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 Material Information
Title: The INA quarterly
Alternate Title: Institute of Nautical Archaeology quarterly
Abbreviated Title: INA q.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Institute of Nautical Archaeology (U.S.)
Institute of Nautical Archaeology (U.S.)
Publisher: Institute of Nautical Archaeology
Place of Publication: College Station TX
College Station TX
Publication Date: Winter 2001
Copyright Date: 1997
Frequency: quarterly
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Subject: Underwater archaeology -- Periodicals   ( lcsh )
Archéologie sous-marine -- Périodiques   ( rvm )
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Dates or Sequential Designation: Vol. 19, no. 1 (spring 1992)-
General Note: Title from cover.
General Note: Latest issue consulted: Vol. 23, no. 2 (summer 1996).
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Preceded by: INA newsletter (Institute of Nautical Archaeology (U.S.))

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The INA Quarterl


Volume 28 No. 4 Winter 2001



3 The Shipwrecks of Angra Bay, 2000-2001
Kevin Crisman and Caterina Garcia MEMBERSHIP
Institute of Nautical Archaeology
11 News and Notes P.O. Drawer HG
College Station, TX 77841-5137
12 A Question Now Answered:
"2 A Q question Now Answered: Learn firsthand of the latest discov-
"Who Owns Sunken Spanish Sipwrecks?" series in nautical archaeology. Mem-
James A. Goold bers receive the INA Quarterly and
other benefits.
17 The "Archaeology" of Fifteenth-Century
Manuscripts on Shipbuilding Researcher (students only).... $25
John McManamon, S.J. Seafarer .....................$75
Surveyor ................... $150
26 An Azores Adventure Restorer ............... $500
Alex Nason Curator ............... $1,000
Excavator ............. $2,500
Navigator ................ $5,000
28 Just Released:
Sacred and Secular: Ancient Egyptian Ships and Boats Checksin U.S. currency should be made
payable to INA. The portion of any do-
nation in excess of $10.00 is a tax-de-
29 Construction navale, maritime et fluviale. ductible, charitable contribubon.
Approches archologique, historique et ethnologique
Archaeonautica 14, 1998
ed. Patrice Pomey and Iric Rieth
Reviewed by Patricia Sibella

30 From the President

30 Index Volume 28

On the cover: Ships at anchor below Mount Brasil in Angra Bay. The shipwreck designated "Angra D" was proba-
bly anchored in this position before the storm that wrecked it in front of the Customs House ("Alfandega") at the head
of the bay. From a topographical print by Jan Huyghen Van Linschoten, circa 1589.


December 2001 by the Institute of Nautical Archaeology. All rights reserved.
INA welcomes requests to reprint INA Quarterly articles and illustrations. Articles for publication should be submitted in hard copy and on a 3.25
diskette (Macintosh, DOS, or Windows format acceptable) along with all artwork. Please address all requests and submissions to the Editor, INA
Quarterly, PO. Drawer HG, College Station, TX 77841-5137; tel (979) 845-6694, fax (979) 847-9260, e-mail powlrye@texasnet
The Home Page for NA is at http:/ /www.NAUTICALA.RCHAEOLOGY.org.
The Institute of Nautical Archaeology is a non-profit scientific and educational organization, incorporated in 1972. Since 1976, INA has
been affiliated with Texas A&M University, where INA faculty teach in the Nautical Archaeology Program of the Department of Anthro-
pology. The opinions expressed in Quarterly articles are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute.


The INA Quarterly was formerly the INA Newsletter (vols. 1-18).


Editor: Christine A. Powell







The Shipwrecks of Angra Bay,

2000-2001


Kevin J. Crisman and Caterina Garcia


It was but one of over one hundred ships that
wrecked in the region of Angra Bay (fig. 1). We do not yet
know its name or the precise date of the sinking, but we
do know that it was lost sometime in the late sixteenth or
early seventeenth century. We can say with certainty that
it was regarded by its owners as a particularly fine ship.
The hull was large for the time, in the range of four or five
hundred tons, and measured about thirty-five meters in
length and nine meters in breadth. Its structure was as-
sembled principally of high quality oak, carefully fashioned
with broadax, adze, and saw, and amply fastened in the
Iberian style with large numbers of wrought iron spikes
and bolts. The dimensions of the individual timbers were
substantial, and the bottom of the ship was heavily rein-
forced inside with a series of transverse riders that added
much to the integrity of the hull. Below the waterline, the
planking was entirely sheathed with thin sheets of lead, a
covering that protected the timbers from the depredations
of wood-eating teredo worms, but at a cost that was, for the
time, incredibly expensive. This was no ordinary ship.
We do not know if the ship's owners were from
Portugal or Spain, or indeed from somewhere else, but one
important clue, puddles of mercury in the hold, tells us
that the vessel had sailed between Spain and the Ameri-
cas. The Spanish New World empire had a voracious ap-
petite for mercury, which was used to
extract silver from its ore, and shiploads
of the liquid metal were sent across the 1
Atlantic to the mines of Mexico and NORTH
Peru. The ship in Angra Bay made at AMM ICA
least one such voyage in its lifetime.
We may not know the ship's
name or the date of its sinking, but the
circumstances of its loss can easily be
guessed. Located on the southern coast .
of Terceira Island in the Azores, Angra
Bay was a strategic mid-Atlantic way
point for fleets of Portuguese and Span-
ish ships returning home to Europe,
their holds filled with metals, spices,
dyes, textiles, porcelains, and exotic
commodities from the Americas and Far
East. As a haven for sea-weary ships, the AZORES
bay's protection could be illusory, how-
ever, for it was terribly vulnerable to 2
sudden shifts of wind and rapidly-
building waves that could entrap un-
wary sailors in their slow and unhandy Fig. 1. The Nort


vessels. Residents of the city of Angra overlooking the bay
still call southeastern winds carpinteiros ("carpenter's
winds") because they once provided woodworking shops
in town with fresh supplies of oak and pine from smashed
hulls.
Our ship was probably riding at anchor in the lee of
Mont Brasil, the volcanic cone that protects the bay from
the prevailing western wind. The crew may have been
exhausted after a long voyage, and possibly many were
ashore; in any event, they failed to pay heed to the chang-
ing direction of the wind, which shifted to the south or
southeast and began to increase. Those on board had two
options: attempt to ride out the gale and pray the anchors
held, or cut their cables and try to beat out of the narrow
bay before conditions became too extreme. Whichever
choice they made, the gale won. The vessel was driven
helplessly onto the shelving sand seabed below the town,
and there it was pounded hard until the seams opened
and the hold filled with water.
Did the upperworks hold together or break up in
the waves? Did the crew perish or survive? We do not
know, but we can be certain that every effort was made to
recover the cargo when the storm had passed. The rela-
tively shallow depth of the bay at this location (seven
meters) permitted salvage of guns, anchors, and other ma-


TERCEIRA


ANGRA

3 Bay Bay


Map: E. Heinold
h Atlantic (1), the Azores (2), and Terceira Island (3).


INA Quarterly 28.4


STERCEIRA



-3
















Fig. 2. Angra Bay and the city ofAngra do Herois-
mo, Terceira Island, Azores, showing the new break-
water and yacht basin. The wrecks known as "Angra
C" and "Angra D" were located in a spot that is
now beneath the middle of the breakwater.


trials from the wreck. Held fast to the bottom by a pile of
ballast stones, the bottom and lower starboard side of the
hull were abandoned, and rapidly disappeared beneath
two meters of coarse sand. A few decades later another
wooden ship, perhaps Dutch in origin, fetched up nearby,
although in a much more fragmentary condition. Still lat-
er, about two centuries afterwards, Run'Her, a blockade
runner carrying a cargo of electric sea mines to the Con-
federacy in 1865, ran aground in front of the city of Angra.
It then broke up, scattering fragments of iron plate and a
boiler around the inner bay. Only at the very end of the
twentieth century did the existence of these wrecks become


known to archaeologists who could conduct a scientific
investigation of them.

Emergency Intervention in Angra Bay, 1997-1998
In the mid-1990s, harbor authorities proposed the
construction of a new marina in front of the city of Angra
do Heroismo, a facility that would require the construc-
tion of a long and substantial stone and concrete-tetrapod
breakwater on the bottom of the inner bay (fig. 2). Con-
cerned about possible damage to shipwrecks or archaeo-
logical features on the bottom of the bay, an intensive
survey effort was organized by regional and national agen-
cies. These included the Azorian Government's DireccIo


1 2 3 5 S 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 18 17 1B 19 20





H -_-i I- iT ..-.
E

D

C



A

Drawing: DRC/CNANS

Fig. 3. Plan view ofAngra D. Evidence suggests that this wreck dates to around 1600 and was probably built in Spain or Portugal.


INA Quarterly 28.4










Regional da Cultura (DRC), the national Instituto Portu-
gues do Patrim6nio Arquitect6nico e Arqueol6gico (IP-
PAR) and IPPAR's marine archaeology arm, the Centro
Nacional de Arqueologia NAutica e SubaquAtica (CNANS).
Survey work began in 1996 and continued through 1997,
with the participation of archaeologists and oceanogra-
phers from the Institute of Nautical Archaeology (INA) and
Texas A&M University.
A variety of survey tools and techniques were test-
ed, including sonars, a magnetometer, and a sub-bottom
profiler (see INA Quarterly 25.2,3-11). These produced geo-
logical data on the bottom of the bay, but in the end the
most reliable means of finding archaeological sites proved
to be the old time- and labor-intensive standby: dredging
a series of closely-spaced test pits in the sand bottom. Be-
sides turning up scattered artifacts and debris, archaeolo-
gists located three wrecks in the path of the proposed
breakwater. The first was the well-preserved, lead-
sheathed Iberian ship of the late sixteenth or early seven-
teenth century, which was designated "Angra D" (fig. 3).
The second was the less-complete wooden wreck of possi-
ble Dutch origin called "Angra C"(fig. 4). The third, Con-
federate blockade runner Run'Her, was judged to be too
broken up to warrant further study, but the preliminary
examinations of Angra C and D suggested that they were
worthy of excavation, recording, and removal if construc-
tion proceeded on the breakwater.
As it turned out, work on the marina did proceed
and with little prior warning from the construction super-
visors. Archaeologists and preservation authorities man-
aged to halt the work temporarily, but in March 1998 they
were faced with the daunting task of pulling together, in a


matter of days, a team from Europe and North America
with all the necessary excavation and diving equipment.
Under the supervision of Dr. Francisco Alves, Director of
CNANS, divers quickly but systematically uncovered
Angra C and D, removing ballast stones and artifacts. An-
gra C seems to have been very thoroughly salvaged after
sinking, and its hull and ballast pile yielded only a small
collection of material, including a copper cauldron, shoe
soles, ceramic sherds, and a decorated pipe stem. The pipe
stem proved to be one of best indicators of the date of An-
gra C, for it closely matched Dutch types from the second
half of the seventeenth century.
Angra D had both a larger ballast pile and a more
extensive collection of artifacts. Various types of contain-
ers found within the hull included a copper pitcher, two
complete wooden buckets, wicker baskets, and barrel
staves and heads. Elements of the ship's equipment and
weaponry were also discovered, including a two-sheave
block, fragments of rope and cable, cannon shot (four of
iron and one of stone), three triangular gunpowder flasks,
a portion of a wooden musket stock, and lead musket shot.
The divers recovered hundreds of ceramic fragments from
glazed and unglazed containers (two olive jar rim frag-
ments bore the "IHS" stamp of the Jesuit order), and there
were also a number of Ming dynasty porcelain sherds. The
ceramics and other artifacts all pointed to a late sixteenth-
or early seventeenth-century date for Angra D.
Abundant faunal remains indicated that Angra D's
crew enjoyed a varied diet of beef, pork, mutton, chicken,
and fish. Other types of faunal remains, namely many rat
bones and cockroach exoskeletons, showed that vermin had
infested the vessel. Finally, there was the mercury, which


I- Drawing: DRC/CNANS
Fig. 4. Plan view ofAngra C. Evidence suggests that this wreck may be from the later seventeenth century and may be Dutch.


INA Quarterly 28.4




























DtU: r. iviuoneiro


Fig. 5 (above). Archaeologists tracing timbers during the salvage excava-
tions of Angra C and D.

Fig. 6 (right). The DRC diving headquarters building at Porto Pipas, An-
gra. We worked in the shadow of S. Sebastiio, one of the earliest forts built to
defend the bay.


must have leaked out of its containers at a great rate during
shipment. Over 150 milliliters were collected with syringes, while
other globules of the metal were gobbled up by the hungry fish
that constantly circled the excavations.
When the two wrecks had been cleaned of sand,
ballast, and artifacts, one-to-one tracings were made of in-
terior ceiling and frame surfaces onto large sheets of clear
plastic (fig. 5). Basic measurements and frame curvatures
were also taken. Work on the marina was scheduled to
resume shortly, however, and there was no time to carry
out any kind of detailed study of the timbers or the tech-
niques used to assemble the hull. Recovery and conserva-
tion of the timbers was too expensive an option to be
considered, and the plan was simply to pick up the wrecks
and move them out of the construction zone. Peter Wad-
dell of Parks Canada assisted the CNANS team with the
disassembly process. He shared the tools and techniques
he and his colleagues developed during their excavation
and disassembly of the Basque whaling ship sunk at Red
Bay, Labrador. Angra C and D were disassembled piece-
by-piece and transported about six hundred meters across
the bay. The timbers were stacked on three steel pallets
sunk at a depth of seventeen meters. When the hulls were
entirely disassembled and all timbers placed on the pal-
lets, each was sealed over with several hundred sand-filled
plastic feed sacks to slow deterioration and teredo infesta-


tion. The excavation, disassembly, and removal of the two
wrecks was completed in less than four months.

