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Title: Black and white single parents' attitudes toward traditional family relations
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Title: Black and white single parents' attitudes toward traditional family relations
Physical Description: x, 109 leaves : ill. ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Sanderson, P. Rhonne, 1953-
Publication Date: 1980
Copyright Date: 1980
 Subjects
Subject: Single parents -- Attitudes -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Family   ( lcsh )
Domestic relations   ( lcsh )
Counselor Education thesis Ph. D
Dissertations, Academic -- Counselor Education -- UF
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Thesis: Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1980.
Bibliography: Bibliography: leaves 105-108.
General Note: Typescript.
General Note: Vita.
Statement of Responsibility: by P. Rhonne Sanderson.
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Bibliographic ID: UF00099110
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 000099755
oclc - 07125698
notis - AAL5213

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BLACK AND WHITE SINGLE PARENTS' ATTITUDES
TOWARD TRADITIONAL FAMILY RELATIONS










By

P. RHONNE SANDERSON


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1980



















Copyright


1980
P. Rhonne Sanderson













A



























This dissertation is dedicated to
Mrs. Idella J. Sanderson, my mother; Mr.
Watts Sanderson, Sr., my deceased father;
Mr. and Mrs. Watts Sanderson, Jr., my
brother and sister-in-law; Nancy Grace
and Watts Sanderson, III, my niece and
nephew; Ms. Nancy Jones, my very special
aunt; Ms. Paula James, a very special
person in my life; numerous other family
members and friends; and last, but not
least, God.














ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


I would like to acknowledge Drs. Roderick McDavis,

Joseph Wittmer, and Afesa Bell-Nathanial for their support

and encouragement as my doctoral committee throughout the

writing of this dissertation. Special acknowledgement is

given to my chairperson, Dr. McDavis, who worked most

closely with me on this project.

I would also like to acknowledge Dr. Johnnie Ruth

Clarke for her encouragement and faith that she had in my

ability to complete the requirements for the Doctor of

Philosophy degree. I would like to furthermore acknowledge

and thank numerous friends, relatives, and acquaintances

especially my mother and my Aunt Nancy who constantly

encouraged and motivated me as well as my sister-in-law

who was very instrumental in the completion of this project.

Special acknowledgement and thanks go to the single parents

who participated in this study and especially to Mr. George

Franklin, the President of Tampa's Parents Without Partners

Organization. Without these individuals, this project would

have been impossible to conduct and complete.















TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . .

LIST OF TABLES . . . . .

ABSTRACT . . . . .


CHAPTER


I INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . 1

Need for Study . . . . . 7
Purpose of Study . . . . . 9
Significance of Study. . . ... 10
Definition of Terms. . . . ... 10
Organization of Study. . . ... 11

II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE. . . .. 13

Types of Single Parent Families. . 14
Black and White Single Parent
Families. . . . . . ... 16
Congenitally Developed Single
Parent Families . . . . .. 19
Temporarily Displaced Single
Parent Families . . . . .. 24
The Permanently Displaced Single
Parent Family . . . . .. 32
Unique Problems Encountered by
Single Parents. . . . . .. 35

III METHODOLOGY . . . . . ... .39

Hypotheses . . . . . . 40
Population and Sample. . . .. 40
Instrument . . . . . .. 43
Procedures . . . . . .. 45
Analysis of Data . . . . .. 47


. . . viii










TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)


Page


IV RESULTS AND DISCUSSION . . . .

Results . . . . . . .
Discussion of the Results. . .

V IMPLICATIONS, SUMMARY, AND RECOMMENDA-
TIONS . . . . . . . .

Implications . . . . . .
Summary . . . . . . .
Recommendations . . . . .


APPENDICES


APPENDIX A--TRADITIONAL FAMILY IDEOLOGY
SCALE . . . . . . .
APPENDIX B--QUESTIONNAIRE . . . . .
APPENDIX C--T-TESTS FOR TFIS ITEMS BY RACE.
APPENDIX D--T-TESTS FOR TFIS ITEMS BY
SINGLE PARENT STATUS . . .
APPENDIX E--ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF ITEMS
OF THE TFIS BY INCOME. . . .
APPENDIX F--T-TESTS FOR TFIS ITEMS BY SEX
APPENDIX G--ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF TFIS
ITEMS BY EDUCATION . . . .
APPENDIX H--ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF TFIS
ITEMS BY AGE . . . . .
APPENDIX I--PROPORTION OF THE TOTAL INCOME
OF BLACK FEMALE-HEADED HOUSE-
HOLDS BY VARIOUS SOURCES OF
INCOME . . . . . .
APPENDIX J--PROPORTION OF THE TOTAL INCOME
OF WHITE FEMALE-HEADED HOUSE-
HOLDS BY VARIOUS SOURCES OF
INCOME . . . . . .


REFERENCES. . . . . . . . . .


86

88
92

94

98




102




104

105


.
















LIST OF TABLES


Page


Table


1 Demographic Characteristics of the
Total Sample (N = 100) . . .

2 T-Tests for the TFIS Subscales
by Race . . . . . . .

3 T-Tests for the TFIS Subscales by
Single Parent Status . . . .

4 Analysis of Variance of the TFIS
Subscales by Socioeconomic Status


5 T-Tests for the TFIS Subscales
by Sex . . . . . . .


6 Analysis of Variance of the TFIS
Subscales by Education . . .


7 Analysis of Variance of the TFIS
Subscales by Age . . . .


. . 51



. . 52



. . 54



. . 55



. . 57



. . 58



. . 59









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of
the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy

BLACK AND WHITE SINGLE PARENTS' ATTITUDES
TOWARD TRADITIONAL FAMILY RELATIONS

By

P. Rhonne Sanderson

August 1980

Chairman: Dr. Roderick McDavis
Major Department: Counselor Education

The basic purpose of this study was to determine if

black and white single parents differed in their attitudes

toward family relations as measured by the Traditional Family

Ideology Scale (TFIS). And, further, this study determined

if temporarily displaced and congenital single parents

differed in their attitudes toward family relations as

measured by the TFIS.

Paucity, inconsistency, and lack of depth in the

research/counseling literature are three salient reasons

this study was needed. A need to have accurate, baseline

data on the single parent clientele is pressing for coun-

selors who are coming into greater contact with single

parent families because of the increase in single parents.

Counselor educators and counselor education programs also


viii










are in need of greater, more accurate information on the

population. This study provides some of that needed in-

formation.

The hypotheses examined in this study are:

(1) There is no difference between the attitudes of
black and white single parents toward family
relations as measured by the Traditional Family
Ideology Scale (TFIS).

(2) There is no difference between the attitudes of
congenital and temporarily displaced single
parents toward family relations as measured by
the TFIS.

(3) There is no difference among the attitudes of
socioeconomically different single parents toward
family relations as measured by the TFIS.

(4) There is no difference between the attitudes of
male and female single parents toward family
relations as measured by the TFIS.

(5) There is no difference among the attitudes of
educationally different single parents toward
family relations as measured by the TFIS.

(6) There is no difference among the attitudes of
age differentiated single parents toward family
relations as measured by the TFIS.

The sample consisted of 60 individuals from Hillsborough

County and 40 individuals from Alachua County to give a

total N of 100. Participants from Hillsborough County

resided in Tampa, Florida, whereas participants from Alachua

County resided in Gainesville, Florida. For each single









parent category (i.e., black, white, temporarily displaced,

and congenital), 25 participants were used.

The hypotheses that were rejected at the p < .05 level

of significance are: There is no difference between black

and white single parents' attitudes toward family relations

as measured by the TFIS and there is no difference between

male and female single parents' attitudes toward family

relations as measured by the TFIS. The other hypotheses

were accepted.

The recommendations for this study are that the sample

size be increased and that multivariant analysis of the

data be used.














CHAPTER I


INTRODUCTION


In the April 22, 1979, issue of Parade magazine, Paul

Glick and Arthur Norton, both Census Bureau analysts, pre-

dicted that 45 per cent of all American infants born in 1978

will be destined to live with one parent during some part of

their lives before reaching age 18 ("One-Parent Families,"

1979). As a matter of fact, between 1970 and 1979, there was

a 40 per cent increase in the population of children under

18 years of age that lived with a single adult despite the

fact that there was a 10 per cent decline in that population.

Families not maintained by a married couple increased by 50

per cent in the last decade. Male headed single parent

families increased by one-third and those families headed

by females increased by one-half (young adults now wait

longer to marry, 1980). In 1978, according to the U. S.

Bureau of the Census (1979), 10.7 per cent of white families

were headed by a single female and 28.4 per cent of black

families were headed by a single female parent.









One factor influencing the increased number of single

parent families is the fact that many of these families still

result from out of wedlock births. With the advent of highly

effective birth control methods and safer abortion tech-

niques, it can be argued that birth of out of wedlock chil-

dren is a choice. The liberation movement seems to be another

motivating factor in both the increased number of single

parent families and who actually raises the children within

these families. The rise in the divorce rate has also added

significantly to the increase in single parenthood. Accord-

ing to Krantzler (1973), the national average for the divorce

rate in America is 33.3 per cent and rapidly advancing

toward a 50 per cent divorce rate. The per cent of males

18 years old or older that divorced in 1978 alone was 4.7

per cent and females that divorced of the same age category

in 1978 was 6.6 per cent (U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1979).

Single parent families share many of the problems of

two-parent families as well as problems unique to themselves.

The unique problems of single parents, or areas that poten-

tial counseling might be warranted, are solitary decision

making, adaptation to dual parental roles, loneliness, lack

of relief from parenting responsibilities, and logistics

of peripheral parent visitation. Solitary decision making









may be seen as something positive provided the decision

was well thought through, insightful, and resulted in a

self-fulfilling, expectant, "correct" conclusion.

Blood and Wolf (1969), in their study of differences

in blue-collar marriages of blacks and whites, found that

major family decisions were made by females among black

families. Possibly due to the decision-making role that

these females often take on, black wives are more self-

reliant in coping with their on emotional problems as well

as problems affecting the family as a whole. The burden

of such decision making,on the other hand, can be over-

whelming. Lack of knowledge and/or insight into a

particular area, being too careful, cautious, or conven-

tional in decision making, having a phobia about making the

"right" decision, and not having another adult to lend

support in both making the decision and facing the conse-

sequences of such decisions add to the cumbersomeness of

decision making.

One way that black families seem to counteract some of

the pressures of solitary decision making is via utilization

of extended kinship. In Hays and Mindel's study of extended

kinship relations in black and white families, they found

that black families received more child care help front









extended kin than did white families (Hays & Mindel, 1973).

Availability of child care assistance from extended family

members helped lessen pressures on black parents in deciding

if they could receive child care services provided these

parents wanted to seek employment. This child care assis-

tance also lessened pressures about child rearing and

disciplinary decisions.

