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Full Text



VOLUME 29, NOS. 3 & 4 SEPTEMBER DECEMBER, 1983


CARIBBEAN


QUARTERLY

Copyright reserved and reproduction without permission strictly forbidden.

iii FOREWORD
1 Country Preferences of School Children in Seven Caribbean Territories
Mike Morrissec

21 Public Opinion Perspectives on the University of the West Indies
Carl Stone

40 Child-Rearing Practices in Kingston. Jamaica
Jacqueline Landman, Sally Grantham-McGregor and Patricia Desai

53 Language Requirements in Job Advertisements New Trend or Old Ploy?
Basil Livingston Cleare

63 Religion and Ideology in Trinidad: The Resurgence of the Shango Religion
Frances Henry

70 Professional Jamaican Women Equal or Not?
Elsa Leo-Rhynie and Marlene Hamilton

POEMS
86 Passage (an early East Indian Immigrant)
Kumar Mahabir

87 In an echoing rattle of thirsty frogs ...
Brian Chan

88 BOOK REVIEWS

100 Notes on Contributors

101 Notes for Contributors

102 Books Received







CARIBBEAN QUARTERLY


UNIVERSITY OF THE WEST INDIES

Editorial Committee
Hon. R.M. Nettleford, O.M., Professor of Extra-Mural Studies (Editor)
G.M. Richards, Pro Vice-Chancellor. St. Augustine, Trinidad
Keith Hunte, Pro Vice-Chancellor, Cave Hill, Barbados
Roy Augier, Pro Vice-Chancellor, Mona, Jamaica
Lloyd Coke, Department of Botany, Mona
Neville McMorris, Department of Physics, Mona
Janet Liu Terry, Associate Editor


All correspondence and contributions should be addressed to:

The Editor,
Caribbean Quarterly,
Department of Extra-Mural Studies,
University of the West Indies,
Mona, Kingston 7, Jamaica.

Manuscripts
We invite readers to submit manuscripts or recommend subjects which they
would like to see discussed in Caribbean Quarterly. Articles of Caribbean relevancy
will be gratefully received. Authors should refer to the section on Information for
Contributors for guidelines.

Subscriptions (Annual)

Price:
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Eastern Caribbean J$60.00
United Kingdom UK9.00
U.S.A., Canada and other countries US$22.00

Exchanges
Exchanges are conducted by the Gifts and Exchanges Section, Library, University
of the West Indies, Mona, Kingston 7, Jamaica.

Information for back volumes supplied on request. Volumes 1-18 of Caribbean
Quarterly are available in microfilm from Xerox University Microfilms and in book
form from Kraus-Thomson Reprint Ltd.

Subscription orders may be forwarded to the Editor or the Resident Tutor at the
University Centre in any West Indian Territory served by this University.









FOREWORD

The right of scholars to observe, report and/or analyse cannot be denied: so often the
most startling results have been achieved through the courage of scholars and scientists
who relate the 'evidence of their own eyes' and no more. This issue of Caribbean
Quarterly mixes in its choice of articles, examples of both quantitative and qualitative
research. Hard and soft research must live in peaceful co-existence. Caribbean social
phenomena lend themselves to a variety and mix of methodological approaches. Often
too, an article is published not because it will necessarily provide a new framework for
all future research, but simply because it has never been done before in or for the
Caribbean. In many areas, the Caribbean is still pioneer territory, waiting to be explored
by the diligent and intrepid.
Mike Morrissey's article. Country Preferences of School Children in Seven
Caribbean Territories, containing implications for the Caribbean and beyond, debunks
the global educationalists' notion that schools are 'instruments to provide love and
loyalty for the nation unthinkingly' (my emphasis). His article is a report of the findings
of a survey conducted in 1980 of the country preferences of West Indian children who
were soon to leave school. Seven Caribbean countries were surveyed: Barbados. Belize,
Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, Montserrat and Trinidad. These data demonstrated the
existence of a strong preference for the United States and Canada.
The United States was ranked first by two territories and second by four others;
Canada was ranked first by three and second by two. Caribbean students did not display
'geocentrism. Only two territories. Belize and Grenada ranked their own territories
first. Barbados ranked their own country second and the other four placed their own
countries third. If economic well-being is a criterion for patriotism, then we are here
challenged to explain why children of the two poorest countries in the region placed
their countries first. Ministers of Education in the region may now feel an urgent need
to find out how this situation can be reversed or else we as a region could be seen to be.
in effect, raising future "North Americans".
Carl Stone's article. Public Opinion Perspectives on the University of the West
Indies provides a useful insight into how the public in one campus country views the
University of the West Indies. One of the most disturbing findings is the lack of public
awareness of the regionality of the University of the West Indies: only 4% of a sub-
sample saw it as one of the benefits of the University to Jamaica. Among managers, a
full 34% views the institution as a place of "communist indoctrination", what probably
in any liberal, democratic country would be considered an exercise in free enquiry and
frank discussion is held suspect by many in Jamaica.
The next article in this issue is Child-rearing Practices in Kingston, Jamaica in
which the authors observe that "Jamaican child-rearing practice, like other aspects of the
culture, are largely derived from Africa, slavery and British influences". The authors,
Jacqueline Landman, Sally Grantham-MacGregor and Patricia Desai. note that "a pattern
of many social contacts emerges with children frequently forming close ties with adults.
usually women, other than their parents and living and playing in densely-populated
homes and yards", and that 55% of the fathers participated in child-rearing. Other
African practices of the Akan people akin to those in Jamaica are the non-observance









of birthdays, non-enforcement of regular bedtimes, the lack of regular mealtimes, and
harsh corporal punishment. It is noted that mothers were not conscious of the need for
cognitive development through play, and that they were more 'restrictive' and dis-
couraged 'messy' play. Yet another point to note is that only 32% of the sample of
mothers mentioned the use of folk stories about Anancy to educate their children,
suggesting a decline in the active presence of traditional folklore and oral literature in
Jamaican life. It was further noted by the authors that although the mothers generally
had high aspirations for their children's careers they did not have a clear idea of what
was involved as so few mentioned college as a necessary step towards achieving such
aspirations. Some changes in Jamaican child-rearing practices in the past three decades
have been observed. It is no longer common for children to be given chores, traditional
folklore is less important, the grandmother's role is diminished and the father's participa-
tion is greater.
In Language Requirements in Job Advertisements: New Trend or Old Ploy? Basil
Cleare examines the job advertisements placed in the newspapers of Nassau. Bahamas.
A frequent and disturbing recurrence is the requirement for candidates to have multiple
language facility: a requirement which appears to be more an impediment to Bahamian
nationals than a real necessity for job performance. Cleare's observations are important
if the livelihood of Caribbean nationals are to be truly protected from unnecessary
incursions. Where foreign expertise is invited by the States of the region, it should not
be the cause of the displacement of nationals with skills, by requesting dubious require-
ments such as intimate knowledge of multiple languages. Multi-national corporations
should show their sensitivity and serious intent to employ the nationals of States in
which they have their operations by employing nationals and by not placing barriers in
their way.
Another area of importance which is addressed by this issue of Caribbean Quarterly
is the place of women in professional life. In their article, the authors. Drs Elsa
Leo-Rhynie and Marlene Hamilton. state that "findings indicate an improvement in
the ratio of professional women to men during the 19)70s but this is most marked in
'typically feminine' careers such as teaching. Sex-role discrimination against women still
seems to operate within professional circles, although attitudes have improved some-
what. It would appear, however, that professional women tend to rationalize their
careers in terms of their suitability for women. Further changes in attitudes seem im-
perative". One way of monitoring the changes has been presented by the authors.
A necessary and useful adjunct to research is the followon of important
works. Frances lenry in Religion and Ideology in Trinidad, the Resurgence of Shango
Religion examines the status of Shango in Trinidad since the research was last conducted
in the 1960s. Henry had predicted that Shango would die out as a religious force by the
mid-sixties, but by the early and mid-seventies, an astonishing resurgence of the Shango
groups took place and reports were that both membership and the number of ceremonial
establishments had increased. In 1)78. the author found that there were about 100 active
Shango palais spread throughout the island and the number of members had increased
from around 2,000 to at least 10,000. This resurgence is attributed to the 'socio-
political climate of the early seventies in which a wave of Black Power militancy swept
through the Caribbean [which] emphasizes the African past and tends to glorify










African cultural traits. It brings a sense of pride in the African heritage as well as provid-
ing individuals with personal roots in the pre-slavery past. Shango has therefore become
legitimate. Many young people came into the religion as much for ideological as religious
reasons. Henry also observed changes in class composition of the Shango groups.
Whereas before there was a predominance of poor black working-class, now there are
significant numbers of middle-class supporters who have come out of the closet. With
the change in class composition, it was therefore inevitable that there should be changes
in racial composition. East Indians who have been in Trinidad for over one hudnred
years, neither sought membership nor were welcomed by the black Shango practitioners.
The 1970s saw a small number of Indians attending Shango ceremonials and an even
larger number visiting Shango healers for medicinal and psychological services. There
is also an East Indian Shango leader who has a very large and active, primarily black,
membership. The change of attitude of the established church mainly Roman Catholic,
has also facilitated the growth of membership. In former times, Shango was considered
truly heathen, but has now been elevated to the status of a genuine folk religion,
according to Dr Henry.
The issue is rounded off by two poems, Passage (an Early East Indian Immigrant)
by Kumar Mahabir and In an Echoing Rattle of Thirsty Frogs by Brian Chan.


REX NETTLEFORD












COUNTRY PREFERENCES OF SCHOOL CHILDREN
IN SEVEN CARIBBEAN TERRITORIES

by

MIKE MORRISSEY


New ideas in education, originating in the more developed countries of the world, flow
relentlessly into the developing countries and often are uncritically adopted. Thus the
concept of 'Global Education', presently fashionable in North America and Europe, will
interest curriculum decision-makers throughout the Third World, and will no doubt
influence their evolving curricula. The advocates of Global Education tend to assume
the presence of a nationalist bias in traditional patterns of schooling, schools being used
"as instruments to provide love and loyalty for the nation unthinkingly" (Nelson,
1976:46). This bias, however. may not always be present in countries which have
recently gained independence from a colonial power, as this article demonstrates.

This is a report of the findings of a survey, conducted in 1980, of the country-
preferences of West Indian children who were soon to leave school. The survey aimed to
sample a minimum of one hundred 15 year olds in each of seven Commonwealth
Caribbean territories.1 Respondents indicated their level of preference for each of the 40
countries listed. The data collected allow some observations to be made of the patterns
of patriotism, preferences and prejudices found among the samples.

The investigation of country-preferences is a fairly recent off-shoot of the place-
perception research which has interested geographers for over a decade. Research in the
fields of 'spatial perception' and 'national stereotyping' (summarized by Stoltman, 1976
and Davis & Spicer, 1980) had led to the general acceptance of two notions. These
were (i) children prefer their own home area, or country or nationality, to any other,
and (ii) that preference for one's own country becomes more marked as adulthood is
approached. Gould and White (1974) and their disciples popularized the idea of a prefer-
ence for home area, or state, or region, through the portrayal of the 'mental maps' of
groups of respondents. Stoltman (1980:198) used the term 'geocentrism' to describe this
tendency of viewing the home nation as the best possible of all places. These ideas were
based, however, on research conducted in 'developed' countries.

The inspiration for the Caribbean research sprung from the author's involvement in
the international survey of country-preferences (involving eleven countries world-wide)
conducted in 1978-9 under the auspices of the International Geographical Union (IGU)
Commission on Geographical Education. The author had conducted the survey in Jamaica
and his findings were included in a report presented at the Tokyo meeting (Morrissey,
1980).
The IGU survey showed that the notion of 'geocentrism' lacked universality. Seven
of the samples, all of which might be described as representing 'developed' countries
(Australia, Brazil, Canada, West Germany, New Zealand, the United States, and the









United Kingdom) did indeed place their own country first. But the other four samples
(representing Jamaica, Nigeria, Singapore and South Africa) placed one or more other
countries before their own in ranking the 40 countries listed. These findings seemed to
raise some serious questions for developing countries about the development of
'nationalist' values. The failure to develop such values has implications for the
'development' process itself. The decision was, therefore, taken to mount a wider survey
with a somewhat modified questionnaire, selecting a sample more representative of the
Commonwealth Caribbean as a whole, as it was possible that the Jamaican children may
have been unrepresentative.

The questionnaire design involved a "Q-sort" technique. Respondents were given 40
cards each naming a different country and asked to arrange these into twelve levels, from
most preferred (Level 1) to least preferred (Level 12).2 This procedure was originally
developed by Gilmor (1974) and provided the model for the IGU survey. By requiring
only twelve levels, it obviated the difficulty that would have been involved in placing 40
countries in rank order; by providing cards the respondents were able to move around the
names until the desired order was achieved. The respondent was also required to state his
or her reasons for the choice of both Level 1 and Level 12 countries. Maps showing the
location of the named countries were provided to aid recognition.

The forty countries selected for inclusion in the list were (i) eleven Commonwealth
Caribbean countries; (ii) six neighboring non-Commonwealth Caribbean territories;
(iii) countries representing the main areas of origin of Commonwealth Caribbean peoples
(West Africa, East India, Southern China, Britain); (iv) areas of present-day immigration
(US and Canada); and (v) other large countries with which, it was hoped, the average
student would be familiar. The list was given in alphabetical order (see Table 2).

The characteristics of the sample which resulted from these procedures are described
in Table 1. Twenty five schools participated, four in each territory except Montserrat
which had only one secondary institution. A total of 781 children completed the ques-
tionnaire. Girls exceeded boys by a few percent in most instances, reflecting, perhaps, the
higher female enrolment in Caribbean secondary education. The mean age of the entire
sample was precisely fifteen years.

The survey was conducted in mid-1980 in seven Commonwealth Caribbean territories.
Colleagues in these territories were asked to make contact with teachers in four schools,
attempting to organize a sample which would be roughly equal in terms of boys and girls
and of rural and urban backgrounds, and with a mean age of approximately 15 years. Bias
in terms of race or social class was also to be avoided. Packets of 30 questionnaires and
instructions thus reached teachers in twenty five schools chosen by these intermediaries.

For a survey conducted in seven countries, lacking in any form of direct supervision
by its instigator, the data returned were of remarkably high quality. Great care appeared to
have been taken in sorting the countries (only one questionnaire had to be discarded
because the matrix had not been filled completely) and justifying the Level 1 and
Level 12 choices (there were few trivial replies). Ten lines were provided for each answer
and most respondents filled every line with their explanations.






TABLE 1


Characteristics of the sample by participating territory
-- -

Sample characteristics -

Number of schools .25 4 4 4 4 4 1 4
No. of respondents 781 119 109 116 147 105 69 116
% boys 44 55 41 45 43 44 26 43
% girls 56 45 59 55 57 56 74 57
Mean age of respondents
in years 15.0 15.2 15.1 14.9 14.7 15.8 15.0 14.6


Total Sample


Ranking the forty countries
The data were collated on both a territorial and regional basis. The level assigned to a
country by a respondent was regarded as a point, and the total number of points was
computed for each country listed. The mean score for each country computed on this
basis was used to rank the list of countries from 1 to 40 (Table 2).

These data demonstrated the existence of a strong preference for the United States and
Canada. The United States was ranked first by two territories, and second by four others;
Canada was ranked first by three and second by two. Caribbean students as a whole
clearly did not display 'geocentrism.' Nonetheless, there were two territorial samples,
representing Belize and Grenada, which did rank their own territories first. The Barbados
sample ranked their own country second, and the other four placed their own countries
third.

It is interesting to note that there was a high correspondence in the ranking given by
the two different Jamaican samples in the 1979 and 1980 surveys. On both occasions, the
United States was ranked first, Canada second, and Jamaica third; and both lists included
Cuba, Iran, Saudi Arabia, South Africa and the USSR among the last six. (For the 1979
survey ranking, see Morrissey, 1980:115).

An inspection of Table 2 suggested a correspondence between the preferences of the
seven territorial samples. In order to test this relationship the countries were ranked
again, leaving out the seven participants (each of which had exhibited what might be
called a 'mild' degree of geocentrism). Ties were also eliminated (where these had
occurred) using a random procedure. Kendall's coefficient of concordance (Conover,
1980:305) between the seven lists of ranks is 0.8434 (p< 0.001). indicating a very
strong agreement between them. It is remarkable that such a marked degree of similarity
should exist in the level of preference for each of 33 countries exhibited by children from
countries separated by wide expanses of Caribbean Sea.

There also appeared to be a regional pattern to the rankings in Table 2. This was tested
by arranging the countries into nine groups and computing the mean 'preference' score






TABLE 2

The forty countries ranked from most preferred (1) to least preferred (40) for all
respondents and for each territorial sample


a
z



ANTIGUA
AUSTRALIA
BARBADOS
BELIZ-:
BRAZIL
CANADA
CHINA
CUBA
CZECHOSLOVAKIA
DOMINICA
FRANCE
GRENADA
GUADELOUPF
GUATEMALA
GUYANA
HAITI
HONG KONG
INDIA
INDONESIA
IRAN
ISRAEL
JAMAICA
JAPAN
KENYA
MEXICO
MONTSERRAT
NIGERIA
PANAMA
PUERTO RICO
SAUDI ARABIA
SOUTH A FRICA
ST.LUCIA
ST. VINCENT
SURINAME
TRINIDAD
UNITED KINGDOM
UNITED STATES
USSR
WEST GERMANY
VENEZUELA


13 15 11 19
2 3 3N





30 30 31 32
34 36 35 13
35 34 37 38
16 11 15 9
6 6 12 12
18 22 1 24



13 18 19 19
3 21 22 2




33 29 38 35
17 19 23 20
32 24 25 33
30 30 31 32
34 31 28 30
35 35 33 38
20 40 40 40
9 16 726 2
14 18 12 6
24 23 24 27
33 2 9 38 35
7 10 6 170
32 24 25 33






25 26 27 21
12 32 9 31






10 7 10 14
32 31 36 30
36 35 33 37







15 13 12 8
40 40 40 40
26 33 31 29
8 8 18 6
4 43 4 25
28 25 29 22
7 10 6 17





21 2 21 3
25 26 27 21
12 12 9 18
10 7 10 14




38 37 36 35
37 38 34 34
15 13 12 8
19 14 20 10
26 33 31 29



39 39 39 35
22 28 18 23
11 9 17 16


z -
z



13 16 22
9 8 14
4 7 8
22 21 17
8 13 20
1 2 1
33 24 18
21 40 31
34 32 33
19 19 28
18 6 9
12 17 13
27 25 11
30 28 29
3 11 27
31 36 37
32 23 25
36 30 32
37 32 35
40 38 40
35 27 18
7 3 24
26 20 26
28 31 29
15 10 12
23 26 3
24 28 21
17 4 16
20 12 5
38 37 38
39 35 22
10 22 10
14 18 15
11 34 35
5 9 7
6 5 4
2 1 2
29 39 39
25 15 34
16 14 6


for each (Table 3). The three 'developed' English-speaking countries, each with large West
Indian migrant populations, were in the most preferred group; this is followed by the
group of seven 'home' territories; next comes the three other 'western' and developedt
countries. The three middle groups of 'Other Caribbean', Latin American and African









countries have middling mean scores, suggesting perhaps that respondents in general
were indifferent to these countries. The least preferred groups were Asian countries,
Communist-bloc countries, and South Africa.

In the 1979 Jamaican survey referred to above (Morrissey, 1980), South Africa was
placed unquestionably as the least preferred (40th) and its mean score was 9.5. In the
1980 survey, however, it was ranked 37th by the sample as a whole and was not ranked
40th by any one of the territorial sub-samples. Nevertheless, when countries were grouped
in Table 3, South Africa does come out at the bottom of the list for the entire Caribbean-
wide sample. South Africa's position may be the result of the unanimous stand made by
Commonwealth Caribbean governments against its participation in international fora,
trade and sport. It would follow that the anti-apartheid propaganda has had some success
in registering with Caribbean public opinion.

The lack of preference shown by Caribbean children for Iran, Saudi Arabia, South
Africa and the USSR is consonant with the findings of the 1979 IGU's survey: the USSR
was placed 39th or 40th by seven of the eleven country samples in the 1979 IGU survey
while Cuba, Iran, Saudi Arabia and South Africa consistently received middling to low
rankings (except in the case of South Africa's view of itself) (Spicer, 1980:209).
TABLE 3


Preferences in terms of regional

Regional grouping
I. English-speaking countries
with large West Indian im-
migrant populations
II. 'Home' territory of each
sample

Ill. 'Western' developed coun-
tries (other than those listed
in 1)
IV. Commonwealth Caribbean
territories (other than those
listed in II)
V. Latin American and Caribbean
countries (other than those
listed in II & IV)
VI. Black African countries
VIl. Asian countries



VIII. COMECON countries
IX. South Africa


groupings, for the Caribbean-wide sample
Mean score
Countries 12 point scale
Canada, U.S.A.. U.K. 3.3


Barbados, Beliz3, Grenada,
Guyana, Jamaica, Montser-
rat, Trinidad
Australia, France, West
Germany

Antigua, Dominica, St. Lucia,
St. Vincent


Brazil, Guadeloupe, Guatemala,
Haiti, Mexico, Panama, Puerto
Rico, Suriname, Venezuela
Kenya. Nigeria
China, Hong Kong, India,
Indonesia. Iran, Israel. Japan,
Saudi Arabia
Cuba, Czechoslovakia, U.S.S.R.







The most preferred and least preferred countries
The proportion of each sample which gave a country 'Level I' status is given in
Table 4. Together, the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom were 'most
preferred' by half of the entire sample. For the Jamaican sample, 77 percent of
Level 1 choices went to these three countries. Conversely, the Jamaican sample gave
fewest 'Level 1' votes to its own country, a mere 14 percent.

Table 4 shows that there were a few mavericks who gave their Level 1 vote to one of
the generally 'least favoured' countries (Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Saudi Arabia, South
Africa, or the USSR). These, however, amounted to only 2.6 percent of all respondents.
Overall, opinion is rather polarized, with almost 91 percent of Level 1 rankings being
given to ten countries, namely, the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and the
seven Caribbean territories involved in the survey.
On the other hand, the allocation of 'least preferred' status was dispersed among 34
countries, although Cuba, Iran, South Africa and the USSR between them were placed at
'Level 12' by 64 percent of the sample. There were, however, some noticeable territorial
anomalies. For example 30 percent of the Jamaican sample placed Cuba at Level 12;
24 percent of the Trinidad sample placed Saudi Arabia at Level 12: and 22 percent of the
Belize sample placed Guatemala at Level 12. The Jamaican sample was indeed particularly
biased against Cuba, for none of the other territorial samples gave Cuba more than 10
percent of the Level 12 votes. In relative terms, children in Grenada and Guyana, where
Governments had adopted fairly warm relations with Cuba, were much more favourably
disposed toward that country (see Table 2).

Comparison with the 'Man and the Biosphere' survey data
While these data were being collected from Caribbean schools, the 'Man and the
Biosphere' (MAB) Project was conducting a sample survey in several Eastern Caribbean
islands (Barbados, Nevis, St Kitts, St Lucia and St Vincent) which included a question
related to potential migration (Marshall, 1981). The 1540 respondents in the MAB survey
were selected to represent the adult populations of the five islands and care was taken to
avoid male-female or urban-rural biases.
The relevant MAB question asked respondents: "Do you have any plans to go overseas
in the next 5 years?" The question unfortunately lumped together migration plans an
vacation plans, but on the basis of the reasons given by respondents for moving ibidd: 12
it was possible to make a crude estimate of the percentage who were planning to migrant
on a permanent or semi-permanent basis. The proportion of the population of the island
who were potential migrants, thus estimated, ranged from about 26 percent for Barbadc
to 39 percent for St Kitts. (It must be noted that the MAB survey was of 'stayers': man
of the respondents' contemporaries would have already migrated). It would seem, their
fore, that the preference of Caribbean children for countries other than their own (
discussed earlier) may persist in adulthood.

It is also of interest that in the MAB five island survey, Barbados emerged as havin
lower percentage of potential migrants, because, the report suggests, the sample may h;
been "relatively satisfied with the economic opportunities" there ibidd: 13-14). T
present author's country-preferences survey found Barbadian children giving their ow
country a higher score (mean of 2.0) than did any other sample with regard to their ow
country.











-:


I UNI IE
2 CANAI
3 BARBA
4 UNIT'H
5 TRINII
6 AUSTR
7 MEiXIC
8 JAMAI
9 FRAN(
10 PUI RT
1I VINIZ
12 PANA.,
13 BRAZI
14 GRIN
15 ST. LU
16 ANTI;
17 GUYA1
18 BFLIZI
19 ST. VI
20 DOMIN
21 MONTI'
22 WEST (
23 GUADI
24 JAPAN
25 NIGER
26 SURIN
27 ISRAI'
28 KENYA
29 HONG
30 CHINA
31 HAITI
32 INDIA
33 GUATI
34 CUBA
35 CZEC'i
36 INDON
37 SOUTI
38 SAUDI
39 U.S.S.F
O I D A T


The MAB survey is also supportive with regard to the direction of potential migration.
The United States was the most popular destination for the five MAB islands, with Canada
-nd the United Kingdom coming second and third for all samples except St. Vincent's.
'ommonwealth Caribbean countries were placed next in preference. Other countries are
mentioned by only a few percent of the MAB sample.

