the going down of the sun reminded
him of his humble duty, and he stopped.

The great poet rose to his feet and, thanking the scribe gracefully,
said that there had been much food for thought in his words: those
who sold rice were seldom as hungry as those who grew it. And with
that single remark, which few on the platform understood, he called
for his belongings and went on his journey much relieved, for in
truth he never liked to speak about his works or his ideals, preferring
to let others come and find them."


PAMELA O'GORMAN











An Houre Glasse of Indian News
OR

A true and tragicall discourse, shewing the most lamentable
miseries, and distressed Calamities injured by 67 Englishmen,
which were sent for a supply to the planting in Guiana in the
geare. 1605.

Who not finding the side place, were for want of victuall,
left ashore in Saint Lucia, an Island of Caniballs, or Men-eaters
in the West-Indyes

Written by John Nicholl, one of the aforesaid
Company.


THE FIRST "tableau" of the short historical pageant that was pre-
sented before H.M. Queen Elizabeth and H.R.H. the Duke of Edinburgh,
on their visit to St. Lucia, depicted the arrival of an English ship,
the "Oliph Blossome," off the coast of the island in A.D. 1605. That
was undoubtedly appropriate, as 67 passengers from the "Oliph
Blossome" were the first known Englishmen to attempt a settlement in
St. Lucia. In fact, they were the first known Englishmen to attempt
a settlement in the West Indies. Sir Thomas Warner only established
his colony in St. Kitts in 1623, and Sir William Courteen's emigrants
only settled in Barbados in 1626. However, the 67 passengers of the
"Oliph Blossome" came into contact with fierce, cannibalistic Caribs
in St. Lucia. Those Caribs proved themselves treacherous and fell upon
the Englishmen. At the end of a few weeks, only 19 Englishmen
remained alive. In fine, the 19 survivors managed to get away on a
Carib "periagua" only to meet with "most lamentable miseries" at
sea and on the Spanish Main.

The story of those 67 passengers of the "Oliph Blossome" or the
"Olive Branch", as the real name seems to have been, was related and
published in A.D. 1607, by one who took part in the tragedy a certain
JOHN NICHOLL, traveller and author. His book was entitled AN
HOURE GLASSE OF INDIAN NEWES. It has been preserved at the
British Museum, London. Through the good offices of Dr. Helen Wallis,
of the British Museum Map Room, the writer of these lines came to
know of the HOURE GLASSE, and was able to obtain photocopies of it.
For which he is particularly grateful, as up to that time he had relied
upon an abridgement of the story in PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES, a
collection of travels published in 1625. He acknowledges also with
thanks the permission given by the British Museum authorities to
reproduce the photocopies, and the help given in the transcription of
the text of 1607 by Mrs. Owen King and Mrs. Peter Bergasse, of Castries,
St. Lucia.









John Nicholl, of course, belonged to his time. On the fly-leaf of
his book he excites the curiosity of the reader by calling his publica-
tion "A true and tragicall discourse," as above. After this "appetiser"
Nicholl has an elaborate dedication to Sir Thomas Smith, Governor of
the Company of Merchants of London trading to the East Indies. One
dedication, however, was not enough for our traveller-author: he has
one also for the Reader another piece of flowery prose which is
sprinkled with bits of Latin. Even after that, one must take patience.
Nicholl now treats the reader to short pieces of Latin and English
verse. In the 8 Latin lines a poet, who signs I.C., advises the reader to
"join other times" to his own; to "join distant places to those that are
near." Thanks to Nicholl's book, he says, the delighted mind goes out
to meet the "life of the Indians, part of human life." In the 4 English
lines a poet, who signs H.S., philosophizes somewhat nebulously on
things that are "Deare bought, far sought."

All which preliminaries having been dealt with, Nicholl launches
out into his "true and tragicall discourse," which is now being repro-
duced. But even here he cannot refrain from another little introduc-
tion. In accordance with modern trends, the spelling of the text of
1607 has been modified to suit 20th century eyes. But the original
structure of the sentences has been preserved. So, too, have the
capital letters which abound in Nicholl's text.








A
True and Tragical Discourse,
showing the most lamentable miseries,
and distressed calamities, endured by
67 English men, which were sent for a
supply to the planting in Guiana, in
the year 1605.


To make a long and tedious discourse of that which may be uttered
in few words, experience teacheth, doth rather move a loathing in the
Reader, than any way procure a liking either in reader or hearer: in
which respect I have rather desired briefly to deliver a plain truth,
which of itself to the wise and discreet is ever most acceptable, than
with filed phrases, or eloquent terms (which indeed in me are wanting)
to add anything more than is most true, neither to represent, or lay
open to the view of the world, aught more than what myself with my
associates have had as woeful experience, as ever (in my judgement)
had any creatures living under the Canopy of Heaven: only thus much I









think it not impertinent to deliver, for the better explanation of that
which followeth, I make no question, but that the greater sort of
people, which either have travelled themselves, had conversation with
travellers, or employed themselves to much reading, are not ignorant
that in the main of America, in that part thereof which is vulgarly
called The West India, amongst many other large Territories & Domin-
ions, is the great and mighty Kingdom of Guiana, situated near about
the middle of the said continent, or somewhat more southerly, it being
near under the Equinoctial line, the Southern most part thereof, and
extending itself to about some 5.026 degrees of North Latitude, being
bordered on the South-west with Peru, on the South with Amazonis, on
the North with Mexico, and on the East with the Ocean Sea.

The said Country of Guiana was first discovered or made known to
our English Nation, as far as I can learn, about the year of our Lord
1594 at the charge and direction principally of Sir Walter Rawleigh.
the same again seconded by himself the year following: afterward
again by Captain Keymish and others, at the charges of the said Sir
Walter Rawleigh it being reputed to be the chiefest place for gold
Mines in all the West India: but the prosecution thereof being left off
for a time, by what occasion I know not, It so happened that in the
year of our Lord 1602, Captain Charles Leigh made a voyage thither,
for the discovery thereof, and finding a fit place for habitation, determ-
ined to procure the planting of a Colony there in the River Wiapica,
which said determination at his return being put in practice, with the
furtherance and special charge of the worshipful Knight Sir Olive
Leigh, certain men were sent thither, there to inhabit under the con-
duct of the aforesaid Captain Charles Leigh, who remained there about
a year and a half, where he with many of his company died. For a
supply unto which company, was another company sent, in the year
1605 at the charges of the said Sir Olive Leigh, and certain other
adventurers of which company myself was one, all under the conduct
and leading of Captain Sen-Johns, who being embarked in the Olive
Branch of Sir Olive Leigh, whereof was captain and master under God.
Captain Catlin and Arthur Chambers.

Being thus ready, we set sail the twelfth of April one thousand
six hundred and five, nothing happening worth note, till we came as
high as the North Cape, where an English Barque overtaking us, four
of our Gentlemen, by reason of their sickness were desirous to return
home again, so that getting their passage for Lisbon, they took their
leave of us, whose names were, Master Rogers, Master Catlin, Master
Sanders, and another whose name I do not now remember. So we con-
tinued our course to the Canaries, and so to Cape Blancko in Barbary
and from thence to the Isle of Mayo: in which time of our voyage it
fell out as often it happeneth in such actions, that our company being
divided, (as being some sea-men, and the rest land-men, who are for
the most part many times of contrary natures) there was some heart-
burning and malice one against another, which rested not only in the
common sort, buit rather and most chiefly in our captains, whose
haughty minds not brooking contradiction on either side, had like to
have grown to a dangerous dissension, had it not been appeased by the









diligent persuasions of some other of the company, whose plausible
spirits were more addicted to unity and peace, than any way liking of
such dangerous and indirect courses, they well fore-knowing that civil
discord has been the overthrow of mighty kingdoms, and great common
weals, and therefore well might have been the bitter subversion of our
so weak slenderly governed company. But all parties being now (as it
seemed) to the outward view quieted, we went ashore upon the said
Isle of Mayo to take in fresh water and salt, where we found 5 Portugals.
which had been robbed by the French, and there set ashore, where
having stayed five days hunting of Goats, and refreshing of our men,
we departed to Saint lago, where we landed the five Portugals, in reward
of which kindness of ours, the Inhabitants took three of o'r men, and
kept them as prisoners while they sent seven leagues into the Country
to know the Governor's pleasure, and at night sent them abroad again
having taken certain commodities from them, which they had to buy
some of their fruits.