Problems encountered by single parents in regard to

the dual parental role center around male parents' per-

ceived inability to provide positive affect (care, concern,

tactile, emotional support, and stability) and female

parents' perceived inability to provide discipline (firm-

ness, authority, follow-through). Though most single

parents perceived themselves as being deficient in their

disciplinary skills, Savage, Adair, and Friedman (1978)

noted that none of the black male single parents reported

using corporal punishment on their children. Yet black

female single parents,whose husbands were incarcerated,

reported using corporal punishment and revoking their

children' rights as disciplinary measures (Savage, Adair,

& Friedman, 1978).

Loneliness is a problem area for many single parents

especially those single parents resulting from permanent






5


or temporary displacement of the other parent (Schlesinger,

1971). In counteracting the loneliness often encountered

by single parents, both nuclear families (Savage et al.,

1978) and extended families (Hays & Mindell, 1973) tend

to become more cohesive. Regardless of how the single

parent became a single parent, the dysfunctional ways in

which loneliness is counteracted in the parent-child

relationship are either overinvolvement or little or no

involvement with the child. This could possibly escalate

into resentment and culminate into abuse of the child.

Lack of relief from parenting responsibilities can foster

resentment of the child once again due to the denial of

self-gratifying activities by the parent. This resentment

may manifest itself in abusive or martyr type behavior

of the parents.

Another problem frequently encountered by the single

parent is that of visitation. The logistics of the peri-

pheral parent visitations concerns itself with the time,

duration, and place of visitation (Dresen,. 1976). An

additional problem encountered with the visitation of the

peripheral parent is the child's conjuring up parental

reconciliation. Often times when a child sees his parents

together, even if it is for purposes of working out the









the payments for child support, the child begins to fan-

tasize the intack family of old. It is not unusual for a

child to purposefully act in a socially inappropriate manner

(creating a crisis) so as to bring parents back together

even if it is for a temporary period of time.

In addition to the shared problems of single parent

families, there are also some common characteristics that

clearly delineate them from two parent families. Being

matriarchal,indigent, and non-adaptive in crisis situations

are three basic commonalities or characteristics of single

parent families (Schlesinger, 1966). Since 90 per cent of

single parent families are headed by females, it seems that

society traditionally assumes that the female would be the

better parent to raise the child. Because of lower paying

jobs being offered to women and lack of enforcement of child

support laws by the judicial system, matriachal single

parent families' incomes are approximately half the annual

incomes of patriachal single parent families (Ogg, 1976).

Though most female headed single parent families' in-

comes are less than male head single parent families' in-

comes, Bould (1977) noted in her study that white females,

no matter what their level of education or training, were

less willing to supplement their incomes by employment than









black females provided they felt sources of income by

right (i.e., child support payments, alimony, social

security, etc.) were adequate. See Appendices I and J

for the proportion of total income for black and white

female headed households by various sources of income.

Inability to be more adaptive to crisis situations that

arise within a family may be attributed to the fact that

only one adult is trying to resolve the conflicts and thus

has only one view or resolution to the problem. This re-

sultantly places the burden of making the "correct" de-

cision on one person, all of the time.


Need for Study


Savage, Adair, and Friedman (1978) stated that research

results are inconsistent and controversial with reference

to how black children are affected when reared in single

parent families. Though this study did not examine the

results of black children being raised by single parents,

it did examine and compare the attitudes of black and white

single parents toward traditional family relations. The

study that Savage et al. conducted investigated attitudes

toward parents, family cohesion, disciplinary strategies,

income maintenance, involvement of relatives in family









functioning, role structure in the family unit, and per-

sonal variables of self-concept and academic achievement.

This study examined black and white single parents attitudes

toward parent-child relationships, husband-wife roles, general

male-female relationships, and general aims and values.

Single parent groups examined in Savage et al.s study

were parent-incarcerated, widowed, divorced, separated,

and male-headed. This study examined black, white, congeni-

tal, and temporarily displaced (i.e. parent-incarcerated,

divorced, and separated) single parent groups. Savage

et al. point out that most studies fail to consider the

effects of relevant intervening variables such as race,

community attitudes, socioeconomic status, and support of

black parent families. This study addressed socioeconomic

status, age, sex, and education of the respective single

parent groups.

Paucity, inconsistency, and lack of depth in the

research/counseling literature are three salient reasons a

study of this type was needed. A need to have accurate,

baseline data on the single parent clientele is pressing

for counselors who are coming in greater contact with single

parent families because of the increase in their population.

Counselor educators and counselor education programs also









are in need of greater, more accurate information on this

population. This study may provide counselors and counselor

educators with this type of information.


Purpose of Study


The basic purpose of this study was to determine if

black and white single parents differed in their attitudes

toward family relations as measured by the Traditional

Family Ideology Scale (TFIS). And, further, this study

determined if temporarily displaced and congenital single

parents differed in their attitudes toward family relations

as measured by the TFIS. The attitudes examined were atti-

tudes toward parent-child relationships, husband-wife roles

and relationships, general male-female relationships and

concepts of masculinity and femininity and finally general

values and aims.

This study answered the following question: Do white

and black single parents differ in their attitudes toward

traditional family relations and furthermore, do these

single parents' attitudes differ as their sex, age, educa-

tion, and socioeconomic status varied?









Significance of Study


The data collected from this study could be used as

baseline criteria for examining attitudes toward tradi-

tional family relations of black, white, temporarily dis-

placed and congenital single parents. This baseline data

could help counselors to diagnose deviant and/or possibly

dysfunctional attitudes of these single parent groups as

it relates to family cooperativeness and functioning. Once

counselors use thel baseline data to diagnose or evaluate

the attitudes of their single parent clientele, then these

professionals could begin to develop counseling strategies

that would directly and effectively help their clients.

Counselor education programs could use data resulting from

this study in developing and teaching a course on counseling

single parents. Finally, counselors could use data collected

from this study to conduct further research on the attitudes

of single parents toward traditional family relations or

their attitudes affecting some other aspect of their lives

or the lives of their families.


Definition of Terms


Temporarily displaced single parent family--a family

that results from the incarceration of one parent, the









separation of one spouse due to military call of duty,

the desertion of the family by one parent, or the divorce

of parents.

Congenital single parent family--a family that re-

sults from the birth of a child out of wedlock.

Intact family--a family where both parents live to-

gether in the same household.

Peripheral parent--a parent who is either physically

or emotionally removed from the family.

Enmashment--emotional/developmental overcompensation

or overinvolvement by one family member with another (or

other) family members and/or vice-versa.

Martyr--overinvolved individual who feels slighted

when his efforts of involvement are not recognized or

validated.

Disengagement--lack of emotional/developmental in-

volvement by one family member with another (or other)

family members and/or vice-versa.


Organization of Study


The remainder of the study consists of four chapters

plus appendices. Chapter II includes the review of the

literature on the typ3s of single parent families, problems,






12


commonalities, advantages, and resources for single parent

families. Methods and procedures of the study are dis-

cussed in Chapter III. Chapter IV presents the research

findings and a discussion of the results. A summary is

included in Chapter V as well as recommendations for future

studies of this nature.














CHAPTER II


REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE


"The illusion persists that the nuclear family is

'normal' even though just 35 per cent of the nation's popu-

lation live in nuclear families" (Griffin, 1973, p. 41).

In 1976, one out of six children, approximately 17 per cent

of all children in the United States, 18 years old or younger,

lived in a household headed by one parent (Ogg, 1976). Paul

Glick and Arthur Norton (both Census Bureau analysts) in

the April 22, 1979 issue of parade magazine, predicted that

45 per cent of all American infants born in 1978, approxi-

mately 18 million children in the United States, will be

living with one parent, a 100 per cent rise since 1960

("One-parent Families," 1979).

This chapter will address the types of single parent

families and common characteristics thereof, black and

white single parent families, the permanently displaced

single parent family, the congenitally developed single

parent family, the temporarily displaced single parent

family, and finally, the unique problems encountered by









single parents, how they are counteracting these problems

at present, and how they may be helped to counteract such

problems in the future.


Types of Single Parent Families


Single parent families may be categorized as follows:

permanently displaced, temporarily displaced, congenitally

developed, and adoptive. The permanently displaced single

parent family results from the death of one spouse. The

temporarily displaced single parent family results from

incarceration, separation due to military duty, desertion

or divorce of one parent from another parent. The congeni-

tally developed single parent family results from the birth

of a child out of wedlock. The adoptive single parent family

results from the adoption of a child by an unmarried adult

or adults.

The most common characteristic of single parent families

is that they are headed by mothers and therefore tend to

lack adequate financial compensation. Schlesinger (1966)

reported, for example, that 90 per cent of single parent

families were headed by females. Ogg (1976) reported that

the 1975 U. S. Census data indicated the average annual

salary of the matriarchalfamily was $6,844 as compared to

the $14,816 average annual salary of patriarchalfamily.









Additionally, single parent families tend to lack flexi-

bility in adapting to various crises. Two parent families

can shift the responsibilities of physical, emotional,

and social needs of the entire family between the parents.

The single parent has those responsibilities to support

alone (Glasser & Navarre, 1965). It seems that parent-

child relationships of single parent families are closer

perhaps due to the family working closely together and

members of this type of family resultantly feeling more

needed. Children of single parent families mature faster

and concurrently learn to take responsibility for them-

selves; this may better prepare them for life and marriage

("Rising problems of 'single parents,'" 1973).

The affect encountered by the single parent is quite

varied. It is not unusual for the single parent to feel

grief over loss of an individual or relationship, to feel

angry at individuals or events, to feel lonely, to feel

guilty over what has happened to their children and others

(relatives, innocent by-standers). When society labels the

single parent family "disorganized," "unstable," or "broken"

this helps to perpetrate the stereotype that there is

something inherently wrong with or different about them.

Because these labels and attitudes are often adopted by









society in viewing the single parent family,such emotional

responses as mentioned previously will continue to be con-

jured up within single parents. Societal attitudes and re-

sultant behaviors toward single parent families can be quite

confining and harmful to otherwise fully functional members

of society (Burgess, 1970).


Black and White Single
Parent Families


Numerous studies both comparing and contrasting black

and white marriages, families (intact and single parent),

and resultant progeny have concluded various results. In

their study examining differences in black and white blue-

collar marriages, Blood and Wolfe concluded that in major

family decisions for black families, wives had greater in-

fluences; that the division of labor was less shared and

flexible for black wives; that there was a higher proportion

of black wives holding jobs; that black wives were more

self-reliant in coping with their own emotional problems;

that black husbands were less open to communicating with

their wives; and that black husbands were less involved in

domestic duties than their white counterparts (Blood & Wolfe,

1969). In Bould's study addressing sources of income of









black and white female-headed families, black female single

parents tend to rely more heavily upon socially instituted

sources of income (e.g., social security, AFDC, unemployment,

etc.) than do white female single parents (see Appendices I

and J). In this study, Bould (1977) concludes that white

female single parents are less willing to seek employment,

no matter what their level of education or training is, pro-

vided they have adequate incomes via other means. Though

there is not a great difference in the input of other

family members' incomes as one of the sources of total

family income for black female-headed families (9.6

per cent for blacks as opposed to 8.2 per cent for whites),

this small discrepancy is yet indicative of black single

parents' greater dependency on immediate and extended

family members than are white single parents. In Hays and

Mindel's study of extended kinship relations in black and

white families, they conclude that the number and type of

relations who live in black households are more diversified

than those living in white households; that interaction with

extended kin is more prevalent and perceived to be more

important among blacks as opposed to whites; and finally,

that black families received more help from their extended

kin in child care than did whites (Hays & Mindel, 1973).