Only one country, Barbados, was common to both surveys, yet the findings are remark-
,ably complementary. This suggests that the country preferences of the territories sampled


TABLL 4
Percentage of each sample indicating country as most preferred




C- -

D STATEIS 30.3 40 33 23 24 57 22 14
)A 14.)0 6 10 22 19 23 17
DOS 8.5 45 -- 1 5 -- -- 3
)D KING(;1)OM 4.0 2 5 6 4 1 7 4
)AD 7.2 -- 1 2 -- -- 45
ALIA 0.9 I -- -- -- 1
o 0.6 -- 2 -- -- 1 1
CA 2.2 -- 1 1 14 -- -
*I: 0.9 1 -- -- -- 1 3
O RICO 0.4 -- 2 -- 1
UI{LA 0.7 -- -- I 2 -- 3
IA
L
ADA 6.7 45
CIA 0.4 1 -- 1 1 -.
UA .
NA 7.0 37 --
; 7.3 -- 52 --
NCENT 0.1 -- 1 0
IICA -- --
SERRAT 3.7 -- 1 -- 41 --
GERMANY 1.0 -- 1 1 -- 3 -- 3
:LOUPE

IA
AME
L 0.8 -- 3 3 1
A
KONG -- -- -



;MALA..
0.8 -- -- 4 1
IOSLOVAKIA 0.3 -- -- 1 -- 1
ESIA
SAFRICA 0.4 -- 1 2 ...
ARABIA 0.3 -- 1 -- 1
t. 0.8 -- 1 1 1 1










in the present survey reported here are probably representative of children throughout
the Commonwealth Caribbean.

Images of 'most preferred' and 'least preferred' countries
Each respondent wrote a few lines explaining his or her choices of 'Level 1' and
'Level 12' countries. These reasons were collated and analysed in every case where a
country was thus placed by more than 5 percent of a sample at Level 7 (see Table 4) or at
Level 12. The four analyses undertaken are listed in Table 5.


TABLL 5
The four analyses of respondents' explanations for Level I and Level 12 choices

Analysis Level of Percentage of
preference Sample Countries respondents
I
The lure Most Total United States 30';
of North preferred sample Canada
America

II
A preference Most Total Own country 14'; to 52"'
for 'home' preferred sample
III
Four big Least Total Iran 27';
bogies preferred sample U.S.S.R. 18';
South Africa 11';
Cuba 8'

IV
Some Least Belize Guatemala 22',
localized preferred Guyana India 12%
prejudices Jamaica
Glaiti 10 & 8%6
Guyana
Montserrat Antigua 75;
Grenada U.S.A. 6%


In order to be able to generalize from thle myriad of reasons by the hundreds of
respondents, it was necessary to begin by summarizing and classifying every reason stated
Most respondents gave more than one reason for selecting a country, so the analyses
which follow are couched in terms of percentages of reasons, rather than of percentages
of respondents. The aggregate numbers of reasons are also given at the bottom of the
tables in parentheses. It will be noted that most of the reasons given were concerned with
perception of political, social and economic aspects. Seldom were physical characteristics
or natural events mentioned.









Analysis 1: The lure of North America
It was possible to classify the majority of reasons given for the choice of the US or
Canada into three groups: reasons related to the respondent's perception of 'Quality of
Life' in those countries; those related to perceived economic opportunities; and those
related to the 'pull' of family members and friends already settled there (Table 6).

TABLE 6
Reasons given by respondents for placing USA or Canada
as first choice of country to live in (Analysis 1)


Type of Reason

'Quality of Life' group of reasons
1. Developed country/rich country/good
facilities/good way of life/fast growing
2. Good educational opportunities
3. Free, democratic country/good system
of Government. good legal system
4. Beautiful country; places to visit
5. Peaceful/less violent/no war
6. People friendly, kind
7. Entertainment/TV/filmnstars
8. Food available, good nutrition
9. Attractive climate
10. Good social services
11. Easy life; everything needed available
12. No racial problems
'Economic opportunities' group of reasons
1. Job opportunities
2. Lower cost of living
3. Good salaries, wages
4. Chance of success in life
5. Countries industrialized; have plenty ol
resources
'Family connections' group of reasons
1. Family members there
2. Friends there

Other Reasons
All Reasons
Total number of reasons classified


Percentage
USA


of all reasons given
Canada Total


51.7 -58.3


15.1
10.1


6.9
3.5
1.2
2.0
3.8
2.5
1.9
2.0
2.3
0.4
27.2
13.4
. I
4.2
2.6


0.9 0.6 0.7


100.0 100.0
(691) (345)


100.0
(1036)









'Quality of Life' reasons accounted for more than half of those stated. It is, perhaps,
worthwhile noting that the United States and Canada are the major sources for television
films in the Commonwealth Caribbean: whatever the topic being portrayed, the 'back-
drop' in the film usually shows a level of consumer affluence which is high by Caribbean
standards.




TABLE 7

Reasons given for placing own country as first choice (Analysis II)

Percentage of all reasons


Reasons Given
'Quality of Life' Group of Reasons
i. Safe, peaceful
2. Free country
3. Beautiful country
4. People friendly
5. Climate attractive
6. Food available
7. Privileges here
8. Education free/available
9. No racial prejudice
10. An easy life

'Patriotic Sentiments' Group of Reasons
1. 'Born here'
2. Desire to build/develop country
3. Love my country
4. Never been away, can't leave
5. Happy here
'Economic Opportunities' Group
1. Good future for young people
2. Potential for tourism development
3. Job opportunities
'Friends & Family Here' Group


-I -L ? 3 ) C S
m 2 ? S -^ S
7 r

-, .. m C o
657
65. 44. 4 5? 31 4.
65.1 44.5 44.5 32.1 38.8 57.1 49.0 47.7


17.1
20.0
11.4
8.0
4.6
1 .1


9.8 7.3 22.3 12.5 12.4
1.2 9.2 2.6 5.6 4.2 9.6
15.6 4.2 10.3 12.7 8.9 8.8
8.7 1.2 5.1 6.3 4.7 5.4
4.0 4.2 5.1 4.0 6.3 4.7
3.5 2.4 5.6 2.6 2.6
1.2 1.8 2.6 0.8 3.1 1.5
1.8 0.8 3.1 1.4
2.6 0.8
0.5 5.1 1.0 0.5

35.8 37.0 41.0 15.9 21.3 26.2
14.5 19.4 23.1 13.5 17.7 16.2
13.3 9.2 2.6 1.6 0.5 4.8
7.5 3.6 7.7 0.8 2.6 3.3
0.5 1.2 7.7 0.5 1.3


2.9 4.1 0.6
0.6 0.9 0.6
2.3 1.8 -
1 .4
1.1 4 .1


7.7 2.4 2.1


5.5 2.6
5.1


1.2 2.5


1 .0
2.4 1.0


2.1 1.7


Other Reasons

All Reasons


Total number of reasons classified


12.6 23.0 19.1 24.2 18.0 24.6 25.5 21.3

100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

(218)(175)(173)(165)(39) (126)(192)(1088









Reasons related to economic opportunities were more important with regard to the
choice of the United States than of Canada. Somewhat surprisingly, 'family connections'
were relatively unimportant, accounting for only 7.4 percent of stated reasons.

Here again, the MAB survey provided complementary data: when potential migrants
were asked how they saw their own islands' problems, the majority of respondents
expressed concern for economic problems, including unemployment and poor social
services (Marshall, 1981:39).


Analysis II: A preference for 'home'
The reasons given by respondents who placed their own country as 'most preferred'
were also dominated by the 'Quality of Life' group for the entire Caribbean sample,
although the 'Patriotic sentiments' group were dominant in the cases of Jamaican
and Guyanese sub-samples. Economic opportunities and family connections were not
given as important considerations in their decision to place their own countries at
'Level 1' (Table 7).


Analysis III: 'The four big bogies'
Children's perception of the system of government and of government policy operating
in certain countries dominated their perceptionrof 'Level 12' choices (Table 8). Cuba was
disliked for its 'communist' dictatorship' (35 percent of reasons), Iran because it was
considered 'warlike' (54.1 percent), South Africa for its 'racism' (59.7 percent), and the
USSR because it was perceived as a 'warlike', 'communist', 'dictatorship' (58.2 percent).
Other reasons were given, and have been classified in Table 8, but these were diffuse and
relatively insignificant in comparison with the 'system of government' group.

The relative unanimity of respondents with regard to the positioning of Iran as the
'least preferred' country it was ranked 40th by six of the seven territorial samples
(Table 2) supports the suggestion made earlier that the media had considerable influ-
ence on shaping the images children have of other countries. Prior to the abdication of the
Shah in late 1978 and the political upheaval which followed, it is likely that West Indian
children would have had no strong image of Iran, and its ranking would probably have
been 'middling.' Yet in 1980, Jamaica, alone of the seven territories, failed to rank Iran
40th (and placed it 38th instead).

At the time Jamaica was in the throes of an extended General Election campaign in
which it was widely believed that the ruling party was alligned with the USSR and Cuba.
Interestingly, Jamaican students placed die USSR and Cuba at 39th and 40th positions
respectively. It is also of note that a few months later the ruling party was defeated at the
polls by the biggest margin in Jamaican electoral history. This is a case, therefore, of the
youngsters being selective about what they internalized from the media, for during that
period the Government-controlled television and radio stations were propagandizing in
favour of communist and socialist systems and countries, while other media (particularly
the major newspaper) were opposed to an alignment of Jamaica with socialist countries.









TABLI 8

'The four big bogies': Reasons given by Caribbean-wide sample for placing Cuba, Iran,
South Africa and USSR as least favoured countries (Analysis Ill)

Reasons Given Percentage of all reasons given
for placing country at level 12
-ci
.. SJ- ,


"System of Government"
Group of Reasons 44.4 64.9 72.9 63.7 62.7
1 'Warlike country' 4.1 54.1 8.3 18.4 27.3
2 Communist 22.5 1.0 1.1 25.3 12.5
3 Racism/ill-treatment of Blacks 0.6 59.7 0.8 9.9
4 Not free/dictatorship 12.4 6.4 3.3 14.5 9.6
5 'Wicked government' 3.0 1.3 0.5 3.1 2.0
6 Harsh punishments 1.8 1.2 0.7
7 Persecution of Christians 0.3 1.3 0.5
8 Confiscation of property 0.6 0.3 0.2

'Quality of Life' group of reasons 10.7 4.2 4.3 1.5 4.3
1 Food rationing/shortage 5.9 1.5 2.8 1.3 2.3
2 Unfriendly people 1.5 0.5 0.6
3 Poor educational opportunities 0.6 0.7 0.5 0.2 0.2
4 Poor country/underdeveloped 1.8 0.5 0.5 0.5
5 People work too hard 2.4 0.4

'Economic' Group of Reasons 4.7 1.0 0.5 2.5 2.0
1 Poor job opportunities 1.7 0.5 0.5 1.5 1.0
2 People work without pay 3.0 0.5 0.6
3 Salaries low 0.5 0.5 0.4

Other Reasons 40.2 29.9 22.3 32.3 31.0

All reasons 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Total number of reasons classified (169) (405) (181) (392) (1147)



The role of television must not, however, be exaggerated in the forming of country
preferences. Two countries in the survey, Guyana and Belize, did not have television
stations. Yet the ranking of countries by Guyanese and Belizian students was not
dissimiliar to those by the other samples.









Analysis IV: Some localized prejudices
The three analyses above dealt with the reasons given by the Caribbean-wide samples.
There were, in addition, some interesting anomalies which suggested that 'localized
prejudices' existed.

The most noticeable was the case of Belize where 22 percent ol the sample placed
Guatemala at 'Level 12', and where the sample as a whole gave this neighboring country
an overall ranking of 38 out of 40. Guatemala has regularly reminded Belize of its inten-
tion to incorporate the latter within its territory: most of the reasons given by respondents
reflected a fear of such a union. Almost half the reasons cited the 'illegality' of
Guatemala's claim; others perceived a 'lack of freedom', 'political instability', 'violence',
'racial prejudice', 'unpleasant food' and even a frequency of natural hazards, such as
hurricanes and earthquakes. In view of this finding for Belize, it is worthy of note that
although both Guyana and Trinidad are subject to irredentist claims by beighbouring
Venezuela, children in these two countries did not display negative views of Venezuela.
Guatemala is clearly perceived as a more serious threat to Belizeans than Venezuela is to
Guyanese and Trinidadians.

Twelve percent of the Guyana sample placed India at 'Level 12.' This must be
viewed in the context of the continuing antipathy between Indian and Negro com-
munities in Guyana. It is probable that this 12 percent were Negro. for they referred
with distaste to the religion, language and culture of India, to racial discrimination there,
and also the prevalence of undernourishment, unemployment and underdevelopment.

Haiti was rated as 'least preferred' by ten percent of the Jamaica sample and
eight percent of the Guyana sample. These respondents referred to Haiti as a poor
country with few economic opportunities and a dictatorial government. Several
Jamaican children referred to Haiti as a country which believed in 'demons' and 'obeah'
(voodoo), a 'wicked' and 'superstitious' place. One child said: "From what I hear I am
afraid of that country."

Seven percent of the Montserrat sample placed neighboring Antigua at 'Level 12 ,
perceiving it as 'filthy', 'unhealthy' and 'unattractive', with an 'unruly and unkind'
people.

Finally, six percent of the Grenada sample placed the United States at 'Level 12',
giving a variety of reasons. There was some distrust of its 'imperialist government' and
'the CIA', but most reasons centered around its 'high crime rate.'


Implications of the country-choice data
The above data provide some clues as to how Commonwealth Caribbean youngsters
perceive their own and other countries. Their perception may be biased, restricted,
subjectively selective, and distorted, and may, therefore, be some way removed from
reality (Singer, 1977:33). Nevertheless, their perception of these countries may influence
the decisions they make in the coming years.









To begin with, the data would appear to have implications for future patterns of
migration. An individual makes a decision to migrate when "the difference between
perceived net benefits at the origin and destination reaches some threshold" (Jones,
1980:28). What is significant is that it is perceived and not necessarily real benefits which
are key.

The survey has shown that English-speaking Caribbean children, about to leave school,
perceive the United States and Canada as better places to reside in, than their own
countries. This suggests that the desire to emigrate from the Caribbean has not abated
and confirms Miller's opinion (writing of the ambivalence in the thinking of young
Jamaicans) that "the traditional view of the developed world as 'saviour' has not yet
been eliminated" (Miller, 1980:86).

Migration has traditionally been viewed as a necessary 'escape valve' to moderate the
rate of population growth in the Commonwealth Caribbean: "Its continuance is highly
desirable if massive increments to the population are to be avoided" (Sinclair, 1974:597).
Emigration from Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago, between 1962
and 1976, to the United States was almost 250,000. This was 6 percent of the
combined populations of these countries in 1975, or 18 percent of the natural increase
of their populations (Palmer, 1979:50).


The high rates of emigration have persisted in recent years. The annual outflow of
25,000 from Jamaica to the US, Canada and the UK, is the highest in the region, equiva-
lent to outflow of one percent of the population each year. In proportional terms,
however, Guyana's loss of almost 10,000 per year is higher, being two percent of its
total population (Williams, 1982; IDRC, 1980).

In a sense, the actions of West Indian emigrants implicitly question "some of the
notions of the bounded nation-state as it operates in the modern world": its indispens-
ability, its exclusivity and its goal of self-sufficiency (Carnegie, 1982:14). And their
actions give support to Orlando Patterson's view that what he called "the resource of
migration" is for Caribbean societies "the basic means of individual and societal
survival" (1978:106). Yet the politically independent Caribbean state is now a reality;
its development will occur only as a result of the efforts, and sacrifices, of its citizens. To
view migration solely as an 'escape valve' is to ignore the effects of that outflow on the
elements of the societies remaining behind.

What is key is that half of the present-day emigrants are classified by the visa-issuers
as 'workers', and at least half of these fall into professional, managerial and other skilled
categories (see, for example, Palmer, 1979:91). Migrants are not just numbers of
people; many have the skills crucial in the development of their countries. The siphoning
off of skilled manpower to developed countries thus deprives the developing country both
of resources (used in training the emigrants) and of the potential increment that might
have been expected to accrue to national production. This has recently been demonstrated
in the case of Guyana by Boodhoo and Baksh (1981). An earlier case study of Trinidad









and Tobago found that between 30 and 50 percent of students going abroad for training
did not return (UNITAR, 1971: Part 2, chapter I). The outflow from Caribbean countries
of trained personnel and the best young brains must be impeding the rates of development
of these countries.

There is another sense in which the lack of nationalism or patriotism (or even
regionalism) which is implicit in the findings of this study are of concern with regard to
the development of Caribbean countries. If young people generally prefer other countries
to their own, one may hypothesize that their central goal in life may be to emigrate:
they will thus make decisions and take actions with this in mind. Hence they may opt,
for example, for a kind of training which is 'saleable' abroad; they may fail to save and
invest in their own country (and this will affect capital accumulation, the key to develop-
ment); they may lack a commitment to infrastructure and institution-building in their
own country. If the failure to identify with, and have a sense of belonging to, one's own
country is as widespread as this survey suggests, hopes of rapid economic, social and
cultural development must surely be unrealistic.

The paradox is that while emigration seems necessary in view of population pressures,
the emigration of skilled workers and professionals will retard the development process.
Progress would seem to subsume a stronger commitment to one's own country that this
survey has found. It will be recalled that for only one territory (Belize) did more than half
the sample indicate their own country as being 'Level 1' (Table 4). For those Caribbean
children that placed their own country first, only 8.1 percent gave reasons related to 'love
of country' or a desire to help develop it (see Table 7).

Nationalism has been defined as "a state of mind, in which the supreme loyalty of the
individual is felt due the nation state" (Kohn, 1955:5). Shafer (1955:8) felt that it must
include, among other characteristics, "a devotion to the entity...called the nation."
Loyalty and devotion are learned; and schools, as one of the major socializing agents in a
country share the work with other institutions of inculcating beliefs, and ideas which
lead to the valuing of one's own country. This is a central goal for the educational
systems of many countries of the world (see Nelson, 1976).

Prior to the 1950's, power-elites in Commonwealth Caribbean territories were at pains
to ensure that educational systems inculcated values related to the stability and preserva-
tion of the British imperial system, and opposed the concept of nationalism. While some
efforts have been made to modify the curriculum in these countries, particularly over
the last decade, with the goal of fostering national 'consciousness' and regional 'awareness'
this study of children's preferences suggests that the efforts have not been adequate.
The children were 15 years old: thus the samples in Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica,
and Trinidad were born in independent countries. Montserrat alone, of the territories
in the survey, remains a British colony, albeit self-governing.

It may seem unusual in an era when the cause of 'Global Education' is widely
espoused to make a plea for a greater nationalist bias in Caribbean education. But it has
been suggested that "the extent to which schools deliberately propagandize consensus









values depends to some degree upon the extent to which societal integration has been
achieved" (Zeigler and Peak, 1970:116). If a society is still in a formative stage,
'propaganda' may be necessary. Okunrotifia (1971:221), for example, felt that one of
the aims of the Geography curriculum in Nigerian schools should be to develop in
students a sense of responsibility toward society and an intelligent interest in the formula-
tion of national goals and policies. The evidence presented above suggests that nationalis-
tic values are not being acquired in Caribbean schools. Those charged with curriculum
reforms must examine whether more should be done in schools to help build the self-
images of developing Caribbean countries.


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author wishes to acknowledge the School of Education, University of the West
Indies (Mona), for some financial assistance with regard to the costs of questionnaire
printing and data analysis; the Extra-Mural tutors, Education Officers, and School of
Education colleagues who helped with the organization of the survey in the seven
territories; the twenty-five anonymous teachers around the Caribbean, and their pupils
who completed their questionnaires so carefully.


REFERENCES



Boodhoo, M.J. and Baksh, A., The Impact of Brain Drain on Development, (Internation-
al Training Agency), 1981.
Carnegie, C.V., "Strategic flexibility in the West Indies: A social psychology of Carib-
bean migration", in Caribbean Review, XI, 1, 1982.
Conover, W.J., Practical non-parametric statistics (2nd ed.), New York: John Wiley &
Sons, 1980.
Davis, D.F. and Spicer, B.J., "An overview of the literature", in Slater and Spicer,
(1980), op. cit., 1980.
Gilmor, D.A., "Mental Maps in Geographic Education: Spatial preferences of some
Leinster school leavers", in Geographic Viewpoints, 3, Association of Geography
Teachers of Ireland, 1974.
Gould, P. and White, R.. Mental maps, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974.
IDRC (International Development Research Centre), International Migration (Guyana
and Surinam), Project Summary Document, 1980.
Jones, R.C., "Behavioural causes and consequences of rural-urban migration: special
reference to Venezuela", in Thomas, R.N. and Hunter, J.M. (eds.), Internal Migration
Systems in the Developing World with special reference to Latin America, Boston, Mass:
G.K. Hall & Co., 1980.
Koln, H., Nationalism: Its meaning and history, Princeton. Princeton U. Press, 1955.











Marshall, D., Potential migrants of the Eastern Caribbean, (Data from UNESCO/UNFPA/
ISER MAB Project, Four Country Questionnaire Survey), ISER Staff Seminar Paper,
1981.
Miller, E., "A case study in alternative perspectives: Jamaican young peoples' views of
self and North America", in The History and Social Science Teacher, 15.2, 1980.
Morrissey, M.P., "International Preferences of a Jamaican sample", in Slater and Spicer,
(1980), op, cit., 1980.
Nelson, J.L., "Nationalistic vs. Global Education: An examination of National Bias in
the schools and its implications for a Global Society", in Theory and Research in Social
Education, 4, 1976.
Okunrotifia, P.O., "The aims and objectives of Geography Education", in The Nigerian
Geographical Journal, 14 1971.
Palmer, R.V., Caribbean dependence on the United States Economy, New York. Praeger,
1979.
Patterson, O., "Migration in Caribbean Societies: Socioeconomic and Symbolic
resource: in McNeill, W.H. and Adams, R.S., Human Migration: Patterns and Policies,
Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1978. (11)
Shafer, B.C., Nationalism: Myth and reality, New York: Harcourt Brace, 1955.
Sinclair, S.S., "A fertility analysis of Jamaica", in Social and Economic Studies, 23,
1974.
Singer, M.R., "Perceptions in International Affairs", in Hoopes, D.S., Pedersen, P.B., and
Renwick, G.W., Overview of intercultural education, training and research, Vol. 1,
Society of Intercultural Education, Training and Research, 1977.
Slater, F. and Spicer, B.J. (eds.), Perception and Preference Studies at the International
Level, IGU Geography in Education Commission. Tokyo, 1980.
Spicer, B.J., "Do we sec ourselves as others see us?", in Slater and Spicer, (1980), op.
cit., 1980.
Stoltman, J.P., "Territorial concept development: A review of the literature", in Stolt-
man, J.P. (ed.), International research in Grographical Education, (Western Michigan
University (12) Department of Geography), 1976.
---------.... -------------- "Perspectives of residential and holiday places by United States pupils",
in Slater and Spicer, (1980). op, cit., 1980.
UNITAR (United Nations Institute for Training and Research), The Brain Drain from
Five Developing Countries (Part 2, chapter 1), 1971.
Williams, L., "Thinking of going to America?", in The Sunday Gleaner, May 2nd,
Kingston, Jamaica, 1982.
Zeigler, H. and Peak, W., "The political function of the educational system", in Socio-
logy of Education, 43, 1970.










FOOTNOTES


1 The 'Commonwealth Caribbean' is a family of territories sharing a common inheritance of
British colonial rule. Territories are listed here with political status and total population.
Those included in the survey are indicated by an asterisk:

Country Political Status Population

Anguilla colony 7,000
Antigua & Barbuda indep., 1981 74,000
Bahamas indep., 1973 210,000
*Barbados indep., 1966 260,000
*Belize indep., 1981 145,000
British Virgin Islands colony 12,000
Cayman Islands colony 20,000
Dominica indep., 1978 74,000
*Grenada indep., 1974 110,000
*Guyana indep., 1966 865,000
*Jamaica indep., 1962 2,090,000
*Montserrat colony 12,000
St Christopher(Kitts)-Nevis indep., 1983 45,000
St Lucia indep., 1979 113,000
St Vincent and the Grenadines indep., 1979 120,000
*Trinidad & Tobago indep., 1962 1,100,000
Turks and Caicos Islands colony 10,000

Total population (17 countries) 5,267,000


2. The questionnaire consisted of five sheets: (A) Maps to show the locations of all 40 countries
listed; (B) instructions on completing the questionnaire (reproduced below); (C) the matrix
(reproduced below); (D) open-ended questions on reasons for choices; (E) 40 cards naming
countries to be cut out and used with the matrix.

3. Owing to the constraints of space not all tables and other data could be included. Interested
readers are asked to contact the author for these.







SHEET B: The Instructions

WHERE WOULD YOU MOST LIKE TO LIVE?

1. Here is a list of 40 countries. You will also find them listed on the separate page (Sheet E) given
to you with this form. Please cut (or tear) Sheet E so that it makes 40 name-cards each with
one country's name on it.