From thence (having weighed our Anchor) with a merry gale we
sailed towards our desired place to the country of Guiana: but missing
of our expectation, here began the first scene of our ensuing miseries:
for whether it was our Master's want of knowledge that we fell not with
the desired place, or that the current which our master alleged to be
the reason, that setting very strongly to the North-wards, put us so far
short thereof, or whether (as of all others that is most certain) it
pleased God in that place at that time, and in such a manner, to let rs
feel some part of his heavy displeasure, conceived against us for our
times formerly misspent: so as I say the ending of our hopes was the
beginning of our miseries: for plying to and again, wandering as it were
in a wilderness of woe, betwixt hope and despair, the time passed away
and with the time our victuals, the only hope of our health exceedingly
wasted: thereupon our allowance was greatly shortened, & with the
same & other occurrences our men's minds very much distracted, which
bred amongst us many fearful & dangerous mutinies. And as one
misery cometh still in the neck of another, so fared it with us: for with
our want of victuals, we being near unto the Equinoctial, and the Sun
in that part of the Zodiac which was near unto our Zenith, it was so
exceeding hot, that with the vehemency thereof many of our men fell
marvellous weak, and some of them died, namely our Carpenter's mate
John Browne, our Cook, and Robert Paine, and many others were so
weak, that they were not able to come above the hatches. This
extremity caused us (though against our stomachs) to entreat the
master to bring us to the nearest shore he could. And so having been
seventeen weeks at sea, instead of our hopeful expectations of attaining
to a pleasant, rich and golden Country, and the comfortable company
of our friends and Country-men, there as we supposed then resident,
we were brought to an Island in the West India somewhat distant from
the main, called Santa Lucia, having about twelve degrees of North
latitude, inhabited only with a company of most cruel Cannibals, and
man-eaters, where we had no sooner anchored, but the Carebyes came
in their Periagoes or Boats aboard us with great store of Tobacco,
Plantains, Potatoes, Pines, Sugar Canes, and divers other fruits, with
Hens, Chickens, Turtles, & Iguanas: for all which we contented and









pleased them well. These Carrebyes at their first coming in our sight,
did seem most strange and ugly, by reason they are all naked, with
long black hair hanging down their shoulders, their bodies all painted
with red, and from their ears to their eyes, they do make three strokes
with red, which makes them look like devils or Anticke faces, wherein
they take a great pride

The next morning we went ashore with all our weak men, where
there was five or seven houses planted by a pleasant fresh water River.
which Captain Sen-Johns bought for a Hatchet of an Indian Captain
called Anthony, who could speak a little Spanish, and he told us he
had been a slave to the Spaniard in the Isle of Margareta: so he and
all his company went to another town some three miles off.

Whilst our sick men were ashore refreshing themselves, our Master
would have departed, and have left them to shift among the Carrebyes,
but Captain Sen-Johns, and the chief of our company would not con-
sent thereto. And seeing it was in vain all of us for to venture home
in the Ship with that small allowance, we were willing to come ashore,
and there to live until it should please God to send some means to
bring us away: upon that condition they should deliver unto us one
great piece, and every man his Musket and weapons, and half the
ammunition in the ship, with all our Chests and commodities whatso-
ever, which he would not grant, before we had subscribed to a certain
Writing which he wrote to excuse himself at his return into England:
so we received four little Barrels of powder, and ten round Bullets for
the great Piece, which when we brought ashore did much fear the
Indians, for they asked us if we brought it to kill them. But to please
their humours, we told them it was to kill the Spaniards, and then they
came and helped us ashore with her, and with all our Chests, of their
own accord.

Now after they had delivered all things ashore out of the Boat.
we thought it good to stay her, and to keep her for our own use, for we
did not know what needs we might have of such a commodity after-
ward: so we sent the sailors aboard in an Indian Boat, only three would
not go but would stay with us: so we were in all left ashore threescore
and seven in the Isle of Saint Lucca (sic).

At night when we were all sitting together at supper about a great
fire, which they could well perceive from the ship when it was dark:
and as it should seem in revenge of their Boat, before they departed
they purposed to let us know they were not well pleased with the action,
they shot a great piece at us with a single Bullet, but as it pleased God
it fell down by the side of our house, and missed us, which if it had
come amongst us we sitting so thick, it could not have chosen but have
been the death of many of us.

This made Captain Sen-Johns discharge our piece at them, with-
out intent to hurt them, but fairly overshot them: for he might have
sunk them, and would if they had shot once more: then presently they
weighed Anchor and departed.









The next morning Captain Sen-Johns went in the Boat, with fifteen
more in his company, to trade with Anthonio his father for Roan cloth,
which he had saved at sea great store: but when we came there, con-
trary to our expectation, we found our ship there trading with them,
who had incensed the Indians sore against us, telling them that we
were bad people, and would take all they had from them, and would
cut their throats.

And as we rowed along the shore, they discharged half a dozen
piece of Ordinance, and a volley of small shot at us, but their great
shot overshot us, and light upon the rocks, and scared the Indians
ashore mightily, and their small shot light short without harming us.
Their determination was to drive us from our Boat, or else to have
sunk her, for their great shot came so thick that we were forced to
leap ashore into the Woods: then they manned their Periago, and came
to take our Boat away, which we perceiving entered her again, and
escaped all their malice: so we returned home again safe, and they
departed toward Saint Vincent, the eighteenth or nineteenth of August,
1605.

After the departure of our ship we remained in peaceable manner
amongst the Indians, daily trading with them for all manner of victual.
as Plantains, Potatoes, Penas, Papains, Pumpkins, Callobashoes, Pappes.
Mammies, Guavas, with divers other fruits, and Tobacco abundance,
all very pleasant to eat. Also they brought Turtles, Iguanas, Hens and
Chickens, Wood-cocks and Snipes, with some Pelicans.

As for the Turtles, we ourselves did use every night by courses to
send out six to catch them, which is easily done, by reason that every
night they use to come ashore, and lay their eggs in the sand, and by
the heat of the Sun they are hatched. At their coming out of the water
they do make as broad a track as a Cart with their fins, by which means
we are led to the place where they do sit, and so we turn them on their
backs, which being done, they can do nothing but so lie till they be
dead. The meat of them doth eat like unto Veal, and I have seen taken
out of one of them to the number of six or seven hundred eggs, which
we do fry with the fat or oil of the Turtle, and also with Cassada we
did make exceeding good White-pots and Puddings, putting the Eggs
and Oil into it. Also the Iguana is proportioned like a Serpent, more
than an ell long, with four short feet. In eating it is like a Rabbit, and
hath in his belly to the number of five and twenty or thirty Eggs.

This Cassada is a root of a tree, whose juice is poison: but being
squeezed, the flour doth make an excellent kind of bread, and will
keep long.

The Indians did marvel much at our manner of dressing our meat,
and they would be familiar, and would dine with us very often, but by
no means we could not make them eat salt: for they use to eat all their
meat seasoned with Guinea Pepper: their women came very seldom
unto us, for they are very jealous over them. Once or twice there came
some women with them, unto whom we gave shirts to cover their naked-
ness, whereof they seemed proud: Their ancient women are very ugly,









by reason of their side breasts, which doth lie like empty bags: but
those which have not given suck, are well proportioned and proper.

Also we had a Net, with the which we could get at one draught as
many fish of divers sorts, as would serve all our company a day.

A little before our arrival, three Spanish ships were cast away, and
much of the goods these Indians had saved with their Boats, and hid
it in the Woods, they had so much Roan cloth, that all their Periagoes
had sails thereof. They also had great store of stuff, Serge, and
Spanish woollen cloth, cloaks and apparel: insomuch that if we had a
Barque of forty tons burthen, we could have laden her home with such
commodities as would have made a saving voyage. All which we could
have bought for hatchets, knives, beads, fish-hooks, and thimbles, with
other trifles.

