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Title: The INA quarterly
Alternate Title: Institute of Nautical Archaeology quarterly
Abbreviated Title: INA q.
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Institute of Nautical Archaeology (U.S.)
Institute of Nautical Archaeology (U.S.)
Publisher: Institute of Nautical Archaeology
Place of Publication: College Station TX
College Station TX
Publication Date: Fall 1998
Copyright Date: 1997
Frequency: quarterly
Subject: Underwater archaeology -- Periodicals   ( lcsh )
Archéologie sous-marine -- Périodiques   ( rvm )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Dates or Sequential Designation: Vol. 19, no. 1 (spring 1992)-
General Note: Title from cover.
General Note: Latest issue consulted: Vol. 23, no. 2 (summer 1996).
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Volume ID: VID00025
Source Institution: University of Florida
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The INA Quarterly

Fall 1998

3 The Sadana Island Shipwreck Excavation: Final Season
Cheryl Ward

6 The Logistics of the Sadana Island Shipwreck Excavation
Douglas Haldane

7 Mariners of the Pleistocene
Robert G. Brdnarik

16 Conservation of Seventeenth-Century Canvas
Using Silicone Oils
C. Wayne Smith

18 Archaeological Ethics
by Karen D. Vitelli
Reviewed by Donny C. Wood

19 "X" Marks the Spot
Doreen M. Danis

21 Just Released: From Egypt to Mesopotamia

22 Just Released: Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the
Bronze Age Levant

23 News and Notes

Institute of Nautical Archaeology
P.O. Drawer HG
College Station, TX 77841-5137

Learn firsthand of the latest discov-
eries in nautical archaeology. Mem-
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other benefits (see !NA Quarterly
25.1, 27).

Researrdcer (students only)..... $25
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Surveyor .............. $100-249
Diver .. . ........... $230-499
Restorer .............. $500-999
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nation in excess of $10.00 is a tax-de-
ductible, charitable contribution.

On the cover: Excavated artifacts from the Sadana Island wreck provide an unprecedented look at international com-
merce and exchange in the mid-eighteenth century. Studies of personal effects, porcelain, ceramic, and many other
objects will continue as we also unlock the secrets of the ship's unusual construction techniques. Photo: Meredith Kato

November 1998 by the inshtiute of Nautical Archaeology. All rights reserved.
INA welcomes requests to reprint INA Quarterly articles and illustrations. Please address all requests and submissions to the Editor,
INA Quartely, PO. Drawer HG, College Station, TX 77841-5137; tel (409) 845-6694, fax (409) 847-9260, e-mail
Articp should be submitted in hard copy and on a 3.25 diskette (Macintosh, DOS, or Windows format acceptable) along with all artwork

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The institute of Nautical Archaeology is a non-profit scientific and educational urgaidization, incorporated in 1972- Since 197f, INA
has been affiliated with Texas A&M University, where INA faculty teach in the Nautical Archaeology Program of the Department of
Anthropology. The opinions expressed in Quarterly articles are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the

The editorship of the INA Quarterly is supported by the Anna C. & Oliver C. Colbvrn Fund.

The INA Quarterly was formerly the INA Newsletter (vols. 1-18).

Volume 25 No. 3



Editor: Christine A. Powell


Sadana Island Shipwreck:

Final Season
By Cheryl Ward, Archaeological Director

Egypt's first shipwreck excavation in the Red Sea con-
tinued to provide unique and wide-ranging information
about international trading relationships-in the time just be-
fore the Industrial Revolution (see INA Quarterly 23.3 and
earlier). The immense ship-more than 900 tons burden-
remains the most enigmatic and fascinating artifact on site,
and its study, along with that of the large collection of Chi-
nese export porcelain for the Middle Eastern market (the first
ever scientifically excavated), organic cargo from coffee and
incense to coconuts and spices, and the handful of crewmen's
possessions, will continue to contribute a great deal to un-
derstanding seafaring in the western Indian Ocean of the
late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
The 1998 excavahon of the Sadana Island Shipwreck
off Egypt's Red Sea coast provided new and important
information about the ship's construction, its cargo, and
the site's history. An international team diving between
25 June and 14 August documented ship structure to pro-
vtde a more comprehensive understanding of its construc-
tion, addressed questions related to objects and their
stowage on the ship, as well as to the ship's origin. They
also removed portable, attractive artifacts in an attempt
to discourage looting.
The 1,270 dives made between depths of 20 and 40
m allowed us to establish three transverse trenches 8-10
m long and 2 m wide as well as a 13-m-long fore-and-aft
trench along the deepest, best preserved part of the site
(fig. 1). The ship's minimum beam is 18 m at midships,
and its overall length is 49.8 m. A number of dives were
made in the forward part of the ship. The resulting data
point to similarities with the rest of the hull in terms of
basic features, but most of the timbers are not accessible
due to a thick coating of yellow aromatic resin, in some
places up to 50 cm deep. In the stern and at midships, we
found a fairly regular pattern of construction dependent
upon heavy planking, massive composite futtocks be-
neath numerous, nearly square-sectioned stringers run-
ning fore and aft. Stringers are further reinforced by rider
frames notched over their upper surface, especially in the
lower third of the site. In the stern, a large, lattice-like
iron concretion tops a series of transverse timbers that
form the transom.
As in previous years, excavators worked carefully
to recover organic remains and artifacts. We continued to
find porcelain objects, both complete and broken, includ-
ing unique types such as a small cup from trench 5.4 and a
broken plate from near the anchors. Another exciting find
from the anchors was a copper basin inscribed, "Sahibihi
Rais Musa Mahmoud". Although the word rais has several
meanings in Arabic, one of the most common is ship's cap-

tain, so we may have the captain's personal stew pot. The
largest number of objects came from trench 1, and most
are Type 4 porcelain cups. Ten clay pipe bowls, and one
pair, add to our collection of personal objects from the
galley area just aft of midships.
More prestigious items discovered in the midships
bilge area include an ivory handle or pommel with some
of its original three-color inlay remaining and a small fleck
of gold foil. In the stern quarter, a gimbaled copper ring
and a unique porcelain cup, a handful of porcelain sherds,
a new type of resin (purple, and shipped in cakes), and
more than 1500 quial (earthenware jugs, fig 2) were exca-
vated. The qulal remain on the bottom, but a representative

Fig. 1. Excavations in Trench I uncovered massive knee and
stringer structures, bolted together by iron fasteners more than
half meter long.

INA Quarterly 25 3

sample of lids from the same area and two of
the larger pitchers (Arabic abri') add to our ce-
ramic collection.
Interestingly, but not surprisingly, qulal
were packed in ways that reflect their basic di-
mensions which previous seasons how to be
roughly the same in terms of height and diam-
eter with few clear instances of types being
grouped together. The exception to this is per-
haps found in those qulal packed between
stringers in the bottom of the hull. Through-
out much of the ship's length, including in the
bow, stevedores nestled qulal along the center-
line. In the stern, the 'goblet' type was laid
down in a single layer on top of floor timbers,
and then the standard size was inserted in a
'head-to-toe' layout above the goblets, but be-
low the inner face of the stringers.
In addition to continued finds of rect-
angular, glass'case' bottles, a new shorter, round
glass bottle we immediately called a brandy bot-
tle was recovered from the bow. In the same area
were lead shot clumps, possibly for a musket.
They provide the first evidence for any weapon
remaining on the site. Folded lead fishing net
weights, again from the midships area, were also
new this season,
Recovery of organic remains continued
to be an important part of the excavation. In
addition to the familiar coffee beans and whole
coffee cherries, we found multi-kilo lumps of

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* Ott ett4~S~ '

Fig. 3. This bi-lobed coconut originally took 10 years
over 50 pounds. Found only in the Seychelles Arch
specimen's voyage has finally ended at the National

Fig. 2. Several thousand water jars (qulal) on the wreck blocked access to
the hull timbers beneath. Stacked iy size and nestled in spaces between
frames and stringers, the qulal resisted breaking, even after the giant ship
struck the reef.

a purplish resin with many inclusions of small twigs and branches.
The new resin, previously seen only in amounts smaller than 1-cc
from organic samples, occurs in both large, irregular lumps and in
carefully shaped cakes or loaves of resin. All samples came from the
bottom of the hull between stringers in the aft quarter of the ship. A
yellow, aromatic resin previously recorded occurs in several areas of
the hull, and archaeologists found a number of 'spills', where resin
flowed across timbers during wreck formation.
At least 50 black-lipped, pearl oyster
shells were counted from above the galley. This
C"' " species provided mother-of-pearl for inlaid
... furniture and other decorative items as early
Sf ., as the Roman period in Egypt. A more curious
cargo of branches covered about 20% of the
yr7. wreck and may have been intended to serve as
SA firewood. Because there is so much wood, how-
Sever, and its position in the hull suggests it may
have been part of the cargo, we are eagerly
)i 'awaiting results of wood identification studies
to try to determine where it might have been
laden. Results will allow us to decide whether
.;- the wood was a special import, potentially for
'. furniture or small item construction, or whether
." <*.. it was a species indigenous to watered regions
'.. *. of the Red Sea shores. If so, it was likely fire-
,."" *' wood, either as a cargo for Suez or for use dur-
Photo: Meredith Kato ing the voyage.
Sto ripen and weighed Another 60 coconuts discovered during
lipelago, this unusual the summer bring our total to over a hundred,
Maritime Museum in found mostly between futtocks below stringer
level in the aft quarter of the ship. In addition,

INA Quarterly 25.3

'-' i. Ir
u ..1-,

Fig 4. Shattered porcelain cups remain to tell the story of this site's looting
by sport divers. More than 10,000 cups may originally have been part of the
ship's cargo-about three times the number of porcelain artifacts recovered
during INA-Egypt/SCA excavavtons.