Documentation of Angra C and D, The 2000 Season
Considering the difficult circumstances and time
constraints, the 1998 salvage excavation of Angra C and D
can be considered a highly successful archaeological sal-
vage of two otherwise-doomed wrecks. The work was far
from completed, however. Brief study of the hulls during
their removal showed that they had much to tell us about
design and construction practices of the early and middle
seventeenth century. The Iberian wreck, Angra D, was par-
ticularly intriguing because so much of it survived, because
it was the only known example of an all-lead-sheathed hull
discovered with its sheathing intact, and because it had
features (such as the riders) that differed from previous
archaeological examples of sixteenth-century Iberian ships.
Was Angra D representative of new trends in ship con-
struction, or was it merely a well-financed ship with heavi-
er-than-usual scantlings and reinforcement? What could
it tell us about the ships, fleets, and trade of Spain and
Portugal during a time when their maritime empires were
facing financial difficulties and the depredations of com-
peting European nations? Our questions could best be an-
swered by further investigation of the timbers cached on
the bottom of the bay.


INA Quarterly 28.4





























Fig. 7. Archaeologist Erik Phaneuf records a plank from Angra C
measurements and sketches.


In 1999 we reviewed the excavation data, examined
the timber caches, and organized an intensive program
of study for the summer of 2000. The plan originally
envisioned lifting each timber to the surface and bring-
ing it back to the diving headquarters building at Porto
Pipas (Angra's shipping terminal) for intensive record-
ing (fig. 6). This would have given us the most detailed
look at the construction, but we lacked a barge and crane
for moving large numbers of timbers, and there were
additional limitations of time and person-
nel. We instead elected to uncover two of
the submerged pallets in 2000 (one contain-
ing all of Angra C's remains, the other one
containing half of Angra D's structure), ar-
range the timbers in rows on the sea floor,
and record them in this location. Under the
circumstances this was the best approach for
completing as much as possible with the avail-
able time and resources.
The 2000 season on the Angra wrecks
got underway on July 2, when the seven mem-
bers of the INA team, consisting of Kevin
Crisman and six Texas A&M University stu-
dents and alumni (five from the Nautical Ar-
chaeology Graduate Program) flew to
Terceira. There we joined Caterina Garcia and
three other representatives of DRC/CNANS.
The first week was spent familiarizing the
crew with the site, preparing lift bags, slings,
and diving equipment, and lift-bagging the Fig. 8. IN,
heavy sandbags from the two timber caches. record the


With the stacks of timbers exposed, we could
begin a busy daily routine that alternated lift-
bagging timbers and recording, boat-tending
over the site, tank filling and equipment main-
tenance, and recopying of the underwater
notes into scale views of each timber.
We employed a number of techniques
for getting the information we needed, all of
them fairly basic. Some timbers were record-
ed by overlaying large plastic sheets and trac-
ing shapes and features with grease pencils.
The information on the tracings was then
transferred back at our headquarters to one-
to-ten scale drawings. This technique provid-
ed accurate results, and worked well on
smaller, curved timbers such as the Y-frames
at the stem. The disadvantage was that the
SCrisman plastic sheets were sometimes difficult to man-
with offset age underwater due to the currents that
flow through the bay. We also used anoth-
er method, in which a tape-measure base-
line was tightly stretched over the length
of a timber and offset measurements were
taken at selected intervals (figs. 7-8). Our tables of off-
sets and measured sketches of the timbers were later
converted into one-to-ten scale drawings. This was a
fast and reasonably accurate way to measure long and
uncomplicated timbers such as planks and futtocks. The
documentation process was rounded out by collecting
samples of wood from each piece for identification of the
species of trees used in construction, and by taking color
photographs of each timber.


A-TAMUarchaeologists Julie Polzer (left) and Bran Jordan (right)
top of the Angra D sternpost.


INA Quarterly 28.4



























Drawing: B. Jordan
Fig. 9. The stern assembly was perhaps the most interesting
portion of the Angra D wreck.

The most challenging and in many ways the most
interesting task we had before us in 2000 was the disas-
sembly and study of the Angra D's stern (fig. 9). This five-
meter-long structure, which comprised the after end of the
keel, the heel timber and stem knee, two stemposts, and
Y-frames and planking, had been cut from the rest of the
hull and removed intact during the 1998 salvage excava-
tion. The assembly was wonderfully preserved, and is one
of the best known examples from an Iberian vessel of the
late sixteenth or early seventeenth century. It bears some
resemblance to the lower stem timbers recovered from the
wreck of San Esteban, a Spanish nao lost off Padre Island,
Texas in 1554.
The deteriorated state of the iron spikes that held
part of the stern assembly together made the initial disas-
sembly quite easy. The portside planking and all of the Y-
frames were carefully extracted from the structure for
recording, and the ragged remnants of the lead sheathing
were removed from the keel and sternposts to reveal the
ship's heel in profile. The oak timbers of the stem were
carefully shaped and tightly fastened together with iron
bolts into what was obviously a very solid mass of wood.
The top of the knee was notched to fit the base of every Y-
frame. Of particular interest was the large triangular pro-
jection or skegg" at the after end of the knee or "heel" that
joined the keel and main sterpost. A skeg is designed to
protect the forward edge of the rudder in the event of
grounding, but in this case a second, or outer, stempost
was fastened atop the skeg, negating any protective func-
tion it may have had. The outer post may have been a later
addition, perhaps added as part of a repair or to strength-
en the original sternpost. A filler piece fastened to the bot-
tom of the heel by a pair of iron straps looked as if it may
have been a repair added after a grounding incident.


Also recorded in 2000 were three keelson timbers
that provided vital reinforcement to the hull. The ship's
builder deeply notched the underside of the keelson to fit
over the frame tops, and the three separate elements were
hook-scarfed end-to-end, a combination of features that re-
quired extra assembly time and effort, but added to the over-
all longitudinal strength of the ship. The central keelson
timber had the expanded section for the mainmast step com-
mon to nearly every sixteenth-century Iberian wreck yet ex-
amined by archaeologists. More unusual were the ten large,
curved oaken riders that crossed over the keelson to pro-
vide lateral support to the hull. These are known from only
one other wreck of the period, the English carrack Mary Rose,
built in 1509 and sunk in 1545. The riders on Mary Rose
were added to support the weight of many guns on the
topsides, and their presence on Angra D may be a sign
that this vessel, too, was designed to be heavily armed.
The Angra C and D hul studies wrapped up on
August 8 after five busy but very fruitful weeks of opera-
tions. We lost a number of days to weather during the 2000
field season-strong winds and high seas from the south
or southeast and heavy rain-but summertime inclement
weather in the Azores luckily never seems to last more
than a day or two at a stretch. The diving went well, too,
and over the course of over four hundred dives we were
able to accomplish nearly everything we had set out to do.
Intensive recording of the principal timbers of Angra C
(the possible Dutch wreck) was completed in this season,
permitting reconstruction work to proceed. We also com-
pleted our work on the first of the two timber caches from
Angra D, and acquired detailed drawings, dimensions, and
photographs of the intact stem assembly, the keelson, rid-
ers, frame floors and futtocks, and planking.
In the Sea of Jellyfish: Angra D, the 2001 Season
Our principal objective for the 2001 season was the
study of the remaining Angra D material cached atop the
second pallet. This sandbag-covered pile was large, and con-
tained not only the three keel timbers but the majority of
frame floors and many futtocks as well. We decided to work
with a larger recording team this year, not only to ease the
exhausting daily schedule of boat tending and diving for
each individual, but to provide more graduate and under-
graduate archaeology students with shipwreck recording
experience. The 2001 INA-DRC project, again directed by
Crisman and Garcia, had a team that included eight Nauti-
cal Archaeology graduates from Texas A&M University,
six undergraduate students from Portuguese universities,
and project assistant Cristina Lima.
The field crew assembled on Terceira and work was
underway by July 3. The experience we gained the previ-
ous year made the planning and logistics for this season
straightforward. For example, we found in 2000 that the
removal of the sandbags took up time at the beginning of


INA Quarterly 28.4











the project that might have been used more profitably for
recording. Consequently, Garcia and Lima organized a
group of local volunteer divers in 2001 to remove the ma-
jority of sandbags from the Angra D timber cache the week-
end before we started. After a brief training and orientation
period we could go right to lifting timbers from the pile
and recording. The measuring procedures used in 2001
were the same as those used earlier: we either traced the
timbers on sheets of clear plastic or took offsets from a base-
line tape, and subsequently transferred all of this informa-
tion into one-to-ten scale drawings.
We were particularly eager to investigate the keel
timbers this year, and were pleased to find them at the top
of the pile (although moving them off the cache was a chal-
lenging operation that required three large-capacity lift
bags and the coordinated work of several divers). The di-
mensions of these oaken pieces were substantial, thirty cen-
timeters moulded and approximately twenty-five to
thirty-five centimeters sided. The recording process turned
up several curious features: according to the excavators
working on the wreck in 1998, the keel was originally en-
tirely lead sheathed on its top, sides, and bottom. Although
much of this sheathing was damaged by oxidation and by
the disassembly and removal of the hull, substantial rem-
nants were still evident in 2001. The owners of the ship
were obviously willing to spend a large sum of money on


lead to protect the hull from the depredations of teredo
worms. Textile impressions on the inner surfaces of the
lead plates show that some type of fabric was laid down
between the timbers and the sheathing. The reasons for
including the textile are not clear at this time, but further
research may provide us with answers.
A second curious feature noted on the keel timbers
was the method that was used to attach the floors. The
builders did not fasten the frame elements with spikes or
bolts driven from above, but instead cut shallow, angled
notches in the sides of the keel below the rabbet, and then
drove large iron spikes upwards, diagonally through the keel
into the undersides of the floors. The effort required to drive
these spikes must have been herculean. Each floor was fas-
tened by a pair of spikes, one from each side of the keel. Most
of the floors were held in place by the spikes and nothing
more, although a few floors were also transfixed by bolts
extending down from the keelson. The shipwrights must
have had a good reason for using this fastening method, but
it is not yet apparent to us. Again, we will likely gain a
better understanding of their approach to shipbuilding as
the research and reconstruction proceed.
The timber cache yielded numerous planks and fut-
tocks, but we concentrated on measuring the many floor
timbers stacked in its center (fig. 10). These varied from
relatively short to quite long, and from only slightly curved


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J; I--


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Drawing: E. Laanela


Fig. 10. Floor timber 31 from Angra D.


INA Quarterly 28.4


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to nearly V-shaped (depending upon their location in the
hull). According to the 1998 excavation records, the hull had
a total of fifteen pre-assembled frames amidships, which
consisted of the midship frame and seven frame sets forward
and aft. The floors and futtocks of these frames were attached
to one another with dovetail joints and iron spikes. The grain
of the wood usually followed the curve of the timber, and in
only a few instances mostly in the steeply-rising floors from
the ends of the hull did we observe part of the curved
exterior tree surface. In all, it looked as if the builders had
access to good-quality wood, particularly oak, for assem-
bling this ship.
We had extraordinarily good luck with the equipment
and weather in 2001. Despite the hard use of sixteen to eigh-
teen dives per day, the inflatable boat and its outboard en-
gine ran smoothly and the air compressor filled tanks from
morning until night with nary a complaint. Aside from mi-
nor malfunctions such as blown o-rings, leaky valves, and
balky dive computers, our huge array of personal equipment
kept functioning. The Azores experienced unusually dry,
settled weather conditions this year, with week after week
of warm, sunny days and calm sea conditions. The condi-
tions beneath the surface varied with the tides, but the water
temperature was reasonably warm and the visibility was
often quite good.


All was not idyllic, however, for the seas around
the Azores experienced an infestation of jellyfish which
local divers and fishermen described as atypical and pos-
sibly related to the fine weather conditions. These jellyfish
were about ten centimeters in diameter, pink, and trailed
long skeins of tentacles that oozed with potent toxin. They
concentrated in the uppermost five meters of water and
travelled in schools. Wet suits provided protection against
the tentacles, but in the first two weeks of the project, be-
fore we learned to be more vigilant during ascents and
descents, several of the field crew received nasty stings on
their exposed hands and lips. We later discovered that a
shot of compressed air released under marauding jellyfish
sent them rocketing to the surface and out of our path, and
this became the favored method of self-defense while hang-
ing at the decompression stop.
The 2001 project wrapped up on August 10. Over the
course of five and one-half weeks we carried out over five
hundred dives on the second Angra D timber pile and pre-
pared scale drawings of over one hundred timbers (figs. 11-
12). We recorded everything extracted from the pile with
photographs and video footage, and collected dozens of wood
samples. The fieldwork portion of the Angra D study is finished
for now, and the laboratory and library part of the project is
just beginning (fig. 13). Much work lies ahead before we can


Fig. 11 (left). TNA-TAMU archaeologist Brian Jordan records details of the
sternposts and one of the iron gudgeons from Angra D.

Fig. 12 (below). INA-TAMUL archaeologists Erika Laanela foregroundd) and
Sara Brigadier (background) record Y-frames from the wreck of Angra D.