2. Decide which of these countries you would most like to live in. This is your Level 1 country.
Place its name-card on the appropriate space in the diagram on Sheet C (on the facing page).
You will notice from this diagram that you are asked to choose one country for Levels 1 and
12, two countries each for Levels 2 and 11, three each for Levels 3 and 10, and so on.









19




3. You should next decide which two countries you would choose as your "next best" choice for
living in. These are your Level 2 countries. Place the two name-cards on the appropriate spaces
on the diagram.

4. Proceed in the same way to choose the three countries which would be your choices for
Level 3, the four for Level 4, the five for Levels 5, 6, 7 and 8. Continue down to Level 12,
making sure to use all 40 name-cards.

5. The country in which you would least like to live should be in Level 12.

6. When you are happy that the names of the countries are placed in the order that you want,
WRITE IN ALL THE NAMES IN THE DIAGRAM. (Remember: No country should be written
in more than once).

7. Finally, answer the questions on Sheet D.







SHEET C: The Matrix


PLEASE COMPLETE THIS DIAGRAM

Country in which you
would most like to live


Level. 1

Level 2

Level 3

Level 4

Level 5

Level 6

Level 7

Level 8

Level 9

Level 10

Level 11

Level 12


4 I


Country in which you
would least like to live


4 4 1


~


1









PUBLIC OPINION PERSPECTIVES ON
THE UNIVERSITY OF THE WEST INDIES

by

CARL STONE



Introduction
The Mona campus of the University of the West Indies has been operating since 1948.
In the twenty-year period between 1959 and 1979 its student enrolment has grown from
slightly more than 600 students to 4,500. The University's graduates and staff have
assumed visible and active roles in Jamaican society and public life. As the only
University in the territory, the UWI enjoys a monopoly over the granting of University
degrees. As an institutional survival of the defunct West Indies Federation the UWI
symbolises Caribbean regionalism in Jamaica. The Mona campus has evolved from being
part of a University College awarding London University degrees and dominated by
expatriates to becoming part of an independent University with a majority of West
Indian Faculty. The UWI has therefore assumed also the symbolism of cultural
decolonization.

In the 34 years of the life of the Mona campus of UWI it has had a significant and
varied impact on Jamaican society. This paper attempts to assess that impact through a
study of the University's public image. The data used in this study are taken from a
survey of public opinion on the UW1, carried out by the author over the October-
November 1982 period.

In attempting to appraise public perspectives on the UWI it is first necessary to
identify the specific interests in the society which are closely influenced by the flow
of events and developments within the University. These interests define or locate "the
attentive publics" or subsectors within the wider body of national public opinion. These
subsectors of "attentive publics" will tend to see the University, its role and character as
more salient and important on their agenda of interests than is the case with the average
citizen in the wider mass public. They will therefore be more informed about the
University's activities; more vocal in articulating opinions on UWI developments and more
likely to have clearly defined preferences about priorities for change within the
University. Where conflict issues arise from time to time on matters relating to
University affairs, these attentive publics are likely to be the main sources of opinion
articulation which forms and shapes the reactions of the wider body of national public
opinion. The views, opinions and points of view which come from these subsectors of
national public opinion will also tend to reflect the nature of the interest which makes
the University a salient item on their agenda of concern.

To define the nature of these interests and the respective attentive publics to which
they give birth as subsectors of national opinion, it is first necessary to set out the main
activities of UWI which provide the links of interests to attentive publics outside of









the University community. These relevant activities include the following:

(a) Generation, reproduction and transmission of culture through the liberal arts and
the humanities.

(b) Development of specialised skills and training to satisfy the labour market.

(c) Creating "knowledge resources" through research.

(d) The reproduction and creation of economic and social ideologies and the spread
of knowledge and understanding of the policy and social sciences.

(e) The reproduction of knowledge in the natural sciences.

(f) Health and community services.

(g) Providing expertise as a service to extra-University interests.

(h) Extending the development of human resources through higher education.

In its role as an important agent in the development and reproduction of specific
skills, the UWI relates directly to the interests of employers who hire the skills the
institution generates on the job market as well as to the socio-economic groupings who
benefit from this opportunity to upgrade their educational level and thereby increase
their bargaining power on the job market. The employer interest has to be subdivided
into three main sub-categories. These include managers and owners of larger private
sector enterprises, top administrators in the public sector, and administrators of other
training and educational institutions. These employer interests are mainly concerned with
UWI providing a satisfactory supply of skills to meet their manpower needs while the
socio-economic groups who are able to benefit from the education the University offers.
It seeks to maximise the leverage UWI certification offers within the local job market as
well as in overseas (mainly North American job markets), because of the extremely high
levels of migration and international mobility of the Jamaican middle class and lower
middle class.
Teachers as a group and educational and cultural institutions outside of the UWI also
have an important interest relating to UWI's role in the generation, reproduction and
transmission of culture, and scientific knowledge. The teachers and the educational
and cultural institutions that are influenced by UWI's role and performance in this area,
therefore, represent an important subsector of public opinion on the University.

The University's role as a generator and disseminator of knowledge through research
and the related areas of expertise in the basic disciplines of the academy and their related
applied areas gives rise to a linkage with the interests of managers in both the public and
private sectors who will from time to time need to draw on these knowledge resources
or areas of expertise where they exist to a satisfactory level of development. The use of
such University expertise, however, depends very much on how much the institution
is geared to undertake applied research, and on the competitive edge it offers in this,
field as measured against the perceived expertise of foreign consultants and other local
consultants in specific areas of applied scientific or policy research or expertise.1








All societies reproduce their political institutions and structures of power partly
through the impact of dominant social, economic and political ideologies and belief
systems which reinforce and consolidate the status quo. Additionally, societies experience
the challenge to change partly induced (among other things) by the impact of questioning
ideologies which become a basis for critical evaluation of the status quo. Universities
generate and reproduce both types of ideological currents and therefore will be seen by
subsectors of national public opinion as either strengthening or weakening the existing
structure of power and institutionalized authority in the society. Both the public and
private sector managerial interests and other centres of power and privilege in the society
may feel threatened or re-assured by the content of the dominant ideological currents
that are generated within a University environment. To the extent that within a society
like Jamaica ideological positions are both very important as well as a major source of
internal conflict, responses to the more visible ideological trends within UWI will vary
between these interests as well as between partisan tendencies within most interests
because of the sharp symbolic ideological polarisation between the dominant political
parties. The fact that there is among the University's staff a minor party leader whose
party ideology is both unpopular and seen as threatening by some local class interests
(within the private sector, some professionals and most of the older generation propertied
middle class) means that this factor is likely to distort public opinion perceptions of the
UWI as well as define the reactions to the institution from subsectors of public opinion
who are threatened by these ideological tendencies.

Beyond the impact on public opinion which filters through the linkages with specific
subsectors of national public opinion, UWI also has a more direct effect on Jamaican
public opinion. This effect hinges on the more visible of the University's activities such
as in the area of health, hospital and community services. An important aspect of the
study of the UWIs public image must involve identifying which areas of the University's
activities enjoy the most visibility from the perspectives of the wider body of national
opinion. The public opinion impact through the more visible activities connected to UWI
includes both the functional areas and departmental and faculty divisions within UWI as
well as personalities linked to these functional areas who tend to have high public
visibility. By the very nature and impact of this visibility by various persons connected
to the institution the images they project in the wider society help to project the image
of the University.

University education by its very nature involves training manpower resources for
recruitment into the main centres of power and decision making in politics, the profes-
sions, public sector management and private sector management. The UWI trained
form an increasingly important base from which the emergent body of public and private
sector technocrats and decision makers expand and reproduce their segment of the
national power elite. Complementing the class and family interests who are part of the
national power elite through their ownership of wealth and key areas of the country's
productive sector are the rapidly growing body of technocrats and decision makers in
managerial, technical and political occupations. As the public sector domain of power and
areas of public management have expanded over the years since independence and as
the growth of larger enterprises in the private sector and the emergence of public
companies have reduced management by owner-families and have increased professional








management, the whole character of the national power elite has changed. The power of
technocrats has become preponderant in key areas of national decision making as the
domain of public sector power has expanded. A similar though less dominant shift ot
power has occurred in the private sector with the growth of an increased demand for
professional management. Consistent with these trends has been a greater demand for
University education as a requirement for mobility into this national power elite. As
more and more UWI graduates have moved into this national power elite in politics, in
public administration and in the managerial and technical command positions in the
private sector, the institution has developed a close tie with the centres of power in the
wider society and its status and prestige have grown accordingly in the eyes of the mass
public.

The sample that formed the basis of public opinion data was drawn to represent both
the more important subsectors of the public as well as the majority of the national public
which consists of manual workers, the unemployed, petty commodity traders, artisans,
farmers and persons in the poorest 80% of households. The sample was therefore divided
into a majority and a minority segment. The majority or household segment was chosen
by a quota sample technique as the final stage of a multi-stage area sample using randomly
chosen polling division groupings as the basis for the sampling. The minority segment
was chosen by a target sample of larger private sector firms, public enterprises and
educational institutions. In addition, the majority sub-sample was stratified to ensure a
minimal or adequate fraction of professionals and white collar workers because of their
interest connection with the main activities of UWI.

In order to provide some comparative data with which to assess public opinion reac-
tions to the UWI, a small sub-sample of UWI academic, clerical and manual workers and
staff was also drawn.

The sample therefore consisted of the following:

Workers, farmers, petty traders,
artisans etc. (Majority classes) . .. . . 520
White collar workers. .... . . . . 353

Professionals . ....... . . ..244
Public and private sector managers who
employ graduates . .. . . . . . .176*

1,293

UWI academics. ...... .... ....... 72

UWI clerks and typists ........................ 80

UWI UAWU manual workers ................... 60

212
sub-sample drawn from 48 public Total 1,515
and private enterprises.








The UWI's Impact
Respondents were asked to indicate what they thought was the University's biggest
contribution to Jamaica. The objective was to get an overall view as to the areas of the
University's activities which were seen as generating the greatest impact on Jamaica.
The responses outlined in Table I indicate that knowledge generation through research,
scientific and policy expertise and even health and community services are seen as
relatively lower impact areas compared to the teaching function and the UWI's role in
providing higher education for students.

Some important differences emerge between the various subsectors of national
opinion. The majority classes see the UWI's health service as a close second in level of
national impact compared to the teaching function while among all other subsectors, the
hospital and health service is ranked much lower in impact although it consistently
emerges as the second most significant area of impact. Only the professionals (mainly
in the public sector) identify expertise from UWI academics as having had significant
impact on Jamaica. Within the managerial category, there is a small minority (mainly
private sector persons) without degrees who insist that UWI has not made any real
contribution to Jamaica.

The profile of views within the University sub-sample (Faculty, clerks, manual
workers) mirrors the findings for the wider mass public. The working class segment out
of a class concern and appreciation for the inexpensive health care and specialised
expertise the UWI hospital has to offer ranks that area of the University's activities very
highly as does its counterpart in the extra University sample. Like the sub-sample of the
majority classes, the UWI manual workers identify the UWI hospital as the principal
benefit the UWI has delivered to the poorer classes in the country and they spoke in great
awe and reverence for the medical expertise of UWI doctors and medical professors.

Like the sub-sample of professionals and white collar workers. UWI academics and
clerical staff view the institution's teaching function as being the area of greatest impact
on Jamaica. The UWI academics do not apparently have a self-image of the institution
as having either generated scientific or policy expertise or applied research which has
been of importance in Jamaica. Like the wider body of national opinion, they also see
the institution as being primarily influencing the wider Jamaican environment through
the teaching function. A small proportion of academics see the UWI's impact in fostering
West Indian regionalism as extremely important.

Beyond these rather general views and perspectives, Table 2 attempts to present how
the various subsectors of national pinion view the outstanding achievements and weak-
nesses of the UWI. The achieveme-nts in medical services and research, and the provision
of marketable skills and training 1fi students at inexpensive cost emerge as the dominant
achievements perceived. Among the managerial sub-sample and the professionals
significant weighting is given to what is said to be the achievement of high academic
excellence against a background of limited financing, facilities and resources.

UWI academic staff echoes this view even more strongly in the self-image emerging
in Table 2 which places high academic standards as the most outstanding achievement









of UWI. Next in importance are the achievements related to the Caribbean focused
teaching and research and the preservation of free expression of opinion. The views of the
clerical and manual workers mirror those of their counterparts in the larger subsample.

TABLE I

Major contributions to Jamaica by UWI, Mona,
Sub-samples of Public Opinion


Majority Classes


White Collar Professionals


Higher education for
students and advanced
training

Medicine and hospital

Don't know, can't say


62%


65%

18%

2%


4% 4%

6% 11%


Other factors

No contribution


100%


0% 0% 10%


100%


100%


100%


UWI sub-samples


Academics


Higher education for
students

Medicine and hospital

West Indian regionalism

Other factors

Don't know, can't say


66%

12%

4%

18%

0%

100%


Clerical Manual


100%


33%

50%

0%

1%

16%

100%


On the negative side, the majority classes tend not to have many areas ofdissatisfacti
with UWI. Only 16% voiced such negative views and here the main areas of dissatisfactic
centred on views about campus politics and students. The main dissatisfaction is th
feeling that political indoctrination takes place at UWI via communist academics an
that this in turn generates undesirable influences on Mona students.


Managers


Expertise









TABLE 2
Commendable or Praiseworthy A

Majority Classes


achievementss of UWI

White Collar Professionals Managers


Teaching
Medical Services
Expertise and Research
Research
Providing Marketable Skills
for Students
Academic Excellence
Other Factors


None/Can't Say




Academic Excellence
Teaching
Caribbean Focused Emphases
Freedom of Thought
Other Factors
Medicine
None/Can't Say


25%

34%
0%

0%
0%
0%

59%
41%


40%

27%
2%

5%
0%
2%

76%
24%


43%

19%
2%

12%
10%


20%

16%
0%

18%
17%


5% 4%


91%
9%


75%
25%


100% 100% 100% 100%
UWI Academics Clerical Manual

38% 0% 0%
12% 20% 18%
28% 0% 0%
3% 3% 0%
16% 8% 2%
3% 15% 30%
0% 54% 50%


100%


100%


100%


Dissatisfactions with UWI

Majority Classes...... Communist indoctrination (10%); students (6%); Total 16%

White Collar......... Communist indoctrination (20%); enrolment too low (14%);
needs more practical courses (12%); course options too narrow
(10%); needs more attention to student needs (9%); other factors
(4%); Total 67%.
Professionals........ Communist indoctrination (26%); course options too narrow
(24%); not enough research (23%); needs higher standards (8%),
too academic (9%); Total 90%.
Managers........... Communist indoctrination (34%); course options too narrow
(20%); not enough research (18%); too academic and needs more
practical job related course (15%); other factors (11%);
Total 98%.









The minority subsectors of national opinion have greater information levels and a
more clearly defined set of interests that are affected by how the University is run. They
have more negative views covering a much wider range of issues and subject areas. A
much larger body of opinion within the professionals, white collar and managerial sub-
samples (varying from 20% to 34%) insist that they dislike the political indoctrination
taking place at UWI under the influence of communists and marxist-leninists. The highest
level of concern is understandably among the managerial sub-sample and particularly
among the private sector managers where the fear was expressed by a higher 48% of
respondents interviewed.

The other major areas of dissatisfaction with UWI among these minority subsectors
or attentive publics focus on UWI's failure to prepare students with an adequate mix of
practical job related skills, the absence of a sufficient outflow of useful applied research,
the limited range of course options offered by UWI and the failure to expand the institu-
tion sufficiently to cater for a much larger student body than is now the case. Underlying
many of these open ended answers is a general feeling that is especially strong among the
professionals and managerial group that UWI remains a much too academic instituting
that has not fully adapted itself to local skill, manpower and applied research needs.

Although UWI has clearly diversified from more traditional academic teaching to
applied areas with practical job related content (management studies, social work,
library studies), there is strong sentiment shared by over a third of the professionals
and managers that UWI has moved too slowly in making this transition. Mona course
offerings are particularly criticised for offering no programmes in agricultural and indus-
trial technology, and for needing more specialised courses in business and management,
construction, energy and related fields. Implicit in these criticisms is the notion that
UWI Mona should be more oriented towards development in the direction of creating a
technical and business college while de-emphasising the traditional focus on basic
academic education via the Arts and Humanities, the Social Sciences and the Natural
Sciences.

Sharp criticisms were often voiced about the lack of a clear and well articulated link
between production and service industries and University based applied research which
could advance technological developments, the development of new products, new raw
material uses, and a greater flow of scientific knowledge to strengthen the economy.
When asked specifically about what they thought the University should be doing but
was not doing, the professional and managerial sub-samples identified the following:



Professional sub-sample: More applied research related to production (35%), more skill
related training (19%), more diverse course options (12%).

Managerial sub-sample: More applied research related to production (37%), more skill
related training (23%), developing more scientific expertise
(18%).








Some teacher-administrators took the view that there was not enough of a formal link
between UWI Departments and Faculties and other lower level teaching institutions
which deal with the subject matter of various disciplines taught at UWI. This position
parallels the view that is strong among private sector managers that there needs to be
more integration between the University and the processes of production in the wider
society. Clearly, these segments of Jamaican elite opinion feel that a closer integration
of the UWI with specific non-University spheres of activity would increase the national
impact and value of the University as an institution.

The pattern of dissatisfaction about UWI among University academics and manual
workers reflects a somewhat different agenda of concerns. The UAWU workers are mainly
concerned about lay-offs and redundancy rather than with matters relating to the teach-
ing and research functions of UWI. The UWI academics are concerned mainly with
administrative problems and alienation towards the UWI central administration,
inadequate funding to sustain a viable University (especially in the area of research),
the severe weakening of support services such as the library in the institution, and the
consequent implications for lowering academic standards in the future.

The internal academic agenda of concern as reflected in these responses contrasts
sharply with the agenda of concerns among professionals and managers in the wider
Jamaican society. The latter would like to see the UWI diversify and extend itself far
beyond the traditional confines of a mainly teaching institution with a focus on under-
graduates training in traditional academic core disciplines. Such directions would
require considerable expansion of post-graduate and research functions that would have
to be added to an already not inconsiderable load of undergraduate teaching. UWI
academics, on the other hand, worry that the supply of funding and the support
services for teaching and research are not adequate to even maintain high standards and
quality in respect of the present more modest division of labour and emphases within
the institution.

UWI academics also share the view of the professionals and managerial sub-samples
that the UWI should be generating more research, more skill and job related training and
a much wider offering of courses including areas relating to specialised training in
agriculture, engineering, veterinary science, dentistry, and business. When they were
asked what the University at Mona is not now doing but should be doing, the main
responses were as follows:

Mona Academic sub-sample: More varied programmes of courses in dentistry, agriculture,
engineering, architecture, veterinary science etc. (28%).
More research (15%), more practical and job related courses
(12%).
Clearly, the rapid changes taking place in the Jamaican job market and the new
dimensions of manpower and skill needs have developed far ahead of the University's
ability to adapt its training programmes to keep pace. Both academics and non-academics
recognize the need for UWI Mona to diversify its course offerings away from traditional
academic areas of focus towards more practical job-related skills. The UWI academic
view is not quite as strong and as insistent as the view coming from managers and profes-








sionals in the wider society. Within the University community itself, it is most likely
that there remain pockets of influential opinion that would challenge this view of the
direction of desirable changes at UWI, Mona, on the grounds that it seeks to combine
the training functions of a University with those of a technical college. The whole area of
what can be an optimal mix between a structure of basic academic disciplines in the
Arts, the Humanities, the Natural Sciences and the Social Sciences and a core of expand-
able applied skill and job related areas of training is a matter for serious thought,
reflection and exploration of alternatives and priorities both within the academic com-
munity and outside it among attentive publics and interests with a stake in an improved
University. All of this, of course, has to take place within some common sense of the
importance of University level training generally and broad national support for UWI as
an institution. This naturally brings us to the issue of how much support there is for UWI
in the wider Jamaican community.

Support for UWI
In a relatively open society like Jamaica where there is such a large outflow of migrants
to the United States and Canada and where so many Jamaican citizens and residents have
relatives in North America, a local University is invariably in competition with overseas
Universities. A good test of local support for UWI can be established by enquiring
whether or not citizens would send their sons or daughters to UWI or finance their
studies there if they had the foreign exchange to afford an overseas alternative.

Table 3 sets out the responses to this query from the main subsectors of the sample.
Except for the managerial subsector where as much as 40% of the mainly older, private
sector and non-degreed management persons would not wish their children to go to UWI
if there was an overseas alternative, in all other cases at least 70% of the respondents in
these sub-samples indicate a UWI preference even where an overseas alternative was
feasible. The results could be interpreted to mean that as the ranks of management
become more highly trained and therefore feels less threatened by University academics
some of the lack of support for UWI within that sector might be reduced. That inter-
pretation might, however, be misleading. Many of the top managers without higher
education who are located in key large enterprises have close social ties with the more
affluent business families in the country and tend to reflect the social ideology of that
class fraction. It is a point of view that favours exposure to foreign based educational
institutions partly on the grounds that they are superior to local institutions and partly
on the basis that an overseas education was traditionally a status symbol invariably
possessed by the educated among the wealthy in Jamaica. Thirdly, deep fears about
communism and marxists are very strong within this class fraction. Support for UWI
is clearly weak within that socio-economic grouping for a variety of reasons. That support
may however grow in the future if this socio-economic grouping begins to perceive UWI
research, expertise and priority emphases as having positive or potentially positive
impact on the economy and on production generally.
Among the managerial sub-sample 62% of the respondents who preferred overseas
Universities to UWI felt that those Universities were superior in quality. Another 30%
felt that the mere exposure to foreign travel made that option a more attractive alternative
than going to UWI.








TABLE 3

Percentage of respondents who would prefer to
send their children to UWI if they had an
alternative to send their children to University overseas

Majority Classes . . . ... 80%
White Collar . . . ... 75%
Professionals. . . . 72%
Managers ............ 60%
UWI academics . . . ... 80%
UWI clerical. ............95%
UWI manual ........... 98%

Reasons advanced for UWI preference
by rank order of importance

Majority classes (1. quality and cost of UWI education; 2. should support one's own
University; 3. students will cope better).

White Collar (quality and cost of UWI education; 2. students will cope better;
3. should support our own University).

Professionals (1. quality and cost of UWI education; 2. West Indian focus; 3. students
will cope better).

Managers (1. quality and cost of UWI education; 2. West Indian focus; 3. students
will cope better).


In the case of all the sub-samples, the quality of UWI education was the main reason
given for the UWI preference over a foreign University in that the dominant view
was that UWI education was as good as any available from most overseas Universities, and
the cost was cheaper. Additionally, it was also felt that students coped best in their own
environment and that UWI had the edge over most overseas Universities in the Humanities
and the Social Sciences where' there was a greater content of teaching that related
directly to the local environment. These views were especially well articulated by some
professionals and the more educated managers and particularly by UWI graduates. UWI
Arts and Social Sciences graduates within either sub-sample are especially strong in the
view that the greater West Indian content of these Faculties makes the UWI education
more useful for Jamaican students, over and above overseas Universities which may offer
wider and more specialised course options. Clearly, some strongly argued positions within
this segment of the sample would like to see UWI develop some of the features of some
overseas Universities (more diversity and specialisation in course offerings) while retaining
the all important West Indian flavour which they see as a major asset.








It would seem to be the case that the large number of UWI graduates who occupy
command positions in industry, commerce, banking, services and the public sector
provide a vocal and important segment of the local national power elite who support UWI
while feeling that the institution needs to undergo changes to keep pace with the society's
higher educational needs. This elite support for UWI among the newly emergent techno-
cratic class acts as a counter-weight to the anti-UWI hostility still to be found among
elements within the more affluent business families and their spokesmen in the private
sector.

Within the majority classes, support for UWI is at the highest within the various sub-
samples. Predominant among the reasons is a sense of nationalism dictating a view that
Jamaicans should support their own University. That factor is second in importance to
the dominant position that UWI's quality and relatively inexpensive cost makes it a
better option than overseas Universities. This nationalist sentiment could be seen as the
counterpart or equivalent to the emphasis the professionals and managers place on
receiving higher education in an institution with an explicit West Indian emphasis and
focus.

The UWI sub-samples gave responses similar to the larger sub-sample with UWI prefer-
ences over overseas Universities being highest among University Allied Workers Union
workers and clerks and typists. Here the latter two groups of workers are clearly express-
ing also a strong sense of institutional loyalty and did articulate a feeling of pride about
the high standards of UWI as an educational institution. Some ventured the view that it
was one of the best in the world. Among the academics one out of every five staff
members would prefer to send their child overseas for higher education at the first degree
level, mainly on the grounds of the weak support services (library, etc.), limited course
offerings and the absence of adequate areas of specialised training in modern job related
areas of study.
Respondents were further asked to evaluate more specifically the standing of UWI
compared to the modal level or quality of Universities in the United Kingdom and in the
United States in respect of specific areas of comparison such as teaching, research and
expertise in science. Table 4 reports the responses for the professional and managerial
sub-sample as well as for UWI academics. Most other respondents in the remaining sub-
samples had no adequate information basis on which to give coherent responses.
Additionally, Table 4 also sets out how these three groupings of sub-samples rank the
UWI institutional performance on a 1 to 10 scale of excellence.

