Title: Americans Against Liberty, or, an Essay on the Nature and Principles of True Freedom
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Title: Americans Against Liberty, or, an Essay on the Nature and Principles of True Freedom
Physical Description: 48p. ; 12o.
Language: English
Creator: Serle, Ambrose 1742-1812
Publication Date: 1776
Edition: 3rd edition
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Americans agaii/j


Liberty :


O It AN


A


O N THE

NATURE AND PRINCIPLES
OF

TRUE FREEDOM,
Shlrwing th-i thc Pcii;nw and ConJuS of the


A M E R I


CANS


TEND ONLY TO
TYRANNY AND SLAVERY.


The SECOND EDITION, 'W'rI


ADDITIONS.


fDi4ne rj tsi4%Wsuur win, f iifr"inm, li.rrwMt 4 e-miMnm I.Qi
f rin 1lurla? P Peytlf 'v'hvlvmji, IAt 'vlil. u!ij ilrertr Vruvl, 0t V'ait
uw -- aIw~ity wtih r{i' r.nrif di ilh
Thiinr'd, aundfn hevw arhl aso viUaIt lbipg. M Mi T o N.
I.'erir t'brr ii ram lau, Ihbr U an jkrrted*. Lac t.

LON )DO N:
Trinmed for JAMES MATI inw, No. iS in the Strnd. 1776,
[Price SIX-PENCE. ]


E


Y


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AMERICANS


AGAINST


L I B E R T Y.




NO term, in the compafs of language, is more
liable to perverfion, or indeed has been more
violently perverted, than the word LIBERTY.
It conveys the idea of a molt valuable blefling, rightly
underfLood, and rightly applied. But the misfortune
is, that, amidft all the clamor refpcting the name,
the thing itelf is frequently forgotten and perhaps,
in few cafes, has it been more entirely forgotten, than
in the present uproar of the Americans.
When we invel(igate the foundations of civil govern-
ment, we mull at firft fight perceive, that, in every
facial compad, what is ufunlly ftyled the natural
liberty of man, or that liberty of an&ion which is
bounded folly by his own will, is ncccffarily reftrain-
ed by particular obligations, common to every one in-
'cluded in the uame compact. To the extent of this
.obligation, constituted and intended for the general
benefit of the focicty, every individual member is a
bondfman. This compad is the conflitution of die to-
ciety to which he belongs; this confitution fixes a
A boundary


__ __




( 1l )
boundary to his natural liberty and lie is amenable to
Ill. uIicty for every tranfgrcfliun of die common
boundary.
Natural Liberty is fo vague a term, that it is uled
to imply, sometimes unlimited measures of freedom,
and sometimes almost none at all. The difficulty refts
upon the word Nature, and then upon the combina-
tion of that term ; how it may be fo uled as to express,
with tolerable definition, the conception, which the
mind has obtained, of the liberty of nature.
The nature of man (which is theprfent fulbje& of
inquiry.) is to he considered, in reference to human
polity, chiefly in its moral capacity. Government re-
ifpets moral actions, and was ordained to dire& them,
or to punish the tranfgreffion.
If we look at man as a moral creature; the wide
littance we perceive him to ftand from that re&itude
and integrity, of which every mind is conscious, leads
us to conclude, that man, being (us it were) in a (lato
of war with himnfelf and with all about him, is no lfcis -
vcrfr,to the will and direction of othler,thau to tho fu-
getiom anud acubl uida of tluat Internl drinlpleof
himlfdf wMidh im t 1o tupiwibl a trrit line for bi
crooked inclinations,. Thl proWv, that hil nuhX is
rctlnr radically impfr/fil, or now w rderd ewI from
its urignal rc itude, Leaving, however, that contro-
vcrly to divines ; either of theii will ferve for our pre-
fent purpose, which is to fhew, thac man's natural
liberty, or tle liberty of ading according to what he
now finds in his nature, comprehends the faculty not
only of doing as much good as be wils, but likewif the
uncontrouled power of doing as much evil as be can.
If it be faid, that to do evil is contrary to nature; I
urge again, that evil, if there be fuch thing as evil,
is in his nature, and if he ad according to tie whole
of what he finds within him (which he naturally mult),
he will at to the comm#fion of evil; nor can lie ad ac-
cording to a part alone of what is within him, without
a violence and rejiraint upon the rcfl. Thus even to
be




(5)
be wha w we usually term a good man, who, according
to the old moralilb, hau conquered himlilf1 he muf
firlt declare war against lii inbred unruly inclinations,
and bind them down in fubjcdion and firvitude. He
gives up a pan of his natural liberty to the dominion
of another part, which imposes that rule of' restraint,
and which is certainly better than a wild difcurfive
freedom. So neceffary therefore is government, in
the firft inftanc6 and in a cafe which will naturally be
considered with every indulgence, that not a tingle in-
dividual can live happy without it. The fame rule
holds in all well governed communities: The worfe
fubmits to the better in all things; and we never think,
that reftraint and punilhmcnt, on account of immo-
ralities, are dte leul- incroachments upon the freedom
of society.
By die million of moral evil, when we talk of our
nature, and our natural liberties, applying both of
them to politics, many have been the miftakes of the
multitude, and, by keeping it out of fight, as many
have been the fubterfuges of the fophiffer. Hence
arifes the fuccefi, which the latter has at all times ob-
tained over the former; and hence coo have (prung
up, with a fungous and luxuriant growth, that fries
of inflammatory libels and nefarious publications,
which have wafted the manutfadure of paper, and
troubled the peace ot the world.
Thele principle~ of reiitudle, or this conlcioulhcfs
of the worth of virtue, Iill inherent in the nature of
man, juflify this forcc, which is put upon his liberty
at large, or when it is dircded to the pur'lit of evil.
It is a general rule i applicable to the conduct' of in-
dividuals, with repce& t ttlhcnfelves and the commu-
nity to which they belong and applicable allb to
fecieties, with relpcct to their internal government, and
to other societies about them. No man is, or ought
tu be, in that absolute kind of freedom, both for his
own welfare and the welfare of other men, which hath
not the rule and dominion of virtue. For as ab-
flute




(6)
"* I(lhtr ipwer (over others) purifies not men's blood,
i nur corre&ts the bafenefs of human nature ;" fo nci-
thri does ablblute freedom within a man's felf. The
cerlbrated Mr. Locke, of whole wide notions of liberty
nobody has any doubt, defining the Rate of perfe&
" freedom," tells us, that it is circumscribed within
" the bounds of the law of nature."* NoW, if he
mlan, by this term, a perfect, pure and uprtght na-
turr, tliere is certainly no dificuky or reminlion in the
pr ,ofition. But, if taking this word nature, in a
crorprehenfive fenfe, for all that we find in nature;
we muft include evil as well as good, for the original
bAndaries of which we muft look farther than the
wifdom or power of man. It feems, therefore, fearce
correct to talk of a law of nature which muft be altoge-
ther pajive, without adverting to fome primary agent,
who firmed that nature, and impofed a law upon
it. There is a greater fallacy in the ufe of this term
tlkn perhaps may appear, at firlt view, for when men
(peak of a law of nature, they would have us to under-
fIand the law of a porjf nature but when we come to
examine this nature, for our infl dUton, we fnd it ex-
trrmcly frrewms, depropd, and imrprfet according
to the lowell and moft lax oonceplions of morality and
virtue. Such a nature can never exhibit that perfoft
rule we require.-But if it be faid, that the nature of
man is not here intended, but the naturaprima, or na-
ture of God; I afk, where is this to be found ? The
nature of God, according to the ideas given us of him, is
a pertfe affcemblage of perfect attributes. This cannot
be under any law cognizable by us, unefs finite be-
ings can comprehend what is infinite.-If it be further
faid, that by the law of nature is to be undcrltood (,b
law, which God has given to nature; this alfo will ret
quire Come explanation. We muft here divide nature
into its two confliruent parts, inert matter and afive
fpiri; .the one engaged by the objects o our fnfa-
See hir Second Rook on Civil Government for thil and olher
quotatialr which tfllow.
tiona




(7)
ion, and the other what applies itffll more particularly
to our intUe/elleo. Of there two laft [viz.fenfalti and
intelrleaio)] the fomner more immediately relates to
our external libfiftence as animals the latter difti..
guilhes us as men. The law, which God hath given
to both thefc properties of our nature, for their forma-
tion and fupporc, cannot be here meant1 for that is a
prescription or line of his own will, on which we have
either no faculties or no right to determine: And,
therefore, if there be any law, designed for our com-
prehenfion by him, it muft be a law, delivered from
binfilf to us, and equal to the capacities of our own
minds. It mufft be a law, reduced to the level of
our apprehensions, by which we are to condu& our-
felves, or direct others. We could have no certain
ideas of re6titude or deviation but by his communica-
tion: And, hence, it is no wonder that Ibme over-in-
genious people have disputed the very existence of
evil, and rejetcd all morality and revelation together.
We comprehend this law, call it of nature or of God
(fo it be not understood in a separate view from him),
only by this revelation i and by it alone are informed
of the pleasure, which God himself has in virtue and
uiprightnefs. The great philfopher abovementioaed
feems to have implied this' ftriAly, where, speaking
of this law of nature, he prefently refers us to the
writtIe law of GOD, and particularly cites this claufo
in it against murder, Wh'fo jheddsth man's blood, by
man hall his blood be jfl6 d.
This fort of reasoning, though it may feem at firft
fight more analogous to theology than to politics, will
not be found impertinent to our fubjet, if we can
erfablith this principle, as one great pillar of all civil
government, That human laws are to be arranged
and enacted, agreeable to the law, revealed and
divine '.
We
SOf this opinion was the judicinos HE ar, eited by LeCSh:
i' uiuma law are mcafores in :repct of men, wkofe aians cbey
mult