Photo: K. Crisman


Photo: K. Crisman


INA Quarterly 28.4










begin to bring this forgotten ship back to life
through written analyses, lines drawings, con-
struction plans, and (possibly) models. It has told
us much already about the state of European ship
design and shipbuilding practices around the turn
of the seventeenth century. Few wrecks from the
first half of that century have been archaeological-
ly studied and even fewer published. Angra D is
already helping us to fill in a large piece of the
puzzle.
Acknowledgments: The joint Institute of Nauti-
cal Archaeology-Direcq5o Regional da Cultu-
ra --Centro Nacional de Arqueologia NAutica
e SubaquAtica study of the shipwrecks of An-
gra Bay owes much to the support of the spon-
soring institutions and their directors. The late
Sylvia Baird and the late Frank Darden of INA Photo: K Crisman
are especially remembered for encouragement
of the research in the Azores. We also wish to Fig. 13. Tiago Fraga, a 2001 project member, records a mast step buttress tim-
thank the members of the INA Board of Direc- ber at Porto Pipas.
tors and their families who traveled to the
Azores in July of 2001 (see 26-27, this issue). Board member Alex Nason treated the field crew to a delightful dinner at the
Quinto do Martelo Restaurant that will not soon be forgotten. Paulo Monteiro contributed much to the initial study of
Angra D. Finally, we wish to recognize and thank the field crew who worked so hard to make the 2000 and 2001 projects so
productive. '


News & Notes


Texas Museum Exhibits La Salle Materials
A tribute to nautical archaeology is almost the first thing
to greet visitors to the spectacular new Bob Bullock Texas Histo-
ry Museum near the Capitol Building in Austin. The ground
floor rotunda is filled with a display dedicated to the La Salle
expedition. Most of the artifacts and photographs come from
the excavation of the French flagship La Belle. INA Director of
Texas Operations Barto Arnold led the early stages of the dis-
covery of this historic landmark, and many students and gradu-
ates of the Nautical Archaeology Program at Texas A&M
University participated in the excavation. Because the wreck was
safely buried in the sediments of Matagorda Bay for over three
centuries, the ship and its artifacts were in a remarkable state of
preservation. To keep them that way, they had to be desalinat-
ed, dried, and conserved with state-of-the-art techniques. The
conservation laboratories associated with the Nautical Archae-
ology Program have provided that treatment. The items on dis-
play at the Bob Bullock Museum give silent testimony to their
work, as most of the artifacts now look as if they were from the
twentieth century, not the seventeenth The interpretive displays
explain how the La Salle excavation is providing invaluable in-
formation about the first European settlement on the Texas coast.
This should allow visitors to appreciate the impact of nautical
archaeology on our knowledge of the past. o,


Denbigh Machinery on Display
Moody Gardens in Galveston, Texas, has been devoting
considerable attention to underwater exploration lately. The
Discovery Pyramid is hosting "Deep Sea Treasures," a hands-
on traveling exhibit, from August 18, 2001, through January 6,
2002. Included is a section on the Confederate blockade runner
Denbigh, which INA has been exploring and excavating in
Galveston Bay. Director of Texas Operations Barto Arnold is the
Principal Investigator and Project Director. An eight-foot, 550-
pound connecting rod from the steam engine is on display, along
with the vessel's superheater. Arnold notes that these parts con-
trbuted to Denbigh's superior speed, which helped the ship com-
plete twenty-six trips when most runners averaged only four
before capture. The ship was the last to leave Mobile before that
port fell and one of the last two runners to enter the Port of
Galveston. The exhibit uses computers, robots, and other new
technology to provide an interactive view of the ocean and nau-
tical archaeology. Moody Gardens has several other attractions
of related interest to complement the "Deep Sea Treasures" ex-
hibit and the Aquarium. "Into the Deep," a documentary on
undersea life, is showing at North America's first IMAX* 3D
theatre (along with a 2D film on dolphins). Even the IMAX Ride-
film at Moody Gardens has "Sea Trek," an underwater virtual
reality experience. ,


INA Quarterly 28.4







A Question Now Answered:


"Who Owns Sunken Spanish Shipwrecks?"


James A. Goold, INA General Counsel


From the start of the Age of Discovery through the
end of the Colonial Era, more than a thousand Spanish
Royal vessels were lost in the Caribbean and Atlantic. Pop-
ular estimates-invariably inflated-put the value of their
cargoes at fifty billion, one hundred billion, or even three
hundred billion dollars. There is probably no one in the
United States who grew up without hearing stories about
sunken Spanish treasure. Most of us relished the dream
that "finders keepers" can lead to instant wealth for any-
one lucky enough to find a Spanish shipwreck. Few real-
ize that the reality is far different: for the majority of sunken
Spanish ships, the "treasures" obtained by salvors consist
of funds lost by investors who were seduced by the ro-
mance of treasure hunting.
An Object Lesson: The Molasses Reef Wreck
My first involvement with Spain's lost ships began as
INA Counsel in 1982, when a Spanish ship armed with can-
non and other weapons manufactured using pre-1500 tech-
nology was found on Molasses Reef in the Turks and Caicos
Islands (fig. 1). Treasure hunters soon descended on the site


and made claims, eagerly carried by U.S. television shows, that
the ship was Columbus' Pinta. Plans were announced to break
the wreck into pieces to be sold at five dollars per chunk, cou-
pled with threats to bring suit against INA or anyone else who
interfered. Fortunately, theBritish Goverment recognized the
importance of the site and gave instructions that it should
only be excavated by qualified archaeologists (fig. 2). An INA
team, of which I was a part-time member, proceeded to the
reef, only to find that a significant portion of the site had
already been blasted apart by treasure hunters. Worse de-
struction awaited: the most visible signs of the main wreck
area were brightly colored detonation wires drilled into cor-
al heads near the ballast pile.
Although the Molasses Reef Wreck is thought to be
the earliest Spanish ship found so far in the New World,
the claim that it was Pinta has not been not confirmed. The
odds are against it: From 1492 to 1520 alone, at least 110
Spanish ships were lost in the New World. However, re-
gardless of what ship it was, the saga of the Molasses Reef
Wreck epitomized the modem day history of sunken Span-
ish ships in two ways. First, an irreplaceable historic site


Fig. 1. The Molasses Reef Wreck is significant as possibly the oldest European
vessel yet found in the New World.

Fig. 2. Molasses Reef project team members "walk" a cannon to theJifting
area.


Photos: INA


INA Quarterly 28.4









was partially destroyed because it was taken for granted
by treasure hunters that they could mine the site for ob-
jects of commercial value. Second, even though the ship
was virtually certain to have been the property of the King-
dom of Spain, so far as I am aware Spain was not notified
of the discovery or consulted about what should be done
with the remains of one of its most significant early ships.

The Abandoned Shipwreck Act
Concerns about destruction of historic shipwrecks
in U.S. waters led to enactment by the United States Con-
gress in 1987 of the Abandoned Shipwreck Act (ASA).
Under that Act, the federal government gave state gov-
ernments ownership of shipwrecks that are (1) within three
miles of land; (2) have been "abandoned;" and (3) are suf-
ficiently old that they have become embedded in the sea-
bed or are eligible for listing on the National Register of
Historic Places. At the time, the Act was hailed as a major
achievement in the protection of shipwrecks in the United
States waters from looting. It was assumed that there would
be little difficulty determining which ships were "aban-
doned" and, as such, the property of the states. Other ships,
which had not been abandoned, would remain the prop-
erty of the original shipowner or the insurance company
that acquired ownership by paying a claim on the loss. It
was also assumed that the states would take active respon-
sibility for those shipwrecks that became their property
and would put in place programs to protect shipwrecks
with archaeological or historic significance.
If there is one thing on which archaeologists and
treasure hunters might agree, it is that the ASA has not put
an end to disputes over ownership of historic shipwrecks.
One reason lies in the fact that the Act does not expressly
define what "abandoned" means. When the crew leaves a
sinking ship, that does not mean it has been legally aban-
doned by the owner. Under admiralty law, the owner re-
tains title to the wreck, which includes the right to decide
whether to permit salvage. How then, can it become aban-
doned? Does "abandonment" mean that the owner of the
ship declared that it has given up any rights to the ship?
Or does "abandonment" occur if the owner simply did not
try to salvage the ship during the decades or centuries af-
ter it sank?
Long before the ASA, however, the legal principle had
developed that warships and other government vessels are
sovereign property of their nation and are not abandoned
except by official government act. These principles of inter-
national law and diplomatic relations no doubt go back to
the Roman era, if not earlier. It is understood that a ship (or
airplane) owned by a nation remains the property of that
nation wherever it may be located, and whether it is afloat
or sunken, unless it was captured in time of war. Impor-
tant principles of national sovereignty underlie this con-
cept. We were all recently reminded of this when a United


States intelligence plane made an emergency landing in
China.
Ownership can also affect important humanitarian
values. In many (if not most) cases, sunken sovereign ships
such as naval vessels are the gravesites of military person-
nel who died in the service of their country. Among civi-
lized peoples, it is unacceptable to disturb the gravesite
without the consent of that nation. This concept is most eas-
ily grasped with respect to modem naval vessels. When a
U.S. Navy vessel sinks, even the most ardent treasure hunt-
ers usually understand that it remains the property of the
U.S. government, and that it may not be disturbed without
Navy permission. However, salvors often forget that this
principle is not limited to modem warships, and that it
applies to vessels of other nations as well. The royal ves-
sels of Spain, France, Great Britain, and other countries
were-and still remain-sovereign property of those na-
tions just as much as U.S. Navy vessels are U.S. property.
After the Molasses Reef Wreck, my legal work on
admiralty matters focused on ships of more recent vintage
such as Queen Elizabeth 2, supertankers, and container
ships... most of which had not sunk. In 1997, however, the
United States Supreme Court agreed to hear a case, Deep
Sea Research, Inc. v. California, involving whether the pri-
vately owned paddlewheel steamer Brother Jonathan, which
sank a few miles off Northern California in the nineteenth
century, had been abandoned according to the ASA. The
case was expected to produce a definitive ruling on the
meaning of "abandonment" in the Act. Therefore, I agreed
to represent the National Historic Trust for Historic Pres-
ervation and other major archaeological groups with an
interest in the principles at stake. As it turned out, the Su-
preme Court decided the case on grounds that did not spell
out what "abandonment" means, either for privately
owned or sovereign vessels. I did not know it at the time,
but a far more significant engagement lay ahead: repre-
senting Spain to uphold its sovereign rights with respect
to sunken vessels.
The Landmark Juno and La Galga Litigation
Without consulting Spain, the Commonwealth of
Virginia issued a permit under the ASA to a commercial
salvage firm. Sea Hunt, Inc. was licensed to remove arti-
facts from two Spanish Royal Navy Frigates, La Galga and
Juno, lost off Virginia in 1750 and 1802, respectively. On
learning of the permit, the Embassy of Spain issued Diplo-
matic Notes protesting that the ships had not been aban-
doned and are military gravesites that should not be
disturbed without Spain's consent.
Litigation soon followed when Sea Hunt and Virgin-
ia ignored Spain's concerns and filed suit in federal court in
Norfolk, Virginia. They claimed that the ships had been aban-
doned by Spain, simply by the passage of time since their
sinking, and therefore had become the property of Virginia


INA Quarterly 28.4










under the ASA. In a major policy development reflecting
growing recognition of the need to protect historic ship-
wrecks, the Government of Spain decided to appear in the US.
court-a decision not lightly taken by any foreign government.
Spain's position focused on two key principles: (1) the vessels
had not been abandoned and remained national property;
and (2) no salvage activities can be conducted on Spain's ves-
sels without authorization by Spain.

La Galga
As with virtually all shipwrecks, Juno and La Galga
each have interesting and poignant histories. La Galga was
a fifty-gun frigate built in 1732 and assigned to Spain's Car-
ibbean Fleet, where it served in the little known War of
Jenkins' Ear between Spain and Great Britain. In August
1750, La Galga was assigned to escort a convoy of seven
cargo ships from Havana to Spain. On board La Galga were
a company of Spanish Royal Marines, a number of Dutch
and British military prisoners who had been arrested in
the Caribbean for various infractions and were being trans-
ported to Spain for trial, and a shipment of mahogany and
other supplies for the King of Spain. The Captain of La Galga
was an Irishman, Daniel Mahoney ("Huoni" in Spanish),
serving the King of Spain. On the northbound Gulf Stream
leg of the trip, the fleet was overtaken by a hurricane and
shattered: five or six of the ships in the convoy sank or
were driven ashore. La Galga grounded on shoals about a
mile off Assateague Island, very near the border between
Virginia and Maryland. Most of the prisoners and crew
reached shore and much of the stranded wreck remained
above water for the next month or two.
From late August through October 1750, Captain
Huoni remained at the wreck site, futilely trying to protect
it from looting by the locals. The Colonial Archives of Vir-
ginia contain increasingly desperate correspondence from
the captain pleading for the Sheriff of Virginia to come to
the site and protect it, but none of his pleas appear to have
been answered. The next documentary evidence is a late
October 1750 letter by Captain Huoni to the Governor of
Maryland. Captain Huoni reported that one of the locals
had finally told him, presumably after everything of value
had been stripped from La Galga, that the wreck lay off
Maryland, not Virginia, and Captain Huoni ought to di-
rect his pleas for assistance to Annapolis. The Governor of
Maryland wrote back pledging help, but it was too late. A
second storm had shattered the ship and driven the re-
mains into the seabed. Local lore has it that coins from La
Galga and pieces of her timbers still turn up on shore after
storms. Interestingly, La Galga is also often said to be the
source of the famous wild ponies of Chincoteague.
Juno
Juno was a thirty-four-gun frigate built in 1789 at
the start of the Napoleonic Wars. Over the next decade,


she was involved in extensive combat duty, principally in
the Caribbean. In January 1802, during a hiatus in Spain's
participation in the war, Juno left Vera Cruz bound for
Cadiz with a Royal Treasury shipment on board, but she
was forced by storm damage to put in at Puerto Rico for
eight months. While Juno was laid up in the shipyard, the
funds were offloaded and transferred to another ship, Asia,
that continued on to Cadiz.
After Juno's repairs were completed in October
1802, it was assigned to serve as a troopship and sailed
for Cadiz. Juno carried the soldiers of the Third Battal-
ion of the Regiment of Africa and their families, head-
ed home to Spain from extended duty in the Caribbean,
a total of 432 people.
Like La Galga, Juno ran into a hurricane off the U.S.
Atlantic coast. On the fifth day of the storm, an American
schooner, La Favorita, sighted the foundering Juno and be-
gan efforts to rescue the passengers, but the deteriorating
weather made it impossible to transfer all but a few people.
Seven people were transferred to La Favorita before the ships
were driven apart by heavy seas. When last seen by La Fa-
vorita on October 28, 1802, Juno was awash and her main
deck was crowded with women and children facing immi-
nent death. La Favorita lost sight of Juno in fog and the 425
people onboard vanished. For the next six months, Spain's
Consul General in Boston canvassed United States ports
seeking information about Juno's fate, but there were nei-
ther survivors nor any sightings of wreckage.
As often happens with Spanish ships, Juno became
transformed over time into a legendary "lost treasure galle-
on." Just before litigation started, one treasure hunting firm
opened a website to announce to potential investors that it
had found Juno and posted photographic "proof," consist-
ing of a picture of a length of anchor chain. The chain was
readily identifiable as having been manufactured in New
England long after Juno sank. All reliable information in-
dicates that the contents of Juno consist not of "treasure,"
but the remains and personal effects of the 425 people who
went down with the ship.