In a 1978 study on community-social variables related

to black parent-absent families, Savage, Adair, and

Friedman ascertained several conclusions in their examina-

tion of parent-incarcerated, widowed, divorced, separated,

and male-headed black single parents. Their conclusions

were the following: (1) Nuclear family cohesiveness among

all parent absent groups was either very good or good.

(2) Ratings for relationships with in-laws ranged from

neutral to very poor. (3) Less time was spent with the chil-

dren of separated parents than any other single parent group.

While visiting friends, divorced parents tended not to include

their children on such visits. (4) Corporal punishment of

children was not reported by male single parents. Female

single parents whose spouses were incarcerated did report

use of corporal punishment and taking away of children'

rights as disciplinary measures. (5) Male-headed families

were more positive about schools their children attended

as opposed to female-headed single parent families. (6)

Separated and parent-incarcerated single parents tended

to consult with the community health clinic about

health problems whereas the other parent-absent groups

studied consulted the family doctor on these

issues. (7) Of the single parent groups examined, the









incarcerated parent single parent family was in less con-

tact with the legal system. (8) Twice as many women whose

husbands were incarcerated never voted in an election as

opposed to other single parent groups. (9) Divorcees had

the highest level of education; the incarcerated and separated

female parents said recreational facilities were not avail-

able; divorced, widowed, and male-headed single parents re-

ported just the opposite (Savage et al., 1978).


Congenitally Developed Single
Parent Families


Historically speaking, the families that produced

illegitimate progeny have suffered both formal and informal

ostracism of society. Within the earlier part of the 16th

century in England, there was the coining of the Latin

phrase filius nullus (child of nobody) in reference to

the illegitimate child. Pinchbeck (1954) said of that

phrase and societal attitude toward the out of wedlock

child that ". . the illegitimate became a stranger in law

to father, mother and all other natural relatives, and at

common law had no right to look to them for custody,

maintenance or education" (p. 315). Within the same cen-

tury, however, Parliament implemented the Poor Law Act of









1576 which changed the status of the illegitimate from

filius nullus to filius populi (child of the community).

The parishes in England took over the financial burden of

maintaining these children. This law empowered the justices

to order payments by the parents toward the parishes.

Other more overt forms of social ostracism for

illegitimacy consisted of a year's imprisonment within the

House of Correction, the wearing of a special badge, and

public whipping of mothers of illegitimate children. With

the guilt, ostracism, and stimatization accompanying illegiti-

macy, there became a substantial increase in compelled con-

cealment, abortion, desertion, infanticide and babyfarming

(Pinchbeck, 1954).

Demands of equality before the law for all children

seem to invariably meet with resistance to equal treatment

of the out of wedlock child that culminated from the phobia

of increased illicit relationships and a rise in the

illegitimate birth-rate. Consequently, this might result

in the destruction or at least negatively affect the insti-

tution of marriage. It was not until 1915 that the passing

of the Castberg Laws in Norway openly challenged the legal

stigma attached to the out of wedlock child. In 1917, Sweden

adopted similar laws, as did Finland in 1922, and Denmark in

1937. With the development of these laws, one can see









. the first complete recognition of
the inherent right of the child (the
illegitimate child i.e.) to maintenance,
education and inheritance . and of
the State's responsibility for ascertain-
ing parentage and for the illegitimate
child. (Pinchbeck, 1954, p. 318)

As to the rationale of unwad mothers to keep or

surrender their babies, a 1954 study conducted by Meyer,

Jones, and Borgatta examined these various decision making

factors: religion, non-Catholic; education, attended

college; marital status of putative father, single; age,

under 18; employment status, in school; financial status,

family supported; socioeconomic status, white collar,

proprietary or professional class. The study established

that combinations of the first four variables (religion,

education, marital status of putative father, and age) were

the most accurate predictors of unwed mothers' decisions

to surrender their children for adoption. For example:

The white girl with two or more of
these positive items present in her
background is likely to surrender her
baby (rphi = .63). If one or none of
these positive items is present, the
girl is likely to keep her baby. (Meyer
et al., 1956, p. 105)

This study established other characteristic differences

that tended to influence whether or not the illegitimate

child is kept. There was a higher proportion of black









women who kept their children possibly due to cultural

tolerance and acceptance of such and/or because these women

felt that it would be particularly difficult for their

children to be adopted. Another factor this study exposed

was that the higher the social class, the more likely the

child would be put up for adoption.

It seems that as time has passed on, society has be-

come more tolerant toward single parents and their families.

In light of the fact that since 1965 the number of single

parent families has increased approximately three times as

fast as two parent families, it has become incumbent upon

society to be more accepting of single parents and their

families ("Rising problems of 'single parents,'" 1973).

In getting a more contemporary and broader perspective as

to the rationale of single parents keeping their children

as opposed to aborting them or putting them up for adoption,

Friedman (1975) suggests several reasons for these parents

reluctance to relinquish their children. One reason is a

desire on the mother's part to keep her child. In not sur-

rendering the child, the mother hopes to prove to her parents

that she does not have to, i.e., that her parents feel it is

a better choice to give the baby up for adoption because of

perceived greater financial and emotional security for the









child. Another influence on unwed mothers keeping their

children may be due to ". . changing societal values,

changing life-styles, and youth asserting itself" (Friedman,

1975, p. 322). Raising the child by herself may give the

mother a feeling of accomplishment, a feeling of heightened

self-worth. The child would tend to depend upon her and

not desert her as another adult could and frequently does.

For the young unwed .other, the baby could be her ticket

to independence and freedom. It may allow her to move into

her own apartment, choose her own circle of friends, make

her own decisions. The child may be seen by so.e mothers

as a panacea. The child helps slow her down, confines and

controls her flightiness. The child helps alleviate lone-

liness. The child relieves boredom and depression. The

child will give the parent a feeling of worth because of

the dependence fostered by the parent. Frequently, the

unwed mother keeps the child to prove to her mother that

she's a better mother. Finally, unwed mothers keep their

children as a bartering tool or as leverage to entice the

putative father. The child in this case being perhaps the

only emotional tie between the parents (Friedman, 1975).

Traditionally, there has been much stigma attached to

the out of wedlock mother and her family. One lady in









Denver, Colorado, is out to change this stigma by adver-

tising for a mate for the explicit purpose of producing a

child. Her advertisement read:

Single professional woman, 34, interested
in meeting intelligent, healthy male for
purpose of becoming pregnant. No financial
obligations, although open to discussing
relationship if desired. ("Would be mother,"
1979, p. 2-d)

As a result of this advertisement, this woman, within two

weeks, had more than 200 men respond. Of these, 85 per

cent of them were genuinely curious or serious. Though

adoption was a viable choice to fulfill this woman's need

to parent a child, she felt adoption agencies let single

parents adopt older than pre-school age children whose

personalities have been formed.


Temporarily Displaced Single
Parent Families


The parents in temporarily displaced single parent

families that result from military induced separation have

some very particular coping repertoires concerning their

familial situation. One study conducted on 47 families

of servicemen missing in action in the Vietnam conflict

revealed the following six coping behavior patterns of

wives: (1) seeking resolution and expressing feelings;









(2) maintaining family integrity; (3) establishing

autonomy and maintaining family ties; (4) reducing anxiety;

(5) establishing independence through self-development; and

(6) maintaining the past and dependence on religion

(McCubbin, Dahl, Lester, Benson, & Robertson, 1976). Con-

clusions drawn by this study were:

That there is a wide range of coping
patterns which may be considered func-
tional and adaptive; that the majority
of coping patterns are considered highly
functional in that they are specifically
aimed at strengthening the individual's
resources to combat stress and harm; that
these patterns are a function of the hus-
band's and wife's background, history of
the family and the stresses of separation.
(McCubbin et al., 1976, p. 470)

The single parent family resulting from the desertion

of one parent has some unique concerns. The deserted parent

should point out to their child that though this child has

inherited some physical features and mannerisms of the

absent parent, the child is still autonomously unique.

It should also be pointed out that the absent parent had

both good and bad attributes (i.e., parent not completely

good or bad). The actual revelation of the desertion of

the family should be gradually divulged by the remaining

parent. One special type of desertion is piecemeal de-

sertion. This type of desertion has no semblance of









permanency and tends to be incessantly emotionally deplet-

ing for both the sustained parent and child (Ogg, 1976).

There are several factors contributing to the divorce

of parents. Some of these factors are young age at

marriage, considerable age differential between mates, ur-

ban residence, unskilled occupation, non-religious wedding,

remarriage and particularly premarital pregnancy (Christen-

sen & Meissner, 1953). In a study conducted by Christensen

and Meissner (1953), they observed that an inordinate

proportion of divorces are associated with premarital

pregnancy. Within the premarital pregnancy sample the

highest number resulting in divorce were those who shortly

after marriage gave birth to a child. Within the post-marital

group the highest rate of divorces resulted shortly after

conception. The lowest rate of divorces resulted when

conception was delayed several months subsequent to the

wedding. Not only do premarital pregnant couples get

divorced at a higher rate than other couples but the divorce

occurs in a shorter period of time after marriage. Though

premarital pregnancy seems to contribute to the number and

speed of divorce, such factors as religious solidification

and participation, concurrent sexual attitudes, good parental

relations, and the development of an early and strong love









contribute to the longevity of the marriage (Christensen

& Rubinstein, 1956).

Divorce tends to affect adults by giving them a re-

surgence of energy. With this new energy, the divorcee

often channels it into the job which consequently "ky-

rockets her career. The "surplus" energy is also channeled

into such activities as sports, volunteer work or other

activities requiring high energy consumption (Scott, 1979).

The relationship between the sustaining adult and child

changes as the parents divorce. Sometimes the child is

viewed as a peer to the parent or may even become a parent

to the parent. If the latter results, then the child be-

gins to set the rules within the family (Angelo, 1979).

Due to society's sex bias against male parents' cus-

today of the children resulting from divorce, men have

phobias about losing relationships with their children,

losing status within their family, being criticized by

their ex-spouses, being rejected by their children, and

losing structural and continual roots of family life

(Keshet & Rosenthal, 1978). Sources of conflict that are

constantly encountered by the male divorcee pertaining

to childrearing are scheduling and child care agreements

(i.e., who will pick up the child and when), extending









the child's visit or custody with the male parent, planning

vacations, and gaining child custody on holidays (Christmas,

Easter, and Th nksgiving) and special events (family re-

unions, weddings, and birthdays). Another source of pain

for the male divorcee results from the anxiety, sadness,

and resentment conjured up in him when he returns to his old

home to pick up his child (Keshet & Rosenthal, 1978). In

response to some of these conflicts ensued by divorced

fathers as a result of child custody being favored toward

women by the legal system (93 per cent of the time women are

awarded child custody), a divorce rights group has been formed

in Los Angeles, California. The group, called Fathers De-

manding Equal Justice, is actively seeking equality under

the law in regard to child custody being awarded to male

parents (McMillan, 1979).