We (hall find, purliuing our inquiries u;rirn th,
ground, that the true freedom, allotted to nuin., is a
freedom within bounds, and that thefl Iboundli ir
marked and prcfcribed by his great Creator. Conlr-
quently, his natural liberty, or the liberty of followingK
the depravities of his nature, is curtailed by a pufitivr
injunction; the difobedienci of which is a rebellion
against his Maker.
This power, which God has over all men, he has
delegated, for social good, to fome men over other:
bhe powers that be (fays the law of which we are treat.
ing) are ordained by him; and indeed it muft be Ib,
unlcls any power that i., could have been formed
either without or against his providence. Nor is there
fo much toryifm in this principle, as at firit fight may
appear. It meddles not with the question, whether
power originate from the King or the people: It lim.
ply lays, the powers, that be or exift, have that exil:t
ence (be the mode whatever it may) by divine ordina.
lion. And all power, to whom foever it be committed
in entruited for thewdfaMU ad Afcuri, and I may dd
for the punialhirn s Id niftnint Vf thlf, alr whom
it is e(lihltlhed.
It would lead me too wkide A*mn mp bjeA Il hand,
should I attempt an ample Inveltigation of that dlf
putted topic, the origin and right of civil government. I
cannot, however, help observing by the way, that nmal
of the fyftems or theories, which have fallen under my

" mut direct ; howbcit ftich measures they are, as have alfo heir
" higher rules to be mafured by, which rules arc two, the Law
" afGOD, and the Law of Nature ; fo that laws humanI: nuft he
Made according to the general laws of nature, and without con.
Stradilion to any portivC laaw of Scripture. otherwise they arm ill
" made." I infift fo much upon tho role given in the diwviu law a
becaufc many of the American tIaders have attempted to fnglify
iheir revolt by a specious appearance of rtligitn. My attempt hat
been to argue throughout ad btinstm; and it will remain for tho
Intelligent reader to judge, how far the Anmrticanr are Ito be julli-
fled upon any folid principles, rivil or rdrficu, a a nd how much
they really digedr from fame re(peclIahle prelons, who, miltaking
thjc; derign, have in the cxccfi ofJcndor fupoirtcd their catlr,
view,




(9)
view, have paid too little attqltion to there capital
points-the provideNre of God, and the depravity of
man. For want of attention to there, their pefulata
have been crude, complex, or contradiAtory and the
deductions from them, many times wild or pernicious,
and often impranticable. They lofe fight of the Au-
thor of nature, and eveii nature ifelf. They forget
the one, and mifreprefent the other. They portray
human nature like a faultlefs monfler," which the
world cannot fee and, in flort, represent her as
unfit for law, because, in their explanation, fhe cannot
need it.
The law of God was revealed, ahd the law of man,
in agreement with that fuperior law, was intituted, for
the difcountenance and fupprfflion of one part of man's
natural liberty. So tar ar he obtlrves theft laws, he
cannfo, he mull not, do evil. He is bound ; he is
obliged ; he is a firvant, or a liubje6t, to the determine.
tion of other men, for a contrary conduCa.
Is there, then, no freedom ? If a restraint be put
ilpon the a&ions, and even words, of every man in a
iRate, left thofe words and a&ions occasion the unjuft
detriment of others, however they may profit himself;
if he dare not gratify the corrupt inclinations of his
own mind and if he cannot live by a rule or liberty
of his own; has he no liberty, no freedom, at all ?
Does lie, by becoming a member of society, become ipfo
failo a flave ?-Yes I in the linfe we have lrted, he has
not the leaf liberty allowed him ; but is compelled to
bblirve and adhere to the didlites of other men-to
men, who perhaps excited ages before him, and in
whole deliberations he could have no voice-to men,
who contrived for themlflves, and adapted thclitand-
ing modes and maxims of polity, all right perhaps,
but all agreeable to their own ideas. In this fenfe,
even Br'roNs are flaves, were born Ilaves, and muft,
unlefs they will commence Iavagc;, live and die
flavts,





(I ko )
But thcre is a &cedcnm, which no conflitution,, no,
law, no society of men in. the world, would or car
abridge-a freedom, which conl itutes the efente of the
bell polity, and, without a awature ofwhich, not even
the wurll caln ublili. I mean the htrr part of man's
liberty-the liberty ro (peaking and doing what is truly
bcnchlinl to a mnn's perfio and property, which is at-
wiy% crnmipalibl with the good of focicty as being a
pa t I uf it or, inmother words, the liberty of doing what
a/impsly and moralJy rikkl. This moral rettitude of
conduct is ;gaiinll no law, infringes no public or pri-
vate property, robs neither= the weak nor the orphan,
aims not to diffolve the bonds of focicty by hollow
pretences or mean and insidious arts, ftrives to cultivate
the general peace and prosperity, and is peaceable,
eafy and happy. 'Tis plain, that whatever rcftraincs
may be laid, whatever rules impofl'd, or arrangements
framed this fort of fi-redom cannot be the object, but
niul be conceived as our of the question. There are
few men of a vicious or redrlAl tendency, who care to
dispute for thi kind of freedom. Indeed, true liberty, like
a tmotlel virgin, huns difiure and brutal contention,
hauling rather to dwell with thore, who, without loud
prctenfions cither to pntriotimrn or virtue, have usually
therefore the molt of both. The design, then, of all
law, in one view ofit, mull be to confine and fiupprel
evil; or the law would be of no ufe to society: And.
if the intent of law be the demolition of mischief
what man, who defurves to live in society, can but with
to lie it in force ?
'Tis evident, therefore, that the liberty of a focirty,
or that liberty by which the individuals of a ib icty arc
fccure and prosperous, is liberty founded in law, liberty
regulartd by goodnefs, liberty purged from evil.
lint all law implies government; as government it-
fell', .1-t cat good government, is a reciprocation of law.
S' thint our Ipropolition i; fill the limie, when we fay,
tJhat liberty iclLs upon 4 gocvrnmcnt by law ;, go-
vcrn nclil




( 1 )
vernmeut proceeding upon common, determinatq,and
well-known principles a government able alfo to en-
force them. For a government without power is .A
poor a defence for liberty ; as a government without
law is a l'curity for propiny. Law, government, and
power, however paradoxical it may fcem when the
terms arefeparately considered, are all, in the prefenc
cafe, the companions, the guards,and.che supporters of
liberty.
Thus, as it is a truth,-hat if man were not depraved,
there need be no government -to curtail his natural
liberty; fo is it equally a truth, that, being de-
praved, he could not enjoy his right liberty, in com-
mon with others, without government. In the former
cafe, the realon of individual, to lay nothing of the
other faculties, would he ptfetl rcaion, and, as fuLih,
uniform anti univerf/ realbn i and, confcquently, there
could be nr) difagrccnent in their idea, ur in the prac-
tice of every human and lbcial virtue because dif~e-
rence in a faculty implies imperfction. In the latter
situation, there are to many evils and infirmities, lb
many differences of opinion and practice, that, unlefs
there were rome rule of right eftabliihed and fome au-
thority for the fuppreffion of wrong, virtue would have
but very little room and exercise in the world. The
liberry of goodnefswouklbfon, very lbon, be dctroyed c
at leall, it could not exit in foriety. In this view we
mnuft all agree with Mr. Locke, that law is not fo
much the limitation, as the direction, ol' a [politi-
"' call] free and intelligent agent to his proper inte-
rclf, and prefcribes no further than for the general
good of thofe under that law: could they be hap-
pier without it, the law, as an ufckfs thing, would
"' of itself vanifli and that ill deserves the name of
confinement, which hedges uk in only from boos and
" precipices. So that, however it may be milfaken,
" the end of law is nor to abolifli or restrain, but to
" prcferve and enlarge freedom. For in all the hares
B 2 "of




( 12 )
5" of created beings capable of law i vbhrr there is nI
. law, there is no freedom." Nor, upon thim head, cat)
,we differ much from that bold republican Mr. Sidney
where, afccr obferving, thatL' the wnrknclf, in which
" we are born, rcnlecrs un unable to attain this good
" [jult government of ourfelves, that we want
' help in all things, cljccially hi the greardtl and thut
" the pierce barbarity of a loiif multitude, bound by
" no law, and rcgulatcd by no dllfLipline, is wholly re-
pgnllet to it hie adds, every nin, beating in hri
.' own breatl affclions, pairons, and vicew repugnant
Sto this cid, and no man owing any libn'illion to
" his neighbour; none will fubjcft the correction or
" rcftridCon of themfelvcs to another, unlefs he alf '
" fubmic to the fame rule." And then comes this re-
markable expieffion; "they [ the common people or
L' multitude ] are rough pieces of timber or (lone,
" which it is neccfltry co CLEAVE, SAW, or CUr."-
This, it may be owned, is the greateR benefit, which
the common people can exped to derive from a re.
public : they may be cloaven, Ikwn and hewn to pieces
by the arbitrary diftatrc of hundred or two of In-
folent, or deflirable equals i or may be thrown toge-
ther, like fo many flonn, by fano architect of fadlion,
jn order to erect the fuperllru&ure of his own emolu.
ment, tyranny, or pride.
In opposition to thefc tenets, received hitherto by re-
publicans themfelvcs, a wild fpeculatift of that relllei
faction has inftru-ted us, that "liberty is too imper-
" fclSly dernced, when it is faid to be a government
' by LAWS, and not by MEN." I readily believe it, re-
Ipceting the fpccies of liberty, for which that writer con-
tends. A government by kndwp and positive lawr is
by no means calculated to ferve the desperate purports
bftumiult and disorder: A government by mnc, i, e.
Llic nib, will f~ir fuch designs infinitely rbtter. Un-
ldr fuch a plan, "every man may indeed be his own
!' I/rgifatr ;" and, though he difturb the peace of all
about him, he afts according to a law of his own; l,
that




( '3 )
Fhat he is by no means amenable to that "junto," who
form the government of all States, because fuch a
fubjeCion would be an infringement of his natural
liberty, an impeachment of his fel'legiflation, and a
virtual introduction of flavery.-Such crudities only
blot paper: every man, with a grain of fenfe and
common honesty, mut fee their utter impradicability
in any ftate upon earth. It would be charitable to
call them reveries. To imagine a man in earnest, who
proposes them, is to imagine him a foe both to the
whole Britilh empire and to the common interests of
all mankind.
Bur here, probably, will arife the queflion; Who
lhill delineate this road of facial liberty, and havo
authority to prfclribe boundaries to the wild cxcur-
lions of private will ?
0uo teneam vualtu mulanntli Prot'a nodo ?
It may be anfwered, that where a tlt of people are
lefi at large, without the existence of any particular
form of government among them, and where they
concur, in confcquence, to eflablifl a civil polity,
without which indeed no multitude could fublift to-
gether, without inconvenience, for three days; it
seems reasonable, that the majority of that people
should determine the form for the ref(. And what-
ever form be then citablinfied, whofe objc&, refemb-
ling the moral government of an higher agenr, is the
general welfare, if Mr. Locke's opinion may be taken,
'" the power, that every individual gave the society
" when he entered into it, can never revert to the in-
" dividuals again, as long as the society lafts ; but
" will ahvays remain in the community ; because, with-
" out this, there can be no community, no common-
" wealth."
But if a form be already eflablifhed in a country,
either by the prior content of anceltor.,s as is now the
cafe with our own and moft other countries in the
vorld; or by the positive inflitution of God, as in the
theocratic