The Litigation Begins
Once the Juno/La Galga litigation began, it quickly
became an international test case. Spain, Great Britain, the
United States, and other nations recognized that the litiga-
tion tested their right to maintain ownership of their long-
lost sovereign vessels and to prevent unauthorized
disturbance of underwater military gravesites. The Unit-
ed States Departments of State, Defense, and Justice pro-
vided strong submissions that the military and foreign
policy interests of the United States dictate that the vic-
tims of a Spanish maritime disaster should receive the same
protection that the United States Government expects for
its own vessels and personnel. There are sixteen thousand
or more sunken U.S. Navy ships and aircraft around the


INA Quarterly 28.4









world, representing the gravesites of tens of thousands of
lost U.S. military personnel.
Before long, Great Britain also became involved in
the litigation. A critical issue developed when Sea Hunt
and Virginia claimed that Spain had abandoned La Galga
in the 1763 Treaty of Peace between Spain, France, Great
Britain, and Portugal that ended the Seven Years War. In
the Treaty, Spain ceded to Great Britain all Spanish terri-
tory "on the continent" of North America east of the Mis-
sissippi in exchange for the return to Spain of Cuba, which
Britain invaded in 1762. On learning of the importance of
the 1763 Treaty in the case, the British Government issued
a Diplomatic Note agreeing with Spain that the Treaty had
not affected the status of shipwrecks and applied only to
land, not to offshore areas. The concept of a three-mile off-
shore area as part of national territory did not arise until
1793. Prior to then, the "cannon shot rule" was generally
recognized instead. Nations were understood to have the
right to keep hostile vessels from coming within a cannon
shot distance of their territory, but not to have territorial
ownership of that area.
The 1763 Treaty also contained a significant provi-
sion concerning moveable Royal property, as opposed to
land. A little known provision expressly reserved to the
King of Spain "the power to cause all the effects that may
belong to him to be brought away [from North America]
whether it be artillery or other things." In other words,
Spain retained its rights to all Royal "effects" (i.e., mov-
able property) located in North America. Extensive docu-
mentation from the Royal Navy Archives and other sources
also showed that over the centuries since 1750 Spain had
never stricken Juno or La Galga from the rolls of the Span-
ish Navy. Under Spanish law, just like U.S. law, Spanish
national property can only be abandoned by an express
act authorized by national legislation.
The Court of Appeals Decision
On July 21, 2000, the United States Courtof Appeals
for the Fourth Circuit issued a sweeping and historic (in
every sense of the word) decision affirming that the ships
had not been abandoned and upholding Spain's rights to
its Royal vessels. As an initial matter, the court construed
the terms of the 1902 Treaty of Peace and Friendship be-
tween Spain and the United States, the treaty which end-
ed the Spanish-American War. This treaty remains in force
as the basic treaty defining relations between Spain and
the U.S. The Court held that Spanish shipwrecked vessels
are entitled under the treaty to the same protection in U.S.
courts that U.S. government ships are entitled to receive.
Because Spain has never abandoned Juno, La Galga, or oth-
er Royal vessels, U.S. courts must protect them equally with
U.S. Navy vessels. On a more general level, the court also
ruled that under international law, the U.S. will provide
sunken vessels of other nations, particularly those that are


gravesites, with the same protection that the U.S. expects
those nations to provide U.S. vessels and gravesites.
The court also affirmed that the understandings of
Spain and Great Britain that their 1763 Treaty had not re-
sulted in abandonment were correct interpretations enti-
tled to respect by the U.S. courts. Additionally, because
the King of Spain's right to remove Royal "effects" from
North America contained no expiration date (unlike vir-
tually every other provision in the Treaty, which contained
specific deadlines for North America, Canada, India, and
much of the rest of the world to change hands), that right
remains in effect. In short, Juno and La Galga are not aban-
doned. They remain the property of Spain just as they were
when they sank.
After upholding Spain's ownership of Juno and La
Galga, the court went on to affirm that Spain also had the
right to prohibit any salvage of artifacts by Sea Hunt. This
right was recognized as a prerogative of Spain as owner of
the ships, as well as out of respect for Spain's right to leave
a military gravesite undisturbed. Because Sea Hunt knew
that the wrecks had been Spanish and had not obtained
Spain's consent to remove artifacts, Sea Hunt had acted at
its peril. It was ordered to return to Spain's possession all
artifacts it had taken from the ships.
Sea Hunt and Virginia, supported by an array of trea-
sure-hunting organizations, then petitioned the Supreme
Court to reverse the court of appeals' decision. While the
petitions to the Supreme Court were pending, the United
States also took an important step to formalize its support of
the principles at stake in the litigation. On January 19,2001,
the White House issued a Presidential Statement on United
States Policy for the Protection of Sunken Warships, affirm-
ing the United States commitment to protection of sunken
sovereign vessels of all nations. On February 20,'2001, the
Supreme Court rejected the petitions of Virginia and the trea-
sure hunters, making the court of appeals' decision final. I
thought the Supreme Court's ruling put an end to the litiga-
tion; unfortunately, I was too optimistic. Faced with a final
order to turn over to Spain all artifacts taken from Juno and
La Galga, Sea Hunt refused, claiming that the artifacts might
have come from other ships. Further court proceedings fol-
lowed, culminating in a court order that Sea Hunt turn over
to Spain all artifacts it had recovered. Moreover, Sea Hunt
was ordered to provide Spain with the exact coordinates
at which it recovered artifacts.
The artifacts include two Spanish Navy anchors and
several hundred small objects. There are Spanish coins with
dates consistent with both ships, as well as small military
items such as officers' tunic buttons, and other miscellany.
On March 16, 2001 the small artifacts were delivered to the
Spanish Embassy in Washington and the anchors were
placed at the Assateague National Park Seashore facility
of the U.S. Park Service. The conservation needs of the arti-
facts are being determined, and arrangements for museum


TNA Quarterly 28.4











display are being made. Spain is planning surveys of the sites
to determine the condition of Juno and La Galga and assess
whether further steps should be taken to protect the ships.
Since the litigation returning the Juno and La Galga,
with their lost soldiers and sailors, to Spanish custody took
place in Norfolk, it was all the more fitting that the final leg
of their latter day saga began there. On April 27, the Castilla,
a 13,000 ton Spanish Navy helicopter carrier, attack trans-
port, and command ship, sailed from NATO Base Norfolk.
Aboard were numerous dignitaries (and my wife Dabney,
daughter Catherine, and me) to conduct a commemoration
at sea in honor of the lost soldiers, sailors, and passengers of
Juno and La Galga. Two hundred fifty-one, and one hundred
ninety-nine, years after the sinkings, the Kingdom of Spain
accorded full military honors to its lost soldiers and sailors.

Future Implications
From the start of the case, there have been almost dai-
ly inquiries from the media, archeologists, treasure hunters,
and others asking what the long-range implications of the


Juno and La Galga litigation will be for nautical archeology
and for treasure hunting. In the Spanish media, the litiga-
tion quickly took on a high profile as a welcome step to pro-
tect Spanish sovereignty and the shared cultural heritage of
Spain and the Americas. Media interest in the U.S., on the
other hand, has tended to focus on the precedent as a threat
to treasure hunting. The case is likely to have similar impact
on the preservation of other shipwrecks, such as British,
French, and Dutch naval and government vessels.
For obvious reasons, I have refrained from public
statements about possible future lawsuits or diplomatic ac-
tivity with respect to Spanish ships. I will say, however, that
the litigation and its outcome should be particularly wel-
come to the archaeological community and for historic pres-
ervation in general. We have made it clear that Spain's
purpose is not to prevent study and recovery by appropri-
ate institutions of the cultural heritage represented by its
sovereign vessels. Rather, Spain seeks to establish a frame-
work in which cooperative programs concerning Spanish
shipwrecks can be conducted for the benefit of the public.


Acknowledgments: I use this opportunity to thank David Beltran, Counsellor for Juridical Affairs; Rafael Conde, Deputy
Chief of Mission; and Ambassadors Oyarzabal and Ruperes of the Embassy of Spain for their guidance and support.
Admiral Gonzalez Aller Hier and Admiral Tafalla of the Royal Navy of Spain took an understandably strong interest in
protecting the gravesites of their predecessors. I also thank Capt Ashley Roach, Esq., of the U.S. Department of State;
Barbara O'Malley and Richard Olderman of the U.S. Department of Justice; and Marion McQuaide of the Royal Navy
(U.K.) Historical Office. Finally, I thank His Majesty King Juan Carlos I for his Decree of December 13, 1999, appointing me
a Commander in the Order of Queen Isabella. er

Suggested Reading
Sea Hunt, Inc. and Commonwealth of Virginia v. Kingdom of Spain, http://laws.findlaw.com/4th/992035p.html


The Spanish Ambassador thanks the author for
his assistance in protecting Spanish shipwrecks
in United States waters.


INA Quarterly 28.4







The "Archaeology" of


Fifteenth-Century Manuscripts on Shipbuilding


John McManamon, S.J., INA Research Associate


Armando Petrucci of the Scuola Normale in Pisa
once observed that codicology and paleography com-
prise an "archaeology of the book." Those disciplines
focus their methods of study on the material remains
of written culture: codicologists treat a codex's constit-
uent elements and paleographers treat the script on its
pages. The genius of Petrucci's analogy can quickly be
illustrated by reference to stratigraphy. A codex contains
characters written down at various moments in its exist-
ence, often in differing historical scripts. Careful analysis
of those "layers of handwriting" becomes a privileged tes-


timony to the history of its use. Petrucci's analogy can be
carried one step further, for there are significant parallels
between the work of a paleographer and that of a nautical
archaeologist. The book comprises a sort of hull, a mobile
container built by a group of skilled artisans. What is writ-
ten within the book comprises its cargo, moved about for
a variety of reasons, among which figure commerce. We
still speak today of the "book trade." We can appreciate
the promising possibilities of these analogies by examin-
ing a small group of codices of interest to readers of this
Quarterly: fifteenth-century manuscripts on shipbuilding.


Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, cod. Magi. XIX.7
Anonymous, Libro di Marineria
In Venetian, on paper; written sometime between 1475 and 1525 in Italy; 210 X 156 mm.; 131 folios; pen and
ink drawings with rubrics; two hands; late one-sixth parchment binding covered by ivory marbled paper.


In the nineteenth century, Admiral Jal made this
codex famous when he labeled it "Fabrica di Galere" and
transcribed portions of its texts. The title in the codex it-
self, which means "A Handbook on Seafaring," is actually
fairer to the contents.
The container: the codex is small in format, making
it easy to store or carry. It is assembled from paper with
three different watermarks that help to date the book. The
handwriting has minimal embellishments, generally over-
size initials that sometimes violate the left-hand margin.
The codex is also embellished with pen and ink drawings
accompanied by rubrics. That means that the scribe sub-
mitted the work to an illustrator for the drawings. These
do not appear to be traced; there are no prickings or im-
pressions in dry point. They illustrate mathematical lengths
and ship construction.
There is a distinct difference in handwriting styles
as one moves through the codex. The first four fascicles
(leaflets bound together into a codex) are written in a
Humanist cursive hand of high quality. The scribe was
attentive to details: strokes are upright, the margins by
and large are respected, and a template was placed be-
neath the page to align the characters. The style chang-
es at the beginning of the fifth fascicle. The hand is still
Humanist cursive, but the writing becomes more cur-
sive, inclining conspicuously to the right. Though con-
tinuing to use a template, the scribe now shows less
respect for the margin. Specific characters are inscribed
in a way that differs from the earlier writing.
Although one scribe may have written the entire
codex, changing his style briefly in mid-stream and later


returning to his more formal, upright cursive script, it is
more likely that a second scribe wrote the fifth fascicle and
a portion of the sixth. The attention to detail and the up-
right ductus of Scribe A suggest that he was a professional
copyist. Why then would he pass along his responsibili-
ties to Scribe B and later take the book back to finish it
himself? There is no obvious answer, though one could
envision a case where he was simply too busy with a vari-
ety of commissions and needed temporary assistance.
Things would be simpler had the change in hands begun
at the beginning of a fascicle (as it does) and ended at the
end of a fascicle (which it does not). The question of two
hands in the codex becomes more intriguing when one
examines the contents and their relationship to the hand-
writing.
The cargo: the forward portion of the codex has a
coherent block of material on the building and outfitting
of a series of Venetian vessels (the Atlantic great galley,
the Mediterranean great galley, the light galley, the lateen-
rigged round ship, and the square-rigged round ship). The
nomenclature used for these vessels in the codex seems
anachronistic: "the galley of Flanders" or "the galley of
Romania." The exposition is at times confused. The dis-
cussion of the galley of Romania is interrupted by a trea-
tise on cutting sails, the explanation for building a light
galley begins in mid-sentence, the illustrator stopped work-
ing at fol. 33v and left blank spaces until fol. 48v, and foli-
os are at times left blank at the conclusion of the discussion
of a given ship type. Moreover, the material recorded deals
not only with building vessels but with their masts, yards,
shrouds, rudders, and anchors. In the case of shrouds, ex-