The stigmatization and subsequent problems encountered

by the female divorcee are more blatant in society than those

encountered by her male counterpart. The basis of this

stigma toward women results from the assumption that they

could not keep their men. Such social institutions as

schools and courts look upon the child from a "broken" home

as probably being a disciplinary problem, being confused

about sex roles and being more prone to get into trouble.









Some authorities on delinquency report that the rising

tide of single parent families helps account for the in-

crease in juvenile court cases. Their argument is:

Children of broken homes, boiling with
anger and resentment over the loss of a
parent, usually a father, thus leaving
them out a father's guidance and direction,
can succumb to antisocial behaviors such
as bullying, truancy, vandalism and worse.
("Rising problems of 'single parents,'"
1973, p. 34)

Economically speaking, the female divorcee faces a mammoth

problem. Goode's (1948) research determined that 8 per cent

of wives had below $40 per week income before divorce, whereas

after divorce,this percentage of wives rose to 22 par cent.

Thirty-three per cent of wives in this same study had a

$60 weekly income previous to divorce; subsequent to divorce,

however, the percentage dropped to 20 per cent.

Even though women receive higher salaries today than

they did in 1948 as Goode reported, the female divorcee

still receives little more than half the annual income of

her male counterpart. The reason for such statistics is

that women have less job training and if training is

afforded it focuses upon low income, insecure positions.

Ferris (1971) points out that wo.en (usually non-employed

wives) make up 84 per cent of persons with no income. Those









wives who do work, however, only contributed to 27 per cent

of the total family income in 1970 (Waldman & Grover, 1971).

Though it seems that a logical and necessary solution to

this problem would be for women to seek financially reward-

ing employment, society actively discriminates against them

by such blatant means as offering them a lower salary for

the same amount and type of work. The median earnings of

full-time, annual employment for women were 55 per cent less

than that of men's earnings. Moreover, 60 per cent of women

earned less than $5,000 for full-time employment whereas

only 20 per cent of men earned such a salary. On the other

hand, only 3 per cent of women earned salaries over $10,000

annually while 28 per cent of men did so (U. S. Women's Bureau,

1971). In order to compensate for the females' reduced

income earning ability, ex-husbands in the United States

are, theoretically speaking, paying 35 to 40 per cent and

sometimes as much as 75 per cent of their incomes in alimony

and child support. As a result, approximately 90 per cent

eventually default ("Rising problems of 'single parents,'"

1973). Women are reluctant to have legal action initiated

which could, and often does, lead to incarceration of the

delinquent or negligent ex-husband. Some money is better

than no money at all.









Not only are divorced women, or women as a whole,

discriminated against in the financial realm, but they

too are believed to be powerless by society. Society per-

petrates this belief by such acts as banks denying mortgages

or other loans to divorced women, landlords refusal to rent

to families without adult males, and credit granting insti-

tutions refusing to give credit to divorced women (Brand-

wein, Brown, & Fox, 1974). Part of the contributing

influences toward the woman's lack of authority eminates

from her deficiency in training and ability to act in an

authoritarian role.

Other ways in which society discriminates against the

female divorcee and her child were made obvious in a

study by Marsden (1969). He found that neighbors would

not allow their children to play with those children of

divorced mothers and that college admissions policies dis-

criminated against such children. Children were adversely

affected by their mothers' divorces according to the sam-

ple surveyed. Twenty per cent of that sample of children

were ashamed about their parents' divorces and 10 per cent

openly lied about the absent parents' whereabouts. Marsden

(1969) further discovered a stratification of female-headed

families which indicated that widows rated themselves






32


highest and they rated unwed mothers the lowest among

female single parents.

Being a divorced female parent is positive in that

interpersonal support is often received by friends and

relatives, especially the mother's family. Goode (1948)

noted that 50 per cent of the divorcees his study examined

kept their old friends and the new friends made were of a

satisfactory nature. Marsden (1969) found that the impact

of spouse absence was buffered by a relative, friend, neigh-

bor, or boyfriend in 33 per cent of the female divorcees

sampled. According to Gebhard (1971), female divorcees

reported that their sexual experiences were more gratifying

than the sexual experiences reported by wives.


The Permanently Displaced
Single Parent Family


The permanently displaced or widowed single parent

family is accepted and is reached out to by society's

helping hand as opposed to other types of single parent

families. Compared to the divorces for example, the widow

has both social support and a well defined role to play.

Basically, she can mourn publicly. Friends and relatives









need not be reluctant to support her due to that being

the "right" thing to do (Schlessinger, 1971).

Although widowhood is the most socially acceptable

and supported single parent family phenomenon, it presents

serious problems of mental health and personal adjustment

to the widow. Berardo (1958) says that "Empirical research

has consistently demonstrated that the widowed typically

have higher death rates, a greater incidence of mental

disorders, and a higher suicide rate than their married

counterparts"(p. 195). Society accepts the widow and looks

upon her as the poor unfortunate mother left alone to raise

her child. This pity often times leads to apathy, despair,

and isolation (Schlesinger, 1966).

Although the widowed or permanently displaced single

parent family seems to be less stigmatized than other

single parent families, the widow also faces some societal

ostracism:

. widowhood tends to impoverish social
life. A widow can take little pleasure
in entertainment, feels awkward with her
old friends, loses the only strong tie
with her husband's family, and has moods
in which her lonely struggle to master grief,
her apathy and repudiation of consolation
isolate her even from her own family.
(Schlesinger, 1971, p. 27)









When asked what were some of the difficulties faced by

parents upon the death of the spouse, a frequent response

was loneliness. Difficulties pertaining to childrearing

centered around sex education instruction (for both widow

and widower), purchasing clothing for girls by widowers,

feelings of disciplinarian leniency by widows, and just

sharing the responsibility of planning activities for the

children (Schlesinger, 1971).

One common area of great concern among widows and

widowers was preoccupation about financial stability. This

was of particular concern to widows because of lack of

employable skills or possession of antiquated skills of

employability. In response to the need of capital to train

for a job or prepare for employment interviews, Texan

businessman Bill Walker has implemented the Special Or-

ganizational Services (SOS). This organization virtually

takes over the financial battle to get money that is right-

fully the widow's upon the death of her spouse. SOS reviews

insurance policies, other records, contacts different

agencies and companies as wall as fills out various business

forms. The widow is usually in such emotional upheaval

that these concerns of financial compensation are not looked

into but could serve a very important function in her and

her family's survival (Daindorfer, 1979).









Unique Problems Encountered
by Single Parents


Specific tasks, unique problems, and responsibilities

faced by the single parent are making solitary decisions,

trying to be both mother and father, not sharing daily

events with another adult, having little or no break from

the children, determining who to visit (i.e., which family

to visit) on holidays and special events, and intrapsychic

conflicts (Dresen, 1976). The single parent copes with

these stereotypes, unique problems, and responsibilities by

overcompensating toward the child and/or by denying ones

personal identity (Dresen, 1976). Either way, however,

makes the single parent feel depressed (lowered self-con-

cept) and possibly resentful. The wrath of this resentment

is received by the most accessible person to that parent,

the child.

Overcompensation manifests itself in providing ex-

cessive goods and services like purchasing new toys and

treats as well as catering to the child's whims and desires.

Overcompensation by the single parent tends to be contrary

to his disciplinarian self-concept. Society's expectation

of the single parent being a weak disciplinarian is there-

fore fulfilled which consequently could lead that parent into









depression. Denial of personal identity is reflected in

the attitude of "my children come first" (all of the time).

Time for any other interpersonal relationships or just time

to be alone becomes negligible. These parents put so much

time and energy in the parent-child relationship that they

have an exceptionally difficult time in separating themselves

once the empty nest cycle evolves. Individuation of parent

and child becomes a problem. The dependency fostered within

such a relationship adds to feelings of obligation on the

parent and if such feelings are not felt or expressed by this

child then friction in the form of resentment may result.

Denial of personal identity also may develop a martrydom atti-

tude by these dedicated parents especially as the children are

beginning to move into their own independence. There may

be the feeling of "look at all I've done for you" and an

implied statement of obligation projected by the parent.

In trying to cope with the attitudes and limitations

of society toward single parents and their families the

following resources are presently available to them:

friends, social agencies that provide affordable counsel-

ing for the adjustment to their new role, and self-help

groups (Dresen, 1976). Self-help groups available to

single parents and their families are: Parents Without









Partners, the YMCA, Big Brothers and Sisters, Boy and Girl

Scouts of America, Aid for Dependent Children (AFDC),

Social Security, Public Housing, and Child Care Scholar-

ships (Ogg, 1976).

Outside of these available resources, other gestures

by society could help in the role adjustment encountered by

the single parent. For example, increased psychiatric care

on a sliding fee scale could be created or expanded for the

single parent. Increased quality day service for children

could be implemented so that single parents may be free to

train for or actively seek and hold a job (Bould, 1977).

Two parent families could begin to invite single parent

families to share in social activities. The community could

be more responsive to the developmental family problems

encountered by these families routinely and begin to enact

such counteractive measures as, services to find adequate

yet affordable housing, volunteer transportation for medical

care, grocery shopping, informing and encouraging mothers

to use programs like Head Start, and helping to maintain

their homes by volunteering to repair them (Burgess, 1970).

The community also could provide child care facilities in

publicly frequented places (i.e., airports, shopping

centers, theatres). Transportation of children to and









from day care centers could be provided. Single-parenthood

classes could be created (Orthner, Brown, & Ferguson, 1976).

A social insurance to cover the risk of break-up could cer-

tainly aid single parents' financial plight upon the loss

of a spouse (Bould, 1977).

Though there are common areas of strife encountered

by all types of single parent families, different types of

families also have unique problems and concerns. These

problems and concerns are influenced by the attitudes of

society but most especially by the attitudes single parents

have aboat themselves.















CHAPTER III


METHODOLOGY


One purpose of this study was to determine if black

and white single parents differed in their attitudes

toward family relations. A second purpose was to determine

if temporarily displaced and congenital single parents

differed in their attitudes toward family relations. The

study determined whether there were differences in the

attitudes of these single parents in the following areas:

parent-child relationships, husband-wife roles and relation-

ships, general male/female relationships, and general aims

and values. The Traditional Family Ideology Scale was

administered to single parents who were members of both

Gainesville and Tampa Parents Without Partners Organiza-

tion as well as single parents that were clients of

the social workers of the West Tampa Neighborhood Service

Center.