( 14 )
ilw r.riAc tlAte of the Jews ; no individual, no mnine-
sity of individuals, no one branch itself (if there Ib
more branches than one) of their legislature, has any
Sighc to introduce the left alteration or innovation, in
the one cafe; and, in the other, not the whole ftace
together. The former indeed may propofe and recom-
mend the correct ion of abuies, it any arife : but the
later, having no UAws in their infitution, would find
it their happincli to oblfrve it; as we may learn by
the Jews, who had this peculiar appointment, and
only gained forrow by the change.
Indeed, there i no perlbn, and perhaps, in ifri&-
ncfs of ipeakiog, there never was one, born OUT of
jbriety; and, consequently, as a member of commu-
nity, every person muft follow the rules of the general
body. 'Tis an erroneous fuggeftion, in particular,
often applied to Britilh polity, that men of themselves
enter itto or voluntarily conilicute, from a herd at
large, a Ibcial compact. The truth is; Britons are
horn, in a particular view, under the dominion of
their parents, and, in-a general one, under the govern-
meat of the Brijib licicty. The one obligation con-
Itnues for a limited time: but de right of the fciety
iw Indefeafable, and extends to all its members, f long
as they abide in it.
When we talk of fltes and communities, the notion
of individnah is absorbed : their rights and privileges
are not merely their own, but the rights and privileges
of the Rdate to which they belong. There is nothing
(b a man's own, in an enlarged political view, as to
be abhtrated and independent of his community. His
lands and property belong to him and are secured to
him, not upon the foundation o; what fome inilake
for natural liberty, nor upon considerations of mere
humanity and benevolence, bulr a a member of a
community, endowed, by fome coanithution, with there
advantages. Our nation would not think iL proper to
comnmence a war for a suffering Frenchman, or for a
perlon unconneced with us or any society (if fuch a
person




( 15 1
person could be found), however hard and affeing
their cafes mnght be; but, if an Engliflman fuffkt
outrg, 'he claims the benefit of his community's
power, and he has a right to find it. His lands and
potflffions, in the above fenfe, are a part of the riches
and poflffflons of the fate. Under the tfate he holds
them, acd, by its laws. He cannot enjoy them but
by the law ; he cannot transfer them but by or ac-
curding to law; he cannot indreafe them but by law.
The law prefcribcs his peculiar right and propriety,
and takes that right away upon his difobedience or
rebellion. The law is the guardian of his peculiar
property, and the rule of the whole community: it
binds between the late and individuals as a common
condition; and lt binds, that Icgal poelfflions are not
to be forfcitcd to the public, or to the crown as its
head, but by illegal a tlons and offtnces againll the
public, or the crown.
If we extend this realbning to fubordinate bodies,
which are ncceffarily appointed in all ftaes, fuch as
provinces, counties, towns, &c. they, in like manner,
have nothing their own, Jeparatc/y considered from the
ttate at large. They may have looal advantages, and
local laws; but as there cat be but one constitution,
any more than one foul in one individual body, in a
well-ordered empire there mull be one general per-
vading authority, which inctides all, individuals and
all property, Ib far as it extends. Their lands and
trrtories belong not to rhem, in a diftin& and fepa'
rate view, but to the empire itfelf. Elfe, why does
the empire intercft iefclf in their prefervacion ? Why
does it teRrain every invading foe, or collet its united
ftrce to punish ihofe who intrude? Not flrely for
the Ible benefit of a town or a province as fuch, or be-
caufe injullice only may have been committed ; but
because the empire considers it as much a part of it-
tilt0 as a man eiteems a contulion in his foot of fome
confequence to the health and welfare of his whole
body, and will by no means dismember it, unlefs its
rotteonefs




( 16 )
rottennefs or mortification endanger his frame. The
ivhole fate is concerned for each individual mem-
ber; and, as it protests each, has a right to demand
the means of proteEtion from each. To carry on our
figure when a man attacks or defends himself from
an enemy; his whole force is collc&cd; every nerve
lends its vigor; aml not the minutefl part with-holds
its proportion of aiMlance. It is thi fame in'all states
or geat bodies politic or they either do not or can-
not long decfrve the name.
Upon this ground, we may conclude with the cele-
brated lontefiuieu, who Hates it for an aphorifm,
applicable to every form of civil polity, that, in
"t order to preserve the principles of the eflablithect
government, the STATE muf be fipported in the
EXTrNT it has acquired tor otherwif it would
grow unwieldy in itfelf, be more expofed to foreign
attacks, and be more diffused and of course more
weak in its attempts to refift them,
But may not individuals dillike the general
government; and hav they no remedy ?"
If a man remain in a country, governed by any fort
of laws, lun conimiqance there ii a tacit content to the
dominion of 'lt country I and lie is, therefore, obliged
to conform to its laws. An E.nglilhman in Spain has
no right, from nature or reason, to infult the govern-
ment of that country, merely becaulf it is more arbi-
trary than his own. Let him dilpofe of his property
and quit the foil; but 'tis not his bufinefs to difurb
the peace of the society. He may roam all over the
earth; but, if he fear himself upon a civilized fpot,
he ought to conform to its infticutions, till he can
prevail by fair means upon thofe, who have a right
to change them, to make an alteration to his min.
But what is to be done, in cale of the innova.
tiun of arbitrary power in a free and mixed govern-
ment ?"
People ought to be very clear from pcrfonal or
particular prejudices, when Lihy mean to decide upon
fucji




( 17 )
fuch a care, It is an evil of fuch alarming magnitude
that the wifeft, the richest, and the molt able men in
a nation are the moll concerned to prevent it and)
without doubt, would be the quickelt to perceive it.
Such will not consider the ignorant clamors of the
multitude, nor be deluded by the artful infinuations
of the feditious, FaCs, and fafts alone, will deter-
mine their judgement. They will examine, where
this arbitrary power refides, upon whom it operates,
and what evils are among its effeas. They will both
hear, who complain, and of what they complain :
And, when their minds are convinced, will adopt no
haty, no illegal, no opprplivc, or unconstitutional
measures. When men of this call, in any fate, are
determined ; it is upon fuch certain grounds, that
almost the whole hfate will join them. This was re-
markably the cafe at the time of the revolution. T'h
frll men in the nation, who had moft at flake, were
moft alarmed and the great body of the people foon
followed them.
In our constitution, this arbitrary power muft mani-
felt itself either in the King, the Lords, or the Com-
mons; and the two laf are molt deeply concerned
to oppofe it. If the King attempt to Itrerch his in-
fluence in the Rate, it mulf be at the ecxlpnce of the
two Hloufes, and to the diminution of their authority.
This would hardly be borne by thole, wlih have fo
much influence to reduce it: and it never can be
their interest to fuftain the innovation, while a i.nti-
snent of honor, or a thought of fecurity to periOn and
fortune, are worth a moment's entcrtaininent. On
the,other hand, it is hardly poffible, that either or
both of the Houfes should effe& an undue Itride of
influence, while the whole executive power (to fay
.nothing of its negative voice) refidcs in the crown.
If arbitrary power be charged upon the three branches
in conjuncion, it fbould be rccolleLed, that thcfe
branches compofe our conftitution, which in itself is
and mufl be abfoutt to the boutds of its dominion a
C though,




( r8 )
though, fo far from being arbitrary, it mutl annihilae
is own foundations to become fo. In fuch an ad-
venture, it would commit a felo de'fe upon irfelf; to
fay nothing of the immense hazard, to which the fr-
veral members of the Legillature mull be exposed, in
ob vile an undertaking. Thry would mof: probably
meet with, as well as deferve, the resentment of the
people. Arbitrary power is a gaudy delicate plant,
which thrives bell in the warmcfi climates: we have
too many thorns and nettles to admit the cultivation
of fuch an exotic in the regions of Britain.
Our Reprelcntatives tmuf be enflaved themfelves,
ere they can enflave us. And can it be the objet of
men of fortune (and fiuch are the far greater majority
of both HlouFs), for the fake of a little dirty bribe,
if it even were propocld, to sacrifice their honor,
their freedom, the freedom of their pofterity, the
security of their fortunes, and all this at the peril of
their lives ? Is there no virtue, no lenfe, but in fume
declaiming patriots, who arc known to have neither
fortune nor credit ?
--- Cieda Jud.cus trl//a,
Non ego.
If we are aggrieved by any laws unadvifedly made;
if we are oppreffed by any regulations of a pernicious
-tendency; it is the interest of no men in the commu-
nity to relieve us more than of dhofe, who compose
our conftliution. They Itand upon the general bottom;
and, if they destroy that, they delfroy themivlves.
They owe all their influence and dignity to the prof-
perity of the empire; and, above all things, muft be
zealous for its prefervaion. Besides, die confitation
is lodged in too many hands for the power of a few
to destroy it. The throne would be convull'd as well
as the country, and hath always suffered in its in-
fluence by the railing a general (torm. This is the
language of reason and common fcnli t and, I should
fluppoli, it may be undcrltood a little in WeRmlnfter,
and