The basis of this line of enquiry is the well founded view that support for UWI hinges
partly on the feeling that the institution has or has not achieved a high level of excellence.
The public image of the UWI's quality level in key areas of its functioning will therefore
have great bearing on rational support for the institution.

Table 4 reveals the reality that Jamaican professionals and managers tend on average
to rate the UWI rather low in the areas of research output (4/10) and scientific expertise
(5/10, 4/10) while ranking the institution much higher (7/10 and 6/10) in the areas of
teaching. University academics rank themselves on average at approximately the same
levels for teaching (7/10), research (4/10) and scientific expertise (5/10). This consensus








in evaluations among professionals both within and outside of the University suggests
that the University needs to do more to raise its ranking within the informed attentive
publics in the areas of research and applied scientific knowledge that is useable by the
wider society.

A similar pattern emerges with respect to comparisons with US and UK Universities.
Whereas the majority of professionals and managers rank the UWI as either better or
on par with overseas UK and US Universities in the area of teaching, UWI is ranked as
inferior by the majority in the area of research and scientific expertise (as shown in
Table 4).


TABLE 4

Ranking of UWI with Overseas UK and US Universities


UWI better Same standard


Professionals
Teaching
Research
Scientific expertise

Managers
Teaching
Research
Scientific expertise

UWI Academics
Teaching
Research
Scientific expertise


UWI inferior


63%
17%
24%



54%
22%
21%


25%
88%
83%


Rankings of UWI on Ten Point Scale of Excellence
(Mean ranking scores)


Teaching Research Expertise


Professionals
Managers
UWI Academics


7/10
6/10


4/10
4/10


7/10 4/10


5/10
4/10
5/10








TABLE 5

Choices among Options for Change at UWI

Anti-UWI Reform UWI Expand UWI Leave UWI As Is

(Close it) (Investigate to (Expand teaching (Leave UWI alone)
aid more bene- and Research)
fits to Jamaica)

Majority
Classes 5% 20% 69% 6%

White
Collar 0% 43% 55% 2%

Professionals 1% 50% 45% 4%

Managers 5% 51% 42% 2%

UWI
Academics 0% 32% 59% 9%
Given the fact that most respondents support the UWI but many (especially among the
more informed attentive publics) wish to see the institution changed, the third approach
to assessing support for UWI was to rank respondents on a scale or continuum of
reactions running from hostility, to support for reforms, to feelings that the institutions
should remain unchanged and unreformed. Only a small minority within the managerial
sub-sample would like to see UWI closed down (5%). The majority of the managers as
well as the majority of the other sub-samples wish to see the UWI reformed or expanded
with either a teaching or research emphasis. A significantly large section of all sub-samples
would like to see the institution investigated to determine how far it could be made to
serve Jamaican needs better. The reactions of UWI academics are not dissimilar to this
general pattern as can be seen from Table 5.

The overall findings point to appreciably strong national support for UWI but some
questioning of some of its areas of performance and a sense that the institution is over-
due for some in-depth evaluation of what it is doing to maximise how far it can serve
Jamaica better. Underlying all of these critical assessments, however, is the view that
the institution has preserved important areas of excellence in performance (particularly
in the area of teaching).
The Visibility of the UWI
Not all of the UWI's activities are very visible to the public which means that the
evaluations rendered about the institution are overly influenced by the more visible
departments, faculties, personalities and staff members.

Respondents were asked to indicate their overall level of knowledge about the UWI
by answering a short quiz with 10 questions on the areas taught at Mona, and the names








of University officials and staff members. Out of a possible perfect score of ten points,
the various sub-samples achieved the following average scores:

Majority classes . . . . . . ..... 1 point
White collar ......... ........... 3 points
Professionals . . . . . . . 7 points
Managers ..................... 7 points

The low visibility of UWI activities is reflected in the low average information scores
for both the white collar sub-sample and the majority classes. The information level
among professionals and managers is inflated by the presence of many UWI graduates
(38% and 48% respectively).

A more precise measure of visibility was gleaned indirectly by asking respondents to
nominate the UW1 department of Faculty which has made the most contribution to the
University's work. This of course includes only positive visibility and would exclude the
negative areas of visibility.

As can be seen from Table 6 Medicine tops the list overwhelmingly for all sub-samples.
This is followed by the Social Sciences Faculty, with Natural Sciences, Education and
Law consistently being perceived as more positively visible than the Faculty of Arts.
Among the managerial sub-sample, Social Sciences come a close second to Medicine as
Management Studies is singled out as a separate and special area of that Faculty's
activities. In some cases, therefore, support for Social Sciences generally does not follow
from support for the Management Studies Department among the managerial sub-sample.

Visibility was also measured in terms of UWI personalities seen as outstanding. In all
segments of the sub-samples the visibility lists were topped by personalities mainly from
Medicine, and the Social Sciences and by University personalities engaged in activities
which involve considerable public or media exposure (Stone, Miller, Nettleford). The
public's perception of such individuals as doing positive things and making significant
contributions to the wider society helps to strengthen the networks of support and
legitimacy for the University as a whole. It will be noted from Table 7 that for the
managerial, professional and white collar sub-samples between 63% to 83% identified at
least one individual who was seen as connected to UWI and making a significant contribu-
tion to the country. In the case of the majority classes where the visibility of UWI
personalities is considerably lower, the level is a mere 22%.

The University's Public Relations Department has been attempting to increase the
positive visibility of the institution by way of media coverage generally and a special UWI
page in the Daily Gleaner. The survey found that among the more informed sub-samples
the attentive readership as represented by the percentage of persons who both read the
page and were able to recall something read varied as follows:
Managerial sub-sample . . . . . . . . . . ... 19%
Professionals sub-sample . . . . . . . 22%
White collar sub-sample .................... 8%
University academics sub-sample . . . . . . ... 46%









Among the majority classes the level of attentive readership was 2% indicating a rather
low level of readership. Given the very low level of newspaper readership in Jamaica
and the declining levels of both readership and newspaper buying over the last 10
years added to the increasing trend towards audience reliance on radio as a source of
information, this low level of media visibility is not surprising. Within the more informed
minority of the sub-samples, the degree of attentive readership is considerably higher and
is influenced by both by greater interest and considerably higher levels of newspaper
readership (professionals and managers). The white collar sub-sample falls somewhere in
between. Here audience reach through radio would be much more effective as well, due
to the trend of declining newspaper readership as reflected in surveys carried out by the
author.
Table 6

Most Outstanding Faculties and Departments


Social Natural Management
Medicine Sciences Law Sciences Education Arts Studies


Majority
Classes
White
Collar


Professionals

Managers


48%


8% 6% 5% 0% 2% 0% (69%)


67% 10% 4% 6% 0% 4% 0% (82%)

60% 14% 7% 7% 7% 5% 0% (100%)

45% 18% 6% 9% 2% (0% 20% (100%)

TABLE 7


UWI Staff most mentioned as making a significant contribution
to Jamaica in rank order
Majority Classes (1. Dr. C. Stone; 2. Professor R. Nettleford; 3. Professor J. Golding;
Dr. T. Munroe). (Table 7)
White Collar (1. Professor R. Nettleford; 2. Professor E. Miller; 3. Dr. C. Stone;
4. Dr. T. Munroe).
Professionals (1. Professor J. Golding; 2. Professor R. Nettleford; 3. Dr. C. Stone;
4. Dr. T. Munroe; 5. Professor E. Miller; 6. Professor K. Standard).
Managers (1. Dr. C. Stone; 2. Professor R. Nettleford; 3. Professor J. Golding;
4. Professor E. Miller; 5. Vice-Chancellor A.Z. Preston; 6. Professor G.
Mills).
Percentage of Respondents who referred to at least one person connected to UWI
who was thought to be making a contribution to the country
Majority Classes . . . . 22%
White Collar ........... 70%
Professionals . . . . ... 83%
Managers ........... 61%









Managers' Appraisal of UWI Graduates
The final area of the survey covered the appraisal of the quality of UWI graduates by
managerial personnel in the public and private sectors.

Managers were asked to rank UWI graduates according to subjective estimates of
model performance levels in the areas of professional competence, work attitudes,
leadership qualities, intelligence, ability to write English, ability to speak English, ability
to learn and develop, deportment and attire and team work. This appraisal was requested
from managers in all private and public sector enterprises in the sample which had hired
UWI graduates. In addition, they were asked to indicate whether UWI graduates compared
favourably with other University graduates and whether they could identify any of the
good and bad characteristics they tended to associate with UWI graduates.

As shown in Table 8, UWI graduates are ranked quite high in learning potential,
competence and intelligence in terms of the overall average ratings within the managerial
sub-sample. Middle level average ratings are given for leadership, deportment and team
work, while the lowest ratings are made in the area of speaking and writing English.

Most managers tend to assess UWI graduates as being on par with graduates from
other Universities, although an approximately similar number think they are superior
and inferior (19% and 18% respectively). 52% of the managers interviewed insist that
they have had outstanding UWI graduates recruited among their enterprise staff. 80% of
them believe that having UWI degrees or other University degrees does increase the
competence of persons working within the respective enterprises. 74% expressed the
view that these enterprises gave preference to University graduates in hiring staff for
middle and upper level posts.


UWI graduates were criticised for being too theoretical and lacking in practical work
related skills and for sometimes being narrow in intellectual outlook and poor in work
habits. The more positive features identified the UWI graduates as demonstrating the
capacity to learn and grasp new things very quickly and for often having great drive and
enthusiasm. Non-graduate managers tend to deride UWI graduates as being theorists who
know very little but claim to know it all.

UWI certification has provided a means for rapid upward career mobility for many
Jamaicans in the public and private sectors. The strong presence of UWI graduates within
this managerial power structure tends to create a climate that has increasingly favoured

the hiring of UWI graduates and positive appraisals of their worth in spite of some pockets
of negative attitude towards UWI graduates among some older managers and some
managers without University degrees. Most managers are convinced that UWI graduates
perform as well as graduates from other universities overseas. Generally, the overall senti-
ment is that the quality of the product while satisfactory could be improved by better
job related training, more practical and less theoretical exposure to subject matter and
improvement in their facility in the handling of the English language.









TABLE 8

Ranking of UWI Graduates by Managerial sub-samples

Mean sample rankings on a 1-10 scale

Competence ........... ..... ... 7
Work attitudes .................. .... 6
Leadership ........ .. ........... 6
Intelligence ............ ........... 7
Ability to speak English . . . . . . . 5
Ability to write English . . . . . . . 5
Ability to learn and develop . . . . . 8
Deportment and attire . . . . . . .. 6
Team work ........... ...... .... 6

Conclusion
The overall survey findings indicate both extensive support for UWI within the
Jamaican public but also favourable evaluation of UWI graduates by management person-
nel and a view of the institution as doing important work that should be expanded to
yield a larger flow of benefits to the wider Jamaican community. There is a strong senti-
ment in some pockets of public opinion that UWI needs, nevertheless, to be reformed to
increase the benefits it can bring to the wider society. More practical and job related areas
of training, more applied research of local relevance and importance and expanded
student enrolment and more diverse course offerings within more specialised fields are
seen as the new directions in which institutional changes should oe channelled.
The views on the UWI expressed by the various segments of public opinion appear to
be largely uninformed about work in applied areas carried out by some UWI academics
on behalf of public sector institutions. Due to the fact that these activities have attracted
very little visibility, there is a tendency especially among private sector managers to over-
sight important advisory and consultancy functions carried out by UWI academics. There
is a clear need for more systematic projection of the role of UWI academics in areas out-
side of the University as only a few of those persons involved are very visible to even the
attentive publics.

Although support for UWI is strong among the majority classes, here the flow of
information about UWI's involvement in important areas of national development is quite
inadequate and there is very little visibility by UWI academics or Faculties. The attempt
to reach the majority mass audience through the newspaper is not likely to be very
successful. Some effort has to be made to utilise the electronics media in that effort to
create greater mass public awareness of UWI and its varied agenda of activities in the
wider society to avoid the University's image being shaped by a few very visible
personalities.







39


The informed public have a variety of ideas about directions for change within UWI.
Within the framework of the forthcoming administrative changes it would be advisable
for the UWI community to begin to evaluate itself in terms of how better it could be
geared to meet national needs in the areas of expertise, manpower, skills, new teaching
emphases, applied research and changes within the institution's priorities. If the academic
community fails to do it then outside forces are likely to initiate the agenda of discussion
for change within the institution. The consequences might not be desirable in terms of
finding an adequate blend and balance between academic excellence and relevance.











CHILD-REARING PRACTICES IN KINGSTON, JAMAICA


by

JACQUELINE LANDMAN, SALLY GRANTHAM-McGREGOR
and PATRICIA DESAI

Introduction
Child-rearing practices influence patterns of child development, so before planning
educational and social services for young children, it is important to take into account
normal cultural patterns. Little information is available on child-rearing practices in
Jamaica, particularly in relation to very young children. In her now classic work, Clarke
(1972) described the social background and family structure of rural Jamaica in the
1940s but made only fleeting reference to young children, stressing the important role
played by grandmothers in child-rearing and the relatively small involvement of fathers.
Kerr (1963) paid more attention to the older child and suggested a somewhat deprived
environment: children being described as having no toys, no opportunities to manipulate
materials nor to develop creativity. They were reported as doing heavy household chores
at an early age and being subjected to authoritarian discipline. However, in both studies,
the data concerning child-rearing were far from comprehensive and did not include
Kingston, the largest city in Jamaica. During the course of two separate studies the same
questionnaire, designed to document child-rearing habits and attitudes, was administered
to mothers in low-income suburban areas of Kingston. In this report, we have combined
information from both sources to obtain a more comprehensive picture of child-rearing
in Kingston. It should be emphasized that this study was planned to be purely descrip-
tive and not evaluative.
Methods
LOCATION AND SAMPLE The three suburbs of Kingston studied, August Town,
Hermitage and Tavern, are predominantly poor neighborhoods although they do not
include the most depressed areas in Kingston. We carried out a house-to-house survey of
the 3 study areas and identified 2 samples of mothers or guardians. One was part of a
cross-cultural study with English families and included 30 mothers of first-born children
aged 36-60 months and the second sample comprised all 45 mothers or guardians who
were not in full-time employment and whose children were in the age range 31-39
months (Table 1). This latter sample participated in a subsequent intervention programme
(Grantham-McGregor & Desai, 1975). In the combined sample of 75 the children's ages
ranged from 31 to 60 months and non-working mothers and those of first-born children
were over represented but there were about equal numbers of boys and girls.
THE QUESTIONNAIRE -A detailed, wide-ranging questionnaire originally designed in
England (Tupling & Tillot, 1972, personal communication) was modified and expanded
for the Jamaican study. It was designed to elicit responses about the social background
of the parents, the children's games, play materials, social contacts, the mothers' opinions









Table 1
Description of the samples.

Characteristics Sample 1 Sample 2 Total Sample
(N = 30) (N = 45) (N = 75)

Age range in months 36-60 31-39 31-60
Sex: boys 13 23 36
girls 17 22 39
Birth order: 1st born 30 12 42
Employment of mothers:
full time 10 5 15

about their children's play, and other factors in the child's environment. All question-
naires were administered by the same interviewer. Although some questions were pre-
coded and the responses expressed as frequencies, most were open-ended.
Results
In order to determine whether the selection criteria had biased the results to any
extent, the data were examined for differences between the responses of working and
non-working mothers and those of first and later-born children. The differences were
generally unremarkable and so the results are reported for the combined sample. The
few instances in which notable differences occurred between the 2 sub-samples are
reported in the last section of results.
HOUSING The housing was generally of a poor standard: some 35 families lived in
small houses in yards with other homes and often shared sanitary facilities. Similar
yards were described more fully by Brodber (1975). The homes the families lived in
tended to be small (average number of rooms 3.1) and crowding was a problem with an
average of 2.3 persons per room.
Half the sample had flush lavatories inside their homes (38,51%) while most of the
remainder had pit latrines (30, 40%). There were 41 (55%) families with piped water
inside their homes and the rest used water from outside taps. About half (41, 55%) had
kitchens attached to their houses while the remainder (34,45%) had kitchens separate
from the house, usually poorly built.
MOTHERS AND GUARDIANS Among the 75 caretakers of the children questioned,
64 (85%) were their mothers, 4 (5%) were grandmothers, 3 (4%) were other relatives
and 4 (5%) were unrelated. There was a wide age range of 17 to 80 years among the care-
takers with a mean of 30 years. Their union status approximately reflected that of
Jamaica in general, with 24 (32%) married,26 (35%) in common-law unions and 20(27%)
single women. The general standard of education was low: although most women had
completed primary education (51, 68%) and 10 (13%) had attended secondary school,
14 (19%) had either had no schooling or had not completed primary school.
FATHERS AND FATHERING Although most of the children's fathers were in semi-
skilled, blue collar (27, 36%) or unskilled manual (24, 32%) occupations, some had
white collar (15, 20%) occupations and a few had professions (3, 4%) or were students
(2, 3%).









Just over half the children's fathers lived with their families (41, 55%) and 16
(21%) visited weekly or more often. Smaller numbers of fathers visited occasionally
(10, 13%) or never (8, 11%). The mothers were asked whether the children's father ever
gave specific help in the home (Table 2). Most mothers (50) said the fathers looked

Table 2
The children's fathers' roles
Fathers' role No.1 %

Fathers sometimes:
got child up in the morning 22 35
made breakfast for child 24 38
helped with housework 39 62
gave child other meals 43 68
put child to bed 43 68
minded child while mother was out 50 79
Outings with child:
at least once weekly 14 22
at least once monthly 20 32
rarely/never 31 49
don't know 2 3
Footnote
1. N = 63 men, including 57 fathers who lived with child or visited frequently
and 6 substitute fathers.

after the children in their absence. Twenty-four were reported to prepare breakfast and
43 gave their children other meals. Over half the fathers (43) sometimes put their children
to bed, while 22 were said to get them up in the mornings. More than half of the fathers
were also reported to help with other household chores but the frequency of the fathers'
help was not ascertained. Few fathers (14) were reported to take their children out on
their own for weekly or more frequent trips and 20 did so at least monthly but nearly
half of the children (31) never accompanied their fathers on outings.
SOCIAL CONTACTS The children appeared to have many social contacts. Fifty (67%)
of the children were reported to have close relationships with at least one adult, other
than their parents, who lived on the same premises. This adult was usually a relative
(38%) and for 19 children at least one of the adults was male. Of the 19 single mothers,
16 had other adults in their homes and only 3 lived alone with their children. Among
the 35 children whose homes were in the same yard or premises as other homes, most
(31, 89%) visited the neighbours' homes but only 30 (40%) played with children in
different yards. The mothers did not like their children to play in the streets and only 9
(12%) were reported as doing so.
Most children (65, 87%) left their homes for outings in the neighbourhood, which
included trips to the shops, church or visits to other homes but only 22 (29%) were taken
to the park or playing fields in the vicinity. Many of the children (54, 72%) were taken
on monthly visits or various sorts of trips outside their neighborhoods, such as visits to
relatives in rural areas, shopping trips and an occasional visit to the zoo.









PLAY MATERIALS The mothers or guardians were asked about the toys or materials
with which the children played (Table 3). In general the children had few toys of any
kind: 19 had no toys, 27 had 1-2 toys and 29 had 3 or more toys. The most common
toys were balls, toy trucks or cars, dolls, and occasional tea-sets, marbles and jacks.
Table 3
The toys and other play materials of 75 children
Aspects of toys No. %
Number per child: 1-2 toys 27 36
3+ toys 29 39
no toys 19 25
Types: building toys 3 4
books 28 37
puzzles 5 7
writing/drawing material 17 23
Mothers deliberately did not buy
guns or aggressive toys 13 17
"dangerous" toys 13 17
Occasions: Christmas 62 83
birthday 23 31

Very few children had educational toys such as building toys (3), puzzles (5, 7%) and
paints (8, 11%). Somewhat more children had one or more children's books (28, 37%),
crayons or pencils and paper (17, 23%). The majority of the children played with other
objects in their environment such as leaves or flowers (52, 69%), empty cans (56, 75%)
and sticks (62, 83%). In general the mothers did not observe the children's birthdays,
only 23 giving presents. Most children received toys at Christmas (62).
MATERNAL ATTITUDES TO PLAY Most women expressed the opinion that toys
were good because they kept children out of trouble or occupied (64, 85%). Few women
recognized that toys could be educational (7, 9%) and four (5%) thought that toys
were bad for children or were ambivalent about their value. Most children played pre-
tend games (62, 83%) but mothers generally (49, 65%) did not participate in this kind
of play. Mothers did not usually like 'messy games': although most children (70, 93%)
played with sand or dirt, their mothers generally (35, 47%) disapproved and discouraged
them. Playing with water was almost universal (74, 99%) among the children, but the
majority (58, 77%) of mothers also discouraged this. However, many mothers (45, 60%)
gave the children a little dough to play with when they were cooking. Mothers were
asked whether there were any toys that they deliberately did not buy for their children
(Table 3). Thirteen (17%) of the mothers reported that they avoided buying guns or other
'aggressive' toys and an equal number did not buy toys which they considered to be
dangerous, such as balloons.
PLAY ACTIVITIES The mothers or guardians were asked about the types of play
activities they, the fathers and other adults participated in with the children. Both parents
and other adults were reported to engage in similar patterns of activities (Table 4). Al-








Table 4
Child's activities with different adults mentioned by mother
Mother Father Other Adult
Activities (N = 75) (N = 63) (N = 50)


No. (%)


No. (%)


No. (%)


Outdoor games 36 (48) 36 (57) 13 (26)
Romping 28 (37) 35 (56) 20 (40)
Play with toys 17 (23) 3 ( 5) 14 (28)
Teaching 11 (15) 3 ( 5) 6 (12)
Reads/looks at
pictures 5 (7) 1 (2) 4 ( 8)
Chats/jokes 3 (4) 3 (5) 6 (12)

though outdoor games and romping were mentioned most frequently for all three groups
of adults, they most frequently occurred with fathers. The most common activities were
hide and seek, piggy back or romping on the bed, ball games such as "catching" and
football as well as skipping. Only 23% of the mothers, 28% of other adults and very few
fathers (50%) were reported as playing with toys with the children. Teaching and reading
to children were generally infrequently mentioned activities, with more teaching reported
for mothers (15%) than others. When they were asked what they taught the children,
most mothers mentioned standard school subjects such as the alphabet, counting, spell-
ing, sums and tables.
When the mothers were asked what they enjoyed doing most with their children,
we found that romping was the most popular activity (18, 24%), followed by teaching
(15, 20%) and dressing the children in their best clothes (12, 16%). Miscellaneous activi-
ties were mentioned by as many (12) mothers and a further 15 (20%) could not think of
anything special.
LANGUAGE ENVIRONMENT About half the mothers said they told their children
stories, generally either fairy (27, 36%) or, less frequently, Anancy (24, 32%) stories.
In order to get some idea of the importance mothers attached to making conversa-
tion with their children, they were asked about the questions their children asked and
how many of them they answered. Few mothers (10, 13%) said they tried to answer all
the children's questions, while 34 (45%) said they tried to answer most questions. As
many as 30 (40%) mothers said they only attempted to answer few questions, perhaps
indicating the little importance they attached to this. When the guardians were asked
with whom their children spoke most, 35 (47%) said they talked with other children most
of the time, 19 (25%) children chatted with their mothers, 6 with their fathers and 15
with other adults.
Most families had functioning radios (64, 86%) which were on for the greater part
of the day in 61 (82%) homes, often for music rather than particular programmes. What
they heard on radio affected the type of play of 62% of the children. In contrast, most
families did not have televisions (48, 19%).
DAILY ROUTINE Several questions were designed to elicit a description of the
daily routines of the children and their families (Table 5). Little routine was apparent:









Table 5
The presence of routine in the children's lives
Routine No. %
Child's bedtime: no special time 66 88
no special ritual 50 67
Family eats together: daily 24 32
weekly or less often 41 55
infrequently 10 13
Special jobs for child 11 15


most children (66, 88%) had no specific bedtime; nor did they have
only 24 (32%) families regularly ate meals together and the children
(64, 85%) assigned special tasks to perform.


a bedtime ritual:
were not usually


DISCIPLINE AND PUNISHMENT Mothers were asked how they responded to certain
of their children's behaviours which were likely to be considered undesirable. About
half (37) of the children hit their mothers at some time and they were usually punished,
often being hit in return (Table 6). Most children hit other children at one time or an-
other for which they were almost invariably punished, usually with spankings from their
mothers. Fifty-one children were said to lose their tempers sometimes, for which about
equal numbers of the mothers said they punished their children as said they did not
mind. Bed-wetting occurred in a large proportion of children (63%); half of the mothers

Table 6
Methods and maternal attitudes to discipline and punishment
Maternal Responses

Child's behaviour Child did Did not Punished
not do mind child
N (%) N (%) N (%)
Hits mother 38(51) 6(8) 31 (41)
Wets bed 28 (37) 25 (33) 22 (29)
Loses temper 24 (32) 19(25) 32 (43)
Runs about house 7( 9) 47 (63) 21 (28)
Makes a lot of noise 5 ( 7) 49 (65) 21 (28)
Hits another child 3( 4) 3( 4) 69 (92)
Some types of punishment mothers reported
Punishment No. %
Beats child with implement 59 (79)
Threaten withdrawal of love 53 (71)
Threatens referral to father 47 (63)
Threatens separation 35 (47)
Threatens referral to policeman 25 (33)









punished their children for this whereas half said that they were not bothered by it.
Most children exhibited boisterous behaviour such as running about the house (91%) or
making a lot of noise (93%) which mothers often tolerated. When the mothers were
asked specifically whether they used certain types of punishment, we found that a wide
variety of punishments were meted out to the children when they were thought to be
naughty. One category of the punishments included rejection, either as threatened
separation (35), or more often (53) as threatened withdrawal of love. Commonly a threat
of referral to more authoritarian figures, the father (47) or a policeman (25), was in-
voked. Most mothers said they sometimes beat their children with an implement (59),
such as a belt or stick, a practice unrelated to the child's age as the children who were
beaten (39.8 + 7.4 (SD) months) were not significantly older than those who were not
(38.7 + 4.8 (SD) months). Mothers also reported other methods of disciplining their chil-
dren, such as smacking or shaking them (89%), confining them to the house (84%) oi
bribing them with a promised treat (91%).
SEPARATIONS The mothers or guardians were asked about the number, duration and
reasons for any separations their children had experienced (Table 7). Over half the chil-
dren (43) had been separated from their mothers for at least one week, 30 of whom had
experienced one and 13, 2-4 separations. During these periods away from their mothers,
the children were usually in the care of relatives, especially the grandparents (18, 24%).