we excavated a fabulous 33-cm-long, bi-lobed coconut from the dis-
turbed area just aft of the anchors (fig. 3). The bi-lobed coconut grows
only in the Seychelles Archipelago, and is a rarity even today. These
are the world's largest seeds and weigh more than 20 kilos when
ripe, a process which requires ten years. Its presence on the ship is
probably due to its potential value as a curiosity. Europeans in the
late eighteenth century found ordinary coconuts worthy of display
in cabinets of curiosities; the bi-lobed coconut was four times the
size and of an extraordinary shape.
Five wooden jar lids were recovered from area G5, below the
largest concentration of zila' (large storage jars) on the site. This area
also held cooking pots with evidence of charring, a used incense burn-
er, and charcoal, suggesting that the galley was here. Most of the

Turkish-style pipe bowls came from this
square or just below it. Iron concretions
above and below the 'galley' indicate the
presence of iron objects originally weighing
50-100 kg. Some of them were probably
spare parts for the ship pintless and gud-
geons for the rudder); others cannot be iden-
tified from their present form and remain on
the seabed.
I first learned about the wreck from
someone who led a team of unsanctioned
divers in a 500-dive salvage operation on the
Sadana Island ship. This summer, I spoke at
length with one of those divers who provided
photographs of finds made earlier on the
wreck. These include at least ten boxes of por-
celain cups, packed in tea. Each box held 900
to 1,000 cups. Many of these were broken dur-
ing salvage attempts, and these remained for
archaeologists to find while many of the com-
plete objects were removed from the site (fig.
4.). 1 am trying to persuade owners of the sev-
eral thousand looted objects from the wreck
to donate those artifacts to the National Mari-
time Museum in Alexandria where all mate-
rial from the Sadana Island Shipwreck is
As in previous seasons, all objects were
taken to the INA-Egypt/Supreme Council ot
Antiquities Alexandria Conservation Labora-
tory for Submerged Antiquities in Alexandria,
Egypt, for further treatment and storage. In
this final season, we were delighted to work
closely with old and new friends from Egypt
and other lands, and look forward to the op-
portunity to do so again.

Acknowledgements. The unflagging support of the Supreme Council of Antiquities for Egypt is greatly appreciat-
ed. SCA director Dr. Gaballah All Gaballah, the director of the underwater section Ibrahim Atlya Darwish, and
the General Director for the Upper Egypt Inspectorate Hussein el-Afiouni proved to be wonderful hosts to the
INA-Egypt team once again. We are grateful to SCA Inspectors Ayman Hindi, Wa'il Karam, Abdallah Muham-
mad, Sameh Ramses, Muhammad Mustafa, Muhammad Sayyid, Mustafa Desouki, Taimour Ismail, Magdi Ghaz-
zala, Usama El-Nahas, Ehab Mahmoud, Ibrahim Mitwalli, Muhammad Abd al-Hamid, Abd al-hamid Abd
el-Meguid, Ala' Mahrous and Ahmed Shukri for their patient and sincere efforts to help us record the shipwreck
and its contents. We also thank the Egyptian Navy for allowing its officers Tarek Abu el-Ela, Hossam Hamza,
and Mustafa Hassouna to join us.
The multi-year contributions of The Amoco Foundation, the John and Donnie Brock Foundation, Danielle
Feeney, The Institute of Nautical Archaeology, Mark Easton and The American Research Center in Egypt, Oras-
com, Harry Kahn, Richard and Mary Rosenberg, George Lodge, Chip and Fran Vincent, The Arab Contractors,
Scubapro, and Uwatec/Dynatron have made this excavation possible. We also deeply appreciate a grant from
the Committee for Research and Exploration of The National Geographic Society, support from Stephen Lowder
and a grant from Mr. and Mrs. John Stern and the California Community Foundation as well as the individual
contributions of Bill and Cary Cavness, Patricia Cericola, Lvman Labry, Pamela de Maigret, Peter Revay, and
John and Mary Villaume.

INA Quarterly 25.3

And here I offer all due honor, respect, and heartfelt thanks to the volunteers and staff of INA-Egypt for
their unique contributions to the 1998 season: Basim Ahmed Ahmed (University of Alexandria), David Clarke,
Bradford Eldridge, Adel Farouk, Dr. William Forest Farr, Doug Haldane, Jane Haldane, Jeff Hall, David Harri-
son, Heather Hart, Frederic Heller, Gwyn Johns, Marwa Kamal el-Din Helmy (American University of Cairo),
Meredith Kato, Emad Khalil Helmi, Chris Kostman, Stephen Lowder, Marcus Manley, Steve Miller, Sherif Mu-
hammad Abdou (University of Alexandria), Natasha Muldar, John Nichols, Robert Ossian, Miriam Seco Alvarez,
Susannah Snowden, Howard Wellman, Mary Wiland, Aaron Wilson, and Jamie Winter.

The Logistics of the Sadana Island Shipwreck Excavation
by Douglas Haldane

We are just back from the the Sadana Island Shipwreck
Excavation and finally catching our breath after the year's field
operations to report on our progress in Egypt, so far.
The 1998 season at Sadana Island was an incredible suc-
cess, I wish you had been there... literally, we could have used
the help. In addition to the usual struggle to build camp (this
year with a very small crew), during the winter of 1997 the sea
finally demolished the platform we use at the reef edge for diver
safety and excavation support. When we arrived at the site, the
platform was upside down with one leg broken off and the oth-
ers rusted through. A grim picture indeed, but with the entire
team's help and workers hired from Safaga, we pulled off a two-
part operation reminiscent of a Cecil B. De Mille production.
We jacked up and then dragged the platform off the reef
edge, and carried it to the beach where a welder from town re-
paired it. Then, at low tide three days later, we carried the two-
ton platform back to the reef edge in two pieces, and bolted it
together in an afternoon An amazing accomplishment that, had
I not been there, I wouldn't have believed possible. At this point
we were well into the third week of June, five weeks late, and
ready to begin the excavation. Could we achieve our objectives
by the last day of excavation diving on August 14th?
We could and we
did. Our primary objec-..
tive was to excavate to
and record the ship's hull
in the stem, midships, and
an area just forward of
midships. This objective
could not be achieved
with the handful of expe-
rienced people from INA-
Egypt, however. OCurfinal
goal stated in our permit
proposal to the Egyptian
Supreme Council of An-
tiquities (SCA), was to
provide special training to
inspectors from SCA's
Underwater Section in
nautical archaeological
techniques. Fortunately, Extensive renovations were carried


four of these people had worked with usbefore and helped their
nine colleagues with translations of articles about ship construc-
tion and practical exercises to master skills.
At one point during the excavation I found myself in the
curious position of directing a project with seven SCA inspec-
tors present. The SCA and INA-Egypt together with experienced
people placed strategically throughout the site putin 1,270 dives
totalling 1,268 hours in the water with 540 hours on the wreck.
We not only achieved the primary and training objectives, but
also added a two-meter wide trench running from the forward-
most trench to the stempost along the keel, explored the bow,
and investigated an area above the wreck to record the outside
of the hull.
While excavating we discovered a number of unique and
intriguing artifacts that Dr. Cheryl Ward will be researching,
along with finds from previous years, for final publication.
We achieved our excavation objectives of rescuing the
information that would have been lost to looters and setting a
scientific benchmark in the continuing exploration of Egypt's
rich maritime involvement in the Indian Ocean luxury trade.
As in previous seasons, the artifacts discovered during
the 1998 season at Sadana Island finally arrived in Alexandria,
over two hundred years
.late, for conservation and
study in the Alexandria
for Submerged Antiqui-
Sties. The laboratory, locat-
ed in the National
MaritimeMu-um, is run
by the SCA and INA-
Egypt as a cooperative
partnership for conser-
vation and training. The
laboratory's equipment
will be complete by this
December, thanks to
funding from USAID
through The American
Research Center in
Photo: INA Egypt's Egyptian Antiq-
ut on the platform. cities Program-s

INA Quarterly 25.3

Mariners of the Pleistocene
Robert G. Bednarik

In the dynamics of human evolution, two distinct
schools of thought have emerged, especially in recent years.
According to one of these, capabilities such as hunting of
large mammals, the making of prismatic blade tools and
non-lithic artefacts, "reflective language," personal orna-
mentation, rock art, portable art-indeed any form of evi-
dence suggestive of symbolism-are all typically restricted
to fully modern humans. Whatever is encompassed by the
term "modem human behavior"-and this includes a con-
siderable range of interpretations of the "archaeological
record"-is attributed exclusively to the last thirty or forty
millennia of the Pleistocene. In its purest form, this school
refers prominently to an "explosion" of human capabili-
ties with the advent essentialUy of the Aurignacian of south-
western Europe and contemporary "cultures" in eastern
Europe. It has derived particularly strong support from
the hypothesis that extant humans originate exclusively
from a small sub-Saharan population, and that all other
forms of Homo sapiens became extinct, be it by competition
or more drastic processes (i.e. genocide). This "African Eve"
theory, which is entirely devoid of any archaeological ev-
idence in its favor, is conveniently reinforced by the opin-
ion that any form of cultural, cognitive or technological
sophistication is limited to the hypothetical progeny of Eve,
and especially to the final phase of the Late Pleistocene,
because such a scenario provides a ready-made answer to
explain the perceived superiority of these modem humans
who poured out of Africa and overwhelmed their primi-
tive cousins wherever these lived.
Over the last decade, the alternative school of
thought has been similarly overwhelmed, by the popular-
ity of the "African Eve," and by the ready plausibility of a
paradigm in touch with the cynicism and economic ratio-
nalism of the 1990s: the inevitability of the genetic triumph
of Eve's descendants over the culturally, technologically,

socially, and cognitively inferior rest of Late Pleistocene
humanity. We can conveniently define these two, funda-
mentally opposed models as the short-range and the long-
range models of cultural evolution. The long-range model
essentially coincides with the multiregional hypothesis of
homiid development. It perceives the evolution of com-
munication, technology, complex social systems, symbol-
ic systems, self-awareness, and intellect as a gradual
process, taking hundreds rather then tens of millennia.
Indeed, some of these developments may occupy much or
all of the 2.5 million years of human history, and while
there may well have been episodes of a punctuated equi-
librium type, this model favors a gradualist over a cata-
clysmic view. What renders the great preference for the
short-range model particularly fascinating is not just that
it is implausible, empirically unsound, and logically defi-
cient in major parts, but that the heuristic dynamics of the
discipline have allowed it to become the favored model
despite its readily evident major shortcomings. This sure-
ly needs to be examined closely if we are to understand
the epistemology of Pleistocene archaeology.
It seems to be generally agreed that language is a
fundamental prerequisite for humans to colonize islands
through the use of maritime technology. It is self-evident
that many conditions need to be met to achieve a success-
ful long-term settlement of islands, of which actual land-
fall is only one. Even the most extreme protagonists of the
short-range model of cognitive human evolution are in
complete agreement with the author on the need for lan-
guage in such achievements. They have proposed that lan-
guage beginnings must have been preceded by figurative
depiction, of which we have no evidence prior to approx-
imately 32,000 years (32 ka) BP, and that the earliest evi-
dence of language is the first landfall of humans in
Australia. This is currently thought to have occurred per-