Thus for the space of five or six Weeks, we went not much abroad,
but cut down the Woods about our houses every day, and mounted our
great Piece upon broad Tables, which we ourselves had sawn, lest the
Carrebyes should at any time assault us.

Soon after this, there came another Captain from Saint Vincent,
called Augraumart, which was brother to Anthonio, who was offended
with him for selling the houses unto us: for the which cause Anthonio
bid us kill him, and told us he purposed to bring twelve Periagoes laden
with Carrebyes to kill us, but we found this Augraumart very kind unto
us, and was willing to do, or tell us anything we desired him, for he
taught us to make a Grater, which he made of small sharp flint stones
beaten into a broad board to grate our Cassada on, whereof we made
our bread, and he told us, that Anthonio would cut our throats, and
therefore bid us kill him. This made us doubtful which to trust to.

We had certain Articles drawn, which were to be observed, wherein
Captain Nicholas Sen-Johns was Captain: his brother Alexander
Lieutenant, Miles Pet, and Philip Glascock were commanders for the
appointing of our Watch: John Rogers was our interpreter for the
Spanish tongue, and was to buy and bargain with the Indians for all
the company, both for commodities and victuals, Master Garret, Master
Tench, Francis Brace, and myself, were appointed to order the domes-
tical matters.

All the occasions that we made whereby the Carrebyes* should fall
out with us, was that one of our company did sell a sword unto Captain
Anthonio, which was contrary to the Articles we had set down, for none
was (upon pain of severe punishment) to sell either Sword, Dagger or
Hedge-bill: which when we knew, Alexander Sen-Johns with a dozen
more went to his house, and found him in his bed, which they call an
Hamaco, with a little fire under him because he was not well, and the
Sword standing by him, which young Sen-Johns took and brought forth
to us. This drove him into a great rage against us, for never after
that would he be familiar with us.

* Carebie signifies in their language, A valiant man.









The Carrebyes did wear for an ornament upon the small of their
naked arms a four-square plate, which Master Browne a Gold-refiner
told Captain Sen-Johns had three parts of it Gold, who asked the
Carrebyes where they got it: who presently pointed unto a great
Mountain on the North-west part of the Island, whose top we might
see from the place where we dwelt: but Anthonio said there was none.
These contrary tales made us suspect some villany, and that it was but
a policy to draw some of our company thither, whereby they might the
better deal with us: for at home they durst not attempt anything
against us, both for fear of our great Piece, and also we would not
suffer them to bring their bows and arrows within our Centinell. Yet
our Captain would not be content till we consented that he should
go to the Mountain, and took with him all sorts of commodities to
bargain with the Indians for Cloth, and he took old Browne the Gold-
refiner, and his son George Browne, John Rogers, Master Looking, the
three sailors, whose names were, John Fleming, Thomas Butler, Owen a
Welshman, James Garrett, & one Joseph and Christopher, two Grocers,
and one Master Evans, with divers more, to the number of sixteen.

And upon A Monday they all embarked in the Boat taking eight
days victual with them, promising to return betwixt that and the next
Monday, leaving his brother Miles Pet, Philip Glascock, M. Garret, M.
Tench, and myself, to rule at home. Upon Tuesday & Wednesday the
Indians did not come unto us with victuals as they had wont, which
made us after suspect that they were at the slaughter of our men at
the Mount: & upon Wednesday, myself with 3 more went to Anthonlo's
house, where we found a great number of women, but not passing half
a score men, making great preparation of victuals: some baking of
Cassada, others roasting and boiling of great fishes and Turtles. I
offered to buy some of them, but they refused and would not, neither
would they look of any commodity we had, which made us much marvel:
for before that time they never denied us: so we departed, & by the
way we light of a narrow path wherein we travelled a little, and all
along the way did grow abundance of Guava trees, whose fruit is as
big as an Apple, and very pleasant to eat: the green ones are whole-
some for the bloody flux.

We had not travelled a Mile, but we entered down by a Thicket
into a most pleasant Garden of Potatoes, which drove us into great
admiration to behold the manner of it, for it was made round like a
Bower, encompassed with a green Bank, so equally, that made us think
some Christians had made it for a strength to save them from the
Indians: and upon the top thereof did grow a company of the most
tallest Trees that ever I beheld, which did naturally grow so near to
one another, and so thick from the root to the top, that we could not
perceive the sky through them. But following the path, we perceived
it to pass through a narrow cut in the bank, where we travelled two
or three miles further, passing through many goodly Gardens, wherein
was abundance of Cassada, Potatoes, Tobacco, Cotton-wool-trees, and
Guava trees, in divers places as we travelled we did marvel to see the
huge and great trees that were there: for most of them were five or six
fathoms about, and fearing that we should be benighted, we returned









the same way again, with as much green Tobacco, Potatoes, and
Cassada, as we could carry, which did much content our men at home-
for the Indians had not brought any victuals in three days before.

At night six of our men went to seek for Turtles, and found two
very great ones, but could not bring them home. For when they had
turned them on their backs, it began to rain, thunder, and lighten so
extremely, that they had much ado to get home themselves, and so it
continued all night, with the most horrible thunder-claps that ever I
heard, with lightning and rain as light as day, which caused us to
awake, and after prayers to sit all night by great fires, drinking of
Tobacco, with extraordinary mirth amongst ourselves, little foreseeing
the danger that befell to us the next day.

Early the next Morning, we went to bring home our Turtles, and
there we found a great number of Carrebyes on the shore, and three
or four Boats by them, roasting of land Crabs, -for what purpose they
were so gathered together we knew not, but lest we should suspect them
of any bad intent towards us, they willed us to eat with them, and
brought home our Turtles to our houses.

All that fore-noon we kept good watch, for there was very many
which came both by Sea and land and Augraumart and his father came
with a great number of Indians, and brought in his hand a quarter of
a Turtle, and a hundred Eggs, and gave them to young Sen-Johns, and
told him, that if he would go to his Brother Anthonius (sic) house, he
should have great store of victuals, and that he should see his wife,
and the more to persuade us to go, he promised that we should have
Hammocks for to sleep in, which is the beds they use.

Their Women doth make them of Cotton that grows naturally on
the Trees, whereof they have abundance. We many times made sale
unto them for their Hammocks, because they would be a means to save
us from the Stings of a certain fly called a Mosquito, the which would
so torment us with their poisoned stings, and cause us to swell as
though we had the Leprosy, for they would sting through three pairs
of Stockings, but they were not willing till now on the sudden that we
should have any. And because they were so kind to us, we took them
all into our houses, and were very merry and pleasant with them, and
gave them Aqua vitae which they delighted much in.

But Master Tench (who had wont to be a curious corrector of us
in our merriments) did show himself so extraordinary pleasant, that
he fell a singing of Catches with the Carrebyes, and caused them to
drink carouses of Agua vitae and water.

If we had been determined to have killed them, we might have
done it at that time with small danger, we had a hundred and above
of them within our houses without either bow or Arrows. And when
some of our company made such a motion as to put them to the Sword
(for some of us was half and more jealous of them, that they had
done some mischief to our captain, by reason one of our company did
say, that he heard an Indian say, that the Captain of the English had









his hand cut off at the Mount) but this was not regarded, but was
imputed that he had misconstrued the Carrebyes' language. Master
Tench was against it, saying: God would not be pleased with such a
bloody Act, against such harmless people, and therefore willed us not
to do it without they gave the first occasion, wherein he wronged him-
self and us all, in seeking to save the lives of them, who within three
hours after most cruelly murdered him.

Before Dinner they all departed, but Augraumart and his father,
who dined with us. And presently after dinner, eighteen was chosen
to go to Anthonio's house with Augraumart and his father, who had
neither bow nor arrow: only his father had a Brazil sword.

This they did lest we should suspect their treachery. But we not
fearing any treason, because we had been often times well used there
before, went on boldly.

And some of our company thought that the very sight of our Pieces
was sufficient to terrify them, for attempting any villany against us.
And therefore did not regard either to charge them, or to light our
match.

In this careless and secure manner we travelled through a little
neck of land which runs far into the Sea, and then we entered upon
the sand, which was so extreme hot with the reflection of the Sun
that we were not able to travel apace, being loaded with our Pieces.