Table 7
Description of separations of children from their mothers
Details of Separations No. %
Number of separations: none 32 43
one 30 40
two or more 13 17
Accumulated duration per child:
less than 1 week 32 43
2-10 weeks 13 17
11-20 weeks 2 3
21-52 weeks 7 7
53-weeks or more 8 11
Reasons for separations:1
mother/child sick 28 42
mother working 11 17
mother emigrated 7 11
child visiting relatives 7 11
marital difficulties 7 11
mother pregnant 2 3
mother died 2 3
don't know 2 3


66) not the total


Footnote
1. Expressed as per cent of the total reasons for all separations (n
sample.







Only one child was said ever to have been looked after by a paid child-minder. For
most children, the separations were relatively short. Thirteen children spent no more
than 1 week away from home, a further 15 spent between 2 and 10 weeks away and smaller
numbers of children were separated for longer than 21-52 weeks and 8 for more than a
year. Among these 13 children separated for longer than 21 weeks, 10 were still with
their foster-parents. There were many reasons for these separations. Most frequently
the mother was sick (25) or the child was admitted to hospital (3). Two mothers had
died. Equal numbers of children (7) were separated because of marital conflict between
their parents, or their mothers had emigrated, or the children were simply visiting
relatives.
MATERNAL ASPIRATIONS When the mothers were asked what type of education
and what occupations they thought their children would have, professional occupations
such as teaching, nursing or medicine were most frequently mentioned, although higher
education was not as commonly envisaged (Table 8).
Table 8
Mothers' expectations for their children's futures.

Future activity No. %

Child's schooling: secondary school 29 39
good schooling 19 25
don't know 10 13
what child wants 8 11
College/university 6 8
preparatory school 2 3
primary school 1 1
Child's occupation: professional 39 52
don't know 18 24
whatever child wants 14 19
clerical work 2 3
skilled job 1 1
unskilled job 1 1

Finally, the mothers were asked what their greatest worries were and Table 9
shows that, although the most common concerns were economic ones, many mothers (32)
said that they had no particular worry.
Table 9
Mothers' responses to the question "Is there anything that particularly troubles you?"

Response No. %

No worries 32 (43)
Housing and Money 26 (35)
Miscellaneous worries 15 (20)
Lack of father for child 4 (05)
Has to go out to work 2 (03)









COMPARISON OF TWO SUB-SAMPLES Differences between first- and later-born
children and those of working and non-working mothers were few. Indicators of socio-
economic status were similar in all groups. Children of working mothers were more likely
to have close relationships with other adults and to have have been separated from their
mothers but these trends were not statistically significant. Working mothers' children had
significantly more toys (x2 = 5.0, p < 0.05) than other children but there was no differ-
ence in the pattern of the mothers' reported play activities.
First-born children were different in only a few respects: their fathers were less
likely to live with them than those of other children (x2 = 12.8, p < 0.01), which is in
keeping with the traditional fertility and marriage patterns in Jamaica. There were also
non-significant tendencies for more first children to visit other homes and they were less
likely to have been separated from their mothers. While significantly more mothers
spent time teaching first-born children, the pattern of other activities they reported was
similar.
Therefore we consider that the nature of the sample probably does not distort the
picture of child-rearing to any great extent, with the proviso that it may underestimate
the presence of fathers and ownership of toys, at the same time overestimating the
extent of mothers teaching children when compared with the general population.

Discussion
A major problem with data of this sort is that there may be an important gap
between what the mothers say and what they actually do (Shipman, 1972). Therefore,
where possible, as in the case of play materials in the home, responses were cross-checked
by direct observations, or by asking about the same topic in more than one way. From
a historical perspective, Jamaican child-rearing practices, like other aspects of the culture,
are largely derived from Africa, slavery and British influences. This is most clearly seen
in the nature of conjugal unions in Jamaica where marriage is frequently delayed until
after child-bearing has begun and until a measure of economic security has been attained
(Kerr, 1963; Clarke, 1972; Roberts and Sinclair, 1978).
Therefore, we have examined the literature for evidence of similarities between
Jamaican child-rearing and those reported for West Africa.
A pattern of many social contacts emerges with children frequently forming close
ties with adults, usually women, other than their parents and living and playing in densely
populated homes and yards. This is somewhat reminiscent of the multiple caretakers for
children of the Anfoega-Ewes of Ghana for example (Dzobo, 1971). Among the Akan,
mothers are primarily responsible for their infants, fathers usually being more distant
and remote (Bartels, 1975). Kingston fathers appeared to be rather authoritarian figures
and this agrees with Clarke's previous observations, and with the African model (Peil,
1977).
Other features of the child-rearing patterns of the Akan people, from whom most
Jamaicans are descended, are worth noting: birthdays are not observed, neither is there
a regular bedtime nor are there regular mealtimes (Bartels, 1975). The Jamaican picture
is similar in these respects. We found that disciplining children frequently entailed beat-
ing them. This emphasis on corporal punishment may stem from slavery although
Herskovits (1969) reported a high incidence of whipping in West Africa.









African societies differ in their modes of socializing children' but generally the
child is prepared to take his place as an adult within a traditional framework (Levine,
1977). Thus play is usually imitative (Indire, 1976) in preparation for doing jobs from
the age of 4-7 (Ocitti, 1973). West and Central African children alike have been reported
to have few toys (Bruner, 1972; Goldberg, 1977), instead playing with homemade
facsimiles of implements adults use (Indire, 1974; Ocitti, 1973) and thus having few
opportunities to acquire manipulative skills (Bruner, 1972). Similarly, of the relatively
few toys we found, very few were educational.
There was little conscious attempt to promote cognitive development through
play: mothers were unaware of the importance of toys and play in children's develop-
ment but this kind of emphasis would be incongruous among such poor families. Levine
(1977) hypothesized that child rearing may emphasize survival techniques in cultures
where child mortality is high. Although survival is not a major problem in Jamaica, the
main focus is still on providing basic amenities for the family. Unlike African families,
Jamaican mothers discouraged "messy" play, and were somewhat more restrictive. Ring
games of African origin, played by older children (Kerr, 1963) were mentioned by a
few mothers.
In Africa, verbal skills, oral literature, knowledge, ethics and values are transmitted
through songs, stories and riddles (Callaway, 1975; Bartels, 1975; Nyirendra and Samoff,
1975; Indire, 1974). In Jamaica, folk stories about Anancy, the spider hero derived from
the Ashanti figure, used to be commonly told but in this study, they were only reported
by 32% of the mothers, suggesting a decline in the traditional folklore and oral literature.
As few grandmothers were bringing up some of these children, their role in child-
rearing is diminished in comparison with that reported for rural Jamaica (Clarke, 1972;
Desai et al 1970).
Some 30 years ago Clarke also reported that Jamaican fathers in a poor rural
community participated little in child-rearing. In the present study there appears to be
greater paternal participation for, although only 55% of them lived with their families,
most of the other fathers visited. The main features of fathers' patterns of activities
were robust games and play and an occasional trip with the children on their own without
their mothers. Mothers reported that the fathers spent little time chatting, teaching or
reading to their children. There is some suggestion that Jamaican fathers help around
the house to a greater extent than formerly expected; however, care must be taken
not to put too much weight on this finding as the regularity of these paternal activities
was not ascertained.
Children's separations from their mothers were fairly frequent but mostly of
short duration, and long-term separations were often associated with permanent fostering.
Roberts and Sinclair (1978) have estimated that 15% of all Jamaican children are fostered
and our figure of 11% is similar. They found that economic factors, particularly mothers'
working, precipitated separation and this reason ranked second to ill-health in our study
(Table 7). In view of the few facilities for working mothers and their need to work, many
are obliged to leave their children who most often go to their grandparents or other
relatives. Very few mothers reported that their children showed signs of distress at
separation. Thinking on the effect of young children's separations from mothers has
changed recently (Rutter, 1980). It is no longer thought that long-term problems in-









evitably result because the duration of and reasons for separations, the age of the child
and quality of foster care, all modify the effects. We do not have sufficient details about
the events surrounding the separations these children experienced to infer their possible
long-term effects. Nevertheless, because we may expect to find subsequent emotional
problems in some cases, further study of this point is required. The children accom-
panied their parents on varieties of trips, particularly within the neighbourhood, but
these outings were rarely undertaken specifically to amuse or interest the children, who
merely accompanied parents on their rounds to shops, church or on visits. As 46% of
the children went to Church or Sunday school, religion appears to play a dominant role
in these families' lives.
Child-rearing practices must also be placed in the context of the families' present
environment. These Jamaicans were relatively poor people, their housing was generally
substandard and overcrowded, the parents' level of education was usually low and their
neighborhoods had few facilities and amenities. Many of our findings can be explained
by urbanisation and poverty: the lack of routine and rituals we found has also been re-
ported in poor North American and British homes (Bossard & Boll, 1966; Newson &
Newson, 1976). Similarly, the physical conditions in poor Western homes make such
events as families' sitting down to meals together and children's going to bed at special
times impracticable. Moreover, the lack of awareness of the educational value of toys is
also common among Western families of lower socio-economic status (Jones, 1966;
Bernstein and Young, 1967). It was surprising how many Jamaican mothers admitted to
beating their children with a belt or stick at such young ages, but an increased use of
physical punishment, threats of separation or of referral to authoritarian figures have
been associated with urban working-class families in England (Newson & Newson, 1976)
and the United States of America (Bronfenbrenner, 1958). Some mothers seemed to
attach little importance to answering the children's questions and here again bore similar-
ity to English working-class mothers (Robinson & Rackstraw, 1967). In these Kingston
homes the radio was usually on, indiscriminately, a common finding in families of lower
socio-economic status in Western societies and one which raises questions about the
extent to which radio is responsible for replacing the traditional oral literature of African
origin. The answers to these questions assume particular importance because what they
heard on the radio affected the type of play of most of these Jamaican children, suggest-
ing that the radio is a pervasive influence.
Mothers were anxious for their children to do well at school, and teaching featured
as one of the things mothers most enjoyed doing, usually formal subjects taught by rote.
Furthermore, the mothers generally had high aspirations for their children's careers
but did not have a clear idea of what was involved as so few mentioned college as a
necessary step towards achieving such aspirations. Similar findings have been reported
among poor families in North America (Hess et al; 1971; Laosa, 1980). Finally, that
many mothers said they had no particular worry, despite their manifest poverty, may
be a reflection of a sense of passivity and inefficacy which has been described. (Hess
et al, 1971).
Although it is difficult to compare dissimilar studies, there appear to have been
some changes in Jamaican child-rearing practices in the past three decades. For example,
it is no longer common for children of this age to be given chores (Beckwith, 1969;










Kerr, 1963), traditional folklore is less important, the grandmother's role is diminished
and father's participation is greater. Play materials, although limited,are more in evidence.
Urbanisation may be responsible for some of these changes.
In summary, a picture emerges of a rich social life, authoritarian discipline and
little conscious encouragement of cognitive development. There is a relative lack of the
child-centredness which is the hallmark of Western middle-class child-rearing. These
practices reflect a somewhat discordant mix of the influences of an African heritage,
Western urbanisation and poverty.



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velopment, Bonn, p. 306.
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Bernstein, B. and Young, D. (1964) Social class differences in conceptions of the uses of toys. Sociolo-
gy, 1: 131.
Bossard, J. and Boll, E. (1966) The Sociology of Child Development. Harper and Row, N.Y. and
London. Fourth Edition.
Brodber, E. (1975) Yards in Kingston, Jamaica. Institute of Social and Economic Research. Working
Paper No. 9.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1958) Socialization and social class through time and space. In Readings in
Social Psychology. Edited by E. E. Maccoby, T. M. Newcomb and Bartley, Holt, N. Y.
Bruner, J. (1972) Culture and cognitive growth. Reprinted in African Children Between Family
and School Education. A Reader. Edited by U. Bude (1979), German Foundation for International
Development, Bonn, p. 128.
Callaway, H. (1975) Indigenous education in Yoruba society. Reprinted in African Children between
Family and School Education. A Reader. Edited by U. Bude (1979) German Foundation for Interna-
tional Development, Bonn, p. 328.
Clarke, E. (1972) My Mother Who Fathered Me. A study of the family in three communities in
Jamaica. C. Allen and Unwin Ltd., 3rd imp. First published in 1957.
Desai, P., Standard, K. and Maill, W. (1970) Socio-economic and cultural influences on child growth
in rural Jamaica J. Biosoc. Sci. 2: 133.
Dzobo, N. K. (1971) The family as an agent of moral education. Reprinted in African Children
Between Family and School Education. A Reader. Edited by U. Bude (1979) German Foundation for
International Development, Bonn p. 320.
Goldberg, S. (1977) Infant Development and Mother-infant Interaction in Urban Zambia. In Culture
and Infancy. Variations in the human experience. Edited by P. H. Liederman, S. R. Tulkin and
A. Rosenfeld. Academic Press, N.Y.
Grantham-McGregor, S. M. and Desai, P. (1975) A Home Visiting Intervention Programme with
Jamaican Mothers and Children. Dev. Med. Child. Neurol., 17: 605.
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Hess, R., Bloch, N., Costello, J., Knowles, R. and Largay, D. (1971) Parent Involvement in Early
Education. In Day Care: Resources for Decisions. Edited by E. H. Grotberg. Office of Economic
Opportunity, Office of Planning, Research and Evaluation.
Indire, F. (1974) Patterns of learning of the young in traditional Eastern African Society. Reprinted
in African Children Between Family and School Education. A Reader. Edited by U. Bude (1979).
6erman Foundation for International Development, Bonn, p. 292.











Jones, J. (1966) Social Class and the Under-fives. New Soc., 221: 935.
Kerr, M. (1963) Personality and Conflict in Jamaica. Collins, London. First published in 1953.
Laosa, L. M. (1980) Maternal teaching strategies in Chicano and Anglo-American Families: the
influence of culture and education on maternal behaviour. Child Dev. 51: 759.
Levine, R. A. (1977) Child-rearing as cultural adaptation. In Culture and Infancy. Variations in the
human experience. Edited by P. H. Liederman, S. R. Tulkin and A. Rosenfeld. Academic Press, N.Y.
Newson, J. and Newson, E. (1976) Four Years Old in an Urban Community. Penguin Books, England.
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Between Family and School Education. A Reader. Edited by U. Bude (1979). German Foundation
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Roberts, G. and Sinclair, S. (1978) Women in Jamaica. Patterns of reproduction and family. KTO
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Acknowledgements

We thank Mrs. C. Barnes for conducting the interviews. This project was supported
by the Medical Research Council of Great Britain.










LANGUAGE REQUIREMENTS IN JOB ADVERTISEMENTS
NEW TREND OR OLD PLOY?

by

BASIL LIVINGSTON CLEAR

While attending Howard University in the early 1960s, the author had ample opportunity
to hear of discrimination individuals overcame in securing gainful employment in their
areas of training, expertise and experience. A most vivid story involved one of the pro-
fessors, a professional civil engineer, who worked in the US Postal System handling mail,
because he could not find a job as a civil engineer. This condition did not occur because
there were no jobs for civil engineers; it was simply because he was Black. Other properly
trained and highly qualified Black professionals suffered similar humiliation and indignity.
Students listened to these tales with great interest because they too had experienced
discrimination in acquiring public and private accommodation in educational, economic
and social activities, and they too had to face a job market which was still hostile to Black
professionals.

When the 1963 engineering graduates embarked on the job hunting trail, the situa-
tion of the pre-1960 era had changed somewhat. Job applicants were no longer told out-
right that there were no jobs available because they were Black; the crude plantation
variety of discrimination had mellowed into a more sophisticated but equally cruel and
dehumanizing brand. Weapons in the hands of discriminatory companies were extensive
testing, offers of insulting salaries and/or job offers below the levels of qualifications. If
the candidate was successful in withstanding the barrages of inconsequential testing
which included, but were not limited to, Intelligence (IQ), Aptitude, Preference, Psycho-
logical and Mechanical Ability, the discriminatory companies would offer the candidate
a low salary and/or an inferior job; this, no doubt, was intended to be a possible prompt
for the candidate to refuse the job offer, a difficult task if the individual needed a job.

Although some discriminatory hiring practices were outlawed in the USA, they
were still practiced by some US companies, especially when they operated in certain
overseas markets. Shearer, in his studies of hiring practices by US companies in Latin
America, concluded that:
1. It is important that the activities of overseas firms reflect credit on themselves,
their country and on the economic and social systems which they represent.
No American company would dream of stating publicly, especially in the host
country, that the services of the best nationals it could employ are worth but
a fraction of those of the second-string Americans which it has seen fit to
import and yet their actions testify to this conviction. Their actions support
the widespread and damning view that most American firms merely pretend to
be interested in employing nationals in positions of great responsibility. This
view was expressed by many national and a few American executives and by








many American and national observers outside the firms studied. They
described the current heavy dependence on Americans as "an insult to the
host country", "a colonial situation", and as "morally wrong".
2. . American firms which favor continuing heavy dependence on overseas
Americans cannot claim full participation in the national crusades for indus-
trialization because they practice industrialization with reservation. The
interests of their country and of the system they represent, as well as their
own particular interests, would be far better served by their sincere determi-
nation to invest more wisely in the abilities of nationals.1
Are Bahamian nationals being given a fair chance of the top positions, levels one
and two, in non-locally owned organizations today? Or are they being relegated to level
three and below as Shearer found in his study? In an attempt to answer these questions
for the Bahamas, "classified ads" of the morning daily newspaper were investigated and
samplings extracted for further analysis. On the assumption that every job held by an
individual "on a work permit" will eventually be advertised before any renewal applica-
tion can be made, the "classified ads" presented a clear picture of the world of hiring
high powered nationals.2 The analysis focused mainly on the language requirements in
job advertisements; although, when superfluous, vague and highly exclusionary require-
ments were encountered, pertinent comments were made.
Many foreign-owned companies in the past have been shipping managers to various
parts of the world where the managers did not have any ability of communicating in the
language of the host country. To find that advertisements for positions in an English-
speaking country carry foreign language requirements indicates continued gross insensi-
tivity to the national pride of host countries.
Protagonists of this behaviour will claim that these "ads" are in keeping with condi-
'tions of the job. This may or may not be the case. For this reason the air will be cleared
by first commenting on job analysis; then classified advertisements as found in the news-
paper are presented in two groups, banking and resorts, because these two groups are the
principal industries in the Bahamas.

Job Analysis
Job analysis is an objective investigation of the "nuts and bolts" of a job. The pro-
cedure is as follows: 1) The investigator discusses the "job" with the supervisor under
whose jurisdiction the job falls; 2) The investigator discusses the job with the incumbent
and any other individual having information about the duties and functions of the job; 3)
The investigator observes the worker performing his/her tasks; 4) The analyst also con-
sults the previous documents pertaining to the job. This procedure is conducted for each
job being analysed, and all pertinent information is verified before inclusion in the find-
ings.
After the investigation, the analyst prepares two documents: a job description and a
job specification. The information contained in these documents is specific; they tell
exactly what a job is about and the other important factors such as what the job requires
and what qualifications and abilities the worker must have to perform the job. A legitimate
job advertisement will contain information only from these two documents.
A job requirement is discriminatory when it does not relate to the performance oj
the job and/or it maliciously eliminates a significant portion of the population from coj








sideration for the job. What may be a bona fide requirement in a certain job situation can
be discriminatory in another!
It must be remembered that the entire employment process is not a discriminatory
procedure; in its true form, it is a differentiating process where the non-qualified are
separated from the qualified and the qualified are further assessed in terms of those best
able to perform the job, in the mind(s) of the selector(s) and on a totally impartial and
objective basis.

Banking
Advertisement No. 1 Nassau Branch of an in-
ternational US-based bank with a substantial busi-
ness volume has an opening for a well-versed interna-
tional banker for the position of General Manager and
Senior Lending Officer of that offshore banking
office. The applicant should be a mature person; with
the knowledge of Spanish and French in addition to
English, should have a college degree and have com-
pleted graduate studies emphasizing finance and-or
business administration. The successful candidate
should have a minimum of 25 years practical experi-
ence in all areas of international banking including
lending and operations, with a minimum of 10 years
practical experience in all phases of Euro-currency
loan operations, and will be responsible for adminis-
tration of Branch/Loan Portfolio and Credit evalua-
tion/Controlling (Accounting, Bookkeeping super-
vision, finance controls)/Money market activity super-
vision/Customer Relations (must deal with the Bank's
international clientele, with particular emphasis on
those speaking Spanish and French). Sound theore-
tical and practical knowledge of every aspect of Euro-
banking and appropriate managerial skills are neces-
sary as well as an in-depth knowledge of the Federal
Reserve and New York State banking regulations.
Bahamians only need apply. Please apply in writing,
and send resume covering experience in all indicated
areas of responsibility to: P.O. Box N 3234, Nassau,
Bahamas.3 (Slash (/) supplied by the author.)
How many individuals embarked on banking careers will naturally amass this experi-
ence and expertise? The job requires a linguist, an expert in Euro-currency and Euro-
banking, and an expert in two banking systems. Is the advertisement not a mockery and
insult to native Bahamians when it specifies that "Bahamians only need apply"?
Attention is drawn to the language requirement, which, if not met, should eliminate
all candidates, even though they were experts in all of the other areas, if the requirement
vas genuine.









The average banking major in any educational institution anywhere in this world is
hardly expected to speak and write fluently in English, Spanish, French and Portuguese!
On top of the linguistic requirements, the candidate must have had ten years' practical
experience, minimum, in all phases of commercial banking, stock exchange, Euro-dollar
market and portfolio management and a thorough knowledge and experience of the Latin
American market.
"Minimum of ten years practical experience .." and "at least five years at assistant
managerial level" and "thorough knowledge and experience" seem unrealistic statements
because they are not definite and exact. This characteristic makes it difficult to have
an objective and accurate comparison of candidates; if this cannot be done, the system of
evaluation is unfair.
Advertisement No. 4 Dealer with at least 5 years
experience must be completely familiar with all
aspects of dealing in Eurobank. Duties are foreign
exchange including arbitrage, currency swops, inter-
bank borrowing and lending Euro currencies and
supervising money and currency positions. Foreign
languages required: French, Italian and possibly
German. Only Bahamians need apply in writing with
full resume to Manager, P.O. Box N 8151, Nassau.6

This advertisement appears to be innocuous but this is far from fact because it is
vague like some of the previously discussed items. Vagueness is present in the experience
requirement; "at least 5 years" does not mean five years, six years, seven years, or even
thirty years. Even the language requirement has some vagueness about it "and possibly
German". These conditions can lead to the unequal application of criteria thus making
the selection process discriminatory.