Fig. 1. The locations of biogeographicalfilters in Nusa Tenggara: WA = Wallace's Line; TP = presumed tcctomc plate separation
between Asian and Australian plates; WE = vWber's Line; LY = Lydekker's Line.

INA Quarterly 25.3

haps 50 or 60 ka (thousand years) ago. But firstly, this rea-
soning seems specious: before the final crossing to Aus-
tralia, perhaps over the Timor Sea, the ancestors of these
seafarers had to cross several other stretches of sea, includ-
ing the biogeographically most important barrier in the
world, the Wallace-Huxley Line (fig. 1). It seems unrea-
sonable to assume that all these crossings were achieved
in one single sweep from the Asian to the Australian main-
land, and yet this is what this notion-implies. The African
Eve model encounters some first problems here: if the peo-
ple who first left the Asian mainland (which for long peri-
ods included lava and Bali) were the descendants of Eve,
they did so at least 20 ka before they entered Europe to
"replace" the Neanderthals. While this would still seem
possible, much earlier sea crossings, however, would ren-
der the proposal implausible; hence the insistence by the
proponents of the Eve scenario that Wallacea and Austra-
lia were colonized in one single sweep.

Pleistocene navigation in Europe
More importantly, there are two fundamental prob-
lems, one of which is fatal for the model. First, there is a
widespread misconception that the "replacement" of ar-
chaic forms of H. sapiens by H. sapiens sapiens coincided
with the introduction of Upper Paleolithic technology
(blade industries, bone tools, art, decoration, burial of the
dead, underground mining, seafaring) and "modern hu-
man behavior." Not only is this a complete fallacy in ev-
ery respect, it must be emphasized that nearly all evidence
of Pleistocene sea crossings we have today relates to sail-
ors of a Lower or Middle rather than an Upper Paleolithic
technology. Second, and more importantly, we have sound
evidence that the first sea crossings and subsequent long-
term occupations of at least three, but probably most of the
islands of Nusa Tenggara (formerly Lesser Sunda Islands,
in Indonesia), occurred significantly earlier than the first
landfall in Australia (fig. 2). This is not only in sharp con-
trast with what most commentators have persistently

maintained until now, but the early sea crossings occurred
in fact in the Lower rather than the Middle Paleolithic pe-
riod, i.e., all these commentators were wrong by a chrono-
logical factor of at least ten. This know ledge alone, available
to us for decades but ignored or misunderstood by many,
is clearly fatal to the short-range model of cognitive evo-
lution, and it is a mortal blow for the controversial African
Eve model as well. The proliferation of hypotheses contra-
dicted by the information from Indonesia, available for the
past forty years, is a phenomenon that is hard to explain.
No direct physical evidence of navigation, such as
fragments of water craft, paddles, or oars, has ever been
reported from the Pleistocene, and no credible depictions
of vessels occur in the known corpus of Pleistocene pale-
oart. The earliest such evidence is exclusively from west-
ern Europe, consisting of Mesolithic paddles from the
peatbogs at Star Carr, England, and Holmgaard, Denmark.
A worked reindeer antler from the Ahrensburgian at
H1usum, Germany, has been suggested to be a boat rib of a
skin boat, and may be in the order of 10,500 years old. The
canoe from Pesse, Holland, is 8265 +275 radiocarbon years
old. More recent boat finds are those from Noyen-sur-Seine
and Lystrup 1 (6110 100 BP).
Limited indirect evidence is available for earlier
European seafaring in the Mediterranean. The presence of
obsidian from the island of M&los at the mainland site
Franchthi Cave around 11 ka ago indicates that a distance
of about 120 km was covered by 'island-hopping'. Con-
siderably earlier is the Moustenan occupation of another
Greek island, Kefallinia, presumably by Neanderthals,
which has been suggested to have involved a sea crossing
of perhaps 6 km. Islands to the west of Italy, too, may have
been occupied by Paleolithic seafarers, and of greatest
importance is the occupation evidence from the island of
Sardinia, which is clearly of the Middle Pleistocene peri-
od. Sardinia was connected to Corsica at times, but never
to the mainland. In addition, the possibility has been con-
sidered occasionally that Lower Paleolithic hominids

- b.


0 300km


Fig. 2. Nusa Tenggara, or the Lesser Sunda Islands. Indonesia.

[NA Quarterly 25.3

.C~W~tar a

crossed from Africa to Europe by navigating the Strait of
Gibraltar, but there is no solid evidence for this. However,
in the light of the seafaring capability of Homo erectus in
Southeast Asia that is discussed below, it would be worth
reconsidering this question. The Gibraltar crossing was
probably shorter and may have been less difficult than that
of the Lombok Strait with its treacherous currents.

Pleistocene navigation in Indonesia and Australia
In comparison to the sparse European evidence of
Pleistocene seafaring capabilities, that from Indonesia and
Australia is decidedly much more impressive. The first
landfall on practically dozens of islands, based on stone
tool typology and preliminary dating evidence or reason-
able deductions concerning the movement of first human
colonizers, is attributable to people possessing a Middle
Paleolithic and not an Upper Paleolithic technology. In-
deed, many of these sea crossings in the general region
even date from Lower Paleolithic times and are clearly at-
tributable to Homo erectus groups. The latter include the
first landfall in Flores, which according to Koenigswald
occurred up to 830 ka ago; the presumably preceding set-
tlement of Lombok and Sumbawa (which lie between Ball
and Flores); the Middle Pleistocene settlement of Timor
and Roti; and the presumably preceding landfalls on Alor,
Wetar and various smaller intermediate islands. There are
also very tentative indications of early settlement in Su-
lawesi and reportedly even in Ceram.
Subsequent navigation by marine colonizers of a
Middle Paleolithic technology led to landfall in Australia
by perhaps 50 or 60 ka ago-the evidence recently ten-
dered from the Jinmium site is disregarded here as being
unsound; on Gebe Island (Golo and Wetef Caves) prior to
33 ka; on the Bismarck Archipelago (Matenkupkum and
Buang Marabak on New Ireland) at about the same time;
and also on the Solomon Islands (Kilu Rockshelter on Buka
Island). The sea distance between Buka and New Ireland
is about 180 km, although there are small islands along
the way, but these are of low visibility. The Monte Bello
Islands, now 120 km off the northwest coast of Australia,
are very small and they were settled before 27 ka ago (Noo-
la Cave on Campbell Island). Between 20 and 15 ka ago,
obsidian from New Britain was taken to New Ireland, and
the cuscus, an Australian land mammal, appears in the
Moluccas (e.g., on Morotai and Gebe), almost certainly
having been transported by sailors from Sahul (Pleistocene
Greater Australia) for food.
The past ideas of "accidental" drift voyages, implau-
sible as they always were, are incompatible with this ex-
tensive evidence of navigation abilities. All currently
available evidence probably refers to successful long-term
colonizations, and not merely to individual trips, and we
have to assume that essentially Middle Paleolithic naviga-
tors had developed the competence to travel the high seas

almost habitually, sometimes targeting tiny, far-off islands,
and often travelling to coasts that remained beyond the
horizon for much of the journey (as in the case of Austra-
lia, which only became visible shortly before landfall).
These many journeys were thoroughly intentional, planned,
and competently executed expeditions. If any researchers
still hold contrary opinions, they really ought to try crossing
the sea on randomly drifting vegetative matter.
Not that any of this should surprise us. The history
of maritime navigation in the region began at least 800,000
years ago, at a time of distinctly accelerated cognitive and
technological evolution. It would be entirely unrealistic to
assume that the great subsequent innovations in wood
working, hunting equipment, bead and pendant making,
harpoon design, mining and quarrying, the refinement in
stone tools, or the proliferation of paleoart and pigment
use over the subsequent hundreds of millennia had sim-
ply no parallels in seafaring technology. The first seafar-
ers, who crossed Wallace's Barrier well over three quarters
of a million years ago, were probably hominids of a mari-
time economy who had already invented the use of flota-
tion equipment earlier-perhaps much earlier-to develop
off-shore marine exploitation. Perhaps this was in response
to population pressure and diminishing coastal resourc-
es, which would also explain the desperate initial bid to
reach the opposite shore (the coast of Lombok is well vis-
ible from Bali even at present sea level).
Hominids, lacking the buoyancy, trunks and long-
distance swimming ability of elephants and stegodonts,
who also colonized Nusa Tenggara, had to use watercraft
to achieve these crossings. They could have used elephant
or Stegodon bladders, or bundles of lightweight logs, or
bamboo bundles and rafts. Of these, the latter are by far the
easiest to procure and to use, and ever since the question of
the initial colonization of Australia has been considered se-
riously, bamboo rafts have been the preferred explanation.
This explanation has the additional benefit of accounting
for the relatively impoverished navigation technology of
ethnographic Australia, because the thick-stemmed bam-
boo species of Southeast Asia do not occur in Australia.
Watercraft observed in Australia were limited to bark ca-
noes, rafts from driftwood, bark bundles, or mangrove
logs, suitable only for coastal journeys. Large log rafts seen
on the Sepik River of New Guinea may have been seawor-
thy, but bamboo has much greater buoyancy and is signifi-
cantly easier to fell with stone tools and to assemble.