Hypotheses


1. There is no difference between the attitudes of
black and white single parents toward family
relations as measured by the Traditional Family
Ideology Scale (TFIS).

2. There is no difference between the attitudes of
congenital and temporarily displaced single
parents toward family relations as measured by
the TFIS.

3. There is no difference among the attitudes of
socioeconomically different single parents
toward family relations as measured by the TFIS.

4. There is no difference between the attitudes of
male and female single parents toward family
relations as measured by the TFIS.

5. There is no difference among the attitudes of
educationally different single parents toward
family relations as measured by the TFIS.

6. There is no difference among the attitudes of
age differentiated single parents toward family
relations as measured by the TFIS.


Population and Sample


The population that was investigated had been single

parents for at least three months and had at least one

child staying within their household for at least three

months. The population consisted of Florida residents

living in Hillsborough and Alachua counties. The 1970

Census estimated the single parent population of the state

of Florida to have been 17 per cent male, 83 per cent









female, 69 per cent white, 31 per cent black and other. The

Bureau's classification of incomes ranged from less than

$1,000/year to $25,000 or more per year. The range of

years of education was from no school to five years or more

of college with the median being 12.1 years (U. S. Bureau

of the Census; General Social and Economic Characteristics,

1972). These are the most recent statistics available on

the single parent population of the state of Florida.

The greater portion of the single parent population in

Alachua County live in the city of Gainesville. Fifty-three

per cent of the single parent population are white and 47

per cent are black and/or other. The income range is

$1,825 to $8,377/year for males with a median income of

$5,563/year. For females, the income range is $3,093 to

$3,330/year with a median income of $3,325/year. The range

of education is from no school to four years or more college

years with the median for females being 12.3 years and 12.1

years for males (U. S. Bureau of the Census; General Social

and Economic Characteristics, 1972).

The city of Tampa is home for the majority of the

Hillsborough County single parent population. Sixty-five

per cent of the single parent population are white and 35

per cent are black and/or other. The income rangeare $2,823









to $9,384/year for males with a median income of $6,475/

year. For females, the income range is $3,093 to $3,287/

year with a median income of $3,270/year. The range of

education is from no school to four or more college years

with the median for females being 11.9 years and 12.1 years

for males (U. S. Bureau of the Census; General Social and

Economic Characteristics, 1972).

The sample for this study included an N of 100. Sixty

individuals were selected from Alachua County and 40 from

Hillsborough County. Of these 100 individuals being studied,

25 participants came from each single parent group, i.e.,

25 black, 25 white, 25 temporarily displaced, and 25 con-

genital single parents. Having 25 participants from each

single parent group insured that each group was equally

represented. Lists of all members of both the Tampa Parents

Without Partners Organization (PWP) and the Gainesville PWP

as well as a list of all the West Tampa Neighborhood Service

Center's social workers' single parent clientele were sent

to the researcher by the liason persons of these organiza-

tions. These liason persons categorized each name listed

by placing TD for temporarily displaced, C for congenital,

B for black, and W for white next to each name. They de-

termined how to categorize these individuals by noting






43



whether these persons matched the definitions of these

types of single parents which were sent to them by the

researcher. When each was numbered and categorized,

the designated number of individuals for each stratum

(i.e., 25 names) was randomly drawn by the researcher.

The reason for having a black/white dichotomy is that these

are the largest racial groups. The largest groups of sin-

gle parents are temporarily displaced and congenital sin-

gle parents. According to the 1970 Census Bureau, 69 per

cent of the entire single parent population of the state

of Florida were temporarily displaced single parents and

6 per cent of the Florida single parent population were

congenital single parents (U. S. Bureau of the Census: 1970

Detailed Characteristics, 1972).


Instrument


The Traditional Family Ideology Scale (TFIS) purports

to measure attitudes toward: (1) husband and wife relation-

ships and roles, (2) parent-child relationships, (3) general

values and aims, (4) general male-female relationships and

concepts of femininity and masculinity. The statements









that measure attitudes in these areas are in Appendix C.

Though the scale is multi-dimensional in its measure of

attitudes on these various issues, a total score is computed

which gives a measure of "democratic" attitudes toward

family relations. The scores range from 40 to 280. The

lower the score the more democratic the attitude toward

family relations. For convenience, the total score on the

instrument is divided by 40 and then multiplied by 10. This

results in the score range being converted from 40 through

280 to 10 through 70. The longer form of the TFIS that was

used in this study is found in Appendix D.

In developing the longer form of the TFIS, a sample

(N = 109) of adult students in evening psychology classes

at Cleveland College, Ohio was used. The sample consisted

of 61 men and 42 women who were relatively heterogenous in

age, religion, occupation, and marital status. Occupational

groupings consisted of skilled workers, laborers, pro-

fessionals, businessmen, clerical workers, and housewives.

Ages ranged from 20 to 40 with the mode being mid-twenties.

Low scores were expected by this group because participants'

interests were in education and particularly psychology.

The mean TFIS (converted) score was 33.3. The standard









deviation was 7.8 with individual scores ranging from 16

to 50.

The participants respond to each statement by placing

a digit ranging from +3 to -3 in the left hand margin

according to the following scale: +3, strongly agree;

+2, mildly agree; +1, agree; -1, disagree; -2, mildly

disagree; -3, strongly disagree. The responses are scored

for "democratic" items by -3 being given a score of 7; -2,

a score of 6; -1, a score of 5; +1, a score of 3; +2, a score

of 2; and +3, a score of 1. If a participant does not

respond to an item, that item is designated a score of 4.

"Autocratic" items are scored just the opposite.

The longer form of the TFIS has a split-half reliability

of .84 when corrected by the Spearman-Brown formula. The

validity of the longer form of the TFIS was evaluated by

comparing religious groups "known" to differ in family

ideology and by correlating TFIS scores with scores on the

California Ethnocentrism and Authoritarianism scales. The

correlations were .65 and .73, respectively.


Procedures


After the names for each category were drawn and listed

by the researcher, those lists were sent to the liason


I










persons with the appropriate number of Traditional Family

Ideology Scales (TFIS) as well as a stamped, self-addressed

envelope. The liason parsons distributed the TFIS's to the

selected subjects. For those individual participants who

had a reading problem, the TFIS was read to them by the

liason persons) administering the instrument. The liason

persons) determined whether these individuals had such a

problem. The participants were asked to look over the TFIS

for a few minutes to determine if there was anything they

did not understand. If the liason person detected that there

was a reading problem, then oral administration of the in-

strument was conducted. The scales were collected one week

subsequent to their distribution by the liason person,

placed in the collection envelope, and mailed to the re-

searcher. Had there not been enough persons willing to, or

for some other reason could not complete the TFIS, addi-

tional people were chosen by the researcher via random se-

lection from the original lists sent by the liason persons.

These individuals were placed on an alternate list. This

alternate list accompanied the original participant selec-

tion lists that were sent by the various liason persons.

The liason persons would refer to this alternate list if

additional participants had been needed.









Though a participant could only be white or black,

that same participant could, in addition, be either a con-

genital or temporarily displaced single parent. So that

equal representation for each category was adhered to, the

returned surveys were coded W-TD for white and temporarily

displaced, W-C for white and congenital, B-TD for black and

temporarily displaced, or B-C for black and congenital.

Once the surveys were coded, they were separated into two

stacks and given numbers. One stack for blacks and one stack

for whites. Through a random selection procedure, 25 whites

and then 25 blacks were initially selected. The remaining

surveys were then separated into two stacks representing

temporarily displaced and congenital single parents; the

same random selection procedure was enacted to select 25

for each of these categories.



Analysis of Data


A mean score was tabulated by summing individual

response scores and dividing that sum by the total number

of statements on the TFIS (i.e., N = 40). A t-test was

conducted for each of the following dichotomies: black

vs. white, congenital vs. temporarily displaced, and male

vs. female single parents. A one-way analysis of variance






48


(ANOVA) was conducted on socioeconomic, educational, and

age categories of the participants. The alpha level was

p ( .05. If, on any of the ANOVA's, there was a statis-

tically significant finding, then a pairwise comparison

was conducted to determine just how significant that find-

ing or conclusion was.














CHAPTER IV


RESULTS AND DISCUSSION


Results


The purpose of this study was to determine if black

and white single parents differed in their attitudes toward

family relations as measured by the Traditional Family

Ideology Scale (TFIS). A secondary purpose was to determine

if temporarily displaced and congenital single parents

differed in their attitudes toward family relations as

measured by the TFIS. The variables of age, sex, educa-

tion, and socioeconomic status of participants were investi-

gated to determine if these factors influenced differences

in attitudes toward traditional family relations. For each

single parent group, subscales of the TFIS were examined.

These subscales are Parent-child relationships, male/

female relationships, husband-wife relationships, and

general aims and values. In addition to the four subscales

incorporated in the TFIS, another subscale was developed for

the entire group means and standard deviations of each

single parent group.









The participants examined ware all single parents for

at least three months and had one or more children living

within their households for at least the same amount of time

(i.e., three months). The total N examined was 100 Florida

residents of which 40 lived in Alachua County and 60 lived

in Hillsborough County. Demographic characteristics for the

total sample are in Table 1.

This study examined six hypotheses. The level of

significance was p ( .05 for the hypotheses. The data

collected on the variables race, single parent status, and

sex were analyzed by t-tests. The data collected on the

variables socioeconomic status, education, and age were

analyzed by one-way analyses of variance (ANOVA's).

Hypothesis One: There is no difference between the

attitudes of black and white single parents toward family

relations as measured by the Traditional Family Ideology

Scale (TFISI. In Table 2, subscale 5 shows that at the .05

level of significance there is a difference in overall scores

of black and white single parents' attitudes toward family

relations. Therefore, hypothesis one is rejected. Specific

items of the TFIS that black and white single parents

significantly differed upon are shown in Appendix C.









Table 1

Demographic Characteristics of the
Total Sample (N = 100)

Sample %
N Total

Race
Black 49 49.0
White 51 51.0

Sex
Male 16 16.0
Female 84 84.0

Single Parent Status
Congenital 27 27.0
Temporarily Displaced 73 73.0

Socioeconomic Status
Less than $1,000 per year 5 5.0
$1,000 $6,999 28 28.0
$7,000 $12,999 40 40.0
$13,000 $18,999 21 21.0
$19,000 $24,999 5 5.0
$25,000 $30,999 0 0.0
Over $31,000 1 1.0

Education
Not completed high school 4 4.0
Completed high school 35 35.0
Completed 1 to 4 years of college 42 42.0
Completed more than 4 years of college 19 19.0

Age
15 20 3 3.0
21 26 14 14.0
27 32 34 34.0
33 40 20 20.0
41 50 17 17.0
51 62 12 12.0
63 or older 0 0.0










Table 2

T-Tests for the TFIS Subscales by Race

Blacks Whites
(N = 49) (N = 51L
Subscales X SD X SD t

1 56.87 12.46 55.84 14.08 0.39
Parent-Child Relationship

2 26.24 8.86 21.21 7.67 3.04**
Husband-Wife Relationship

3 40.12 15.74 32.92 15.76 2.28*
Male/Female Relationship

4 17.02 4.07 15.58 5.33 1.50
General Aims and Values

5 140.26 34.77 125.56 37.02 2.04*
Total G.P. Results


* < .05

** p < .01









Hypothesis Two: There is no difference between the

attitudes of congenital and temporarily displaced single

parents toward family relations as measured by the TFIS. In

Table 3, subscale 5 indicates that at the .05 level of

significance there is no difference in overall scores of

congenital and temporarily displaced single parents' atti-

tudes toward family relations. Therefore, hypothesis two is

accepted. Appendix D does show, however, that these two

types of single parents differed significantly on particu-

lar TFIS items.