( 9 )
and poflibly too by that ever-opprobrious race of mencn
who manage the helm of affairs. i
The King, Lords, and Commons, as I raid before;
compofe the confitiution, and fupreme, legislature, of
the Briith empire. I am warranted in this aftcrtion
by great authorities, which it is at present foreign to
my filbjei to quote, as well as by the realon of
things. Now there cannot be, in a proper arrange-
ment of polity, two or more diftinct legiflatures of
equal authority. It will not answer in mere fpccu-
lation. Nor is there in our own. Our confticutioq
never knew any thing of legiflation equal to or inde-
pendent of itfeif within its dominion obur law-books
have no terms exprelivc of a dillint authority, and,
could any thing of that fort be admitted, our conllh-
tution, fo long the admiration of the world, would
fall into ruins; nor, in the event, could our kingdom
land. Every member of our empire is born under
this control, muff live fubjrft to it while he is a
member, and is prote&ed by it as fuch ; whether he
refid:e in Europe, Afia, Africa, or America.
Britilh freedom then is a freedom of law, a con-
flitutional freedom, a freedom of acting and fpcaking
what is right, a freedom founded in rcalbn, happiness,
and security. All licentious freedom, called by what-
ever fpecious name, is a aivage principal of speaking
and doing what a depraved individual thinks fit, with-
out regard to the convenience of others, or the welfare
of the world. The former is undeniably a fubitantial
good; the latter is indiljutably the greatest curie,
that could be eftablifhed tor mankind.
We may now alk; For which of thefe two is the
prefent contest and contemplation of the Americans?
It cannot be ibr the firf s for they have enjoyed,
ever fince they could be called a people, all the ad-
vantages, and immunities of Britons. Not the nearcft
fubjeas to the throne in England, nor the remoreft
members of the flate of Af/a, have had .a wider field
of freedoth to range in, than the once happy fons of
highly-favored and indulged America. Can it be then
C for




( 20 )
for the laf of there ? Is it pofllible ? The great inm.
j -rity of the empire, as well as the government and
coniituticion of it, are against them in this claim, and
against them for their own, as well as the general,
welfare. It is not their interest to poffefs fuch a free-
dom: It is our duty to prevent it.
The matter then (as we hall find) will come to
this iffue; th1at the rcbel-Af ericans, in the wildeft de-
lufion and by the worlt of means, are avowing them-
fclvcs TIHE 'PEN ENEMIES TO THI PUBLIC AND
GENERALL LlinLRTv OFr ivI:. lBITIi ,MPIR'IlE.
This may appear a I'rong proposition but a little
furtlhcr consideration may evince it true. I give them,
or rather the uninformed bulk of them, credit, that
they mean not at present to carry matters to this
enormous length ; but, while I am happy in making
every conceffion in their favor, confiftent with truth,
I mult add, that they have been reduced, impofcd
upon, and betrayed.
'I'hey have been fduced by difloneft and designing
men. Some, wifling to cancc their debts to Britain
halv irmagitined that, by the confusion of affairs, all
cl.iiii up on them may be buried in the ruins. Others,
having little to lolt and much to hope for, are for
commencing political architecs, and would upon thefo
lid ruins erct a fabric of their own. Thus between
roguery and ambition, poor John Bull is to be turned
out of his hcufe !
They have been impefed upon by inflammatory pub,
locations, both at home and abroad, while the truth,
and efepcially of late, is denied an accefs, and te
part histories alone have received a brifk circulation.
Misinformed and mifraken men have fuggefted dteip
prejudices, and operated upon an irritable and paffion-
ate temper, to a furprizing degree of romance and
entlifiatlh. Fafious and republican incendiaries have
illio, with a malignant industry, circulated a thousand
li:urrilities and falfchoods, while the head has been
too hot to examine, and the judgement too biaffed to

They




( 21 )
They are betrayed into a civil war, upon very un-
equal terms, with a tlate, which wishes them no evil,!
and whole very interest it is to do them none t-with)
a Itate, which would receive them with open arms,
upon the ground of honor, law, and reciprocal com-
munication.
Thus the enemies to Britilh and conflicutional
liberty, by dilhonefty, falifood, and ambition, have
engaged the great bulk of the Americans to adopt their
own views, and, by a series of artifices, to support
interests, which will destroy them. Could they fucceed
in their violence, it were eafy to point out the path of
their ruin both from thcmfelves and from others; but
if they fhould not, as indeed they cannot, how can
they expct in future that complaints indulgence to
their intcrefts from Great Britain, which tlhe has often
given in preference to her own ?
I am, however, more directly to flhw, how the
Americans (the greater part, as I faid before, through
much ignorance and simplicity), in their present hollile
aims, are militating againfl THE PUBLIC LIBERTIES OF
THE BRITISH EMPIRE.
Their conduct falls under this description, as it re-
fpeas i
I. Their refufal of fubjettion tothe Britilh legislature:
2. Their demolition of the provincial legislatures:
And
3. Their attempt to cflablih republicanism.
The two firft are, in fat, comprised, in the third;
but we will proceed in this analyfis argument gratii,
and for a clearer derecion of their proceedings.
i. The oppugnation made to the fupreme eIgiflation
of Great Britain.
The conflitution of Great Britain is the palladium
of Britilh liberty throughout the empire. This con-
ftitution (as we have observed) conlilts, and has for
ages confifted,of King, Lords, and Commons, in whom,
colledtivcly, die fupremacy of power is lodged over the
whole, for the good of the whole. Before the existence
of her present Colonies, every member of the (late
was




C za )
was undcrftood to be under this supreme power of
the Rtate: and when their exiftence began, they were
considered as fo many branches fpCinging from the
original flock, and receiving their life, their fup-
port, and their all from it. They were without the
means of defence, and accordingly.looked up for it
to their indulgent parents nor ever looked in vain.
They received, for their conduct, laws and regula-
tions made in E.ngland, and were allowed to make
nlcal and municipal decrees for theminflvs, fuhjc&
however to the controul of L'ngland, and not repugnant
to her general andflatute laws. This plainly implies
their entire fubordination and fubjehtion to thole flatute
laws, and confcquencly to the power that enadts them.
In cafe of difobedience, they were to be "put out of
the King's allegiance and protceion." They were
ever considered, and ever expreffed, under the tide, and
upon the footing, of "natural born fubjes -." which
would have been an abfurdity, but upon the idea of
their being equally fubje& to the fuprcme, controlling
power of the King and Parliament. Upon this ground
1tond, and now itand, the libcrties of Amrrica; wuid
upon the fame ground Ihind the liberties of Great
Britain. They are inicrwovci by one conllittion.
American liberties are not to twine like ivy round the
Britifh oak, feed upon its tap, and impoverilhthe Itock;
but muft grow together with it, and form the luxuri-
ant branches of one spreading tree.
There is no liberty to be thought of among Britons,
but this constitutional liberty r and the fironger and
more diffufive the influence of the confticution, the
more fecure and flourishing are the liberties it defends.
To fay, that the Britilh constitution may become tho
patronefs of tyranny, is to aflerv, what not only is con-
trary to all fat and experience, but what is directly
opposite to common fenfe. The King, Lords and Cor-
mons of Great Britain, cannot adopt what truly de-
ferves the name of tyranny, without every hazard and
inconvenience to themselves. The KING muft be made
the dupe and drudge of his Parliament, expofedl as
tlu




( 23 3
the great executor of the law, to do the difionor"ble
and dirty work of abufing his people; and mult be
given up to the dangers of a diluted authority and a
tottring throne. The LORDS mutt not only forget
alldignity of character but intereflof fortune, whenever
they combine in the project of univcrfal flavcry. Their
poltcrityand property (no inconfiderable take for dteir
conduct& !) would, on the one hand, become exposed
to a fordid dependence on an absolute monarch; or,
on the other, be reduced in the privileges of rank, and
finkinto the common fewer ofademocracy. Nor would
the COMMONS be at all advantaged by theconcur-
rence in an arbitrary fway, which, with refpe& to their
own pcrlbns, muf be temporary and precarious at the
beft. They too have fortunes, charader, and fami-
lies to enjoy. All may be lotl, none would be fecure,
by a defpotilin of any kind. The fufierings of each
member may begreat and total: his infecure dominion
of a day would at moll be divided, and therefore fall
and partial. They cannot enclave without being en-
naved themselves; even though we should give no cre-
dit to their honor and generoity.
But can they not enflave America?" I anfer;
slavery is no part of our conlticurion. We have no idea
of it in our law. It is not to be found in our country.
Negroes here, wherever they have bern slaves before,
experience something like naturalrights, and are eman-
cipated in a moment by letting foot upon our li-
berating chores. We, as a community, exercise no
cruelties; nor is any individual suffered to exercise
them. We hang even Americans ithemfelves if they
murder thole, whom they make slaves, when brought
to the determination of our laws.* The Britih go-
vernment never tolerated oppreflion ; but has interpo-
fed its power, in numberlefs instances, for helplefs fo-
reigners to refcue even them from oppreffion. It ne-
Witnef Captain Ferrgsf of Virginia, who now hangs in
chains near Slackwatl, for the murder of hit Negro Boy upon the
higzh feL.




( 24 )
ver tyrannized over Britain : It always cherilhed and
supported America.
Bur is not taxation, without content, tyranny ?"-
The proportions of the I loo of Commons in Febru-
ary L 1775] have ahblilutly ;annihilated thatcontroverfy.
Ic is true, Great Britiin cannot give up her right of
demanding, from every part o the empire, the propor-
tionate service and burden of tach for the common de-
fence; yet the ofler, held out to America, of adjuRt-
ing the mode of raising that flare, gives an entire new
turn to the qutcion. So that it is no longer, whether
the King and Parliament by the officers of the crown
hall railb a revenue in the colonies; but, whether the
colonies are not bound, upon every principle of reafon,
justice, and duty, to contribute to the support of the
general burden in common with the fubjeds of Britain,
who have heretofore been taxed million upon million
for them. Nor are they expected to pay it into the
royal coffers as a civil lift fubfcriprion; but into a
public flock, lubject to parliamentary control, for
their own defence. But they have rejrtcdl this peace-
ful plan, and notoriously upon a lyllem, inimical to
the supremacy of Great Britain, their bell and their
only protedor. 'Tis true, before their proje& was
ripe enough to be owned, fo/me of them, and the Pen-
fylvanians in particular, did talk of fettling a revenue,
from a fenfe of duty to their Sovereign, and of
efteemfor their mother-country :"* But 'tis equally
true, that they never have taken one itep to put this
fenfi of duty into exercise. They reprobated the pro-
pofition of Britain; but have never exhibited another
n its ftead. Their laft addrefs to the throne does not
-fo much as glance at any fuch thing; but talks of
their rights and their expectations, as though the
mother-country had none.
Admitting however for a moment, that fuch ex-
peLtations ofdebilitating the great authorityof the con-
P* Ptlvalianu yI rdlicua in Dickinfoou' E'y, p. 19.
'titution