Seafaring Homo crrctus
In January 1957, Dr Theodor Verhoeven observed
the first remains of Stegodontidae found in Wallacea, near
the abandoned village Ola Bula on the Soa plain of central
Flores (fig. 3). Henri Breuil, then the world's foremost pre-
historian, recognized a number of Lower Paleolithic stone
tool types among the finds. Von Koenigswald immediate-

INA Quarterly 25.3

ly suggested that the finds were of the Middle Pleistocene
(fig. 4). In 1963, Verhoeven located further stone tools at
nearby Boa Leza, but this time in situ, and in the same
layer that produced the Stegodon remains, called the Ola
Bula Formation. The possibility that the cultural and fau-
nal components had been mixed by fluvial action could
he excluded on the bass of the material's description, and
because it was subsequently found together at several other
sites nearby, so Verhoeven had satisfactorily demonstrat-
ed the coexistence of the Stegodon-dominated fauna and
the hominids. In 1968 he was joined by Professor Johannes
Maringer and the two scholars excavated with three large
crews at Boa Leza, Mata Menge and Lerbah Menge. All
of Verhoeven's observations were validated completely.
Koenigswald qualified his initial age estimation, postulat-
ing the age of the fossiliferous deposit to be between 830
ka and 500 ka, nominating his preferred estimate as 710
ka, on the basis of geology, paleontology, and the pres-
ence of tectites. This age estimate was confirmed through
a series of 19 paleomagnetic analyses, which suggested that
the Matuyama-Brunhes reversal to normal polarity (780-
730 ka BP) occurs just 1.5 m below the artefact and fossil-
bearing faces at Mata Menge. A very different and earlier
fossiliferous facies at another site i the area, Tangi Talo,
appears to be of the Jaramillo normal polarity period, and
thus about 900 ka old. It contains no stone artefacts, and
the pronounced faunal change has been suggested to be
attributable to the arrival of hominids.
Mike Morwood from the University of New En-
gland recorded a stratigraphic section at Mata Menge in
January 1997, again confirming the crucial claims made
over the previous 40 years. Subsequent dating by zircon
fission track analysis provided approximate ages from sed-
iments immediately below and above the artefact-bearing
sediments at Mata Menge. Accordingly, the Home erectus
artefacts should be between 880 70 ka and 800 70 ka

old (at 1 standard deviation). A third fission track esti-
mate, of 900 70 ka BP, was obtained from the fossdifer-
ous layer at Tangi Tale. Thus the earlier age estimates were
once more broadly confirmed, as was the seafaring capa-
bility of the Mata Menge and Boa Leza hominids. This
work is currently continuing, with the author's collabora-
tion, and has produced a whole series of further dating
results from several sites in the area.
Verhoeven had also discovered Stegodonts on
Timor, again together with stone implements. After com-
mencing a research project on West Timor and neighbour-
ing Roti, the author is currently engaged in examining
evidence of the early hominid occupation of all three is-
lands-Flores, Roti, and Timer. Roti is now separated from
Timer by shallow sea but these two islands of the "outer
arc" were obviously connected for much of the Pleistocene.
A spectacular find on Roti was a huge, 800-m jasperite
quarry complex at Roshi Danon, with nearby stratified oc-
cupation evidence (fig. 5 & 6). Exposures of stone suitable


Ba~awa ~

Fig. 3 (above). The Soa Basin in central Flores,
Indonesia. Occupation sites ofuHomoerectus art

Fig. 4 (left). Stone implements ofHomo erectus,
Soa Busn, Flvres. These were covered by over 100
m of sedimentary rock formations.

INA Quarterly 25.3

Fig. 5. Large jasperite stone implement from Middle Pleistocene Fig. 6. Three jasperite stone implementsfrom Middle Pleistocene
deposits at the jasperite quarry of Roshi Danon, Roti, Indone- deposits at the jasperite quarry ofRoshi Danon, Roti, Indonesia.
sia. The deep-red stone has been patinated white.

for implement knapping are rare on the islands, and this quar-
ry has evidently been in use since the Middle Pleistocene. Its
discovery also solved the difficulty of explaining where the
Middle Paleolthic seafarers of Timor or Roti could have ac-
quired their stone tool materials for creating the kinds of wa-
tercraft they would have needed to cross to Australia.
The cumulative evidence from Flores, Timor, Roti,
and possibly also Sulawesi suggests that of the alternative
routes considered for the initial settlement of Australia,
the southernmost continues to be the most favoured. Thus
we would expect the first crossing of Lombok Strait, be-
tween Bali and Lombok, to most likely represent the first
event of seafaring. As yet we have no early occupation
evidence from Lombok (nor have we looked for it), but it
is logical that in order to reach Flores, hominids would
have proceeded via Lombok. Nor do we have any skeletal
evidence from Wallacea to tell us what kind of people the
first seafarers in the world were, but since they began their
maritime exploits almost a million years ago, only one spe-
cies (or subspecies) can be responsible, Homo erectus. In
Java, connected to Bali for much of the Pleistocene, homi-
nid remains have been unearthed for a full century now,
and they fall into two broad groups: the early Homo erectus
specimens from the Pucangan and Kabuh beds which have
been suggested to be up to 1.81 million years old; and the
much later hominids from the High Solo Gravels, which
have often been compared, in terms of their skeletal archi-
tecture, to Pleistocene Australians. Their dating remains
controversial, but various results place them between about
300 ka and 30 ka ago. They are often described as very late
H. erectus, but are more correctly seen as representatives
of archaic H. sapiens.
The emerging picture is that H. erectus probably ex-
perimented with flotation devices at least a million years
ago, at the easternmost end of the world then settled (to

best of our knowledge) by hominids, in the vicinity of Java
(fig. 7). The initial impetus to develop small watercraft, pre-
sumably bundles of bamboo, was perhaps the ability to
fish for off-shore species. Development of this technology
seems to have led to the confidence of crossing the Wal-
lace Line, apparently by navigating Lombok Strait, in suf-

Fig. 7. Artist's impression of Homo erectus building a bamboo
raft on Bali to reach Lombok.

INA Quarterly 25.3


ficient numbers to found a new colony on the first island
of Wallacea. This occurred in the order of 850 ka or 800 ka
ago. Crossings to the remaining Sunda Islands of the "in-
ner arc" were much easier and shorter than the 20-30 km
journey across the strong currents of Lombok Strait, so the
eastward expansion of these seafaring people could have
been rather swift, and eventually, perhaps at a low sea level,
they crossed to the "outer arc", most likely from Alor to
Timor. After developing their navigation technology for
hundreds of millennia, venturing progressively further out
to sea and learning to understand the behavior of the trop-
ical trade winds, they were poised, for the first time, to
cross the sea without seeing land for most of the journey,
and thus reached Australia.

Replicative maritime archaeology
In view of the above data, it is reasonable to specu-
late thus far. Traditional archaeology can tell us about the
presence of hominids, and perhaps even provide an inkling
of their lithic technology. However, it cannot tell us how these
incredible achievements of Pleistocene hominids were ac-
complished. A different research approach is required.
In the absence of any direct (i.e., material) evidence
of maritime technology from the entire Pleistocene we have
just two realistic strategies to learn about this subject: by
reference to other aspects of technology (such as, for in-
stance, wood working) of the chronological windows in
question; and by applying the methods of replicative archae-
ology. By pursuing both of these approaches, the difficult

process has been commenced of reconstructing Pleistocene
seafaring capabilities in the absence of actual material ev-
idence. This includes replicative work in stone tool knap-
ping, butchering, fire making, bone harpoon making,
petroglyph production, bead and pendant manufacture,
and wood and bamboo working, which have provided us
with many insights into the technology particularly of Low-
er Paleolithic hominids (fig.8). (Some archaeologists are sur-
prised to hear of beads or petroglyphs of the Lower
Paleobhthic, which only shows that one cannot trust the text-
books, for they are far too often wrong.) The Nale Tasih
Expedition and the First Sailors Expedition both seek to
"replicate" specific Pleistocene sea crossings. They have
commenced the acquisition of a vast amount of data con-
cerning all conceivable empirical variables involved in such
feats, including raft design and size, materials and tools
used in construction, sea performances of such vessels
under various conditions, carrying capacities, sources of
construction and stone tool materials, means of carrying
food and water as well as replenishing both at sea. The
projects study the technologies involved in all of these fac-
tors, even standard psychological tests of crews under con-
ditions of stress and anxiety.
The author is the chief scientist of both these expe-
ditions, commenced in 1996, which include a series of ac-
tual raft constructions in various locations of Indonesia,
and their sailing by experienced crews with the objective
of crossing a particular sea barrier in each case. These rafts
comprise various materials and are of a range of sizes and

Fig. 8. The author is taught to make fire with two sticks, by an old Rotinese
craftsman who could still remember using this skill in his youth. This is
one of countless rephcation experiments conducted as part of this project.

Fig. 9. The Nale Tasih 1. 15 tons and 23 m long, is anchored in Oeseli
Lagoon, Roti, Indonesia, shortly before departure.