But Master Alexander had put off his Doublet, and gave his Boy
his Piece, & went jesting & playing arm in arm with the two Carrebyes
a good space before us, until we came to a point of Land a quarter of a
mile from Anthonio's house, and then he called us to come forward,
but he being light and cool, did keep a great way before us still. And
when he least suspected danger, Augraumart made as though he would
embrace him, And suddenly clasping held with one hand on his Rapier,
and the other on his Dagger, and his Father with a great Brazil Sword.
struck him down before we could come at him, but he recovered again.

Then came the Arrows so thick out of the wood, that we could not
get our match in the Cock for pulling the Arrows out of our bodies: so
amongst us all was but five or six pieces discharged, which when the
Indians saw give fire, they did fall flat on the ground, shouting and
crying with a most hellish noise, naming us by our names when they
hit us.

Then we retired back to a point of land, thinking there to have
fitted our pieces, and to have given them a volley of shot, But there
came another Ambush on our backs, and round about us, in so much
that we were enforced to forsake our pieces, and betake us to our swords,
which did much encourage them, for when they see we could not hurt
them with our pieces, they would come so near us, as though they pur-
posed to make choice in what place to hit us, of some they shot in the
faces, others through the Shoulders, and of others, they would nail
their feet and the ground together.









Master Budge and Robert Shaw ran into the sea, and there were
both drowned and killed with Arrows, Master Tench had a little Buckler,
with the which he did save himself a long time, but at the last an
Arrow passed through both his legs, that he could not go, and stooping
to pull it out, they killed him, and if any one of us offered to run at
one or two of them, they would run away, and of a sudden twenty or
thirty would enclose us, and still shoot Arrows in them till they were
down, and then would they with a great Brazil sword beat them to
death, and after would rifle them: Master Kettlebye did behave him-
self very gallantly, for he did not respect what arrows he received in
his body, so he could but reach one stroke at a Carrebye, but they
were too nimble for us in regard they were naked.

Yet nevertheless, we run through them all, thinking that if we had
escaped that ambush, there had been no more to trouble us, but as I
was a pulling Arrows out of his body, to the number of twenty at the
least, there came the third ambush out of the woods from whence
came an Arrow and hit him in the Breast, which he perceived would be
his death, for he could not stand but as I held him, but I was forced
to let him go, and shift to save my self.

Then I overtook young Sen-Johns his body almost full of Arrows,
of which I pulled out a number, But what for the blood that run from
him, and the extreme heat he was in by his running, he was not able
to overtake the rest of our company that was before.

And still the Carrebyes did gather ground upon us, and the Arrows
came thick on every side.

Then he willed me to entreat them stay, and when I had overtaken
one, I caused him to stay, which he was unwilling to do, for he told
me his Sword would not come forth of the Scabbard, so I took hold of
the Hilts, and betwixt us both pulled it out, but before we had made
an end, these cruel and bloody Carrebyes had encompassed young Sen-
Johns yet (to my grief) I did stand and behold his end, who before he
fell did make them run like so many Curs from a Lion: for look which
way he ran, they all fled before him: his body was so laden with Arrows.
that he fell to the ground: and upon one hand and knees, he did keep
them from him with his Sword, so much he scorned so basely to die
at their hands.

We two were then the only marks they aimed at: for having rifled
young Sen-Johns, they pursued us very hotly, which caused us make
haste to four of our fellows, who were entered into a narrow path,
which leadeth through the woods, from the sands to the Houses where
we dwelt: but there was in the path another Ambush, which drove
them back to the sands again: and when they saw us so hardly chased:
they entered the path with us again.

The one side of the path was a high Mountain, the other went
down a low Valley. The first four took up the Mountain, by which
means, they were a fair mark for them to hit, who dropped down one
after another.









All this time, neither Harry which was M. Stokely's man (a Merchant
now in Bucklersbery) nor myself was shot: but as we thought desper-
ately to run through them in the narrow path, there came an Arrow
and pierced quite through his head, of the which he fell suddenly, and
I ran to lift him up, but he was dead without speaking one word to
me at all.

Then came there two Arrows and hit me in the back, the one
directly against my heart, the other through my shoulder blade: so
(with my sword in my hand) I ran upon them desperately, thinking
(before I had died) to have been the death of some of them. And in
my running, I saw Captain Anthony, with an Arrow in his Bow drawn
against me, who stood until I came very near him (for he purposed to
have sped me with that shot) which when I see come, I thought to put
it by with my sword, but it light on my hand, & passed therein the
handle of my sword, and nailed both together: but I continued running
at him still; and before he could knock another, I made him and all the
rest turn their backs, and run into the sands again: which opportunity
when I espied, I leapt into the wood, down to the valley, where I found
a great Lake: And hearing them, with great shouts and cry, which they
use in sign of triumph and victory, pursue me still, I leapt into the
Lake, with my sword nailed to my hand, and two arrows in my back,
and by the help of God swam over, but with much ado: for the further
side was shallow water, but I waded in mud up to the waist, which
had almost spent me.

Now when I was over, I conveyed myself into the thickest parts of
the wood, making all the haste I could, to give my fellows, which were
at home, warning, lest the Indians should set on them unawares: and
in my going, I came into a path, and sought for a great tree, to see, if
by the aim of the Island, I could perceive which way our houses stood.
Then suddenly I heard a great noise, which made me stand behind a
tree, and there I saw two or 3 C. Indians go by me, which I imagined
were going to set on them at home: but it pleased God I got home, &
gave warning before their coming: so Miles Pet charged our great Piece,
and all our men were in readiness for their coming. Then presently,
they all came in slight upon the sands, whom we sent away (by shoot-
ing of our great Piece) & came no more in 3 days: in which time, we
fortified ourselves with our Chests: And upon Monday morning (before
we had made an end of prayer) there came to the number of 13 or 14 C.
Indians (both by sea and land) & there beset us round, making a noise
with their Horns, and made most horrible cries, which they do use, the
more to terrify their enemies: and we did answer them again with the
like cries, dividing ourselves into 4 parts, according as we had made our
Forts of our Chests, placing five in every Fort, and three to the great
Piece, where Miles Pett, myself and another was. Then they shot their
Arrows among us as thick as hail, and lest they should follow in upon
us and make use of those Arrows again, we gathered them all, together.
& made great fires with them before their faces, and many times they
purposed to rush in upon us by multitudes, & to have beaten us down
with their Brazil Swords: But our great Piece was so mounted, that
very readily we could turn it which way we pleased, and look which









way their greatest company went, we let her fly amongst them. So
perceiving that they could not prevail against us, they put Cotton wool
upon the end of their Arrows, and put fire on them and shot at our
Houses which were made on long Canes or Reeds, and suddenly took
fire by reason of the heat of the day, & burned down to the ground,
fastening on our Chests which were our Forts, and burned all down to
the ground, the extreme heat of the flame did make our men forsake
their Forts, and retire behind the great Piece, to the Sea-side, which
encouraged the Carrabies mightily. M. Willam Kettleby lay close
unseen of the Indians upon the sand, and with a long Piece he would
reach them 12 score paces, & galled them much: otherwise, they would
have come on the backs of us by Sea, but he shot their Boats through
and through, and scared them for entering that way. Now, when all
our men were fled behind the great Piece, only Philip Glascocke &
Richard Garrat stood behind the smoke, and marked where they pur--
posed to enter, & each of them discharged half a score times at them:
At last, Philip Glascocke received an Arrow in his head, and Richard
Garrat one in his Breast, and two in his back. And when the Indians
saw that all were fled but them two, they purposed to enter through
the smoke upon us: but in the entering, he gave a warning to Miles
Pett to turn the Piece against the smoke: which presently we did, and
let fly amongst them and drove them all back, with most lamentable
shrieks and cries: no doubt but that shot was the death of many of
them: for she was charged with stones. Then they blew their great
Horns, and all retired back to their Boats, without shooting one Arrow
at us.

After that our house was burned and all our Chests, which before
were our Fort, we fortified ourselves with the remnants of the stakes,
and thatch which we saved from burning, setting it in the ground
slopewise, covering it with Sand & Earth, which saved us ever after
from their Arrows.