Hypothesis Three: There is no difference among the

attitudes of socioeconomically different single parents

toward family relations as measured by the TFIS. Subscale

5 in Table 4 indicates that at the .05 significance level

there is no difference in overall scores of socioeconomically

different single parents' attitudes toward family relations.

Therefore, hypothesis three is accepted. Item analysis of

the TFIS for socioeconomically different single parents in-

dicates no significant differences in scores on specific

items. This corroborates the results indicated in Appendix

E.

Hypothesis Four: There is no difference between the

attitudes of male and female single parents toward family













Table 3

T-Tests for the TFIS Subscales by
Single Parent Status


Congenital Temporarily Displaced
(N = 27) (N = 73)
Subscales X SD X SD t

1 54.25 11.55 57.12 13.83 -0.96
Parent-Child Relationship

2 24.03 9.51 23.54 8.23 0.25
Husband-Wife Relationship

3 36.37 16.43 36.47 16.07 -0.03
Male/Female Relationship

4 16.81 4.27 16.09 4.97 0.66
General Aims and Values

5 131.48 33.82 133.24 37.67 -0.21
Total G.P. Results











Table 4

Analysis of Variance of the TFIS Subscales
by Socioeconomic Status


Source of
Subscales Variance SS df MS F

1 Between Groups 168.78 5 33.75
Within Groups 17,237.93 94 183.38 0.18
Parent-Child Relationship

2 Between Groups 344.34 5 68.86
Within Groups 7,003.40 94 74.50 0.92
Husband-Wife Relationship

3 Between Groups 851.89 5 170.37
Within Groups 24,768.75 94 263.49 0.64
Male/Female Relationship

4 Between Groups 145.50 5 29.10
Within Groups 2,125.09 94 22.60 1.28
General Aims and Values

5 Between Groups 3,323.76 5 664.75
Within Groups 128,673.93 94 1,368.87 0.48
Total G.P. Results









relations as measured by the TFIS. Subscale 5, in Table 5,

indicates that at the .05 level of significance there is a

difference in overall scores of male and female single

parents' attitudes toward family relations. Therefore,

hypothesis four is rejected. Specific items of the TFIS

that male and female single parents significantly differed

on are presented in Appendix F.

Hypothesis Five: There is no difference among the

attitudes of educationally different single parents toward

family relations as measured by the TFIS. In Table 6, sub-

scale 5 shows there is no difference in the overall scores

of educational different single parents at the .05 level

of significance. Therefore, hypothesis five is accepted.

Appendix G, however, indicates that scores on particular

TFIS items differed significantly.

Hypothesis Six: There is no difference among the atti-

tudes of age differentiated single parents toward family

relations as measured by the TFIS. In Table 7, subscale 5

indicates no difference at the .05 level of significance in

overall scores on the TFIS for age differentiated single

parents. Appendix H shows one specific item of the TFIS

that is significantly different.









II_ ___











Table 5

T-Tests for the TFIS Subscales by Sex


Male (N = 16) Female (N = 84)
Subscales X SD X SD t

1 65.31 9.59 54.64 13.21 3.07**
Parent-Child Relationship

2 28.87 9.43 22.69 8.14 2.72*
Husband-Wife Relationship

3 46.56 15.82 34.52 15.49 2.84*
Male/Female Relationship

4 17.62 5.47 16.03 4.64 1.22
General Aims and Values

5 158.37 34.34 127.89 35.02 3.20**
Total G.P. Results


*p < .05

**p < .01











Table 6

Analysis of Variance of the TFIS
Subscales by Education


Source of
Subscales Variance SS df MS F


1 Between Groups
Within Groups
Parent-Child Relationship

2 Between Groups
Within Groups
Husband-Wife Relationship

3 Between Groups
Within Groups
Male/Female Relationship

4 Between Groups
Within Groups
General Aims and Values

5 Between Groups
Within Groups
Total G.P. Results


389.75
17,016.95


243.26
7,104.48


505.55
25,115.09


20.07 3
2,250.50 96


3,648.04
128,349.49


3 129.91
96 177.26


3 81.08
96 74.00


3 6.69
96 23.44


6.69
23.44


1,216.01
1,336.97


0.73




1.09




0.64




0.28




0.91


-~-----











Table 7

Analysis of Variance of the TFIS
Subscales by Age


Source of
Subscales variance


SS df MS


1 Between Groups
Within Groups
Parent-Child Relationship

2 Between Groups
Within Groups
Husband-Wife Relationship

3 Between Groups
Within Groups
Male/Female Relationship

4 Between Groups
Within Groups
General Aims and Values

5 Between Groups
Within Groups
Total G.P. Results


1,377.55
16,029.15



240.70
7,107.05



686.56
24,934.10


101.43 5
2,169.15 94


5,933.28
126,064.36


275.51
170.52



48.14
75.60



137.31
265.25


20.28
23.07



1,186.65
1,341.11


1.61




0.63




0.51




0.87




0.88


-------









Discussion of the Results


As reported in Table 2, black single parents scored

higher than did white single parents on subscales 2 and 3

which suggests that black single parents have a more demo-

cratic attitude toward husband-wife and male/female relation-

ships than do white single parents. Having a more democratic

attitude means having a willingness to share the respon-

sibilities of a relationship, i.e., establishing an egala-

tarian relationship. It is difficult to assess whether the

differences between blacks and whites on these subscales

is indicative of how these relationships (egalatarian roles)

exist or how blacks would like for them to exist. Perhaps

blacks are more traditional in their roles and expectations

than whites because of a need to fight the matriarchal

family image that seems to permeate society and the literature.

Table 5 reports significant differences in scores

between male and female single parents on subscales 1, 2, and

3. These results suggest that male single parents have a

more democratic attitude toward parent-child, male/female,

and husband-wife relationships. Perhaps inclinations toward

an egalatarian relationship with females are more prevalent

in male single parents. The results reported in Appendix F









suggest furthermore, that males would like to have a more

equal relationship with females. Consequently, resultant

of the women's liberation movement, which is often counter

to traditional female roles and relationships, this desire

by males to be in an equal relationship with females is quite

a feasible explanation. Furthermore, male single parents seem

quite desirous of more structure and definitiveness in their

roles and relationships with females.

No other significant differences in scores on the TFIS

subscales were found. Therefore, it appears that differences

exist in democratic or autocratic attitudes of socioeconomically

different, educationally different, age differentiated, and

congenital or temporarily displaced single parents.

Results reported in Appendix C indicate the items where

black and white single parents differed significantly.

Blacks tended to agree more strongly on statements 6, 13,

18, and 22 which is indicative of agreement with "tradi-

tional" male/female, husband-wife roles and relationships.

This may suggest a desire by both black males and females

to have a united, strong egalatarian male/female personal

and/or professional relationship. Blacks tended to agree

more strongly than whites on statements 16 and 27 which is

indicative of certain desirable attributes for males.









Greater agreement by blacks on statement 8 seems to be con-

trary to the more traditional roles/expectations that they

adhered to in agreement with items 13, 18, and 22. The

right to sexual freedom for women may, on the other hand,

balance the male/female relationship by giving women greater

control and freedom of choice in interpersonal relationships

with a male. Stronger agreement by blacks with statement 7

indicates a traditional attitude toward disciplining children.

Item 3's stronger agreement by blacks seems indicative of

blacks' expectant attitude of older children becoming

autonomous and responsible for themselves as they move into

and through adolescence. This may suggest that the adolescence

maturing process for blacks is more expedient than for whites.

Results reported in Appendix F indicate the items that

male and female single parents differed on significantly. A

more traditional, conservative view of raising children seems

to be indicated by males' stronger agreement with items 14,

20, 29, and 32. Stronger agreement with statements 5, 6, 18,

and 4 of males than females indicate that males lean toward

a more traditional marital relationship with well defined

roles for husbands and wives. A source of friction for single

parents wanting to remarry could result from males and females

having differed significantly on what their roles should be









within a marital relationship and how they should rear

their children. Agreement with items 1, 9, 19, 35, and

37 by males reflects males' attitudes toward expectant

female roles. These items are indicative of negative female

roles or attributes. On the other hand, males agreed more

strongly than females on item 39 which is indicative of

their recognition of females being treated unfairly.

Males' attitudes toward traditional marital relation-

ships may be a reflection of their feelings of lack of con-

trol in this role changing society. Agreement to statements

that view women in a negative perspective further supports

this premise and also may be indicative of the males' desire

to get back at women in hopes of lessening the rejection

complex often accompanied by divorce or separation.

Appendix D reports items on which congenital and tem-

porarily displaced single parents differed significantly.

Stronger agreement by congenital single parents on items 20

and 40 of the TFIS indicates that the behavior of a child

and sexual behavior or problems of adults are a reflection

of parental upbringing. This may suggest an unwillingness

by congenital single parents to take responsibility of their

own behavior, on one hand, yet, on the other hand, it may

suggest closer scrutiny of the way their children are raised.








A strong sense of family cohesiveness by congenital single

parents is indicated by their stronger agreement on item 21.

The ostracism often accompanied with the birth of extra-

marital children tends to influence these families to

establish a strong, united image.

Scores reported in Appendix G indicate the items on

which educationally different single parents differed

significantly. Group 2 (completed high school) agreed with

item 2 more strongly than Group 4 (completed more than 4

years of college). Group 3 (completed 1 to 4 years of col-

lege) agreed more strongly on the same item than Group 2.

Those individuals who have completed 1 to 4 years of college

and those who have completed high school may feel they can

get a job more easily than those with less than high school

or greater than 4 years of college. Consequently, these

individuals may look down on less employable persons. On

statement 9, Group 1 (not completed high school) agreed more

strongly than Group 4 on this item. Group 3 agreed more

strongly on this item than Groups 1 and 2. Individuals in

greater agreement with this item tend to view women through

a narrow, negative perspective. Perhaps Group 3 feels most

competitive with women both in school and in the job market

which could be an explanation for viewing women through a

negative perspective.






65


Appendix H reports the items on which age differentiated

single parents differed significantly. Agreement with state-

ment 14 indicates that an individual believes children should

conform to their parents' ideas. Individuals that fell in

the age category of 51 62 agreed more strongly with this

statement than did individuals within the 33 40 age cate-

gory. This may be indicative of lack of flexibility in

allowing children to think and act autonomously of their

parents. Often times, lack of flexibility or rigidity in

ideology accompanies increased age.