- .c r -

,i.4- - I ~ (-C .:

INA Quarterly 25.3

_ ~C~

r:;" IA r~. r e _6
5 1hil

designs. All components and equipment could be procured
by either Middle or Lower Paleolithic hominids, as the case
may be, and could be worked with their respective stone
implements to produce such craft. All of this must be prac-
tically demonstrated. The overall purpose of this detailed
research program of replicative archaeology is to provide
the data to create probability scenarios for at least two of
the earliest successful sea crossings of the Pleistocene-
the one that led to landfall in Lombok more than 800,000
years ago, and the one that resulted in the first presence of
humans in Australia. It is not the aim of these journeys to
're-create' these early achievements, but merely to attempt
the crossings under various conditions. The data so ac-
quired should ultimately facilitate the creation of a proba-
bility framework permitting the determination of the
highest probability in respect of all crucial variables relat-
ing to these maritime accomplishments. Under the circum-
stances this is as far as science can take us in this respect.
The first of the major replicative experiments was
completed in March 1998 and the next are well under way.
Construction of the 23-m raft Nale Tasih I commenced in
August 1997 at the remote Oeseli base camp, near the
southern tip of Roti (fig. 9). The raft consisted of 11 tons of
bamboo forming five pontoons, lashed together with rat-
tan and hand-made ropes, such as pipa lontar and gemuti.
These were held fast by 13 cross-members which in turn
supported the deck and superstructures: three weather-
proof huts of palm leaves, two raised deck sections of split
bamboo, two A-frame masts and three alternative rudder
supports (fig. 10). One hut contained a traditional fire box
and most of the food supplies, the second held communi-
cation, recording and scientific equipment, the third pro-
vided shelter for the crew of eleven (two Rotinese seafarers,
eight European sailors, which included three females, and
one scientist fig. 11). All parts of the structure of, and equip-
ment carried on, the Nale Tasih I were capable of being

procured, worked and assembled with purely Middle Pa-
leolithic technology, and this was demonstrated on cam-
era. All materials used were likely to have been available
in Nusa Tenggara during the Late Pleistocene,

Fig. 10 (above). Exploded view of the Nale Tasih 1
bamboo raft, showing tlhe pontoons (A), decks rB) and
superstructures (C).

Fig. 11 (left). The Nale Tasih 1 departs from southern
Roti through the heads of eseli Lagoon, 6 March !998.

INA Quarterly 25 3

Fig. 12. The Nale Tasih I is dissected by chainsa,, as part ofa program ofdestruc-
tire testing, 12 March 1998.

After sea trials the 15-ton Nale Tasih 1 was sailed back to Roti and
Sbeached at Oeseli for destructive sampling of all components. It was cut
up with a large chainsaw to remove samples of bamboo for testig, and
totally dismantled to the last part (fig. 12). The knowledge gamed from
this will significantly assist the future experiments in this series.
Some preliminary implications of this ongoing research have already
become apparent. First and foremost, the Nale Tasih 1 experience has shown
with forceful clarity one fundamental truism that should have been ap-
parent to us all along. A modem expedition of highly experienced and
motivated mariners has failed to sail a primitive raft to Australia (fig. 13).
The team was simply unable to match the understanding of materials in-
herent in Pleistocene people, and their technical expertise in extracting the
maximal performance from these materials. We know that seafarers of
Middle Paleolithic technologies managed to populate dozens of islands,
criss-crossing the seas near Australasia with apparent ease and confidence.
Their technology, social organization, cognitive abilities, and long-term
forward planning capacities must have been significantly more advanced
than even the boldest archaeological commentators have suggested so far. Maritime feats such as the crossing to Aus-
tralia or to Buka Island by ultimately successful founding populations were only possible through thoroughly planned,
highly focused efforts by social groups. They could never have been achieved without the support of dozens, indeed
hundreds, of specific skills in procuring, transporting, processing, curating, fashioning, and assembling numerous
materials for one singular, totally abstract goal: to reach a still invisible shore, at immense cost in labor and hardship,
and with a perseverance to be maintained over periods of many months.
Only a few decades ago the initial landfall in Australia, then still thought to have occurred during the Holocene,
was considered to have been the result of accidental drift, of individuals having been washed out to sea helplessly,
perhaps clinging to some log or floating vegetation. The absurdity of this
desperate scenario was symptomatic of a neocolonialist, Eurocentric atti-
tude to alien societies, a form of epistemology that still determines atti- -.
tudes to, and interpretations of, archaic Homo sapiens populations. Concepts
of relative primitiveness dictate our Darwinist thinking, as if Pleistocene
hominids had been simple organisms exercising no control whatsoever over
their individual destinies. Such a metaphysical framework is deeply rooted
in the universal theory of orthodox archaeology, an inductive form of uni-
formitarianism, moderated by intuitive ethnographic analogy. Uniformi-
tarianism, however, may be a superb tool in understanding the processes
of purely "natural" systems, such as they exist in geology or astronomy,
but it may be less appropriate in forming an understanding of what is often
described as the "archaeological record." In particular, Pleistocene cultural
systems should be considered inaccessible to uniformitarianist interpretation.
Similarly, the ideas archaeologists have occasionally expressed about
Pleistocene seafaring were generally determined by uniformitarian mini-
malist reasoning of one form or another. For instance, the thought that sails
or some method of steering might have been used in the Pleistocene is hardly
acceptable to such a mode of thought, and yet we know that the Middle
Paleolithic seafarers whose descendants populated Australia had inherited

Fig. 13. The Nale Tasih 1 on the Timor Sea, 8 March 1998. Most of the split
bamboo deck is awash.

INA Quarterly 25.3

Fig. 14. The sail, made of palm leaves, is raised on the Nale Tasih 1, off
the south coast of Roti.

a maritime technology acquired cumulatively over hun-
dreds of millennia. The effects of wind resistance are readily
noticed on small watercraft; even a person standing up can
increase speed. Holding up a palm leaf, as can be observed
in the Indonesian islands still today, adds further momen-
tum, and the technological sophistication of other facets of
Lower Paleolithic culture renders it most unlikely that this
observation was not utilized, leading to the realization that
the greater the windsail area, the greater its propelling ef-
fect (fig. 14). Cordage, in some form or other, was certainly
used by Lower Paleolithic hominids, as were knots, and cord-
age was in any case necessary for constructing any type of
raft. The manufacture of wooden paddles, too, would have
been well within the capabilities of Middle Pleistocene hom-
During the period from 800 ka BP to 60 ka BP, hom-
inids developed the ability to create personal ornamenta-
tion, such as beads and pendants; they began to create rock
art and other forms of paleoart; they developed social struc-

tures and began to hunt the largest land animals of their
time; they developed a conscious appreciation of the self;
and, most importantly, they created constructs of reality.
In comparison to these momentous changes m hominid
abilities-by far the most important in the history of our
genus-the corresponding development in navigation
skills seems to have been rather incremental and unre-
markable, otherwise it should not have taken three quar-
ters of a million years to manage the crossing of the Timor
Sea. The basic preconditions for it were already established by
the first crossing of Wallace's Barrier. The most momentous
development in maritime history probably took place at Lom-
bok Strait, and it could easily be seen as the most significant
step in the evolution of human technology. It appears that this
is where humans, for the first time, entrusted their lives to a
contraption harnessing the energies of nature-flotation, wind,
water current and wave action. This was the moment in hu-
man history when man first became fully dependent on his tech-
nological creation. From here it was only a small step to Neil
Armstrong's "giant leap for mankind."as'

Suggested Readings
Bednarik, Robert G.
1995 "Concept-mediated marking in the Lower Palaeolithic," Current Anthropology 36, 605-634.

Bednarik, Robert G.
1997 "The earliest evidence of ocean navigation," Interrutional Journal of Nautical Archaeology 26, 183-191.

Bednarik, Robert G.
1997 "The origins of navigation and language," The Artefact 20, 16-56.

Morwood, Mike J., Paul B. O'Sullivan, Fachroel Aziz and A. Raza.
1998 "Fission-track ages of stone tools and fossils on the east Indonesian island of Flores," Nature 392, 173-179.

The author, Robert G. Bednarik, can be contacted at Convener, International Federation of Rock Art Organizations (IFRAO), P.O.
Box 216, Caulfield South, Vie. 3162, Australia, e-mail Figures property of R. G. Bednarik.

INA Quarterly 25.3

Conservation of Seventeenth-Century Canvas

Using Silicone Oils
by C. Wayne Smith

C. Wayne Smith has been an important contributor to the Institute of Nautical Archaeology and the Nautical Archaeology Program at
Texas A&M Uniersity for main years. His work in developing new techniques for archaeological conservation internationally recognized.
Of particular interest is Dr. Smith's research in using silicon oils to preserve organic materials. Thzs article describes the meticulous
procedures requrad to conserve even relatively small and simple archaeological artifacts. Multiply this effort times the thousands ofartifacts found
in an INA excavmaon, and one can see why the post-exianiion phase ofa project can take several times longer than the excavation itself
One of the challenges for nautical archaeology is providing adequate resources to finish the job that our archaeologists only begin. Without
the support of groups like INA, this would be impossible. The Quarterly is therefore glad to share this aspect of the institute's work with its