In all these extreme dangers and imminent Calamities which all
this while we endured, let the Christian Reader judge in what a per-
plexed state we were plunged, seeing still one misery to follow another,
and each misery far exceeding the former: As first, our danger at Sea
to be famished: then a comfortless remedy against Famishment, to be
left in a far remote and unknown place, amongst a cruel, barbarous and
inhumane people, without hope of ever having any means to recover
the sight of our native and dear country and friends: Then the loss of
our Captain (and others) which before (in all extremity) was still
some comfort unto us: And now (lastly) these lamentable stratagems
of the massacre of our fellows and friends, therein seeing as in a Glass,
the utter ruin and Butcherly murdering of our own selves, being we
made most assured account to drink of the same Cup: But this was
the least of our fears, and not the greatest of our miseries: For being
now for a time rid of our bloodthirsty enemies*, our provision of victuals
being all wasted, spent and spoiled, and having no means to get any
more, it would have moved the heart of the cruellest Tyrant in the

SWhich departed in their Periagos









world to compassion. But in the midst of all this unendurable misery,
it pleased God (contrary to our expectation, in some sort) to relieve
us even by our enemies: For when all the rest were out of sight, one
Periago returned very well provided of victual, and three or four came
on land, with as much as they were able to carry of Cassada, Potatoes &
Plantains, and cried unto us to exchange with them, first holding up
their Bows, and after laying them on the ground again in sign of peace:
which we perceiving, sent out three likewise to bargain without weapons,
carrying Knives, Beads and other trifles: Which being done, they
departed, and we returned, giving praise to God (thus miraculously)
for to feed us, for we had no means of ourselves to get any.

Then, the Net (with which we had wont get as much fish of all
sorts as would suffice us all for a day) the Indians took from us.

Thus for the space of 6 or 7 days, every day fighting for the space
of three or four hours, and then our victual began to fail again, which
caused us to hold out a Flag of truce: which the Indians perceiving,
came in peaceable manner unto us. Then one Francis Brace (by means
of his French tongue) made them understand that our desire was to
give them all that we had, if they would let us have a Periago to carry
us away, which one Captain Antonio willingly consented unto, and the
next day after brought her, drawing her ashore within the compass of
our Forts, we giving them, of Hatchets, Knives and Beads until they
were contented: And to please them the more, we gave them everyone
a Shovel or a Spade, and so they departed.

And then we went all to work, some to make the Sail, which we
made of very good Roan-cloth, and some to make the Mast: and every-
one did labour all that he could, to be ready against night: for Antonio
told us, that his Brother Angrauemart (sic) would come the next day
from S. Vincent with twelve Perriagos, all laden with men and Arrows:
whose words we always found true, for he could not dissemble.

And we concluded, rather than we would stay and die so miserably
at the Carrabies' hands, who thirsted for nothing but to eat our flesh
and drink our blood, as they had done with many other of our fellows,
we promised unto the LORD (who had all this time fought for us,) to
betake our selves unto his mercy, and doubted not but that he would
guide us safely to some Christian Harbour.

And upon the xxvi of September, 1605, at one o'clock after midnight,
we embarked all xix in that little Vessel or Boat which the Indians had
made all of one tree, she was not so broad as a Wherry, but it was
almost as long again: Our Ropes for our Sail were our Garters, and our
Yard, a Lance: She had a little Rudder or Helm, but not one of our
company had skill how to use it, neither had we Compass to direct us,
but sailing by the Sun in the day, and by the Stars in the night, keep-
ing always betwixt South-west and West: For we imagined, the main
Land of the West-Indies lay so.

The Victuals that we had, were not sufficient to serve that com-
pany three days: for we had not above twenty Biscuits, three Cassada









Cakes, a dozen Plantains, and some thirty Potatoes: and of Water, some
four or five Gallons, & a little Barrell half full of Rice, which Master
Garrard had given him to serve in the Country of Guyana, if we had
gotten thither.

And as it pleased the Lord, he had saved it, until this our great
necessity for the preservation of our lives: for all our other victual
was gone in two days, our water in three days, & then Richard Garrard
gave to every two of us a Porindish of his Rice twice a day, which we
washed in salt water & so ate it raw. Thus we continued at Sea, seek-
ing for land for the space of ten days, where we endured one great
tempest, although to our great peril, looking always when we should be
swallowed up in the huge waves, the storm continuing for the space of
four and twenty hours, both boisterous for wind and rain (for all the
Sea was in a white foam) which was unto us in the midst of our danger,
a great comfort: for we saved the rain water and drank it gladly, thank-
ing God for that good refreshing: who likewise sent the very fowls of
the air to feed us, for they being weary of their flight, would rest them
on the side of our boat, so that we took them and dried them in the
Sun, with a little Gunpowder and ate them. Our boat was so near the
water, that every wave came over her ready to sink her, but that four
of us did nothing but lave it out again by courses. To speak of the
misery we endured there, it is impossible; for I cannot express it.

Upon the tenth day after our coming forth of S. Lucea (sic), being
the fifth of October, one Thomas Morgane died, not being able to live
of that small allowance. And at twelve o'clock at ncon we threw him
over-board: and within an hour after, it pleased God to glad us with a
joyful sight of the land: then we hoisted up our sail, fell to row with
all the force we could, making to the nearest place, imagining all
dangers were past.

But the wind being calm, we were benighted before we could come
at it, and so wanting the light of the day, we were upon the Rocks
before we were aware: and by reason that the breach of the wave was
so great and violent, we could not hold her off, but (forcibly) ran
against the Rocks, and there split our Boat to the very middest, and
all our men turned out, I only holding the Helm, thinking the next
Wave would heave her over the Rocks, not knowing her to be split.

But the Breach was so great, that it turned me under, putting me
in great danger to be grated to pieces with her weight above me against
the great Rocks: And at the last, we all recovered our selves, some
sitting upon great Rocks, others on the roots of great Trees, thinking
there to save our selves till the morning: And I finding a long Pole
which fell out of our Boat, took it and asked if any would venture to
the shore with me: which Francis Brace perceiving, took the other end:
So we two waded to the Land, and then the rest all followed, and some
brought Perrywinkles in their hands, and broke them out of the shells
and did eat them raw: then every one cried out for fresh Water. So
William Pickes and myself went to seek for water: but we had not
gone half an hour, but we came to our Fellows again, without finding
of any Water to comfort us withal. So, the place where we landed,









proved to be a broken Island encompassed with the Sea, about a league
from the Main.
As soon as it was Day, we digged pits in the ground for fresh water,
but could find none that was to be drunk: some went to the Boat to
save such commodities, as were left undriven away with the Sea: Others
found Perrywinkles on the Rocks, which was all the victual we had to
eat: but our stomachs were so weak, we could not eat above two or three
a day. Thus not knowing what course to take to save our lives from
famine, one Myles Pet, William Pickes, and myself went and haled the
Boat out of the rocks to the shore, which was split to the very midst,
and so far with our swords we cut off, & put in a head in the midst, and
fastened it with our Daggers, Knives and Bodkins, stopping all the leaks
with our shirts.

So five of our company ventured in her to the main land, their
names were Myles Pett, William Kettlebie, William Pickes, Francis
Brace, and William Butcher, leaving Richard Garrard, Philip Glascocke,
John Coxford and myself with the rest in this hungry and desolate
Island. And at last it pleased God to bring them to the mainland: they
haled their Boat alongst the shore, crossing many great rivers, wherein
they were pursued by divers devouring Serpents of the Sea, as the
Alligortos, who are of such force, that they will pull a horse under water
and devour him, and will travel more than two leagues from the water
to seek their preys: And also that greedy Shark, who hath three ranks
of teeth set like a saw, and will bite off a man's thigh at one snatch.

Yet God preserved them miraculously: And when they were like
to give over travelling, being in despair for ever to find any Spaniards
for to succour them with food, God pitying their estates, guided them
to a place where they found a great Earthen, pot full of wheat, flour*,
which they boiled with fresh water, and satisfied their hungry appetites
with thanks to God for the same. And within two days after, they met
with three Spaniards, and with half a dozen Indians and Negroes.
travelling from Carraccas to Coro, driving horses and Mules laden with
Merchandise.