INA Quarterly 28.4












plicit mention is made of the methods used in the Vene-
tian Arsenal.
Amidships, the material in fascicle 5, where the
change of hands apparently occurs, is introduced by the
illustration of a round ship. Scribe B then recorded infor-
mation on estimating the displacement of vessels, on a
balinger built by those "living in the West," and on the
outfitting of vessels in general. That lengthy disquisition
on outfitting is continued by Scribe A, who went back to
work on fol. 65 in the midst of a discussion of cutting sails.
The correspondence between the work of Scribe B and the
discussion of the balinger built by "quelli de ponente" is
significant. The balinger is the only non-Venetian vessel
discussed in the manuscript, and the discussion is struc-
rtred according to the proportional relationships utilized
to project Venetian hulls. Could Scribe B have had some
supplementary information unavailable to Scribe A?
In the stern of the codex, more materials on ship-
building were entered. Vessel types discussed earlier, such
as the galleys of Flanders and Romania and the light gal-
ley, are treated again with some variation, new smaller
types of oared vessels such asfuste are introduced for the
first time, and mention is made of a vessel designed by a
specific shipwright, a light galley that Theodoros Baxon
designed and Thomas Chaxios completed after the mas-
ter's death. Born on the island of Rhodes, Baxon was so
admired for his skill in constructing light galleys that he
was hired by the Arsenal in Venice. Early in the fifteenth
century, the Arsenal paid him a salary that caused envy
among his Venetian competitors. Around the time of Bax-
on's death in 1407, the Venetian government made the ex-
traordinary decision to conserve as models eight hulls he
had built. They were entered into a competition for hull
design in 1425 and were still in existence in 1431. The manu-
script conserves a verbal description of a hull designed by
Baxon, using mathematical lengths and proportions to
hand on the complex shape.
In addition to matters of shipbuilding, the last por-
tion of the Magliabecchiano codex preserves information
on the quantities and prices of materials needed for that
craft (timber, iron, etc.), a recipe for gunpowder, a brief
explanation of the tides in the Venetian lagoon, and a
lengthy treatise on the art of cutting sails. In that last trea-
tise on sails, over twenty different methods are compiled
for comparison. One especially proficient approach is at-


tribute to a Venetian, Marco Zen. Likewise, there are two
other references to methods followed in the Venetian Ar-
senal for building oared vessels called "falcons" and for
assembling oars.
Stratigraphy, Provenance, and Significance: the
scribe(s) copied materials from existing sources. They drew
primarily upon Venetian source materials, derived in gen-
eral from methods followed at the Arsenal. Theodoros
Baxon earned a place of recognition for hull design, as did
Marco Zen for sail cutting. The scribes also included source
material from "those in the West," and that material on a
balinger explains hull construction using the same sys-
tem of lengths and proportions in use at Venice. The sus-
picion that Scribe A and Scribe B were professional
copyists is further supported by the fact that each made
corrections in the manuscript. They both went back and
checked their work against the original sources. The co-
dex was never completed, as the missing illustrations in-
dicate, and it has suffered little wear and tear through the
ages, suggesting that it quickly found a safe place in the
commissioner's personal library or writing desk.
A second manuscript copy of the same material is
presently preserved in the Austrian National Library in Vi-
enna. That copy was once in the possession of the Foscarini
family of Venice. The fact that two copies of the same mate-
rial exist suggests that the texts were conceived as a book
for circulation. Physically, the book shares some elements
with typical vernacular codices of the late fifteenth century:
the small format, the use of paper as the material compo-
nent, and the use of Humanist cursive as the script. There is
an effort to enhance the material value of the little book in
the upright ductus of Scribe A's writing and in the employ-
ment of a professional illustrator. In fact, text and illustra-
tions work together to make the book comprehensible.
We still must inquire about the individual who com-
missioned the copying of the book. Logically, he was some-
one interested in the building and outfitting of a variety of
vessels. We might also be curious about the genesis of the earli-
er compilation that was eventually copied into the Florence
and Vienna manuscripts. Frederic Lane has argued that the
original materials were gathered by someone associated with
the Arsenal itself, perhaps the "admiral" whose primary re-
sponsibilities lay in outfitting vessels built and laid up in
that shipyard. Other codices conveying the same texts
shed further light on these questions.


Greenwich, National Maritime Museum, cod. NVT.19
Anonymous, Ragioni antique spettanti all'arte del mare etfabriche de vasselli
In Venetian, on paper, written from 1470 to 1561 in Venice; 416 X 275 nmm; 67 folios; text, numerical tables, and drawings
in pen and ink and in colored wash; eight hands; late eighteenth-century binding of parchment over pasteboards.


The container: the codex is large in format and awk-
ward to move from place to place. It is assembled from
paper with two watermarks. The graphic elements of the


codex are notable for their high quality; the hands drawn
to demonstrate mathematical calculations are superior to
hands in other codices. When rendering the historical car-


INA Quarterly 28.4










rack Masorba and Scoribuca, the illustrator consulted the
talented Venetian artist Gentile Bellini for advice on ob-
td*iing the appropriate blue tone for the sea (fig. 1).
Among the eight hands identified in the codex,
cribe B is the one who commissioned the book in the first
Place He paid Scribe C to copy texts on shipbuilding, and
ihat scribe set to work on December 27, 1470. He also paid
w other scribes to copy texts, and they used a traditional
aus Deo" invocation to begin their work. The commis-
oner, Scribe B, then utilized the remaining space in the
k to record matters of personal interest. Around 1500,
Bequeathed the book to a member of the De Milliis fam-
Sof Venice, to which he probably belonged. References
the codex to the De Milliis make it clear that they were
evolved in the maritime business and naval defense of
enice. Domenico de Milliis died at the battle of Zonchio
1499 while serving on a galley commanded by Vincen-
Polani. This folio codex was thus the prized possession
the De Milliis, whose members used it as a family jour-
and a reference work.
The cargo: as the various hands demonstrate, the core
e codex is a compilation from other sources. The con-
for this material would appear to be business and war
a. There are texts that illuminate various facets of con-
orary navigation: portolans describing the coastlines,
sfor the position of the stars and sun and moon, lists
months that are unlucky for sailors, discussions of tidal
.on, and accounts of the results of lead soundings. Much
information is contained in other fifteenth-century
ces, and some of it was copied as early as 1380 in the
done Da Canal now conserved in New Haven. The
x also carried information on shipbuilding culled from
ous sources. In fact, it has materials found in the Flo-
e and Vienna codices, including the reference to the
galley designed by Theodoros Baxon.
Once the commissioner had his basic reference
ials, he updated them periodically with informa-
that came into his possession. On the subject of
iilding, he wrote down cases of quality design,
tracted design, and of personal design. His codex
a subtle new tendency to highlight the person
shipwright, who emerges as an acknowledged
within a guild of licensed artisans regularly
yed by the Venetian Arsenal. The designs are
*telligible by the interaction of verbal and graph-
ation.
e title assigned to this collection supplies an
t clue to mentality: "ragioni antique" means
t methods." Much as Italian Renaissance human-
artists claimed to find their inspiration in an-
eethods of public speaking and canons of
station, so a ship designer of the late fifteenth
claims to provide prescriptions for shipbuild-
eeping with the tenets of ancient practice. To


Fig, 1. National Maritime Museum cod. NVT.19,fol. 64. The
depiction of the carracks Masorba and Scoribuca. By permis-
sion of the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich.

this day, we do not know how "ancient" those prescrip-
tions really are. The earliest probable material evidence
for the use of such prescriptions in the construction of
a vessel is supplied by the Serce Limant wreck from the
eleventh century. Some scholars have argued that such
principles are implicit in the hull remains of the Roman
barges from Lake Nemi and the architectural teachings
of Vitruvius. The claim to revive ancient practice in the
Renaissance was not always accurate. Humanists felt
that they had revived Roman script, calling it "antiqua,"
when they had actually revived the Carolingian minus-
cule script used in the oldest manuscripts of classical
texts they could readily find.
The choice of the word "ragioni" is even more
indicative. In Venetian and Italian, "ragioni" can refer
to the act of calculating and to proportion. When the
texts discuss shipbuilding, they often relate one part of
a vessel to another (per reason de I'alttro). Standard math-
ematical training for Italian merchants during the Re-
naissance often reduced problems to the "Rule of
Three": two is to four as eight is to an unknown
(2:4::8:X). Students were taught to think proportionally


INA Quarterly 28.4











in order to arrive at a correct answer. Ultimately,
though, ragione and its variants derive from the Latin
term ratio. In addition to its mathematical connotations,
ratio also refers to the theory or the principles of a giv-
en art. Every ars had a ratio, a set of rules that can be
taught to a learner of sufficient ability. By grasping the
principles and practicing them repeatedly, one became
proficient in the art. Shipbuilding, then, in the mind of
the commissioner of this manuscript, was such an ars
and had its own set of teachable principles. When the
Venetian government hired Theodoros Baxon in 1403, they
paid him explicitly to teach "the art of shipbuilding" (l'arte
delta marangonia).
Stratigraphy, Provenance, and Significance: this folio
codex was conceived as a repository for copies of existing
texts, grew to include important data added by its first
owner, passed as an inheritance to a member of the De
Milliis family, and was conserved through the genera-
tions down to 1561 as an organic heirloom personal-
ized by the notations of each subsequent owner. In the
seventeenth century, it entered the massive library of
the Venetian patrician lacopo Soranzo. The Jesuit book
collector-Matteo Luigi Canonici-purchased the book
in the eighteenth century, and his heirs sold it to the Rev-
erend Walter Sneyd in the nineteenth century. Having


reached the British Isles, the codex was eventually pur-
chased for the National Maritime Museum by James Caird
in 1934.
This is not a practical book that would be easy to
carry around for ready reference. It would occupy a fixed
place in a library and generally need to be consulted there.
The common materials found in this and other codices of
the period point to a shared culture of maritime activity
among a group of Venetian bourgeoisie. As reflected
in the surviving codices, their interests in seafaring
might extend to shipbuilding, but that was not neces-
sarily the case. This particular codex has a marked in-
terest in specific designs for vessels. The design of Baxon
for a light galley was a clear watershed. Among other
ship carpenters, the manuscript explicitly mentions Bax-
on's nephew Nicola Palopano, Giorgio di Giovanni, and
Nicol6 Vitturi. The commissioner of the codex had di-
rect contact with shipwrights working in the Arsenal;
he acknowledges that Andrea Rizo built a vessel for
him. He was confident enough to attempt to draw his
own master-frame for a galley, and he was likewise con-
fident enough to rate another design for a light galley
as virtually flawless (perfetissima raxon; fig. 2). He was
proud to number shipbuilding among the crafts (artes) with
its own ancient methods.


Fig. 2. National Maritime Museum cod. NVT.19,fol. 50v. The posts for a light galley which the
original owner of the codex rated sublime artistry. By permission of the National Maritime
Museum, Greenwich.


NA Quarterly 28.4










London, British Library, cod. Cotton Titus A.26, int. 1
Zorzi of Modon, Zibaldone
In Venetian, on paper; written from 1444 to 1449 in Venice and aboard Venetian vessels; 213 X 144 mm.; 64
folios; pen and ink drawings; three hands; original binding in paper that now forms part of a composite codex.


The container: we return to a codex of small format
that is put together from a consistent lot of paper with a
single watermark. The codex has drawings, perhaps by the
author himself, and it was written primarily by its com-
missioner and owner, Zorzi Trombetta of Modon, who
played the trumpet on board Venetian vessels. Zorzi first
used the book as a small compendium for music; the ini-
tial musical entries were copied by two different scribes.
He then turned the rest of the volume into a "hodgepodge
book" (zibaldone) indicative of his personal interests and
activities.
The cargo: in the forward part of the codex,-one finds
a compendium of music, late medieval rondeaux in old
French and Italian. It was a logical place to begin for one
who earned his living by playing the trumpet, both in an
official capacity on board ship and in freelance fashion at
events such as weddings. Zorzi may have bought the book
with music already written into it by Scribe A and then
had a second scribe add a few more pieces. More likely, he


had Scribe A copy some music when he bought the book
and later had Scribe B add a few more pieces.
The majority of the codex is filled with texts that
reflect Zorzi's eclectic interests. He included mathemati-
cal problems that would keep his bookkeeping and busi-
ness skills sharp. The problems were most likely copied
from a previous compilation because, in one instance, Zorzi
wrote down incorrect figures in the problem but still man-
aged to arrive at the correct solution. He devoted many pag-
es to matters of "military engineering" such as the bridging
of streams and the launching of projectiles. The author in-
cluded texts related to matters of health, from stopping nose-
bleeds to exploiting rosemary. Finally, he included a good
deal of material on seafaring. He has a section on the cutting
of sails, which is similar to the instructions in the Magliabec-
chiano and Ragioni codices as well as further codices now
preserved in Venice and Padua. If Zorzi was working from
the same source as the others, he enjoyed rewording his
source and rectifying its figures. He also has a number of


Fig. 3. British Library cod. Cotton Titus A 26,fl. 3. A note in the hand ofZori Trornbetta ofModon indicating that he
served on a vessel commanded by Lorenzo Moro in 1448 ("1448 a di 6 agosto fesemu vela con dio grazia del portto
de miser fangicholo de veniesia per andar al viazo da la ttana che dio ne dia bon viazo e salvamentto amen.
Honorevole chapettanio miser lorenzo moro.") By permission of the British Library, London.