Excavations by Dr. D. L. Hamilton at the site of Port
Royal, Jamaica, unearthed a large assemblage of artifacts
from the seventeenth-century provenance of the colonial
city. The unexpected catastrophic earthquake of 1692 that
plunged a large portion of the city into Kingston Harbor
has resulted in an archaeological site almost frozen in time.
Silt, staghorn coral and modern debris have protected the
sunken community from harsh degradation processes usu-
ally associated with underwater sites. As a result, many
recovered artifacts are in excellent condition.
A gudgeon plate (artifact PR40 2074-17) from an ill-
fated vessel that was being careened at the time of the earth-
quake is one such object. A powerful seiche wave had
carried the vessel crashing into a building at the corner of
King and Lime Street. At
the time of recovery, this
heavy metal plate was
heavily concreted. Accord-
ingly, the first stage in the
conservation process en-
tailed carefully removing
the hard calcareous outer
layer with a pneumatic
chisel. Inspection of the in-
terior surface of the plate
revealed that a long strip of
pitch-soaked canvas had
been used as a backing be-
tween the gudgeon plate
and the outer planks of the -
hull. To conserve an arti-
fact containing varying Fig. 1. The long, pitch soaked pi
types of organic and metal- plate after treatment with silico
lic components requires
that each material be con-
served individually. Only after each has been stabilized is
it possible to reassemble the artifact for analytical purpose
and display.
The canvas was carefully removed from the surface
of the metal plate. Its relative good condition made this
process easier. The rough edges of the fabric suggest that
the canvas had been crudely cut to follow the form of the
iron plate. Two squared holes were present in the section

INA Quarterly 25 3


that was to be treated using silicone oils. These holes lined
up with the remains of two large bolts, used to fasten the
gudgeon to the hull. Using a low-magnification micro-
scope, the warp of the fabric was counted at 20 strands per
inch, while the weft averaged 14 strands per inch. The
variance in warp and weft counts, as well as the grossly
uneven shape of the strands, suggests that this material
was of a low quality, produced for chandlery purposes
rather than for fashionable clothing.
Once removed from the back of the gudgeon, the
canvas was placed into a vat of fresh tap water, and its
surfaces were lightly cleaned using soft brushes to remove
loose debris and concretion. To assist in removing fine sed-
iments, the fabric was placed on a sheet of glass; a slow
stream of tap water was
used for surface rinsing. Still
mounted on glass, the fab-
ric was then dehydrated in
a vat of acetone. Dehydra-
tion served two purposes.
First, acetone assisted in
softening and dissolving
pitch on the surface of the
fabric. ThL allowed us to re-
move additional debris that
could not be removed using
water. Second, the acetone
helped remove pitch from
Sthe canvas. With most of the
'." ..-_____ pitch removed, the fabric
Photo: INA was rinsed in several fresh
ce of canvas from the gudgeon water baths to remove sol-
e. uble salts. Treatment contin-
ued using a bath of 5
percent hydrochloric acid in
water to assist in removing oxide stains and minute specks
of concretion. The fabric was then placed into a 5 percent
solution of hydrogen peroxide for a brief period of time to
remove heavy sulfide stains that were present After addi-
tional rinsing in fresh water, the fabric was ready for treat-
ment using passivation polymers.
In archaeological conservation using polymers, it is
essential to remove free-flowing water from the artifact in

treatment. This dehydration, or water/acetone exchange
process, is necessary since silicone oils will not displace
water in the matrix of an artifact. In this case, the process
of water/acetone exchange was accelerated by placing the
container holding the fabric and acetone into a vacuum
chamber. A 20-mm vacuum was applied to the fabric un-
til al bubbling ceased. The fabric was then placed between
two sheets of lint-free paper and quickly blotted to remove
some of the acetone in the fabric. After gentle blotting, the
fabric was placed into a large, flat dish containing 500 mg
of PR-10 passivation polymer with a 3 percent addition of
CR-20 crosslinker (by weight). A mesh screen was placed
on top of the fabric in solution as a means of keeping the
cloth submerged in solution throughout the bulking pro-
cess (fig. 2). The beaker was then placed back into the vac-
uum chamber, and as before, a 20-mm vacuum was applied
to the artifact in solution for two hours. It was noted that
vigorous bubbling ceased after 20 minutes, and no bub-
bles were noted after one hour of applied vacuum.

L __
Drawing: C. W, Smith
Fig. 2. Canvas in silicone oil treatment, A) flat container, B)
PR-10/CR-20 silicone oils and crosslinker solution, C) friction
fit aluminum screen, D) canvas artifact.

The addition of a catalyst is required to polymerize
the PR-10/CR-20 solution withui the matrix of the fabric.
One effective means of adding catalyst evenly to an arti-
fact is to warm the tin-based material sufficiently to create
a vapor. To keep vapors in close contact with the artifact
being treated, it is necessary to create a nearly air-tight
containment chamber in which the artifact and the cata-
lyst can be placed during the warming process. In this pro-
cess, a containment chamber was created by using a
polypropylene pail with a tight fitting lid. When inverted,
the lid of the pail acted as the base of the chamber. A flat
dish containing 2 ounces of CT-32 catalyst was placed in
the center of the lid. A large mesh screen was placed over
the dish to act as a platform on which the fabric could be
placed. This allowed all surfaces of the fabric to be uni-
formly exposed to vapor fumes (fig. 3).
After placing the fabric and two ounces of CT-32
catalyst into the chamber, the chamber was tightly sealed
and then placed into a vented warming oven for 24 hours.

After two days of polymerization, the containment cham-
ber was removed from the oven, and the fabric was al-
lowed to sit in fresh air. Initially, the canvas felt slightly
damp. After approximately 20 minutes, however, the ar-
tifact felt dry, flexible, and natural in coloration.

Care was taken to remove pitch, insoluble salts, and
soluble salts without causing damage to the artifact. Ac-
cordingly, the fabric was only left in acetone dehydration
long enough to remove surface deposits of pitch. As a re-
sult, diagnostic iron stains are clearly visible in the treated
artifact. Experience has shown that extended periods of
water/acetone exchange are not necessary for thin, open-
weave materials such as canvas. During treatment of other
artifacts, dehydration processes have been completed in
as little as four hours.
Pre-treatment tracings and measurements of the
canvas are interesting when compared to post treatment
measurements. Data indicates that no determinable shrink-
age occurred as the result of treatment. Measurements taken
around and between the nail holes also suggests that no


Drawing: C. W. Smith
Fig. 3. Containment chamber configuration, including A) warm-
ing oven, B) containment chamber, C) warmed catalyst fumes,
D) canvas, E) aluminum screen, and F) catalyst tray holding
tin-based catalyst.

1NA Quarterly 25.3


distortion of diagnostic attributes has occurred as the re- Recently, J. David McMahan, an archaeologist with
suit of treatment. After five years of assessment and han- the Department of Natural Resources in Anchorage, Alaska
dling, the fabric is both flexible and reasonably supple. visited the Archaeological Preservation Research Laborato-
More important, this artifact has traveled to numerous ry at Texas A&M University. During his week-long train-
conferences and has been handled by hundreds of conser- ing, he preserved numerous samples of fabric and wicker
vators. It has been effectively stabilized with polymers, and basketry from the Castle Hill site in Alaska using a slightly
thus does not require special curation, modified version of thePort Royal canvas artifact process


by Donny C. Wood

Archaeological Ehtics
by Karen D. Vitelli, editor and introduction.
Walnut Creek CA: Altamira Press, 1996.
Appendices, resource guide.
ISBN 0-7619-0531-, 272 pages. Price: $18.95, paper.

This easy to read collection of essays presents an excellent over-
view of the range of ethical issues in the field of archaeology. The essays,
all chosen from Archaeology magazine, are well-selected. They are ar-
ranged in several sections including: looting and collecting, cultural ma-
terials in time of war, and reburial and repatriation. While the lion's share
of the book is given to looting and collecting issues, including owner-
ship of artifacts and the spoils of war, the selection and arrangement,
and the fine variety of writing styles and personal opinions of the au-
thors, results in a very concise presentation of the range of issues and
complexity of standpoints concerning the treatment of archaeological sites
and the materials contained within.
The editor has designed the book in such a way that, rather than
proposing to offer any final words on "ethical archaeology," it serves to
perpetuate and enlighten the ethical dialogue of which it is a part. One
way this is achieved is by including lists of questions following each
essay, addressing the main points that the author has brought into the
continuing discussion. These questions bring the reader back to the often sticky ethical issues at hand, and also help to
tie many of the essays together.
In the preface, the editor makes it clear that the book does not provide much coverage of ethical issues in nautical
archaeology. Vitelli suggests that professionals in the field might recognize the need for more "articulate and compel-
ling presentations" of the scientific archaeological side of these issues as pertaining to nautical excavation by reading
this collection. One brief reference to nautical matters does appear in Vitelli's introduction concerning her personal
excavations in Greece, when she explains that looters nearly destroyed precious data which led to the documentation
of Paleolithic sea travel. Although nautical excavation is not expressly addressed by the book, all of the issues present-
ed should be of interest to anyone engaged in any type of archaeological work.
One particularly outstanding essay, Spencer P. M. Harrington's "The Looting of Arkansas" cuts right to the
heart of much of the current ethical issues addressed by this collection: the fact that archaeology as a science has
changed dramatically over the last century, but that "looters" and "collectors" haven't, so archaeology has effectively
divorced itself from these elements of its own past. As a cap on this collection of thought-provoking essays, the editor
has included, in appendix form, professional statements on archaeological ethics and a resource guide including a basic