Advertisement No. 5 A major Hong Kong based
Chinese Bank requires a manager and an assistant
manager for their Nassau office. Applicants must
have either a university degree or is an associate of
either the Chartered Institute of Secretaries
(London) or the Institute of Bankers (London).
Fluency in Cantonese and written Chinese is essen-
tial.
Those applying for the post of manager must have
extensive experience of dealing in the international
foreign exchange and money markets and relevant
experience in the administration of an office; while
that for the Assistant Manager must have extensive
experience in banking especially in the field of deposit
taking.
Please send application in writing to P.O. Box N-3019,
Nassau, Bahamas.7









The 25-years'-experience requirement eliminates the majority of Bahamians since
many of them did not find high-level employment in the banking industry prior to 1967.
Advertisement No. 2 Applications are invited
from suitably qualified persons for the post of a
General Manager of a Bank and Trust Company to be
established in the Bahamas. The applicant must have
at least fifteen years experience in banking and trust
work. Experience is also essential in stock and bond
trading and foreign exchange. The applicant should
possess a banking degree and some international tax
planning experience would be helpful. It is preferred
that applicant should speak English, French, German
and Spanish since it is anticipated that the clients of
the bank will be from Western Europe. Bahamians
only need apply and applications in writing with
resumes on the applicants should be forwarded to the
Manager, P.O. Box N 3937, Nassau, Bahamas.4
The candidate for this job must speak four languages while there are professional
linguists who cannot speak four languages! What is an honest individual to think of an
employer who is looking for a banker with at least 15 years' experience and this language
facility. In addition, the Bahamian candidate is expected to have some international tax
planning experience. One has to live in a taxing environment to master the nuances of
that particular system. Just take the taxing system in the USA; there are professional indi-
viduals with very sound educational backgrounds who must go to others in order to per-
form their tax filing chores, and the individuals who perform the advisement and prepa-
ration must continually update their knowledge because of the changing nature of tax
laws. This is just for one country. How can an employer honestly expect an individual to
master possibly the Spanish, English, French and German systems also?
Advertisement No. 3 Prominent Swiss banking
group requires an assistant manager for their branch
operation in Nassau. Applications are invited for this
position from suitably qualified individuals fulfilling
the following requirements:
Applicants should have a minimum of ten years prac-
tical experience in all phases of commercial banking,
stock, exchange, Euro/dollar market, and portfolio
management, with at least five years at assistant
managerial level, as well as a thorough knowledge and
experience of the Latin American market and ability
to travel independently. For this position, it is essen-
tial that the applicant be fluent in speaking and writ-
ing English, Spanish, French and Portuguese.
Salary will be determined by negotiation. Please
apply in writing in the first instance to P.O. Box
N-100, Nassau. All correspondence will be treated as
fully confidential.5








This was the first advertisement which required fluency in an Oriental language, but
like the other advertisements, it has its vague points. What is meant by "extensive experi-
ence" or "relevant experience"?'What is relevant or irrelevant?

The Bahamas have approximately 230,000 people among whom is a small Chinese
population representing probably less than one per cent. It is probable that the candidate
can be found among this population; it is highly unlikely that the native English-speaking
population will yield many, if any, candidates.

Advertisement No. 6 International Bank, in the
process of establishing a subsidiary in Nassau, requires
a bank executive with extensive marketing and
administrative skills to eventually take over the newly
created position of resident manager. The successful
candidate will be responsible for the operation of the
subsidiary. He will be expected to establish business
relations and contracts with banks and industrial
companies in South American and the Caribbean
area. He will also contribute to the South American
area management of the parent bank. Applicants
must hold a university degree in economic science
and be familiar with Skandivanian [sic] banking
procedures and legislation. They should have pro-
found knowledge of the Finnish, Swedish, German
and English language (Spanish and French an asset).
Applicants must be willing to travel extensively.
Bahamians only may apply to the advertising office
of the Nassau Guardian, apply to Box A-9, Nassau,
Guardian.8

In the Bahamian vernacular, it seems as if this advertisement is "flying in the face
of God". It closes with the statement that "Bahamians only may apply". How many native
Bahamians have familiarity with Scandinavian banking procedures and profound knowledge
of the Finnish, Swedish, German and English languages? This advertisement was audacious
to include that profound knowledge of Spanish and French was an asset. The employer is
interested in a male linguist who happens to have marketing and administrative skills,
familiarity with the Scandinavian system and a degree in economic science.

Resorts
Tourism is the largest industry in the Bahamas, and for the past 30 years it has
received major financial support and attention from the government. Despite the age of the
industry and the number of Bahamians employed in it, there are a negatively dispropor-
tionate number of Bahamians in the hierarchy of the major organizations where the bulk
of the top positions are either held by naturalized citizens, permanent residents or indi-
viduals on work permits. An industry which is rumored to account for 77 per cent of a
country's gross national product should reflect more of that country's native sons and
daughters in high-level positions, if the country's best interests are to be protected.









Advertisements No. 7 and No. 7A No. 7 Holiday
Inn of Freeport requires one General Manager . .
Applicants must have ability to hold meetings
with executives and department heads and liaison
between home office, district office and hotel.
Must be able to develop F & B department, sales
department and rooms division of hotel. Must be able
to formulate directives, policies and procedures for
the Holiday Inn in Freeport. Applicants must be able
to speak and write French, have European training
and international exposure in the hotel industry.
Apply Personnel Office, Holiday Inn of Freeport or
write to P.O. Box F-760 or phone 373-1333 to
arrange interview.9
No. 7A Advertisement: Holiday Inn of Freeport
requires one general manager. Applicants must have
the ability to hold meetings with executives and
department heads and liaison between corporate
office and district office. Must be able to develop the
food and beverage department as well as sales, front
office division and rooms division areas. Must be able
to formulate directives, policies and procedures for
Holiday Inn, Freeport.
Applicants must have European training and inter-
national exposure in the Hotel Industry ...10
Both of the ads were prepared for the same job. Why was there a language require-
ment on January 28, 1982 and none on December 23, 1982? Could it be that the com-
pany had hired someone who did not have the language ability and was now trying to get
him/her a work permit renewal? Did the clientele of the hotel change so quickly? Or
could it have been that they could not obtain a work permit for the incumbent who
might have had this language ability? The advertisement is highly exclusionary when it
asks for candidates with "European training and international exposure". Most Bahamians
obtain their training and experience in the Bahamas or the USA.
Advertisement No. 8 The Nassau Beach Hotel
requires a vice-president operations who will be
directly responsible to the vice-president and general
manager for the day to day operation of the entire
hotel and will deputise for him in his absence. The
successful candidate must have at least seven years
senior managerial experience having held the position
of both food and beverage manager and front office
held the position of both food and beverage manager
and front office manager and be fluent in at least two
foreign languages. The successful candidate will have
college certificates in hotel administration, and either









several years as deputy general manager in first class
overseas resort of 350 rooms or more, or general
manager of a somewhat smaller unit. Applicants must
possess proven administrative abilities as well as a
thorough knowledge of all aspects of hotel operation,
particularly in the following areas:
(a) Preparing departmental operating budgets, setting
targets and monitoring progress; (b) interpreting
departmental operating statements; (c) forecasting;
(d) industrial relations (e) devising, implementing and
maintaining departmental training programmes (g)
setting, implementing and maintaining standards of
performance in all operating departments in keeping
with a first class hotel (h) implementing and monitor-
ing cost control systems.
Applications should be sent in writing to the person-
nel manager, Nassau Beach Hotel, Post Office Box
N 7756, Nassau."
The employer is very vague on the language requirements when asking for fluency in
at least two foreign languages. What if the candidate presented Swahili and Hindustani?
Would these languages be acceptable? they should be since they are foreign languages as
far as the English-speaking Bahamas are concerned.
Vagueness is also present when the advertisement asks for "several years experi-
ence"; this statement is too vague to warrant further comment.
There is also an exclusionary aspect to the advertisement when it states that the
candidates must have served "as deputy general manager in a first class overseas resort of
350 rooms or more". It is not sufficient to have experience as deputy general manager in
any first class hotel of 350 rooms or more, the property must be located overseas? How
many native Bahamians have had this opportunity to gain this overseas experience? Why
350 rooms? Why overseas? The property is located in the Bahamas?
Advertisement No. 9 Applications are invited for
the position of General Manager for a Condominium/
Resort Complex. Applicant should have a degree in
hotel management and must be experienced with at
least 10 years in management and five years as general
manager. Two foreign languages desirable with
German, oral and written a must. Send hand-written
application with resume, references and police certi-
ficate to Box B-4, the Guardian. Bahamians only need
apply.12
The vague trend continues when the advertisement calls for the desirability of two
foreign languages with German, oral and written, a must. If the employer cannot deter-
mine which languages are needed, how is the employer to know when they are found?
Doesn't the employer know what the demands of the job are?









Advertisement No. 10 Treasure Cay Beach Hotel
Limited is seeking the services of a qualified person
to manage its resort complex at Treasure Cay, Abaco,
Bahamas. Extensive knowledge in all phases of food
and beverage control, marketing and promotion,
budgeting and accounting. Complete overall responsi-
bility for the efficient running of the resort complex.
Education background in the area of international
marketing and the hotel industry will be preferred.
A minimum working experience of ten years in this
capacity is required.
Ability to communicate in German and French would
be an asset. Salary commensurate with past experi-
ence. Benefits are offered. Please write to the Presi-
dent, Treasure Cay Limited, P.O. Box N3229, Nassau,
Bahamas.13
This employer, while specific in the choice of languages, has not made the language
capability a firm requirement; the ad indicates that the "ability to communicate in
German and French would be an asset"; there is some question about the meaning of
"communicate". There are various degrees and methods of communicating. The require-
ment, as it is, will be open to many interpretations, greater specificity is needed. If the
candidate can communicate orally and the prospective employer is not serious about the
candidate, the employer can ask for the ability to communicate in writing, or vice versa.
Conclusions
Many of the advertisements appear to have been written around the candidates
rather than around the job requirements. The greater the number of languages demanded,
the greater is the support for this conclusion, which is further supported by the nature of
the experience requirements for the jobs. While it is proper to be specific in the statement
of the requirements, over specificity can be too exclusionary. Requiring that an individual
be thoroughly familiar with the banking policies and procedures of a specific country is
highly exclusionary, especially when the country is not contiguous to the host country
nor a prominent trading partner of that host country.
Expecting an individual from an English-speaking country, which does not know
any significant non-English sectors, to speak a foreign language is a very tall order; when
the requirement reaches two foreign languages, one begins to be suspicious. When three or
more foreign languages are required of an individual, in addition to certain technical and
professional expertise, we have reached the height of the ridiculous.
It must be remembered that multi-language facility is the stock and trade of a lin-
guist; familiarity with banking operations of a country is the stock and trade of the local
bankers, and resort management is the stock in trade of the local hoteliers. Would an
individual hiring a linguist expect expertise in banking and hotel operations in this same
individual?
Managers and other professionals should be selected on the basis of their technical
and professional abilities. Why should language be a factor at this level when the selection
of the President of the USA and the Prime Ministers of many countries does not take









language abilities into consideration, and these individuals must deal with many foreign
diplomats on a routine basis? How do they manage? Are those employers stressing
language abilities trying to state that the methods currently used by heads of state are not
adequate in running a business? Language abilities should be embellishments rather than
requirements. If worker qualifications are designed capriciously and in a manner to dis-
courage and/or eliminate a large section of the qualified labour force, these exclusionary
procedures can be termed discriminatory regardless of their subtlety.
Recommendations
Discrimination is a communtiy problem, and when it surfaces, all segments of the
community must take measures to eradicate it. In matters dealing with employment, the
following courses of action are recommended:
1. Governments Governments can take steps to set up better control of the
hiring of non-locals and enact legislation which deals specifically with discriminatory
hiring policies and institute the necessary machinery to make the legislation really
work.
2. Unions Unions can negotiate for contracts which contain non-discriminatory
hiring clauses even when members of the bargaining unit are not directly affected.
3. Religions Especially the Christian denominations should preach about the
evils of discrimination, condemn it openly and impress upon the flocks their duty
to follow in Christ's footsteps, if they are really Christians.
4. Media Media should refuse advertisements which in their or other profes-
sional judgment are unreasonable and potentially discriminatory.
5. Community-at-large The community-at-large must be vigilant against dis-
criminatory practices and should bring pressure on the offending organizations,
governments which they elected, unions which are designed to serve them, religions
which are committed to serve man in the name of a Supreme Being and the Media
which can only survive with the support and consent of the community-at-large.
These pressures can be in the form of petitions, boycotts, ballots and jawboning.

FOOTNOTES
1. John C. Shearer, High-Level Manpower in Overseas Subsidiaries: Experience in Brazil and
Mexico (Industrial Relations Section, Department of Economics and Sociology, Princeton
University, Princeton, N.J., 1960).
2. Work permits are issued at a fee, for a specified period of time, usually a year, after a company
has demonstrated that it had tried, unsuccessfully, to hire a national for the job.
3. "Classified Ads," Nassau Guardian, April 23, 1980.
4. "Classified Ads," Nassau Guardian, July 31, 1981.
5. "Classified Ads," Nassau Guardian, January 18, 1982.
6. "Classified Ads", Nassau Guardian, January 17, 1983.
7. "Classified Ads", Nassau Guardian, January 17, 1983.
8. "Classified Ads", Nassau Guardian, November 3, 1982.
9. "Classified Ads", Nassau Guardian, January 28, 1982.
10. "Classified Ads, Nassau Guardian, December 23, 1982.
11. "Classified Ads", Nassau Guardian, January 10, 1983.
12. "Classified Ads", Nassau Guardian, November 5, 1982.
13. "Classified Ads", Nassau Guardian, November 30, 1982.











RELIGION AND IDEOLOGY IN TRINIDAD:
THE RESURGENCE OF THE SHANGO RELIGION

by

FRANCES HENRY


Introduction
Some forty years ago, Melville Herskovits, in his search for African cultural survivals
in the Caribbean noted the presence of Afro-American cults' in Haiti, Brazil, Trinidad
and elsewhere in the West Indies. In Trinidad Village, published in 1947, Herskovits des-
cribed the Shango cult ritual as was then practiced in Toco, Trinidad and traced it back to
its African, primarily Yoruban, roots. Twenty years later, fascinated by his account, I
came to Trinidad to study the Shango people in more depth. At that time, in the late
fifties, there were approximately 30 active ceremonial establishments (out of about 100
known but dormant ones) each run by its own leader and each having its own followers.2
I estimated that there were perhaps 2,000 active participants and leaders in the organiza-
tion but many more people attended merely as onlookers.3 Despite the multi-racial and
multi-ethnic nature of Trinidadian society, membership was confined to the Black lower
class. Although there were separate establishments, the organization of the group as a
whole was interlocking so that participants and leaders from each establishment visited all
the others in turn in a sort of organized circuit pattern. One leader would select a given
date for a feast, another would hold a feast one week later and so on and since the island
is small, members could travel from one to the other with ease.
The handful of leaders at the top of the hierarchy were then in their mid-fifties and
the majority of active believers were between thirty and sixty years of age. Following
another research trip in the early sixties, I predicted that interest in joining Shango was
falling off and as old eminent leaders died off, few would replace them and, gradually, the
religion would cease to survive. By then, only about a dozen ceremonial establishments
were still in operation. In a few years, several older leaders did die and many believers
became actively involved with Spiritual Baptism as a religious form.4 It should also be
noted that the Roman Catholic church which had been and still was at this time very
condemning of Shango was still a potent force in Trinidadian society. The Roman Catholic
church denied Catholics, who were also known to be members of Shango, communion,
confession, baptism and other important rites of the church. My prediction that Shango
would die out as a religious force was, by the mid-sixties, about to be fulfilled.
By the early and mid-seventies, however, an astonishing resurgence of the Shango
group took place and reports were that both the membership and the number of cere-
monial establishments had increased. Shango worship was said to be more popular than
ever before in its history! Impressed by these reports, I returned to Trinidad in 1978 to
undertake a restudy of the group.









My findings corroborated the reports I had heard. There were about 100 active
Shango palais' spread throughout the island and the number of members had increased to
at least 10,000 if not more. (Many of the dormant palais' in the southern part of the
country had been revived and the traditional rivalry between North and South was once
more apparent. Southerners generally believe that their ritual is more sanctified while
Northerners consider those in the South to be backward country bumpkins). There was,
moreover, far more acceptance and indeed approval of the group throughout the society
and the old view, held particularly by middle-class people, that Shango was African,
savage, involved blood rituals and was a degenerate form of religion, had not only disap-
peared but out and out approval of its Africanness had been substituted. Even middle-class
people who were not participants spoke with admiration about how pure and African the
Shango religion was and how important it was to the survival of African forms of culture
in the New World. What had brought about this change in the perception of the religion
and more importantly why did a resurgence in terms of membership take place only a few
years after the group had appeared to be heading for extinction?

Reasons for the Resurgence.
1. Ideological Changes in Society:
One of the most important explanations for the growth of the religious movement
has to do with the socio-political climate of the early seventies in which a wave of Black
Power militancy swept through the Caribbean. In Trinidad, this was manifested not only
by ideological acceptance of its tenets but a mini-revolution took place in which both
Africans and Indians participated. This movement, which advocated the overthrow of the
government of the day failed in its objectives but it did gain at least momentary promi-
nence in 1970. Although the movement as such failed, the ideology of Black Militancy
which inspired even some Indian elements of the population, was extremely popular
especially among the younger generation. Black militancy, of course, emphasizes the
African past and tends to glorify African cultural traits. It brings a sense of pride in the
African heritage as well as providing individuals with personal roots in the pre-slavery past.
In Trinidad, the Shango religion as the only real African cultural survival benefitted from
this ideology. Shango has therefore become legitimate because it is the only African
derived cultural form which is able to articulate the need for identification with the
African past. Many young people came into the religion as much for ideological as reli-
gious reasons. The membership today includes many more young people in their twenties
and thirties and some important leaders whose groundings can be traced to a political and
ideological rather than religious basis. In earlier times, leaders invariably came from promi-
nent families who were almost born into the religion. Thus, in some instances the kinship
basis for leadership recruitment has changed to a political or ideological orientation moti-
vating persons to become leaders. Today, there are many more young leaders in the twen-
ties and thirties who have studied the religion intensively but who also bring to it a sophis-
ticated ideological stance.

As a legitimizing institution for African identity, the religion has undergone some
minor changes in ritual such that more Africanisms are to be found in the ceremony and
consequently there is less emphasis on the Catholic praying and chanting. There is a









greater use of costumes made of African cloth which are made into costumes according to
traditional African designs. Earlier, costumes were not worn. Men wore ordinary shirt and
pants while women wore their oldest blouses, skirts and dresses. Today, one sees floor
length African robes and turbans worn by women and men. Several of the younger leaders
now insist that women wear "tribal clothes."
The move away from Catholic praying has been an interesting one. James, a young
leader of 32 who has a thorough reading knowledge of African theology and ethnology
noted that praying should take place before the ceremonial starts so that persons are puri-
fied and in a state of sanctity. This is particularly important for leaders who must insure
that the proper ceremonial atmosphere is created. But, people don't want to come a long
distance and be bored by prayers, "they ain't have no patience for that." The role of
prayer has therefore been reduced in the ceremonial. Earlier, great emphasis was placed
on theChristian elements of the ritual, sometimes at the expense of the African. With
greater acceptance of the movement, its African elements including songs, chants, drum
rhythms and the importance of the African deities are highly prized and given more
emphasis than Christian prayers.

Thus, a Black militant ideology has been translated into cultural terms thereby pro-
viding a means for a cultural identification with the African past and, in effect, strength-
ening a religious organization which was the only real African survival left in Trinidadian
society.5


2. Changes in Class Composition
A significant factor influencing the renaissance of the Shango group has been the
changes taking place in the social composition of the membership. In earlier times,
Shango was a religion of the oppressed, a religion confined to the poor Black working
class. The middle and upper classes in society, while publicly denouncing Shango as bar-
barian, did nevertheless, on occasion consult Shango healers for medical and often psy-
chological advice. Such sessions would take place in the dead of night or at odd moments
of the early morning where such clients would not be seen. In recent times, however,
these middle-class supporters have not only increased in numbers but they have also
'come out of the closet.' A middle-class person may now consult a Shango healer openly
and later discuss the advice given with relatives and friends. I personally witnessed a
young middle class couple (the man was a water engineer with the city planning commis-
sion) who brought their one-year-old baby to a Sliango priest to be cured of a recurring
stomach ailment. It has become almost a mark of prestige particularly among younger,
University educated persons to not only admit to, but brag about, having consulted a
Shango healer or attended a Shango feast. This newly found approval is fairly widespread
and more middle class people will openly discuss Shango and will look forward to attend-
ing feasts not merely for entertainment but for serious engagement. Few middle class
attenders actually participate to the point of becoming possessed but many more attend a
ceremonial now with the serious purpose of learning the ritual. Again, in former times,
when such persons attended, they did so merely as spectators often enough to laugh,
mock and jeer the antics of the "crazy people getting on." Or, as Shango people used to








put it, they come to "pleasure their eyes," i.e., have an evening's entertainment such as
going to the cinema. Nowadays people attend with the same serious attention they would
pay to any other religious ceremony. At one evening's feast, twenty-two known middle
class persons including a nurse, an ex-matron of a hospital, a building contractor and
several others of similar status occupations were present out of a total of approximately
200 persons. This is a decided increase over former times. Thus, a change of the class
membership has taken place so that today we may estimate that perhaps one tenth (or
more) of the membership is middle class. While such a figure may not be spectacular, it
should be seen from the perspective of what was an exclusively poor and working-class
membership.

Structural and economic changes of a broader nature within Trinidadian society are
also reflected in Shango worship. Even the working class are more prosperous today as
oil and gas wealth pours into the country. More money is thus available for Shango
expenditures. Leaders have more money to spend on feasts, animals, ritual paraphernalia
and the like. Similarly, followers have more money to spend on sacrificial animals (any
person can bring an animal for sacrifice in addition to those provided by the leader of the
palais) and costuming. The new wealth is especially reflected in Mr Smith, (pseudonym)
a very prominent leader whose palais is a large, concrete structure, freshly white washed
and whose establishment includes a large chapelle, ten ceremonial stones (or stools)
dedicated to the deities and other important out buildings. An establishment as elaborate
as this was never seen in former times. Equally significant is the presence of at least 30 to
40 cars parked outside of Mr Smith's house. More people arrive in cars than on foot.

Earlier Shango membership and particularly leadership positions led to an indivi-
dual's prestige but only within the group. One of the main functions that Shango served
was to confer prestige to persons who, in their daily lives, held menial and insignificant
positions even though that prestige was limited to a very circumscribed area of the total
stratification system. While a washer-woman by day could be transformed into a God by
night, within the larger system, Shango membership acted as a barrier to social mobility.
Because of the negative and hostile ways in which the group was perceived, it was not at
all unusual for a socially mobile individual to stop attending Shango ceremonies, or at
best, maintain their ties secretly. Shango membership thus carried along with it stigma-
tization and denial of access to social class mobility. This pattern has changed so that
even persons who have achieved social mobility retain their position and participation in
the group. In Mr Smith's case, and in one or two others as well, it was the fact of his
mobility which made his leadership role possible and permitted increasingly large expen-
ditures on the upkeep of his establishment and the running of elaborate ceremonials.
Smith had long dreamed of establishing his own palais. He was finally promoted to an
administrative position in the factory in which he began work as a labourer and his salary
increases allowed him to build a complete Shango establishment.

Along with middle class participation, young intellectuals, university students and
those generally researching culture history for their own study related projects are drawn
to Shango. Again this is because Shango is one of the few really African based institutions
in New World society. Young intellectuals looking for their roots and attempting to come








to terms with their Black identity are drawn to Shango attendance if not active partici-
pation. They believe that it is an important aspect of their own cultural past even though
many of them feel that the religion is too uninhibited and not one that would inspire
their participation. As one young woman put it, "I want to learn what they know about
Gods and the universe but I can't roll on the floor with them."6 Visitors to the university
and to the island in general are often taken to Shango feasts by these young intellectuals
whereas earlier such activities would be denigrated and even hidden from visitors.

3. Changes in Racial Composition
One of the most interesting developments in membership patterns is the new role of
East Indians in what has always been considered an African or Black organization. Despite
the presence of East Indians in Trinidadian society for over one hundred years, partici-
pation in an African religion was neither desired by the Indians or their Black hosts.
Today one sees a small number of Indians attending Shango ceremonials, and an even
larger number visiting Shango healers for medicinal and psychological services. But
perhaps the most intriguing development is the emergence of an East Indian Shango
leader who has a very large and active, primarily, Black membership. Mr Smith is said to
give the best and largest feast in the country today. Anybody who claims some attach-
ment to Shango must occasionally, if not regularly, attend Smith's feasts. His name is
spoken of with respect and admiration as a "true old head," i.e., one really versed in
Shango lore and belief. As a long term observer of Shango in Trinidad, I was impressed
with the range and breadth of his knowledge particularly in view of his non-African ori-
gins.7 Smith obviously did not come from a Shango family, learning the religion at his
grandmother's knee which was the traditional route of Shango leaders. He did, however,
grow up in a racially mixed village and some of his neighbours who were in Shango
influenced him as a child. When he was a young teenager, he received a vision from the
God Shango himself and he apprenticed himself to a Shango family with whom he lived
in order to learn the religion. In so doing, he abjured his Indian ethnicity and became
culturally Black. He has been disowned by his family but very well accepted by Black
friends, neighbours and Shango followers. Through Smith, other Indians have been led to
attend if not actively participate in Shango ceremonies although Smith maintains that he
does not recruit or attempt to influence Indians. Although Smith has been instrumental
in affecting the racial composition of the group, the ideological changes referred to earlier
may also have played a role. The so called revolution of 1970 did create a temporary
alliance between the Black and Indian working class so that perhaps for the first time in
the country's recent history, the bonds of ethnicity were transcended by class. This is
also reflected in the multi-ethnic nature of the United Labour Front, a political party
which emerged in the early seventies and is now the official opposition. Although Indian
participation at Shango is still small I counted six Indians at an evening feast but there
were at least 175 Blacks. But the presence of even a few persons of East Indian ethnic
origins attending a Black ceremony indicates that there may be a loosening of the formerly
rigid ethnic divisions in Trinidadian society. The wider ideology of multi-ethnicity and
multi-ethnic participation in all the institutions of this society is thus reflected on a small
scale in this religious organization.