( 25 )
flitution should fucceed what would be the confe-
quence ? Thel members, I mean the legislative mem.
bers or branches, diftin and independent of the ori.
ginal body, would grow, perhaps luxuriantly for a
while I bur, in the end, would be unwieldy in them.
flves, infuppprtable to each other, and ungovernable
by the head, Having no general control, they would
be a vaft al*cmblage of petty fates, ever quarrelling
amongft themselves, weak to refift, and always ex-
pofed to a foreign invasion*. That tllis is no conjeaure,
palf experience has thewn. It was farce two years
ago, when the Virginians and Penfylvanians were upon
the point of drawing the word upon each other In a
difpure of their refpecdive boundaries. And, perhaps,
but for the quarrel excited against the mother-country,
the New Yorkills, the Pcnfylvanians, and people of
Connekticut, would all have been thus engaged, at this
very time, upon tle fame account. T hey are con-
feledly as jealous, province by province throughout
the continent, of the advantages and commerce of
their federal neighbours, as the Dutch can be of the
English, or of any other commercial power. Exclu-
five of all other considerations but thefe, it would be
their wifdom, as it is their interest, tomaintain the fu-
premacy of Great Britain, whole power alone can pro-
tcd them from the depredations of a foreign (ltre, and
(what is of equal conflqucncv) prefcrve them from
anarchy and bloodlhcd among thrnlclvcs.
Thus it appears to be their nlvantage, as well as
duty, their happinefs as well as their frcidom, to pre-
ferve the conflitution of Britain inviolate, liupreme, and
What II l the ronfequcnce fayss an able Americno wri-
* tcr) of a rcbellious war with the mother-country, any perfon of
" common fenre, if he will take the liberty to exercise it, may
" cafly furefee. Even a final viaory would ffcfiually ruin us
" the Amcricanj]; at it would nrtcy-r.rE, introduce civil wanr
" among ourrclves, and leave us opru and rxporfcd to the avarice
" atdd ambition of every maritime power in Europe or Amrrict.
" Andill one part of thui country [Amcriica fliould liahve ulhurd
" t orlher, and conquered a conlfiderablo piit of the world hL-
" fide i tlhl peaccfu region nmall bcconw, and coatitnu to be,
Sa thebue of ir. ncccirvble mifiry and horror."
1) I'rve




( 16 )
ablfolut, over all her dominions. I would not mean
by absolute authority an arbitrary power, for thrle are
widely different ; but that unlimited ability of provid-
ing for the welfare of the whole empire, which is nor
to be impeded by the frowardnefs or obftinacy of any
of its parts. This authority is veiled in her for the
good of the whole; and tholr, who dire& the helm,
are refponfible to the whole fur the cxercife of that au-
thority. As tyranny, or the abuft of this public au-
thority for private ends which oppolf the general good,
would be opposite to the law of God and nature: fo
the uncontrolled liberty of depraved and licentious
individuals is equally fo. I am warranted in this rea-
foning by Mr. Locke himself, whom the Americans
have appointed their political apoftle, and who afterts,
the the "freedom of men under government, istohave
*" aftanding rule to live by, cOMMON TO EVERY ONE
" of that society (meaning a commonwealth, empire, or
" community) and made by the legiflativepower (which
" he fays, in another place, is hefhfpreme power) cictled
" in it." Amli he further tells us, that, when any num-
" ber of men anve conlinced to make one community
" or government (which conltnt, he lIys, i implied
" when any one holds pofflions or ath enjoyment of any
" part of the domanions of any government) they are there-
" by incorporated and make ONE BODY pO/lii, where-
" in the MAJOrrIT have a right To ACT and coN-
" ct.UDE the reft:" for, were it otherwise, as he pre-
fendy obferves, the variety of opinions, and contra-
" riety of intercf, which unavoidably happen in all
"* colleians of men; would render the coming into
" focicty upon fiich terms only like Cato's coming in-
* to the theatre, only to go out.-Where the majority
" cannot conclude the reft, there they cannot inl as
" ONE ROD, and cofequently will be immediately dif-
" folved." Now it is not to be doubted, but that the
majority of fubjets in the Britifh empire arc wholly
aainit the independent legislation and abfolute claims
ot the Americans; for this has been proved, in the
only fair way a controverfy of the kind can be proved,
by




( 37 )
by the collected wisdom and fenfe of the nation in their
Reprclkntativcs. Many of the greatclf traders them.
felvcs, who arc mnol incerefled of any men to prcferve
peace and quictnelr, are oI convinced of the ablblute
ncccllity of flopping this licentious claim of America,
that they have declared a refulution of venturing no
more goods into that country upon the flender security
of provincial honor, and that they had rather Liffeir by
a temporary fufpenfion of commerce, than commit
their property to perfons, who arc and would be out
of the reach of the Britifh laws. People may fophilfi-
care as they pleated, but nothing can be more obvious
than this simple truth ; that where there is not a rule
or law equally binding upon every member of a (late,
fuch late can neither ad with efficacy, nor remain in
security. It muft be full of dilcord in itself, and, ot
course, will be an cafy conqucl to others.
2. BUT the Amcricans Iccm at prclen to extremely
prejudiced againll every thing that bears the rcfim-
blance of the Britflh conflitution, that they have fwepc
away thole analogies or epitomes of it among them in
their Colony lgillatures, and thereby cancelled their
obedience to (what they never yet h.d the boldnefs to
deny to be) the constitutional authority of their own
provinces. Governor, council and affembly, the fubor-
dinate guardians of their constitutional liberty, are now
no more. Their plot is fancied ripe enough to enable
them to throw oft the malk. While it was in embryo,
the founding name of a provincial parliament was a
convenient tallacy. It flattered the natural vanity of
an American, otherwise wcll-difpoled, without offend-
ing his loyalty; and it was a favorable itep to thofe,
,who had further views, but had not yet the confidence
to fpeak them our. Thus urged, though by many
different motives, the provincials could be satisfied
with nothing but a parity of power with the parent-flate,
talked high of their own importance and dignity, and
fancied, at length, that the very opulence and com-
mercc of Britain was entirely supported by themfclves.
Some ingenious folks at home have contributed to
D 2 will




( as )
well this American bladder. Hence they have beal
called in the highest flyle of bombaft, the fole bafl
* of our empire ;" and it has been faid, that her oppo-
fition will give Great Britain "a wound, which no time
" can heal," and that the laft resource of the mother
country will be, to have a philofophiaal fenfe of dig-
" nity flep in under the flape of confolation." Alas,
poor Britain !
Well; they have accomplithcd one purpose, and
have made one very considerable advance in support
of their favorite idea. They have now nothing confti-
lutioal Itanding in their way in Aincricai (b that,
thus far at lealt, they have weakened the general bul-
wark, and the true liberty annexed to it, of the whole
empire. They may triumph over the venerable ruin,
and, with a fanatic ardor, exult ; Babylon ibe great is
fallen, is fallen. They have expunged, as far as pof-
fible, every appearance of Bririfh liberty from among
them: Britons are no longer fare in thofe revolted re-
gions, and their properties, confided to provincial
honor, have been entrusted, it appears, upon a trou.
bled frl, which cafteth up mire and dirt.
Mire and Dirt-in the one, the worth of Britilh ma~
nufactures is fuck faft and probably libnkt with the other
the proprietors, and even their own befl friends at
home, are befpattered and abused.
The Noble Peer, whole minilferial talents were at-
tended with to mi4ch applause and fuccefs in the con.
dud of the laft war, and who has been ever ready to
patronize the caufe of the Colonies, fo far as is confif-
ent with their fubordination to Britain, did not, and
could nor, patronize what is now become ' the good
"' old caufe" fuffciently for their independent views and
inclinations. They have embraced his affiftance as far
as it went; and when his Lordfhip would ftep no farther,
they left him behind, with fuch marks of ungrateful
rfclntmenr, as would offend a mind, lefs fufceptible of
the mortifications of contempt and deflrtion, than
his Lurdlliip's is conceived to be. The Noble Lord
was too much a friend to the Navigation Ad, and the
other




( 29 )
other a&s which support it, to be the friend of a
commerce, whiqh would rival Britain in many inftances,
and advantage her in none. His Lordlhip considered it
as the legal, constitutional, and HIirTHEro unque,.
' fioned prerogative of the crown, to fend any part
" of the Britilh army to any of the Britifh dominions
" and poffeffions, whether in America, or elsewhere, as
H His Majefty, in the due care of his fubjecds, may
L think neceffary for the security and protection of the
' fame ;"and that thisprerogative cannot be rendered
" dependent upon the content of a provincial affembly
" in the Colonies, without a moft dangerous INNOVA-
" Trno andl derogation from the dignity of the imperial
" crown of Great Britain." This did not fquare with
their notion of permitting or not permitting thei
Bricifh troops to appear in territoriesr, which they calt
their own; the arrival of whom, without their conflnt,
firlt had and obrtine d, they termed, and long before
their commencement of open war, an hostile and
" unjultiliatble invasion," This is their resolution, the
resolution of the combined wit and wilidom of America,
" That the keeping a landing army in the Colonies,
" in times of peace, withosul e confess of he Legflature
Softbhat Colnoy in which fuch army is kept, is against
" law :" i. c. againfl Ieir law ; for no law of tie coniti-
tution, common or Ilatiime ays any luch thing. His
" Lordfhip alfb conceived, that they would give a jusT
" and free aid in fuch honorable proportion, as may
" feem meet anld becoming from great and flourishing
SColonics towards a parent.country, labouringunder
" de heaviest burdens, whish in mo inconfiderable part
,9 have been willingly taken upon ourselves and pofte-
6- rity, for the DEFENCE, EXTENxSiON and PROSPERI-
" TYiof the COLONIES." No, faid the Colonies, when
this proposition made its way to the remoieft
" wilds of America i" no power on earth has a right
to take our money from us without our conent: we
ldo not content to this proposition, but think it.more
insidious than thap of the Parliament : Ergo, you have
,o right to cxpet a;ny fulch mat:er from us. Thus a
gracious