INA Quarterly 25.3

"X" Marks the Spot

By Doreen M. Danis

In the deserts of New Mexico, part of our national
heritage is being preserved using today's latest technology.
Global Positioning Systems (GPS) are being used to record
the locations of petroglyphs in Petroglyph National Monu-
ment. The petroglyphs, early attempts at written communi-
cation, were etched by the Anasazi Indians in the fifteenth
century. Congress established the monument to preserve them
in 1990. It is maintained by the National Park Service (NPS).
The locations of these petroglyphs can be recorded
and studied using a combination of Geographic Informa-
tion Systems (GIS), and GPS. Petroglyph National Monu-
ment sits on the edge of the rapidly growing city of
Albuquerque, New Mexico, so it is particularly important
to preserve the heritage left by the Native Americans from
increasing urban sprawl.
Nautical archaeologists in the Tortugas National Park
have also benefited from these systems. First named "Las
Tortugas" by Ponce de Leon in 1513, this scattering of is-
lands lies southwest of the Florida tip. Due to its location
and natural features, the area has been the focus of much
human activity. The arrangement of the islands results in a
safe, natural harbor, but vessels traveling the outlying Flor-
ida Straits have made the islands the location of numerous
maritime casualties.
The consequential rich deposits of archaeological re-
mains have captured the attention of the Submerged Cul-
tural Resource Unit (S.C.R.U.) of the National Park Service.
In their efforts to inventory, map, and assess the underwa-
ter cultural resources in the Tortugas Na-
tional Park, S.C.R.U. has relied heavily
upon GPS and GIS technology. They have
developed an exhaustive database that in-
tegrates cultural and natural resources data. l.
This wIllgreatly aid inevaluation, manage-
ment, and future preservation of resources ':
within the park boundaries. .
The Nautical Archaeology Program
at Texas A&M University hosted a semi-
nar on CPS and CIS technologies on Octto-
ber 11, 1997. The seminar, with ten
graduate student participants, was taught
by Karen Steede-Terry, a Trimble Certified
GPS trainer and former student of Texas
A&M. The first halt of the seminar includ-
ed an introduction to Global Positioning
Systems and the mapping/surveying teti-
nology previously available. Standard uses
of GPS were discussed, along with its corn-
bined apphcations with Geographic Infor-
mation Systems. The latter half of the
seminar involved a practical application us- Fig. 1. Karen
ing these technologies. First, the class de- day seminar o

signed a data dictionary for field data collection using soft-
ware that accompanied the GPS unit. Then the class went
outdoors to collect an almanac and GIS features using Trim-
ble Pro-XR and Geoexplorer equipment. These data could
be downloaded and transferred into the GIS system.

What is GPS?
GPS is an abbreviation for Global Positioning Systems,
a constellation of 25 satellite that orbit over 12,000 miles above
the earth. These satellites are operated and maintained by
the Department of Defense, and orbit the earth every 12
hours. Using the principles of triangulation, these satellites can
pinpoint a location on the earth's surface, and give the informa-
tion back to a special CPS receiver in the funo of a latitude/
longitude coordinate. The receiver uses at least 4 satellites to cal-
culate a 3-D position (latitude, longitude, and elevation) and 3
satellites for a 2-D position without the elevation.
How accurate is GPS data?
The latitude/longitude reading indicated on a GPS
receiver will not be a true position. The U.S. Goverrunent
purposely degrades the accuracy of the signal from the sat-
ellite for national security reasons. This is called Selective
Availability, or S/A. The S/A effect can cause a latitude/
longitude position to be off by up 100 meters. This is a com-
pletely random error. In other words, S/A is very dynamic
and cannot be predicted.

Steede-Terry (standing) lectures faculty and students at the two-
n GIS and GPS held at Texas A&M University.

INA Quarterly 25.3

Differential GPS
Fortunately, there are ways to get around S/A. Dif-
ferential GPS (DGPS) can be applied to improve positional
accuracy. A stationary GPS receiver at a known location (sur-
veyed coordinate) can be used as a "base" or "base station."
GPS positions at the base station can be logged 24 hours a
day. The base station knows both its true surveyed location
and its GPS indicated location and can calculate the offset
between the two. Using this offset, it is possible to correct the
GPS readings made by a moilore-

ceiver in the vicinity of the base at
the same date and time.
These differential correc-
tions provided by the base station
can be broadcast to the GPS units
in he field (real-time DGPS), or
applied to the collected positions
back in the office (post-processing).
DGPS can reduce the S/A error to
anywhere from five meters to un-
der one meter, depending upon the
GPS receiver.

What is GIS?
GIS, or Geographic Infor-
mation Systems, are computerized
maps linked to a database. When
features such as streets, trees, or
land areas are queried on-screen, in-
formation about the feature stored
in the database is displayed. For a
street, this could be the name of the
street, whether it is a boulevard or
a drive, if it is paved or not, and if it
has two or four lanes. For a petro-
glyph, this could be what the petro-
glyph is depicting, and its size.
When the NPS decided to
record the Petroglyph National
Monument features m a GIS, they
were first located and recorded

using the GPS Over time, a significant historical database
was collected, using the GPS to populate the GIS database.
Once the positions were transferred to the GIS, it was easy to
count how many total petroglyphs were in the National Mon-
The advantage of using a GIS is that the spatial rela-
tionship of features (objects) in the database can be analyzed.
Geographic Information Systems can answer questions such
as "What is on what?' "What is near what?" and "What is
the relationship of ths to that?"

F- -

rnmIO: U.i.arsoun

Fig. 2. Graduate student, Mike Scafici, takes read
ings in the practical exercise.

Using the information collected,
it was easy for the Park Service
to query the GIS to display ar-
eas where particular petro-
glyphs were grouped. For
instance, petroglyphs depicting
snakes were found closer to an-
cient water features than figures
of lizards. The archaeologists
also discovered that certain
groups of Native Americans
traveled together, as indicated
by locations of petroglyphs de-
picting trading or bartering
scenes. One recurring petro-
glyph, Kokopelli, the ancient fer-
tility gud, was blamed for crop
failures and other catastrophic
At Tortugas National
Park, the GIS database of the
Submerged Cultural Kesource
Unit is able to display wrecks of
specific periods with a key-
stroke. The display includes
photo images and an relevant
information of key points of in-
terest on each wreck. The team
records all magnetometer sur-
veys and collected anomalies in
the same database.

Acknowledgments. Trimble Navigation, Ltd., has been generous to the Nautical Archaeology Program and the Institute
of Nautical Archaeology in loaning and contributing their equipment. Karen Steede-Terry deserves particular credit
for her efforts and remarkable "know-how" in training our graduate students in these new systems.6

For Further Information

Fletcher, M. and D. Sanchez
1994 "Etched in Stone: Recovering Native American
Rock Art GPS World (October), 20-24.
National Park Service

Steede-Terry, K.
Trimble Navigation Ltd.

INA Quarterly 25.3

Just Released

by Dale A. Rye

From Egypt to Mesopotamia
by Samuel Mark
College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1997
ISBN 0-89096-777-6, 181 pages, 57 illustrations, references,
bibliography, index, hard cover.

How many times was "civilization" invented? That question
has fascinated historians and archaeologists for centuries. Complex
cultures with urbanism, advanced agricultural technology, central-
ized government, and record keeping now dominate the world, but
they had to start someplace. Was that one place... or many?
Samuel Mark, the Mr. and Mrs. Ray H. Siegfried II Graduate
Fellow in the Nautical Archaeology Program at Texas A&M Univer-
sity, has made an important contribution to this ongoing debate. From
Egypt to Mesopotamia moves beyond speculation to investigate the t
actual evidence for contacts between two ancient civilizations. This
is a study of the predynastic trade routes that linked prehistoric Egypt i
with protoliterate Mesopotamia. However, it also serves as an intro-
duction to these two nascent civilizations and the possible links be-
tween them.
Mark admits that the evidence is scanty. Most of the traffic in
finished goods, and the transfer of artistic motifs, moved from Meso-
potania to Egypt. Possible cultural influences seem, therefore, to have
primarily gone in that direction. This would seem to support those
who claim that civilization began in Sumer and was exported to Egypt
and ultimately throughout the world. However, it seems likely that much of the trade moving out of Egypt consisted of raw
materials such as gold, which leave few identifiable traces in the archaeological record once they have been processed at
their destination. This makes it very difficult to study these intercultural contacts from the Mesopotamian end.
The argument of the book must thus be based primarily on Mesopotamian items and motifs found in Egypt and
intermediate sites. It is clear that Egypt had very strong cultural traditions of its own in both Lower (northern) and Upper
(southern) Fgypt. Those cultures grew primarily on their own or through interaction between themselves, and any Meso-
potamian influence was subtle. The bulk of Mark's effort is devoted to unraveling these subtle clues. He concludes that the
contacts were substantial, but that they mostly came through the Delta. He gives persuasive arguments to dismiss earlier
claims of direct contacts between Mesopotamia and Upper Egypt by a water route around southern Arabia.
However, he also shows that sea transport was likely to have played an important part in this trade. Before the
domestication of the camel, the direct land routes from southern Mesopotamia towards Palestine were impractical. So, the
most important routes seem to have led up the rivers from southern Mesopotamia, then across to the coast of northern Syria.
From there, trade could move north into Anatolia or south towards Egypt. The evidence suggests that a large part of this
trade moved by ship rather than land transport. The famous counter-clockwise pattern of trade in the eastern Mediterra-
nean moves from Egypt north along the Syro-Palestinian coast, then west along Anatolia, and finally south with the prevail-
ing winds and currents back to Egypt. Mark concludes that this pattern dates back into prehistory.
As the author points out, trade in raw materials tends to leave very few traces in archaeological sites on land. Organic
materials decay and precious metals are looted. What remains are mostly manufactured items that point to their place of
assembly, rather than to the origin of their materials. We know as much as we do about Bronze Age trade because of two
factors: we have some of their written records and a few shipwrecks with preserved cargoes. For the prehistoric and proto-
literate eras, we have neither records nor cargoes. However, if Sam Mark is right, much of the early trade between Mesopot-
amia and Egypt was carried by ship. Perhaps INA will find and excavate one of those ships someday. We can always hope!
This is the fourth volume in the Studies in Nautical Archaeology series from Texas A&M Press and Chatham Publishing
in London. The book meets the high publishing standards set by its predecessors. It is richly illustrated with fifty-six line
drawings done by Mark himself. [NA members should buy this book, particularly since it is available to them at a substan-
tial discount.r