CHAPTER V


IMPLICATIONS, SUMMARY, AND RECOMMENDATIONS


Implications


This study provides baseline data on the attitudes of

black, white, male, female, congenital, temporarily dis-

placed, educationally different, age different, and socio-

economically different single parents toward traditional

family relations. Means and standard deviations on the

Traditional Family Ideology Scale (TFIS) for these different

types of single parent groups are reported. In addition to

baseline data being reported on these single parent groups,

the study also reported the same kind of data on these

single parent groups' attitudes toward parent-child

relationships, male/female relationships, and general aims

and values. Data determining differences between/among

different single parent groups, i.e., black/white, male/

female, congenital/temporarily displaced, socioeconomically

different, educationally different, and age different single

parents, are reported. Finally, comparative data on these

66









particular single parent groups are reported for specific

items of the TFIS.

The results that blacks scored higher than whites and

that males scored higher than females on the TFIS suggest

that black and male single parents have a more democratic

attitude toward family relations. This could be indicative

of modern times in that males and blacks may be moving toward

shared parental responsibilities where females and whites

are moving toward greater individuation and autonomy, per-

haps focusing more on careers than families. This informa-

tion may give counselors insight into understanding differ-

ences in black and white single parents. This information

may have implications for dual career counseling if re-

marriage is being considered by such parents. Such informa-

tion could also be used in premarital, marital, postmarital,

family, and stepfamily therapy.

Information obtained from the four subscales of the

TFIS indicates that black single parents have a more demo-

cratic attitude toward husband-wife and male/female relation-

ships than do white single parents. This might suggest to a

counselor that black single parents are feeling "idealis-

tically" that shared couple responsibilities are desirable.

Male single parents have a more democratic attitude toward









the same relationships as well as toward parent-child

relationships. This corroborates the implications of the

data between black and male single parents and even further-

more amplifies the desire of males to share parenting re-

sponsibilities with females. Such a desire among single

parents as a whole is not unusual, in that loneliness and

dual parental roles and responsibilities are problems com-

monly encountered by these individuals.

The specific information on particular items of the

TFIS tend to corroborate the evidence and information re-

ceived from the different single parent groups for composite

TFIS scores as well as subscale scores. Some of the specific

item scores, however, seem somewhat contradictory to the

general direction a particular group may have been follow-

ing. This might suggest closer scrutiny of item scores by

counselors in hopes of making clients aware of contradictions

which may be a source of some anxiety or frustration.

The information produced by this study also could help

counselors by having them use the TFIS as a diagnostic tool

in individual,premarital, postmarital, stepfamily, and family

therapy. The TFIS could also act as a premarital screening

device for single parents considering marriage.









Counselor educators could use this information in

teaching a course or section of a course in the counseling

needs of single parents. The professors are provided ob-

jective, scientific data on the attitudes of different

types of single parents in relation to parent-child

relationships, husband-wife relationships, male/female

relationships, and general aims and values. Data from this

study may prove particularly useful in a course in family

therapy, especially as this course addresses issues of

single parent families and reconstituted or blended

families. A marital counseling course could benefit from

the data in this study as it alludes to issues of remarriage,

especially remarriage of single parents.



Summary


This study examined black and white, congenital and

temporarily displaced, male and female, socioeconomically

different, educationally different, and age differentiated

single parents' attitudes toward family relations. The

purpose was to see if these single parent groups' attitudes

differed. Differences in the attitudes of these single parent









groups toward parent-child, husband-wife, male/female

relationships, and general aims and values also were

examined.

In Chapter I of this study, the problem was stated.

The need, purpose, significance of the study, as well as

definition of the terms also were presented. The types of

single parent families, i.e., black, white, congenital,

temporarily displaced, and permanently displaced, were dis-

cussed in Chapter II. Unique problems encountered by

single parents also were examined in this chapter. Hypo-

theses, population and sample, instrument, procedures, and

the analyses of data used in this study were discussed in

Chapter III.

In Chapter IV, the results and a discussion of these

results were presented. The results of the study indicate

that black and white single parents as well as male and

female single parents differed significantly in their atti-

tudes toward family relations as measured by the Traditional

Family Ideology Scale. Black and male single parents tended

to have more democratic attitudes toward family relations

than white and female single parents, respectively. Black

single parents had more democratic attitudes toward husband-

wife and male/female relationships than white single parents.






71


Male single parents had more democratic attitudes toward

parent-child, husband-wife, and male/female relationships

than female single parents.


Recommendations


If this study were replicated, confirmation of com-

posite, subscale, and item scores of the TFIS for the

different types of single parents examined could be estab-

lished. In addition to confirmation of this study's re-

sults, there would be a greater probability of discovering

significantly different scores on other items and subscales

as well. Because this study had an N of 100, some single

parent categories had no participants which meant that it

was not possible to measure or compare the attitudes of

these single parents. Replicating the study would help

insure that representation of all single parent categories

exist.

Several studies examining the attitudes of participants

toward family relations could eminate from this study.

Examples of such studies are: a study involving a com-

bination of variables already examined; expanding the pre-

sent study to include permanently displaced and adoptive

single parents; comparing presently married individuals to


~






72


single parents; comparing stepparents to single parents;

comparing single adults to single parents; comparing single

parents of different ethnic groups; comparing single parents

from different parts of the state of Florida; comparing

single parents from different sections of the United States;

and comparing single parents from different nations.






































APPENDICES



































APPENDIX A

TRADITIONAL FAMILY IDEOLOGY SCALE









Appendix A


Categorized Statements of the Longer Form of the Traditional
Family Ideology Scale:

A. Parent-child relationships

A child should not be allowed to talk back to his
parents, or else he will lose respect for them.

There is a lot of evidence such as the Kinsey Report
which shows us we have to crack down harder on young
people to save our moral standards.

There is hardly anything lower than a person who does
not feel a great love, gratitude, and respect for his
parents.

A well-raised child is one who doesn't have to be told
twice to do something.

A woman whose children are messy or rowdy has failed
in her duties as a mother.

It isn't healthy for a child to like to be alone, and
he should be discouraged from playing by himself.

If children are told too much about sex, they are
likely to go too far in experimenting with it.

A child who is unusual in any way should be encouraged
to be more like other children.

The saying "Mother knows best" still has more than a
grain of truth.

Whatever some educators may say, "Spare the rod and
spoil the child" still holds, even in these modern times.

It helps the child in the long run if he is made to
conform to his parents' ideas.

A teenager should be allowed to decide most things
for himself.









In making family decisions, parents ought to take
the opinions of children into account.

It is important to teach the child as early as possible
the manners and morals of his society.

A lot of the sex problems of married couples arise
because their parents have been too strict with them
about sex.

B. Husband and wife roles and relationships

Women who want to remove the word obey from the marriage
service don't understand what it means to be a wife.

Some equality in marriage is a good thing, but by and
large the husband ought to have the main say-so in
family matters.

A man who doesn't provide wall for his family ought to
consider himself pretty much a failure as husband and
father.

Faithlessness is the worst fault a husband could have.

In choosing a husband, a woman will do well to put
ambition at the top of her list of desirable qualities.

A wife does better to vote the way her husband does,
because he probably knows more about such things.

It is a reflection on a husband's manhood if his wife
works.

Women should take an active interest in politics and
community problems as well as in their families.

C. General male-female relationships

A man can scarcely maintain respect for his fiancee
if they have sexual relations before they are married.

It goes against nature to place women in positions of
authority over men.









It is a woman's job more than a man's to uphold our
moral code, especially in sexual matters.

The unmarried mother is morally a greater failure than
the unmarried father.

The most important qualities of a real man are strength
of will and determined ambition.

Women can be too bright for their own good.

Women have as much right as men to sow wild oats.

Petting is something a nice girl wouldn't want to do.

Almost any woman is better off in the home than in a
job or profession.

Women think less clearly than men and are more
emotional.

It doesn't seem quite right for a man to be a visionary;
dreaming should be left to women.

Even today women live under unfair restrictions that
ought to be done away with.

It's a pretty feeble sort of man who can't get ahead
in the world.

D. General values and aims

The family is a sacred institution, divinely ordained.

One of the worst problems in our society today is
"free love," because it mars the true value of sex
relations.

It is only natural and right for each person to think
that his family is better than any other.

A marriage should not be made unless the couple plans
to have children.





































APPENDIX B


QUESTIONNAIRE










Appendix B


Check the statements below that apply to you:

( ) I have been a single parent for at least three months
() I do have or have had at least one child within my
household for at least three months


I am:
( ) black
( ) white
() a single parent as
being married
( ) a single parent as
being together

I earn (per year):
( ) Less than $1,000
( ) $1,000 $6,999
( ) $7,000 $12,999


)male
) female
result of


having a child and not


a result of my spouse and I not


) $13,000 $18,999
) $19,000 $24,999
) $25,000 $30,999
) Over $31,000


Educationally, I have (check the highest level of education
completed).
( ) not completed high school
( ) completed high school
( ) completed 1 to 4 years of college
( ) completed more than 4 years of college

My age is:

Directions: Mark each statement in the left margin accord-
ing to how much you agree or disagree with it. Please mark
every one. Write in +1, +2, +3, or -1, -2, -3, depending on
how you feel in each case.


+1: I agree a little
+2: I agree pretty much
+3: I agree very much


-1: I disagree a little
-2: I disagree pretty much
-2: I disagree vary much


( ) 1. Almost any woman is better off in the home than
in a job or profession.

( ) 2. It's a pretty feeble sort of man who can't get
ahead in the world.









+1: I agree a little -1: I disagree a little
+2: I agree pretty much -2: I disagree pretty much
+3: I agree very much -3: I disagree very much

( ) 3. A teenager should be allowed to decide mast things
for himself.

( ) 4. A marriage should not be made unless the couple
plan to have children.

( ) 5. A wife does better to vote the way her husband does,
because he probably knows more about such things.

6. It is a reflection on a husband's manhood if his
wife works.

7. Whatever some educators may say, "Spare the rod
and spoil the child" still holds, even in these
modern times.

( 8. Women have as much right as men to sow wild oats.

( 9. Women think less clearly than men and are more
emotional.

( ) 10. Faithlessness is the worst fault a husband could
have.

) 11. It isn't healthy for a child to like to be alone,
and he should be discouraged from playing by him-
self.

12. Petting is something a nice girl wouldn't want
to do.

13. Sone equality in marriage is a good thing, but by
and large the husband ought to have the main say-so
in family matters.

14. It helps the child in the long run if he is made
to conform to his parents' ideas.

() 15. If children are told too much about sex, they are
likely to go too far in experimenting with it.









+1: I agree a little -1: I disagree a little
+2: I agree pretty much -2: I disagree pretty much
+3: I agree very much -3: I disagree very much

( ) 16. The most important qualities of a real man are
strength of will and determined ambition.