INA Quarterly 28.4











guidelines related to the building of vessels which are culled
from earlier sources and reworded in his characteristic way.
When traveling as a herald on Venetian ships, Zorzi
took his book along and added notes as he went. This is
the first time we have evidence that a book designed to be
mobile moved a great distance and the first time we have a
compilation of materials on seafaring sailing on board ship.
Supplied with music he might need, Zorzi also had space
in the little volume to keep his accounts for business con-
ducted along the way. He had access to a wine supplier in
Modon, perhaps a family vineyard, and, when traveling a
route through his hometown, he took orders for the wine
from passengers and fellow crew members such as Gerar-
do the piper. He once worked on a ship commanded by
Lorenzo Moro that departed from Venice for Azov on the
Black Sea in August 1448 (fig. 3). One of the vessels drawn
into the little book is a round ship that displays the flags of
the Moro family (fig. 4). As superstitious as most sailors
through the ages, Zorzi insured himself against possible
disaster by penning a few prayers and moral epigrams into
his precious volume.
Stratigraphy, Provenance, and Significance: the book
comprises a double layer of texts, beginning with the mu-
sic that Zorzi commissioned from two scribes and continu-
ing with the texts related to his personal interests. From
1446 to 1449, during at least three different voyages for


Venice, Zorzi scribbled a series of notes in leftover space.
The little book made its journey to England within a cen-
tury of Zorzi's death. It was bound with other manuscripts
into a composite codex assembled by Sir Robert Cotton
(1571-1631). The composite book passed to Cotton's heirs
and was eventually willed to the British government in
1700. It survived a fire in 1731 with minimal damage and
was moved into the British Museum in 1753.
The original little codex testifies to the active intellec-
tual curiosity of a Venetian shipboard trumpeter. As Zorzi
traveled on Venetian vessels, he became curious as to how
they were built. In a Mercantile gothic script characteristic of
the bourgeoisie of the later Middle Ages, Zorzi filled his book
with information copied from several different sources and
made the improvements he judged necessary in orthogra-
phy and expression. Apparently, he copied the math with-
out doing the math, getting the right sum from the wrong
components. Similarly, he copied information on ship-
building from the canonical source preserved in the Flo-
rence and Ragioni manuscripts, but he made what he
deemed appropriate editorial changes in that material as
well. It is not surprising, then, that this enterprising trum-
peter of independent mind would proudly leave us a record
of his supplementary earnings as he traveled, whether by
marketing the wine produced in his native Greece or play-
ing his music on ceremonial occasions.


Fig. 4. British Library cod. Cotton Titus A. 26, fol. 41. A merchant vessel of "1000 botte" that
displays the standards of the Morofamily of Venice. By permission of the British Library, London.


INA Quarterly 28.4










"Utopia"
Michael of Rhodes, Zibaldone
In Venetian, on paper; written from 1434 to 1473 in Venice; ca. 195 X 140 mm.; 240 folios; drawings in pen and
ink and in colored wash; autograph of Michael of Rhodes; original binding of green doeskin over woodboards.


The container: the codex is the smallest yet encoun-
tered and is once again assembled from paper. There are
several clues to the efforts that Michael of Rhodes made to
assure himself a quality product: the binding of doeskin
was an expensive choice. Michael paid an illustrator to
obtain the drawings that are richly colored in some instanc-
es, with rubrics to guide his work. There are even full-page
representations of St. Christopher and a coat of arms, the
latter toward the beginning of the material on shipbuild-
ing. The arms display a large Gothic "M," that may be a
clue to the provenance of the material (Mocenigo? Moro?
Morosini? Michael?). Michael himself added design fea-
tures which bespeak pride in his book and Greek heritage.
He gave the codex typically Greek elements: mirroring
page numbers, a +-IS+ invocation at the top of each page,


and a twisted rope design to separate entries. When all
was complete, he added a table of contents and inserted
one omitted entry at the end.
Michael's finished product influenced other collec-
tors, When Pietro di Versi assembled his Raxion di Marineri
at Venice from 1444 to 1445, he used Michael's codex as a
source for texts and as a model for bookmaking, right down
to the twisted ropes to separate entries (fig. 5). Michael's
codex also served as a source and model for the initial ma-
terials on shipbuilding in the Magliabecchiano manuscript.
The first folio describing the building of a light galley is
torn out of Michael's book, and the Florence manuscript is
deficient at that precise juncture. When Michael gives mea-
surements by reference to the height of his pages, they are
transferred into the Florentine codex by lines or boxes of


Fig. 5. Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana cod. Marc. ital. V.1 70 (5379),fol. 17v. A folio from
the manual of seafaring written by Pietro di Versi which has the IHS invocation, the twist-
ed cord used to separate works, and a note acknowledging his dependence for this material
on Michael of Rhodes ("Questa sie una raxion fatta per la leze zodescha e questa e
fata per man de michalli da ruodo"). By permission of the Biblioteca, Venice.


INA Quarterly 28.4










the same length. Both codices are missing drawings of two
types of round ships. The scribe in Florence copied his
material directly from the codex of Michael of Rhodes or
from an intermediate exemplar copied from that codex.
The cargo: as another in the series of hodgepodge
books, the contents reflect the intellectual world of Michael
himself. He has problems in commercial mathematics, at
times related to trade in pepper and other spices. He has
prayers to supplement the giant depiction of St. Christo-
pher, all to ward off danger. He has astrological and as-
tronomical tables, portolans and aids to navigation,
regulations for shipboard life on Venetian galleys issued
by Andrea Mocenigo in 1428, instructions for shipbuilding,
and a journal about himself and his family with entries
down to 1444. He used the book extensively as its stained
and worn pages attest.
From the journal we learn that Michael rose through
the ranks to prominence on the galleys of Venice. He be-
gan his career as a rower and reached the level of naviga-
tional adviser (armiraio) to the fleet's captain. He served
on the Serenissima's war galleys and was seriously wound-
ed in 1431. He served on the Venetian merchant galleys as
well, traveling to Flanders nine times, to London three times,
to Alexandria twice, and to Azov, Trebizond, and Aigues
Mortes one time each. He was twice a widower, and he
lost a son who was serving on the fleet. Perhaps the proud-
est moment of his career came when he was chosen to sail
on the galleys that carried Emperor John VIII Palaiologos
from Constantinople to the reunion council at Ferrara in
1439. Two years earlier, Michael's fellow Rhodiot, Nicola
Palopano, had won the commission to build those vessels
over his Venetian rival, Bernardo di Bernardo. The ships
were actually built by Nicola's son Giorgio after his father's
untimely death.
The materials on shipbuilding in the codex of
Michael of Rhodes were copied into the exemplars now


conserved in Florence and Vienna and influenced the
common texts in the Ragioni and Zorzi of Modon manu-
scripts. Was Michael the author of those materials? Among
arguments that might suggest he was, one could point to
the fact that those specific texts are arranged in the same
way as all the others in his little book. He used the pages of
the book itself as a scale for specific measurements, and his
text has readings preferable to those in the Magliabecchiano
codex. However, there are also sound reasons to suspect
that Michael was not the author. There are no corrections
whatsoever in that part of the volume; if Michael wrote
the work, he recorded it with perfect accuracy on his first
try. Illustrations are missing at key points, and materials
on shipbuilding are scattered in three places in the book.
Most importantly, Michael's autobiography gives no indi-
cation that he had any training as a shipwright. He went
from rower to officer and entrepreneur, and he concluded
his active career working a steelyard, perhaps as a cus-
toms official for the government. He never mentions han-
dling an adze.
Stratigraphy, Provenance, and Significance: the codex
was a prized family possession of its writer, Michael of
Rhodes. He began the work in 1434 and updated it year by
year until his retirement from work with the steelyard in
1444. Little use was made of the space left over in the co-
dex after that year. A few additional portolans were add-
ed by a second hand at the end of the codex, and notes and
scribblings were scratched into it, the last of which con-
veys an inventory of household goods from 1473. The co-
dex remained in Italy until the twentieth century, when it
was in the possession of the Torinese professor Federigo
Patetta (1867-1945). On two different occasions, Sotheby's
auctioned the codex. It is now in the hands of an unknown
private collector ("Utopia"), begging to be collated with
the other manuscripts preserving instructions on ship-
building.


Conclusions


Our metaphorical excavations have revealed the dif-
fusion of a series of manuscripts dedicated in part to mat-
ters of shipbuilding according to Venetian methods. The
earliest compilation presently known was transcribed by
Michael of Rhodes in 1434. The cluster of texts treats the
building of five different types of hulls, the general outfit-
ting of the vessels, the making of sails for a galley of
Flanders, and the appropriate species of wood for that gal-
ley. In Michael's codex, the last two topics are separated
from the treatment of the five vessels and their outfitting.
Later copyists tried to integrate them into one work. The
codices written after Michael's compilation had this origi-
nal block of material and supplement it with further de-
signs for the same type of vessel. Mauro Bondioli has
carefully charted at least six different proposals for the


building of a light galley that he culled from these works.
Among all of the designs, that by Theodoros Baxon seems
a clear watershed. It is therefore reasonable to infer that
Baxon's design stimulated the genesis of these texts, and
they were articulated sometime between 1407 and 1434.
Sociologically, the commissioners of the works com-
prise a consistent group. We can probably identify a mem-
ber of the De MiUiis family, which belonged to the class of
"original citizens" in Venice, one step below the patriciate
on the social ladder. The individual who assembled the
codex knew the history of shipbuilding in Venice, nurtured
contacts with Arsenal shipwrights, and designed his own
galley. We can certainly identify a trumpeter born in Mo-
don by the name of Zorzi. He worked as a herald on Vene-
tian ships and supplemented his income along the way by


INA Quarterly 28.4









dealing in Modonese wine. Among other interests, Zorzi
was fascinated by military engineering and shipbuilding.
We can certainly identify a seaman from Rhodes named
Michael, whose career of service on Venetian ships even-
tually earned him an officer's rank. In 1434, when he
worked on the merchant galleys traveling to Aigues
Mortes, he took advantage of that short voyage to begin
writing his family journal. Two qualities stand out in this
little group: all are from the middle class and only one may
have been a shipwright.
Why, then, do they collect texts on shipbuilding?
The codices themselves supply material clues that may help
to answer that question. The commissioners seem proud
of that craft and its social worth, wishing to raise it to the
status of an ars. Shipbuilding is worthy of written cul-
ture. A hull can be reduced to basic dimensions which
generally have a proportional relationship to each oth-
er, e.g., the length must be six times the beam. The bour-
geoisie of fifteenth-century Italy learned to think
proportionally in their formal mathematical education.
Shipbuilding is also worthy of graphic culture. Verbal
description is clarified by the illustrations in the codic-
es. Form followed function: to enhance the pedagogic pur-
pose of the illustrations they were commissioned from
professional illustrators. Even an artist of the ability of
Gentile Bellini was consulted.
Shipbuilding, ultimately, is worthy of inclusion in a
book. Most of the exemplars that survive reflect the gener-
al characteristics of the hodgepodge book popular with
the bourgeoisie of the day. They are at the opposite end
of the publishing scale from luxury manuscripts. Put
together from paper rather than parchment or vellum,
small rather than large in format, containers often for a
Mercantile cursive script rather than a more formal
book-hand, repositories for a variety of texts, and poor-
ly bound, they formed a significant percentage of the small
book collections kept by the middle class in their homes.
The codices on shipbuilding differ in some ways from the
traditional book of this character. We have already noted
the effort for quality in the graphic elements of the book.
At times, they have colored wash rather than mere pen
and ink drawings; their compilers understood the value of
illustrating a technical treatise. The Ragioni manuscript now
in Greenwich is folio size, and the "Libro di Marineria" in
Florence is written in a more formal Humanist cursive
script. Like their commissioners, these codices seem to be
serious social climbers.


The most pertinent of all questions, why reduce the
art of shipbuilding to text at a given historical juncture, is
still the most puzzling. From the perspective of ownership,
these codices were the family treasures of the urban bour-
geoisie, particularly those with involvement in the mar-
itime activities of Venice. From the perspective of
content, they are a repository for the rules of an ars, a
skill with theoretical principles that can be communi-
cated to a learner of sufficient talent. They might assist
the preparation of a sufficient pool of skilled ship-
wrights for Venice's Arsenal. Demand in that workplace
for skilled craftsmen was increasing in the fifteenth cen-
tury as Venice expanded westward, opened new trade
routes, and defended against the Turkish threat in the
eastern Mediterranean. They might assist the work of
Venetian government officials appointed to manage affairs
in the Arsenal. Those officials would have a ready com-
pendium of vessel types, a rough idea of materials needed
to build each hull, and a sound checklist of the elements
necessary to outfit the hull.
As Alvise Chiggiato suggests, the notebooks might
demonstrate an individual's ability to build quality ships.
A shipwright could show potential customers a summary
list of previous designs and underline the unique charac-
teristics of his design. And they might also serve the gov-
ernment of Venice in stimulating competition for better
design among skilled shipwrights in her employ. William
McNeill has demonstrated that Venice pioneered the busi-
ness of war in the fifteenth century by contracting with
mercenary entrepreneurs who bid for the right to fight land
wars on behalf of the city. Similarly, the government made
wars at sea a business, importing shipwrights from Rhodes
to compete with Venetian shipwrights in designing light
galleys for battle. By fostering such competition, the gov-
ernment sought to assure superior vessels at contained
costs.
There are probably other reasons as well. Nonethe-
less, from an archaeological examination of a small group
of books written in the fifteenth century in Italy, we do
know that, for the first time in history, the process of build-
ing a ship was committed to paper. Beside the significant
body of luxury codices on parchment copied for the librar-
ies of Italy's wealthiest upper classes, a few little books on
paper reveal the growing sense of worth that a sailor, a
trumpeter, and others assigned to the shipwright's craft. It
is a significant advance in consciousness that should be
appreciated for its own sake.