4. The Attitude of Denominational Religions
Along with other institutional and attitudinal changes taking place in Trinidadian
society, the organized denomination, particularly the Roman Catholic church, has
changed its view of the Shango religion. What in former times was considered truly
heathen has now been elevated to the status of a genuine folk religion. The Roman
Catholic church (and to a lesser extent, the Anglican church) have had to keep up with
changing attitudes and it would surely now be counter-productive for them to deny rites
of the church to Shango people when here, as elsewhere in the World, the churches are
loosing members to the fast growing pentecostal and fundamentalist sects. (Other
denominations such as Jehovah's Witnesses and Seventh Day Adventists are also gaining
in membership). In addition to loosening the prohibitions against Shango people, there
have been important structural changes in the church itself. Religious leaders today are,
more often than not, of local origin. In former times, missionaries and, in the Roman
Catholic church, Irish and other foreign priests were in the majority. These priests, in
particular, viewed the local religions with repugnance. Today with an acceptance of
Shango as a folk religion and a local priesthood, the Roman Catholic and other churches
are more approving of the Shango religion. In some of the large urban churches, dance has
occasionally been used in the ritual and some Yoruban Shango chants are sometimes used
in the Roman Catholic service. In one of Trinidad's leading newspapers, an article was
recently headlined "Roman Catholic Priest uses Shango Sacrifice as Example."8 The
article reports a speech made by a prominent Roman Catholic priest to a high school
graduating class in which he compares the need for sacrifice to improve society with the
ritual sacrifice of animals conducted by Shango "cultists." Thus, the acceptance of
Shango by the Roman Catholic church has also been an important force in the resurgence
of the Shango religion. This is a particularly interesting change since it was only in the
thirties that the government, pressured by the church, passed an anti drumming by-law
which was designed to quiet the Shango drums and thereby stifle the religion.

There appear to be many factors responsible for the resurgence of this remarkable
religion. It appeared to be heading towards extinction, but a variety of historical circum-
stances, particularly the impact of Black militancy, has revived it so that today the
religion is stronger than ever. How long this activity will last is another question.

To what extent will the importance of searching for an African identity continue to
occupy the thoughts and behaviour of the younger generation? Or, as economic prosperity
in the country stimulates the growth of a consuming and materialistic middle class, will
the search for Africanisms give way to the desire for bigger homes and larger cars? And,
perhaps of equal significance is whether or not the beginnings of a cross ethnic and cross
class pattern of membership will continue. Should these forces which appear to be instru-
mental in reactivating Shango membership disappear or change again, their impact will be
felt in the structure and organization of this religious group.

I was wrong 25 years ago in my prediction about the future of the Shango religion.
In Trinidad, a society undergoing rapid socio-cultural and economic changes, changes in
specific institutions are perhaps too difficult for social scientists to predict.











FOOTNOTES

1. The term "cult" was applied to Shango by Herskovits and it is often used in Trinidad. It is,
however, an inaccurate description since Shango as a bona fide religion does not conform to
the traditional definitions of the term.
2. An establishment consists of a leader's home and a court yard which includes the ceremonial
area called the "palais"; a small church called the "chapelle" and a number of memorial stones
or slabs dedicated to the major deities and called the "tombs." The ceremonies themselves are
called "feasts" and run for 4 consecutive days and nights.
3. F. Mischel-Henry, "Social Stratification in an Afro-American Cult," Anthropological Quarterly,
April 1965, 72 78.
4. The term applied to such believers in "Spiritual Baptist." See, G. Simpson, "Baptismal 'mourn-
ing' and 'building' ceremonies of the Shouters of Trinidad." Journal of American Folklore, V,
79, pp. 537 50, 1966; G. Simpson, "Jamaican Revivalist Cults," Social and Economic Studies,
V, 5,321 42, 1956.
5. The argument presented here is enhanced by the renewed presence of yet another African based
religion the Rada people of Dahomean origin who had completely disappeared by the early
fifties. There is at least one and possibly more Rada groups in operation now (1978 80) but
time did not permit me to study them. Rada was last described in 1953 by A. Carr, (A Rada
Community in Trinidad, Caribbean Quarterly, V. 3, 36 54.) They had already disappeared at
the time of my first research trip to Trinidad in 1956, but were revived sometime in the late
sixties.
6. The reference is to the sometimes spontaneous behaviour of people in possession which includes
at times throwing themselves to the floor and rolling over it while in trance.
7. In 1980, I interviewed the widow of Ehenezer Elliott, known as "Pa Neezer," the undisputed
Shango King of Trinidad whose authority was supreme from about 1940 to 1969, the year of
his death. Mrs Elliott confirmed that Smith had been the last of Neezer's "spiritual children,"
i.e., those whom he instructed and confirmed into the religion. See F. Henry, "Life with Pa
Neezer, The Shango King," People, November, 1981, pp. 61 65.
8. Express, July 7, 1978.











PROFESSIONAL JAMAICAN WOMEN EQUAL OR NOT?

by

ELSA LEO-RHYNIE & MARLENE HAMILTON




This paper examines changes in the ratio of professional Jamaican women to men
during the 1970s as documented in the publications
(a) Personalities of the Caribbean
and (b) The Labour Force Surveys, 1976-1980.
Using the listings from the last edition of the first named publication as a sample
frame, the views of a number of these women were sought on
(a) Their evaluation by society at large;
(b) The adequacy of the number of women in their profession;
(c) Problems associated with their career involvement;
(d) Possible conflicts between their professional role and their personal life.
Findings indicate an improvement in the ratio of professional women to men during
the 1970s, but this is most marked in "typically feminine" careers such as teaching. Sex
role discrimination against women still seems to operate within professional circles,
although attitudes have improved somewhat. It would appear, however, that professional
women tend to rationalize their careers in terms of their suitability for women. Further
changes in attitudes seem imperative: for men, in accepting the woman's worth as an
equal, and for women, in not selecting careers only because they have been designated
"woman's work".


Background
The dichotomy which has traditionally existed between the sexes, in terms of occupational
roles performed, has, over the past twenty years or so been openly challenged by several
sources, and most vigorously by the Women's Freedom Movement. This group presents
two alternatives for occupational sex role change. The first makes a case for equality of
women within the existing sex role system, calling for an end to discriminatory practices
against women, and increased opportunity for them to gain entry into all vocations,
especially in managerial and professional roles. This "reformist" approach seeks the aid of
legislation to attain its ultimate goal of elevating women to the position of men, without
radical change in the organization of society' On the other hand, the second alternative
calls for complete restructuring of society, for women to be freed from the "bondage of
the home", and for them to:
"... assert a new politics whereby the male definition
of women as sex object is turned into a political tool
for forging a new political order out of the special
experiences of women."2









This has aptly been labelled the "revolutionary" approach, rooted as it is in the Marxist
analysis of society, whereby aspects such as "man as oppressor", the "feminine mystique",
and the "leisure-class housewife"' are too reminiscent of a capitalistic society to be accept-
able.
It has been theorized that, to a greater or lesser extent, programmes of occupational
sex role change of the above types are mainly identifiable in the socialist countries of the
world; such programmes being based on the dictum that only through women's participa-
tion in the labour force will equality between the sexes be attained.3 It may well be that
these programmes are an economic necessity in socialist countries, since they have never
attained that level of economic well-being which could afford to have its women unem-
ployed. Between the years 1972 and 1979, Jamaica espoused the political tenets of
Democratic Socialism, thereby aligning itself overtly with the socialist world;and although
women had always been a component of the labour force albeit of lower status the
stand was taken at that time that women must be afforded equal occupational rights and
opportunities with men.4
The plight of women in Jamaica differs somewhat from that of their counterparts
in metropolitan countries since, traditionally, they have not only been caretakers of the
home, but also breadwinners. During Colonial rule, the Jamaican people men and
women, with few exceptions were relegated to low status occupational roles. The
gradual move towards Independence and the attainment of this status in 1962 provided
an opportunity for Jamaicans to assume roles of leadership and status in their own coun-
try, and at no time was this opportunity denied to women. The educational system was,
and still is, structured to allow both girls and boys with intellectual potential to develop
this potential.5 The result of this has been encouragement, by all socio-economic groups,
of their daughters as well as their sons to attain professional status. That the middle class
group was able to instil this value and provide the support needed for its daughters is
evidenced by the fact that many professional women today belong to the category of
"second generation middle class."
Jamaican women who achieve professional status are not hesitant about assuming
the role of wife and mother as well, since the societal class structure makes available a
large labour force which allows them to employ one or more household helpers at relat-
ively low cost. Thus, the married professional woman, although retaining the responsibili-
ties of the household, can escape the everyday acts of domesticity, and is, in effect, only
a "week-end housewife".
Despite all this, however, one is conscious of the fact that women are under-repre-
sented in most professions, even though they outnumber men in the general population.6
This paper has therefore been designed to:
1. gauge whether there has been any increase in the number of Jamaican women
involved in different professional fields over the past decade, specifically since
the Act giving equal rights to women came into effect in 1976;7
2. identify some of these women, and ascertain whether the difficulties and role
conflict experienced by professional women in other cultures are also experi-
enced in Jamaica where equality for women is not merely touted, but has
been made a legal commitment.









This research was considered useful, since the opinion still exists that despite countries'
such as Jamaica's policy of involving women fully in the labour force, deeply ingrained
attitudes militate against their acceptance, both in principle and in practice.8


Research Procedures
There were a number of aspects to the data collection. The first involved examining
all editions of Personalities Caribbean9 for the 1970s the 4th, 5th and 6th editions pub-
lished in 1970-1971, 1972-1973 and 1977-1978 respectively. A frequency count was
made of all Jamaican entries, both men and women (representing local persons of pro-
fessional status), in terms of total entries per year as well as categories in which each
person was listed. The second stage called for an examination of the Labour Force
Surveys, 1976-1980,10 and again determining the number of men and women listed in
professional and related occupational categories. The third stage of the investigation
involved a sample of those women recorded in the 1977-1978 edition of Personalities
Caribbean. These were circulated with a questionnaire designed to provide information
regarding their perception of:
1. the evaluation of professional women by society at large
2. the adequacy of the number of women in their professions
3. problems associated with their career involvement
4. possible conflicts between their professional role with that of their role as
wife and mother (for those who were, or had been, married).


Findings and Discussion
The following table summarizes data on the listings of women and men appearing
for the three editions of Personalities Caribbean under consideration:

Table 1
Ratio of Men to Women

Period No. of Women No. of Men Total Listings Ratio, F:M

1970-1971 (4th Ed.) 57 1222 1279 1:21

1972-1973 (5th Ed.) 68 1195 1263 1:18

1977-1978 (6th Ed.) 74 866 940 1:11



From this table, the improved ratio of women to men over the years is unmistak-
able, although the total number of entries has increased in each edition. In terms of spe-
cific profession listed (see Table 2), it is observed that women have been under-repre-
sented in almost all categories (totally absent from such fields as Banking, Engineering
and Accountancy), while those areas in which they hold strongest membership appear to
be as follows:









Table 2
Areas in which Women are Best Represented

Period Professions Number Represented

Education 13
Social Work 9
1970-1971 (4th Ed.) Academics 8
Academics 8
Medicine 7

Education 15
Medicine 7
Academics 6
1972-1973 (5th Ed.) Business 6
Social Work 5
Civil Service 5
Attorneys-at-Law 5

Education 20
Civil Service 12
1977-1978 (6th Ed.) Academics 11
Medicine 7
Attorneys-at-Law 7


These data indicate that it is in Education that women are best represented and
this is even more pronounced when the Academics are included in keeping with the
view that the teaching profession is the domain of women rather than men." It is to be
remarked on, too, that whereas Social Work is relatively prominent in the two earlier list-
ings, by 1977-1978 this has disappeared from the top listings, replaced instead by Civil
Service work and Law (which hitherto tended to be "masculine" domains). The regularity
of Medicine appearing among the top four professions must be viewed against the fact
that this area has been, over the years, one of the best supported professions overall: for
example, in 1972-1973, 78 listings were given for Medical Practitioners (7 women and
72 men), while for 1977-1978, 7 of the 67 Medical Practitioners again were women a
small proportion of the total. In fact, for all the professions recorded in Table 2, men
have outnumbered women even in Education!

The official statistics for the period, 1976-1980, extracted from the Labour Force
Surveys, are shown graphically in Figure 1, in respect of the overall percentage of men
and women classified in professional and related occupational categories, and Figure 2,
giving a breakdown of the composition of these categories.

It is quite startling to observe the higher percentage of women to men each year as
shown in Figure 1. Furthermore, one notes that this percentage has increased annually,
and at the same time, the percentage of men has decreased. Perhaps Figure 2 provides
some explanation for this, as here it is clearly shown that it is mainly in the area of Public
Administration that women predominate.









Figure 1

PERCENTAGE MALES/FEMALES CLASSIFIED
IN PROFESSIONAL AND RELATED OCCUPATIONS


Key
% Males
% Females


1976 1977 1978 1979 1980
1 Years J

Figure 2
PERCENTAGE MALES & FEMALES COMPRISING
PROFESSIONAL AND RELATED OCCUPATIONS CATEGORY
[Extracted from LABOUR FORCE SURVEYS, 1976-1980, JAMAICA]


1 Agriculture, Forestry,
Fishing, Mining
2 Manufacture
3 Construction & Installation
4 Transport, Communications
& Public Utilities


Categories 1976


5 Commerce
6 Public Administration
7 Other Services
8 Industry not
Specified


2 3 4 5 6 7

1980









A finer breakdown is given for one year only, 1977, in Figure 3, where one observes
the high representation of women in Teaching and Health occupations (categorized under
Public Administration in Figure 2), coupled with their under-representation in areas such
as Engineering, the Sciences and Law.


Figure 3

PERCENTAGE MALES/FEMALES REGISTERED
IN EACH PROFESSIONAL CATEGORY, 1977


1 Administrative Government
2 Administrative Directors
3 Accountants/Auditors
4 Religious Occupations
5 Judicial Occupations
6 Librarians & Archivists
7 Teaching Occupations
8 Health Occupations
9 Biologically-Related
Life Sciences
10 Physical Sciences
11 Engineering Occupations


Key
% Males
% Females


I Ii ;] I I I [ I ii-111 111 1 i I9
4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II
SCategories -I


The 1977 data were re-examined from a different perspective to identify the per-
centage employment/unemployment recorded for men and women in each occupational
category (see Table 4 and Figure 4). Here it is seen that, overall, a higher percentage of
women to men was employed, but, too, a higher percentage was also unemployed. Re-
calculation of the percentage employment/unemployment on a sex basis revealed,how-
ever, that 94% of the men were employed, as against 84% of the women.









Table 3
Details of Male/Female Composition in Professional and Related Occupations, 1977

Occupational Category Total Males Females
N f % f %

Administrative Government 2136 1680 78.7 456 2L.3
Administrative Directors 6394 5311 83.1 1083 16.9
Accountants & Auditors 2488 1807 72.6 681 27.4
Religious Occupations 948 619 65.3 329 34.7
Judicial Occupations* 697 606 86.9 91 13.1
Librarians & Archivists* 195 132 67.7 63 32.3
Teaching Occupations 32697 7239 22.1 25463 77.9
Health Occupations* 11610 2804 24.2 8806 75.8
Biologically-Related Life Sc.* 668 595 89.1 73 10.9
Physical Sciences* 1984 1359 68.5 625 31.5
Engineering Occupations* 4450 4162 93.5 288 6.5

Overall 64267 26309 40.9 37958 59.1

(*Full details unavailable)



Table 4
Employment/Unemployment Data, 1977
Employed Unemployed

Occupational Category Males Females Males Females
f % f % f % f %

Administrative Government 1680 79 456 21 -
Administrative Directors 5070 79 667 10 241 4 416 7
Accountants & Auditors 1735 70 522 21 72 3 159 6
Religious Occupations 573 60 329 35 46 5 -
Judicial Occupations* 606 87 91 13 -
Librarians & Archivists* 50 26 63 32 82 42 -
Teaching Occupations 6593 20 20929 64 641 2 4534 14
Health Occupations* 2437 21 8040 69 367 3 764 7
Bio-Related Life Sciences* 547 82 73 11 48 7 -
Physical Sciences* 1359 68 490 25 135 7
Engineering Occupations* 4075 92 210 4 87 2 78 2

Overall 24725 38 31872 50 1584 2 6087 10

(*Full details unavailable)


The overall conclusion to be drawn from the information presented so far is that
whereas Jamaican women have undoubtedly been recognized as professionals to the
extent that, as a group, they outnumber their male counterparts yet they have been






Figure 4


PERCENTAGE MALES/FEMALES EMPLOYED
& UNEMPLOYED 1977


1001

90


80 n r


70+ 1


60-

50--

40-

30--


0 1 2 3 4


5 6 7 8 9 10 11


Overall
-


Employed


Categories:
1 Administrative Government
2 -Administrative Directors
3 Accountants & Auditors
4 Religious Occupations
5 Judicial Occupations
6 Librarians & Archivists
7 Teaching Occupations
8 Health Occupations
9 Biologically-Related
Life Sciences
10 Physical Sciences
I Engineering Occupations


F~rAf


Key

% Males

% Females


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Overall

Unemployed


%
Subjects


I rl n Ir .






78


In order to ascertain the views of a sample of these women on relevant aspects of
their professional and personal lives, questionnaires were sent to 61 of the 74 listed in
the 6th Edition (1977-1978) of Personalities Caribbean, the other 13 being known to
have either died or migrated. An additional 10 had to be abandoned, as it.was later dis-
covered that these individuals were either onleave, abroad, or could not be traced.
Twenty completed questionnaires were returned, and although this was a rather small
response rate (39%), the replies came from women in a variety of occupations (all having
been involved in the practice of their profession for periods ranging from 5 to 43 years)
and thus sampled the professional domains fairly accurately. The professions represented
by members of the sample are displayed in Table 5, while other relevant details are
given in Table 6.


Table 5
Professions of Women in Sample


Professions

Teaching
Law (both Judges)
Stockbroker
Musician
Social Worker
Librarian
Company Director
Executive Director
Medical Doctor
Home Economist
Artist/Designer
Broadcaster
Administrator/Manager


No. of Women

7
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1


Table 6
Biographic Details of the Sample


Characteristics

Single
Marital Married
Status Widowed
Divorced

None
One
No. of One
Children Two
Three
Four


The sample responded to questionnaire items which examined four areas:
A. The Evaluation of Women as Professionals
Respondents were asked whether the people they meet professionally
(a) evaluate men and women according to the same criteria, and,
(b) accord men and women equal attention and respect.
Their responses are recorded in Table 7.
These data reveal that although most of the respondents considered men and women
to be evaluated equally, others felt that people are partial to men, according them more
attention and respect. One respondent, a Social Worker, felt that the people she met
professionally were partial to women, but commented that this was probably due to the
large number of women involved in Social Work. One Attorney-at-Law added to her
response the comment that in her profession women were "still a curiosity", and that


Frequency

8
9
2
)

9
4
4
1
2









Table 7
Views on Evaluation of Women Professionals

Aspect Frequency

(a) Evaluate men and women equally:
Yes, they do 11
No, partiality to men 8
No, partiality to women 1
Uncertain 0
(b) Give men and women equal attention and
respect:
Yes, they do 11
No, partiality to men 8
No, partiality to women 0
Uncertain 1


partiality was still shown to the men. An Artist-Designer, whose husband is in the same
profession, pointed out that when dealing with the business sector, people addressed
her husband exclusively, acting as though she did not even understand English!

Nine of the respondents admitted to experiencing acts of sex discrimination at some
time in their professional life. These acts mainly concerned promotion, salaries and the
types of duties assigned to men and women. Some of their comments are as follows:
Discrimination in Promotion
"I was promoted only after males of equal and
sometimes lesser ability had been appointed." -
Administrator/Manager
"Although I had been acting in a senior post for four
years, an inexperienced male was 'tested' before I
could be considered for the post." Attorney-at-Law
"The girls' school where I was principal was amalga-
mated with a boys' school and the male head of the
boys' school was automatically appointed Principal of
the new co-ed school, and I was appointed Vice-
Principal." Teacher
"I was passed over for promotion, and strangely
enough it was the wife of the Company chairman who
objected to my appointment." Stockbroker
"The test for a female to obtain a senior post is
much more stringent than for males I had to 'super-
perform' to warrant a break with tradition." -
Attorney-at-Law/Judge









Discrimination in Salaries
"When I assumed my post, my salary was less than
that of the incumbent -a man. This has since been
rectified." Administrator/Manager
"Men carrying out similar job responsibilities are paid
almost 40% more a woman's work is not valued as
much as that of a man." Executive Director
Discrimination in Duties
"Male teachers in girls' schools are not given duties
such as 'Form Teacher', whereas the converse is not
true." Teacher
"Certain programmes are classified as 'male' and use
male announcers only. These are usually information
programmes, world affairs and news broadcasts.
'Female' programmes are those dealing with child
care, recipes, etc. This situation is changing recently."
Broadcaster
Despite the fact that most of the women responding felt that women and men
were equally evaluated professionally, several of them had experiences which made them
feel that they were unfairly treated. The existence of this type of prejudice, subtle or
overt, in even a small number of cases, is evidence that sex discrimination is still present
in the Jamaican situation.

B. Opinion re number of women in their particular business
The sample was asked whether they would like to have more, or fewer, women in
their profession. Their responses can be summarized as follows:

Table 8
Opinions regarding increases
or decreases in number of professional women

Categories Frequency

More Women 10
Fewer Women 4
Neither, but additional Men 3
No Response 3



All four respondents who wanted fewer women in their profession were Teachers.
They gave as their reason the fact that boys and girls in present-day Jamaica need a father-
figure to relate to, since many homes lack male members. One Teacher added that women
have a tendency to hold personal grudges, whereas men deal directly with problems. One
of the three individuals who did not offer an opinion commented that:









"It doesn't matter it depends on ability rather than sex."
The majority of the respondents indicated that they would like to have more
women in their professions and contended that women are just as talented and educated
as men; they combine efficiency with compassion, pay attention to details, are more
reliable and conscientious than men and work harder: (as one respondent stated, women
have to work harder in order to overcome prejudice against them).
The Medical Practitioner of the group expressed the view that all women should
have a specific skill, that Medicine was an interesting field, and that women, as a rule,
make good Doctors. One of the Attorneys-at-Law was anxious to have more women in
her profession, since she was of the opinion that the more female Attorneys in practice,
the greater would be the likelihood that women would be evaluated equally with men.
She explained that study of the law qualified an individual for diverse types of employ-
ment all areas in which women could excel, and thus gain satisfaction in work which
was compatible with "traditionally female" duties. The other Attorney-at-Law felt that
women, because of their involvement in areas such as family life, could (in the Family
Court, for example) contribute more effectively than men. These comments reveal a sex
bias even on the part of those women who have been practising in a male-oriented pro-
fession. They see women being suited for practice in particular areas family life, for
example and reveal their recognition of the anxiety which accompanies many women
into professional life by reiterating that study and practice of the law need not be in-
compatible with traditionally feminine pursuits.
The Social Worker was of the opinion that more men needed to be involved in
"traditionally female" areas. Examples cited related to services for the family.


C. Problems encountered in the pursuits of a Profession
Eight of the respondents experienced problems as a professional which, in their
opinion, were related to their sex. These problems were, in the main, due to role con-
flict and prejudice against women in leadership roles displayed by men and, interestingly
enough, by other women. In terms of role conflict, one respondent succinctly summa-
rized the views of herself and three others thus:
"Being able to manage office, profession, marriage,
home and children at the same level of efficiency is
difficult. Sometimes I wish I could go home to a
wife." Executive Director
Prejudice against women in leadership roles led respondents to comment:
"There is a reticence on the part of men to bring
their problems to a woman." School Principal
"When recruiting professional staff, many feel that
they do not want to work with a woman." Admin-
istrator/Manager
"Several men have failed to develop confidence in a
woman advisor and have refused to use my services.
Men fear for their ego." Stockbroker









It was very clear also, that other women are a contributory factor to the problems
professional women face:
"Secretaries are not always cooperative with female
executives in the same firm." Executive Director
"Many women avoid dealing with a woman in autho-
rity" School Principal
"Wives of male executives are problematic because of
unjustified jealousy." Stockbroker
One respondent also commented that many professional women become problems to
themselves as they tend to become too aggressive. It may well be, however, that this
attitude is necessary, as women have to assert themselves to ensure that they are not over-
looked or relegated to inferior positions.
D. Career Involvement and Family Life
Respondents were asked to comment on the relationship existing between their
careers and family commitments. Fourteen members(10 of whom were married) admitted
to subordinating most aspects of their life to work: yet six of the married respondents
stated, in answer to the question posed, that they felt family and career were equally
important. Five placed family obligations ahead of career commitments, and one consi-
dered her career first.
Questions were also asked of all women who were, or had been married. Those who
were separated, widowed or divorced were requested to consider the questions in terms of
their period of marriage. These respondents (N = 12) were asked to comment on (a) how
they considered their careers relative to their husbands', and (b) how the husbands
regarded their wives' careers in relation to their (the husbands') own. Results are shown
below.
Table 9
Rating of Career Relative to that of Spouses

Categories Wives' Opinion Husbands' Opinion

Husband's career takes first place 2 7
Wife's career takes first place -
Both careers equally important 10 5

Although 10 wives considered their careers to be of equal importance to their
husbands', only one half of the husbands seemed to share this view. In no instance was
more importance accorded to the wife's career, and two wives stated outright that their
husbands' careers definitely took precedence over their own.
Opinions were sought with regard to the amount of emotional support husbands
provide to assist their wives in maintaining both professional and family roles. Four
respondents agreed that they were definitely supported by their husbands, and six admit-
ted to obtaining a certain degree of support. One woman stated that she received very
little support, and another, that she had none at all.