Who seeing their weakness for want of victual, unloaded their
beasts to feed on the grass, whilst they fed our hungry men with plenty
of their good cheer, showing them great courtesy, suffering them to
ride, & went themselves afoot two or three days, till they came to a
town of civil Indians, called Tocoya, where they stayed to refresh them.

And there they let the Spaniards know in what miserable case they
left us in a desolate Island, where we endured the greatest misery that
ever men did and live: for we continued fifteen days, having no kind
of meat but Perriwinkles or Whelks, Tobacco, & Salt-water, which did
nothing at all nourish us: yet it took away the desire of hunger, and
saved us from eating one another.

In that fifteen days five of our company pined to death for hunger:
Their names were John Perkins, Edward Greene, Jerome Swash, Thomas

A pot of flour set in a Cave by some Indian.









Stubs, and an old man called John. Tobacco was the chief food I found
to do me good, and did preserve my life, and those which could take it
down, did keep strongest, but those which could not take it at all,
died first.

By noting one or two of our men to die, we knew when any of us
drew near our death, which was, first they would swell very big, and
after, fall to the very bones, and then wanting natural strength in their
backs to hold up their heads, it would fall down and droop in their
bosoms, and within twelve hours after they would die.

Francis Brace, having more strength than the rest, guided the
three Spaniards to the Island where we were*, we little expecting it, for
we thought they had been killed, either by wild beasts or Savages, and
we had given over looking for comfort, but every one particularly
desiring God, that himself might not be the last man of dying: which
conceit was worse than death itself unto us. But his return did add
much comfort unto us in that distress: for they brought us victual,
which when we had eaten had almost killed us, by reason of the weak-
ness of our stomachs, being so far spent, that we could not digest it,
although we did eat it very sparingly.

The next day the Spaniards carried us to the main land, where
we had horses brought us, and the goods we had, they took it all for
the King of Spain's use, and then they conveyed us to Tocoya, where
we which were weak remained for fifteen days, and those which were
strong went to Coro, fifty leagues from Tocoya.

At the 15 days end, one of the three Spaniards, whose name was
Signior Carow Vallo, came for us with horses, who showed himself as
careful to us, as if we had been his own Countrymen and friends, & in
5 days brought us to Coro to our fellows, where we were brought before
the Governor, and by a Fleming which could speak a little English,
which had been prisoner there sixteen years, we were examined of the
cause of our coming on that coast, who excused us very well, for he
knew, that if we confessed whither we were determined to go, meaning
Guiana, they would either have put us to death, or condemned us to
the Galleys to row. But he told them, that we never purposed to come
into the West Indies, but that we were by misfortune and tempest
driven on that coast, and told them of all the miseries and dangers we
had endured and escaped, which drove them into great admiration,
saying we were devils and not men. And the Fleming told us, the
fathers of their churches said, that if we had been good Christians, we
deserved to be canonized for Saints: but in regard we were Lutherans,
it was more by the devil's means, than by the providence of God we
escaped those dangers.

So all the chief of the Town being there, every man was desirous
to take one of us, who did not use us like prisoners, but were as care-
ful of us as of their own children, not suffering us to want anything
that was necessary for the procuring of our health.

*At the 15 days end,









Myself being extreme sick of the Callienturo, one Captain Peroso,
who married his daughter with whom I dwelt (whose name was
Francisco Lopus) having good skill in Physic, came daily to my chamber,
& there let me blood, purged, and dieted me, giving his daughter in
charge not to let me want anything, by whose courteous and tender
usage, it pleased God to restore me to my health and strength again.
There in Coro two of us died, who was Thomas Fletcher (he was servant
to a silk man at the sign of the Angel in Cheapside) and one Foulke
Jones a shoemaker.

In Coro eleven of us remained alive, being all that was left of three
score and seven, for the space of five months, every day going to one
another when we pleased, and often riding into the Country, where
the Indians took great delight in our company: for at our coming they
would provide all kind of delicious fruits, which were in most abundance
in that country, and kill Deer, and wild Porks for us, & would bring us
Apes, Monkeys, Parrots, and anything that they thought we delighted
in.

The Country there about Coro doth yield abundance of Sugar,
Honey, Ginger and Pitch: Also, they have very good Wheat growing
there, but their Bread is altogether made of Maize, of the which they
have great plenty: for they reap four times a year. This Maize, they
do make it with the juice of Sugar-Canes, which makes it an excellent
kind of Bread, and it will keep long as Biscuit. Also they make their
drink of this Maize and of Potatoes, which is very strong and sweet, for
the Indians will quickly be drunk therewith.

Whilst we were there, a Spaniard rode into the Country to a place
of his (with his Brother) to make Tobacco, where he had many Indians
dwellling: one of his chief Indians (which used to be familiar with
him) took a new Hatchet (which his Master had brought with him)
and asked his Master what it cost, & suddenly clove his head therewith.
which his brother perceiving, ran for his Rapier, thinking to revenge
it: but the Indian women had stolen it away before, and so they killed
him also with their Bows and Arrows, land three of four Negroes which
seemed to risist them: And thereupon he fled to the Mountains, gather-
ing a great company unto him, promising them, that if they would aid
him against the Spaniards in Coro, he would give them their Wives &
daughters in marriage: But before they put it in practice, Captain
Pernoso, by a policy, took him feasting amongst his fellows and women,
and took thirty with him, and brought all to Coro, where they were to
suffer death with great torments, to terrify the rest, not to do the like:
And of some, they cut off their thumbs, and cut the sinews of their two
fore-fingers, whereby they wanted the benefit of shooting.

Our entertainment was such, that we could not desire to part from
them, to come into our own country, without offending them: For there
being a Frigate at Coro, ready to go for Carthagena, four of us made
entreaty for passage, which was Philip Glascocke, Richard Garrard,
William Pickes and myself, all the rest being in the Country upon
pleasure, some in one place and some in another, and when the Ship









was ready to depart, our Signiours persuaded the Governor not to let
us go, without he had a Letter from the Vice-Roy, that we might pass
in safety into Spain, and so for England: and then he shewed them a
Letter, that it was at our own choice, whether we would go or tarry:
yet because they were loath to part with us, they willed the Fathers of
their churches to tell us, that if we would stay, we should be as them-
selves, and they would willingly bestow their Daughters and their goods
upon us.

Also they told us, that now England & Spain were all one in
Religion, and that our Saviour Christ came in a Vision upon the Cross.
and appeared before our King's Majesty, and told him that he was in
an error, and bid him turn, and be as the Catholics are, for they are
good Christians: and how at the sight thereof, three of our chief
Bishops were struck into a trance for the space of three days, and after
they recovered again, they preached that they should all recent and
become Catholics: adding further, that the King had sent to the Pope.
to send learned men into England, to teach their Doctrine aright: which
we well perceived, was only the suggestion of their Popish Priests, there-
by to have made us hearken to their Doctrine: yet notwithstanding all
their allurements on both sides, our desire was for our own Country:
And so, three procured means for to go.

But William Pickes, by means the Governor said, that four was too
many to venture in the Ship, was stayed.

So, about the last of April, Philip Glascocke, Richard Garrard, and
myself, took our leaves to depart, leaving all, with whom we dwelt,
very sorry: who gave us great store of provision for our passage, and
wept, as though they had parted from their own brethren and Children.

They were very loath to let us go to Carthagena, for fear we should
be put into the Galleys. And the Governor of Coro himself, wrote unto
the chief men of Carthagena, in our commendations. As to Don Pedro
de Barres, who was his son in Law, but it took small effect: for as soon
as we arrived there (which was the sixth of May, within four days after.
we were committed to Prison for Spies by the Tenientie*: for the
Governor was dead, not three days before we came: yet we carried one
Letter from Coro, written by Signior Gesper Sansious, in our behalf, to
Signior Antonio Canbero, who proved a special friend to us: for we
had not been an hour in prison, but he came to us & comforted us, &
bid us not to fear, for we should not want anything wherein he could
pleasure us: so he went to the Tenientie, & preferred 3 of his Negroes
to set us at liberty: & if we made an escape, he should have those
Negroes for his own use.