Acknowledgements: I am most grateful to the Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation for funding my work in Venice and to
the Institute of Nautical Archaeology for awarding me research associate status. While residing in that unique mari-
time city, I enjoyed the scholarly hospitality of Drs. Luigi Fozzati and Marco D'Agostino, the fraternal hospitality of
Dino Faggion and the Jesuit community, the vast resources of the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, the wise counsel of
Mauro Bondioli and Carlo Beltrame, and a most gratifying "welcome aboard" from the owners and staff of the contract
firm IDRA. 9


LNA Quarterly 28.4










Suggested Readings


Alertz, Ulrich
1995 "The Naval Architecture and Oar Systems of Medieval and Later Galleys." In The Age of the Galley: Mediterra-
nean Oared Vessels Since Pre-Classical Times, ed. Robert Gardiner, 142-62. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press.
Bellabarba, Sergio
1993 "The Ancient Methods of Designing Hulls." Mariner's Mirror 79: 274-92.

Bondioli, Mauro and Gilberto Penzo
1999 "Teodoro Baxon e Nicola Palopano proti delle galee sottili: L'influsso greco nelle costruzioni navali veneziane
della prima meta del XV secolo." Archeologia delle acque 1, no. 2: 67-80.
Lane, Frederic C.
1934 Venetian Ships and Shipbuilders of the Renaissance. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press.
1973 Venice: A Maritime Republic. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press.
Petrucci, Armando
1995 Writers and Readers in Medieval Italy: Studies in the History of Written Culture, ed. and trans. Charles M. Radding.
New Haven and London: Yale University Press.



An Azores Adventure

Alex Nason, INA Director


When I first learned about archaeology in elementary
school, it sounded like tedious, time-consuming, highly aca-
demic work. This science and I seemed to have little in com-
mon. Then, when I watched Indiana Jones and the Temple of
Doom, I realized there might be more to the discipline than
meets the eye. After being on the Board of Directors of the
Institute of Nautical Archaeology for about a decade now, I
have come to the conclusion that"INA" really stands for "Inter-
esting Never-ending Adventure." You would think that ten
years' exposure to anything would rub off the nov-
elty, but quite the contrary. I never cease to be
amazed by the projects I visit, the people I meet,
the countries to which I travel, and the diving...
the incredible diving! My trip to the Azores this
summer proved to be no exception to the rule. Al-
though I have a hundred other important things
to do at this moment, the ongoing efforts of'Team
INA" compel me to drop everything else and take
a moment to share my recent experience.
In my case, the trip to the Azores involved
three flights, but since two of these were short pud-
dle jumpers, I am already planning to do it again.
It took one hour from Westchester, Connecticut,
to Boston, then six hours from Boston to the Azore-
an island of Sa6 Miguel and another thirty-minute
hop to the island of Terceira. I'll be the first to ad-
mit that my American Airlines Admirals' Club
membership camein handy. (Thebartenderatthe Fig. 1. 7
Boston Logan Airport cub happened to be mar- customs t


ried to a fellow whose family lives in the Azores. What a small
world it really is!) Like many of you, I had not known that
the Azores are a truly spectacular duster of Portuguese volcanic
islands situated between New York and Lisbon, pretty much
right smack in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean, about eight
hundred miles west of mainland PortugaL
We finally arrived at the Angra Hotel in downtown
Terceira. I highly recommend the place. It has dean rooms, a
beautiful garden, a great museum one block away, supurb


Photo: A. Nason
ie "Running of the Bulls" was one of several colorful Terceiran
hat the visiting INA Directors witnessed.


INA Quarterly 28.4










food, and a staff with a "can-do" attitude. The d
town is small enough to walk-tour in one day. -
You feel you have just stepped back in time to
the cobblestone streets... except for the air con-
ditioning and other modem comforts. The sim-
ply delicious food rated a full ten out of ten.
Everything was fresh, and there were many
items I have never had before, like limpets and
barnacles. Don't knock them if you haven't tried
them! The meats from local farms and ranches
were first rate, like the organic fruits and vege-
tables. I gained five pounds; need I say more?
During our stay we had the distinct pleasure of
dining at the Quinta Do Martello restaurant, a
sort of museum, traditional dance and music
theatre, restaurant, and resort rolled into one. I
must have gained two pounds right there. One Photo: A. Nason
evening, we had the unforgettable pleasure of lis- Fig. 2. INA Directors preparing to dive on a well-preserved Shipwreck site
tening to the most beautiful sound in the world:
the Gulbenkian Orchestra and Chorus singing in Terceira's acoustically perfect cathedral
The landscapes are spectacular. Beautifully and carefully preserved, they feature pristine rolling hills and mountains, with
lots of stone walls, animals, and friendly people. Tercierans harbor no hostilities toward the "Yankees," perhaps because they have
been happily coexisting and intermarrying with US. Air Force base personnel for several decades. Being a semi-professional
photographer, immediately thought of returning with a group to spend a week shooting everything in sight, [went through eight
rolls of film during my stay, with very few wasted shots.
Then there was "The Running of the Bulls" (fig. 1). I think they should call this "The running of the people being
chased by bulls." I initially planned to skip this event and take a nap instead, but when Isaw the eager look on fellow board
member Toby Darden's, face, I decided to go along for the ride. Most college graduates opt for the high ground, but I
decided that the only place I could get that "Kodak Moment" without a telephoto lens was right down there on the street.
I suppose the two cervezas I bought from the street vendor minutes before might have had some influence on my decision.
I had forgotten what having the fear of God put into me was like, The first homicidal bull out of the chute kindly reminded
me. Needless to say, I survived.
Eventually, we all had an opportunity to dive on a well-preserved sixteenth-century wreck (fig, 2). Thoughts of
Columbus and Vasco DeGama permeated the day. How convenient too-only two hundred yards from the dock at an easy
depth of fifty feet, protected by a bay, with wa-
ter temperature a cool sixty-eight degrees, and
good visibility. Kevin Crisman (our team lead-
er and chief archaeologist) put together an in-
credible international team of excavators and
conservators. All were champing at the bit to
get down on the wreck and bring up the arti-
facts. His extraordinarily knowledgeable team
was well organized and equipped. What a
treat and honor it was to dive with them! It
was also a pleasure to share the adventure
with Jerome Hall, the president of INA, and a
dozen other INA board members and staff. If
you haven't joined the INA team (fig. 3), there
has never been a better time. Even with more
than a dozen projects all over the world, we
have hardly begun to solve the mysteries of
Photo: A. Nason the past. I raise my glass to congratulate all of
Fig. 3. INA Directors learned muchfrom their visit with Azores Project prin- the teams and project leaders on a job well done
cipal investigator Kevin Crisman this season! ,e


INA Quarterly 28.4









Just Released


By Christine Powell


Sacred and Secular: Ancient Egyptian Ships and Boats
by Cheryl Ward



Boston: Archaeological Institute of America, 2000
ISBN 0-7872-7182-9, A.A Monographs, New Series 5, xiv + 164 pp, 77 illustrations, 16 tables, appendices, biblogra-
phy, index. Cloth. Price: $77.75 per copy (AIA members $66.00)


Long-term readers of the INA Quarterly will be very familiar with the work of Cheryl Ward, now on the faculty
of Florida State University. This book, a development of her doctoral research in the Nautical Archaeology Program at
Texas A&M, brings together almost everything known about the approximately twenty surviving ancient Egyptian
hulls. These range from the Early Dynastic (ca. 2700 BCE) hulls at Abydos to the Late Period (ca. 450 BCE) boat found
in the Cairo suburb of Mataria.
As one might expect, the author gives her most detailed coverage to the most completely excavated and recon-
structed Egyptian vessels. These are the 4600-year-old Khufu I ship found beside the Great Pyramid at Giza and the four
3850-year-old boats from the funerary complex of Senwosret I1 at Dashur. Dr. Ward and Douglas Haldane (now Area
Director of INA-Egypt) were the first to scientifically record the Dashur boats, beginning in 1983. These five complete
vessels illustrate the remarkable continuity of Egyptian shipbuilding techniques over the period of more than two millen-
nia separating the Abydos and Mataria boats. Indeed, many of the distinctive features of these vessels can be found in
boat models from the Predynastic Period (ca. 4000 BCE) and in traditionally-built Egyptian watercraft even today.
Modem vessels are built frame-first; the supporting skeleton, which provides the strength, is covered with plank-
ing (or metal plating), which only provides watertightness. Ancient ships were built skin-first; the planking provided
most of the strength, with any framing added later as reinforcement. Obviously, the weak points in this design are the
joints between adjacent planks. These joints must not only be watertight, as in a modern vessel, but must also transmit
all the stresses the hull carries during operation. Ancient vessels in the Mediterranean used pegged mortise and tenon
joints to lock adjacent planks together. Egyptian vessels used a different design, with transverse hull lashing as the
primary attachment. Rather than using long, straight planks, most Egyptian shipbuilders employed short, curved
planks with joggles and unpegged tenons to prevent excessive movement. Only the late Mataria boat reflects the
Mediterranean style of straight planks and pegged joints. However, the author warns that direct comparisons of Egyp-
tian and Mediterranean techniques may be misleading, since we have no surviving seagoing ships from Egypt and no
riverine craft from the Mediterranean area.
Pre-Roman Egypt did not have roads, so only the Nile held the kingdom together. Since boats and ships were
indispensable to economic and political security, they were tightly regulated by the state. There is much evidence of the
close connection between watercraft and the bureaucracy that controlled every aspect of ancient Egyptian society.
Even labor gangs that built the pyramids were apparently divided into squads named after the quadrants of a boat.
The book presents evidence that the design of boat planking was highly standardized, both so that vessels could be
readily taken apart and reassembled, and so that scarce timber could be recycled into new boats, repairs for old boats,
and various structural uses (such as ramps for temple construction). Egyptian conservatism and bureaucratic control
maintained traditional shipbuilding techniques for millennia, preventing any innovations by individual creative ship-
builders.
Despite the title, Sacred and Secular: Ancient Egyptian Ships and Boats is not a comprehensive overview of ancient
Egyptian shipbuilding. Cheryl Ward provides introductory chapters on historical context, natural resources, and tools,
and a short concluding chapter, but the heart of the work is in the eight chapters describing the individual vessels. The
author acknowledges that her primary interest is in the hulls as technological artifacts, not in their religious or social
significance. Accordingly, there is very little discussion of the textual or iconographic evidence from ancient Egypt
relating to watercraft, except insofar as it relates to the interpretation of these particular surviving examples. Within
these limitations, however, this book is a valuable addition to the literature on ancient shipbuilding. &,


INA Quarterly 28.4








Review

By Patricia Sibella


Construction navale, maritime et fluviale. Approches archologique, historique et ethnologique
Archaeonautica 14, 1998
ed. Patrice Pomey and Eric Rieth


E. Editions CNRS, Paris, 1999
ISBN: 2-271-05640-3, 335 pages, references, bibliography, paperback



Archaeonautica 14, published in 1999, consists of the proceedings of the Seventh International Symposium on
Boat and Ship Archaeology, held July 19-22, 1994, at the Maritime Museum on Tatihou Island in Brittany, France. Its
delayed publication is due to the uncertainty between 1995 and 1997 whether the series would continue.
The present proceedings are divided into four sections, gathering forty-three scientific papers given by four-
teen delegates from as many different countries. To accommodate the international composition of the authors and
their audience, each paper is presented with either a text or a summary in both French and English. French geography
and history-particularly France's diverse and abundant fluvial and maritime heritage-inspired the two main top-
ics of this meeting. On one hand, river and lakeside craft comprise an important part of the focus of the collection. On
the other, papers cover the interaction between the Mediterranean world and the broader Atlantic/English Channel/
North Sea region.
The first section of the proceedings includes fifteen papers, nearly all discussing archaeological finds of river
craft, ranging in date from the Neolithic to the recent past. The diversity of the papers sheds new light on the develop-
ment of boats specifically adapted to shallow water. The importance of internal transportation is illustrated by nu-
merous discoveries, including the Neolithic dugouts of Paris-Bercy and Carolingian craft from Noyen-sur-Seine, as
well as several larger assemblages from France, the United Kingdom, Denmark, and the former Soviet Union. River
craft, although adapted to local geography, had a wide influence on the economy of societies and, consequently, on
the development of shipbuilding.
The second section comprises seventeen papers, most of which are in English. These cover the inherent prob-
lems of naval shipbuilding as well as the evolution of solutions. The sustained historical importance of the Mediterra-
nean world is emphasized through its relationship with the Atlantic, and the subsequent diffusion of technology. This
section is also valuable for including recent discoveries, such as the Greek Archaic-period shipwrecks from Place
Jules-Vere, and for summarizing older finds such as the Ma'agan Mikhael wreck. Some papers in this part present a
blunt reality: many specific aspects of ancient naval construction remain unknown. Historical sources predominate
over archaeology for illustrating medieval and modem vessels, such as the Genoese cocha, Kadirga from Istanbul, or
seventeenth-century galleys. Additionally, some papers combine several approaches to illustrate different phases of
vessel construction.
The third section includes five papers, and involves more ethnography. It is entirely dedicated to studying the
European origin of craft found in North America, and concentrates on the methods used in this research. The fourth
and last section is a miscellaneous collection of six papers on the most recent discoveries of global research.
As expected, given the outstanding scholars who edited this volume, the book is well organized and has an
abundance of good illustrations and useful data. Nevertheless, the work is not perfect. One notes the absence of a
credit (e.g., p. 139, 162,313), a blurry illustration (p. 89), a poorly-drawn map (p. 104), or even the lack of an adequate
map (see p. 14; not everyone knows where the Saone River is located!).
The combination of archaeological, historical, and ethnographic approaches was undoubtedly the keynote of
the Seventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology. One half-hidden goal was to promote naval
archaeology as an autonomous discipline sufficiently independent to free itself from the supervision of underwater
archaeology. The richness and diversity of the topics, the appearance of new research strategies, and the multiplicity
of methodological approaches contributed to the success of this meeting. Archaeonautica 14 should find a place on the
shelf of every good research library. r