( ) 17. In making family decisions, parents ought to take
the opinions of children into account.

( ) 18. Women who want to remove the word obey from the
marriage service don't understand what it means
to be a wife.

( ) 19. It doesn't seem quite right for a man to be a
visionary; dreaming should be left to women.

() 20. A well-raised child is one who doesn't have to be
told twice to do something.

( ) 21. It is only natural and right for each person to
think that his family is better than any other.

( ) 22. It is woman's job more than a man's to uphold
our moral code, especially in sexual matters.

( ) 23. A man who doesn't provide well for his family ought
to consider himself pretty much a failure as hus-
band and father.

( ) 24. A child should not be allowed to talk back to his
parents, or else he will lose respect for them.

( ) 25. There is a lot of evidence such as the Kinsey Re-
port which shows us we have to crack down harder
on young people to save our moral standards.

() 26. Women should take an active interest in politics
and community problems as well as in their
families.

( ) 27. In choosing a h-sband, a woman will do well to
put ambition at the top of her list of desirable
qualities.









+1: I agree a little -1: I disagree a little
+2: I agree pretty much -2: I disagree pretty much
+3: I agree very much -3: I disagree very much

( ) 28. One of the worst problems in our society today
is "free love," because it mars the true value
of sex relations.

( ) 29. There is hardly anything lower than a person who
does not feel a great love, gratitude, and respect
for his parents.

( ) 30. A man can scarcely maintain respect for his
fiancee if they have sexual relations before
they are married.

( ) 31. The family is a sacked institution, divinely
ordained.

( ) 32. A woman whose children are messy or rowdy has
failed in her duties as a mother.

( ) 33. It goes against nature to place women in posi-
tions of authority over men.

( ) 34. A child who is unusual in any way should be
encouraged to be more like other children.

( ) 35. The unmarried mother is morally a greater failure
than the unmarried father.

36. The saying "Mother knovs best" still has more
than a grain of truth.

( 37. Women can be too bright for their own good.

( 38. It is important to teach the child as early as
possible the manners and morals of his society.

39. Even today women live under unfair restrictions
that ought to be done away with.

( ) 40. A lot of the sex problems of carried couples arise
because their parents have been too strict with
them about sex.



































APPENDIX C

T-TESTS FOR TFIS ITEMS BY RACE










Appendix C


T-Tests for TFIS Items by Race


Item Black(N=49) White (N=51)
Number X SD X SD t


*p < .05


2.79
3.73
3.16
2.02
1.83
2.26
5.20
3.55
2.91
3.75
3.44
3.18
3.89
3.48
2.57
5.14
2.12
4.04
1.97
3.55
5.16
4.02
3.89
5.12
4.02
1.91
4.63
3.85
4.65
2.75
5.97
3.28
2.81
2.10
2.08
5.12
2.89
6.48
2.24
2.53


2.17
2.28
1.88
1.71
1.66
1.97
2.30
2.51
2.29
2.52
2.26
2.41
2.39
2.27
1.91
1.96
1.77
2.55
1.71
2.46
2.12
2.52
2.34
2.09
2.19
1.55
2.29
2.52
2.65
2.34
1.83
2.13
2.24
1.59
1.99
1.78
2.30
1.17
1.93
2.14


2.33
3.88
4.07
2.05
1.33
1.33
4.11
2.41
2.72
3.45
3.47
2.25
2.94
3.37
2.29
3.41
1.96
2.78
1.84
3.94
4.50
2.62
3.68
5.29
3.80
2.01
3.66
3.84
3.92
2.17
5.17
3.13
2.33
2.27
1.98
5.09
2.66
5.98
2.27
3.09


1.89
2.18
2.09
1.88
0.93
0.73
2.35
1.99
2.09
2.37
2.36
1.78
2.28
2.27
1.94
2.22
1.23
2.32
1.40
2.23
2.31
2.28
2.14
1.94
1.83
1.43
2.15
2.14
2.21
1.93
2.28
2.13
2.09
1.67
1.73
1.65
2.19
1.84
1.74
2.27


1.13
-0.33
-2.29*
-0.11
1.88
3.15**
2.33*
2.52*
0.44
0.62
-0.05
2.19*
2.05*
0.26
0.72
4.12**
0.53
2.57*
0.44
-0.83
1.47
2.90*
0.47
-0.42
0.54
-0.34
2.17*
0.03
1.50
1.35
1.93
0.35
1.11
-0.53
0.27
0.07
0.51
1.64
-0.08
-1.28


































APPENDIX D

T-TESTS FOR TFIS ITEMS BY
SINGLE PARENT STATUS








APPENDIX D


T-Tests for TFIS Items by Single Parent Status

Item Congenital(N=27) Temporarily Displaced(N=73)
Number X SD X SD t


1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
*p <.05;


2.48 2.02
3.66 2.18
3.70 2.12
2.29 2.18
1.81 1.71
2.14 1.97
4.92 2.28
2.92 2.38
2.81 2.51
3.51 2.56
3.29 2.16
2.51 2.11
3.77 2.47
3.29 2.35
2.59 1.94
4.70 2.03
2.37 2.11
3.07 2.48
1.88 1.52
2.66 2.33
4.49 1.92
3.74 2.58
3.25 2.37
5.07 2.01
3.66 1.98
1.88 1.21
4.55 2.37
3.25 2.41
4.07 2.65
2.33 2.16
5.66 2.25
2.96 2.08
2.59 2.39
2.25 1.89
2.11 2.06
5.07 1.66
2.92 2.33
6.40 1.33
1.66 1.77
1.88 1.80
**p <.01


2.58 2.06 -0.23
3.86 2.25 -0.39
3.60 2.01 0.22
1.94 1.63 0.87
1.49 1.20 1.05
1.65 1.34 1.42
4.54 2.42 0.70
2.98 2.31 -0.11
2.82 2.07 -0.01
3.63 2.41 -0.20
3.52 2.36 -0.43
2.78 2.18 -0.54
3.27 2.34 0.94
3.47 2.24 -0.36
2.36 1.92 0.51
4.09 2.33 1.19
1.91 1.22 1.33
3.52 2.52 -0.79
1.91 1.57 -0.08
4.15 2.23 -2.91**
4.54 2.29 2.11*
3.15 2.45 1.05
3.98 2.17 -1.45
5.26 2.02 -0.41
4.00 2.02 -0.73
2.00 1.58 -0.33
3.98 2.22 1.12
4.06 2.27 -1.55
4.35 2.39 -0.51
2.50 2.16 -0.36
5.53 2.06 0.28
3.30 2.14 -0.71
2.56 2.10 0.06
2.16 1.56 0.26
2.00 1.79 0.26
5.12 1.74 -0.13
2.72 2.21 0.39
6.16 1.65 0.69
2.47 1.98 -2.00
3.16 2.26 -2.63*


































APPENDIX E

ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF ITEMS OF
THE TFIS BY INCOME










Appendix E

Analysis of Variance of Items of
THE TFIS BY INCOME

Item Source of
Number Variance SS df MS F

1 Between Groups 36.16 5 7.23
Within Groups 376.46 94 4.00 1.80

2 Between Groups 40.06 5 8.01
Within Groups 449.32 94 4.78 1.67

3 Between Groups 14.46 5 2.89
Within Groups 396.84 94 4.22 0.68

4 Between Groups 6.09 5 1.21
Within Groups 311.74 94 3.31 0.36

5 Between Groups 9.81 5 1.96
Within Groups 172.54 94 1.83 1.06

6 Between Groups 8.32 5 1.66
Within Groups 228.26 94 2.42 0.68

7 Between Groups 32.87 5 6.57
Within Groups 527.86 94 5.61 1.17

8 Between Groups 20.88 5 4.17
Within Groups 514.02 94 5.46 0.76

9 Between Groups 34.14 5 6.82
Within Groups 438.61 94 4.66 1.46

10 Between Groups 33.35 5 6.67
Within Groups 556.64 94 5.92 1.12

11 Between Groups 11.45 5 2.29
Within Groups 513.38 94 5.46 0.42

12 Between Groups 5.98 5 1.19
Within Groups 454.60 94 4.83 0.24

13 Between Groups 15.44 5 3.08
Within Groups 542.74 94 5.77 0.53









Appendix E (Continued)


Item Source of
Number Variance SS df MS F

14 Between Groups 23.12 5 4.62
Within Groups 483.38 94 5.14 0.90

15 Between Groups 4.47 5 0.89
Within Groups 362.03 94 3.55 0.23

16 Between Groups 23.55 5 4.71
Within Groups 483.68 94 5.14 0.91

17 Between Groups 17.00 5 3.40
Within Groups 210.83 94 2.24 1.51

18 Between Groups 36.75 5 7.35
Within Groups 587.24 94 6.24 1.17

19 Between Groups 18.31 5 3.66
Within Groups 221.86 94 2.36 1.55

20 Between Groups 10.25 5 2.05
Within Groups 534.49 94 5.68 0.36

21 Between Groups 26.05 5 5.21
Within Groups 470.05 94 5.00 1.04

22 Between Groups 22.15 5 4.43
Within Groups 593.23 94 6.31 0.70

23 Between Groups 21.25 5 4.25
Within Groups 475.33 94 5.05 0.84

24 Between Groups 37.43 5 7.45
Within Groups 363.15 94 3.86 1.93

25 Between Groups 17.61 5 3.52
Within Groups 382.57 94 4.07 0.86

26 Between Groups 10.51 5 2.10
Within Groups 208.39 94 2.21 0.94







Appendix E (Continued)



Item Source of
Number Variance

27 Between Groups
Within Groups

28 Between Groups
Within Groups

29 Between Groups
Within Groups

30 Between Groups
Within Groups

31 Between Groups
Within Groups

32 Between Groups
Within Groups

33 Between Groups
Within Groups

34 Between Groups
Within Groups

35 Between Groups
Within Groups

36 Between Groups
Within Groups

37 Between Groups
Within Groups

38 Between Groups
Within Groups

39 Between Groups
Within Groups

40 Between Groups
Within GrouPs


SS df MS F


15.23
492.80

33.12
503.62

9.04
589.11

5.79
453.04

15.38
423.12

5.32
441.26

13.78
452.72

14.21
249.17

20.27
322.63

18.97
270.81

32.35
464.80

7.37
236.33

3.61
329.62

17.87


5 3.04
34 5.24

5 6.62
)4 5.35

5 1.80
)4 6.26

5 1.15
34 4.81

5 3.07
)4 4.50

5 1.06
>4 4.69

5 2.75
)4 4.81

5 2.84
)4 2.65

5 4.05
14 3.43

5 3.75
)4 2.88

5 6.47
'4 4.94

5 1.47
'4 2.51

5 0.72
14 3.50

5 3.57


408.88 94 4.98 0.71


0.58


1.23


0.28


0.24


0.68


0.22


0.57


1.07


1.18


1.31


1.30


0.58


0.20


Withn Gouo




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