The worst of these Negroes, was worth 300 Ducats: but he would
not, neither would he allow us any Victuals.

But this Canbero sent us every day at noon one very good meals
meat.

* The x. of May we were committed. 1066.









Also, there were three Englishmen, who served as Mariners in the
King of Spain's Galleons of Plate, who after that they were at Sea,
were by a very great tempest of weather driven back again to
Carthagena, in great danger to be sunk: for she had twelve foot water
within her: some of them escaped to the Havanna, and five of their
most richest Galleons were in the Shoals betwixt Carthagena and the
Havanna lost: these three Englishmen did allow us twelve pence a day,
so long as we remained in prison.

Every Saturday, the Tenientie doth sit upon matters concerning
the Prisoners, with his Alcades or Justices.

This Tenientie commanded, that we should be sent to the Galleys
Then one Aloade who was always found a favourer of Englishmen, his
name was Signior Francisco Lopus de Moralis, called for our Examina-
tion, which when he had perused, he told him that he could not with
Justice commit us. Who answered again, Then let them remain in
prison, until the Galleons come from Spain for the Treasure.

Then, within two months after, a Deputy Governor was chosen,
unto whom a Portugal* (who was our great friend in the prison) framed
a Petition, which was delivered by John Frengham, our Country-man.
Whose Answer was to him, that if we could procure any Spaniards to
bail us for our forth coming, we should be at liberty.

Which grant, Signiour Francisco Lopus and Antonio Cambero had
no sooner heard of, but they entered in Bond of a thousand Ducats for
our forth-coming.

The cause, why Francisco Lopus did this for us, was because Captain
Drake, when he took Carthagena, did save all his father's goods, and
his life withal.

And at our delivery, the Tenientie told us, that although by order
of Law, they could justly have put us to death: Yet seeing God had so
miraculously saved us, and that we had endured so many miseries to
save our lives, and that only we came to them for succour and relief,
they were content to set us at liberty.

Then Francisco Lopus brought us a discharge from the Governor
to the Jailer for our delivery out of prison, and brought us all three
to his own house, where was provided for every of us a several bed, for
the country is so hot, we cannot lie but one in a bed. Our entertain-
ment was great, and all our services in plate, with great variety of
meats, and all the most delicious Indians (sic) fruits whatsoever, and
yet he thought we never fared well, without he sent us one extra-
ordinary dish or other from his own table. Also many Gallants resorted
to his house to play at Cards, who would show themselves very liberal
unto us at their winning

There we continued in great pleasure, until the Galleons were ready
to go for Spain with the treasure.

* Who was Prisoner also.









The City of Carthagena Is a place of great force, for by Land, you
can not come to it, but one way, which is strongly guarded: it is
(almost) encompassed with the Sea: It hath four Castles, two at the
entrance of the Harbour, and one within, where Chains are drawn
across the water. The fourth is within the City, where their Court of
guard is kept, of 500 Soldiers: and it hath four Churches.

The day before we embarked*, there came two more of our company
from Coro, which was Miles Pet and Richard Fame. Francisco Lopus
procured us passage in three several Ships: Philip Glascocke, Miles Pet
and Richard Farne in the Ship, called St. Bartholomew: Richard
Garrard, in La Madre de Deos: myself in La Santa Cruse. So we were
a month** in sailing to the Havanna, which is near three hundred
Leagues from Carthagena.

In the Havanna, we lived all ashore with eighteen pence a day for
our diet.

It is a place of great strength, for It hath 1 great Castle built upon
the Rocks at the entrance of the Harbour, and another within on the
other side, which command all the Town and Harbour: And the three
within the town, where Don Pedro de Valdes was Governor, which was
Prisoner in the Tower 1588.

There they victualled the Fleet, and watered and repaired their
ships, & because they had no victual to serve all the Fleet, they left
two ships there, the one whereof was that wherein our three men were
placed, called the S. Bartholomew: the other the S. Vincent. And
about the tenth of October, we departed for Spain by the Bermudas, and
shot the Gulf of Florida in eight days against the wind, and so we were
nine weeks in sailing betwixt the Havanna, and the coast of Spain: the
tempest and storms we had were wonderful great, in so much that all
the Fleet were dispersed, and not above two ships did hold company
together, which put them in great fear, lest they should have met with
the Flemings, who might with three good ships have taken all their
treasure with small ado: for every little Caravel did put them in fear,
thinking her to be a man of war.

And within three days before we came in sight of Spain, we over-
took one of the company, which had been long wanting. And the
Master of the Santa Cruse, wherein I was, thinking to welcome her with
a peal of Ordinance, went himself without the ports to charge a piece,
and suddenly fell into the Sea, and before we could bring the ship astay.
he was drowned.

And upon the fifteenth of December we came against the bar of
Saint Lucas, but could not enter, because the wind was contrary. Then
came the Galleys out of Cales, and towed us into Cales, where they un-
loaded the treasure. This made well for us which were prisoners: for
they were so busy with the Plate, that they never regarded us: for
when the Captain and Soldiers were gone with it, we went ashore to

SAug. 25.
**Sep. 20.









Cales without controlment: And when I thought to have been secure,
the Captain, with whom I came home by chance, met me in the street,
and called me to him, and said, that I did know how that I was deliver-
ed unto him as prisoner, and willed me to come to him in Saint Lucas,
and there he would seek a discharge for me. And I promised him that
I would come: but afterward I feared that he would have delivered me
to the Justice; & so not daring to trust him, I never came in his sight
more, but sought all means for my passage, which I found harder to get,
than when I was in the Indies: for our own Countrymen would answer
us, that they would not endanger themselves, to take us, without we
had a discharge from the Spaniards.

Whose uncomfortable speeches did much dismay us: so we remain-
ed in Cales, in Saint Lucas, and in Seville, without any hope of passage,
one month and more, at the charge of John Frendgeham, William
Gourdon, Joh Dane, who was chief Trumpeter of the Spanish Fleet,
and John Painter, a Musician: And at the last, (despairing of passage)
M. Garrard got passage for Sandwich: And myself made moan to Master
Barwicke, Master of a little Ship of Welles in Norfolk, called, The George,
who at the first word, granted me passage. So on the second day of
February, 1606, he landed me safely at the Downs, in Kent, giving me
two shillings to bring me to London.



FINIS.






The HOURE GLASSE is reproduced without notes or com-
mentary. Dr. Ripley R. Bullen, of the Florida State Museum, is to
carry out research in St. Lucia in May, 1966, to find the supposed site
of the "Oliph Blossome's" visit in 1605, and the sites of the dwelling of
the Caribs with whom the "Oliph Blossome's" passengers came into
contact. It is hoped that the results of Dr. Ripley R. Bullen's findings
may be published in the QUARTERLY with some clarification of the
original text of the HOURE GLASSE.

REV. C. JESSE, F.M.I.










Book Reviews


Leroy Taylor Consumer's Expenditure in Jamaica,

ISER, U.W.I., Jamaica, 1964. 145 pp. 25/-

DR. TAYLOR'S monograph, which arose out of a doctoral thesis
submitted to the University of London, is a welcome addition to the
small but growing list of empirical studies on various aspects of the
operation of West Indian economies. Dr. Taylor sets out to test the
relevance of the received theory of consumer behaviour to Jamaican
conditions and concludes that, by and large, it is applicable.

In particular the study is aimed at identifying the various factors
which affect the way in which consumers dispose of their income and
to measure the influence exerted by the most important factors. While
recognizing the role of sociological and demographic factors such as
the location, age and sex composition of consumer units as important
determinants of the pattern of consumer expenditure the author
admits the difficulty of incorporating these variables into the system.
The major part of the study therefore revolves around the behaviour
of consumers' expenditure in response to changes in income-other
things being assumed to remain constant.

This poses the problem of which of the many formulations of
m:)tio:a function is most useful in specifying the relationship
jEtwcn aggregate consumption and income in Jamaica. In other
words, does consumption change in response to changes in the
absolute level of income, or to changes in "relative income" or
"permanent income" Dr. Taylor presents a lucid summary of the
most important theories of the consumption function and comes
down in favour of the Friedman "permanent income" hypothesis.
This theory holds that consumers adjust their consumption ex-
penditure not to changes in total income but to changes in that
portion of income which they regard as permanent.