1NA Quarterly 28.4


















































Vol. 28 Index


Author Index
Atauz, A., "Preliminary Survey of Iskenderun Bay, Turkey," 28.2,
17-19
Atauz, A., and J. McManamon, "Underwater Survey of Malta: The
Reconnaissance Season of 2000," 28.1, 22-28
Bass, G. F., "INA Increases its Fleet," 28.2, 11-13
Bass, G. F., "Ribbon Cuttings," 28.2, 20-25
Batchvarov, K. N., "The First Black Sea Shipwreck Excavation: Kiten,
Bulgaria," 28.1, 3-9
Carlson, D. N., "The 2000 Excavation Season at Tekta Bumu, Tur-
key," 28.2,3-8
Crisman, K. and C. Garcia, "The Shipwrecks of Angra Bay, 2000-
2001," 28.4, 3-11
Feulner, M., "New Hunting Grounds: Searching for Shipwrecks in
Guantanamo Bay, Cuba," 28.1, 13-16


Goold, J. A., "A Question Now Answered: 'Who Owns Spanish
Shipwrecks?'" 28.4, 12-17
Greene, E., "The 2000 Reconnaissance Season in Butrint, Albania,"
28.3, 16-21
Hall, K., "Conservation for an Exhibit: The Uluburun Shipwreck
Display," 28.2,26--28
Harpster, M., "Asking the Reason Why," 28.2, 30-31
Livadas, G. K., "Navigation and Trade in the Mediterranean (Sev-
enth to Nineteenth Century CE)," 28.3, 30
McManamon, J., "The 'Archaeology' of Fifteenth-Century Manu-
scripts on Shipbuilding, 28.4, 17-26
Nason, A. "An Azores Adventure," 28.4, 26-27
Oron, A., "Conservation on the Rocks at TektaS Burnu," 28.2, 8-10
Phaneuf, B. A., "Deep Wrecks and Research in the Gulf of Mexi-
co," 28.1, 30-31


INA Quarterly 28.4


FROM THE PRESIDENT








A few years ago, I talked to a fifth-grade class about nautical archaeology. Those of you who
have worked with children know just how demanding they can be about clarity of concept. Children
have the ability to ask big questions, the type for which adults are often unprepared.
Our forty-minute class included "show-and-tell" artifacts and a young volunteer who donned a
complete SCUBA outfit to demonstrate our bulky underwater "uniform." Then it was then time for the
questions. I looked forward to simple ones like "Do you ever see sharks?" or "Are you ever scared?"
That day, however, the first question was, "What are the best and worst parts of being a nautical
archaeologist?" I had never consciously given it any thought, so my quick response surprised even me:
"That's easy! The worst part is never having enough time to do all your jobs. The best part is getting to
travel in space (around the globe) and time (through the centuries)... and getting to do it all in a
swimsuit!" As frivolous as my response seemed, it is the truth.
This issue of the INA Quarterly illustrates how nautical archaeology is one of the most rewarding
endeavors imaginable. LNA Directors Jim Goold and Alex Nason share their experiences in the
professional and avocational realms of underwater discovery. Kevin Crisman tells us what it is like to
extract information from beneath the sea in his ongoing fieldwork in the Azores. John McManamon
takes us around the libraries of the world, carefully "excavating" data from manuscripts. All of us in
INA are privileged to engage in work that is physically and mentally challenging, but filled with
wonder, discovery, travel, adventure, and close friendships.
Thank you for your continued support of INA. I hope your New Year is also filled with wonder,
discovery, and an agreeable amount of adventure, together with the good friends to make it all
worthwhile.

Jerome Lynn Hall











Phaneuf, B. A., and J. S. Schmidt, "Neptune 2K: The Underwater
Archaeology of D-Day," 28.1, 17-21
Porter, A., and C. Dechillo, "Denbigh Revisited," 28.1, 29
Steffy,J. R., "A Cargo of Knowledge," 28.1, 10-12
Trakadas, A., and S. Claesson, "On the Shores of the Maghreb-el-
Asqa: The 1999 Survey of Tangier Bay, Morocco," 28.3,
3-15
Ward, Cheryl, "Black Sea Trade Project 2000," 28.2, 14-16
Webster, S., O. Pizarro, and H. Singh, "Photomosaics in Underwa-
ter Archaeology," 28.3, 22-26

Subject Index
Abandoned Shipwrecks Act, 28.4,12-17
Academic Honors, 28.2, 19
Albania, 28.3, 16-21
Amphibious tanks, 28.1, 17-21
Angra Bay, 28.4,3-11
Arnold, Barto, 28.4, 11
Athlit Ram, 28.2, 29
Azores adventure, 28.4, 26-27
Azores excavation, 28.4, 3-11
Bass, G. F., Golden Plate Award, 28.2,19
Black Sea Trade Project, 28.2, 14-16
Black Sea, 28.1,3-9
Bob Bullock Texas History Museum, 28.4, 11
Bodrum Museum of Underwater Archaeology, 28.2,20-28
Bozburun Byzantine Shipwreck hull reconstruction, 28.2,30-31
Bronze Age Shipwreck Hall, 28.2, 20-25
Bulgaria, 28.1, 3-9
Butrint survey, 28.3, 16-21
Carolyn, 28.2, 11-13
Chios and Oinousses, 28.3,30
Classical Greek shipwreck, 28.2,3-8
Conservation onsite, 28.2,8-10
Conserving and displaying the Uluburun artifacts, 28.2, 26-28
Cuba, 28.1, 13-16
D-Day, 28.1, 17-21
Deep tow research, 28.1, 30-31
Denbigh excavation, 28.1, 29
Denbigh exhibit, 28.4,11
Egyptian ships and boats, 28.4,28
Fifteenth-century shipbuilding techniques, 28.4, 17-26
French watercraft, 28.4, 29
Galveston Bay, 28.1,29
Gibraltar, Straits of, 28.3, 3-15
Graeco-Oriental and African Studies, Eighth Interational Congress
on, 28.3,30
Guantanamo Bay, 28.1,13-16
Gulf of Mexico deep survey, 28.1, 30-31
Hull reconstruction, 28.1, 10-12
INA Directors, 28.4, 26-27
INA Library in Bodrum, 28.2, 23-24
INA-Egypt activity report, 28.2,29
Iskenderun Bay, Turkey, 28.2, 17-19


Juno, 28.4, 12-17
Kinet H6yik, 28.2, 17-19
Kiten shipwreck excavation, 28.1, 3-9
Kyrenia ship, 28.1, 10
La Belle exhibit, 28.4, 11
La Galga, 28.4, 12-17
La Salle exhibit, 28.4, 11
Landing craft, 28.1,17-21
Malta survey, 28.1, 22-28
Manuscripts, 28.4, 17-26
Memoriam, in
Agar, Selma, 28.2,32-34
Arcak, Erkut, 28.3, 28-29
Baird, Sylvia Thomas, 28.1, 34
Darden, Frank, 28.1, 35
Swete, Richard W., 28.1,33
Millawanda, 28.2, 11-13
Monte Cristi Bay, Dominican Republic, 28.2, 30
Moody Gardens, 28.4, 11
Morocco, 28.3,3-15
Nason Computer Center, 28.2,24
Nautical Archaeology Program Graduates, 28.1, 32
Neptune 2K project, 28.1, 17-21
Nixon Griffis Conservation Laboratory, 28.2, 25
Normandy invasion, 28.1, 17-21
Paleography, 28.4, 17-26
Photomosaics, 28.3,22-26
Pipe Wreck, 28.2, 30
Red River Wreck, 28.2, 29
Sea Hunt, Inc. and Virginia v. Spain, 28.4, 12-17
Shipwreck Weekend 2001, 28.1, 32
Sinop, Turkey, 28.2, 14-16
Spanish shipwrecks, 28.4, 12-17
Student Honors 2000-2001, 28.1, 32
Submarine, 28.2, 11-13
Tangier Bay survey, 28.3, 3-15
TektaS Bumu conservation, 28.2, 8-10
TektaS Burnu excavation, 28.2, 3-8
Terceira, 28.4, 3-11
Treasure hunters, 28.4, 12-17
Uluburun Shipwreck Display, 28.2, 20-22, 26-28
Underwater photography and mapping, 28.3,22-26
Venetian books on shipbuilding, 28.4, 17-26
Virazon, 28.2,11-13

Reviews and "Just Released"
Archeologia delle acque (journal), 28.3, 26-27
McCarthy, Michael, Iron and Steamship Archaeology: Success and
Failure on the SS Xantho, 28.1, 31
Pomey, Patrice, and tric Rieth, eds., Construction navale, maritime
etfluviale. Approches archologique, historique et ethnologique,
Archaeonautica 14,28.4, 29
Ward, Cheryl, Sacred and Secular: Ancient Egyptian Ships and Boats,
28.4, 28


INA Quarterly 28.4








INSTITUTE OF NAUTICAL ARCHAEOLOGY


George F. Bass, Ph D., Co-Founder
Jack W. Kelley, Co-Founder
Jerome L. Hall, Ph.D., President

William L. Allen
Oguz Aydemir
John H. Baird
Joe Ballew
Edward 0. Boshel, Jr.,
Chairman and Treasurer
Ray M. Bowen
John A. Brock
Elizabeth L. Brunl
Gregory M. Cook
Harlan Crow




Allan Campbell, M.D.
Nicholas Griffis


OFFICERS ADMINISTRATION
Donald A. Frey, Ph.D., Vice President
Cemal M. Pulak, Ph.D., Vice President

BOARD OF DIRECTORS
William C. Culp, M.D.
Thomas E Darden
John De Lapa
Claude Duthuit
Danielle J. Feeney
Charles Johnson, Ph.D.
Michael L. Katzev
Mustafa KoC
Robert E. Lorton
Alex G. Nason
George E. Robb, Jr.



ASSOCIATE DIRECTORS
Robin P. Hartmann
Bill Klein, MD.


James A. Goold, J.D., Secretary & General Counsel
Claudia LeDoux, Assistant Secretary
& Assistant Treasurer


L. Francis Rooney
Lynn Baird Shaw
Ayhan Sicimoglu
William T. Sturgis
Frederick H. van Doorninck, Jr., Ph.D.
Robert L. Walker, Ph.D.
Lew O. Ward
Peter M. Way
Garry A. Weber
George 0. Yamini
Sally M. Yamini




Dana F. McGinnis
Molly Reily


FACULTY
George F. Bass, Ph.D.,
George T. & Gladys H. Abell Professor of Nautical Archaeology, George O. Yamini Family Professor of Liberal Arts, and
Distinguished Professor Emeritus
Filipe Castro, Ph.D., Assistant Professor
Kevin J. Crisman, Ph.D., Nautical Archaeology Faculty Fellow
Donny L. Hamilton, Ph.D., Frederick R. Mayer Faculty Fellow
Cemal M. Pulak, Ph.D., Frederick R. Mayer Faculty Fellow of Nautical Archaeology
C. Wayne Smith, Ph.D., Assistant Professor/Director of the Archaeological Preservation Research Laboratory
J. Richard Steffy, Sara W. & George 0. Yamini Professor of Nautical Archaeology, Emeritus
Frederick H. van Doorninck, Jr., Ph.D., Frederick R. Mayer Professor of Nautical Archaeology, Emeritus
Shelley Wachsmann, Ph.D., Meadows Associate Professor of Biblical Archaeology


J. Barto Arnold, M.A., Texas Operations

STAFF
Esra Altmnarut-G6ksu
Mtnevver Babacik
Mustafa Babactk
Hani Bedeir
Chasity Burns
William H. Charlton, Jr., M.A.
Michele Chmelar
Mehmet iftlikli
Marion Feildel
Tuba Ekmekci
Adel Farouk
Jana Gober
Zafer Gill
Jane Haldane
Kathy Hall
Giilser Kazanctoglu
Ernad Khalil
Sheila D. Matthews, M.A.
Mistie Moore
Eric Nordgren
Muammer Ozdemir
Robin C. M. Piercy
Sema Pulak, M.A.
Sikran enyuz
Sherif Shabban
A. Feyyaz Subay


AREA DIRECTORS
Douglas Haldane, M.A., INA-Egypt

STAFF (continued)
Murat Tilev
Siuleyman TULrel
Giines YaSar

RESEARCH ASSOCIATES
Jeremy Green, M.A.
Andrew Hall, M.A.
John McManamon, Ph.D.
Thomas J. OertUng, M.A.
Ralph K. Pedersen, M.A.
Brett A. Phaneuf
Donald Rosencrantz

ADJUNCT PROFESSORS
Arthur Cohn, J.D.
David Gibbins, Ph.D.
Faith D. Hentschel, Ph.D.
Fredrik T. Hiebert, Ph.D
Carolyn G. Koehler, Ph.D.
William M. Murray, Ph.D.
David I. Owen, Ph.D.
Cheryl Ward, Ph.D.
Gordon P. Watts, Jr., Ph.D.

QUARTERLY EDITOR
Christine A. Powell


Tufan U. Turanli, Turkish Headquarters

SUPPORTING INSTITUTIONS
Australian Institute of Maritime Archaeology
Boston University
Brown University
Bryn Mawr College
University of California, Berkeley
University of Cincinnati
Corell Urnversity
Corning Museum of Glass
Departamento de Arqueologia Subacuitica de
la I.N.A.H., Mexico
University of Maryland, Baltimore County
New York University, Institute of Fine Arts
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Partners for Livable Places
University Museum, University of Pennsylvania
Texas A&M Research Foundation
Texas A&M University
University of Texas at Austin

GRADUATE FELLOWS
Mr. and Mrs. Ray H. Siegfried I
Graduate Fellow: Matthew Harpster
Marian M. Cook Graduate Fellow:
Peter D. Fix and Taras P. Pevny




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