INA Quarterly 25.3

Just Released

by Dan Davis

Seagoing Ships & Seamanslip in the Bronze Age
by Shelley Wachsmann
College Station: Texas A&M University Press,
ISBN 0-89096-709-1, 417 pages, 439 illustra-
tions, references, glossary, bibliography, in-
dex, hard cover.
Price: $80.00 (INA members $68.00)

TNA's own Assistant Professor Shelley
Wachsmann has met a long-felt need with his
new book, Seagoing Ships & Seamanship in the
Bronze Age Levant. Copiously illustrated, ar-
ticulately written, and rich in text references,
this highly organized corpus provides the gen-
eral or specialist reader with a comprehensive
account of Bronze Age Eastern Mediterranean
seafaring. Wachsmann's succinct, sound writ-
ing tells the tale of the earliest seafarers, their
craft, and their impact on the course of histo-
ry by employing three forms of evidence: tex-
tual (including inscriptions, papyri, and
tablets), archaeological (shipwrecks and relat-
ed terrestrial sites), and iconographic (pictures
on pottery, murals, models, and reliefs). For
the last-mentioned, because it is enticing to
view each image as somehow close to reality,
Wachsmann provides a sagacious warning:
"In ship iconography, we see not ships but rep-
resentations of ships "refracted" through the
eyes, culture, schooling, mental attitudes, and
skills of their creators."
The book is organized into two parts;
the first surveys the ships of different regions of the Mediterranean in counter-clockwise fashion, beginning with Egyp-
tian ships (chapter 2), then proceeding to the Syro-Canaanite littoral (3), Cypriot ships (4), early Aegean ships (5),
Minoan/Cycladic ships (6), Mycenaean/Achaean ships (7), then finally the ships of the Sea Peoples (8).
Wachsmann provides a convenient appendix on the Pylos Rower Tablets, while J.R. Lenz contributes another on
Homer's vrt On IcopcovFcFv ("bird-beaked" or "curved" ?), an epithet often assigned to ships in the Iliad and the Odyssey.
Summaries of current scholarship in each area help the reader fit each facet of evidence into context. Iconography of
ships has been the subject of much debate in specialist scholarship; Wachsmann deftly balances the extremes by intro-
ducing the reader to each side of specialist scholarship. Here the reader may not agree with some conclusions. Howev-
er, as a man who has spent a considerable amount of time trying to come to grips with the realities behind the
sometimes-meager evidence, it must be said that Wachsmann's researches in this regard carry considerable weight.
Of fascinating interest is Wachsmann's interpretation of the Theran ship-procession freeze in chapter six. The
dead bodies littering the water amongst the ship have long been interpreted as victims of military action, although the
ships and people on land appear not to exude a militaristic purpose. In light of recent discoveries indicating the exist-
ence of human sacrifice in nearby Minoan Crete, Wachsmann assigns to them a cultic significance whereby victims
were intentionally killed in ritualistic fashion, then dumped into the water. The answer, however, is probably not so
simple, as the entire freeze is filled with complex and often cryptic symbolism.

INA Quarterly 25.3


60 1 N 6,

S H [P S &



The second part of the book covers other aspects of
maritime activity. A chapter on ship construction critical-
ly treats each individual piece of evidence and success-
fully outlines the different methods with detailed
illustrations. INA Associate Professor F.M. Hocker con-
tributes an appendix entitled, "Did Hatshepsut's Punt
Ships Have Keels?", referring to the famous ship relief
and inscription detailing the Red Sea trade journey of the
XVIIIth dynasty Egyptian queen to lands south of Egypt.
The next three chapters-propulsion, anchors, nav-
igation-cover the practicalities and physical nature of sea-
faring. Those interested in anchors (the "brake" of the
ancient world) wLll appreciate the bountiful use of scaled
line drawings and photographs of excavated anchors, as
well as the detailed survey of their find context.
Finally, chapters 14-16 sketch the peripheral effects
of seafaring that permeate a region that is inextricably

linked to the sea. Wachsmann draws parallels to the pi-
ratical raids of the Northern European Vikings to eluci-
date one aspect of the Bronze Age collapse around 1200
B.C. A short treatment of sea laws is a first of its kind for
this period.
Of flaws there are few. Although strewn through-
out with text references, the book's end-note format caus-
es inconvenient page turning. Ethnographic parallels,
though intriguing, sometimes fail to enlighten. But these
are minor criticisms better left to the reader to judge. For
a book that ranges across centuries and cultures, Wachs-
mann has succeeded in producing a highly organized and
excellent resource that surely will be used for years to
come. It is punctuated with pointed personal essays, clear
insights and sharp judgements while at the same time stay-
ing true to its theme, that of getting to the roots and evo-
lution of the region's nautical heritages

News & Notes

Bass Honored

On July 8th 199S, INA President George F. Bass
was awarded the Degree of Doctor of Letters (honons
causa) by the University of Liverpool, England, in rec-
ognition of his accomplishments within the field of ar-
chaeology. As our readers know, the excavation of the
Bronze Age shipwreck at Cape Gelidonva in 1960 was
the first scientifically-controlled exploration of an un-
derwater archaeological site. Dr. Bass, as the director
of that excavation, has often been called "the Father of
Nautical Archaeology." The excavations he subsequent-
ly directed at Serne Limani, Uluburun, and elsewhere
have revolutionized our knowledge of ancient seafar-
ing. Not least of his accomplishments has been his twen-
ty-five years of leadership in the Institute of Nautical
Archaeology. He has mobilized public support for the
discipline, even in the face of the glamorous press at-
tention often given to treasure hunters. w

Vice-Chancellor Love (left) of the University of Liverpool with
Dr. George F. Bass on the occasion of Dr. Bass' honorary

INA Quarterly 25.3


George F Bass, President

William L. Allen
John H, 3aird
George F. Bass
Edward O. Boshell, Jr,
Vice Chairman and Treasurer
Ray M Bowen
John A. Brock
Elizabeth L. Bruni
Gregory M. Cook, Chairman
Harlan Crow
Frank Dardenl
John De Lapa

Allan Campbell, M.D.

Donald A. Frey, Vice President
Cemal M Pulak, Vice President

Claude Duthuit
Daniel Fallon
Danielle J. Feeney
Donald G Ceddes IlI ,Emeritus)
Wood row Jones, Jr.
Harry C. Kahn 11 (Emeritus)
MiLhael L. katzev
Jack W. elley
Sallv R. Lancaster
Robert E. Lorton
Frederick R Mayer
William A. McKenzie

81t Klein, M D.

James A. Goold, Secretary ard Counsel
Claudia LeDoux, Assistant Secretary

Alex C. Nason
L. Francs Roonev
Ayhan Sicimoglu
Ray H. Siegfried II
William T Sturgis
Robert L. Walker
Lew O. Ward
Peter M. Way
Carry A. Weber
Marhn H Wilreo
George 0. Yamini

Murad Sunalp, M.D.

George F Bass
George T & Gladys H. Abell Professor of Nautical Archaeology/ George O. Yamini Family Professor oa Liberal Arts
Kevin J. Crisman, Nautical Archaeology Faculty Fellow
Donny L Hamilton, Frederick R Mayer Faculty Fellow
Frederick M. I locker, Sara W. & George 0. 'ramim Associate Professor
Cemal M. Pulak, Frederick R. Mayer Faculty Fellow of Nautical Archaeology
C. Wayne Smith
]. Richard Steffy, Sara W. & George O. Yamini Professor of Nautical Archaeology, Ementus
Frteerick H. van Doorninck, Jr., Fredenck R. Mayer Professor of Nautical Archaeology, Emeritus
Shelley Wachsmann, Meadows Assistant Professor of Bibl'cal Archaeology
Che-yl Ward, Assistant Professor

J. Barto Arnold, M.A., Texas Operations

Birgul Akbiilit
Esra Altmanit Gdksu
Mustafa Babacik
William H. Charlton. Jr. M.A.
Michelle Chmelar
Marion Degirmenci
Tuba EkmekCi
Adel Farouk
Jane Haldane
Kathy Hall
Maria Jacobsen
Emad Khalil
Sheila D. Matthews, M A.
Selma Oguz
Cdkhan Ozagach, l .D.
Giune Ozbay
Robin C.M. Piercy
Sema Pulak, M.A.
Patricia M. Sibella, I'h U
Gilser Sinaci
Howard Wellman, M.A.

Christine A. Powell

Douglas Haldane, M.A.. INA Egypt

Elizabeth Robinson Baldwin, M.A.
Gregory Cidden
Jeremy Green
Elizabeth Greene
Jerome Hall, Ph.D.
Margaret E Leshikar-Denton, Ph.D
Robert S. Noyland, Ph.D.
Ralph K. Pedersen. M.A.
Brett A. Phaneuf
Donald Rosencrantz
Peler G. van Allen, M.A.

Arthur Cohn. J.D.
Cynthia J. Eiseman, Ph.D.
David Gibbirs, Ph.D.
John A. Gifford, Phi D.
Faith D. Hetschel, Ph.D.
Frederick Hiebert, Ph.D
Carolyn C. Koehler, Ph.D
William M. Murray, Ph.D.
David I. Owen, Ph.D
David C. Switzer, Ph.D.
Gordon P Watts, Jr., M.A.

Tufan U Turanh, Turkish Headquarters

Australian Institute of Maritime Archaeology
Boston university
Brown University
Bryn Mawr College
University of California, Berkeley
University of Cincinnati
Corell University
Coming Museum of Class
Department de Arueol6gia Subacuatica de
la I.N.A.H., Mexico
Untversi-y of Maryland, Balbimore County
New York University, Institute of Fine Arts
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Partners for Livable Places
University Museum, University of Pennsylvania
Texas A&M Research Foundation
Texas A&M University
University of Texas at Austin
Mr and Mrs. Ray H. Siegfried H
Graduate Fellow: Samuel Mark
Marion M. Cook Graduate Fellow.
Erich Hemold

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