The conflict between professional and spouse/mother roles was examined in terms
of frequency of conflict. The results are as follows:

Table 10
Frequency of Conflict between professional/spouse: mother role

Very Hardly
Aspects Often Sometimes Never
Often ever

Spouse vs Professional Role (N = 12) 1 1 7 3
Mother vs Professional Role (N = 11) 2 6 3

These results suggest that, although conflict does occur to some extent, in none ol
the cases under review does it appear to be a very frequent occurrence. It was interesting
to note, in the light of this response, that the only respondent who was a divorcee consi-
dered that her divorce could, to a very great extent, be attributed to her career involve-
ment.
The data suggest that there is still discrimination against women operating within
professional circles in the Jamaican society. However, only one respondent was of the
openion that over the past fifteen years no change in attitude had taken place. The other
19 felt that attitudes towards professional women had become more positive. One of
these commented however that, although there had been some change, it was not suffi-
cient; and another expressed the view that women need to be more active in their own
interests.

Comments
The Secretary General of the World Conference of the United Nations Decade of
Women, in succinctly linking a government's policy to its treatment of women, has
acknowledged the progressive approach of many Third World nations, including the
Caribbean countries, to the case of women. Plans are afoot to institutionalize this involve-
ment in the Caribbean on a regional basis, for example, through the establishment of a
Woman's Desk at the CARICOM Secretariat12 and through starting a small unit within
the Commonwealth Secretariat with responsibility for coordinating and monitoring
action in the area of women and development. However, the decision has already been
taken by the latter body not to overly concern itself with the call for more equitable
access by women to "training, seminars, field postings and promotions", since "only
those who are already privileged through education or training can take advantage of such
opportunities."'3 This suggests that the professional Caribbean woman will be expected
to make her own way, although her task will become easier if overall shifts in attitudes
and behaviour can be brought about. As Ekstrom points out:
"There are overt discrimination ... attitudes you
can't legislate but want to have an impact on."14
The call has been made for the Caribbean woman to liberate herself, first psycho-
logically, then economically:1s The professional Jamaican woman has obviously been
freed from economic bondage, but in terms of psychological liberation from sex role
discrimination, doubts still exist. Indications are that a change of attitudes is needed not









only by men, but by the women themselves, including those in professional and manag-
erial positions. It has been said of Jamaica that:
"Any policy aimed at securing fuller involvement of
women in economic activity, should reflect aware-
ness of and conscious efforts to reduce or remove the
traditional attitudes and practices relating to the role
of women, which attitudes and practices may retard
the contributions that women can make to national
development".16
Such efforts, it is felt, should be directed at both men and women.

What has been reported elsewhere that "there appears to be an aloofness among
successful women who prefer the special status that accrues from being the only woman
among men"17 may also be operative on the local scene, although this has not been
demonstrated in the present research. On the other hand, what is noteworthy is that the
professional Jamaican woman seems to rationalize her career, attempting to nullify pos-
sible incompatibility between this and the traditionally feminine pursuits in which she
still expects to participate. It is, however, necessary that she does not select a "compro-
mise career" one which is identified as a "woman's field" unless it is an area which
holds real interest for her.
The professional Jamaican woman can play a vital role as a model for others of her
sex. It is on her shoulders that responsibility for exposing the fallacy of the "feminine
mystique" largely lies, through showing that a woman can find fulfilment in a career,
and not only through home and family ties.



NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. See S. Wcitz's Sex Roles (Oxford University Press, 1977, p. 247) for a full discussion of this
view.
2. From Yates, G. G.: What Women Want: The Ideas of the Movement. Harvard University Press,
1975, p. 172.
3. Weitz, op. cit. p. 208.
4. The then Prime Minister of Jamaica, Michael Manley, describes this stand in his book, The
Politics of Change (Andre Deutsch, 1974).
5. Although this is certainly so theoretically, in practice there arc numerous educational barriers
against girls.
6. Of a total population of 2,085,200 recorded in the Demographic Statistics Report (Depart-
ment of Statistics, Jamaica. 1976). approximately 53%' were females.
7. The Government ol Jamaica's stated policy is of a commitment to equal rights and opportunities
for women in all aspects ol life: the Act giving equal rights to women came into effect on
January 1, 1976.
8. See, for example M. Hamilton and E. Lco-Rhynie, "Sex Role Stereotyping and Education the
Jamaican Perspective", in Interchange Vol. 10, No. 2, 1979-1980. p. 53.
9. Personalities Caribbean's publication policy is to circulate questionnaires soliciting biographic
information to a wide cross-section of professionals in public life. Listings are offered free of
charge, and the response rate is reportedly high.














10. The Labour Force Survey is an annual publication of the Department of Statistics, Jamaica,
aimed at "presenting an integrated set of socio-economic statistics and intelligence" for the
island.
11. See Hamilton and Leo-Rhynie's article (op. cit.) p. 54
12. CARICOM -Caribbean Community while largely concerned with external trade among the
Caribbean islands, is also involved in other aspects of West Indian life.
13. From the Report of the Working Party of the Commonwealth Secretariat concerned with the
establishment of a Woman's Unit: reported in the Jamaica Daily News, November 2, 1979.
14. This is the view of Educational Testing Service's psychologist, Ruth Ekstrom, reported in Focus
6, "Women In Search of Equality": E. T. S. 1979, L. A. Westoff(ed.) p. 5.
15. This point was made by the Assistant Registrar of the University of the West Indies (Cave Hill)
in a speech at the National Organisation of Women's Award Ceremony, Barbados, June 15,
1979.
16. This is one of the policy implications recommended by D. Powell in "Female labour force parti-
cipation and fertility: An exploratory study of Jamaican women", in Social and Economic
Studies, Vol. 25, No. 3, September 1976, p. 225.
17. From an International Press Service (New York) Report featured in the Jamaica Daily News,
October 8, 1979.









POEMS PASSAGE
(an early East Indian immigrant)

in boat
they cutting a tin a round
and they have number in it
and they have twine
and tie a round neck
so much a so much so much a so much for B.G.
so much a so much so much a so much for Trinidad

hard one working with the wind
pal ka jahaj
tarpulin
when e no get wind e stand up
e weak
if e get wind for so
e going so

food pack up dey food pack up dey
goodam
bag bag
bag by dey bag by here

downstairs sleep
upstairs

e have hospital e have doctor e have nurse

who playing music
playing music and dancing
playing card
who go upstairs watching sea
watching water

I understand
I understand 1 go dead in the sea
giddiness
I can't eat
and when I throw up it eh have nothing in it

sometime I ask e doctor
gi me a biscuit
a brigadeer
gi me water and sugar to drink









sometime I feel to eat pepper so I go by the kitchen
they eh want to gi
bhai
they no want to gi because they have charge

and if anybody want to kill e self
you go sea
jump
and you gone

KUMAR MAHABIR








IN AN ECHOING RATTLE

In in echoing rattle of thirsty frogs the vista of
a sharp-etched dream sleeps a baby through thunder:
a moonlit swamp that is my home and
passage with this another boat stuck in it.
But th frogs chant of returning
rivers, after the rain, after th flood. Into what sea
will they release by boats?


BRIAN CHAN








BOOK REVIEWS


Food For Beginners by Susan George and Nigel Paige, published by Writers & Readers
Publishing Cooperative Society, London, 1982. Pp.173. Prices UK2.50, AUS$5.95
and CAN$5.95.

Another in a series of documentary comic books from the Writers' and Readers'
Publishers' Cooperative, Food For Beginners was written by Susan George (of How The
Other Half Dies fame) and illustrated by Nigel Paige. Actually a guide to the polico-
economics of food (not in any way a 'how to...' nutrition book) ranging from idyllic
hunter-gatherers to the machinations of modern neo-colonialism through aid, agribusiness
and transnationals, which, rather than nature, cause, hunger and fame to persist in the
'Third World.' The take-away message is that the means to purchase food like land and
wealth, is concentrated in the hands of the few. Apart from cautiously endorsing the
N.E.O., solutions are left to the 'dominated' to discover, not to be prescribed.

The format dictates sweeping generalizations and oversimplifications, not all ack-
nowledged. The book is clearly designed for young 'first world' readers, so the tone is
stridently, unapologetically agitational (the reader should "feel like going out and hitting
someone or something"). Many readers not in this category will find the breathless style
shrill and wearying. Though the graphics were occasionally obscure and their humour
somewhat macabre, the book seemed more accessible to real beginners than others (Lenin,
Marx, Einstein). Some students, otherwise reticent may be impelled by this potted treat-
ment of an important subject into discussion and critical further reading.

JACQUELINE LANDMAN




Caribbean Georgian: the great and small houses'of the West Indies by Pamela Gosner
Three Continents Press, Washington, 1982, pp.296, 179 line-drawings.

In spite of its title, this in fact is a book about the historic architecture of the non-
Hispanic Caribbean, including the Bahamas and even Bermuda. Not just its "Georgian"
architecture, whatever that may be (African Georgian? French Georgian? Dutch
Georgian?), nor just its "great and small houses", but structures of all kinds. The plan is
rather odd. Chapters 1 to 8 give a summary of different types of architecture: domestic
(known here simply as "architecture"), military, industrial, urban, religious and "folk."
Then Chapters 9 to 21 attack the same material from a different angle, by territory.
This leads to some confusion and repetition; surely it would have been more logical to
choose one set of categories, and then stick to that.

Once we have hurdled or disregarded these problems of definition, the book is full of
new and interesting information. It is illustrated by almost two hundred drawings,
mostly made on the site by the author. A few of them are not very successful, but many









are of high quality and give a very good idea of the building in question; when drawings
are good, they are undoubtedly preferable to all but the most successful photographs. As
always with books covering many islands, the specialist on any one of them will find
errors in that section. But in general the text seems accurate, and is noteworthy for the
frequent and illuminating comparisons which it makes with buildings in North America.

Among the various categories of architecture, the author seems most at home in the
areas of domestic and religious buildings, and is relatively weak on military and industrial
architecture. However, even here she has interesting arguments to put forward, and a
wide range of examples to demonstrate. Many questions are raised, such as that of the
influence of "Georgian builders' handbooks", to which more detailed answers are badly
needed. This is a book which will be valued not only for its commentary, but also as a
compendious list of historic buildings. What is now needed, in the study of Caribbean
architecture, is fuller and fully-documented monographs of each of the categories of
buildings, whose general interest is so persuasively argued here.

DAVID BUISSERET




Crime and Punishment in the Caribbean by Rosemary Brana-Shute and Gary Brana-
Shute (eds.).

It is never easy to review, as a complete work, a collection of papers, which though
following a central theme, were originally written for different purposes and with perhaps
different audiences in mind. The publication, Crime and Punishment in the Caribbean,
appears to comprise such a collection. It is an anthology of papers developed as studies,
reports, addresses and research proposals in connection with crime in the Caribbean
region. It is the end-product of a series of workshops on the subject, which was sponsored
and funded by the Association of Caribbean Universities and Research Institutes
(UNICA).

The publication, as pointed out by the editors, is indeed timely, not only because of
the rapid growth of crime in most of the Caribbean islands but also because of the
present need for a compendium of information on crime in the region, that enlists the
efforts of local scholars and practitioners who live and work with the problem. This
publication fits the bill as a brief view from the "inside." In addition, it may be regarded
as a first step toward the compilation of information and relevant data that is necessary
to the development of a Caribbean Criminology which Pryce (1976) strongly advocates.

Of importance, in this context, are those papers which provide useful insights into
urban crime trends during the 70s in Jamaica, Trinidad, Guyana and Puerto Rico. The
observed lack of refinement in the contribution of Santos del Valle, whose published
tables show an increase in the number of crimes, without reference to population increase
in Puerto Rico. does not destroy the overall usefulness of the paper which focuses also
on the response of Government authorities to the alleged problem.









In their thought-provoking paper on rape and socio-economic conditions in Trinidad
and Tobago, Pryce and Figueira identify urbanization as the major evil, the adverse effects
of which are class-linked. Rape, they claim, with some justification, is predominantly a
lower-class phenomenon; it is the response of lower-class males to existing anomic
conditions, which Merton (1957) defines in terms of a dysjunction between institu-
tionalized means and prescribed goals. To the reader who might wish to question the
proclivity of middle-class males to rape, despite access to prescribed goals, the authors'
response is oblique:

This is not to suggest that middle-class men are somehow free from materialistic
pressures or immune to the contradictions in the contemporary world which breed
violence. However their considerably better-off economic position provides them
with the means to achieve culturally approved goals of success and respectability...
which represent gradations of distance from the more earthly mesomorphic masculi-
nity of low-income male offenders (p.68).

Pryce and Figueira further cite the protection of middle-class male sex offenders through
the technicalities of law as well as the social and psychological protection directly or
indirectly profferred by victims. The essence of his exposition is that although die middle-
class male may be criminally guilty of rape. his acts, by definition ana/or social per-
ception, escapes the scrutiny of the law-enforcing authorities. In calling for a change of
the law surrounding rape, it would seem that the authors are more concerned with "catch-
ing up" with middle-class offenders than with regulating lower-class behaviour; but on
closer reading it becomes clear that their philosophical position is analogous to that of the
radical theorists who view crime as a product of the structures of law in contemporary
capitalist societies. A change of law for them (Pryce, Figueira) would have far-reaching
effects with regard to changing the system that generates the crime of rape. They write-


"The most progressive rape laws can neither eradicate rape nor effectively protect
the victim in a capitalist sexist society."


In support of this position is the paper by Michael Parris that shows a steady and signifi-
cant decrease in sex offences and other crimes in Socialist Guyana, during the 70s. The
authors made little attempt at explanation but it would be interesting to explore the
possibility of a link between ideological change and crime reduction.

Papers providing stimulation for research are contributed by Max Carre, suggesting a
link between rising drug abuse and conspicuous (middle-class) consumption in Haiti, and
Anne Leerschool-Liong A Jin whose research plan seeks to explore the relationships
between behaviour change in indigenous folks (Bush negroes of Suriname) and migra-
tion patterns. J.M. Bindas' case histories of 51 violent women in Suriname seem to sup-
port existing theories about female criminality advanced by Wolfgang (1968) and Ward
(1969). Just how far such theories are applicable to the other areas in the Caribbean
region, remains to be explored.









Papers by Chuck and Allen depart from the usual theme of crime trends to question
sentencing procedures in the region. Chuck's task led to an outline of the types of
sentencing existing in the Commonwealth Caribbean "with particular reference to
Barbados, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago." Unfortunately perhaps due to lack of data -
the approach is not in any sense comparative, nor is it enlightening in respect of 'what is
done, where.' Both Chuck and Allen are strong in their criticisms of the sentencing
procedures. Chuck's main contention is that sentencers in the region are not equipped to
do the job of sentencing. He suggests training through seminars and exchange of ideas
and information.

The publication bears out the underlying concern of the Caribbean Association of
Criminology (CARICRIMA), that there is not enough reliable data to draw on for
comparative scientific research. The papers (editorial slips, despite) are interesting and
informative and the effort by Rosemary and Gary Brana-Shute to collate the material
and compile the first dossier on crime in the Caribbean is commendable.

HYACINTHE ELLIS


Women and the Law in the Commonwealth Caribbean by Norma Forde, published by the
Institute of Social and Economic Research (Eastern Caribbean), University of the West
Indies, Barbados, 1982.

Women and the Law is the first of a series of research papers to appear from the
Women in the Caribbean Project undertaken by the Institute of Social and Economic
Research of the UWI based in Barbados. The Project is concerned with the role of women
in the English-speaking Caribbean, and sets out to establish a factual base on which future
research and policy making can be founded, and programmes of development planned
and implemented. This paper succeeds excellently in doing what it sets out to do to
provide an overview of the law as it affects women in the various territories that make
up the Commonwealth Caribbean.

The first general impression is the remarkable similarity in the laws relating to women
throughout the region in spite of the differing historical and legal backgrounds of many
of the territories. But this impression is in some ways misleading. The information
recorded indicates that recent changes in the laws of many of the territories point to a
clear difference developing between those territories which had developed some legislative
sophistication before Independence and the rest. Part of this difference results from the
varied reception provisions relating to English law. The laws governing divorce and other
matrimonial causes is a good illustration of this. Countries like Dominica and St. Vincent
which had no divorce laws of their own, have since the time at which they assumed the
status of Associated States, a decade or more ago, had open reception provisions for
English law relating to divorce and matrimonial causes. As a result, women in these
islands involved in matrimonial cases had the benefit of laws that were much more favour-
able than those available to their sisters in the other territories. Except for Barbados, this
still remains the case.








The developing differences between the laws in the countries of the Commonwealth
Caribbean can also be seen in the varying pace of legal reform and in the preferences
shown in the areas in which legal reform has either taken place or is being undertaken.
For example, some territories have considered it more important to improve the legal
rights of the child born out of wedlock, while others such as the Cayman Islands,
St. Lucia and Trinidad and Tobago have placed emphasis on relieving the problem of the
married.
It is understandable in a paper that covers so wide a territory that comment on the
operation of legislation is not uniformly informed. Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago
come off best in this regard. The comment (p.59) on the Status of Children Act shows
that the change brought about by the Act of the consequences of the establishment of
paternity has not been fully appreciated. The legal equation of the finding of paternity
with the duty to maintain, has been altered so that the establishment of paternity gives a
father full rights of parenthood. Also the comment (p.73) on the operation of the family
assets regime adopted by Ontario ignores the judicial discretion in the interest of fairness
which the law provides and the specific legal guidelines set out for the guidance of the
court which would deal with precisely the doubts raised. An aspect of the determining of
support obligations to be found in the Ontario law might be of great interest to women in
the Caribbean, so many of whom work to support their husbands while these are involved
in getting educational or professional qualifications. There is a provision that in deter-
mining the amount of support account will be taken of any contribution made towards
the career potential of a spouse.

Movement between the territories for reasons of education, marriage or jobs, has
resulted in family networks that spread throughout the region. In such circumstances,
the value and utility of Women and the Law is obvious. Both are enhanced by the clear
and careful preparation of the material it contains.

As a footnote, it may not be inappropriate to remark that most of the chapters could
find a place in a paper devoted to men and the law. It is, perhaps, an indication of the fact
that the status of women under the law is coming much closer to that of men and there is
every likelihood that in the Caribbean this trend will continue.

GLORIA CUMPER


East Indians in the Caribbean Papers presented to a Symposium on East indians in the
Caribbean at the University of the Wesi Indies, June 1975. Kraus International Publica-
tions, 1982, 159 pp.

The book East Indians in the Caribbean will be a useful addition to the bookshelf of
students of the comparative history of Indians overseas as well as to students of the his-
tory of Trinidad, and Guyana Some of the articles are easier to read than others, perhaps
because of the evident conviction and involvement of the authors. All contributors,
however, have cared enough about their topics to spend long hours in dusty archives,
ensuring that their papers are properly documented.









Unlike the Afro-West Indian who through a spectrum of brutal methods was pressured
to practise a plantation culture oriented to the maintenance of the superior position of
the European, the East Indian's culture was officially "ensured" against interference.
This, and their belief in their transiency produced a mental set working contrary to the
reality that the East Indians were to be tricked, pressured or encouraged to remain in the
Caribbean. At a time when the East Indian could have been making the necessary adjust-
ments to the new milieu, he was still umbilically tied to Mother India. and acceptance of
his new status and identity was retarded. Still in transition between the cultures, the East
Indian cannot be blamed for ambivalent attitudes towards both the Creole culture and
his ancestral one. The introductory article in this collection of pieces on the history and
culture of the East Indian gives personal testimony to this ambivalence. Written by V.S.
Naipaul, the now famous Caribbean writer, the introduction shows some of the anguish
that the East Indian heritage can cause a thinking and feeling individual. From being
deeply involved Naipaul can become abruptly distant. For example, he writes:

Old rituals can comfort, but as I say, when they go they go. The very things that
seemed so holy and necessary can easily be thrown away and then are lost forever.
Many of the things I took part in when I was young, and didn't always think about
then are now to me very beautiful. But I couldn't go back to them. (p.6).

However reluctant he is about turning back to embrace a re-interpretated Indian cul-
ture, Naipaul calls for an examination of the past, and a consideration of the Indian
culture from which the East Indian came. He feels that the research into the East Indian
heritage is a response to impending cultural loss, and through the research the East Indian
will at last become self-aware. He will be able to look at himself, and to state his identity
unequivocally in the confusion of today's society, which seeks not so much to baptisee
everybody", as he says, but to engulf us all in meaninglessness. Research activity is, he
says, an essential part of the intellectual life which is as important for the truly creative
country as a sound political life.

Naipaul is a very human person, and a very honest one. These two characteristics are
strongly revealed in his introduction, and thus it is a good frontispiece to the collection of
the seven vignettes of East Indian life in Trinidad, Guyana and Jamaica. Dealing with a
wide range of topics, and encompassing a variety of writing styles, this book attempts to
provide documentation of the Indian struggle for economic and cultural survival in the
Twentieth Century Caribbean. Common problems related in the articles become a litany
of abuse against the East Indian the repression of the East Indian in various ways by
the local Government and the planters, the attempt by the British Government to force
the assimilation of the Indians into the Creole society, the prolonging of reforms that
would benefit the East Indian, the advantages taken of their lack of class consciousness
and cohesion. But surfacing at the same time as a repeated revelation is the persistence
with which the Indians held on to their ancestral culture. Whereas the East Indian was
often apathetic towards threats to his culture. For example, we read the following:

...the Hindu villagers at Bush Lot on the West Coast (of Guyana) made it clear to
Lutchmansingh that he should not proceed with his planned baptism. Lutchmansingh,
however, decided to go on with the ceremony...As the baptismal water was about to









be poured onto the aspirant's head, the hostile group entered the church and tried to
pull the hapless Lutchmansingh away. Fearing for his charge, the minister held unto
Lutchmansingh's other arm and the poor man was dragged to and fro until tempers
cooled. The minister left Lutchmansingh only after he received a promise that no harm
would come to him. (p. 103).

However, it is really left to the discerning reader to find the threads that bind the book.
Unfortunately, the Conference from which the papers emanated had no strong central
theme, and therefore there is a corresponding lack of unity in the collection of conference
papers. A stricter application to a central theme would have produced a more satisfying
volume. The organizers have lost a chance to be didactic.

Most authors too seem to shun oral history as a legitimate historical source.Erlich
alone uses personal testimony in his article, and Jha admits having interviewed three
Pundits "to verify some of the facts" (p.135) in his paper. Perhaps this is why many of
the articles while describing the social and economic conditions of the Indians fail to give
us sufficient glimpses of the people about whom they write. This is a pity, for it is after all
the East Indians and their heritage that are the central issue. We should be able to witness
the vigour of the people and their reactions and adjustments to a new life in the Carib-
bean. We need to hear "the bhajan singing" (p.95), the "drum beating and the bugle
blowing" (p. 124) across the years. We need to meet the "very bright looking girl and the
only one in Hindi dress" (p. 108), F.E.M. Hosein and his inflammatory essay (p.20), and
the women workers on the Spring estate who "attacked the manager with hoes after the
latter had refused to reduce the weeding and forking tasks" (p.56). Otherwise the event
of writing up these episodes of history betrays the people who made the history, and
enhances only the academic reputation of the individual writer.


BEVERLEY A. STEELE

Africa and the Caribbean: The Legacies of a Link, edited by Margaret E. Crahan and
Franklin W. Knight.

This collection of seven essays by eight authors representing five main academic
disciplines, attempt to explore the impact of the historical and continued African connec-
tion in Caribbean societies.

In Chapter one, "the African migration and the origins of an Afro-American society
and culture". Franklin Knight and Margaret Crahan, begin on an erroneous note. They
state that "the...link between Africa and the New World began in the Caribbean as an
integral part of the expansion of Europe" (p.l). This conclusion is only possible if one
excludes the monumental work of scholars like Ivan Van Sertima (They Came Before
Columbus) who have systematically documented the presence of Africans in the Americas
as traders and genuine migrants for up to 2,000 years before Columbus. Similarly, their
inferences on the effects of "the largest known transfer of people in history prior to the
nineteenth century" (p.5) on the (under)development of Africa is uniformed by the
works of such scholars as Walter Rodney (How Europe Underdeveloped Africa) and




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