( 30 )
gracious cecanomy furnishes them with any argument,
and every argument, for leaving their parent country,
laboring under the heavieft burdens, taken upon her,
and her children, and her children's children, for Ame-
rican defence, extension and profperiry.-And thus the
Americans have defeated his Lordlhip, and, according
to his idea, the conilitution together.
Conduct like this might wellwring a complaint from
another of their noble friends, whole learning and abi-
lities are indeed an honor to his profeflion, linilar to
that upon another occasion I when he ik reported to
have fiid, I protect, I am afHited with grief, when
" I reflect on their proceedings; in fuch an arduous
" moment, that fich a plan, the labor of Iuch talents
" and fuch experience should be rejected, even from
"1 their consideration, with fuch indecent indignity!'"
Which of their friends have not they flighted and
abused ? Upon whom have not they fcatrered their
opprobrious dirt ? Another Noble Lord, high, and de-
fervedly high, in his country's honors and esteem, who
led the administration that concurred in, and who him-
filf adviled and promoted, what is now called The
* Declaratory Ad has not cikaped a liunple of their
indiscriminate vengeancet. His Lordfhip has been
heard to express pretty strongly," what every lover
of his country muft concur in, his adherence to his
" old opinion of the propriety of the declaratory at,
" which he seemed to consider as NECESSARY TO THE
" DOMINION OF TillS COUNTRY, and No wAY HURT-
' FUL TO TK.E FREEDOM Of AMERICA." t But the
Americans have clafTcd this very At, and marked it
with capitals for particular observation, amongft thofe,
of which they fay, that their immediate tendency is
" to fubvert the right of their having a (hare in legifla-
" tion, by rendering affemblies ulelefs ;-and that they
" form a regular fyltem offubjugating the Colonies."t
Whoever looks into the proceedings of their Congrefs,
Paliamcntary Regifler. Lords' Debates, page 88.
+ Parliamentary Rcgiller, Lordl' Dchat.s, p. 16,
SLetter ofCongrcf to the Colonis in 177,1.
willD





( 3' )
wil1 find, that no one aft has been more severely ani.
madverted upon, or hung up higher for popular de-
reltation, than this very law, which their much-abufed
friends, who promoted it, have uniformly considered
as indifpenlibly neccffary to the welfare and dominion
of this country. They have f(igmatized it as un-
" confitutional ant the force of there unhappy dif-
" ferences ," -f and affert, that the wit of man can-
" not poffibly form a more clear, concife and com-
" prehenfive definition and SENTENCE OF SLAVERY,
" than the cxpreffions" which this a&t contains. t And
all amounts to the formidable charge upon hisLordlhip
'and friends, who in great charity itept forth to relieve
their indigent caulf, of combining, or at left (haring
in the attempt, with the preflnt wicked and aban-
" doned administration," to enllave them. Probably
the reason of this apparent ingratitude, or (as them-
felves term it) American virtue, is, that they have fuch
a number of redoubtable heroes of their own to vend
their fock of panegyric upon, as to render it impofli-
ble to fpare any for exportation; fo that the whole
" torrent of panegyrilts," being confined to one chan-
" nel, may roll down their reputations to that late pe-
Sriod, when the dreams of time fall be absorbed in
" the abyfs of eternity."
By dcltroying the lyltem of government eclabliflcd
by Great Britain among them, and annihilating the
powers of the governors, councils and affemblies, in
their liveral provinces; they likewise diametrically con-
travene the judgement of the great Mr. Locke, their
profLffed director. He cells us, that the LEOISLA-
TIVE I is not only the SUPREME power of the common-
" wealth (by which term he every where means the
" community under any form of government), but is
" faced and unalterable in the hands, where the com-
" munity have once placed it ;-nor can any oaths to
" any foreign power whatlbever, or ANY DOMESTIC
t Penfylv. Ref. V. I Inflrut, to Penfylr. Members.
SiAfi RefoJvec, patronized by the Corngres in 1774, faid to
in drawn up by Dr. Cooper of BoSon.
SUDOR-




( 32 )
S IUBORDINATE POWER, discharge aMy member of the
"fociet from his 4edience to the kgilative4 afing pur-
luant to their truft nor oblige him to any obe-
dience, contrary to the laws fo enacted, or farther
Than they do allow; it being ridiculous to imagine,
one can be tied ultimately to obey ANY power in the
society, which is not the UPraEME." And again he
fays, In a conftiturtd commonwealth, landing upon
its own balis, and acting according to its own na-
ture, that is, acting for the prefervation of the com-
Smunity [i. c. by keeping it entire], there can be but
4 ONE SUPREME POWER, which is the LEGISLATIVr,
"* to which ALL THE REST are and wft be fubordixate."
Mr. Locke alfo quotes the judicious Hooker, as con-
curring in the fame sentiment. The public power of
all Ltciety is above every foul contained in the fame
faciety; and the principal uli of that power is, to
give laws to all that are tnder it, which laws, in fuch
cafes, we muft obey, unlefs there be reason (hewed,
which may necjfarily enforce, that the law of reason,
or of God, doth enjoin the contrary." This joint
opinion evidently implies there three propositions:
pot. That there is, and can be, but one fupreme
wer in a well ordered late.
2. That this supreme power is the Icgiflative power,
which hath a right to make laws binding upon the
whole, for the good of the whole.
3. That no lubordinate power, whether foreign or
domestic, can release any members of the society from
this indefeafable obligation.
Applying thefe propositions to the cafe before us,
we may oblfrve, that the King and Parliament is the
one supreme power of the Britclh empire; unlefi the
empire be thrown into the political confusion of iMO-
perinm in impcri,- and can admit the mnisibrtune, as
well as the error, of different and clahiing authorities:
that this power of King and Parliament, being the only
supreme power known in the Britifl conftituton, is the
legislative power, which hath a right to bind the
whole and every partof the Bricilh empire, for the
general




C 33 )
general welfare: and that no provincial or municipal
power, much lefs extra-provincial and congreflional
powers, unknown and repugnant to all law and order,
can acquit any fubjcts from their loyaly and dtry, or
lan6tify any ais of treafon and rebellion committed by
them.
In opposition to all this, the Colonies do publish,
allirt and declare, that they are entitled (but they
" have not quoted the ftatcre which entitles them)
* to a free and EXCLUSIVE POWER. OF LEGISLA-
' InoN in their EVEtL AL provindcial lIgfleatureCs" though
they muft recollet, or all the world will do it fot
them, that the Colonies never enjoyed, and cannot, as
Colonies, enjoy any fucl privilege or emancipation.
What a tIdra, were it poflihle to realize the idea, and
reduce it to praiicc We Ihould crunime into lb many
petty dillint flames, without any one coercive anti di-
recting power to collck the Ilrength of the icverral
parts, and mull fall therefore an eafy prey to the firft
worn enemy of our liberties and country. We should
foon forfeit that happy fingularity, which the Aneri-
cans themselves allow us, when they declare, that
" Great Britain, and her dominions excepted, there is
Sfcarce a fpot on the globe inhabited by civilized
" nations, where the vcltiges of freedom are to be
* obflrved."
BUT the Amcricains have promilfd that, upon
the requifition of the crown, they woukl grant their
voluntary fuhlidies ?"
Admitting, that we could forget their conduct in
the beginning of the laft war, when they would fcarce
advance any thing to fave themselves, and vhen (if
the Marquis de Montcalm, the French governor of
Canada, may be credited) half of the molt Fpowerful
Colonies might have been engaged by France in a
neutraffty and admitting too, that thefe fubfidies might
be large and free, fuch as might (fem meet and be-
" coming from great and flourishing Colonies" to their
SPt ljI'aman Inflruiioni in Dickcnfon' Efiy p, 24.
E Frince ;





(' 34 ) '
prince; could the policy of the molo flagitious and
liubtle minister more fatally expofe the liberties of the
whole empire to diflblution, than fuch a conduct as
this ? A fall fllar of addrefs in managing to many
discordant intercfls, fo many different kgifatures, and
fo many unaccountable lublidics, might fet one part
against another, and finally ftbjugate the whole. An
enemy might prefcribe the rule, divide & iimpera; but
none, 'urely, but madmen, could propole it for them-
felves. For, as a very ingenious foreigner hath ob-
ferved, and lays it down as an incontrovertible maxim
in politics, A Sovereign who depends, with regard
" to supplies, on federal affemblies, in fact depends
" upon none."-" Nothing therefore (adds he) could
" be more fatal to Englifh liberty, and to American
" liberty in the iffTue, than the adoption of the idea,
" cheriflied by the Americans, of having independent
" aflemblies of their own, who should treat imme-
" diately with the King,*and grant him fublidies, to
" the utter annihilation of the power of thole antient,
" and hitherto fuccesful, allercors of general liberty,
" the Britifh Parliament." So much is it the interest
of the whule empire, that the money, voted to the
Lrown, should pals through the hanas and be fubject
to the control of the Britifh Commons, that, as the
fame judicious writer obferves elegantly in another
place, the fine government upon earth was in
" danger of total deltrudtion, wlicn Bartholomew Co-
" lumbus was on his pairage to England, to reach Henry
" the seventh the way to Mexico and Peru. -j"
3. THiE Americans, then, have demolished the
government, delegated to them from their parent-flate,
and have renounced the operation of the one and fupe-
rioriry of the other, in order to fet up, what was the
third charge against them, an independent, arbitrary,
denocratical government of their own ; which, fo far
as it hath proceeded, hath destroyed all Britilh confti-
D I. OLMt's Contlitioa of England, p. 5t,
t Ibid. p. 423.
tutiona)