But even i-f a satisfactory theoretical framework can be found
the problem of the adequacy of statistical data remains. The study
ba-ed on

(1) National Income data for selected years between 1832 and
1938 and for the period 1950-60;

(2) Household budget data from surveys carried out at intervals
between 1939 and 1958.









The fundamental weakness of consumption-income relationships
derived from the national income data arises from the fact that
estimates of annual consumption expenditure out of gross domestic
product are not wholly independent estimates but are basically
derived from estimates of output. Doubts regarding the reliability of
income evidence from household surveys stem from the difficulty of
assessing the income of the large number of small farmers and own
account workers, who bulk large in the population, as well as from
the tendency of households to understate income for a number of
reasons. When this has been said, however, it is likely that the data
relating to the post-war period for which national income data can
be matched against the household budget data will be considerably
more accurate than for the earlier years.

What, then, are some of the findings arising from the study? In
the first place, it is discovered that, as has been found in most
countries, household units at the lower end of the scale tend to
dissave while the average propensity to consume decreases as one
moves up the income scale. Second, the community's average and
marginal propensities to consume out of disposable income are high
and have shown a secular tendency to increase. On the basis of
constant price estimates for consumption expenditure and disposable
personal income the average propensity to consume increased from
0.01 for the period 1832-1938 to 0.95 for the period 1950-58. The
marginal propensity increased from 0.84 to 0.99 over the same period.
Even allowing for defects in the data the trend is unmistakable. Third,
the marginal propensity to consume is higher for urban than for
fural households-a phenomenon which the author ascribes to the
greater risk element in rural incomes.

An aspect of the problem which is not treated explicitly in the
study has to do with certain objective determinants of consumer
spending, i.e. those which affect the size of disposable income and are
outside the control of households. Among these determinants one can
list the following:

(1) the level of gross national product
(2) wage policy

(3) changes in the size of the corporate sector and/or the
divided policies of corporations

(4) government tax policy.

For example, although personal consumption expenditure on
average accounted for well over 90% of disposable income during the
period 1950-60, the national income data indicates that the former
represented only 70 per cent of gross national product for the years
1958-60 as compared with 86 per cent for 1950-52. In other words,
there was a substantial decline in the ratio of disposable personal









income to gross national product over the decade. An analysis of the
factors making for this decline would have been useful inasmuch as
they indirectly affect the level of consumption expenditures.

With regard to the composition of consumer expenditures the
finding is that during the post-war period, the tendency has been for
a smaller proportion of the total to go on "necessaries" with a
corresponding upward trend in expenditure on "luxury" items such
as motor cars and household durables under the impetus of rising
incomes, easier credit facilities and the demonstration effect of North
American living standards. Since an overwhelming proportion of
these luxury items are imported it would have been useful if the
author had found it possible to calculate the import content of con-
sumption for recent years to facilitate comparison with data pre-
sented for the year 1943 which showed an import content of 22 per
cent for that year. Such information would have given the reader
some basis for judging the results of the import-substitution pro-
gramme of the nineteen-fifties.

In an Appendix, Dr. Taylor provides a great deal of statistical
data on various aspects of household expenditure drawn mainly from
the 1958 survey. Of particular interest are the estimates of income
elasticity for various commodities which give some clues to the direction
in which domestic food production should expand.

Dr. Taylor makes some useful recommendations regarding the
conduct of future surveys of household expenditure. He stresses greater
regularity and increased coverage along indicated lines.

This book is recommended only for those with a good knowledge
of economic theory and some acquaintance with higher mathematics
and advanced statistical methods. It is an important pioneering study
which ought to be welcomed by researchers, students, statisticians and
policy makers.
OWEN JEFFERSON

Jahnheinz Jahn: A Bibliography of Neo-African Literature, From
Africa, America and the Caribbean. Andre Deutsch, London 1965.
359 pp. 84/-

THE TROUBLE about this undoubtedly useful bibliography is that
the term Neo-African is so unsatisfactorily defined. Mr. Jahn states
in his brief introduction that it can be defined as "the over-lapping of
two historically different literatures: (1) traditional Negro-African
literature, and (2) Western literature." He goes on to say however,
that Neo-African literature has "certain stylistic elements which stem
from Neo-African oral tradition." It has nothing to do with the place
of birth or the colour of the skin of the writer. Even works which lack
the stylistic features he refers to are not Neo-African even if written
by writers of African blood. What the stylistic criteria are which









qualify work to be described as Neo-African literature Mr. Jahn
declines to say clearly, but states that they will be described in a
"book to appear soon." He does admit that some of these were out-
lined in his previous book "Muntu" (London-New York, 1951), but
admits that they are still under discussion and that "all the material
contained by such criteria has not been completely analysed."
In "Muntu" features of Neo-African literature are stated as
"immediacy, imperative style, magical, idiogrammatic images and
African rhythms" (p. 208). The African poet is a "magician", "a
sorcerer", and to command things with words is magic (p. 135).
In view of the indeterminate, and indeed, it appears, undecided
nature of his criteria, it is perhaps not surprising to find some glaringly
strange omissions and admissions. Some of the outstandingly curious
inclusions are the Nicaraguan poet Ruben Dario. Mr. Jahn just puts
down the complete works. Dario's work does tend to be very rhythmical
and colourful, but does this make him a "Neo-African" writer? Per-
haps he is "immediate, imperative, magical?
Vidia Naipaul, usually regarded as thoroughly East Indian in out-
look and sensibility is included, but perhaps he comes in on the basis
of the Trinidadian creole speech-rhythms of some of his characters.
The same probably applies to John Hearne as some of his characters
have Jamaican creole speech rhythms and are therefore connected with
the "Neo-African oral tradition." But in speaking of Hearne he goes
further. "In "Faces of Love," he states," Hearne sets a society in the
future in which there is no longer any question of race quite simply In
the present, which is a feature of African culture." (p. 208).
Still nearer home, of Vic Reid's "The Leopard," he writes: "he con-
vinces his reader because he understands African philosophy in all its
depth and makes it come alive."
Some readers and possibly the authors themselves may be surprised
by these interpretations
One is equally surprised, on the other hand, by the omissions of
such writers as the Cubans, Cirilo Villaverde and Mario Zambrana, the
Barzilian, Aluizio Azevedo (all novelists), whose work should qualify
for inclusion on the same grounds as that of Hearne, Naipaul. It may
be that Mr. Jahn has somehow just missed them.
The total impression of the book is that of a gigantic confused
structure supported on something very flimsy, a set of criteria which
is not stated and at which it is very difficult to guess. A reading of
"Muntu" is a useful guide as to the principles on which he has based his
work, (briefly hinted at here), but then, as Mr. Jahn admits himself,
the whole matter is still "under discussion."
What the book does is to supply us with a useful bibliography of
literature by Negroes and about Negroes written in Africa, Spanish
America the United States, Brazil and the British and French West
Indies, including Haiti.

G. R. COULTHARD.









SELECTED BOOK LIST


Sir Alan Burns:





William G. Demas:






L. G. Campbell







G. R. Coulthard (ed)



Sheila Dunker:




Sain Alishah:





Claudio Veliz (ed)





R. L. Williams (ed)


History of the British West Indies
Revised Second Edition
George Allen & Unwin, 1965


The Economics of Development in
Small Countries with Special Reference
to the Caribbean
McGill University Press, 1965


The Development of Natural Resources
in Dominica, Institute of Social and
Economic Research
University of the West Indies,
Barbados $


Caribbean Literature-An anthology
University of London Press Ltd., 1966


A Visual History of the West Indies
London, Evan Bros., 1965


Principles of the Teaching of Mathematics
London, Longmans Green & Co. Ltd. 1966
U.K.


Obstacles to Change in Latin America
Published for Chatham House by
Oxford University Press, 1965


90/-






$4.50







1.00 WI




12/6




5/-


7/6





42/-


Management of a Group of Companies
Institute of Social & Economic Research,
University of the West Indies, Jamaica 2/6


The Journal of Commonwealth Literature
No. 1 Sept. 1965, Heinemann ....


12/6