( 35 )
tutional liberty, and aims to destroy (which God for-
bid) the whole.
I need not defeena to particular fafs, which mutt
be as frcfh upon every man's memory here, as they are
indelible from the aiemories of thofe who have fufered
abroad, to prove theltyranny of that violent and repub-
lican spirit, which now prevails in the Colonies. It
will be fuficient if, omitting the detail of this melan-
choly bufinefs which will merit a different investigation,
I take the fum of what has already occurred, to the
contllion of all order, and to the disgrace of humanity
itrfef.
The Americans, as one of the firft a&s of their joint
enmity to the authority of the King and the Britilh
Parliament, that only palladium ut true liberty to
Britons, interditcd the Britifh commerce, upon pains
and penalties, inflicted by no law, and fprcificd by no
measure. So far from wifbing the Ihncaions of law
and juflice, they have fhut up their courts of law to
every claim of the Britifn merchants, whole credulity,
unfuilpicious of fuch enormous dilhonelty in perfons
who make the loudeft pretences to urbanity and reli-
gion, had entrusted them with their property, and fup-
ported them in their trade. So confummate a fraud,
by fo large a body of men, was never tranfacetd by
a combination of Turks. A Turk would deem him-
felf insulted to be compared with Chriftiuis like thefe.
The very Arabs would corn lo vile and fo mean a
breach of confidence, and, with no pretences of piety,
would deteft a condu& to glaringly impious. The
property, not only of the inhabitants of Britain, but
of the residents of America, has been fcized by lawlefs
committees, merely on account of a difference in opi-
nion, or the fulpicion of a difference. Perfons, who
hbve tranfgrefed no law, have been Itigmatized and
held up as public enemies for alffaination or ruin,
only for refuting obedience to the arbitrary dittates of
an audacious committee or an impudent mob. Houses,
the caftles of Englihmen, have been violently forced
and searched for the fcizure of wh.tt any man hIs a
right




( 36 )
right to keep, when the law has forbidden it to none.
The very food and apparel of people have been pre-
feribed, not from the plea of a physical regimen, but
from the illegal determination of an illegal affembly of
men, who, farce qualified to be feryant, have dubbed
themfclves mailers of an empire. Out ofiheer liberty,
people are obliged to eat, drink, and wear nothing as
they plealfc. Andl, as if it were not luflicient to force
pcoplec against the laws, the arbitrary Republicans
li..av ctnmbined to cheat them out of their property.
l"r they have voied a paper-currency, upon their own
fii h (gr.cra fiders), as a legal tender, which, when it
lihs aniwcrcd the vile and insidious purpofi of getting
trenlure and property out of the hands of the holders,
will nor, and cannot, be worth, in the fum of things,
one single farthing to the poffeffors. No peribns dare
to refult this paper, through fear of arbitrary punifh-
inent, and of exposing themselves, their families and
their all, to the mercy of a furious and ungovernable
multitude. And thus they have begun a ruinous war,
in which they have flaked, both voluntarily and in-
voluntarily, all the wealth and peace of America, a-
gaiaint the power and opulence of Great Britain. Nor
is there any chance of efc;aping from ruin by this
manwcivre, but by ruining their only prop and flay,
Great Britain; and not even then, for their creature
will be c.pended, their commerce destroyed, and every
means of wealth exterminated, in the very decision of
the contest. This idea, very able perfons among them-
fclces, who cannot be fufpeftd, and whom they do
not rAfpe&, to have any fcparate attachment or pre-
dileaion for Britain, have flawed again and again. Such
men were too wife for their firlt Congrefs, and were
therefore omitted in the second, Ancd fo anxious havp
!thrr incendiaries been to bring matters to this re-
inendous crisis, that they have not suffered tlhean to
hold out one conciliatory proposition, but in fuch a
way and of iuch a kind, as offered insult to the patience
and dignity of the late. To crown all their savage
pnormiels, the perfons, as well as the properties, of
innocent





( 37 )
innocent individuals, muft, willing or unwilling, be
committed in rebellion : for they have forced husbands
from their wives and children, and fbns from their
parents, under the penalty of a goal and the moft
dangerous fevcrities, into an army, whofe leaders are
composed either of ungrateful and ambitious declrters,
or of ignorant and defpicable leaders. In (hort, no
feverity has been fpared to intimidate or compel the
loyal fdbje&t, against his will, his interft, and his duty:
no cruelty has been omitted, which Ihvages would omir,
upon thofe, who have oppofed their violent proceed-
ings, and have had the misfortune afterwards to fall
into their hands. Thus are the Armericans arrived to
the full development of Mr. Locke's great mystery
(as he terms it) in politics"-- A government
" without laws, inconceivable to human capacity, and
" inconfillent with human fociety."
This is a true repreinctation, and no exaggerated
dcfcription or carricaturc, of the proceedings of the
arch-rebels, who have had the effrontery to Ityle that
part of the Briiflh dominions, THIE TWELVE UNITED
PROVINCES OF NoRTa AMERICA, thereby ere&ing
themselves, or meaning to ere& themselves, either into
a Jbvereign independent ate, or, which is more likely
into feveral'diftin& and independent democracies. *
Of
One ofthe American writor, an agent to the republican ftiflon
at Bolton deputed to New York a few years fince, pleaded with the
progrfi of his countrymen towards the Itte of independency, vnted
the efirfions of his patriotifm in this rhapfodical apolrophe:
" Courage, Americans :--T e finger ofGod points out a mighby
*" Ipii to your fon !-We need not be difcouraged-The angry
"' cloud will fomn be difperfcd-The aay dawns, in which the found-
Saion of this mighty empire to be laid, by trh flahi6bmrnat ef
Sa regular .Jrrian eon/littio. All that has hitherto been done,
" (iems to be little befide thr cIr.ion o/fmattrilaih fr the confittinin
' of tbhslkrinuki firi:.. "i''i rine tn put them together. The trani-
" fcr of the Eulmpa part of the fiunily iu To vail, and our growth
" to fft, that, h/firef'/-v n yari rell evr orn bradl, the firl Itlne
" muit be Ltkl-l.eace or war; famniie or plenty poverty or affu-
" ens ; in A word, no circuinltance, whether propcrous or adverse,
' can happen to our parcnr; naty, no conduct of her's, whether
wife or imprudent; no poflible temper on her part, wherthcr ti.Mi
Or





( 38 )
Of the liberty to be enjoyed under thefe rebellious
demagogues, we have an admirable ample before us :
and

" or trei-grined, will put a flop to this &kidn." So long have
the republcan architcds drawn the plan of this gloinmpile So long
have they waited to celebrate de jubilee of independence And Ib
long have dtefe worthies (to ufc the phrafcof theirold friendfudiras)
---- Felt fuch bowcl-hankeringu
To fee an empire al/ f Kings;
Deliver'd from th' Egyptian awe
Ofjufice, government and law!"
Formerly it did not fiit thie deCigni of thefc men opinly to
avow their principle ; but now they declare them wlthol t a
maSi. Mr. SaiMul Adams, one of the leaders of the cangrei.
fo heartily imbibes the notion of a reparation from the Britiih
empire, that he entites his pamphlet, written x prof/ff to in-
culcae it, by the name of COMMON SENiS; as though it were
folly, to doubt of it for a moment. I am obliged, for the following
extra from this patriotic performance toawnrter under the fignature
of CorivalnuJ in the Public Advertifer of April 8th, 1776. Their
chief merit confith in the removal of all ambiguity.
Ianminclined tobelieve (aysMr. Adida) that all thofe whoe(poure
" the doarine of rtcnrikiation may be included within the following de.
" fcription. Interelcd men, who are not to he trullil; weak men,
" who cannot fee I prcindled men, who will lnt fee; and a (ft of
" moderato men who think irth r of the Eumpean world than it
Sdcern'cas.
Europe i too thickly planted with kingdom to he long at
pcacc; and whenever a war breaks out between Englnd and any
Foreign power, the trade of America goes to ruin-becaule of
her connefion with Grat Britain. The next war may not turn
out like the laft, and should it not, the advocates for reconciliation
a nr". will be wishing for separation rv*, because neutrality in that
Scafe would be a fafir convoy than a man of war. Every thing
That i- right and reasonable pleads for a repararion." P. 38.
I am not induced by motives of pride, party or rdentncur to
epoufe the doctrine ofindeprnd~art' nd/iparatifn-t am clearly,
positively and confcienioufly perfunded that it is the true inerdft
of this country to be fo; that every thing Jrt f that is mere
patch-work; that it can afford no laiingfelicty; that it is Ina-
ing the word to our children, and shrinking back, when a LIT-
T1. MORl a A LITTLE, rITH ER, would Ihave rendered this con-
tinent the glory of the earth." P. 4 5.
'Tis faid the king has a negative on aas of tie Englids legi-
flture, and lthipprre ought to have it on ours aWtf to th 1
only fay, that England being the king's refidence and America
not fr, makes quite another cafe. The king's negative here ii
ten time more dangerous and fatal than it can be in'England ;
r for





( 39 )
and I wbuld a(k any difpaflionate man, who loves the
reality more than the mere name of liberty, whether any
hiing of this fort is to be apprehended under our mid,

for here he.will tcrely refufe his affcnt to bill Ibr putting Eng-
land into gsplrong a Intec of defence as pollible, and here le wouti
never ritffer fuci a bill to he paflld." P. 49.
Reconeiliationis a dangctrou do rine. I affirm that it would
" he policy in die king, at this time, to repel the ats, for reinlaft-
' ing himfelf ini the government of the province, in order that ie
" may accomplifl by craft and subtlety, in the long run, what he
" canot0 do by force and violence in the thart one. Reconcilia-
Stion and ruin are nearly related." P. So.
I challenge the warmelt advocate for reconciliation to thew a
" fngle advantage that this continent can reup by being conneaed
" with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge ; not a fimgle advan-
" tage is derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market ili
" Europe, and our imported goods muft be paid for, buy them'-
" whore we will. But the injuries and difadvantages that we fuflain
" by that. conncUiot are without number, and our duty to man-
" kind at lArge, ta well na to ourfclves, intru&s us to renounce
" the alliance; bccaufe any rubmiflion to our dependence on Great
" Britain tends dirchly to involve this continent in lurop=cn wars
" and quarrel. As Europe is our markcefur trade, we ought not
" co farm a political conncinn with any part of it. 'Tis the tru
" interel of America to tleer clear of European connedion,
" which he never can do, while, by her dependence on Britain,
" the is made the make-weight in the fcale oft ritifl politics.
'TsrepPunant to reafuo, to the univertl order of things, to all
"examples from former ages, to fuppoli dit thi continent cn long
" remain fuCbjer to aniy external pntwer. The moil linguine in
" Britain do not think ob. The untiolt 11retch of human wifdon
" cannot at this time comnpa s a plan, short of f~paration, which can
" romile the continent even a year's (ucurity." P. 42.
AS to government marten, 'Fis not in the power of Britain to
" dothis continent juGlicc--tlhebufinef ofitwill be foontoo weighty
a to be managed with any tolerable degree of conveniency, by a
" power to difnt from ris, and fo very ignorant of us I for Yf y
" canni reon str ar, they canoi gRYV rn str. To be always running
" three or tour thouanud miles with a tale or petition, waiting four
" or five months for an answer; which, when ubutined, require five
' pr fix more to expinin it in, will in a few ycIar be looked on at
" childilhnes and folly, Them was a time when it wasproper, and
" thee is a proper time for it to cea." P. 45.
A government of our own is our aturalrighA and when a tuan
" fcriouly reBflai on the prectrioufnefi of humai aiffirs, he will be-
" come convinced, that it is infinitely wifer qad ftfir to form A
" coNa(STa toN of our ont, in a cool, deliberate manner, while
" we have it in our power, than to trait fch an intercfting event to
" cime and chance." P. 58.
auspicious




( 40 )
aufpicious fyfem, either here or in America? A filtnim,
in the management of which, as foreigners with amaze-
ment and admiration arc compelled to own, that, if
" they look at the conduAit of all public officers in
" England, from the minifler of flute, or the judge,
" down to the loweft officers of ijufice; they find a
" spirit of forbearance and lenity prevailing in England
" amongg all perfons in power, which cannot (they fay)
" but create the greatest lurprize in thole, who have
" vifitcd other countries."* This lenity and forbear-
ance none have experienced more than the Americans
thcmfelves ? and yet none have upbraided the govern-
ment, with more harlh and loud appellations of tyranny
and arbitrary rule, than they. Could they but have
experienced the difference of any one other government
upon earth, they would be ready to fay of their country-
men, what all the world muft lay of them
0 nimnit fortunate, bona fl fua nSrint I
Our confliturion is obliged to foreigners for an eulo-
gium, which they, who fiel its bleflings, flhold have
been the firft to pay thlcmllvcs.
And can the oppugnation of Britifli Dominion be
juftified upon any principle or theory ? Mr. Locke, an
incontestable authority with the Americans, (hall anfwer:
" EVERY MAN fayss this Speculacift), that hath
" any poffeflions or enjoyment of ANY PART of the
" dominions of ANY GovERNMENT, doth thereby give
< his tacit content, and is as far forth obliged to
a obedience to the laws of that government, during
" fuch enjoyment, as any one under it; whether this his
" poffeflion be of land to him and his heirs for reer, or
" a lodging only for a week, or whether it be barely
" travelling freely on the highway; and, in effect, IT
U RE ACE AS FAR AS TIHT BEINO OF AN Y ON WITHIN
" THE TERRITORIES OF THAT GOVERNMENT.'? And
further: It would be a direct conrraditi'on for any
" one to enter into society with others, for the fecur-

*DeLoL,:C, pagc-413
r iig




( 41 )
't ing and regulating of property, and yet to fuppofe
bis land, whofe property is to be regulated by the laws
of tie society, flould be exempt from the jurifdioion
of that government, to which he himnfef, the proprietor
of the land, k a fubjeff: By the lame ad, therefore,
whereby any one united his person, which was before
free, to any common-wealth [or community], by
the fame he unites his poleffions, which were before
free, to it alfo and they become, both of them,
" PERSON and PossEssIoN, lubje to the government
" and dominion of that common-wealth, as long as it
" hath a being." Thus much for the measure of rule:
Now for the right to refift. The fame gentleman,
speaking of the refinance of the people against their
governors, when they think themselves aggrieved,
aivifes. Let not any think, this [right of refiitance]
' lays a perpetual foundation for disorder; for this
S*[right] operates not, till the inconvenience is to great
" that the MAJOR IrY [meaning of the whole late or em-
"pire] feel it, and are weary of it, and find a nccflicy
" to have it amended." But this is fo far from being
the cafe, that the great body of the empire cannot
perceive, thai the Americans, which are but an infe-
rior part, have felt any other inconveniencies, than
what their own forwardnefs in imposing rules of com-
merce, and their own haughtinefs in abufing the com-
mon government, have brought upon them. Let them
name the tax, or the impolirion, whore burden they
cannot bear. So far from having been diftreffed, 'tis
the profperity of the Americans, which has occasioned
this intolerable elation of mind, and brought ruin and
all the horrors of a civil war to their very doors. And
to remote is it from the defire of Britons to opprefs,
that let them but throw down the implements of war,
and acknowledge their error; let them propose, in the
language of their noble friend, a juft and free aid in
Such honourable proportion, as may feem meet and
" becoming from greatandflouriting Colonies towards
the parent Country," labouring under.burdens taken
up and fuftaited greatly on their account; they would
be received with gladnefs r the would be treated with
F every





( 4- )
every cordiality of brethren, and admitted to their ufuial
rank andconfuidration in the empire. Let them not be
deceived however in 1'uppofingthat this is a war carried
on against Adrindiftration (as lome of their curious cor-
relpondcnts here, who wait the reward of their crimes,
have aimed to perfuade them): for every man, who
loves his country, and iees bur a little into the confe-
quences ofdifihembcring and dividing its legislature,
will perceive that they fall under that definition of
rebellion, which the author above referred to (often
abused to the purpofei of fiedition) has clearly given
them in his treatise upon civil government. Rebel-
" lion, lays he, being an oppoliion, not to PERsoNS
but AU'TH-UoITY, which is founded only in the con-
Sflicutions and laws of the governments ; 'thole, wi/-
" EVER THEY BE, who by force break through, and
" by forcejultify their violation of them, are truly
' and properly Ra EELS." Had it been poflible for
Mr. Locke to have feen the present temper and condu&
of the Americans, he could not have marked them
with greater precision, than in the extra& before us.
It appears then, upon the whole, that thofe of the
Americans, now in rebellion, are aiming to reduce
the strength and conflitution of Great Britain, by im-
peding her commerce, denying her fupremnacy, and
abolishing her civil officers of government among them :
and alfo that they are endeavouring, with the bafell
ingratitude to a parent from whom they derive all
their conclquence, to Itrip her by force of arms of a
corfidcrable part of her dominions, for which lhe fa-
crificcd Ihrr blood and treafure in a war, principally
uniridt t.ikre for their proteion and security. It fur-
ther apple irs, thlt all this is maintained against the
clearell di&ates of equity, duty and reason, which,
with one content, delivered by the pen of their favorite
reafoner, after, that as government cannot be fup-
ted without great charge, 'tis fit that EVERY ONE,
who enjoys a flare of the PROT-CTION, should pay,
oat ot' Ils fltate, IS OPORTIoon for the mainte-
nance ofit." But this proportion is riore than they
are desired :o pay. Lcave has been given them, with
the




( 43 )
the utmoft liberality of fantimenr, to fpecify their own
fims among themselves; and government, rather than
bear the imputation of harfhnels upon its younger chil-
dren, would accept any reasonable acknowledgement
of their duty, either by a ratio etlablifhed on the taxes
of Britain, or otherwise as may fruit them better, and
fiill impofe the weight of the load upon thofe elder
shoulders, who have borne it To long (and without
reliflance too) for the general good.
At all events, we Britons know for what we con-
tend; but the Americans (excepting their r kblican
demagogues) know nor. We land up -only for our
constitution, and'to keep it from being Iplic into parts
for an cafy deftruCtion by external foes. In doing
thi; ^we lrive for the only fccurity which our liber-
ties can find upon earth: and it will be Iecn that, in
this contention and in lich a caulb', Britons are Britons
fill; and thar, as America has beIu the lirtl to take
up arms, Great Britain willbe the lalt to lay them down.
The rebels, on the other hand, are difputing either for
an eftabliflment of anarchy, or for the creEtion of
weak disjointed Itares, which, if the obje&' could be ob-
tained, mult be one of die greateR evils chat could befall
them. I mean nor, that heAmericans in general have
this detected scheme in view ; but, 'tis now conceived,
who among them have. Hungry adventurers, broken
merchants, pettifogging lawyers, and ambitious leaders,
are always lul'picious difputants for liberty; ele;cially,
as fuch people ftick at no means to accomplish their
lltlilh and desperate ends. The conflant wflh of fuch
men rclimbles the petition of the old highland chief-
cains, whofe ulital fervent grace was, "Lord! turn the
t world upfid down, that clriftians may mak: bread out
Sof it /" The plain Englifh fayss my author) of this
pious request is, that the world might become, for
their benefit, a fcene of rapine and confusion*. In the
time train of piety, the pulpit, and drum cccleiaf-
" tic," have refounded the infamous alarm, and exhi-
bited a Itriking proof, how much a fee of men, wih
PDr,; N .l'f? ryrait tc ln HIebridci,
pretendl






pretend to inculcate the religion of peace, have
Laid out their spiritual gifis to further,
Their great defigns of rage and nurl er,
d fancy that they have a miffon
To preach the faith vith ammunition.
Thefe build the church and late upon
The holy text of pike and gun s
Decide all controverfies by
Infallible artillery
Anlw'Ove their dotUrine ortbodor
By Jpoflolic blows and knocks.
But the fhipwrights and other tumults are quieted,
foreigners are daf, and the tranfmiffion of falifhoods
can deceivenomore.There are fome, who willthoruugri' .
comprehend there hints: it will be happy for them, if
Iiich proof be nor accumulated, as to preclude all \
ncceflity of amendment. Constant additions cannot
fail of filling up the measure of iniquity.
In the mean time, every true patriot, not the noify
reRlkfs animal usually mifclled by that name, will
join hand and heart, la far as his influence extends, that
neither the Rebels themselves, nor their infigators
here, may triumph over the'conftitutional fupremacy
of his King and Country. Nothing could more evince
the real patriotifm and magnanimity of administration,
than their voluntary exposure of themselves to the cen.
fure of the misguided and mifinformed multitude, to
thl trouble of carrying on this dilagrecable contest,
and to the anxiety which mult naturally arife in the
dire6tian of all coercive measures; when, by giving
up the fortrefs of our happy constitution to the clanter
of the ignorant or fcditious, they might have paflfd
on with as much eafe and tranquillity, as the profpet
of an enervated dominion and a linking land could
have afforded them. Their conduct, in this caufe
hilherto, dclrrves the thanks of their country : a timid
and conceding behaviour would have merited, in the
ltn of things, its fevereft indignation,


TaE EN n,




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